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1. Mush's Diary or " A Charte of their Affayres in Rome," A.D. 1602 . . I 

2. A Second Narrative 28 

3. A Third Narrative or Fragment 40 


1. Brevis veraque admodum Relatio, etc 45 

2. Responsio de familiaritate sacerdotum cum magistratu heretico . . 62 

3. Responsio de variis nostro nomine impressis libris ..... 63 

4. Responsio de paucitate eorum qui ex parte nostra stant, etc. ... 64 

5. Del libro toccante alia Successione alia Corona 64 

6. Memorial regarding the Sentence of the Inquisition, Aug. 12, 1602 . 65 

7. Quomodo media ilia qua) hactenus per arma tentata sunt Catholicis 

nocuerunt, etc 70 

8. Intentiones regis Hispanis de juvandis Catholicis suspectae ... 71 

9. Exempla quadam quibus moveatur S. S. interdicere Jesuitis rerum 

politicarum curam 73 

10. Memorial on the conditions of Liberty of Conscience (Italian) ... 76 

11. Discorso sopra la proposta da alcuni sacerdoti circa il dare liberta di 

conscienza 81 

12. Titulus novi libri contra presbiteros seculares " Manifestatio " etc. . . 86 

13. De modo procedendi sacerdotum qui Appellantes dicuntur. Quaedam a 

Jesuita scripta. 27 Apr. 1602 88 

14. Oratio hecha a la Magestad del Rey Cattolico en Valladolid ... 90 

15. Ex Supplicatione P. Rob. Suthuelli Jesuitse ad Reginam .... 95 

16. Titulus libri : Exemplar Epistolae de vita etc. comitis Lecestrensis . . 99 



17. Petitiones sacerdotuin Anglorum, 6* Martii, 1602 103 

18. Informatio de quibusdam presbiteris qui nuper Eomam venerunt . . 103 

19. Methodus expeditissima qua possint discern! turbarum architecti, etc. . 107 

20. Oratio exhibita S mo pro rebus Catholicis in Anglia 110 

21. Una nota per il P. Holto (Parsons' letter from Genoa, March 1597) . 113 

22. Declaratio status Catholicorum in Anglia ab anno 1587 .... 117 

23. Considerationes S mo proponendas pro pace stabilienda .... 118 

24. Eesponsum ad Considerationes a presbyteris Appellantibus propositas . 122 

25. Eefutatio Eesponsi P. Personii ad Considerationes 127 

26. Letter communicating the Papal Sentence on the question of Schism . 14(5 

27. Catalogus Paradoxorum et propositionum temerariarum .... 147 


1. Copy of Letter of Expostulation to Blackwell, Aug. 1G01. . . . 152 

2. Letter of Dr. Gifford to his sister, Dec. 17. 1601 177 

3. Copy of Letter from Dr. Cecil to Mush 179 

4. Copy of Letter from Dr. Cecil to Watson, Jan. or Feb. 1602 . . .182 

5. Letter of Dr. Bagshaw to Watson, Feb. 7 183 

6. Drafts of Six Memorials to the Pope : 

i. Dr. Cecil's testimonials and apology 185 

ii. Petition of the four priests for viaticum 187 

iii. Their desire for peace, etc 188 

iv. Petition for public instrument in testimony of their innocence . 189 

v. Petition for release and trial of Eobert Fisher .... 190 

vi. Petition for pecuniary aid 191 

7. Propositiones .^Egidii Archeri sacerdotis de lupanariis .... 192 

8. Papal definition on the question of Schism 193 

9. Letter from Dr. Bishop to Watson, July 16 194 

10. Letter from Dr. Ely, probably to Sir Eobert Cecil, with Narrative . . 195 

11. Memorial to the Cardinals on behalf of priests deprived of faculties, 

Sept. 6 202 

12. Letter to the Pope from the four English Priests, Sept. 9 ... 203 

13. Letter from Bagshaw to the Bishop of London, Sept. 29 . . . . 204 

14. Letter from Dr. Cecil at Borne to James Hill, Esq. in Paris, Oct. 7 . . 205 

15. Legal Questions on the force of the Brief of Oct. 1602, with Eeplies . 208 

16. Draft of Eules for Union of Secular Priests 209 

17. Anonymous Letter of Intelligence on Parsons 212 

18. S. J. H. ad E[egem] G[allise] on the insincerity of the Spanish king . 213 

19. List of Jesuits or reputed Jesuits among the scholars in the college at 

Eome 214 

20. Passport for the Appellants signed by Card. Aldobrandino, Oct. 22 . . 218 

21. Letter from Dr. Bishop to the Bishop of London, Oct. 27 . . . 'Jl'J 



22. Letter from a priest (unsigned) to the Bishop of London, Nov. 14 . . 221 

23. Letter from Anthony Heborne to Blackwell, Nov. 11 .... 223 

24. Letter from Blackwell in answer to Heborne, Nov. 17 .... 225 

25. A circular letter from Father Garnet to his brethren, Nov. 16 . . 227 

26. Letter from Bluet to the Bishop of London, Paris, Dec. 6 ... 230 

27. Letter from Anthony Heborne to Blackwell, Dec. 14 .... 230 

28. Letter of the discontented about the (Eeonomie to the Archpriest, and 

the Arehpriegt his answer, Dec. 13-22 232 

29. Letter from Blackwell on the Brief, Feb. 3. 1602-3 234 

30. Three letters from Dr. Percy to friends in Paris, April 1603 . . . 235 

31. Petition to the Privy Council from prisoners in Framlingham Castle . 242 

32. Letter from Sir Eobert Cecil to the Bishop of London, n.d. . . . 245 

33. Protestations of Allegiance 246 

INDEX . 249 


THE documents in the present volume fall naturally into three 

I. The English narratives, or private memoranda of the depu- 
tation of the four priests to Rome and their proceedings there, 
during the nine months from Feb. 14 to Oct. 28, 1602, serve as a 
general introduction to what follows. In the first of these narra- 
tives, or " A Chart of our Affairs," John Mush writes in the name 
of the four, referring to himself in the third person, though he occa- 
sionally lapses into the first person singular (p. 18 s^.). The second 
and anonymous narrative, interesting from the account given of the 
Appellants' visit to the nuncio in Flanders and their stay in Paris 
on the way to Rome, may have been written by Bluet r but more 
probably by Francis Barneby, whose place in the deputation was 
afterwards taken by Dr. Cecil. Of Barneby Bagshaw wrote (p. 184) 
that he " in truth did more than we all in Flanders and was able to 
relate as much as Mr. Bluet could have done and perhaps more." 

II. The Brevis Relatio is a record of a more formal and official 
character. The narrative with which it begins is fuller and more 
important than that of Mush in regard to the audiences of the Pope 
and the French ambassador ; and it is supplemented by the several 
petitions, memorials, and other documents to which reference is 
made in the text. It is not improbably from the pen of Dr. Cecil, 
whose academical degree entitled him to take the first place among 


the delegates. It appears that the French ambassador had desired 
the Appellants to let him see, and to deposit with him, copies of 
all papers put in by them in the case (p. 45). This injunction 
may not have been literally carried out day by day. But the 
Brevis Relatio bears evidence of having been prepared for submission 
to some French dignitary as a record of the proceedings. It is a 
copy made by an Italian clerk in three sections, and these sections 
seem to have been delivered together, or at least were so docqueted 
en Nov. 4 : that is, some days after the date of the Appellants' 
departure from Rome. On the last page of the narrative proper 
there will be noticed the interpolation of a few words, and the 
erasure of others with the note Jay raye les lignes cy dessus. Three 
pages further on there is another note in the same hand : Premier 
cahier du discours de ce qui cest passe en Vaffaire des prestres anglois 
faict a Rome le 4? Novemlwe 1602. A similar note occurs p. 120, 
segond cahier etc., with the same date ; and at the conclusion of the 
record (p. 151), troisieme et dernier cahier, etc.* The Brevis Relatio 
is probably the Record to which the Appellants refer when taking 
counsel's opinion as to the legal force of certain clauses in the Brief 
of Oct. 5., viz. " Utrum prohibemur publicare processum hujus 
negotii et eum in posterum typis mandare." The Dean of the Rota, 
to whom the questions are addressed, answers : " Ex publicatione 
processus . . . nihil boni consequi possunt sacerdotes," etc., and the 
process, being accordingly not published, may have come back into 
the priests' hands and thence possibly into the possession of the 
Bishop of London, reaching a final resting-place in the Inner 

The documents included in the Brevis Relatio are arranged 
without any regard to subject or chronological order. They are, 
moreover, by no means complete. The paper of Gravamina 
against the A I'ch priest was excluded on account of its great bulk 
(p. 57), and because in substance it had been already sufficiently 

11 This French hand appears once more in the endorsement of a separate docu- 
ment, the questions submitted to M. Seraphin (p. 209). 


published in the printed books. Some of Parsons's reports to the 
Pope on the private characters and vices of the Appellants papers 
which the Pope would not even allow the four priests to see are 
naturally not here. One such paper is printed by Tierney 
(iii. clix), who also prints two other Memorials on the controversy 
(ib. clxii-iv) drawn up by Parsons and presented in the name of 
the Archpriest's procurators to the Cardinals Arrigoni and Borghese. 
A more regrettable loss is the full text of the Sentence of the 
Inquisition, which was in Tierney's hands, though he printed no 
more than a few lines of it. 

Ill, The third group contains the remainder of the miscellaneous 
papers in the Petyt Collection relating to this subject. The long 
Expostulation addressed to Blackwell is a little earlier in date than 
the rest, for it was written about July or August 1601, a before the 
four priests left England. The letters of Dr. Gifford and Dr. Ely, 
men of undoubted orthodoxy and learning, are notable for the very 
forcible expression of their anti- Jesuit sentiments. The one detests 
" those violent and bloody spirits who continuously and unnaturally 
practise against their prince and country " ; and the other 
denounces " those unnatural bastards that do attend to nought 
else but conquests and invasions." Very curious is the private 
correspondence between the Appellants in Paris with their 
friends in London and in Borne, in which we find Dr. Bagshaw, 
vain of his strange intimacy with a Protestant bishop, writing to 
Watson, " I would my Lord of London were now and then by 
when we have talk of him with some bishops and nobles here " 
(p. 185), while on the other hand, Dr. Percy at Rome is referring to 
a bi^other priest, Father Parsons, in venomous language : " vox 
serpentina, cum ille nunquam Christum sed quse sua sunt tantum 
quaesivit ! " (p. 239). We get glimpses, too, once more of prison life 

a In the Introduction to vol. i. (p. xxi), I stated that they began their journey 
about the end of September. They were at least reported on the 16th as ready to 
start immediately (Tierney, iii. p. cxlviii). It appears, however, from the Second 
Narrative (infra, p. 20) that they did not leave London for Dover until about Nov. 4. 


in England. The remnants of the old Wisbech factions, now in 
Framlingham castle, are jealous of laymen encroaching upon their 
clerical privileges. They petition the Privy Council for relief; and 
demand of the unfortunate and bewildered Archpriest more plentiful 
or equitable distribution of alms. The news of the Brief of October 
elicits from Garnet a letter to his brethren dignified and concilia- 
tory in tone, though coloured perhaps in the eyes of the Appellants 
with an irritating assumption of superior virtue ; while from 
Anthony Heborne comes an equally characteristic but petulant 
refusal to comply with the Archpriest's request that he should publish 
the brief in the Clink. Yet what an insight into the hard conditions 
of the hunted missionary's life, that the most suitable place for the 
legal publication of a papal brief should be the inside of a London 
gaol ! If the Church of the early Roman days has been fairly 
styled the Church of the Catacombs, the Church of the Elizabethan 
Catholics may be as truly called the Church of the English Prisons. 

The series appropriately closes with a letter of Sir Robert Cecil 
" wherein he swears," and by the two specimens of a protestation of 
allegiance offered on the part of certain priests. 

The motives of the Protestant Queen in setting free four priests 
whose lives were forfeited or in jeopardy for their allegiance to 
Rome, and providing them with passports that they might the more 
easily proceed to lay their clerical grievances at the feet of the Pope, 
" Clement in deed as well as in name," may be variously interpreted. 
It cannot be assumed, however, that she was actuated solely by 
the design of sowing the seeds of fresh discord between the 
missionaries. She and her council were apparently in search of 
some trustworthy test to distinguish loyal and disloyal priests, 
and she probably hoped, as James I. at one time after her 
hoped, that the Pope might be induced to prohibit under censures 
any attempts at insurrection. 

The plan was Bluet's, and therefore the old man, not the most 
wise or best tempered of the Appellants, could not be excluded 
from the deputation. He. however, was by no means ashamed of 


his dealings with the Queen. It is to his candid and graphic 
account, presented to the two Cardinals in charge of the case, that 
we owe our knowledge of the details of this curious episode.* 
Dr. Cecil was a more accommodating person, clever and plausible. 
He had been chaplain or secretary to Cardinal Allen, and a friend 
of Father Parsons, whose letters and secrets he betrayed to Lord 
Burghley. His knowledge of languages and diplomatic ability no 
doubt made him a valuable acquisition to the Appellants, to whom 
his discreditable adventures under the alias of Snowdon were very 
likely unknown. But how he came to join the deputation at Paris 
to the exclusion of Barneby is not explained. Mush, the leader of 
the Northern clergy, a missionary of experience and repute, was a 
man of more genuine worth. Champney, the youngest of the four, 
was a scholar who was to make his mark as a controversialist 011 
Anglican Orders, and to become a doctor of the Sorboniie and vice- 
president of Douai College. These men denied, with evident truth, 
that they had received a penny from the Queen, or had any 
commission from her. Yet they were something more than 
" banished " priests. For it was well understood that for a 
banished priest to return to England the penalty was death, 
whereas Bluet at least seems to have been on parole to come back 
to his gaoler with a report of his proceedings ; and Barneby also 
was soon, willingly or unwillingly, in England again and in prison. 
Unfortunately, the object of the deputation and the important 
points in dispute were at the time, and have been to this day, 
obscured by the irrelevant issues raised by party spirit and passion. 
Charges were brought by the one side against the other regardless 
of proof or probability. Nothing seems too base or treacherous to 
be believed of a Jesuit, by certain Appellants. Parsons, on the 
other hand, was not the kind of controversialist who aims at 
discovering and grappling with the strongest point in his adver- 
saries' position. As with the two deputies in 1599, so now with 

" Printed in English, Cal. S. P., Dom. Eliz. cclxxxiii. 70, and in the original Latin 
in Jesuits and Seculars, p. 153. 


the four in 1602, his tactics were rather to "poison the wells," to 
damage the priests' characters, to misrepresent their motives and 
prevent their obtaining a hearing. 

How nearly he succeeded in this is evident. The Pope regarded 
them with anger and suspicion. He had heard they were disturbers of 
the peace, heretics, deniers of his powers to depose princes, spies in the 
pay of Elizabeth. " As to toleration it would do harm. What letters, 
what commission (he asked) did they bring from the Queen ? " 

That they obtained a fair hearing was due, it seems, entirely to 
the intervention of the French ambassador acting under instructions 
from Henri IV. A noteworthy condition of his help was that the 
priests should not say a word in public or private against the Queen 
or Government of England (p. 45). When once the Pope was made 
to understand that there was something to say for the Appellants, the 
change in his tone was remarkable. He declared that justice should 
be done, brushed aside the mutual recriminations and personalities, 
and treated the Appellants throughout with singular patience, 
moderation and kindliness. Parsons for the Archpriest's pro- 
curators were mere puppets still endeavoured to prejudice the 
cause of the Appellants by identifying their demands with the 
extravagances of William Watson. It would be as fair to make 
the English Jesuits as a body responsible for the explosive schemes 
of their friends and adherents, Catesby and Guy Fawkes. 

The gist of the Appellants' case may be found in the six short 
petitions formulated on March 6 (p. 103). They asked for a 
decision on the charge of schism and disobedience brought against 
them by Blackwell and the Jesuit theologians, the charge " which 
had been the cause of so many scandals." They asked that nego- 
tiations should be entered into with the view of lightening the 
pressure of the penal laws, or of securing some measure of tolera- 
tion. They petitioned for episcopal government. They begged 
that those who had " impiously plotted against the state " might be 
removed from the colleges of Douai and Rome ; that all priests, 
religious and secular, should be prohibited from intermeddling with 


political matters calculated to provoke the Government to more 
rigorous persecution ; and that, finally, all Catholics, lay or clerical, 
should be put under an obligation to reveal any designs they should 
know of, directed against the Queen and State. 

There was surely nothing seditious, unorthodox or scandalous 
in such demands as these. On the political side there was indeed 
reasonable ground for viewing the intrigues, in which Parsons took 
a principal part, as the provocative cause of the increase of perse- 
cution, and for desiring to diminish the Jesuits' power of doing 
mischief. Parsons had embarked upon his long career of con- 
spiracy in 1581, in the teeth of his pledges and the commands of 
his superiors." He had still later, in spite of the more stringent 
decrees of his Order in 1593, published his "Conference on the 
succession," and written his revolutionary " Memorial for the 
Reformation " ; b and, again, in 1598, with characteristic audacity, 
but unusual want of foresight, he had announced to a brother 
Jesuit and countryman, and afterwards proposed to the Pope, 
" that he might crack his head over it for a little while," the insane 
project of having the Infanta of Spain placed on the throne of 
England with a Roman Cardinal for her consort ! 

It may not be surprising that the priests failed to secure the 
guarantees they wished for in the matter of politics. The Spanish 
influence was too strong. But it should not be surprising also 
that, in view of this failure, the Queen took no steps towards 
toleration. One, it may be her main, object in facilitating the appeal 
had been so far unsuccessful. Hence the disappointing Proclama- 
tion of November 5. 

In the matter of BlackwellV misgovernment it was proved that 
he had exceeded his powers, and had acted tyrannically. It was 
not altogether unreasonable that the Appellants should ask for his 
removal, or for the abolition of his office. Yet it was hardly to be 

See an article in the Edinburgh Review of April 1898, entitled " English 
Jesuits and Scottish Intrigues, 1581-2." 

h A copy of which he presented to the Infanta in June 1601. 


expected that the Pope, in the circumstances, would yield so far. 
Failing to obtain bishops, and failing to find acceptance for a plan 
to neutralise the authority of the Archpriest by the institution of 
several local and co-ordinate archpriests, the Appellants bent all 
their efforts towards withdrawing their Superior from the dominant 
influence of the Jesuits. In this, as has been said, they were 
entirely successful. 

Here it would seem that these introductory remarks should come 
to an end. But in view of certain criticisms made by Father Gerard 
in an article in The Month entitled " The Archpriest Controversy " 
(Jan. 1897) the point just referred to appears to need more particular 
elucidation. In the Introduction to the first volume of this work I 
had observed, in reference to the original appointment of the Arch- 
priest, that he was instructed by Cardinal Cajetan " in all matters 
of gravity to follow the advice of the Superior of the Jesuits " 
(p. xvi), and, again, in relation to the Brief of October, 1602, 
that " the Appellants triumphed in the withdrawal of the offensive 
clause in the Archpriest's instructions bidding him to take counsel 
of the Jesuit Superior. He was now, on the contrary, ' for the 
sake of peace,' forbidden to consult the Jesuits, whether in 
England or in Rome." Moreover, in Jesuits and Seculars (p. Ixv), 
describing the Appellants' view of the same clause, I had written 
that whereas Blackwell "had no authority over the Jesuits, he was 
bouud to consult their Superior. This appeared tantamount to 
placing the seculars under the entire control of Garnet." 

Upon this Father Gerard remai-ks : " We have seen in what 
terms Mr. Law describes the purport of this admonition, and in so 
doing he has but followed in the wake of the Appellant writers, 
who all speak in the same strain. But it is somewhat remarkable 
that, constantly as the Cardinal's letter has been spoken of, it 
should apparently have never been textually quoted, and when we 
turn to its actual words we find something very different from what 
we have been led to expect. Cajetau, in his formal notification 


of Blackwell's appointment, had emphatically stated that the 
Fathers of the Society ' have no jurisdiction, nor pretend to have, 
over the secular priests.' a In the private instructions, sent at the 
same time, he speaks as follows : 

" ' Although the Superior of the said Fathers is not among the 
consultors of the Archpriest, yet, since it is of the greatest import- 
ance, and is the earnest desire and command of His Holiness, that 
there should be complete union of mind and agreement between 
the Fathers of the Society and the Secular Clergy, and as the said 
Superior, on account of his experience of English affairs and the 
authority he has amongst Catholics, may greatly assist all consulta- 
tions of the Clergy, the Archpriest will be careful in matters of 
greater moment to ask his opinion and advice, so that everything 
may be directed in a more orderly manner, with greater light and 
peace, to the glory of God.' " " It is obvious," adds Father Gerard, 
" that such an injunction is altogether caricatured by the summary 
we have seen." 

It is well that Father Gerard has called attention to this point, 
which is important. 

In the first place, I must take the opportunity of correcting a 
verbal inaccuracy into which I inadvertently fell in the first passage 
quoted above, and must ask the reader to substitute (vol. i. p. xvi) the 
words " obtain the advice " for " follow the advice." There is cer- 
tainly a difference, which may be important, between an injunction 
to get advice and to follow it, though there may also be circum- 
stances in which the one is virtually equivalent to the other. On 
the other hand, Father Gerard is quite mistaken in supposing that 
the clause in question has never before been quoted textually. 
There was no need for him to translate it from a manuscript copy 
in the English college at Eome. The whole passage in which the 
clause occurs was given in the original Latin as well as in a 
literal translation by John Colleton, in his " Just Defence of the 

These words of Cajetan are as emphatically quoted, with Colleton's comment 
upon them, in Jesuits and Seculars (p. Ixiii). 

VOL. ii. a 


Slandered Priests" (p. 175), a work which should be in the hands 
of everyone who wishes to form a fair judgment upon the matter. 
The words in debate are, " Curabit Archipresbyter in rebus 
maioribus indicium quoque eius, consiliumque acquirere ; " or, in 
Colleton's English, " The Archpriest shall take care, in matters of 
greater moment, to obtain his judgment and counsel." * 

Father Gerard, then, appears to regard this injunction as little 
more than a general exhortation to peace and concord, with a sug- 
gestion that, as a means to this concord, there should be mutual 
conference and counsel. But this is to misunderstand or ignore 
the whole historical setting of the clause and its bearing upon sub- 
sequent events. Indeed, its true significance and purport can best 
be made clear by a brief sketch of its history. 

This history will then make it clear (1) that at the very outset of 
the controversy, in the judgment of the most reasonable of the 
Appellants, the clause virtually placed the secular clergy and their 
superior under the control of Garnet b ; (2) that Blackwell himself, 
so far from attempting to modify this judgment, behaved continu- 
ally in such a manner as practically to confirm it ; (3) that the alleged 
subserviency of the Archpriest to the Society formed the main ground 
of the Appeal of 1600 ; (4) that while the Appellants strove eagerly 
at Rome to get the clause in question rescinded, Blackwell and 
Parsons as strenuously fought for its retention ; and, (5) that when 
the Pope, acceding to the petition of the Appellants, not only abro- 
gated this part of Cajetan's instructions but strictly forbade the 
Archpriest in future to consult the Jesuits in England or elsewhere 
on the affairs of his office, the true import of the Cardinal's words, 

* Blackwell's own rendering of the clause in his summary of letters and briefs 
submitted to the Government in 1607 was, " that the Archpriest in causes of 
greater importance should use the advice of the Superior of the Jesuits because 
he was a man of .great experience in the affairs of England." 

b Beliefs, fears, and suspicions, most potent factors in the history of any party, 
cannot be ignored as non-existent or as mere pretences because in the opinion of 
a critic three centuries later these beliefs and fears were not justified by the 
circumstances. Nor, in the case of the Appellants, can their motives be fairly 
jndped without reading their own books. 


in the mind of Parsons, is discovered through the intrigues and 
subterfuges by which, for the next seven years, he endeavoured to 
evade the papal prohibition and to restore in effect the original clause. 

The historian, who follows in the wake of neither Jesuit nor 
Appellant, and has before his eyes the mass of documents printed 
in the fifth volume of Tierney's " Dodd," must come to the con- 
clusion that the clause in debate was the main hinge upon which 
the Archpriest controversy turned in its earlier and later stages, 
from 1598 to 1609. The cry for bishops, the demand for a fair 
distribution of alms, for reform in the administration of the semi- 
naries, for abstention from politics, for the appointment of an 
accredited agent of the clergy at Rome, all sprang from, or were 
intensified by, the desire to secure a government of the secular 
clergy independent of the control or dominant influence of a hand- 
ful of Jesuits ; and the clause was naturally regarded as the main 
obstacle to this coveted independence. For if the Archpriest were 
a friend of the Jesuits he would, in virtue of his instructions, feel 
justified in following their lead, political and ecclesiastical ; if he 
were hostile to the Jesuits, the obligation to consult them would 
force him on all important occasions to show his cards, and lead to 
the frustration of every project opposed to their wishes ; for Parsons 
and his colleagues at the English College presented at Rome, as 
events showed, a well-nigh impenetrable barrier to access to the 
Papal Court. 

To understand the Appellants' point of view in 1598 it must b^ 
remembered that at that date there were more than 300 seminary 
priests in England, about 40 or 50 old Marian clergy, and 15 
Jesuit priests,* say one Jesuit to 24 seculars, the whole number of 

These fifteen were 

1. H. Garnet, alias Whalley, Darcy, Fanner, etc. 

2. E. Weston, alias Edmunds. 

3. R. Holtby, alias Ducket, Fetherston, etc. 

4. T. Lister, alias Butler. 

5. R. Jones, alias Holland, Draper, Northe. 

6. J. Bennet, alias Price, Flood, Baker. 

a 2 


Jesuits being less by half the number of priests who signed the 
Appeal. Several of the Jesuits at this time were comparatively 
new comers, possessing far less experience on the mission than 
had now been gained by such recognised leaders of the clergy as 
Colleton or Mush. The discords which had already arisen between 
the two sections of the clergy, the adherents and opponents of the 
Jesuits, have been described in the Introduction to the former 
volume. The appointment of the Archpriest was intended, so the 
letters of Cajetan declared, to put an end to these quarrels and 
establish unity and peace. But Blackwell was already known as a 
strong partisan of the Jesuits and the author of what appeared to 
be an exaggerated eulogium of the Society.* Moreover, the pre- 
sumption that he was nominated to the office by Parsons rises at 
least to the very highest degree of probability. Now, Blackwell 
was not made Superior of the Roman Church in England, or even of 
the missionary clergy. He had jurisdiction over the secular priests 
from the seminaries only. He had no authority whatever over the 
Jesuits, and yet he was bound to consult them in the government 
of his own subjects. The Jesuit Superior, in the government of 
his body, was not so bound to consult the Archpriest. 

In these circumstances, Wm. Bishop, seeing that the Assistants 
appointed for Blackwell also belonged to the party favouring the 

7. J. Gerard, alias Standish, Brook, Lee, etc. 

8. E. Oldcorne, alias Hall, Hutton, Parker. 

9. T. Stanney, alias Pinke. 

10. B. Couling, alias Collin , f W h m little is known 

11. B. Collins 

12. E. Walpole, alias Pauper. 

13. J. Percy, alias Fisher, Fairfax. 

14. B. Banks, alias Stanhope. 

15. B. Blunt, alias Mann, Udall, Eandall, Basset, Mildmay, etc. 

Blackwell wrote to the Cardinal Protector, Jan. 10, 1597 : " So far are these 
holy fathers estranged from all appetite of seeking to bear rule, as in every place 
they prefashion unto us an example of rare humility, mildness, patience, piety, 
and charity " (Colleton's translation). The whole letter is printed in Jesuits and 
Seculars, p. 137. 


Jesuits, made a request to him that, for the sake of peace, some 
of the remaining Assistants, who were left to be chosen by Black- 
well himself, should be selected from priests of the other side. 
He answered that " the most Illustrious Lord Protector had pro- 
vided that those who were the authors of war and bickerings with 
the Fathers should be removed from all charge and government. 
For grapes cannot be gathered of thorns nor figs of thistles." 
Upon this, Colleton, after quoting the passage from Cajetaii's 
instructions, cited by Father Gerard, thus comments : " Now we 
appeal to the judgment of the wise whether these things do not 
seem (and this was all that we said) to bewray partiality in the 
choice of the Archpriest and his counsellors. Or whether the con- 
tention now on foot among us (and for appeasing whereof the 
Subordination is said to be instituted) being betwixt the Jesuits 
and the Secular Priests, were like by this choice to take an happy 
or a peaceable end, when the Superior appointed had before so 
engaged himself in the false praises of the one side, and alike 
untruly derogated from the deserts of the other : when all the 
Assistants must be of the Jesuits party, and none for us whom 
they impugned : when father Garnet, our capital adversary, by 
express order must be called to consultation in all matters of 
moment, and nothing pass without his advice: when his calling 
also to consultation must be holden for a supreme benefit and 
furtherance of matters, and for a greater increase of order, light, 
peace, and the glory of God ; and yet admitting of any of our side 
to the same consultation must be deemed as little consonant to 
peace and reason as for men to seek grapes upon thorns or figs 
upon thistles " (p. 175). 

If the fears and suspicions here expressed were unfounded, some 
evidence would be forthcoming that Blackwell, while these instruc- 
tions were in force, acted on occasions independently of Garnet or 
of Jesuit influence, or that his conduct towards the Appellants 
conduct now commonly censured as ill-judged and tyrannical 
met with the disapproval of his Jesuit advisers. This is far from 


being the case. The public Appeal to Rome signed by the Thirty- 
three priests, and addressed in form to Blackwell himself, puts the 
Jesuits in front of their indictment. " Very many," it begins, 
"and most unworthy are those things which for these two years 
past we have endured at the hands of the Fathers of the Society of 
Jesus and of your Reverence both approving and multiplying the 
injuries done." The charge is, in effect, that the injuries com- 
plained of were initiated by the Jesuits, and that Blackwell 
throughout defended, supported and carried them out. That this 
complaint was not made without ground is, I think, clear. 

The first grievance stated in the Appeal is the dissemination 
by the Jesuit Lister of a violent denunciation of the Appel- 
lants as guilty of schism, and Blackwell's approval of the treatise. 
This Adversus Fadiosos was a counterblast to the equally offensive 
and violent memorial against the Jesuits similarly disseminated in 
manuscript some years earlier by the firebrands of the opposite 
side. The first act of the Appellants on receiving this document 
was to write to Blackwell asking if he approved it. His curt 
answer was, " I allow of the said discourse." They then requested 
him to revoke it. He replied that the request was unreasonable. 
u because the medicine ought not to be removed before the sore be 
thoroughly cured" (April 1599). Father Gerard admits that this 
treatise which the Archpriest thus " formally approved and the 
Pope condemned," was " indefensible." But did the Archpriest. 
on so grave an occasion, fail to take counsel of the Jesuit Superior 
whose subject was causing such a turmoil ? or did Garnet, on his 
own account, disavow the treatise or give any sign of disapproval ? 
On the contrary, the latter wrote to Colleton, " Ye have in the judg- 
ment of the learned incurred the most shameful note of schism." 
Colleton then complained to Blackwell of the language of both 
Lister and Garnet, and got for his answer, " You ought for their 
writings and admonitions to have thanked them in a dutiful and 
humble manner." An unpleasant colour is given to the complicity 
of Garnet in this matter by a private letter written by him to the 


General of the Society, which suggests to Father Gerard (as if in 
some palliation of Lister's act) that Lister's brain was affected. 
The fact is, that in 1597, Garnet had written to the General that 
he was in great trouble and anxiety how to deal with Lister, 
" whose every disorder (morbus) proceeds not so much from 
infirmity of brain as from perturbation and levity of mind." Yet 
in the following year the production of this intemperate and fickle 
character is referred to by Garnet himself as the "judgment of 
the learned." 

The second grievance of the Appellants is what Father 
Gerard terms Blackwell's " extraordinary lack of judgment " 
and " ill-advised severity " in insisting that his opponents should 
acknowledge themselves to have been guilty of schism and 
do penance after they had submitted to the papal decision and 
surrendered to the Archpriest's authority. But, again, was this 
Blackwell's own unprompted judgment ? He announced it in 
these terms : " We have received a resolution from our Mother 
City that the refusers of the appointed authority were schismatics ; 
and surely I would not give absolution to any that should make 
no conscience thereof," etc. The authors of the Appeal and their 
friends declare that, when pressed T Black well admitted that this 
resolution came from Father Tichbourn or Father Walford, Jesuits 
residing at Kome. " Yet," add the Appellants, " your reverence 
did so propose and grace the same, as many then did and yet do 
believe, that the said resolution came as a definitive sentence from 
the see apostolic." Garnet in England cannot be made responsible 
for the indiscretions of Jesuits in Rome, but unless there was little 
unity or discipline among his own subjects it may be presumed 
that he approved, as Blackwell certainly did, the assertion of 
Father Jones, a theologian of the Society, who now went a step 
further than Lister in declaring that all who defended the mal- 
contents from the charge of schism would themselves fall under 
the censures of the Church. 

Blackwell, then, cannot fairly be made the scapegoat of the 


contending parties. It is impossible to dissociate his conduct from 
that of his Jesuit advisers. He was severely reprimanded by the 
Pope, for he was ultimately responsible, as the immediate superior 
of the Appellants ; but the Cardinals who tried the case, in the 
report which formed the basis of the Brief, charitably excuse him, 
" inasmuch as he was not learned in the law, and because it is 
probable that he acted for the most part by the counsel of others." 

When there was question at Rome of abrogating the clause, the 
Archpriest's agents, in a Memorial drawn up by Parsons, made a 
show, on behalf of the Jesuits, of generously abandoning it. The 
Fathers, it is said, never possessed or desired a particle of juris- 
diction or power over the secular clergy, and if this single clause 
in Cajetan's instructions, concerning which the Appellants are so 
vindictively agitating, appears to present any inconvenience, his 
Holiness can easily determine as seems good to him. But 
presently, when the removal of the clause was imminent, another 
Memorial went up from the same quarter, pointing out two evils 
which must result. First, it would be a slur upon the Fathers, 
both in the eyes of Catholics and of heretics. Secondly, the 
carrying out of the Arehpriest's office would be rendered in many 
cases impossible. Very forcibly it is urged that the Archpriest 
cannot procure residences and maintenance for priests sent into 
England by the Jesuits, " who govern the seminaries," unless he 
obtains information from the Fathers regarding them ; nor can 
he in England in any way provide for the same clergy except by 
the care, industry and charity of the same Fathers.* If the clause 
is removed all this special business of the Fathers, built up with 

This was indeed the case. The few English Fathers, backed by the resources 
of a powerful Society, with extraordinary energy and daring, and with the com- 
mand of the purses of rich laymen, had supported and built up the mission 
on the foundations laid by Allen. They were making themselves well-nigh 
indispensable. They held a number of the clergy in the hollow of their hands. 
It was an abnormal state of things. Reaction and revolt, even apart from the 
political quarrel, were inevitable. The Jesuits were naturally tenacious of their 
hardly-won position and power, and the seculars as naturally tenacious of their 
liberty and independence. 


much risk and labour, must fall to the ground, and result in irre- 
parable mischief. In a letter written chiefly in cypher to Garnet 
in August, before the publication of the Brief, Parsons wrote : 
" As for the clause 450, 39, &c., it must stand for the present; 
otherwise there would be 110 peace : after, when inconveniences are 
proved, they may be represented by means of 266, who, with help 
of 255, may procure sufficient remedy." At the last moment 
Blackwell's procurators in vain suggested to the Pope that it should 
be set down in the Brief, at least by way of parenthesis, that the 
Jesuits had themselves petitioned that the clause should be 
removed.* The Pope, however, allowed it to be stated that the 
Fathers approved of the alteration. It maybe well here to give 
the exact terms of the paragraph in the Brief dealing with the 
question : 

" Atque ut tu [Blackwell] sine ulla cujusquam offensione, ac 
majore cum animorum quiete, et omnium pace et concordia, officio 
tuo fungaris, authoritate apostolica, tenore presentium, tibi in 
virtute sanctse obedientiae mandamus, ut nulla negotia ad officium 
tuum spectantia expedias, communices, aut tractes cum provinciali 
societatis Jesu, vel aliis religiosis ejusdem societatis in Anglia 
existentibus ; ne scilicet novas discordise et contentionis inter eos et 
presbyteros appellantes occasio prasbeatur ; ac propterea instruc- 
tionemtibi a dicto Henrico Cardinale Cajetano, super hac re traditam, 
pari authoritate per presentes penitus tollimus et abrogamus. 
Insuper tibi prascipimus ne de ecclesiee Anglicanae administratione 
et regimine, vel de rebus ad dictum regimen et officium tuum 
pertinentibus, per literas, vel interpositam personam, vel alio 
quovis modo cum religiosis ejusdem societatis in Romana curia, 
vel alibi ubicunque commorantibus agas ; sed omnia ad nos, et 
Romanum pontificem, aut ad protectorem pro tempore existentem 
referas. Non quod nos aliquid sinistri aut mali de iisdem 
religiosis suspicamur, quos scimus sincere pietatis zelo duci, et quse 
Dei sunt vere quaerere ; sed quod pro pace et quiete inter catholicos 
Tierney, iii. clxxxii., quoting from the Gradwell MSS. 


in eo regno tuenda sic convenire judicamus : quodetiidem religiosi 
societatis verum esse, atque expedire censuerunt." 

The Brief, then, was clear and explicit. The clause in the 
instructions given to Blackwell by Cardinal Cajetan was utterly 
annulled and abrogated. Moreover, the Archpriest, to whom the 
Brief was addressed, was prohibited in future from treating of the 
government or administration of the English Church, or of affairs 
connected with his office, either by letter or by personal inter- 
mediaries, or in any way whatever, with the Fathers of the Society 
residing in Rome or elsewhere. All such matters were to be 
referred directly to the Pope or the Cardinal Protector. 

With the publication of this decree the first chapter in the 
history of the clause comes to an end, and the documents in the 
Petyt Collection carry us no further. But for the more complete 
justification of the summary presented in the first volume, and 
censured by my critic as a caricature, I may be permitted to 
briefly touch upon the sequel, as it is recorded by Tierney and 
supported by the documents printed in his fifth volume, to which 
the curious reader must go for further particulars. 

In October 1603, twelve months after the Brief appeared, 
Blackwell wrote to the Protector, Cardinal Farnese, with the 
object of obtaining a reversal of the decree ; and it is significant 
that his letter was sealed with the seal of the secretary of the 
Society, and its address was in the handwriting of Parsons himself. 
The text of this letter I have not seen. The statement is made on 
the authority of Tierney (v. 15), who had the letter in his hands. 
Other communications seem to have passed with a view of mini- 
mising the purport of the prohibition if it could not be entirely 
cancelled. Farnese, on Feb. 10, 1607, sends to Blackwell the 
Pope's interpretation of the Brief. "His Holiness wished me to 
declare that the clause .... must be understood in this sense, 
that it may be lawful for the Archpriest to confer with the 
Fathers freely for his own help and consolation on matters which 
relate to the Catholic religion itself, to cases of conscience 


and to spiritual affairs, but not on the government of his subjects, 
and of politics or affairs of state " [De gubernatione vero vestrorum 
subditorum et de rebus politicis vel status, ut aiunt, domination! 
vestrae licitum non erit quidquam cum ipsis patribus impertiri], 

On Feb. 1 of the following year Blackwell, having been 
deposed for his approval of the oath of allegiance, was succeeded 
by Birkhead. The new Archpriest was, like his predecessor, a friend 
of the Jesuits, but unlike Blackwell was of a mild and conciliatory 
disposition, and apparently timid. He shrank from the burden 
imposed on him, and wrote at once to Parsons to help to relieve 
him of it. Parsons replied that it was impossible. " You must 
think God has chosen you to bear the brunt; and there is no 
remedy but to put your shoulders under it " (May 18, 1608). The 
clergy, taken by surprise, once more suspected intrigue in the 
appointment, and their first impulse was again to appeal to Rome. 
Their leaders, however, more prudently feared to raise fresh 
quarrels, and advised more peaceful measures. They approached 
Birkhead himself and solicited from him an answer to three 
questions. First, would he promise religiously to observe the 
Brief of Clement, forbidding him to consult the Jesuits in the 
government of the clergy ? Secondly, would he choose his Assist- 
ants, as occasion offered, from among the graver priests ? And, 
lastly, would he, as their pastor or father, promote their interests 
and welfare, and not strive to erect other edifices upon their ruin ? 

The tables are, indeed, curiously turned. A request from the 
former malcontents that their superior should obey the Pope's 
commands reads like cruel irony. Yet Birkhead meekly gave his 
promise on all points in verbo sacerdotis, and the priests on their 
side as solemnly promised obedience. 

But presently, feeling the isolation and helplessness of his 
position, and perhaps conscious that he had not won the full con- 
fidence of the ablest and most influential of his clergy, or fearing 
to provoke the passive obstruction of the Society if he threw himself 
into the arms of the Appellant party, the new Archpriest yearned for 


the support of the strong arm of his friend at Rome. In the teeth, 
then, of the papal prohibition, which he had promised faithfully to 
observe, he wrote to Parsons expressing a desire to treat with the 
Fathers on clerical affairs a desire which he afterwards admitted 
was most displeasing to the greater part of his clergy and suggesting 
a scruple, whether the prohibition in the Brief which bound his pre- 
decessor was equally obligatory upon himself. He was beginning 
to treat the Brief as the Appellants had been accused of treating 
the Letters of Cajetan. If his scruple had some ground for the 
Brief in terms was addressed to Blackwell personally it was a 
question which should have been referred for solution directly to the 
Pope or the Protector. Parsons replied as might be expected. He 
was profuse in his expressions of personal attachment to Birkhead, 
promised to put the question at the first opportunity to the Pope, 
and meanwhile assured the Archpriest that by consulting the 
Fathers on the affairs of his office he would not be acting in oppo- 
sition to the intentions of the late Pope Clement, nor to the wishes 
of the present Pope Paul V. He furthermore promised Birkhead 
the support of the Society if he on his side would adhere to them. 
These facts are derived from Birkhead's own candid account of the 
matter given to the Vice Protector, Cardinal Bianchetti, December 
6, 1610. In one letter written to Birkhead, August 21, 1G08, 
Parsons, with amazing perversity, referred to the interpretation 
of Farnese above quoted, saying : " Paul explained his meaning to 
be, and this by Card. Farnesius to Mr. Blackwell, as I suppose you 
have heard, that the prohibition was to be understood only of 
treating together matters of state or that might justly offend the 
state." As Parsons can hardly have supposed that Birkhead 
would not know this to be false, the statement may be meant to 
suggest a common line of defence. In any case, a regular corre- 
spondence was resumed. The clergy remonstrated. The old 
grievances returned ; and it appears that Mush was drawing no 
caricature of the state of things when he wrote to Card. Arrigoni 
(Jan. 30, 1609), that Parsons had ordered the Archpriest to send 


all letters destined for his Holiness or the Protector, unsealed and 
open, to himself or his Fitzherbert, " as a little boy would to his 

But such a gross violation of the papal decrees became in 
time an intolerable burden upon the conscience of Birkhead. 
Parsons's assurances remained unconfirmed by the Pope or 
anyone else. The Archpriest accordingly changed his tactics, 
assembled his own clergy, selected from among them the principal 
Appellants as his Assistants, ascertained the general wish for 
episcopal government, and consented to unite with them for the 
purpose of obtaining it. Birkhead still wished to entrust the 
negotiation to Parsons and Fitzherbert. The clergy were dis- 
satisfied with such an arrangement. It was remembered that in 
1606 Dr. Champney and Dr. Cecil had gone to Rome, carrying 
the names of some seventy priests soliciting bishops, and had been 
thwarted by Parsons, who denounced them as the enemies of 
religion, and petitioned that Cecil at least should be seized and 
put on his trial. They, therefore, naturally distrusted Parsons. 
The matter was compromised by the mission of Dr. Richard 
Smith, afterwards bishop of Chalcedon, and Thomas More, with 
instructions to consult and co-operate with Father Parsons. The 
first object of their embassy was to obtain a final decision of the Pope 
regarding the controverted right of the Archpriest to communicate 
with the Jesuits on the government of the clergy, a decision which 
Parsons had already (as we have seen) promised Birkhead to obtain. 

After some fresh difficulties, now made by Parsons, were 
overcome, Smith had audience of the Pope on May 24, 1609. 
He presented a memorial requesting to know how far the clause 
in Clement's Brief, which forbade the Archpriest Blackwell to hold 
official intercourse, with the Fathers of the Society, was binding on 
his successor. The reply was prompt and decisive. Blackw ell's 
successors were equally included in the prohibition ; and Cardinal 
Bianchetti was instructed officially to communicate the decision 
to Birkhead. The Archpriest, at last completely converted to the 


views of the majority of his clergy, welcomed the " joyful news " 
and wrote a circular to his Assistants exhorting them to peace, and 
to courteous behaviour towards the Fathers, " now that our govern- 
ment is by his Holiness so resolutely devolved upon ourselves." 

Thus the fierce controversy, raised in 1598 by the famous clause, 
terminated after a struggle of eleven years. From the point of 
view of the secular priests Birkhead's triumphant exclamation 
puts the matter in a nutshell. They were fighting for legitimate 
self-government, which in their opinion, in that of their new Arch- 
priest, and, as it seems, in that of the Pope also, had been im- 
perilled by the injudicious and ill-fated sentence in Cajetan's 

One word on the question of the number of Appellant priests. 
However strong or numerous was the party antagonistic to 
the Jesuit schemes before the appointment of the Archpriest, it 
was only to be expected that comparatively few, after that event, 
would dare to proclaim themselves openly on the side of the 
Appellants, and so run the risks of suspension, loss of residence, 
and loss of means of subsistence. Those of the party who came to 
the front were either men of high courage and strong character, or 
prisoners who had little to fear or little to lose, and possibly some- 
thing to gain. But there were clearly many more than the thirty- 
three signatories of the Appeal who secretly adhered to its princi- 
ples. Abroad, many independent and learned doctors sided with the 
Appellants ; and Fathers Parsons and Cresswell even attribute the 
movement which originated the Benedictine mission to sympathy 
with their opponents. After the publication of the Brief of 1602 
and the partial triumph of the Appellants, inasmuch as they were 
judicially freed from the odious charge of schism and their chiefs 
given a place among the Assistants of the Archpriest in the 
government of the mission, the mass of the clergy was more or less 
animated with the principles and policy which distinguished 
Bishop and Colleton, Mush and Champney, or the martyrs Robert 
Drury and Roger Cadwallador. We have seen Birkhead ad- 


mitting that his desire to re-open communication with the Jesuits 
on ecclesiastical affairs was opposed to the wishes of " the 
greater part of the priests " ; and the general tendency and habit of 
mind which had marked the Appellants now became characteristic 
of the secular clergy in England, as a whole, for the next two 

I have in conclusion, to record my special thanks to Professor 
Kirkpatrick, Mr. Archibald Constable, and, as before, to the Rev. 
W. E. Addis for very substantial aid in correcting proofs and 
in suggesting the interpretation or emendation of obscure passages 
in the original documents. 




1. Mush's Dicvry. 54> f 190 . 

A charte of their affayres in Rome. Mr. Mushe. 

A.D. 1602. 

Mr. D. Ce\cU~\ Mr. Blu[et] Mr. Mu[sh~\ Mr. Cham^pney], 


The 14. being Thursday we arrived in Rome, alia Spada. 

The 15. we entred into Dusana at 10 A a by mounthe. The 
Frenche Embas. b sent vs word that he had direction from his K. 
to protect vs, & so he would but willed vs to kepe secret 6 or 7 
daies, till he received other letters, w ch he dayly expected. Ca. Do. 
sent vs word that he also would assist vs in what he could, yett 
willed, we should kepe in for a few dayes. And to present o r selues 

Ducats or crowns. 

b Philippe de Bethune, brother of the Duke of Sully. He had been sent on an 
Embassy to Scotland by Henri IV. in the summer of 1599, and came to Rome in 

c D'Ossat, misspelled in this document " Dossacke " or " Dosake," sometime 
agent for Henri IV. at Rome, created cardinal in 1598. 



first to the Protect-or a & Viceprotector least by omitting that 

ordinarie course, we should make them o r Eniraies. 

The 16. like word & comforth was brought from the Emb. & 

Ca. D[ossat]. The Embas. sent vs word to prouide for audience 

against Friday or Saterday in Shrove weeke. 

The 20. w ch was Ashe Wed. in the morning we went to Chiesa 

nova, ther M r Mushe mett w e M r Baynes who caried first the 

newes of o r arryval to Fa. Parsons. 
2. Father Botius b was verie frendly & comfortable. 
3- After dinner we went to visite the Franche Embaso, and found 

that order was sent him from his Kinge to protect vs. He was 

verie frendly. 

4. Next we went to visite Card. Farnesius Protector: who was not 
well. & so we could not speake w* him. 

5. Thence we went to Card. Burgesius Viceprotector. in the way 
we mett w* Fa: Parsons & D. Haddocke & Baynes all in a coche, 
they had been at Card. Burges. before vs. We found this Card, 
frendly in wordes & promises. He condemned o r disobedience to 
the Archep*. cleared vs of schisme. 

6. Thence we went to the Inquisition where we found the Commis- 
sarie verie frendly. he found greate fault w* certaine Jnglishe 
bookes printed in England w ch had bene deliuered him. conteynyng 
much bad matter, thes were laid to o r charge by him. as before 
by Card. Burges. but we disclamed from them as in truthe we 
were not priuie to the making or divulging of them, nor did knowe 
the auther or what they conteyned. the 2 Latin bookes we stood 
too. & the Commissarie commended them. 

The 21. we returned to visite Card. Farnesius who would not be 
seene but sent vs word to repaire to Card. Burgesius if we had any 

* Odoardo Farnese, son of the Prince of Parma, succeeded Cajetan as Cardinal 
Protector of England. Card. Camillo Borghese (Burgesius), afterwards Pope Paul 
V., was appointed Vice-Protector. 

b Tomaso Bozio of the Oratory, author of the DC Signis Ecclesia (Colon. 1592), 
a section of which work (lib. xii. cap. 22) is devoted to the persecution of English 
Catholics under Elizabeth, and contains a list of the martyrs. 


matter to imparte. after 4 or 5 daies he should be at leasure & 
then we should returne againe if we had need to speake w 1 him. 
This we iudged at the first to precede from the Spanishe Embas. 
whom Fa. Pars, had sent to him the night before when he could 
not haue audience him selfe. [but we found after that it was by 
reason of his sickness, for Card. Bel[larmin] and others could not 
haue audience.] a 

We visited Card. Dosacke who interteyned vs w* all frendlyness. 2. 

The 22. we visited Card. Boneviso, b who interteyned vs kindly. & 
willed vs to go to the College to Fa. Parsons, Also to vse Fa: 
Pars: well & frendly in respect of his manifould good dedes he 
had done for o r countrie. 

We returned to Card. Burges. who used vs frendly & tould us 2. 
he had signified to his Ho: o r arrival & how we desired audience, 
who answered we should haue audience willingly. 

The Franche Embas. had audience, tould also his Ho: of o r being 3. 
in Rome, and desire to haue audience. 

The 23. we went to know of the French Embas. what answere 
the Pope gaue him touching vs. but he was not at home. Then 
we went to Card. Burges. to desire him to deferr to speake to his 
Hoi: for o r audience, bycause we hoped to haue audience by the 
Frenche Emlj. meanes. 

The 24. we repaired againe to the Fr. Emb. to knowe his Ho: 
answere. He tould vs, that when he rehearsed to his Ho: how his 
King had written to him in o r behaulfe & to assist & protect vs. 
his Ho: answered he knew so muche before. 

Againe when he desired that we might be hard, his Ho: answered 2. 
we should, & he would heare vs him selfe. He asked what we 
were, & how we came out of Ingland. And found fault w 4 bookes 
published. He answered for thes particulars he knewe litle but it 
was certaine his King had good & sufficient information of us 
before he so recommendid vs. 

These words were inserted after the paragraph was written. 
b Bonviso Buonvisi of Lucca. 

B 2 


His Ho: said he hard we were contentious and troublesome. 

He answered that if it pleased his Ho: to heare & to examine 
all, o r adversaries would be found guiltie of those crimes, & we 
to seeke nothing but pease here, etc. 

3. We went to Card. Dosacke to certifie him what we had done the 
dales before, who gaue vs good comforte. 

The 25. we visited Card. Farnesius, who curteously receyved us 
and promised all fauoure & furtherance in the causes for o r countries 
good. He willed us to repaire to Card. Burg. 

The 26. we were w* Fa. Bozzius, and w* him we found Father 
Walpoole come out of Spaine, conferring w l him against vs and 
o r affaires. 

The 27. we were w* the French Embas. to knowe when we 
might meet w* Seraphin,* & to consult how to procede. Fa. 
Parsons had been w* him in the mornyng but was denied audience 
vntil [the] next day. 

The 28. we went to the Fren: Embas. who tould vs that Fa. 
Parsons had bene w* him, & accused vs to be factious, & seditious, 
to deale in matters of suite for heretikes, that the priestes were 
more exclamed against to be bad men, in the Parlament, than the 
Jesuits, that we were few in number : w fc a 1000 other slanders & 
calumnies, but he answered him not to his pay. 

This day M r Blu. separated him selfe from dealing and impart- 
ing his affaires & consels w* vs 3. M r D. Ce. M r M. & M r Ch. 
& joyned him selfe w* D. Peres. b 

Doc. Peres denied vs o r letter of Fa. Parsons to Fa. Holt from 
Genua touching staite matters. w ch we had lent him the weeke 
before to take a copie of, & to translate. 

Seraphin Olivier, Dean of the Rota, Patriarch of Alexandria, raised to the 
Cardinalate 17 September, 1603. 

b Dr. William Percy (Pearse or Persens) was ordained priest at Douai in 1578, 
and afterwards resided chiefly in Paris or Brussels. He, with Dr. Stapleton, was 
requested by Cardinal Cajetan to advise the Nuncio at Brussels regarding English 
affairs in 1598 (Douay Diaries, pp. 368, 374, 400). He seems now to have 
belonged to the household of the French ambassador at Rome. See his letters 


This Doctor we found now, verie headye & contentious and 
redy to faule out w* vs 3. at every word or occasion, & drawyng 
M r Bluet from vs to him selfe. that they two might deale alone in 
affaires w* out o r knowledge, &c. 


The 1. being Friday the Fran. Embas. had audience ordinarie ; 
w* him to the palace went D. Peres & M r Bluet, w*out o r priuitie. 
At night D. Peres came, & willed vs all to come the next day after 
dynner to his chamber, for he must bring vs to the Franc. Emb. 
by his direction. 

The 2. we carried o r speache to the Embas. o r audience was 
procured to be on Mounday after dynner. 4. March. 

The 3. we received the speache againe and the Embas. aduise. 
who as a father was careful for vs. We received a letter from 
M r Hil. of y e 12. of Feb. & one from M r Ed. B[ennet] of the 
21. Decem. 

The 4. we found Fa: Pars, w* Fa: Thomas Bozzius. but saw him 
not. as also Walpole a & bene w k him before. & Sweet & others. 

The 4. b we went to the Palace to have audience but it being the 
publike audience for the Signatura we were disapoin[ted], there 
we mett Fa. Pars. & Fa. Smith, he marveled we were so strang as 
not to come to the Colledg, nor to conuerse familiarly w* him & 
others on his side. He said he was glad of o r commyng to Rome 
for now all would be ended, the proctors of the Archep* were in 
Flanders comming to Rome. 

The 5. c we went to Card. Dosake shewed him o r speache. 
whether Fa: Pars. & Fa: Smith came & attended the end of o r 
audience & then staed w* the Card. 2 houres. tho the Card, sent 
him word [to co]me an other tyme. 

father Richard Walpole, the hero of the fictitious " Squier's Plot," now 
Parsons' secretary at Rome, and afterwards rector of the seminaries of Seville and 
Valladolid. Jessopp's One Generation of a Norfolk House, p. 289, sec[. 

b 5 originally, but altered. c G originally. 


The 5. a we had audience before his Hoi. at 22. the space of an 
houre. He answered to all the poyntes of o r speache, said he had 
hard verie manye euyl things against vs, as that we had sett out 
bookes contenyng heresies, that we came to defend heretikes 
against his authoritie, in that he might not depose heretical 
princes &c. that we came sent by Heretikes vpon their cost, that 
we were not obedient to the Sea Apostolike & the Arche p* con- 
stituted by him. for a tolleration or libertie of conscience in Eng- 
land, it would do harme and make Catholikes become heretikes, 
that persecution was profitable to the Churche & therfore not to 
be so muche laboured for to be auerted or staied by tolleration, b . . . 
offendid that we named hir Queene whome the Sea Apostolike 
had deposed & excommunicated. So that we knewe not how to 
name hir. for confessions we had hard, & the scruples of conscience 
rising thervpon, it was no matter he said, if we were Heretikes. 
he asked what reasons we had to refuse the Archep*. Our pro- 
testation of obedience to him, he cauled verba, & parole, all we 
proposed seemed to dislike him, he said o r reasons & matters 
should be hard, & examined, by Card. Burgesius & Card. Arri- 
gonius. commandid vs to imparte o r affaires to no mo Cardinals 
but to them two. 

3. We returned to the Embas. related to him, he comforted vs, 
willed vs to sett downe in a paper for his memorie, what we 
demandid, he would deale w l his Ho: to have some favorable 
Card, or indifferent joyned with these two. 

The 7. we returned to him w fc our demandes, he said he 
could not move his Ho: to remove Card. Burg. & Arrig. but 
would do what he could to have some indifferent joined w* 
them, as he should find his Ho: disposed, bycause his K. had 
not written expresly to him to vndertake our affaires as his, 
he could not deale openly & shewe him selfe to stand for vs, 
as otherwise he would, willed us to solicite w* the K. that he 

* 6 erased. 

b About a dozen words have been struck out here, apparently by the writer himself. 


might be cornmandid more. & to procure that they of England 
might, tho in secrete manner or insinuation, move the K. to 
further o r causes, this would helpe muche. wherby we per- 
ceived that o r helpes by France were not so effectuall as we 
hoped & were borne in hand. We visited Card. Burgesius. 

The 8. we hard that Fa: Parsons reported that the Frenche 
Embas. beganne to forsake vs. w Cl1 we could se no ground of. 
We went to visite Card. Burgesius & Card. Arrigo[nius,] who 
gave vs good wordes. said they had hard nothing from his 
Hoi. touching o r affaires, for he was sick of the chiragra. 

The 14. we went to Card. Burges. & Arrigon. to knowe if 
they had received any order from his Hoi. touching the depu- 
tation for o r affaires. They had not spoken w* him nor hard 
any thing, for his Ho. was still sicke. All thes 7 or 8 daies 
M r M[ush] & M r Champ[ney] were sicke of the catarr. This 14. 
M r M. went to visite Card. Bellermine who was said to be offendid 
w* them, by their aduersaries calumnies. He could not be spoken 
w 4 then, bat desired [us] to come tow daies after. We deliuered 
to Card. Burg. & Arrogon o r tow Latine Bookes, & a supplica- 
tion that whosoeuer would obiect any thing against vs might 
do yt in writing subsined w* their names, or els we might not 
be charged to answere it. We first met M r Haddocke at Card. 
Burg, house. 

The 15. we returned to them to knowe what order his Ho: 
had given about o r affaires, they said he had commandid them 
to heare what we would say, & propose. And willed also that 
whatsoeuer should be brought against vs to answere, should be 
in writing. & this Card. Burg, said he would send to Fa: 
Pars, that night that he might sett downe all in writing. But 
said his Hoi. would not there should be any subscribing of names 
to any thing we should make answere to. or to be obiected. 

The 16. we went to Card. Arrigon. he tould vs the same. 

Also to the lord Embas. to desire him to remember vs in 
his audience that day w* his Ho: & to knowe his pleasure of 


the restrante he maid that we should not resorte to Cardinals 
& imparte o r affaires to them. 

We visited two Frenche priests o r frendes w cb gave vs good 
consel. one of them lett vs see the Latine Apollogie Parsons 
had maid, but could not lett vs haue it. 

The 17. we went to Card. Burges. to knowe what Fa: Pars, had 
exhibited against vs. we found nothing. 

The 18. we went to the French Embas. & so to visite Card. 
Aldobrandino but found him not at home. 

The 19 in like sorte, but he was to go to Frescato, & we could 
haue no audience. 

We were w l Card. Dosake. to lett him see o r reasons. 

We visited Card. Cinthio. St. Georg. a 

The 21. we went to Card. Burges to knowe what Fa: Par. had 
exhibited against vs, but he had done nothing, but 2 daies before 
had bene w* the Card, to request larger tyme. for he was to collect 
things out of manye bookes. 

The 22. M r M. went to visite Card. Belarmine, w* whome he had 
longe and frendly conference. He confessed the relation sett in the 
Latine booke to the Pope, b aboute his letter to Fa: Pars, to be verie 
true, he tooke the two Latten bookes to read. 

We visited Card. Dosake, & received backe o r reasons, they 
liked him. 

We were w* the Embas. before he went to audience, of whome 
we vnderstood that Druman the Scot c had bene w* him to com- 
pleayne as it were of vs, that we were enimies to the King of Scotts. 
for so Fa: Pars, assured him we were, and therfore desired the 
Embas. not to protect vs. The same had Druman tould M r Bluet 
the day before that Fa: Pars, would perswaid the Scotts that we 
were enimies to their King. & the Catholikes in England that we 
were all for the King of Scotts. 

" St. Georg " inserted. Cinthio Aldobrandini, cardinal of St. George, nephew 
of the Pope. 

b Mush's Dcclaratio Motuum. The other " Latin book" was Bagshaw's Rclatio. 

Edward Drummond, then residing at Home as agent of James VI. 


The 23. we were w* Card. Aldobrandino who received vs verie 
frendly & appointed vs to returne on Monday after dinner w ch was 
o r Ladies Anunciation. We deliuered o r Reasons of delay to the 
two deputed Cardinals, we related to the Embas. what Card. 
Aldobrand: said to vs. 

The 24. we went to Card. Burges. touching the controuersie & 
the reasons. He said the Archep ts & the Jesuits preceding in those 
opinions of Schisme & disobedience euer displeased his Ho: & him 
selfe. & so Fa: Parsons seemed to dislike it also. And doubted 
not but that this controuersy should be spedely decided for vs. 
that the Archep t shewed him selfe to be impudent, and asked vs if 
he were any deuine, for his writing shewed him to be none. 

We were w* the Embas. who deliuered vs an annexum to o r 
reasons from Card. Dos. and willed vs to deliuer it. 

The 25. M r M. went to Card. Bellarmine, who had red the two 
bookes, he found fault w* ours for bitterness, but none w fc M r 
Listers treatise, but seemed to excuse it. We went to Card. 
Burges. to deliuer the supplication or excuse if any thing should 
be in o r writine reasons that might offend or be out of vse. He tould 
vs nothing could be concludid before Easter for this was Mounday 
in Passion Weeke. He tould us Fa: Par: would bring in his 
obiections against vs on Thursday next. 

The 26. we visited Card. Barronius, who was frendly, but willed 
vs to kepe that to o r selves. 

The 30. we visited Card. Burges. & Arrigonius to knowe what 
Parsons had exhibited against vs, but he had not given vp his 
matters as yett. 

They bothe had redd o r reasons, & said they liked them, & 
doubted not but this controuersie would be endid shortely to o r 
contentment, for, said Burges, the Archep' his opynnion euer 
displeased his Ho: & the whole Courte here. He tould vs of the 
commyng vp of ij assistants, we hard it was M r Parker, & M r 



The 1. we carried the Embas. o r reasons of the Inconveniences 
of the subordination, &c. 

The 3. we had audience of Aldo. verie frendly. 

The 9. we were w* Card. Burges. & Arrigon, they tould vs 
that on Thursday next they would relate our controuersy to his 
Ho: Card. Burg, said that Schisme rebellion disobedience were 
all one per diuersa nomina, Card. Arigone said he saw no dis- 
obedience in vs for resisting a Cardinals letter, & doubted not 
but to haue the controuersie en did verie shortly, & willed vs to 
assure o r selues that neither fauour nor rewardes nor Honor &c. 
should moue him any thing from doyng Justice. 

The 10. we were w* Card. Dosake to giue him bona Pascha. &. 
w* the Embas. & thence went to Card. Aldo: of whome we had 
frendly audience, yett in euery thing he seemed to excuse Fa: 
Parsons, & to make vs thinke that now he had no dealing for the 

The 11. being Thursday we were w* Card. Burg, to knowe what 
his Ho: had done that day w* them, who tould vs that they were 
to deliuer vnto vs his Ho: definition of o r controuersy of Schisme 
& disobedience, w ch they said was this. That his Ho: had defined 
& declared all the priests w cb had delaied to admitt the new sub- 
ordination before it was confirmed by his Ho. his Breve, to be free 
from all Schisme & disobedience in that their delay, & that the 
confessiones maid vnto the said priests during that delay were 
good, & in no case to be iterated : We desired a Breefe hereof, 
they said we should haue it before o r departure. Laus Deo. 

The 13. Fa: Pars. & his cried out against vs, saying we had 
falsified the two Cardinals wordes. & that they had not tould vs 
from his Ho: that he had declared vs to be no Schismatikes nor 
disobedient. Herevpon we writt our common letter to o r Bretheren 
in England & carried to boihe the Cardinals to lett them se what 
we had written & were to send. Card. Burges. said he saw no 


cause but it might be sent as we had written it, for in it was the 
effect of his Ho: his wordes & declaration, yett willed vs to shew 
an other copye therof to Card. Arigon. as we did, the 14. day. & 
said that the next day they would in Consistorie conferr together 
& w* his Ho: ther aboute. 

The 15. day we came to Card: Burg: who tould vs they had 
talked w* his Ho: whose answere was, that we might write so into 
England, adding that his Ho: would (touching silence in these 
matters) haue his formare Breefe obserued vnder paines therin 
conteyned, & this he willed vs to add to our letter, And said 
also that his Ho: mynd was (as he had told them that day) that 
by his formare breefe, he declared vs to be free from Schis. rebell. 
& disob: for o r delaye. We went to Card. Arigon by Card. Burges. 
command* & of him we received the like answere. wher vpon we 
sent our common Lattin letter into England, w* the addition as 
they had commandid.* Thes Cardinales were offendid w* vs that 
we vrged to haue this declaration in some authentical manner w ch 
we did the rather for that our aduersaries had said that we had 
belied the Cardinals, in sayng they tould vs his Ho: had cleared vs 
of all Schisme & disobedience, & vrged the last breefe 10 Aug. 
1601. against vs wherin they said his Ho: had condemned vs of 
disobedience, the Cardinals litle regard thes things, but said it 
sufficed his Ho: had so declared vs, & addid that his Ho: would 
haue the foresaid Breefe so to be vnderstoode, as that by it he 
intendid to cleare vs of Schisme & disobedience. They were 
offendid also w* vs, for that o r aduersarie Parsons & his, had tould 
them we cried all ouer the Cittye, victoria, victoria. w cb was a 
meere calumnie, & so we tould the Card, but they seemed not to 
beleeue vs, but Arigone said we on bothe sides were t&rribiles. 
Thus Parsons & his endeuoured to make vs odious to all men, by 
their false calumnies & lies. And nowe we beganne to hope for 
litle good at thes Card: handes, when in so cleare & manifest a 

Printed in Latin and English by Collctou in his Just Defence, p. 291. See 
also Brcvis Relatio, infra. 


cause wherin o r reasons convinced them we could haue so litle 
iustice or fauore. 

They tould vs we must come and answere to the bookes before 
them by his Ho: command*, we said we were redy when we should 
be cauled. 

The 17. we caried the Cardinals o r Grauamina Archip ri , Incom- 
moda subordinationis. 

The 22 we went to knowe his Ho: answere. but they had not 
communicated them w* him. Card. Burghesius willed vs to come 
& declare those things viua voce, for he well vnderstoode them not. 
& appoynted vs the next day at XX. a We deliuered them the 
remidies, or considerations. 

The 23. we came & largely discoursed of all, he hard vs frendly, 
& desyred vs to write them & the remedies faire for his Ho: to read, 
so we did. 

The 24. we brought them to Card. Burges. where we found Fa: 
Walpoole w* him, who had deliuered him certaine Articles or 
propositions drawen out of the Inglishe bookes, w ch the Card, redd 
to vs, & asked vs what we thought of them, & said it were good 
that we answered them. We said we were redy, and so desired 
him to tell his Ho: yett we thought Fa: Pars: went about to deceive 
vs, & send o r answeres to the Q. of England if any way he saw they 
might offend hir. 

The 27. we went to Card. Burg, to desire him to remember o r 
affaires w* his Ho: theer we found M r Walpoole M r Parker M r 
Archer w 1 whome M r Mu: had a lytle conference of the con- 

Thes iij weekes or iiij we founde the Frenshe Embas. nothing 
willing that we should haue audience w* Aldobrand. or his Ho: 
nor forward in o r matters, w ch we imputed to the want of direction 
from his King, & the ill correspondence we had from o r frendes in 
Paris. w cb had not as yett answered any one letter we had sent 
since we came. 

1 i.e. o'clock. Roman reckoning. 


The 30. we went to Card. Burges. who tould vs M r Parson[s] had 
put vpp, or the procuratours said he, a memorial that we should 
sett our handes to all those we had deliuered to the Cardinals, & 
his Ho: And prove the things we said against the Archeprest. 
We tould him this was but to protract tyme, & that for setting too 
o r handes it was needless, for the proof es we would bring them. 
He willed vs to come to him the next day being May Day at his 
returne from the Congrega on of the Inquisition, where he said he 
would appointe w* Card. Arigone when they would meet, touching 
the bookes we were to see. 

Thus hithertoo o r business went slowely forward & nought was 


The first we were w* Card. Burges. to knowe what he bad done 
w* his Ho: But he had not remembred vs. 

The 3. we all went to Card. Burges. wher he & Card. Arigone 
were to shewe vs the Englishe bookes, & to knowe our answers to 
them. They shewed vs 7 or 8. all in Englishe, vnknowen to vs. 
Also manye heretical propositions w ch Parsons had drawen out or 
the same bookes. We turned the cotations, & found neuer one 
truly alleaged nor Heretical. And then the Card. Burges. said, in 
dede they ar rather deducted out of thes propositions & bookes. 
We answered that it was the fashion of Heretikes to deduct 
heretical conclusion out of Holy Scripture. And that it was hard 
if thes bookes should be condemned as heretical, vpon Parsons' 
information, they hauyng no expreese heresies in them. They 
answered we need not doubt of that His Ho: would examine them 
before he condemned them. 

They gave vs Parsons answere to our considerations, & willed vs 
to bring our probations for the Grauamina we had put vp against 
the Archep*., for Parsons & the procurators denied them to be tru. 

The 10. we deliuered to the Cardinals our probationes of the 
Grauamina. And we found Fa: Par. w* them bothe to bring them 


commendations from the Duke of Ferrie, a whom Par. had bene to 
see at Ciuita veche, as he passed to be Viceroie of Cicilia. 

The 12. we received letters from Paris. And the Embasidoure 
tould vs he had received more direction from his Kinge to fauoure 
vs, &c. 

The 17. Parsons went to Ciuita veche w fc the Spanishe Embas: 
& Card. Aldobrand. We gave Card. Dosack a copie of o r Refuta- 
tion of Parsons' Answere. We found the Embas. more frendly. 

The 21. M r Champ, and M r Mu: went to Card. Burges. to shewe 
the originals to the two procurators, touching the proofes of the 
grauamina. ther we found the two procuratours & two Jesuits 
Walpoole & Owe[n]. b We desired the Card: that the Jesuits might 
not be present, by cause we had not to do w* them. The Card: 
would not exclud them, so that the Card, two Jesuits, 2 procura- 
tors, & we two were there. We proued our allegations out of the 
originals, they would not acknoweledge M r Blakwels hand. The 
two Jesuits neuer ceased prating & quarreling at euery thing, the 
procuratours denied the decrees of suffragies, &c. because we had 
them not vnder the Archep* his hand. & vpon euery thing they 
made infinite cauils, the Jesuits euer whispering in their eares. We 
were muche ashamed to see so greate want of synceritie & honestie 
in them, but specially in the two Jesuits & Archer. We came that 
day but to the 7 grauamen, for they wrangled so muche & the 
Card, was wearied, & to go abrode. And they would not confesse 
any thing to be proued. 

The 22. we went to Card. Arigone, deliuered him a copie of our 
refutations, & tould him what we had done w* Card: Burg. We 
offered to shewe him o r originals. But he said, it sufficed that we 
had shewed them to Card. Burg. 

The 27 his Hoi: beganne w fc the chiragra. 

* Feria. 

b Father Thomas Owen, who succeeded Parsons in 1610 as rector of the English 
College at Rome, and prefect of the English mission. 

JUNE 24] MUSH's DIARY. 15 


The first I was w* Card. Burges: about getting faculties for M r Podagra. 
D. Bisshop & craving pardone for M r Charnocke, & that he might 
be restored to his formar staite. the Card, said he was restored 

The 12 M r D. Cic. was w* Card. Arigon. M r Mu. w* Card: 
Burges. & deliuered him a supplication to the Pope for a remem- 
brance of iiij principal poyntes of o r business. & reasons to remoue 
the Archep* & to multiply them &c. Parsons w* Hadocke & the 
2 proctours had bene w* him immediately before & deliuered him 
20 sheetes written in defence of the grauamina we had put vp & 
proued against the Archep*, when they denied them to be tru. 
now they defendid them. The Card 1 , said their should be no more 
writing, & so deliuered not to vs thos writings. 

The 17. D. Cecil was w k his Hoi: and had fauorable audience. 

The 19. Card: Burges. tould vs that the Pope had appoynted 
Tewisday the morrow after S*. Jo: Bap: for dispatche of our 

The 20. M r Parker talke w fc M r Mushe long in Chesa nova a : & 
would haue perswaidid him to haue secrett conference w* Fa: Parson, 
but M r M. refused. 

The 20 M r Mu. goyng to the Embas: he lett him se a letter in 
Frenche from the Frenche Embas. in England wher he writt that 
the Q. willed him in England to thank him in Rome from hir for his 
good offices in o r affaires. 

24. S* Jo. Baptists day M r M. deliuered Card. Arigon Eatiores 
contra Archipres. & cetera. He said the reasons against the per- 
petuitie of superiours in England was optima ratio. The same day 
M r M. deliuered the same to Card. Burg, who emong many other 
things [said] that they of Fa: Pars, parte had bene w* him & tould 
him of the conference M r M: and M r Parker had. He asked if no 
way could be found to accord all emong o r selves. He said Fa: 
Pars, spake verie well of M r M. but not so of the rest. 

" Chiesa Nuova, the church of the Oratory of St. Philip Neri. 


25. Tewisday the Card, had not audience. 

The 26. M r Mu. was w* Card. Burges. before he went to the 
Consistorie. the Card, tould him they had no intimation the day 
before, but he would speake w 4 the Pope's M r de Camera that day. 

The 27. Card. Burg, tould M r M. that his Holiness had com- 
mitted o r cause touching the Archep* & gouernement to the congre- 
gation of the Card 13 of the Inquisition, wherof Burg. & Arigon were 
two, Penella, Ascola, Sfondrato, & Auila other 4. a He willed we 
should go & informe them 4, and he would send them our 
writings. Thus we were after 5 mounthes to beginne againe. 
How this came about we knowe not. by Parso[ns] or others of 
the Spanishe faction. 

At Card. Burg. M r M. mett w* Parsons & had a few wordes w* 

The 28. the Embasidour tould vs what he said to his Ho: about 
the committing of our cause to the Card, of the Inquis: & what his 
Hoi: answered. w ch satisfied vs not a litle, His Ho: will was that 
M r D. Cecil should go to the Card., & informe them as he had done 
him before. 

The 30. M r Cecils & M r M. visited Card: Penella & Card. Ascula. 
Penella was verie inquisitiue from whence we came, who sent vs, if 
any of us had bene of the Rom. Col., how many priests were w* vs 
in England, said we should haue obeyed the Archep* after we 
knewe him to be instituted by his Ho: tould vs of the Englishe 
bookes sett out, he said by some of our side, conteynyng heresies, 
asked if Fa: Parsons were aliue, avoed that Fa: Parsons knewe not 
of the Archep ts making, this he protested : we answered to all, yett 
would not tell him how Card. Burg, had said to M r M. & M r 
Champ, that he would wittness that the Archep* was maid wholy 
at Fa: Parsons instance. He willed vs to thinke vpon some course 
for peace. & promised to do for vs what he could. Card. Ascula 

Dominico Pinelli, Bishop of Fermo ; Geronimo Bernier, Ord. Freed., Bishop of 
Ascoli, commonly called Cardinalis Asculanus ; Paolo E. Sfondrati, nephew of 
Gregory XIV., and Francesco G. d'Avila, a Spaniard. 


said he vnderstood nothing of o r matters, nor as yett had received 
our writings. Card. Burg, had sent them to Card. Penella, in 
whose handes they still rested, he would do for us what he could. 


The first we all visited Card. Sfondrato. he tould vs he had but 
euen then receyved the writings from Card. Ascula. promised vs 
all the fauoure he could. 

We then visited Card. Auila. who desyred us to lett him vnder- 
stand the Controuersies from the beginnyng. We promised him 
our bookes. he was frendly to vs. Tho. Fite. & Archer we 
found w* Auila. 

M r M. was w* the Cornmissarie of the inquisition. 

The 2. M r M. & M r Ch. were w* Card. Ascula, who vrged them 
w* the Englishe bookes conteynyng heresies, yett after conferred 
frendly. and promised what he could do. 

The same day M r Blu. & they were w 1 Car: Penella. wher they Pinelli. 
found Fa: Parsons. He had sent Tho. Fitzherbert & Archer round 
about to the 4 Card les to informe them. Penel. vrged againe the 
Englishe booke[s] & the familiaritie of o rs w* the Consell a ; that 
we should have gone to the Archep* in o r grauamina. & if he 
would not heare va, then to come humbly to his Ho: all w ch we had 
done, he reproued M r M. for sayng pro pace ecclesiae nostrae, etc. 
He said he would make vs a dinner & inuite also Fa: Par: that we 
might agree, we thanked him, but refused to haue any dealing w* 
Fa: Pars. 

The 3. M r M. was w* the Embas: who offered to giue vs monye. 

The 4. M r Cec. M r Bluet & M r M. were w* Card. Sfondrato. he 
obiected manye things, but specially the Englishe bookes, the 
familaritie w* the magistrates, & o r Htle number, he condemned 
that Parsons or any should deale in matters of staite, & that we 
would not obey the Card. Caiet. letters. &c. 

The 8. M 1 ' M. was w* Card. Penella where he found Fa: Pars: 

i.e. Privy Council. 


the Card, said to M r M. that he greately mislyked that some of 
ours should haue familiaritie w* the heretical magistrates in 
England. And that we sought for the King of France his pro- 
tection in commyng to the sea Apostolike. M r M. tould him the 
reasons of bothe the sending of Swire out of Spaine, & the ill 
vsage of M r Bisshop &c. 

The 10 M r M. was w* Car. B urges, deliuered him the Antithesis 
& the memorial for prouision. 

The 11 he went to know answere of the memorial, the Card, 
tould him he had deliuered it, & that his Ho: would prouide for vs. 
& end the matters shortely. 

The 12 M r M. was w* Penella. who required to have an other 
copy of the Antithesis. And said that vpon the 16 or 17 the 
Cai'd les should meete aboute our matters. And said we must haue 
patience if we Jiad not all granted we desired. 

The 14. M r M. was w* Card. Burg, to put him in mynd to 
solicite our matters the day following being Consistorie. [About 
this tyme M r Pars, said to the Schollers he would not bid them 
speake ill of us the disobedient priests, but commandid them 
vnder great penance that none should speake wel of vs, specially o r 
D. Bagshawe.] a 

The 17. M r Cecil was w* Card. Burg, aboute the same. And M r 
Champ, w* S r Santorello about our memorial, wherof no word was 
had. So we were constrayned to put vp an other. 

The 20. M r Mu. received centum quinquaginta aureos of Card 1 
Burgesio given vs by his Hoi: 

The 21. we received a bill of exchange from Paris of one 
hundreth eighty crowenes to be received of S r Justiniano bancher, 
w* letters out of England that the Archep fc contradicted the Popes 
Declaration we had sent into England, etc. 

I received my daughters letter. 

The 23. we received euery one 40 A of our bill from Paris. 

The sentence withhi brackets is an after insertion. 

An;. 12] MUSH'S DIARY. 10 

The 24. we deliuered M 1 ' Leakes letter to the Embas. & an other 
copye to Card. Burg. a 

The 25. the Ernbas. had audience & deliuered a copy to his Ho: 

The last M r M. was w fc Card. Burg. & Arrig. to desire them to 
put his Ho: in mynd of o r businesses. They said they would this 

M r Parsons sent a letter to M r Mushe. He commandid the 
Scholers not to speake to any of vs. 


The first o r matters were handled before his Ho: w* the Card 1 * 
of the Congregation, as Card. Burges. tould vs. 

The 7. M r M. went to Card. Arigone & Card. Burg. a desyring 
them to remember his Ho: of o r matters. 

The 8. he went againe to those Card, they said the matter was 
almost endid, & Card. Burg, said the next day he would giue me 
a copy [of] what was done. 

The 9. day Card. Burg, sent his sernant to caul me to him verie 
earely, M r D. Cecil & I went, he deliuered vs the determination of 
the whole Congre on approued as he sayd by his Ho: 

The same day M r M. went to the commissarie who willed vs to 
accept of what liked vs, and for the rest to sew to his Ho: and the 
Card 1 " 3 to see if we could obteyne more. 

The same, we all went to Card: Burg, to lett him know the 
difficulties we found in all the poynts that liked vs not. he willed 
vs to deliuer vp to his Ho: our myndes. for he could do no more. 
He tould vs Fa: Pars, was also displeased w* the order more then 
we, we found Pars there w* Card. Burg. 

The same, M r D. Cecil & I went to lett the Embas. vnderstand 
of all. 

The 111 was w 1 Card. Arigon & had long conference w* him 
about the poyntes we misliked in the Articles. He said Arc. 

The 12 M r Cecil and I was w* the to giue him the 
* Caiet. struck out. 

c 2 


poyntes we desired to be addid or altered in that w ch his Ho: & the 
Inquisition had done. 

The 131 was w* Card. Arigon & Burges. about the explication 
of the last poynte of the Archep* his preceding against the 
Appellants. Arigon said y t included all the appellants as well as vs 
that came to Rome. Burg, said it includid onely vs that came 

The 16. was w* Arigon. to knowe what was done the day before, 
in the Congregation, bycause we had shewed o r selves not to like 
of their order in manye things, and Parsons also had giuen vp 
manye writings to the Card lcs aboute their order, not content therw*. 
He referred me to Burg. Burg, willed me to bring o r memorial 
to him of what we disliked, for he must send it about to all the 
Card. He asked if we would haue the Archep* remoued. I tould 
him we had put vp our articles to his Ho: by the Fren. Embas. 
that same day. he bad bring him a copy therof. 

The 19 I was w* Card. Arigone, after w* Penella who said we 
had asked bothe Iniust & dishonest things, & therfore they had 
not granted them. I answered we were Catholike priests & 
children of the Sea Apostolike, redy to obey whatsoeuer his Ho: 
should determine and command, again e priests w ch for defence of 
the Sea Apostolike stood euery day in acie redy to shed o r bloud. 
And therfore were not willing any way to contradict or oppose our 
selves to any thing his Ho: would have vs do. And lastly that we 
were Catholike priests whom it beseemed not & who would be lothe 
to propound to his Ho: & the Inquisition any thing that were 
iniust or dishonest, wherfore I besought him to lett vs knowe w ch 
might be thes things. He said if I would returne 2 daies after, he 
would tell me, for as then he had not redd o r last memorial or 
replye to the Inquisitions censu[re]. 

Then I went to Burg: who tould me that Parsons was earnest to 
ha[ue] all the laitie & old priests includid in the subordination, & 
to haue some parte of their sentence against the Archep* mitigated. 

This day we hard that the Economic of the Grekes Colledge was 

Auo. 27] MUSH'S DIARY. 21 

taken from the Jesuits by his Ho: commanding for the students 
complayned of them. 

This day I mett the two procurators & Tho: Fitzharb. at 
Arigones. they had audience after me. 

The 20 M r Cecil was w* Card. Auila, & Burges. [who tould him 
Parsons to be more obstinate in the matter of Schism e than euer. & 
earnest he was that the sentence of the Inquisi" should not be put 
in the Popes breefe. yt would disgrace the Archep* ouer muche.] a 

The 22. M r Mu: was w* Card. Arig. who tould him that o r 
matters would be dispatched presently, vpon Penellaes Inhonesta, 
he asked if we had demaundid vt duceremus vxores. this had bene 
in priests inhonestum. 

Item he was w k Card. Burg, who tould him that his Ho. that day 
had talked w* Arig. & him aboute o r matters & would as he thought 
end yt in the next Congreg on . And that for things past would do 
iustice, and establish things to come brachio forti. 

The 22 D. Cecil was w fc the Lo: Embas: caried what he had col- 
lected out of the supplication b and greene cote c to be deliuered at 
his Ho. 

The 23 the Lo: Embas: had audience, his Ho: tould him he would 
do justice & said lasciate fare a me. commendid the memorial we 
last exhibited to be of a good spirit. It was about the difficulties 
vpon the sentence of the Inquisition, 

The 25 M r Mu. was w* Card. Penel. who tould not of any iniust 
or dishonest things we had demandid, but talked frendly of 
ordinarie matters. 

This day I mett w* M r Parker in S*. Ludovicus churche, & 
tould him what lies the[y] had sent into England. 

The 27 he went to Card. Arig. & Burges. to lett them vnderstand 
what he had hard of Parsons that day. that he & his had put vp 
some thing to his Ho: that the Archep* might not be reproued as 

Inserted. b Father Southwell's Supplication. 

c Leicester's Commonwealth, commonly called " Parsons' green coat," from the 
green -edged paper. But see note on p. 100 infra. 


he was by the sentence of the Inquisitours, that he might not be 
admonished to distribute the almesses as that sentence was. for 
smale almesses came to his hand (whervpou I lett them vnderstand 
that matter how the almesses came most to the Jesuits handes), 
that the Archep* might not be forebidden to aske consell of the 
Jesuits in England &c. 

Thes daies Parsons & his trudged about to the Card les . the 28. 
the 2 procurators deliuered Card. Burg, a supplication before he 
went to the Congre 011 of the Inquis ". 

The 28. I was w* the Commissarie, who tonld me that we were 
not Concordes, for that M r Bluet had tould him that he was well 
content w* the Inquisitours sentence & expected but the resolution 
of certaine doubts in the Archep ts authoritie. 

[Tho. Fitz. & the procur. laboured that Parsons might be agent 
in Rome for o r churche. & Fa: Wally moderator in all controversies 
in England, that the Archep* might aske his consel in gouer- 
meut.] * 


The 5. I was w* Card. Arig. & w fc Car: Burg, who tould me 
that Fa: Pars: had put vp a suppli 011 , that the Archep* might restore 
the faculties w ch he had taken away to the Appellants. I tould him 
the Appellants did still vse their facul es & did not thinke he could 
take them away, they having committed no fault, but appealed & 
defendid them selves against the infamies of Schisme &c. w ch the 
Card 1 ' 8 had alredy iudged to be lawful, & that the Archep* had 
iiiiuried the Appel tes in prohibiting thes things. Againe that yf 
this should be granted to the Archep* it would iniurie the priests, 
& frustrate all confessiones maid vnto them in this tyme. 

The 6. we gave Card. Burg, a memorial touching this poynt, as 
he was goyng to the Congreg " \v l the rest aboute o r affaires. 

The 8. I was w* Card: Burg, who tould me it was verie well 

a Inserted. 


that we put vp this last memorial about faculties, he thought we 
should haue o r desire in that poynte. 

The 12. Card. Burg, tould me o r matters were handled that 
day before his Ho: verie largely. & endid. that the instructions 
were giuen to Mon r Vestrio to make a breeve, & that he would 
gladly haue tould me the particulars, but that his Ho: commandid 
secrecy e tyll the breeve were out. He said it was iusta petitio that 
the Lor: Embas. in his audience the next day should aske a sight 
of the breefe before it went out, or of the cheefe heades. 

The 13. I went to the Embas: and desyred him so to do. also 
to desire his Ho: that nothing of the formare declaration should be 
left out of the breeve. Also that if any were to be joyned w 1 the 
Archep t they might be named here by his Hoi. 

The 14. the Embas. tould me his Ho: would not lett him see 
the breefe vnless he would sweare to kepe it secrete to him selfe, 
w ch he refused vpon that condition to see. againe all that in the 
first declaration should be in this breefe, & more addid therto, and 
said we should have no cause to complaine. Also that ours to be 
joyned w* the Archip* should be named by his Hoi: here. 

The 18. I was w* Card. Arigone & Burg, to solicite. ther I 
mett w* the two procuratours. emong other things they tould me 
of M r Trolops taking & removing, of S r Fran. Veres death. And 
besought me we might all be frendes & Joine againe &c. 

All the rest daies 1 earnestly solicited the Card: Burg. & Vestrio 
for dispatche of the breefe. the 27. Vestrio tould me he had 
drawen the minuta & would send it to Card. Burg, even then. 

The 18. I mett the 2 procuratours at Card: Burg, who were 54, f. 198. 
earnest w* me that we should all be frendes. I tould them that 
neither they nor the greate calumniator Parsons shewed any syncere 
desire of peace or friendship by their actions, for still they 
laboured to iniury vs, & opposed them selues to euery thing 
they could learne we laboured for, how needful soeuer yt were to o r 



The 2. I was w* Car: Burg, ther I found Mon r Vestrio. the 
Card, tould me that his Ho: had sent word by Vestrio that we 4 
should come to the palace & haue audience the next day at 20. a 2 
or 3 daies before this we hard that M r Tho: Fitz. & the 2 procur: 
had bene w* the Pope, & that he said he would haue vs all frendes. 
Wherupon we suspecte[d] this to be a plott laid by Parsons & 
them, that before his Ho: we mi[ght] be maid frendes, & aske eche 
other pardone. 

The 3. we went to the Embas. at 18 to aske his aduice in 
. . . . a might happen in that audience. After we came to the 
palace at o r houre appoynted. ther dynner was not endid. Ex- 
pecting in the haul aboute haulfe an houre, in comethe Parsons w* 
the 2 procuratours & one scholler. they saluted vs, & we them, 
they satt dowen on the other side ouer against vs. then we per- 
cei[ve]d the p[lot] to be laid by Parsons, & beganne to cast w* our 
selues how to answ[ere] before his Ho: that we might neither 
offend him by refusing to ente[rtain] frendship w* Parsons more 
then in Christian charitie we were bound, nor displease the 
Christian King & our owne staite by condescending to what his 
Ho: would by likelyhood move vs vnto. We being now as it were 
in their trapp. stood muche perplexed & thought we should carie 
o r selues verie well and wisely that day, if we escaped some 
rnischeefe. The doores being opened Parsons & his entred into the 
antecamera. after a litle we followed, & placed o r selues as farr 
opposite to them as we could. After halfe an houre beganne divers 
Card les to enter, (for that after noone was the examen ordinandorum 
ad Epis:) then came Card: Farnesius our protector, whervpon we 
perceived how strongely Parsons had laid his strategeme, [for 
Fames, was not of that Congregation,] b aboute halfe an houre after 
Parsons perceving the houre to be past & that the Pope & Cardinals 
were entred into the examen he rose & demandid of the M r de 
Camera whether audience might be had that day or no. He 
a Illegible. b Interlined. 


answered the tyme was past. So Parsons & his departed, all this 
while we stood praying their might be no audience that day. 
After Parsons & his were gone a litle, M r Parker & M r Arch, enter 
into the Chamber againe & came to me, and said Fa. Parsons haith 
vnderstood ther wilbe [no] a audience this day. he & we departe. he 
sent vs to certifie you hereof, that you need not expect any longer. 
I answered we were not privy to M r Parsons matters or audience, 
we were to expect aboute o r owne affaires. So they parted. It was 
good sporte to see how glad we were that all fell out thus contrarie 
to Parsons expectation & according to o r desires, that so we might 
haue more tyme to prepare o r selues, & to preuent their mischeefe. 
The 4. we tould the Embas. what had hapned. And desired 
him to hinder Parsons strategeme by letting his Ho: vnderstand 
the cause, that day of his audience. This day we were enformed 
that Parsons had bene 4. or 5. nightes together in longe Con- 
ference w l Card. Farnese. The Lor: Embas: in his audience altered 
his Ho: his mynd aboute o r reconciliation w* Parsons. This day 
we hard that his Ho: had said to Tho: Fitz. and the procura rs that 
he would make vs frends w* them all before we should passe out at 
his Chamber-dore. 

The 5. I was w* Vestrio who tould me he had finished all & 
would deliuer the Breues to his Ho: that mornyng. After dinner 
I was w* him againe : he maid much of me, and promised all kind- 
ness, said that Walpool was w* him a litle before my commyng to 
expiscari what was in the breefe. We had bene tould that the 
reprehensions of the Archep* at Parsons request were put in a 
priuat breefe to him alone & not conteyned in the common 
breeve. but Vestrio affirmed ther was but one breve. 

I was w* Card. Burg, to request him to solicite the ending of o r 
matters, he said he was sorie that we & Parsons mett not before 
his Ho: & were maid frends. but I satisfied him. he said we had 
maneged o r affaires prudently & patiently. 

The 7. I was w fc Card. Burg, to desire him to remember o r busi- 

* Omitted in M.S. 


ness w* his Ho: that [Con]sistorie. Again e at night I went to him. 
He tould me he had remembred vs, [and] that his Ho: would that 
we should haue one authenticaul breeve & Parsons an other. & sent 
me to Vestrio to solicite the expedition. Vestrio vsed me kindly & 
tooke me in his cotche w* him to Burges: & there tould me we 
should haue a copy of the Breeve the next day after dinner, but 
we had not. 

The 8. I was w* the Embas: to lett him vnderstand of all. 
Peares had bene w i him & willed him to beware that we abused 
him not. 

The 9. I was w fc Vestrio for the breves. He was gone to 
Tusculum & his man said all was redie to be deliuered vs when 
Card. Aldobrand. should returne the minuta. w ch he had not 

The 10. M r Cecils & I was w fc Aldobrandino for returnyng the 
minuta to Vestrio, he said he would do it that night not to faile. 

We hard that Parsons & his bragged, that the Pope had kept vs 
heare so many mounthes, & in the end had granted vs nothing to 
the purpose. That poore men we durst not returne into England, 
for we should be litle welcome to the Q. and consel. seyng we could 
not procure them peace, as they expected we should. And we 
failing she must be fayne to seeke for it at their handes that could 
bring it to pass meanyng his & his Jesuits. 

I was w fc Vestrio to see if Card. Aldobran. had sent the minuta. 
but he had not kept touche. 

The 11. M r Champ. & I went to Audience w* the Embas: Card: 
Aldobran. tould him he had sent the minuta to Vestrio & willed 
him to send for the breve. M r Champ. & I went presently that 
night to Vestrio who was returned from Tusculum. but the minuta 
12. were not sent to him as Aldobran. h[ad] tould the Embas: The 
next mornyng being Saterday M r Ce[cil] went to tell the Embas: 
& I went againe to Vestrio. who stil tould me the minuta was not 
sent from Aldobran. that himselfe would aske it of him that 
morning in the palace. & willed me to returne aft[er] dinner. I so 

OCT. 17] MUSH'S DIARY. 27 

did, and he tould me he had asked it, & Aldobrand. said h[e] had 
deliuered it to his secretarie Armenio. Vestrio sent to Armineo, 
who answered he could not deliuere it, till he had spoken w* his 
Cardinal. After dinner I returned to Vestrio. who sent his man 
& a letter w k me to Secretarie Armineo. he answered we must 
expect ij houres & that his Card: must see it before it could be 
sent. Vestrio wondered what misterium should be in it. The 
misterie was no other as I then tould Vestrio then that ther was 
some thing in the breeve w cb displeased M r Parsons, this must be 
reuersed by the Spanishe Embas: who had audience those two 
houres. after w ch was done I doubted not but we should haue the 
minuta sent presently. And so it fell out. for that night after 
the Spanishe Embas. audience was endid I went to Vestrio who 
even then received the minuta & deliuered the breve one copy 
to me, the other to M r Parsons man. This delay [was] maid as 
far as we could gather, that the Spanish Embas. might gett re- 
versed the prohibition for dealing in Staite matters. 

The 13 we caried the Breve to the Embas. This day M r Par . . . a 
came to our loging, & desyred that we might be frendes w* them & 
[M r ] Parsons, he tooke me to walke w* him. I refused to haue 
any thing to do w* M r Parsons. 

The 16 we were w* his Ho: & had a verie frendly audience, he 
grante[d] all we desired, o r beades were all blessed as graines, they 
& our crosses & medals had the Colledge indulgence, he granted 
th[at] my greate crucifix should haue the College indulgence, & 
moreo[uer] make a priuiledged altare wher soeuer it stood in 
England as long as it were vpon it. he granted me licence to com- 
municate all my faculties to 10 priestes in England. 

From thence M r D. Cecil & I went to Card. Burg, to lett him 
vnderstand of o r audience, & gave him a memorial for M r 
Charnockes matter, an other for o r viaticum, w ch his Ho: tould vs 
he had prouided before we had audience, an other for notaries. 

The 1 7 M r Cecils returned to Card. Burg, for answere, his Ho: 

" Parker. 


said we should not stay for o r viaticum, he had commandid Hiero- 
nimo to deliuer vs 50 A a man. di auro in auro. for M r Charnockes 
matter he would not grant it, but consider therof. & granted we 
should haue as many notaries as we pleased. The Embas. had put 
vp the friday before a supplication for me to haue a planet a chalice 
& crucifix, w* indulgences, his Ho: granted them, but all this 
weeke they could not be gotten. 

The 18. the Embas: renewed the same memorial, but then his 
Ho: answered his guarda robe had none but riche ones, yett he 
obteyned that the same indulgences might be applied to any that 
should be given vs, or that we should bye. Also that yf o r holy 
things were taken from vs, or lost, we might apply the same 
indulgences to others. 

The same day we were w* Card. Aldobran. 

The 19 all but I were w 4 S* George. 

Endorsed. . . . Mushe his Diary of theire busynes at 

54, f. 207. 2. A Second Narrative. 


After manie sclanders, detractions, threates, disgraces, letters, 
declamacions & treatises against the priests Apellants devulged & 
printed by the Jesuits & theire adherents both w*hin & w l hout the 
Realme, charginge them w*h Schisme, rebellion, disobedience, 
affirminge also that they durst neuer ascend up to Rome to presente 
their Appeale before his ho: or the sacred inquisicion (to whome 
they pretended to appeale) and that their Appeale was no more 
but a delaye, evasion, and dilatorie playe to blind mens eyes to 
winne time and to avoyde the authoritie of their superior : yea 
that the very appeale ytself was but an infamous libell (although 
thirtie worthye priests haue subscribed to yt) by w c h vnchristian, 
yea Jewish & Turkish means the Jesuits (men I trowe impeccable) 
Planeta, i.e. chasuble. 


had opened the mouthes of men & women boyes & girles (there 
misled flock) to rayle, detract, despise & sclander theire owne 
pastors: And that in more vile manner then they unnurtured 
children of Bethel did the prophet Elizeus. At length (God so 
disposinge) all these came to the knowledge of her ma tie , & her 
ho ble counsell, howe dangerous yt was : and w*h what indignitie 
the priests were vsed for theire truth & fidelitie. And beinge fully 
informed of these wronges disgraces & oppressions wherw*h the 
Jesuits by theire instrument the Archpreist had involved the 
secular preists. All w c h appeared most plainely in theire bookes 
dedicated as well to the Popes ho: & the Inquisicion as otherwise, 
upon the humble peticions of these preists, the ho ble counsell 
respectinge theire troubles & miserie graunted that foure or fyve 
of the imprisoned secular preists shold be sett at libertie for six 
weekes to make provision of money & other necessaries for theire 
iourney and then to have licence by waie of banishment to departe 
the Realme to followe theire appeale to Rome there to seeke iustice 
& reformation at his hands who through the false and wronge 
informacion of Parsons and his complices had giuen a cullor to 54, f. 207b 
thei[re] wronges although by him neuer intended. And hauinge 
received from the honorable counsell theire pasportes for themselues 
theire horses, seruantes and Trunks, not without greate difficultie 
about the fourthe of Nouember 1601 departed to Douer Water 
where they now stayed vntill they had gott newe pasports more 
larger then the first.* And beinge arriued at Callice w*hin the 
same moneth remembringe that the Archpreist presumed much of 
the fauor & furtherance of the Nunce Apostolick in the lowe 
cuntrey (a parsonage of highe wisdome, learninge, experience & 
integritie) before enie farther attempt resolued to repaire to his 

According to W. C. in his Rcplie to Parsons' Manifestation : " They had but one- 
onely passport, and that of Banishment, that is the full truth therein. Some of the 
company beeing stayed at Dover, contrary to their expectation, they were enforced 
to send back to London : and thereupon procured a note to the searchers and officer 
there, that they should passe freely, without search, with such things as they had 
to carry with them." /. 78. 


presence there to yeeld an accounte of their actions that so all 
obstacles or hindrances behind their backs might be taken awaye, 
ffor they vnderstood that the Jesuits by theire letters had marvel- 
ously sclandered some of them to the same Nuncio, affirminge that 
not onely they were fallen from the faithe but were become 
persecutors of Catholicks. And hauinge sent a learned preiste a vnto 
him for a safe conduct went thither & orderly related whatsoever 
was amisse in the church of England what sclanders, oppressions 
& vnnaturall wronges they had sustayned : npt refusinge to make 
him priuye and, as yt were, Judge & Arbitrer of their controuersie. 
."Wherevpon beinge fully instructed he wrote his letters to the 
Archpreist requiringe him either to appeare before him or send 
sufficient procurators in his place. And also to proceede no 
further against the preists lite pendente lest he shold giue occasion 
vnto them of newe Appeales. Another letter he wrote to the 
secular preists willinge them w'hout all feare to showe him their 
greeuaunces & wronges promisinge [to] doe them all iustice, 
requiringe them in the meane space to be sober & humble, as yt 
became preists, not offendinge the civill maiestrates as much as in 
them laye. The letter to the Archpriest beginneth thus Adm R de 
D ue Amice obseruantissime The letter to the priests beginneth thus 
R di D ni D Amici honoratissimi Whilst they thus remained at 
54, f. 208. [I/lank] the Nunce of Paris sent a copie of the Popes Breue 
concerninge these controversies to this Nunce of fflanders. ffor 
fa: Parsons hearinge and also feelinge by theire bookes that they 
had appealed (as himself confessed) labored what he cold above to 
stop the Appeale and hinder theire cominge up. And first he 
wrote downe a forme of a Breve so clownish, so vnciuill and so 
tyrannicall as never was scene, wherein the catholicks of England 
were comaunded to shutt out of theire houses, shun, and avoyde the 
preists Apellants as Scissmatickes, Ethnicks and Publicans, men 
unworthye anie entertainement, wherevppon Breuiator Vestris 
shewinge this forme vnto his ho: he vtterly condemned yt as rustick 
* Francis Barnaby. See Ecplie unto a certain Libcll, by W. C.,/o?. 78. 


and vnciuill, and betweene him & Vestris (to vse Parsons owne 
phrase) iumbled up this Breue. When the preists had reade this 
Breue w c h they neuer had heard of before, although the Archpriest 
knewe of yt & supprest yt of purpose because they at that time 
had certaine bookes to be printed against the priests as theire 
Apologie & such like, cleane contrary to the tenor of the Breue, 
such estimacion the Jesuits haue of the Popes Breve when yt 
pleaseth them, this Copi[e] being considered & pervsed the 
preists aunswereth the Nuncio that yt did not satisfye but rather 
was a cause of a greater breach, because therein there was no 
mencion made of the Jesuits, the chiefest sturrers of these garboyles. 
Manie other reasons more they yeelded as the Ntmce in his letter 
to the Archpriest showeth in these words : ij, visa quas penes nos 
erat proedicti Breuis copia, seu transumpto authentico, mox indica- * 

uerunt ilium neque prseteritis controuersijs satisfactum neque 
futuris prospectum ac proinde insufficientem eiuscemodi dissen- 
sionibus, saltern cum pleno fructu, et expectato a sua S tc fine, 
terminandis. Vnde et suam sanctitatem prolixe et fideliter 
informandam censebant. 

Thus taking theire leaue from the nuncio & hauinge theire 
pasports beginninge in these words, Octauius Dei et Aplice 
sedis gratia, etc. they sett forth towards Paris, and con- 
sideringe what stronge parties they had against them at Rome, 54, f. 20Sb. 
and beinge taught by the perrills & troubles of the two preistes 
M r Bushop and M r Charnock, . . . . a admonishm'' 8 giuen vnto 
them in the Lowe Cuntrey th[at] the protection of a mightie 
prince was most necessary [for] them, else they shold find in Rome 
iniustitiam causae [et] iniustitiam parsonse. for the first that there f 

* At this point occurs a marginal note, added subsequently, it seems, by the same 
hand : " Here the Spanish Ambassador of the lowe cuntrey did expostulate w'h 
the nuncio for hauinge conference w'h the same preists, being but the spies of 
the Queene of England." 

MS. torn. 

t Here there is another marginal note (same hand) : " Here maye come in the 
Second Appeale of the preists of England." 


ahold be no man apointed to heare theire cause, and thereby shold 
lose theire matter, and for the second might be clapt in prison by 
the potency of theire aduersaryes. Therefore cominge into Parris 
they labored by theire frends (the question belonginge to all the 
secular preists in the world) to haue the protection of the most 
Christian Kinge, w c h w*h greate suite obteyned, and his pasporte 
not only for ffraunce but for other Kingdomes & Common wealthes 
they went w*h courage towards the cittie and there arriued after 
fyve weekes travell the first Thursdaie before Lent where the 
rumor was rife that Ireland was conquered by the Spanyards, and 
the English, Irish, and Spanishe labored for the Bushopricks of 
that cuntrey. These newes somewhat terrified them so that forth- 
w% they sent theire Portmantua w f h theire bookes letters & 
instructions to the monasterie of S 1 Paule two miles out of the 
cittie there to be in safety e that yf theire parsons were apprehended 
(as theire fellowes were before) theire writinges might be presented, 
then w*h all speed they sent to the Embassador of ffraunce to 
demand whether he had authoritie from the Kinge to protect them 
as Subiects of ffraunce, who aunswered cheerefully & most honor- 
ably that he had commandment from his Kinge to receive them & 
to protect them, but yet w% all he willed them to keepe themselues 
secrett for size dayes vntill he might goe to the Pope himself to 
signifye both theire comminge & theire qualities, w c h thinge they 
did obserue. The next day of audience his excellencye made the 
Pope priuye that foure preists of England were come up vnder the 
protection of the most Christian Kinge to prosecute theire Appeale 
and to informe his ho: of matters of greate importance belonginge 
to the Church of England, requiringe that they might haue benigne 
54, f. 209. & honorable audience, w c h thinge the pope willingly granted. 

But first he shewed the Embassador that he had heard mar- 
vellous hard reports of the said foure priests, that they were 
greate & familiar w% the Queene of England and her counsel!, 
and that they had procured from the Queene to come up to 
trouble the State of the Church. The Embassador aunswered 


that his kiDge wold not haue protected anie such parsons and 
that his ho: shold find them to be sincere & plaine meaning 
men w*hout guile or fraude. Well then, saith the Pope, they 
shall haue audience on Munday next for vpon fryday had the 
Embassador these speaches w'h the Pope, when Munday came 
the foure preists beinge directed by my Lo. Embassador & 
hauinge some of his gentlemen to conduct them they repayred 
to the Courte but, findinge his ho: then to give publick audience, 
one of his Chamberlaines aduised the priests to departe to their 
lodgings, for that yt was not likely that his ho: wold giue that 
day anie priuate audience w c h they requ[ired], herevppon they 
departed to theire lodgings but forthw^ the Pope arisinge from 
his publick audience retyred to his chamber where he was wont 
to giue priuate audience & demanded of his Chamberlaines 
whether the foure English preists were not in the Pallace, & 
caused them to be sought for, but beinge informed that they 
had bin there & were departed to theire lodgings because they 
were informed that his ho: was not like to giue priuate audience 
that day, as beinge the day of publick audience, herevppon he 
sent one of his Chamberlaines to theire lodgings to warne them 
to come to his presence the next day at nyneteene a clock. 
These newes were ioyfull vnto them and against the houre 
apointed they made themselues ready and came to his presence 
beinge conducted by the Chamberlaines, and after they had 
saluted h[is ho:] one of them made a briefe oracion, first signi- 
fyinge the cause of theire comminge, the troubles, scandalls, & 
vaxacions the Church of England and the secular preists were 54, f. 209b. 
brought unto by the sinister dealinges of the Jesuits, so that 
in spiritu lenitatis et mansuetudinis he wo[uld] prouide a remedy 
that preists might Hue like pr[eists] as heretofore they haue 
done, and w l h all offered to his ho; the two lattine bockes 
wherein was contayned all theire grieuances w c h they desired 
to be redressed, otherwise that the Church of England was like 
to perrishe, This oracion his ho: aunswered breifly, first that 



he had hard maruelous ill reports of them that the Queene of 
England and her Counsell had suborned them to come vp and 
that they had pencions of the Queene, and w*hall demanded 
earnestly whether anie of them had letters from the Queene to 
demand these thinges at his hands. To whome aunswere was 
made that neither the Queene or her Counsell had anie parte in 
these negotiacions, but only this : that perceiuinge the troubles, 
vexacions, & wronges that the preists sustayned, & knowinge 
not how to remedy the same in her self because they were 
thinges belonginge to the Sea Apostolike, hauinge an humble 
peticion made vnto her, her licence for some of the imprisoned 
preists to be sett at libertie to goe to Rome to prosecute this 
Appeale w*hout w c h licence yt was impossible for them beinge 
prisoners to performe this iorney. to the w c h peticion after 
longe & mature deliberacion she granted that foure of them 
shold haue libertie to prouide for themselues & so vndertake 
the iorney. As for money or stipend they had none, but only 
such as the Catholicks doe giue them to defray theire charges, 
w c h was shorte enough, and they counted yt very greate clemency 
that her mat ie graunted them so much. As for the other 
pointes w c h his ho: did insinuate concerninge matters of faithe 
as though therin they had bin defective, they aunswered reso- 
lutely that yf they had bin such they had no need to come 
w% so greate trauell & so greate perill to the Sea Apostolike to 
seeke for iustice, for that the Queene of England had Bushopricks 
54, f. 210. and better benifices enough wherew'th to inrich them yf they 
had bin of her religion, and w*hall desyred of his ho: that 
theire accusers might be compelled eyther before his ho: or 
judges by him deputed to propose these theire accusacions in 
theire owne parsons and not per interpositas personas, as the 
manner of ffa: Parsons was, and that they were ready to 
cleare themselues. Well then, sayes the Pope, w l h a cheerefull 
countenance, I am glad to heare you saye so, you shall haue 
justice. Card. Burgesius and Card. Aragonio doe we appointe to 


heare both them and you and to make relacion thereof vnto vs, 

and see that you goe vnto no other Cardinalls w*h auie com- 

plaintes but to them, and so w*h good & gracious words he 

dismissed vs, beinge himself at that present maruelously vexed 

w*h the goute so that his seruants were faine to cary him out here maye the 

of his chayre to his bed where he remayned foureteene dayes. beTnserted 

In this audience he remayned an houre and a half notw*h- 

standinge his paine. the preists departed and repayred to the 

two Cards designed to heare the matter, and opened vnto them 

his ho: pleasure & desyred that they wold call for ffa: Parsons 

to sett down his accusacions against them wherevnto they were 

ready to aunswere. But ffa: Parsons began to make delayes 

to seeke shifts [to] prolonge time, but nothinge more troubled him 

& his complices then to heare that the preists had so speedie 

& so benign audience, for therein he employed all his cunninge 

& the diligence of his freinds to hinder the preists from anie 

accesse to his ho: This hapned the first weeke in cleane Lent. a 

ffa: Parsons made all the delayes that he cold notw^standinge 

he was comanded by his ho: and by the two Cards to bringe 

in what he had against the preists crauinge still more time ad 

libellandum and thus he drave of, notw'hstandinge he was three 

times admonished & comanded, vntill yt was Palme Sunday, 

hopinge thereby to driue the preists out of money and so to 

fall from theire suite. Lastly in the ho[lie] weeke he brought 

in his accusacion to the w c h the pr[eists] aunswered the next 

day, and so cleered themselues. 

And in the meane space they deliuered vnto the [Cardinals] 54, f. 210b. 
theire reasons w c h moved them to defer the admitting ... of the 
Archpreist vntill the comminge of the Breve Ap[ostolike], and con- 
sequently proved that thereby they had not incurred anie blemishe 
touchinge their obedience to the Sea Ap[ostolike] much lesse the 
crime of scisme rebellion & disobedience, w c h reasons beinge consi- 
dered by the Card 8 and related vnto his ho: forthw'h he pronounced 
* ' Hebdomada casla, iueuutis Quadragesima hebcl. dicebatur.' Ducange. 



sentence & willed the same to be declared vnto the preists 
Apellants by the Cardinalls, w c h sentence was that the preists of 
England were neither scismaticks nor disobedient nor rebellious 
Here the against the Sea Apostolike in that they refused to receiue M r 
be set down. Blackwell for theire superior vpon the Card. Caietans letters, and 
that they had not lost theire faculties but that the confessions 
made vnto them all that while were vallid & good, and w^all his 
ho: commaunded the preists to write downe that sentence and send 
yt in theire common letter vnto England to informe the preists and 
Catholicks there of the truth, and that he wold haue this sentence 
to be the explication of his last Bull sent the yeare before, ffa: 
Parsons & his complices stormed much against this sentence be- 
cause thereby appeared the falshood of ffa: Listers booke, ffa: Jones 
his Oracle, and ffa: Garnets and M r Blackwells their approbacion of 
the same, and by this men maye see that all is not the gospell that 
proceedeth from the Jesuits. 

Next vnto this the preists did sett downe theire reasons 
against M r Blackwell the Archpreist his insufficiency w c h con- 
sisted in 8 points All w c h they proued out of his owne 
writinges & decrees. Seaven were admitted by the Cards as 
sufficiently proued although his procurators there and the Jesuits 
went about to proue that the letters there exhibited out of 
the w c h they drewe theire proposicions were not his letters or 
decrees, wherevppon Card. Burghesius asked them whether they 
knew Jijs hand. Some of them aunswered yea, and some .of 
them aunswered doubtfully. Well, saith the Card., I will put you 
4, f. 211. out of doubt that this [is] his hand, and so sett a letter of M r 
Blackwells owne hand conferringe the hands together, they cold 
not denye but that was his writinge. herevppon followed another 
consult betweene the Card, and his ho: whether M r Blackwell was 
to be deposed as the preists required, hauing sett downe 8 causes 
whereof the last was matter sufficient to displace him. ffirst yt was 
sett downe against him that he had done vniustly in charginge the 
preists w% scisme & rebellion where none was, and so in goinge 


about to tak awaye theire faculties, secondly that he had exceeded 
his authoritie in takinge vpon him to censure the laye Catholicks 
by interdiction, hauinge no authoritie ouer them, also for makinge 
newe decrees & extendinge his authoritie ouer the old preists, 
whereas his co mission was only ouer alumnos seminariorum, but 
that he was to be pardoned in these his accesses because of his 
ignorance in the cannon la we, and because he followed therein the 
counsels of others, to witt the Jesuits. 

Yet notw^standinge the Popes pleasure was that ho shold 
remayne and continewe his iurisdicion ouer the preists. this 
sentence beinge delivered to both parties yt pleased neyther, 
the preists affirminge that yt was not expedient that he shold 
haue iurisdiction ouer them w% whome they had so greate 
controuersies before, for that he wold euer seeke occasion to be 
reuenged. The Jesuits on the other side exclayminge that the 
Archpreist was made a dishcloute, his defects- & imperfections 
beinge made manifest to the world, they were contented that 
his ho: shold knowe his imperfections, indiscretion, and vniustice, 
but that he shold not sett yt downe to the vewe of the world, 
for that was but to make him ridiculous vnto them ouer whome 
he was to haue iurisdiction, wherevppon the matter proceeded 
further for certaine monethes, and in very deed the faction 
of the Jesuits so preuailed that in the Bull these defects of his 
were rather insinuated then sett plainely downe, and here yt 
was a world to see how the busie head of ffa: Parsons bestirred him 
in spreadinge false rumors concerninge the Queene of England 
persecutinge preists & Catholicks contrary to the declaracion of the 
foure preists, as y* appeareth in his letters to his complices in 
England concerninge certaine honorable speaches w c h she vttered 
of the Pope, w c h also he caused to be deliuered vnto the nouellantes 54, f. 2llb. 
of Rome to be spreaded amongst them . . . trick very usuall 
w fc h him, for take awaye from him lying [and] libelling you spoyle 
him of his greatest dowrye, to speak nothinge howe of his diuerse 
libells & accusacions w c h he deliuered vnto diuerse Cardinalls 


against the preists w c h [came] not to light for that the Cards 
neuer beleeued y*, nor of [the] diuerse meanes he made to diuerse 
Cards to perswade the pr[eists] to come to the Colledge to feaste 
w*h him, hopinge that yf he cold haue obteyned so much as to haue 
them to bankett w*h him he might find some occasion to intangle 
them in words or manners. 

But the maine drifte & scope of his perfidious braine was 
yet vnseene, w c h is this: he labored w% the Cards, and specially 
with the Spanish Ambassador that they shold move the Pope 
that y* was not hono ble , nor Christianlike that the preists shold 
be suffered to departe from Rome in anie displeasure or dislike 
w l h Parsons or the Jesuits, and therefore that his ho: shold 
doe maruelous well yf he wold command the preists to come 
to his presence, and ffa: Parsons w*h the Jesuits on the other side, 
and there commaund the preists to imbrace ffa. Parsons & reconcile 
themselues vnto him and to the rest of the Jesuits, & so make a 
full peace whereof his ho: himself shold be witnes. This drifte 
tooke such effect that the preists were sent for to the Popes 
presence, and the cause secretly by the Lo: Embassador insinuated 
vnto them, who required them to consult amonge themselues & to 
tell him what aunswere they wold make, for that the matter was of 
greate importance, for on the one side yf they refused vpon the 
Popes commaundmt to imbrace ffa; Parsons they shold fall into his 
hand & so incurre his displeasure, yf they obeyed the Popes will 
and reconciled themselues to ffa: Parsons then did they incurre 
the displeasure of the most Christian Kinge of ffrance in whose 
proteccion they were, and of the Queene of England whose subiects 
they were, for that they had charged Parsons there to be deuiser & 
plotter of all the treasons, warres, invasions, garboyles, & troubles 
that had hapned these last twenty yeares, as yt appeared in his 
bookes how he had made sale of the Kingdome of England & of 
the Kingdome of ffrance vnto the infanta and therefore that they 
cold not make peace w f h him but thereby they shold incurre the 
64, f. 212. displeasures of these twoe greate princes whose fauoure they did 


not meane to loose. w*h this constant resolucion they went to the 
Pallace Monte Cauallo against the houre prefixed, hauing for their 
ease my Lo: Embassadors coach and some of his gentlemen to con- 
duct them, not longe after cometh Parsons w k h his Cohorte and 
entringe into the Chamber where they were saluted them after the 
best manner, but they neuer moved bonnet to him nor made anie 
accounte of his salutacions, w c h greeued him not a litle perceiuinge 
by theire behauioure that he was like to haue but light entertaine- 
ment at theire hands, and that his principall designem* fay led him, 
for yf they had obeyed the Pope & imbraced Parsons makinge 
peace w*h him, then wold he haue written straight waies to 
England & to ffraunce that the foure negotiators had reconciled 
themselues to him & most humbly on theire knees before the Popes 
presence asked him forgiueness, for so Baldwin the Jesuit vsed doctor 
Gifford in the Lowe Cuntrey, and so he wold haue involved them in 
his owne treasons, but God so disposinge the Pope fell to examine 
other matters w c h occupied him vntill 8 of the clock at night, and 
so departed to theire lodgings. The next day the Lo. Embassador 
himself went to the Pope beinge the day of his audience & amonge 
other thinges demaunded what his pleasure was concerninge the 
foure preists that were there the night before, for that they were 
fully resolved neuer to haue peace w l h Parsons so longe as he had 
warres w% the twoe kingdomes. The pope aunswered that his 
meaninge was [not] to commaund them to haue peace w*h him but 
only to exhort them, leauinge yt to theire owne election, and thus 
Parsons fell from his principall weapon, wherein he trusted, and 
here yt maye be noted w*h what gibes, & merry taunts he maketh 
mencion of the Queene of England for that two or three were put 
to death duringe the abode of the preists at Rome, not rememberinge 
in the meane space that he and Archer his fellowe Jesuit a [were 
authors of all these garboyles] a whom he made nunce Apostolike in 
Ireland b to prosecute the warres there against the Queene and so 

Inserted above the line. 

b James Archer of Kilkenny was a very bellicose Jesuit indeed. He took an 


by that meanes alienated her Ma ties mind from hauinge anie peace, 
especially findinge so manie w*h John De Agula, and other 
Spaniards what helpes from other princes were promised by the 
perswasion of the Jesuits, but he, good man, thinks that he so 
shadoweth himself under his square capp that no man spyeth his 
stratagems against kinges and kingdomes and his abusinge the 
54, f. 212b. popes . . . vnto Tyrone and the rest of his Company in Ireland 
w[ c h] letters being deliuered by John D' Agula vnto the Lo. 
deputy of [I]reland caused her Ma tie to looke more narrow[lie] 
about her, so that of all that followed against Catholicks [we] may 
thank ffa: Parsons and his feflowes for giuinge the occasion to alter 
her ma ties inclinacion. a 

3. A Third Narrative or Fragment. 
64, f. 153. 

When they came to Calice,. b it was thought good that some of 

them shold deale w'h the Nuntio. Bu-t they first sent for a safe 

active part in support of Tyrone's rebellion, and negotiated the sending of supplies 
from Spain. A description of the man and of his military exploits, with some of 
his letters, will be found in the Cal. of State Papers (Ireland, 1598-9 ; Carew Papers, 
1601-3), and Pacata Hibernia (ed. O'Grady), ii. pp. 119, 186, 213, &c. He narrowly 
escaped capture in the skirmish of Sandy Bay, where his servant, afterwards 
hanged, was caught with the Jesuit's sword and breviary. He sailed from Ireland 
to Spain, July, 1601. Though he was commonly termed " the pope's legate," it 
does not appear that he had any direct diplomatic commission from Rome. The 
papal nuncio was Mansoni, an Italian, who reported that Archer's presence was a 
greater comfort to the Irish than a large force of troops. He was withal a zealous 
and successful missionary, and was afterwards the first rector of the Irish college 
at Salamanca, which he helped to found. In connection, or in contrast, with the 
views of the Appellants on this subject the judgment of the Jesuit theologians of 
the Salamanca University (printed in Pacata Hibernia, ii. pp. 142-6) is important, 
viz. that not only was the insurrection in Ireland lawful, but that it would be a 
mortal sin for any Catholic there to take sides with the Queen. The judgment was 
dated and signed on March 7, 1602. 

There were four priests executed in England during the stay of the Appellants 
at Rome, besides two laymen, one of whom was hanged for assisting or harbouring 
a priest, and the other for selling Catholic books. But these executions, which 
were in no way exceptional, can hardly be attributed to the cause suggested in the 

b November 1601. The handwriting here closely resembles that of Dr. Gifford. 


conduct, w c h was graunted ; and therevpon all fower went to New- 
porte where the Nuncio lay. There they remayned six or seven 
dayes. The cause of theyr going was to make him theyr frende, 
least he shold crosse them in theyr buisines at Home. Being 
there they procured him to write to the Archpriest & the rest of 
the priests Appellants : the copyes of w c h Letters were before 
sent over. 

The Nuncio amongst many other speeches signified, that the 
Archduke and the Infanta were but larvati principes : and that 
the King of Spaine did wholy direct them. Likewise he told 
them, that by reason of the Spanish faction in Rome, if they 
were not well backt ; they shold be sure to haue both iniustitiam 
causge and iniustitiam personae : w c h he thus expounded : viz. that 
they shold be insured to go vp and downe, and shold not be able to 
procure any Audyence : and it was very likely, that theyr persons 
shold be clapt vp in prison, ffrom thence they went to Paris : 
where they remayned 9 dayes. There by M r Hills m-eanes they 
had accesse to Mons r Villederoy the Kings Secretary : who vpon 
due examination of theyr whole causej procured them the Kings 
favo r , and promised them, that they shold finde the Kings pro- 
tection at Rome w*h his prieger a there. He also gave them a 
generall safe conduct towards Rome vnder his hand and seale. 

They were traueling from Paris to Rome five weekes and arrived 
there upon madd thursday, otherwise called Carnivall thursday : 
w c h is the thursday imediately before Shrove sonday. At theyr 
comming thither they sent theyr portmantuas to S* Paules 
monastery to two English monckes, there to be safely kept for 
them for feare of rifeling. They knew the said Englishmen to 
be enemyes to the Jesuits and therefore they did trust them w l h 
theyr writinge : w c h trust they faithfully performed. 

The same day also of theyr comming to Rome they sent to the 54 f_ 
ffrench Ambassado 1 " to see whether he had receyved any authority 
from the king to protect them : who sent them word, that he had, 

* Priega, preghiera. 


and that he wold protect them : but willed them to keep w^in 
doores for six dayes, vntill he had been w*h the Pope, to acquaint 
him w*h theyr arrivall, and that he had charge from the king to 
protect them, as his subiects. w c h direction they carefully obeyed, 
and in the meane time did sende for Jewes, and provyded for them- 
selves fitt apparell agreable to theyr callings, and as the manner 
of priests is in Rome. 

Vpon Ash Wednesday M r Bluet went to the new church congre- 
gationis oratorii:* where he became acquainted w*h Thomas Bozius 
the author of the booke de signis ecclesise.* And amongst some 
other things did challenge him, for slandering the Q. Ma tie in so 
grosse a manner, as he did discreditt both himselfe therein and his 
whole writings : the particulars being most false, as it was apparant 
to all England and the kingdoms adioyning. He also discoursed 
w*h him of the excellency of her ma^ person, and of the rarenes of 
her guifts and the knowledge of tongues, wherevpon M r Bozius 
admiring he sayd that the Jesuits had giuen him such informa- 
tions as he had published in his said writings, and promised to 
reprint them againe, and to putt out these slanderous speeches, and 
to make her ma tie satisfaction. The sayd Bozius is a good devout 
man, but of no deep reache. 

By reason of theyr going abroad the said Wednesday, they were 
descryed in that church by some of Parsons instruments. Where- 
vpon he bestyrred himselfe from Cardinall to Cardinall w*h whom 
he had so wrought before theyr comming thither as if they had not 
been protected by the king of ffraunce they had been sent to the 
gallyes and never heard. 

Vpon the friday the ffrench Ambassado r having audyence ac- 
quainted the Pope w% theyr being in Rome, and that he had 
charge to protect them. The pope aunswered that they were 
hereticks, and sent thither by the Q. of England vpon her charges 
to doe some mischiefe there. The Ambassado r replyed that if they 
64, f. 154. had been such persons, the king his master wold not have 

In MS. oratories and ecclessice. 


protected them : and therfore prayed that they might have 
audyence, w c h the pope graunted. And accordingly vpon the 
monday after they were heard. At what time the pope assigned 
Card: Burghesius and Card: Arragonius to take notice of their 
whole cause, and to make vnto him a relation thereof: affirming 
vnto them, that Parsons had made many accusations against 
them as that they were hereticks : had made hereticall bookes, 
and were sent thither vpon the Q. of Englands charges for the 
destruction of Religion. The priests made theyr answeres to every 
particular as became them, and desyred the pope that Parsons 
might apeare in his owne person and lay downe the accusations in 
writing subscribed w*h his owne hand, and not to deale by 
interpositas personas. The pope aunswered, that he shold p r ferre 
them in his owne person, but wold hane no subscribing or other 

Accordingly they attended on Card. Burghesius and Card: 
Arragonius, who commaunded Parsons to exhibitt his complaints 
against them in writing. But he so dallyed owt the time, as it 
was allmost Easter before they could gett the accusations from 
him : w c h being delivered vnto the Appellants, they aunswered 
them in three dayes. And then acquainting the sayd Cardinalls 
w*h the whole causes of theyr Appeale and proving them by 
evydent reasons, the sayd Cardinalls informed the pope. And 
therevpon in Easter week the pope gave sentence on the 
Appellants behalfe, as heretofore they ratifyed here in England. 

Having thus farre proceeded w*h this good success: they then 
desyred license of the Cardinalls, that Parsons and his fellowes 
might answer to such accusations as the Appellants had to 
charge them and the Archpriest w*h. the conclusion of w c h was 
that the Archpriest might be deposed. Theyr petition was 
graunted. Where vpon being heard and the pope informed, the 
Cardinalls and the pope concluded vpon certaine points abowt 
midsom 1 ": the w c h points we sent into England w*h o r common 


These things being thus agreed vpon, pleased ne[y]the"r y 6 ' 
Appell ts nor the Jesuits. So as the Jesuits labored on the one 
syde to have those things altered, that they disliked, and the 
Appellants vrged the Archpriests deprivation, as being censured 
54, f. I54b. before to be a man vnfitt for his place. But the Jesuits by the 
meanes of the Spanish faction pre[vai]led, that the sentence 
against the Archprrest and themse[lves] was mitigated ; as 
apeareth by the Breve bearing d[ate] the of Octob r 

The 28 of Octob r they left ...... a and were driven by 

reason of the Spanish .... to make a long iourney by ifraunce : 

and came to Paris the furst sonday in Advent stylo novo. 

The eorner of the last page is torn off. 



1. Breuis veraque admodum relatio eorum quce dicta, facta, scriptaque 533. 
sunt in causa Sacerdotum appellantium d die 14. februarij anno *> fol> 97- 
1602 quo Romam appulerunt usque ad diem octobris 

quando oh vrbe discesserunt ab uno ex ipsis sacerdotibus fideliter 

AD Almam Vrbera accesserunt de Catholicorum negotijs tractaturi 
quatuor Sacerdotes Angli, Joannes nimirum Cecilius S. Th. D., 
D. Tho. Bluettus, D. Joannes Musheus, D. Antonius Champneus, 
14 februarij anno 1602. Excellentissimum Dfium de Bethune 
Christianissimi Regis in Urbe oratorern de aduentu suo certiorem 
faciunt, qui per intern uncios bono illos iubet esse animo, et domi se 
continere donee illi opportunum videretur. 

Die 21. eiusdem mensis sacerdotes istos ad se uocat orator 
Regius, eosque perquam humaniter et gratiose excepit. D. 
Cecilius sociorum nomine Gallice exposuit breuiter aduentus sui 
causam, et qua spe freti, et quibus promissip a Christianissimo illis 
factis fulti ad vrbem accesserunt in causa iustissima contra poten- 
tissimos et .astutissimos aduersarios. Quibus et breuiter et benigne 
respondit legatus, Regem Christianissimum illos in protectioneni 
suscepisse sibique id in mandatis dedisse, ut Innocentiam et 
Justitiam eorum suo nomine strenjie defenderet, ea tantum lege, et 
conditione, yt nihil in Reginam Anglise eiusque statum uel uerbo, 
uel scripto, uel clam uel palam aggrederentur. Precepit itaque ut 
nihil illo inconsulto uerbo aut scripto apud Sanctissimum aut 
Cardinales aljquos tractarent iussitque in hunc finem scriptorum 
omnium exemplaria apud se deponi. Postridie itum est ad Hl mum 
Cardi^alem Dossake apud quern eadem pene loquuti eandem de 


Regis Christ 1 in illos affectione et protectione securitatem 
recipiunt, abeunt leti, et ad futurara pugnam se accingunt : 
visitant vero eorum iussu Hl mum Farnesium Protectorem, et 
Burghesium Viceprotectorem, quorum primus difficillimum praebuit 
aditum, consolationem autem minimam, quamprimum enim eos ad 
Burghesium remittit, a quo benignissime accepti spem conceperunt 
non exiguam res sibi successuraa ex sententia. 

Die 23. eiusdem mensis, feria nimirum sexta, quse singulis septi- 
manis oratori Christianissimi apud Sanctissimum acturo destinatur, 
egit cum sua sanctitate legatus de aduentu sacerdotum, de regis 
protectione, et intentione, et ut diem statueret quando istos ad se 
admitteret sacerdotes. 

54, f. 98. Exponit preterea magnam iam esse fenestrarn apertam iuvandis 
Cath. quibus Christianissimum eousque fauere demonstrat, quo- 
usque se Reginas suae fidos, et subditos obedientes praebuerint, 
nullo commodorum aut pretensionum suarum intuitu, sed solo 
Justitiae et Innocentiae zelo, et amore ; rogatque Pontificem, ut 
[in] causa ista sacerdotum, quos Regina cum socijs nullo modo in 
se male affectos esse intelligit aut de perturbando regno sollicitos, 
patrem se ostendat, iustitiaeque et innocentias aurem prebeat, ne 
illorum videatur patronus et consiliorum particeps qui et vita et 
regno earn saspissim^ exturbare moliti sunt. In summa esse expecta- 
tione totum pene orbem, quid in hac causa fiat ; quod si homines 
istos innocuos a sanctitate sua cum honore, et iusta postulatorum 
satisfactione dimissos uiderint, valde est uerisimile, et Reginam 
mitius et moderatius in posterum cum Catholicis acturam, et 
Regem suum quoad cum Reginas salute et securitate fieri potuit 
pro Catholicis intercessurum. Haec verbatim legatus a Pontifice 
rediens sacerdotibus ad se uocatis retulit, quorum unus Cecilius 
nimirum omnia quasi uerbatim in commentariolos redegit. Ponti- 
fex uero respondit se multa de sacerdotibus audiuisse mala, uerum 
promittit se asquitati locum daturum, et audientiae diem assignat 
quartam martij. 

Interim Personius et sui palam per vrbem uolitant ad omnes 


pene Cardinales, tarn uiua uoce, quam calamo singulos istos sacer- 54, t. 98b. 
dotes perstringunt, et mille calumniis onerant. Parasites quinque 
suos Hadocum, Thos. Fitzharbertum, Hescettum, Baynes, et 
Swetum a cum libellis istis famosis ad Cardinales mittit ; ipse 
legatum Galliae et Cardinalem d'Osacke ut illos a sacerdotum 
tutela diuerteret, sed frustra ; quse a dictis parasitis et Personio in 
sacerdotes dicta et scripta sunt hie omittuntur, quia in sequenti- 

bus paerinis ad integrum referuntur. 1 Eodem uero et ore et ' infra, pp. 

tempore quo in sacerdotes ista euomuerunt, eos miris modis ad 

colloquia, ad congressus, ad Collegium, ad conferencias inuitant ; de 
quo rogatus et consultus legatus interdixit omnem uel minimam 
cum illis familiaritatem, qui in Reginae Anglia3 caput et Regnum 
conspirassent ; quo nullum unquam sacerdotibus dari potuit aut 
sanctius, aut salutarius consilium, prout rerum euentus docuit. 

Tandem uenit optatus dies quo sacerdotes ad Sanct mi pedes ad- 
mittuntur ex quibus unus, videlicet Musheus, latine cepit exponere, 
unde et a quibus et qua de causa ad vrbem fuerint missi ex 
Anglia, videlicet a Cath. et fratribus suis, ut Sanctitatem suam de 
innocentia sua in obiecto illo schismatis, inobedientiee, et rebellionis 
crimine informarent, controuersiam illam determinari et declarari 
peterent, ut statum Ecclesia3 Anglicanee exponerent, et quae ad 
pacem stabiliendam essent necessaria explicarent, ut a Sanct mo 
peterent, ut aliquam pro Catholicorum leuandis misery's iniret 54, f. 9 9. 
rationem, cum ilia quee hactenus per arma tentata est, contra 
Catholicorum pene omnium mentem, tarn male successit ut acces- 
gores, et Architectas turbarum istarum, qui nobis semper bellorum 
motibus et inuasionibus iratos et irritates in Catholicos faciunt 
magistratus, castigaret, et reprimeret, ut de confessionibus factis 
appellantibus declararet. 

Ad qua3 Pontifex (cuius animum iam aduersariorum clamores et 
calumnias praeoccupauerant) uultu non admodum sereco et benigno 

* " Thomas Hesket, Haddock, Baines, Thomas Fitzherbert, and one Sweet, are his 
[Parsons'] mercenarii to deal against us and spread calumnies." Mush to Ed. 
Bennet, Mar. 31, 1602. Tierney, iii. p. clvii. 


respondit : multa uobis objiciuntur et ad nos in dies aflferuntur, 
quod a Eegina missi regijs sumptibus hue acceditis: quod si estis 
haeretici quid opus est confessione aut absolutione ? quod ad 
obiecta crimina attinet nescio in quo obedistis, quod de libertate 
attinet conscientiae fortassis persecutio vobis est magis necessaria, 
non enim mihi placet talis cum hereticis familiaritas, uultis enim 
esse inter spinas et non pungi, Rogauit denique si haberent 
mandata a Regina aut si haberent aliquod memoriale. 

Responsum est a D'no Cecilio, primo se nee a Regina esse missos 
nee ab ea pecunias nee mandatum accepisse, cupere uero ut eius 
in Catholicos animus leniretur, idque Aristidis, Basilij, lustini, et 
Tertulliani, et Cardinalis Alani exemplo motos cupere, qui et 
persecutionem et persequutionis interualla Ecclesiae necessaria 
54, f. 99b. futura iudicarent. De obedientia uero data aut negata huic sedi 
lis et controuersia est, ad quam dirimeudam ad sedem istam 
aduolauimus, quod hasretici aut schismatic! nunquam fecissent, aut 
homines male in fidem istam affecti ; memoriale autem non attulimus 
cum nihil aliud petimus quam dari nobis Indices, qui audiant, et 
referant Sanctitati Vestrae quae nobis referenda dederunt commili- 
tones nostri, et Catholici in Anglia. 

Summus Pontifex ad Ill mos Burghesium et Arigonium Sacer- 
dotes remisit, imperans ne quenquam preterea aut uisitarent 
aut inform arent. 

Redeunt e Palatio Sacerdotes maesti, et ad oratorem Galliae 
(quern solum in Vrbe, et Patronum et Consiliarium, et in afflictis 
rebus et dubijs asylum habuerunt; alius enim nemo palam se 
fauere sacerdotibus istis proh'tebatur ob metum Hispanorum et 
Jesuitarum) recta inquam ad eum properant, vultu demisso et 
aninio quasi fracto narrant, quam durum experti sunt patrem, 
quos deinde illis commissarios assignauerat. Ipse gratiose admo- 
dum, et animose (ut est ad gratiam natus) recreat perculsos et 
perturbatos sacerdotes, polliceturque se Pontificem ad meliorem men- 
tern propediem reducturum. Interim de deputatis cogitat, et suos 
consulit ; an uiderentur sacerdotibus futuri si non propitij 


saltern sequabiles, et aStdfopoi ; invenit in tota curia Romana uix 
inveniri duo Praelatos tarn aequi bonique studiosos, qua spe re- 
focillati sacerdotes discedunt. 

Post biduum, feria nimirum sexta, egit orator cum Sanct mo 54, f. 100. 
de rebus sacerdotum, et eorum nomine memoriale exhibuit, ubi 
petierunt ut liceret illis de obiectis criminibus respondere, ita 
tamen ut adversarii in scriptis appositis chirographis suis obiecta 
crimina exhiberent ; egit preterea Pontifici gratias, quod tamdiu 
sacerdotes, et tarn patienter audiuerit, quod tarn suaves, pios et 
benignos deputatos assignauerit ; cepit deinde liberrime et rogare 
et monere Poutificem, ut uellet serio de rebus Angliae, efc cogitare 
et informari. Hactenus enim, ut successus rerum docet erratum 
esse turpiter cum de Anglia ad fidem reducenda armis et 
inuasionibus sit actum ; cum enim Regina Anglias suis viribus 
non sufficeret ad hostium uim repellendam tamen regem suum 
non posse Principem illam, et Regnum illud in praedam re- 
linquere tarn potenti inimico ; suasit itaque Pontifici ut non 
negligat occasionem tantam Catholicis iuvandis oblatam, Reginam 
enim Anglian mitius et moderatius de Catholicis sentire, multa 
autem esse quoe loquuntur posse illam flecti, et ad benignitatem 
et suauitatem maiorem reduci : primum quod de Sanctitate 
Vestra perhonorifice idque saepius loquuta est ; quod sacerdotes 
istos, alios uero morti destinatos, alios in carceribus uinctos 
intellecta ex libris et controversijs istis eorum innocentia, ex 
vinculis liberauerit, quod eontes ab insontibus discernere didicerit, 
quod natura sua sit ad suauitatem et clementiam propensa ; 
verum, multa esse narrat quae infensain illam reddant, et 54, f. lOOb. 
Catholicis inimicam : primo tot molimina a Personio et suis in 
vitam, statum, regnumqne eius suscepta, tot libri in earn 
eiusque Consiliarios conscripti, tot libelli famosi dispersi, toties 
in earn per diuersos Pontifices fulminatae excommunicationes, tot 
excitatae rebelliones, tentatee inuasiones, missi sicarij et venefici, 
quibus amotis offensionum fontibus non est dubitandum reginam 
religionis ergo in Catholicos nullo modo saeuituram. Si itaque 



Catholicorum in Anglia saluti prospectura esse cupit Sanctitas 
v'ra, excoramunicationes istse sunt antiquandae ; Catholicis omnibus 
sub grauissimis censuris est interminandum, ne se ullo modo, uel 
direct^, uel indirecte, uel per se uel per alios in rebus politicis aut 
regni statum spectantibus exerceant, sed omnem in temporalibus 
Reginaa suas fidelitatem exhibeant ; castigandi sunt et separandi a 
regimine collegiorum et praefectura aliqua in Anglia illi omnes qui 
cum Personio statum non solum Regni et Regina3 sed etiam 
Catholicorum tarn miserS perturbarunt ; denique aut amouendus, 
aut ualde limitandus est Archipresbiter iste qui ad partes His- 
panicas promouendas falsis informationibus uideretur institutus ; 
ubi vero tutum non uideatur esse ut ista omnia primo et uno 
impetu faciat Sanctitas uestra, saltern sacerdotes istos dimittat, 
cum aliqua iniuriarum suarum satisfactions et petitionum indul- 
gentia, vt paulatim et pedetentim et Reginas in Catholicos ira 
54, f. 102. deferuescat, et Sanctitas V. in alijs capitibus illi gratum faciat ; 
sicque futurum est ut Rex etiam Christ mus sese in hoc negotio tarn 
sancto et Deo grato interponat. 

Ad hoc summus Pontifex respondit se oratori gratias agere 
infinitas Regique suo quod de Catholicorum salute tarn sint solliciti, 
nihilque sibi magis esse cordi quam quod de Regina placanda pro- 
posuerat, rogauitque ut negocium hoc de mitiganda Regina urgeret, 
quam ille nunquam aut censura aliqua perstrinxit, aut ullo alio 
modo in particulari offendit prseterquam quod more Ecclesiae contra 
hereticos in generali promulgatur. Promisit autem se ad Religionis 
negocia sola Catholicos reducturum, sacerdotibusistissatisfacturum, 
verum illud etiam uidendum est, inquit Pontifex, ut Regina etiam 
pro parte sua nostris sanctis desiderijs aliquo modo respondeat. 

Eadem feria sexta egit pro solito orator Regius cum Ill mo Aldo- 
brandino illique exposujt rerum Anglicarum statum, prout Pontifici 
prius fecerat ; ingenue fassus est se turn primum sapere et intelligere 
in quo statu essent res Anglicanae, neque antehac quicquam 
iutellexisse, opemque suamet operam sacerdotibus promisit, eosque 
ad se mitti ab oratore rogauifr. 


Memorial! dato ab oratore Regio pro sacerdotibus, respoiisum est 
postridie, et Cardinalibus deputatis mandatum ut Patrem 
Personium uocarent et illi Pontificis nomine praeciperent ut in 
scriptis singula obiectorum capita articulatim exhiberet, nomina 
autem affigi non placuit Sanct mo . Personius mensem integrum in 54, f. I02b. 
congerendis calumnijs conterit, tandem ingentem afFert farraginem, 
integrum nimirum refertum librum ; Pontifex autem et Card., 
nihil fide dignum in illis accusationibus inuenientes, noluerunt ea 
Sacerdotibus in manus dari, sed iusserunt ut negocia sua prose- 
querentur. Datae turn illico a Sacerdotibus rationes, quibus de 
inobedientia et scismate liberarentur, cum memoriali SancL" 10 
exliibito, ut controversiam illam dirimeret, quod fecit vi. aprilis, 
prout in exemplari literarum a sacerdotibus in Angliam missis 
diserte apparet. 1 ' in f ra > P- 146 - 

Tandem uentum est ad grauamina Archipresbiteri ; quae, quoniam 
in magnum congesta sunt fasciculnm, et constant prascipue in 
testium et chirographorum et singraphorum productione et 
allegatione, nullo modo necessaria duximus in hanc eas inserere 
relationem, cum in libris itnpressis multo maior eorum et pre- 
cipua pars contineatur, et D'nus Musheus, et D'nus Champneus, 
prolatis ante Card. Archipbr. singraphis cum obmutescentibus 
Jesuitis et procuratoribus suis, grauaminum omnium rationem 

Ad Aldobrandinum missi a legato Christianissimi e sacerdotibus 
duo ab illo satis benigne excipiuntur. Italico Cecilius incipit 
sermone et presentem in Anglia Catholicorurn statum exponere 
monereque quam sit necessarium ad conciliandos Principum 
animos lenitate, subrnissione et fidelitate vti, quantum adhuc in 
modo conuertendi Angliam sit erratum, quantum expedit a politi- 54, f. 103. 
carum rerum cura et sollicitudine Catholicos omnes arcere. 

Ill mus Aldobrandinus respondit se nemini esse subiectum nee in 
partes ullius Principis propensum, praeterquam quod Religionis 
Catholicas propagatio postularet se solum Pontificem agnoscere ; de 
reliquo se sacerdotum conatibus et postulatis eo usque non defu- 

E 2 


turum quoad Ecclesiae Sanctse exaltationem et religionis aug- 
mentum spectarent. 

Ceptum est postea agi de Personio eiusque libro de Successioue 
Anglias, quern uidisse se fassus est Card., neque reperiri posse 
quicquam in illo libro mali. De ilia prohibitione Cath. ne res 
status tractarent coepit dubitare quis de futura successione pro- 
uideret. Kesponsum est a Cecilio, Qui disponit omnia suauiter, 
rex regum et Dominus dominantium, per quern reges regnant. 
Apud Card, in scriptis reliquerunt dicti sacerdotes discursum de 
'm/ro.p. 117. presenti Anglias statu l et literam quandam Patris Personij, cui 
responsum est et detnonstratum in mediis ilium ualde errasse. 
Alia enim scripta promiserant per Legatum Gallise in ilium finem 
transmittere quorum omnium exemplaria, quoniam in sequentibus 

2 infra, pp. paginis habentur, 2 breuitatis causa prastermittemus. 

oo' iis 76 ' Vocati sunt deinceps predicti sacerdotes ad examen librorum et 
propositionum temerariarum quae a Personio et suis dictis sacer- 
54, f. I03b. dotibus obijciebantur ; ipsi alijs omnibus libris praeter illos duos 
Sanctiss mo D'no et sancto officio dedicates latine, et librum dictum 
'Exemplar quarumdam literarum ' a nuntiam remiserunt, nee ullo 
modo consentientes fuerunt, propositiones uero istas pene omnes et 
alias multo peiores in libris Jesuitarum contineri asseuerarunt. 

Feria sexta sequenti legatus Galliae cum Sanct mo egit de iniuria 
facta sacerdotibus in librorum et propositionum istarum obiectione ; 
accusationem istam non ex alio fonte quam ex inueterato odio 
exoriri liinc docuit, quod catalogum propositionum asque in eadem 
materia temerariarum ex ipsorum Jesuitarum libris collectum 
Sanctissimo porrexit. Rogatus a Pontifice an haberet libros huius- 
modi continentes propositiones, respondit, Parisijs se habere non 
autem in vrbe ; rogatus a Sanctissimo ut pro libris mitteret, misit, 
et libros cum propositionibus Pontifici l mo Augusti exhibuit ; harum 
propositionum catalogos, quae utrinque fuerint data?, quia inter scrip- 
torum exemplaria inferius continentur, 3 breuitatis causa omittimus. 

3 infra, pp. Vbi omnis ista accusationum tempestas in fumum euanuerat 

96, 99, 147. 

The Copies of certaine Discourses. Imprinted at Roan,e, 1601. 


mssi sunt sacerdotes negotia sua prosequi, et postquam Archi- 
presbit. suis depinxissent coloribus, considerationes exhibent Sanc- 
tissimo de incommodis et inconuenientijs Archipresbiteratus, aliam- 54, f. 104. 
que subordinationis formam magis ad pacis et unionis perpetuitatem 
spectantem proponunt ; responsum dat Personius cum suis his con- 
siderationibus ; replicatum est a sacerdotibus huic response, quorum 
exemplaria inferius affixa 1 ampliorem hac de re discursum prohibent. ' infra, pp. 

. 118-140. 

Sequuta est decima nona a Junij audientia quam habuit coram 

sua Sanct te solus D'nus Cecilius, oratore Galilee alijsque eius socijs 
id ipsum suadentibus, et rebus suis expedire iudicantibus. Quid 
actum sit in ista audientia uidere licet in particulari hac de re 
scripto exemplari, 2 et ceteris, annexe inferius. 2 in f ra > P- H 

Verum cum diem martis Card. assignauerat, b Sanctissimus 
nmtata mente eodem die totum negotium ad Hl mos Sancti officij 
Cardinales remisit in quo mirifice insudaiiit Hispanias legatus, ut 
mora ipsa et dilatione, (quae officio sancto sunt maxime propria) 
sacerdotes perterriti ad aliquas pacis et reconciliationis conditiones 
aures prseberent. 

Iterum afflicti Sacerdotes ad asylum suurn confugiunt, ad Excel- 
lentissimum nimirtim Galliee legatum ; rogant ut Hispanorum et 
Jesuitarum machinis et ca[ta]pultis uelit ignem suae auctoritatis 
admouere, uelitque consilio et persuasionibus suis tantum efficere 
ne ad tribunal tarn tardigradurn reicerentur. Legatus omnem 
illico metum ademit, dixitque se effecturum ut aut mentem 
mutaret Pontifex, aut moras omnes excluderet. 

Quamprimum igitur aderat audientise dies : inter cetera sua 54, f. 104b. 
grauissima negocia causam sacerdotum non negligit. Cepitque 
dicere mirari se quod sua sanctitas mentem et diem statutum 
Card, mutauerat, et ad sanctum officium reiecerat, ubi omnia 
tardissime tractantur et expediuntur, neque posse sacerdotes istos 
tantam moram pati, occasionesque et opportunitates bene gerendi 
in Anglia non esse spernendas, iam ab omnibus palam Hispanorum 

a According to Mush's English narrative Cecil's audience was on the 17th. 
b Something left out here. The appellants heard of the remit to the Inquisition 
on Thursday the 27th. 


et Jesuitarum potentiam in hac causa palpari, palamqne apparere 
rem esse non religionis sed status, rogauitque instantissime Ponti- 
ficera ut tanto malo tantisque suspicionibus occurreret. Egit 
denique gratias pro benigna ilia D'no Cecilio data audientia, 
iterumqiie Pontificem monet nihil ia Anglia uel a Rege suo pro 
Cath. sperari posse boni, nisi lesuitas a sacerdotuin Regimine 
separarentur, nisi Cath. omnes a rebus politicis arcerentur, nisi 
secura fieret Regina se subditis non inimicis fauere, et conscienti- 
arum aliquod leuamen indulgere. 

Responsum est a Sanctissimo legatum male intellexisse eius in 
hac remissione ad Sanctum officium mentem : factum est enim pro 
sacerdotum istorum bono, ut quge pro ijs determinata fuerint 
maiori cum auctoritate, et maturiore cum iudicio prodeant, neque 
ullam se positiirum in hoc negocio moram ; de Cecilio autem quern 
ad me superiori die misisti uelim intelligas ilium mihi abunde 
satisfecisse, velimque ut eum ad omnes Sancti Officij Cardinales 
54, f. 105. mittas, et illos informet eodem modo quo me prius inforrnauerat : 
quod Pontificis propositum cum legatus rediens sacerdotibus com- 
municaverat, mirifice sunt refocillati. 

Ill mis Burghesio et Arigonio eadern narrat Cecilius quae 
summo Pontifici 29 Julij [sic] a narrauerat, addens nonnulla de 
truci, tetrica, et tyrannica Personii natura, de eius stupen- 
dis artificiis et technis, et quod ille ad mortem et extremas 
reduxerat angnstias Penellum [?] ; totum intremunt Personicum ; 
uoluitque illos sinml ad cenam uocare et pacem inter illos con- 
cludere. Card, de Ascoli non ausus est illos frequenter admittere 
propter metum. Card, de Avila tractatum de scismate aliaque 
Jesuitarum molimina damnat. Hl mus Sfrondratus hoc modo cum 
sacerdotibus conclusit, Separetur a vobis Personius, et de pace non 
erit dubitandum. Singulis Card, transmissa sunt scripta nostra et 
libri exhibiti; ipsi interim consultant; legatus Hispaniaa, Jesuitarum 
Generalis, Personius et sui per urbem et Card, aulas uolitant ; 
sacerdotes uero orant. 

June 19 supra. 


Quatuor a sancti officii Cardinalibus, quatuor istis sacerdotibus 
ijsque fauentibus, obiecta sunt crimina ; primo, Nimia cum statu et 
magistratu heretico familiaritas ; 2. librorum impressio, quorum 
nonnulli propositiones habuerunt ualde temerarias ; 3. paucitas 
appellantium et fautorum suorum. 4. et ultimo, Eegis Chris- 
tianissimi patrocinium. Ad tria ista prima capita accusationum 
responsum habetnr in particulari quadam schedula suo loco. 1 ' 

Ad quartum idem responsum dederunt sacerdotes, quod Personio _ . f 
dederat Excellentissimus Galliae legatus, cum ilium primo inuiseret, 
et inter cetera quibus usus est ad animum eius a sacerdotibus 
auertendi argumentum hoc erat preecipuum : quod sacerdotes isti 
rem religionis ad negotium et causam status reduxissent, con- 
fugiendo ad regis Christianissimi patrocinium. . Cui legatus 
uerissimd et acutissime; respondit; Itane tandem tibi uidetur 
durum, et ex regis patrocinio uix per tres menses sacerdotibus istis 
concesso perturbatum et confusum religionis negocium, cum tu 
tuique per tot annos in tantis negotiorum. uarietatibus Regis 
HispaniaB nomine, auctoritate, et patrocinio estis usi, aut tibi 
gloriari licet in tot tuis literis, et scriptis de Kegis Hispanias 
protectione ; istis uero sacerdotibus Regis Christianissimi protectio 
vitio est uertenda : quo response bonus ille pater obmutuit ; 
idipsum responsi dederunt Ill mis Sancti officii Cardinalibus dicti 
sacerdotes cum de calumnia ista postulabantur. 

Accidit autem ut legatus Galliae, qui in Personium et suos hue 
usque solum tanquam ReginaB et status Angliae inimicos sese 
armauerat, (quern bis eo nomine semel ante adventum et iterum 
post aduentum sacerdotum a se reiecerat) suggerente I. C[ecilio] 
aliam eamque iustissimam haberet occasionem Personium exagi- 
taudi. Exhibuit enim D s . C. ecc mo legato totum paragraphum e 
libro Successionis ubi Regi et Corona? franciaB uideretur inimi- 
cissimus : quam nactus occasionem orator Regius sequenti 54.^ 1. 100. 
audientia Italic^ sanctissimo exhibuit ipsissima Personij uerba, 2 2 infra, p. 64. 
asserens se hue usque in causa sacerdotum Personio restitisse, at 
iam se, Regis sui nomine, Personium tanquam inimicum sui 


Reg's et habere et declarare ; Pontificis iudicio reliquit si 
religiosorum essent ista exercitia, Principum et regnorum titulos 
et regna diuidere, et lites excitare uix multis seculis restinguendas ; 
quod ipsum Thome Fitzharberto, causam Personij apud eum agenti, 
dixit liberrime, et non sine stomachi demonstratione. 

Nono Augnsti Pontificis nomine sacerdotes ad se uocat Ill mus 
Burghesius, illisque Sanctitatis suae nomine exhibuit declarationem 
sancti Officij Pontificisque ipsius manu correctam et annotatam, 
eandem etiam parti contrariae porrigit ; illico sacerdotes ad legatum 
confugiunt declarationemque demonstrant ; iubet legatus ut quae 
pro statu religionis in ijs uiderentur dura ipsi sacerdotes ex- 
ponerent, seipsum uero quae ad statum regni pertinerent cum 
sanctissimo tractaturum. 

Itum est eodem die ad Burghesium ; Dnus Oecilius caeterorum 
nomine presentibus singulis ita loquitur : Ill me , Vidimus S mi 
sanctique officij declarationem, et in ea vidimus singularem illam, 
quam de nobis et negotiis nostris curam habetis, et sollicitudinem 
agnoscimus, gratiasque habemus infinitas. Verum inter declara- 
tionis istius capita, sicut quaedam sunt iustissima, et causae 
sequitate uestraque pietate dignissima, sic quaedam sunt in praxi 
54, f. 106b. et executione difficillima, ueluti tali obedire superiori, cum quo tam 
capitales exercuimus inimicitias ; quaedam dura, ueluti recursus 
appellationum ad Hl mum Farnesium ; quaedam non satis explicata 
et perspicua, ut illud de libris et propositionibus temerarijs, 
quaedam factu impossibilia, ut congressus et colloquia eum here- 
ticis v. g. si nouero quenquam Cath. in Reginae caput conspirasse, 
in hoc casu teneor vitae mess consulere, et Oath, istum accusare. 

Quibus respondit Card., hgec mihi in scriptis afferetis, et ego 
Ill mis S li Officij Dominis legenda et consideranda proponam ; quae 
singula magis accurate et curiose inter- cetera exemplaria 
1 infra, p. 65. habentur. 1 

Die uero August! undecimo Ecc" 1 " 3 Galliae legatus cum 
Pontifice egit de ista S li officii declaratione, gratiasque egit 
quod tandem sacerdotes istos iustissimS a linguis et labijs dolosis 


liberasset, et pro innocentia et iustitia eorum determinasset, at 
multa sunt capita, quse aliquanto duriora et cum illo de quo toties 
egerunt pacifico rerum cursu pugnantia. Primum enim de persona 
Archipresbit. in pristina dignitate et auctoritate stabilienda infinita 
occurrunt incommoda, quod Principibus pene omnibus persuasum 
sit ilium in hunc iinem fuisse promotum ut Hispanorum inseruiret 
ambitioni, quod eo magis ex hac tarn pertinaci eius defens 6 in hac 
curia apparet et oppositione facta ab Hispanis ijsque fauentibus 
equissimis sacerdotum postulatis, magisque continuatio ista post 
tot obiecta et probata crimina suspectum reddet et negocium, quod 54, f. 107. 
ipsa prima institutio licet a Personio in hunc finem procurata fuisse 
constet, a neque posse pro omnibus aeque Catholicis, aut regem 
Christianissimum intercedere aut reginam quicquam concedere 
dum qui ceteris prgeest utrisque merito sit suspectua. 

De appellationibus ad protectorem deuoluendis, magis ista 
suspicionem augent, et propter sanguinis cum Hispano coniunc- 
tionem, et propter necessariam ab Hispano dependentiam ; preterea 
nullo modo uidetur expedire aut dictis Principibus posse hoc 
satisfacere, ut is eorum statuatur iudex et arbiter quorum opera 
aliquando uti poterit ad families aut parentum suorum titulos 
iuraque ad Regni sceptra promouenda. Heec legatus. 

Ad quas Pontifex respondit Farnesium esse creaturam suam : 
Archip. uero ad tempus esse in illo statu relictum donee maturius 
aliquid aliud statueretur, et interim ita esse limitatum et re- 
strictum ut nihil possit omnino in istos uel alios grauius exercere. 

Rogavit preterea legatus ut quampridem dimitteret istos sacer- 
dotes, quod se Pontifex facturum pollicetur. Dum in saucto officio 
de negocijs Anglise consilium capitur r cursitat cum suis P. Pers. 
idque sedulo agit, ne tarn public^ et tarn aperte reprehendatur 
Archipresb., nee lesuitee a rernm regimine amoueantur, ut P. 
Personius Archipresb. agens in Vrbe statuatur, ne prohibeantur 
Cath. rebus se politicis immiscere ; hoc ipsum P. Generalis, 
legatus Hispaniae, eorum deuoti omnes, omni conatu urgent. 
* Negocium . . . constet. Some clerical error here. 


54, f . I07b. Venit tandem desiderata dies, cum se sacerdotes uocatos intelli- 
gunt ad Pontificem 3. octobris hora pomeridiana 3 a . accepturi, 
ut existimarunt, breue et benedictionem Pontificis pro commeatu. 
Pergunt Igeti ad Palatium, ubi uident omnium in se comectos 
oculos, dicunt Janitoribus se a sua sanctitate uocatos esse; 
responsum est iam sibi omnia nota esse, iussique sunt parumper 
expectare, ubi notandum est Dnuni Cecilium paulo pridem 
aegrotasse : significatum uero sacerdotibus fuit ut ille si ullo modo 
lecto possit surgere una etiam adesset, ita enim iubere Sanc- 
tissimum ; dum ingressum expectant ad Sanctitatem suam sacer- 
dotes, ecce adest cum Dfio Parkero et Archero P. Personius, ad 
inuicem salutant, sedent unusquisque loco suo, silent, sacerdotes 
illico suspicari coeperunt quod res erat, P. Personium nimirum 
uelle, et illos et Pontificem, simulata pace in presentia Pontificis 
et cum auctoritate eiusdem facienda, et Sanctitati sua3 imponere et 
ipsos causam suam pessundare. Cogitant igitur serio apud se 
quid agant, quid Sanctitati suae respondeant, quomodo hoc tarn 
inaspectatum malum devitent ; orant preterea secret^ apud se ut 
permitteret Deus ne in presentiam Pontificis illo die admitterentur, 
cum ecce de repents Cardinales, qui episcoporum examini prassunt, 
adueniunt idque cateruatim. Adest una et Cardinalis Farnesius 
Protector noster, tanquam testis futurus reconciliationis nostra?. 

64, f. 108. Vrbs tota et tota Curia nihil aliud sonat quam Anglorum recon- 
ciliationi in Palatio ante Pontificem destinatum fuisse diem ilium ; 
tamen, ad portam accedens, Pater Personius responsum accepit 
illo die non posse Pontificem rebus suis vacare, discedit cum suis, 
ex quibus duos ad sacerdotes mittit, qui moneant frustra sacerdotes 
expectaturos, propter Pontificis negotia. Illi uero mirificS eius 
discessu recreati parumper expectant, donee commode ad magistrum 
Cameras et cubiculi pra3fectum accedens Dims Cecilius, dixit se 
adesse prout iussit Pontifex, et una rogare si illos iubeat expectare, 
qui frustra illos expectaturos respondens eos in diem commodiorem 
dimisit, abeunt illi rectd ad Asylum suum, et tanti periculi mouent 
legatum Gallic. 


Postridie quarto nimirum octobris orator Regius suam sancti- 
tatem adiens narrat quam sit astutus P. Personius, quantum 
simulata pace solet suis aduersariis officere, quales rumores 
spargere, qualia mendacia ; deinde monet Pontificem sacerdotes istos 
nullo modo posse cum Personio familiaritatem aut congressum 
aliquem habere, praeter illam qua) Christianis omnibus est com- 
munis charitatem, nisi uelint et patriam suam, et Principem, et 
Regis Christ mi Patrocinium renunciare ; rogat itaque Pontificem 
ut, si Catholicis in Anglia bene consultum uoluerit, desinat sacer- 
dotes istos ad fictam et auctoritate potius quam affectione animorum 
factam pacem compellere : se enim ilia ipsa hora, qua cum 
Personio, Regis sui inimico declarato, pacem tarn solemnem 
fecerint, illos deserturum. 

Respondit Pontifex se re uera hoc in animo habuisse, pacem 54,. f. I08b. 
inter presbyteros et Patrem Personium illo ipso die et loco con- 
clusisse, et[iam] antequam portas cubiculi sui essent egressi 
presente Cardinali Farnesio ad mutuos arnplexus et pacis oscula 
coegisse, verum non mihi in mentem uenit nee Personium adeo 
fuisse artificiosum, nee sacerdotibus tantum inde imminere mali ; 
vnde conclusit Sacerdotibus non futurum hac de causa vlterius 
molestum. Et sic laqueus contritus est regij oratoris opera et 
rationibus, et liberati sunt sacerdotes ab istis grauissimis difficulta- 
tibus. Eo enim res reducta est (riihil tale somniantibus sacerdoti- 
bus) P. Personii dolis et artificijs, ut sacerdotes aut Pontifici et 
Protectori in os resisterent, et pacem persuadentibus contradicerent, 
aut Reginam Anglias, quam satis sibi placatam reliquerant, offen- 
sionibus et suspitionibus nouis alienarent, Regisque Christianissimi 
patrocinio se suosque priuarent, cuius periculi imminentem pro- 
cellam Eccell mus Gallise legatus parua quasi corporis declinatione 

Vltimo uero septembris a sancti officii Cardinalibus data est 
sanct mo 2 a eorum declaratio, et a sanctitate sua uisa, lecta, et 
correcta est, et 1 octobris R mo D'no Vestrio Barbiano data est ut 
in Breuis formam redigeretur, cuius Breuis exemplar unum 


authenticum ad instantiam legati Galilee sacerdotibus, alter um 
Archipr. procuratoribus erat tradendurn, verum neutri parti ante 

54, f. 109. factas et sigillatas bullas eorum capita erant communicanda. 
Pater Personius uero tantum potuit Hispanorum potentia, ut 
praecipua capita totius declarations sibi communicari curaret : 
cumque iam die septimo octobris expedita, signata, et sigillata 
essent omnia iamiam sacerdotibus tradenda tantum effecerunt cum 
. . . . a ut minutam Breuis quae [ad prwfectum Brevium . . . .] a 
prius ad Vestrium mittitur quam Breue dimittitur, [ . . . apud 
Aldobrandinum Brevium prcefectum . . . .] a a die septimo usque 
ad 12. qui fuit dies ille quo' legatus Hispaniae suam habet cum 
Pontifice audientiam, nulla diligentia, nullis precibus, nulla auctori- 
tate dicti sacerdotes obtinere potuerint. Egerunt enim ipsi sacerdotes 
[. . . cum pio Aldobrandino] . . . a egit legatus Galliae utrisque 
sanctiss me promisit b se illico minutam esse mittendam b verum post 
datam legato Hispaniae audientiam ilMco relaxata sunt Breuia, et 
missa minuta. 

Vnde suspicio magna data est oratori Regio dictisque sacer- 
dotibus tergiuersationem istam tantam eo factam esse, ut articulum 
ilium prchibentem Catholicos rebus politicis se immiscere expunge- 
rent, quod cum inconsulto Pontifice ueriti sunt facere, eousque 
sunt usi procrastinatione ista donee Hispaniae legatus id a Sanct mo 
obtinuisset, quod eo uidetur uerisimilius [quod viri quidam magni 

64, f. 109b. fideque dignissimi] c de capifce hoc, et articulo in Breui contento 
certo certiorem fecerunt legatum Franciee. 

Verum mirandum est, et oratoris Galliaa iudicio ingenio et in 
rebus gerendis dexteritati tribuendum, quod contra tarn potentes 
exercitatos, astutos, et tot amicis munitos adversaries, et versutissi- 
mum ilium P. Personium tantum praeualuerint isti simplices, egeni, 
inexercitati sacerdotes. 

Erasures. b So altered by another hand. 

c This substitution, together with the preceding erasures on this page, is made 
by a subsequent hand with the remark at foot of folio 109 : " Jay ray6 les lignes cy 
dessus." In each case the name of Aldobrandinus or prcefectus Brevium is legible 
beneath the erasure. 


Aduersarios in hac causa habuerunt sacerdotes iu prime eorum 
aduentu rerum Hybernicarurn expectationem (vix enim post tres 
menses ex quo ad vrbem venerunt credi potuit Hispanos ex 
Hybernia fuisse eiectos), a Hispaniae legatum totamque factionem 
Hispanicam, lesuitas eorumque deuotos, par. nouas nuptias [?], et 
ex Anglia Belgia et Hispania literas omnium ordinum et locorum, 
hominum utriusque sexus, ad Pontificem. 

Praeter Regis Christianissmi protectionem, et Eccell mi Gallise 
Legati infinitam industriam et sagacitatem maximam, amicum 
habuerunt neminem, qui illis palam et libere astipulari sit ausus, 
tarn propter pretentiones (ut aiunt) quas in Curia Rom ana habent, 
tarn propter metum J. et H. b 

Restat vltima audientia cum Pontifice, et valedictio. c 

Die 16. mensis octobris eiusdem anni, idipsum primo sollicitante 
legato Gallise, admissi sunt ad pedes Pontificis dicti sacerdotes. D. 
Bluettus latine pauca dixit gratiasque egit petijtque reseruari 
unam benignam aurem suis fratribus si quid imposterum ad eum 
deferri contingeret. 

Ad quaD sanctissimus paucis etiam respondit placere sibi 
promptam illam obedientiae uocem ac fidem sine charitate niliil 
posse, imo nudam esse, docet. Ad pacem hortatur sacerdotes, et 
vina ostendit cupere se omnibus satisfacere, et Angliae prse ceteris 
subvenire, at Deus scit, inquit, quantis premor angustijs. Rex Verba ista 
Hispanige ex una parte. Rex franciae ex altera vrgent. Principes 
isti omnes quaerunt quae sua sunt, ita ut nesciam ubi inclinare 
caput, et sic sacerdotibus plurimas gratias spirituals indulgendo 
eos dimisit, rogans illos in discessu quid illis de Card. Burghesio 

* The Spanish army under Don Juan d' Aguilar capitulated at Kinsale on 
Jan. 2. They embarked for Spain Feb. 20, but it was not until after the siege and 
destruction of Dunboyn in June that expectation of further Spanish aid was 
abandoned by the Irish insurgents. 

b Jesuitarum et Hispanias ? 

c From this point to end of next page of this copy the text is smaller and cramped, 
as though added as an after-thought. It encroaches on f. 110, the first page of 
new matter beginning " Eesponsioj" &c, 


uidebatur ; responderunt placuisse illis admodum, et iterum bene- 
dictione accepta discesserunt. 


54, f. 110. 2. llesponsio ad ea quce obijciuntur de Familiaritate quorundam sacer- 
dotum cum Magistratu Hceretico in Anglia, et quod aliqua liber- 
tate ab ijs fuerint donati, et quod ab ijs viaticum acceperint. 

Accusati quidam ex nostris, et Londinura e carcere Vuisbecensi 
uocati, quod contra caput Reginge conspirassent, cum quodara qui 
ex Hispania a lesuita quodam Anglo se missum ad hoc a con- 
fitebatur, durissimoque et seuerissimo examini eo nomine subiecti, 
ita se de obiectis criminibus purgarunt, ut non solum se liberos, et 
omni huius accusationis suspitione uacuos esse ostenderunt, ueruin 
etiam et se et ex fratribus suis quamplurimos nihil unquam aut 
tentasse aut cogitasse contra statum Regni politicum aut Reginae 
54, f. llOb. salutem demonstrarunt ; protestatiquesunt a Summo Pontifice a quo 
missi erant sibi ser[io] et iiistanter interdictum fuisse ne rebus se 
politicis aliquando immiscerent, b quibus mota regina permisit, utex 
patribus alios liberarent e uiiiculis, alios adhuc liberos itineris 
comites haberent, Romamque pergerent, partim ad aliquas suas 
dirimendas controuersias, partim ut illi satisfieret an quse in Anglia 
contra Regni statum a quibusdam tractata auctoritate Pontificia 
fuissent facta necne : quod si hac illam suspitione Summus Pontifex 
liberaret, spem dedit certissimam de aliquo in fidei negocio liberiori 
progressu, et grauioris persecutionis relaxatione, neque preterea 
quicquam a nobis cum magistratu heretico unquam est actum, nisi 

* See note, vol. i. p. 122. Among other absurdities Squiers in his examination 
before the law officers in London (Gal. Dom. Eliz. Oct. 19, 1598), with unconscious 
irony makes Father Walpole say ' he would write to Dr. Bagshaw at Wisbeach 
Castle as he knew all the, courses of the Jesuits." The indignant Doctor found no 
difficulty in establishing his own innocence, but he does not seem to have suspected 
the possible innocence of Walpole. 

b I do not know of any such papal prohibition forbidding the missionaries to 
meddle with political affairs. The Jesuits, however, on their joining the mission in 
1580 received from the superiors of their order the strictest injunctions to that effect. 


quod in totius ecclesiae beneficium sine ullius iniuria aut preiudicio 
redundet. Si qui sint, qui secus factum existimant, producant in 
scriptis suspitionum et ratiomim suarum capita, quibus summa 
cum fide et siraplicitate libentissimS satisfaciemus. 

Tantum autem abest, ut a magistratu heretico uiaticum minimum 
aliquod subsidy pro hoc itinere conficiendo acceperimus, ut libros, 
supellectilem, omniaque nostra Ecclesiastica ornamenta uendere, 
sereque alieno nos obstringere simus coacti, ut tandem ad pedes 
Sanctitatis suae nos sisteremus ad controuersias istas penitus 
delendas et dirimendas, ut Catholici in Anglia interna saltern pace 
et concordia perfruantur. 

3. Responsio ad ea quce obijciuntur de var'ds nostro nomine Impressis 54, f. ill. 

In confesso,etliberrime profitemur duos libros a fratribus nostris 
esae editos, unum Sanctitati suse, a alterum Ill mis D'nis Inquisi- 
toribus dedicatum, b idque nostro turn consensu turn consilio in 
quibus nihil contra fidem aut bonos mores contineri sperarnus in 
quorum altero prsefixae sunt rationes, quibus adducti, seu potius 
coacti, ad prceliurn confugimus. De alijs uero libris, quos in nomine 
sacerdotum secularium nonnulli editos esse dicunt, et hereticas 
continere expositiones, absque omni nostro consensu et notitia 
impresses et publicatos esse sanctissiniS protestamur, et si qui 
huiusmodi extant libri, aut omnino conficti sunt, et sub falsis 

* Declaratio motuum ac turbationum qua ex controversies inter Jesuitas, Usque 
in omnibus faventem D. Gcorgium Blaclcwellum Archipresbyterum et Sacerdotes 
Seminariorum in Anglia, ab obitu ill mi Card. Alani pica memories, ad annum 
usque 1601. Ad S. D. N. Clementem octavum exUibita etc. By J. Mush. 

b Relatio compendiosa turbarum quas Jesziitce Angli una cum D. Georgia 
Blacktuello . . . concivere . . . sacrosanctce inquisitionis officio exhibita, etc. By 
Dr. Bagshaw. 

c The books in question were mainly from the pen of William Watson. They 
were published after the departure of the appellants to Borne, and when known 
were repudiated by the more moderate men of their party. Even Bagshaw, the 
author of the True Relation, expresses his disapproval of Watson's tone. 


norninibus editi ad maiorem inuidiam et odium in sacerdotes ex- 
citandum, conflandum, aut ab aliquo uno inscijs fratribus sunt 

64, f. lllb. 4. Responsio ad illud quod obijcitur de Paucitate eorum qui ex parte 
nostra slant in negocijs cum Sanctissimo tradandis. 

Quod ad numerum attinet. Cum causa nostra ab illo ludice sit 
audienda qui rei sequitatem, et rationum grauitatem, magis quam 
multitudinem personarum respicit, parum refert de numero, modo 
justum et aequum sit quod proponimus et postulamus, deinde mirum 
uidetur, quomodo qui paucitatem obijciunt, negotium quod cum 
sanctissimo sumus tractaturi nescientes sciretamen possintquot sint 
a nostris partibus, quot contra nos. Denique si totum hoc negotiurn 
multitudine suffragiorum putat Sua Sanctitas dirimendum ; liberet 
omnes in Anglia sacerdotes, qui non sint uel actu uel uoto Jesuitee, 
ab omni oppressionis, infamise, iniuriseque metu, et unicuique 
auctoritate sua imperet ut sufFragium suum ex conscientiae 
dictamine libere proferat et turn demum si pauciores fuerimus 
causa cademus. 

54, f. 112. 5. Del Libro toccante alia Successione alia Corona d' Inghilterra, fatto 
per il Patre Personio Anno Domini 94, dedicato all' lll mo Conte 
(K Essex del Consiglio Secreto delta Maestd della Regina d' Inghil- 
terra di quel libro fol. 150 sono queste parole, nel 

preiudicio della Corona de Franda* 

This then being so clear as it is, first, that according to the 
common course of Succession in England and other countries, and 
according to the course of all Common Law, the Infanta of Spain 
should inherit the whole kingdom of France, and all other States 
thereunto belonging, she being the daughter and heir of King 

' A Conference about the next Succession to the Crowne of Ingland . . .' Pub- 
lished by R. Doleman, 1594. I have here substituted for the extract in Italian the 
passage in the original, taken from Part ii. p. 117 of the reprint of 1681. 


Henry ii of France, whose issue-male of the direct line is wholly 
extinct ; but yet for that the French do pretend their Law Salique 
to exclude women (which we English have ever denied to be good 
until now) hereby cometh it to pass that the king of Navarr pre- 
tendeth to enter, and to be preferred before the said Infanta, or her 
sister's children, though male, by a collateral line. But yet her 
favourers say, (I mean those of the Infanta) that from the Dukedoms 
of Britany, Aquitain, and the like, that came to the Crown of 
France by women and are inheritable by women, she cannot be in 
right debarred ; as neither from any Succession or Pretence to 
England, if (either by the Bloud-Royal of France, Britany, 
Aquitain, or of England itself) it may be proved that she hath any 
interest thereunto, as her favourites do affirm that she hath, by 
these reasons following. Finis. 

[Note in another hand.~\ Premier cahier du discours de 
ce qui cest passe en 1'affaire des prestres anglois 
faict a Rome le 4 e nouebre 1602. 

6. Memorial to the Pope regarding the Sentence of the Inquisition, 

August 12.* 
Beatissime Pater 54, f. 113 

Licet ijs omnibus, quas a Sanct te V'ra t Ills mis S^ Officij Car- 
dinalibus in causa nostra declarata et terminata sunt, obedire 
simus paratissimi, captiuantes sensum et intellectum nostrum in 
obsequium potestatis et auctoritatis uestrse : tamen cum quse ad 
pacis perpetuitatem sunt, quaerimus, fratrumque nostrorum pro 
hoc tempore ora et oculi sumus, tenemur in conscientia, tanquam 
fideicommissi, antequam ultima manus negocio nostro imponatur, 
Sanc tis V'rge consideration! proponere dubia quasdam et difficultates, 
quae in quibusdam dictse declarationis capitibus nobis occurrunt. 

P mo Itaque quod ad Archipresbiteri personam attinet, videtur 
ualde difficile et improbabile, ut ijs sacerdotibus, quibus cum 

" There is no heading to this document in the original. 


tarn grauibus tarn leuibus de causis exercuit et adhuc exercet 
inimicitias, prgesit pacifice ; cum sit vir, (ut satis apparet) prseter 
csetera ad iram et uindictam praeceps, cum sit Judex sine iuris- 
prudentia, et it& a nostris alienus, ut ne ad conspectum eius eos 
admittere dignetur; et cum seipsum nesciat regere, quin alieno 
consilio ad multa se nobisque indigna facillime itnpellatur, 
difficillimum erit alijs diu cum serenitate et tranquillitate, a 
Sanc te V'ra desiderata, imperet, prsecipue cum sit multum veri- 
simile ilium esse voto seu resignatione Jesuitam. a Preterea autem 
cum constet omnes 12. Consiliarios, vel Assistentes Archipresby- 
teri, consilio ac nutu Patris Personij electos fuisse, et ipsorum 
nonnullos Societati Jesuitarum sese pariter astrinxisse, alios autem 
utpote venationibus, aucupijs et similibus ineptijs continud occu- 
64, f. H3b. patos, cum magno uixisse et uiuere scandalo, omnes demum 
appellantibus inimicissimos esse, et ipso Archipresbitero ineptiores 
ad gubernandum Ecclesiam, asperum uidetur tantoruru Sacerdotum 
colla huiusmodi aduersantium superiorum uoluntatibus premenda 
subijcere. Petimus itaque ut Archipresbiter omnino amoueatur, 
aut saltern alij Archipresbiteri in aliis Prouinciis equali authori- 
tate instituantur, secundum illam quam in considerationibus nostris 
exhibuimus regiminis formam. Quibus consideratis si nihilominus 
Sanc tas V'ra nihil de regiminis forma, nihil de persona Archipres- 
biteri mutandum decreuerit, certum est [nos] obedire, eamque 
obedieutiam alijs omnibus nostris fratribus precipere et predicare. 

Veruratamen si Sane 11 Was placuerit perpetuitatem huiusce 
magistratus ad unius anni aut biennij terminum restringere, mag- 
num erit afflictis fratribus nostris sub tarn duro domino solatium. 
Quod si par am uidebitur ista nostra postulatio opportuna, saltern 
inter Assistentes, et Consiliarios suos, depositis ineptioribus et 
Societati astrictis, aliqui ex nostris admittantur, quorum consilijs, 
et consensu in rebus agendis uti teneatur, et familiariter con- 
grediatur, ut pristina omnium auersio hac mutua animorum 
coniunctione et consiliorum communione amoueatur. 
a This appears to be a groundless suspicion. 


Dignetur etiaui Sanc tas V'ra cum Archipresbitero et Assisten- 
tibus qui uotum societatis emisemnt dispensare, aut ad ingressum 
Religionis coarctare, aut demum loco et officio regendis sacerdoti- 
bus saecularibus amouere. 

Quod ad communicationem cum Patribus Societatis attinet, 
petimus, ut hoc* tarn ipsis Jesuitis quam Archipbro sub aliqua 
Censura Ecclesiastica iniungatur cuius absolutio Sanctissimo et 54, f. 114. 
successoribus reseruetur. 

De Eleemosynis. 

Quod ad eleemosynarum caput attinet, in quo omnium fer& Sacer- 
dotum, et Catholicorum egentium (quorum infinitus est numerus) 
salus et uita sua est, uidentur fratres nostri qui in carceribus, 
premente inopia, mente exciderunt, et qui extrema sunt passi, tarn 
in uinculis quam qui liberius in uinea D'ni laborant (idque non 
solum sciente et consentiente sed et praecipiente Archipresbitero) 
perperam admonitione ista leuari. 

Ad Patres autem Societatis cum maxima eleemosynarum moles, 
turn ipsorum hac in re exquisita diligentia turn quorumdam 
collectorum laycorum beneplacito, deuoluatur, quae de ratione ab 
ijs exigenda proposuimus uidentur ampliori consideratione digna. 

De Appellationibus. 

De appellationibus ad Vrbem et ad Hl mum Protectorem difficul- 
tates oriuntur ex parte sacerdotum aliquBB quibus satisfieri uix 
poterit, paupertas nimirum et impossibilitas sine uitae periculo 
Regnum egrediendi, ut appellationes factas prosequantur. Ex 
parte Ill mi Protectoris, in huiusmodi causis et controuersijs inexer- 
citatio, et rerum nostrarum imperitia ; licet enim Princeps sit 
nobilissimus, suauissimus et omni uirtutum genere ornatissimus, 
tamen appellationes istiusmodi (si modo in Regno ad neminem 
concedatur recursus sed immediate ad Vrbem sit recurrendum) 54, f. H4b. 
That is, the order prohibiting such communication. 

r 2 


recursus ad Ill mos aliquos Cardinales, qui in causis nostris magis 
sunt uersati, saltern ad tempus donee ista penitus sit sedata tem- 
pestas, desideratur. 

Quod ad libros attinet, omnes libros qui aliquid contra ordinem 
aut institutum societatis continent, aut contra aliquam priuatam 6 
Societate personara, quod probare non possimus, et una heresim 
aliquo modo sapiunt : aut contra bonos mores uel sillabam unam 
habeant, Rothomagi, uel in Anglia, uel ubicunque impresses 
improbamus et damnamus, et improbari et damnari cupimus. 
Nominatim autem libellum quendam supplicem ad Reginam 
Anglise a Jesuitis conscriptum et promulgatum sine loco aut 
authore, continentem propositiones aequ6 scandalosas atque suspec- 
tas atque sunt illae Watsoni, quern nunc accepimus et S mo exhibui- 
mus, condemnari cupimus, diem tamen, mensem, et annum exprimi 
petimus, ut distinguantur ab illis alij libri in eodem loco impress! 
qui ab Ills mis DD. non improbantur. 

Cum utrique parti iniungatur silentium et cessatio a librorum 
editione, communicatione, retentione et euulgatione, cumque 
aliqui e societate Patres primi et prascipui fuerunt in huiusmodi 
libris, literis, et scriptis edendis et promulgandis, ipsi uero (quod in 
superiori Bulla nominatim non includebantur) nihil ad se spectare 
istum articulum asseuerarunt, ideoque liberrime istiusmodi libros et 
scripta post promulgatam Bullam emiserunt cum perturbatione et 
scandalo Catholicorum omnium Anglorum, dignetur S. Sanc tas ita 
aliquo modo clausulam istaim explicare. ut omnes tarn Relig 903 
54, f. 115. quam lay cos et sacerdotes contineat, et una omne genus librorum, 
literarum, tractatuum quibus uiri alicuius Catholici fama iniuste 
uiolari poterit imposterum aut prius uiolata fuerat, quibus excitari 
ueteres uel concitari nouse potuerint controuersiae. 

Postremo, ut Catholici omnes omni liberentur scrupulo de 
retroactis confessionibus, dignetur S. Sanc tas in cautelam declarare, 
omnes confessiones factas sacerdotibus appellantibus esse et fuisse 
ualidas, non obstantibus quibuscunque sententijs, censuris, aut 
suspensionibus ab Arehipresbitero aut . . , Card, Caietano pro 


rebus ad hanc controuersiam spectantibus illatis ; et quod ad 
facultates attinet, ut declarentur omnes esse in statu in quo ante 
inceptam hanc controuersiam fuerunt ; in declaratione facultatum 
Archipresbiteri petimus explicari dubium illud de facultatibus 
tollendis, ne possit ab innocentibus pro arbitrio facultates auferre, 
et ne possit contra appellantes, qui per se uel per alios ad Vrbem 
uenerunt procedere (cum sit omnium excepto Vuatsono eadem ratio) 
nisi prius Roma a Sancts mo uel eius iussu ab Ill mo Protectore 
responsum habuerit. Insuper ut omnis uerborum ambiguitas 
tollatur in breuibus conficiendis ad lites futuras et contentiones 
preeueniendas, Petimus etiam (ne insontes ex alieno delicto damnum 
patiantur) ut D'nus Guglielmus Vuatsonus (si ipse quid mali 
scripserit) Romam vel ad Nuncium Apostolicum in Gallia citetur, 
librorum suorum rationem ut reddat, et ut se purget aut poenas de- 
bitas sustineat. 

Ex literis Archipresbiteri datis nono maij facile iudicabit 54, f. 115b. 
Sanct tas V'ra quantas ille de facultatibus tollendis et libris 
imprimendis excitauit tragosdias, etiam post ultimi Breuis 
Apostolici promulgationem r et quod nullam cum homine tarn 
uiolente et imprudente sperare possumus pacem r nisi aut ipse 
penitus amoueatur, aut de facultatibus, libris, eleemosynis, con- 
siliarijsque suis statuatur aliquid conforme postulatis et petitionibus 
nostris ; magis caecam et promptam obedientiam exigunt a sacerdo- 
tibus secularibus Jesuitse in Anglia cum Archipresbitero, quam in 
ullo, uel strictissimo religiosorum ordine exigitur, cum ipsi tamen 
Sanct u V'rae et superioribus suis obedientiam eo usque exhibent 
quoad talis subinissio in rem suam cedat ; quod in Sanct tis V'ra3 
hoc ult Breui et in Nuncij Apostolici qui in Belgio uersatur 
mandate uidere licet de facultatibus non tollendis et libris non 

Dignetur etiam Sanct ta8 V'ra quamprimum de istis difficultatibus 
statuere ; ut tarn leto nuncio quiescant omnes in partibus nostris 
tumultus, et ne sit fuga nostra in hieme, cum partim sumus senio 
confecti, partim ualetudine admodum infirma. 


54, f. 116. 7. Quomodo media ilia quce hactenus per arma tentata sunt ad redu- 
cendam ad fidem Angliam plus Catholicis nocuerunt, quam pro- 

Eruditissimum et grauissimum virum Doctorem Saunderum in 
Hiberniam misit Rex Catholicus* cum 100 Hispanis, promissis 
amplioribus militum et pecuniarum subsidy's, at deceptus perijt 
cum milite Saunderus, et Magistratus irritatus cepit domi in 
Catholicos sgeuire. 

Ante Sanderum Comites Northumbriae et Westruerlandige arma 
pro fide Catholica restituenda sumpserunt regis Catholici promissis 
incitati, at delusi a Rege tarn sancto misere perierunt. 

In Scotia Comites Angusius, Huntleus, et Erolius a Regis 
Hispanige Nuncio iussi et animati certissima subsidiorum spe arma 
sumpserunt, sed falsi spe, et turpissime derelicti, post partam 
unam uictoriam et sanguinis effusionem fugere sunt coacti. 

In expeditione anni 88. nihil minus cogitauit Rex Catholicus 
quam de Religionis negotio componendo, nusquam enim adduci 
potuit ut cum Sixto V l et Card'li Alano aut tempus profectionis 
aut conditiones administrandse rei post partam uictoriam com- 
municaret. Vnde Catholicis magna parta est ex ilia expeditione 
inuidia, multi occisi, leges capitales factae, cum tamen nihil minus 
in illo negotio quam Catholicis benefacere cogitauit Rex, si uera 
sunt quae de intentione sua narrantur, quae adhuc, ut opinor, a 
Catholicis Anglis nescitur. 

54, f. H6b. In expeditione anni 96. licet cum P. Personio et Creswello com- 
municata fuerunt omnia, et sacerdotes et Jesuitas Angli ab ijs in 
ilia protectione missi, tamen ade6 uel intempestiue, uel inconsultd, 
uel temer6 rem gesserunt, ut hasc etiam molimina Catholicis domi 
capitalia haberentur. 

Anno 97 P. etiam Cresuello et Tancredo consulentibus facta est 

This is not quite accurate. The pope, Gregory XIII., not the king of Spain, in 
1579 sent Sanders as his agent into Ireland, with Fitzmaurice, who was nominated 
General with a commission to raise troops in the pope's name. Philip secretly 
aided the enterprise, and subsequently sent reinforcements. See Calendar of 
Spanish Papers (Eliz. vol. ii. p. 1G6). 


alia expeditio maritima, missis una sacerdotibus et Jesuitis 
Anglis, sed tarn teiiuiter, tarn imprudenter, et ut uerendum est 
intentione non ita syncera, ut praetor odium et uexationem Catholicis 
nihil praeterea Ecclesise commodi attulerunt isti conatus. 

In Hy hernia Anno 1601 pari fortuna et inconsideratione res gesta 
est, falsis enim relationibus et informationibus decepti pij 
principes, zelo moti, dum Catholicis cupiunt consulere, in Catho- 
licorum perniciem persequutorem animant, et haec omnia duorum 
uel trium Jesuitarum impulsu. a 

8. Multa sunt quce intentiones Regis Hispanice de iuuandis Catholicis 
suspectas reddunt non Catholicis solum Anglis sed Principibus 
alijs Catholicis. 

P mo in Gallijs omnes illi praetextus de Religione Catholica tuenda 
hue redierunt, nimirum, ut Galli Infantam pro Regina sua re- 
ciperent nuptam Principi alicui gallo, ita tamen ut ius Regni 
penes illam maneret, quod ipsum in Anglia uerentur. 

2. Pater Critonius Scotus Jesuita in Apologia quam scripsit, 54, f. 117. 
aut scribi jussit, et presentari et exhiberi curauit principibus pro 
Rege Scotise, his utitur uerbis de libro suceessionis P. Personij 
sermonem faciens : Etenim probe nouit Catolicus [?] b libellum ilium 

" The reference here is perhaps chiefly to Father James Archer, chaplain of the 
Spanish forces, and his assistant, " Father Dominic " Collins (or O'Callan). Father 
Dominic appears to have been a temporal coadjutor. He had served as a soldier 
or captain for many years in the French and Spanish armies, and after the 
capitulation of the Spaniards at Kinsale this "illadvised lay brother" (as he was 
called by his brother Jesuit in Ireland, Father Field), " full of ancient military 
ardour, remained behind and repaired to a castle [Dunboyn]," where after a siege 
of many months he was taken, and afterwards hanged. (Oliver's Collections, 240, 
244.) About that time or in Feb. 1603, there were five Jesuit missionaries in Ireland, 
of whom Father Field was the Superior. 

b " Catolicus." So it appears to be written, though it may be, even so, a copyist's 
error for " Cecilius." The quotation, as it stands, appears somewhat disingenuous. 
For Father Creighton's Apologie, which I printed in " Documents illustrating 
Catholic Policy " (Miscellany : Scottish History Society, 1893), was directed against 
Dr. Cecil himself : and the Jesuit, who certainly disapproved of Parsons' treatise, 


tune maxime conceptum Anglorum auimis ingenerasse Regem 
Catholicum desiderare magis Anglorum Regnum, quam Anglorum 

3. quod Catholicos o nines Anglos Belgia eijci curauit, ne Reginse 
Angliae animum offenderet aut inimicam redderet. 

4 quod dum uiueret Regina Scotorum ad quam tanquam 
Catholicam ius Regni Angliae, mortua quae nunc rerum potitur, 
deuolui necessS erat, nunquam adduci potuit Rex Catholicus ut 
uel pedem moueret in Reginse illius aut Religionis Catholicas 
beneficium ; ilia uerd capite mulctata exercitum ilium stupendum 
anni 88. coegit et in Angliam direxit. 

5 In pace ilia quse inter Gallum et Hispanum apud Veruin 
conclusa est, ubi de Regina admittenda etiam agebatur, nullibi de 

here accuses Cecil of having dishonestly defended it. Cecil had, in fact, drawn up 
a Memorial for the King of Spain in 1596, to show that King James was always a 
bitter enemy of Catholics, and that any recent pretensions of his to the contrary 
were dictated by a fear of the influence of the Book of Succession. " The King of 
Scotland," wrote Cecil, " hath come to know that this book hath made a great 
impression on all sorts of people," etc. Creighton remarked bitterly, " This honest 
man M. C. in the end of his discourse doth much commend Mr. Doleman his 
booke of the succession to the crowne of England, saying that it hath made such 
impression in the hearts of all sorts of men that the K. of Scotland thereby hath 
been moved to seeke to the Pope for his conversion, and the K. of Spayne for a 
league to assure his partie in tyme : but here M. C. cunningly. . . as he hath 
begonne and proceaded continually w th malitious lyes so he doth end, for he [Cecil] 
knoweth well that Mr. Doleman's booke hath made an impression in the hearts of 
Englishmen that the K. of Spayne doth more affect the kingdome of England then 
the conversion of the people to the Catholiqfaith, as they beleeved before." 

Dr. Cecil's former intrigues with the Spanish party were probably as insincere 
as they were mercenary, and his later alliance with the Appellants appears to have 
been the result of a genuine conversion. His conversion, however, was very recent. 
Nov. 26, 1601, not three months before Cecil's arrival in Borne on his present 
mission, Cardinal d'Ossat wrote to Villeroi warning him against certain Scots and 
English then in France who were acting as spies on behalf of Spain, and naming 
among others Bobert Bruce, " fort mauvais homme," and an English priest John 
Cecil " nomme le Docteur Cecill, comme il est aussi Docteur pass6 a Cahors, age 
de quarante ans, duquel on scaura nouvelles au College des Mignons. II a ete en 
Espagne & fait le mal-content des Espagnols, & neanmoins ecrit a Borne au Pere 
Personius, Jesuite, Anglois de nation & Espagnol de devotion." Lettre ccc. 
(Vol. 5, p. 58.) 


Catholicis facta est mentio. In pace etiarn quae nuper Bolonia in 
Gallijs tractata est, nulla aut mentio aut ratio Catholicorum est 
habita ; ita ut ex hereticis quidam. uir Senatorius solebat dicere 
plus debere Pontificem Rornanum et Catholicos comiti Tironio 
Hiberno quam Regi Hispaniae ; ipse enim primo loco posuit con- 
ditiones pro Religione stabilienda, neque aliter se ullo modo uelle 
conuenire professus. Rex autem Hispaniae nihil minus quam de 
Religione cogitauit in illis suis cum hereticis congressibus. 

6 Quod autem in Collegijs et seminary s alendis et fouendis 
confert beneficij, si propter Deum hoc fit et pietatis et religionis 54, f. H7b. 
intuitu, accipiet mercedem, et nullo modo se patietur a tarn sancto 
opere diuerti ; sin horum qui aluntur opera et apud suos gratia et 
fide ad Regni illius principatum uiam inunire parat, spes haec ubi 
euanuerit etiam charitas itla excidet. Hanc Regis Catholici inten- 
tionem de regno Angliae uel sibi uel suis hac largitate in seminaries 
acquirendo suspectam etiam reddunt subscriptiones quas ab alumnis 
P. Personius exegit in hunc finem, et liber ille successionis ab illo 

9. Exempla qucedam 8. S fi notissima quibus mouealur Jesuitis inter- 
dicere rerum politicarum curam eosque ex aulis et castris Princi- 
pum euocure. 

Jesuitae quidam Sebastianum Lusitanise Regem praecipitem in 
expeditionem illam Barbaricam egerunt ubi miser6 perijt. 

8 The motive of Philip II. in supporting the English colleges within his dominions 
at Douai, St. Omer, Valladolid, etc., forms the main subject of an important letter 
of Cardinal d'Ossat to Henri IV. dated Nov. 25, 1601. The cardinal maintains, 
but with too little discrimination, that the principal care of these establishments 
is to educate the pupils in the firm belief that the throne of England belonged by 
right of succession to Philip II. or his children ; and he continues : " Et apres que 
les jeunes gentilhommes Anglois ont ainsi fait le eours de leurs etudes, ceux qui 
sont reconnus pour mieux espagnolisez, & pour les plus courageux & plus fermes 
au Credo Espagnol, sont envoyez en Angleterre, pour y semer cette foi, & y 
gagner ceux qui n'ont boug6 du pais, & pour epier & donner avis aux Espagnols de ce 
qui se fait dans 1'Augleterre & de ce qui leur senible se pouvoir & devoir faire 
pour la faire tomber en la puissance d'Espagne ; & pour, si besoin est, subir martyre 


P. Odo Piginettus a [Pigenat] et Cumblottus [Commolet ?] res 
unionis in Gallijs administrarunt, sed quam infelicit&r, exitus 

P. Carillius Transyluaniae Principem eiusque negotia direxit 
missus ab eo in Hispaniam et Romam Nuncius, sed euanuerunt 
eorum consilia uniuersa. 

P. Archerus, missus a Comite Tironio cum P. Personio, Romas 
iussus est conferre symbolum, remissus est una cum P. Mansonio 
54, f. 118. Nuncio, sed quo successu iudicet qui, etc. 

P. Critonius contra Regem suum priuata auctoritate egit in 
Hispania, mittit ad Catholicos Comites ut nomina sua cartae uacuaa 
apponant, ab ipso in Hispanijs implendae pro ratione temporum 
et negociorum ; mittuntur nomina ; capitur nuncius ; Comites laesaa 
maiestatis rei efficiuntur. Hos tamen nobiles postea idem Critonius 
mutata mente tanquam proditionis reos pro ijsdem quas exegerat 
subscriptionibus exagitat. b 

P. Gordonius a sua Sanc te pecunias Regis Scotiae nomine petijt, 
concessit pius Pontifex, redit bonus pater cum pecunijs recta ad 

aussibien ou mieux pour la dite Foi Espagnole, que pour la Religion Catholique." If 
this could be the deliberate belief of a churchman and statesman of d'Ossat's char- 
acter and sagacity, is it surprising that Elizabeth and her counsellors held the same 
belief and acted upon it ? 

Odo Pigenat, provincial of the Jesuits and member of the Council of the 
" Sixteen " who held their meetings commonly in the Jesuit college at Paris. 
Father Commolet was another prominent supporter of the League. For the 
opinions of the Appellants on these affairs, see the Preface " To all English 
Catholicks that are faithfull subjects to Queene Elizabeth our most dread 
Soueraigne " prefixed by " The Secular Priests " to their translation of the Jesuits 
Catechism, 1602. 

b See " The Spanish Blanks and Catholic Earls 1592-4 " in the Scottish 
Review, July 1893. Father Creighton's apparent change of front was the subject 
of Cecil's rare tract "A Discoverye of the errors committed and injuryes don to his 
MA. off Scotlande and Nobilitye off the same realm and John Cecyll pryest and D. 
of diuinitye by a malitious Mythologie titled an Apologie and compiled by William 
Criton Pryest and professed Jesuite, whose habit and behavioure whose cote and 
conditions are as sutable, as Esau his handes, and Jacob his voice," dated 
Montmartre, Aug. 10, 1599. 


Comitem Huntleum nepotem suum, mentitus Pontifici de Regis 
desiderio. a Vnde Catholicorum mira exorta est persequutio. 

P. Personius libros scripsit de successione ; in expeditione 
Ann. 88. 96. et 97. et 1601. multa fecit, scripsit, et plurimum 
elaborauit ; in Gallijs tempore unionis, author, impulsor, et con- 
suitor fuit ; ad Comitem Darbiensem misit ut de Regno capes- 
sendo cum illo ageret, sed frustra omnia. 

P. Holtus misit in Angliam Holsettum [? Hesketh] ad animum 
Comitis Darbiensis in eo ipso Regni negotio explorandum, sed 
capite plectitur nuncius, et post paucos dies comes ueneno 
perijt. b 

P. Cresuellus et Tancredus c in expeditionibus illis anni 96. 
97 et 1601 multa et magno cum zelo prouenerunt et per- 
fecerunt ; Sacerdotes et Jesuitas itineris comites miserunt, sed 
quam prospere quantoque ecclesise bono malim tacite apud me 
cogitare quam scriptis committere. 

P. Antonius Crispus etiam in Belgijs multa in se suscepit, 54, f. 118b. 
multa molitus est, sed exitu infelicissimo, ut omnia solent in 
hoc genere Jesuitae, iusto Dei judicio quod ea, quae ad pro- 
fessionem et uocationem suam nullo modo spectent, tarn abunde" 

a This is a common mistake. Father Gordon made no false pretences to the 
pope. His receipt to the papal treasury, signed by him Aug. 9, 1594, is printed in 
Bellesheim's History of the Cath. Ch. in Scotland (Hunter Blair's transl., iii. p. 449) 
and bears plainly on the face of it that the money was paid by Mgr. Gio. 
Sapiretti, the deputy paymaster of the Camera Apostolica in Scotland to the Earls 
of Huntly, Angus, and Errol to enlist soldiers in defence of good Catholic Scots 
against the heretics. 

b On the death of the fourth Earl of Derby, in 1592, Eichard Hesketh, a Catholic 
gentleman, was commissioned by Sir William Stanley and Father Holt to negotiate 
with the Earl's son and successor Lord Strange regarding the succession to the 
crown. Lord Derby delivered Hesketh to the Council and he was executed for high 
treason, Nov. 29, 1593. Gillow, Bibl. Diet. 

c Joseph Cresswell, sometime rector of the English College at Rome and sub- 
sequently superior of the English missionaries in Spain, died 1623. Charles 
Tancred was in 1592 minister at the Seminary of Seville. He died at Valladolid, 
July 1599 (Oliver). 


Vineentius Zelander, Coadiutor seu laicus Jesuitarum frater, 
quam infeliciter res Belgicas tractaverit quantumque se immis- 
cuerit V. S. cuius est vsus et abusus auctoritate optimS nouit. 

P. Cecilia[nus] a in Hispania quam serio ad exercitum et 
expeditionem illam Anglicam Anni 1596. promouendam labor- 
auerit cum collega suo Personio, et quam infauste non dicam, 
in fide exitus ipse loquitur. 

Ducem etiam de Grates ad quantas reduxerunt angustias 
Jesuitae, qui rebus politicis non solum in senatu suo interesse 
sed praeesse uoluerunt, testis est clades et defectio miseranda quibus 
ditiones eius affliguntur. 

P. Richardus Warpolus misit in AngHam Squierum ad reginam 
veneno aggrediendam, qud nihil Catholicis et sacerdotibus aut 
iniquius aut iniuriosius excogitari potuit. 

10. Memorial, setting forth on the part of the Jesuits the injustice and 
inconvenience of the conditions under which it was proposed that 
Queen Elizabeth should grant liberty of conscience to Catholics? 

Perd la uerita e che uedendo hora la Reina col suo molto 

dispiacere et dispetto, che i Catholici in processo di 40 anni di 

persecutione sono tanto accresciuti, che di pochi ch' erano al prin- 
cipio s' habbiano di gia fatto un corpo grossissimo et fortissimo, 
sotto un capo che e 1' Archiprete immediatamente subordinate a 
S. S u , et parendole che mentre staranno in piedi i seminary, et 
durera questa subordinatione accompagnata con I'industria et buon 
zelo de i padri della compagnia, accrescera ogni giorno piu questo 
corpo, et si manterra iui 1' auctorita di S. S ta la quale le pare 
incompatibile con la sua, et insieme hauendo questi sacerdoti, 6 
almeno alcuni di loro confederati, gia resa obedienza alia regina, et 
promesso di resistere etiamdio a sua Sang ta medessima quando 
sentasse qualch' cosa contra di lei, ancorche fosse per materia di 

a Father Ceciliano, appointed by Father Parsons to be first rector of the seminary 
of Valladolid, founded in 1589. 

b There is no heading to this document in the MS. 


Religione come appare nelli libri loro stampati ; si puo credere che 
accioche sua Sang u richiamasse i Padri et 1' Archiprete d' Inghil- 
terra, i quali non pud per altra uia cacciare 6 dominare, si contenta- 
rebbe che questi pochi sacerdoti restassino, et ancora permetterebbe 
loro alcuna moderatione dalle leggi penali, per il tempo pero che 
paresse a lei, et per quelli solamente che si obligassero di accettare 
et adempire alcune condition!, le quali facilmente se possino racco- 
gliere da un libro di Vassino [Watson] che & uno de i sacerdoti ap- 
pellanti, et compagno di questi, et scritto in Inglese, et publicato 
con suo proprio nome, nel quale mostra che qualsiuoglia Catholico 
douerebbe contentarsi di poter godere qualunque pace, per abietta et 
uile che fosse, per che la Regina venisse a mitigar le leggi penali. 54, f. H9b. 

Fra 1' altre conditioni queste si leggono. Pr a , che i Padri della 
Compagnia, et tutti quelli Catholici, cosi laici come sacerdoti, che 
stanno sotto 1' obedienza dell' Archiprete siano caceiati da Inghil a . 
2 a , che i Cattolici che hanno di rimanere debbono scoprire et 
accusare tutti gl' altri della parte contraria. 3% che non si mandino 
i figlii per imparare nei Seminarij et Collegij di Roma, Spagna, 
et Fiandra, affirmando che questo dourebbe esser aiutata con altre 
leggi, uie piu rigorose che mai 4 a , che nissuno parli 6 scriua 
cont a le leggi imposte d da imporsi dal parlamento contra la 
Religione et fede Catolica. 5 a , che non si oda parola 6 segno dal 
successore. 6 a , finalmente che tutti si oblighino con giuramento 
di difendere la Regina contra sua S ta in caso etiamdio concernente 
la Religione, al qual proposito sappiamo che gia in Inghilterra s' e 
tratto con 1' occasione che ne diedero i sacerdoti inquieti di pro- 
porre a tutti i Catt ci il prefato- giuramento con incredibile danno 
loro e della Chiesa, percioche se lo rifusano come tutti i buoni senza 
dubio faranno, saria senza dubio maggior la persecutione che mai: 
et se 1' accettano, si esclude a fatto 1' auctorita della Sede Apostolica 
da Inghil ra et in questa guisa la liberta di coscienza concessa, et 
accettata con tali conditioni sera piu preiudiciale alia chiesa di Dio 
che non e stato 6 potra giamai essere la persecutione della Reina, 
perche nella persecutione s' e sempre amplificata la Chiesa, et uie 


64, f 120. piu si amplificara, sanguis enim martyrum semen est Ecclesiae : Ma con 
tal liberta di conscienza presto verrebbe a finire et mancare a fatto. 
Quanto a concedere una liberta di conscienza, che sia utile et 
sicura per i Catholici, con annullare et reuocare le leggi fatte 
contra di loro sino al tempo presente, et permettere libero exercitio 
della Religione con le Chiese, et Vescoui per ordinare sacerdoti, et 
fare collegij in uece di seminarij, non pud la Religione Cattolica 
mantenere in Inghilterra, 6 da credere indubitamente che la Reina 
non sia per farlo mai per il periculo che giudica douere soprastare 
per questo alia sua Relig ne e stato come di sopra si e detto ; ma io 
credo che la Reina ancorche volesse non si possi giamai fare 
perch e tal liberta di conscienza non si puo dare, ne manco si ponno 
annullare le leggi gia fatte, ne rinouare altra cosa senza consenti- 
mento delli tre stati del Regno che cornmunemente si dice parla- 
mento, et e cosa certa che il clero heretico, il quale e uno delli tre 
stati, et i Puritani de i quali molti ancora sono ne i altri due, non 
lo consentiranno mai. Et questi come capricciosi, et impatienti, 6 
furiosi confonderanuo, et metteranno sotto sopra il tutto, anzi che 
permettera tal cosa. Onde sapendo tutto questo la Regina molto 
bene non e da credere 6 sperare che sia per tentarlo. 

Finalmente si ha da considerare che certezza si hauera che la 
Regina habbia da osseruare tutte le promesse fatte a nome di lei 
da questi sacerdoti, perche puo essere fraude in questo negocio non 
solamente dal canto della Reina, ma ancora da canto di questi 

54, f. I20b. sacerdoti, di cui questo pud essere inuentione, benche sia stato 
ancora conferito con essa lei per potere sotto pretesto di procurare 
liberta di conscienza a i Cattolici piu liberam te et con minore 
sospetto di malitia vomitare poi al veleno contra il P're Personio 
i P'ri della Compagnia, et 1' Arch, attribuendo loro la cagione di 
tutta la persecutione, parte per discolparsi della disobedienza et 
parte per indurre S. Sang ta a chiamarli d' Inghilt*. 

Di questo non ho debole coniettura per una lettera di Bluetto, il 
quale e il piu vecchio di questi che qui sono, scritta mentre che Ini 
stava ancora prigione in Inghilt* ad uno de suoi Compagui 


chiamato Musheo a , che parimente e uenuto con lui, nella quale lettera 
li significa come alia fine dopo molto trauaglio et spesa hauea 
ottenuto di parlare all Reina et suo consiglio, et che insieme 
hauea procurata licentia per se et per altri tre di vscire d' Inghil- 
terra, con spargere uoce di essere inandati in essilio per proseguire 
lor appellatione, difFerendo il dirl' le particolarita per quando si 
trouassero insieme, aggiunge dipoi sperare grandemente che la sua 
trama (tal nome le dava) non sarebbe stata giudicata da lui ni meno 
dall altri cattiua ne infruttuosa et perche questo, come altre cose 
accennate in questa lettera, si ossequi dipoi apuntino si pud 
presumere che quanto trattino hora questi sacerdoti a nome della 
Reina sia la trama di Bluetto laquale piacque alia Reina per il 
seruitio che riceuerebbe giustificandoli la persecutione contra a 54, f. 121. 
Catt u con publicare cosi in Roma come in Fiandra, Francia et Italia, 
che Giesuiti, et altri boni Cattolici, et 1' Archiprete trattano cose 
contro di lei con il Re di Spagna, il che questi sacerdoti hanno 
fatto, non solamente in uoce ma anco in scritti mandati fuora da 
loro 6 da Comp ni accattare gratia da gli heretici, con i quali libri, 
oltre il calumniare, come si e gia detto il loro Archip. il P. Personio 
et tutta la Compagnia di Giesu s . . . lano sfac ... ia ... rente 
in alcuni luoghi de Cardinale Alano et de Dottore Sandero et con 
poca riuerenza di tre Sommi P[ontefici Pio] V to , Gregorio 13, et 
Sixto V to , perche eglino scommunicarono la Regina nel che dicono 
manifesto heresie contro 1' auttorita della sede Apostolica, In summa, 
posuerunt in coelum os suum con detrahere all ? istessi martiri 
d' essere giustamente, et legitimamente condemnati et giustitiati 
come traditori, per non hauere uoluto confessare esser cosa licita 
resistere a Sua Sang 1 * in caso che uolesse deporre la Reina per 
titulo di heresia ; et se ben questi sacerdoti neghino hora hauere 
scritto tali libri, affirmando che gli heretici 1' hanno publicato sotto 
nome loro, con tutto cid si uedera manifestamente quando si uoglia 
che eglino 6 almeno alcuni delli appellanti lor confederati a nome 
de chi uenghino gli scrissero et publicarono a nome di tutti loro. 
Printed in Parson's Apologia, f. 108, and in Jesuits and Seculars, p. xcvi. 


Questa non e la priina uolta che gli huomini di questa fattione 
hanno conspirato al Consiglio della Reina per cacciare dell' Isola 

54, f. 121b. i Giesuiti, percioche, intorno all' Anno 1586, alcuni di loro lo 
trattorono con Vualsighamo, secr rio della Reina, et scrissero libri non 
solamente con' il P're Personio, et tutta la Compagnia, ma etiamdio 
contro il Cardinale Alano, et insieme contro 1' auttorita della sede 
Apostolica, come pur' ancora questi fanno ; perd il fine fu che il 
principale di loro fu scoperto per spia, et essendo fatto prigione in 
Parigi confessd il tutto, et in prigione poi pentito sene passo all' 
altra vita. 

Ne tanpoco e questa la prima volta che la Reina ha tentata de 
ingannare il sommo Pontefice con simiglianti prattiche, perche per 
alcun tempo trattonne Gregorio 13 di felice mem a in speranza 
della sua conversione alia sede Apostolica, et in quel mentre andaua 
souertendo alcuni di questa Corte con denari ; accioche persuadessero 
a Sua Sang li che abandonasse la protectione de Seminarij, et de Cato- 
lici luglesi, gia che ella non perseguitaua alcuno per la Religione, 
ma che solo castigaua li Catolici per le loro conspirationi contra di 
lei, et questo trattato duro dopo molte proposte et risposte, infin' a 
tanto che alcuni Catolici Inglesi in Parigi uennero a scoprire che 
la Reina haueua in termini di un anno rimessa in questa Citta 
20,000 scudi d' oro oltre altri 15,000 che il suo Agente Aldredo 
portd seco in tanti doppij de quattro in una uolta, come 1' istesso 
confesso a quello che scriue questo : Di tutto questo essendo 
auuisato il Pontefice subito se accorse del ciro et dell inganno. 
Concludo con dire che da quello di che fin' hora ho ragionato si 

54, f. 122. pud facilmente raceogliere qualsia il trattato presente di questi 
Sacerdoti, et quale e la risolut ne che si puo sperare della prudenza 
di S. Sant u , perche non potendo perragion di state dar la Reina tal 
liberta di conscienza, quale sarebbe a proposito et conueniente, et 
presumendoci, che questo trattato sia trama et tela, ordita de questi 
istessi sacerdoti, sara incaminata solamente a fini loro particolari 
con accordo et approbatione della Reina, per il ben et utile che da 
questo a lei ne potra succedere. 


Et finalmente douendo quello che dimandano riuscire piu dan- 
noso alia Cliiesa de Dio che non state d ha per essere 1' istessa 
persecutione si deue credere che non parera giusto a S. S u de 
concedere loro queste dimande, ne hauer' consideratione alle 
promesse et effetti loro et della Regina, aucorche mostrassino 
espressa commissione di lei, quanto meno poi se non n' hauessero ; 
e particolarmente poi cosa certa che non ricorrerebbe la Reina per 
aiuto a Sua Santita, contra 1'Arciprete et li Padri della Compagnia, 
se li potesse cacciare senza lui, o fare loro egual danno et alia 
chiesa per altro mezzo, la quale ragione potra mouere S. Santita a 
continuare le missioni de padri della Compagnia in Inghilterra, et 
confirmare con altri mezzi la subordinatione et auttorita dell' 
Arciprete, commandando in tanto a questi pochi inquieti sotto 
graui pene et censure ad obedirlo, et lasciare tutte queste prattiche 
con heretici. II che se si sara senza dubio che la maggior parte di 
loro si ridurra ad obedienza et unione, et solamente si perderanno 
quelli pochi che sono incurabili et filij perditionis (s6 pero uene 5 4, f. 122b. 
sara alcuno fra di loro), i quali essendo conosciuti et cacciati il 
corpo restara del tutto purgato et allegerito dell' humore peccante 
et cattiuo. Per il qual fin si pud credere che Iddio habbia per- 
messo questa diuisione, et che i Principali siano venuti a Roma 
in tempo che la verita potra essere del tutto conosciuta, et si potra 
irnporre fine et remedio intiero a gran scandali, et danni, che 
tutti nascono dal procedere loro, da libri che compongono i loro 
congiunti, et dalla intelligenzache certo hanno con li heretici. 

10. Discorso sopra la proposta che si hd da fare per quanto si dice, a 
8. 8ant ta da alcuni Sacerdoti Inglesi d nome della Regina 
d' Inghilterra, circa il dare Liberia di Conscienza d Catholici di 
quel Regno. 

Per conoscere se in questo negocio si precede sinceramente 6 con 
fraude tr6 cose si deuono considerare, p se per ragion di stato 
deue concedere la Regina a Catholici liberta di conscienza. 2 se 


sua Santita deue ammettere le dimande che faranno quest! sacerdoti. 
3 che sicurezza daranno per 1' adimpimento delle promesse che 
faranno a nome della Regina. 

Quanto al primo se bene paresse a molti che la Regina deue 
cercare di guadagnarsi et obligarsi i Catthol. del suo Regno con 
promettere loro liberta di conscienza, et in questo modo liberarsi da 
ogni timore, et pericolo del Regno, nondimeno e cosa certissima, 
che la Regina e consiglio hanno sempre hauuto, et di presente 
54, f. 123. hanno, diuersissimo parere, giudicando che per essersi ella dichiarata 
nemica della Chiesa, et della sede Apostolica (conciosia, che ella si 
6 fatta, per dir cosi, Antipapa con chiamarsi Capo della Chiesa) 
non potra giamai riputarsi sicura mentre nel suo Regno si riconosce 
1' auctorita della sede apostolica, percioche e cosa certa appresso 
loro che quanto piu multiplicaranno i Catholici tanto piu crescera 
il numero dei nemici loro, sa ancora la Regina che con dare la 
liberta di conscienza a Catholici, non se li pud tanto obligare 6 
seco congiungere, che uenghino a rimanere disobligati 6 disuniti da 
loro supremo pastore, per essere 1' obligo della conscienza il maggior 
che s' habbia, per questo rispetto sino dal Principio di suo Regno 
piglio per ispediente di tenerli sempre tanto bassi, et oppressi, che 
non si potesse temere di loro ni alcuna maniera conforme a i 
Principij da Macchiavello (il quale dall heretici e seguitato in 
tutto) che consiglia 1' istesso, in caso si trouino alcuni disgustati, et 
nemici del stato. 

Per questo hauendo uisto la Regina quanto sia cresciuto il 
numero de Catholici in Inghilterra, nella persecutione, et le grandi 
difficulta che si sono passate, facilmente hora si persuade, et con 
ragione, che con dar' liberta di conscienza habbia da crescere molto 
piu in pochissimo tempo con piu pericolo della sua falsa religione 
et stato. 

Per questa ragione si ha da stimare certissimamente che non 
porra mai i Cattolici in stato d' onde ne possi riceuere 6 temere 
danno, ma piu presto usera 1' istessi artificij che fin hora ha usata 
d' andare procurando di disunire i Cattolici, et diuiderli, et perse- 


guitarli, sotto pretesto et colore di materia di stato leuandoli mille 54, f. 123b. 
testimonij di tradimento, et conspirationi finte, ingannando fra 
tanto tutti i Principi Catolici con false demon strationi di quando in 
quando di inchinarsi alia religione Cattolica 6 almeno di permettere 
la liberta della conscienza a Cattolici spargendo infinite bugie per 
tutta Christianita con spie, et con libri stampati in uarie lingue, per 
giustificare il rigore et la crudelta usata contro i Cattolici. 

Et come la Regina et gli heretici maggiormente abhorriscono 
et odiano q e lli che con maggiore zelo attenda promouere la Relig ne 
Cattolica in Inghilt a (come unitamente gia fecero per molti anni il 
Cardinale Alano di felice memoria, et il P're Personio, et dopo la 
morte del Cardinale il Padre detto piu die altri : poiche non solo fu 
cagione che in Spagna et in Fiandra si facessero tre grandi semi- 
narij et due residenze per institufcione de giovani et sacerdoti 
Inglesi, ma ancora che si sedassero et quietassero i tumulti del 
seminario et Collegio Inglesi a Roma non senza dispiacere et 
rabbia delli heretici d' Inghilterra per cui opera erano nutrite tali 
discordie, et oltre cid pure in beneficio della Christianita Inglese 
ha mandate fuori parecchi libri et tuttauia manda pieni de molta 
doctrina, et eruditione, et edificatione Christiana, in essi mostrando 
chiaramente li errori, et discoprendo 1' inganni loro) percio dico 
la Regina et heretici non cessaranno di perseguitarlo acerbissima- 
mente con spargere per mezzo di loro spie infinite calumnie, et 
falsita, et hora a questo fine banno preso il piu apparente mezzo, et 
termine, et il piu a proposito che mai, quali sono questi sacerdoti, 54, f. 124. 
i quali per essere tali, et per hauer' patito per la ede Catt a , si 
pensa la Regina, che facilmente debbono essere creduti da tutti ; 
onde con questa lor uenuta a Roma quando bene non facessero altro 
effetto che di straccare Sua San ta , et empire questa Corte delle 
dicerie et querele, con far' ancora sapere questa discordia fra 
sacerdoti con molto scandalo de boni, et de altretanto populo, et 
piacere a gli heretici, et suscitare uarij rumori et risse contra a 
Cattolici in [universal e], ma in particolare contra il P're Personio, 
1' Archipr., et i PP. della compagnia in Inghilt a , a fine di dare 

G 2 


colore et apparente giustitia alia persecutions mossa iui contro a 
Cattolici, giudicara con tutto cio" la Regina, d' hauer' da loro in tal 
modo riceuuto importante seruitio. 

Oltre cio dal procedere della Regina in questo negocio si uede 
chiram 6 che ella non pretenda altrimente contentare inunire seco 
i Catolici, poiche fauorisce questi pochi sacerdoti (i quali non 
passano trenta) et perseguita tutti gli altri buoni Catolici che 
arriuano a molte migliaria, nel che dimostra, euidentemente, che 
non ha altro fine che de nutrire et fonaentare la diuisione com- 
minciata tra Cattolici, per poterli poi rouinare tutti, et special- 
mente quelli che non si uorranno conforraare con la sua uolonta. 

In confirmatione di questo si pud credere che se ella hauesse 
ueramente uoglia di trattare sinceramente qualche cosa con sua 
Santita hauerebbe eletto alcuni da i Principali Catt 11 et piu grati, 
54, f. I24b. et accetti a sua S* 4 et alia maggior parte de Cattolici, et non Sacer- 
doti inquieti, i quali per la loro inquietudine hanno giustamente 
meritato il sdegno de sua Sang u et cattiua opinione appo tutti gli 
altri Catt 11 di Inghilterra dai q a li (come confessano i compagni ne 
lor' libri) sono tenuti per seditiosi et inquieti. 

Hora quanto a quello che si ha da richiedere da sua santita in 
contra cambio della liberta di conscienza che si permette, si dice 
che chiederanno, che sia leuato, et annullato 1'Archipr., et si 
scacciano i Padri della compagnia d' Inghilterra, et tutti gli altri 
sacerdoti che uiuono sotto 1' obedienza dell' Arciprete ; et che stanno 
d' accordo et conforme per essere tutti questi (come dicono costoro) 
confederati col R6 di Spagna contra la Regina affine di darli il 
Regno, et consequente cagione de tutta la persecutione mossa contro 
i Cattolici. 

In queste due cose siano de considerare primament e quello che si 
chiede, 2 te la ragioue per cui si ehiede. Quanto alia prima parmi 
che sia simile alia dimanda dei lupi i quali come si fauoleggia pro- 
misero alii pastori di far pace con loro pur che cacciassero uia i 
cani che sruardano la naandra, percio che, che altro sarebbe scacciare 
i PP. d' Inghilterra, e 1' Archiprete, con i sacerdoti che 1' ohediscono 


che sono piu de 400, tutti boni, et zelantissimi del seruitio de Dio 

et della santa sede, et in loro uece mettere quest! pochi inquieti, et 

d' accordo col nemico, sino priuare le pouerelle pecore de proprij et 54, f. 125. 

cari pastori, et lasciarli alia inisericordia, anzi darli in preda a lupi 

rapacissimi, d'onde in breue ne succederia infallibilmente la total 

Kuina della Religione Cattolica ? 

Ma quanto a quello che tocca alia Religione per cui cio si 

dimanda, molto poco ne tengono questi sacerdoti si la proporranno, 

poiche conoscono bene eglino intrinsicamente la malitia, malignita, 

et artificij delli heretici in sapere calumniare i Cattolici, colorire, et 

coprirelapersecutione col pretesto, et manto della ragione del stato, 

per rendere i Catholici odiosi al popolo, et con questo oscurare et 

togliere la gloria debita a i martirij loro. Di questi ce ne sono 

moltissimi essempij nelli santissmri martiri ingiustamente condem- 

nati sotto colore di tradimento, et conspirationi uane, et finte, come 

il P're Campiano della compagnia di Giesu, et undeci sacerdoti con 

lui con molti altri dipoi, i quali morendo hanno protestato tutti 

la propria innocenza in questo particolare, et e cosa manifesta 

che tra tutti i Padri della Compagnia et sacerdoti de seminarij, 

che sono stati imprigionati, tormentati, 6 martirizati da che com- 

mincio la persecutione, non si ha trouato pur' uno in cui fosse 

attacco de tradimento 6 colore di materia di stato, ne meno 

nelli altri, eccetto in un solo per nome detto Balardo, sacerdote 

secolare del seminaio de Rhemis in Francia, in tempo della 

Regina di Scotia che sia in cielo. II quale fu impiegato nelle 

cose di lei per alcuni de i Principali di questa fattione nemica 

de Cardinale Alano de felice memoria, de P're Personio, et di 54) fl 125b ' 

tutta la Compagnia di maniera che fra loro, non si fu nissuna 

corrispondentia, communicatione, 6 intelligentia ; tutto questo 

sanno molfco bene questi sacerdoti, ma se ardiscono a negarlo (come 

hanno f'atto li compagni ne i loro libri) saranno conuinti d'auanti 

a chi sara disegnato da Sua Santita per q ta causa. 

Ma se la Regina pretende dar' liberta di conscienza, ne altro 
serue de padri, et del' Archiprete che de loro trattati, et prat- 


tiche consapute, non occorre che cerchi da sua Sang ta che li 
scacci d' Inghilterra, percio che hauendo i Cattolici libero esser- 
citio della religione loro con sicurezza sufficiente et ragioneuole, 
non si hauera piu di bisogno di seminarij in Spagna, ne di 
riceuere mercedi et fauori del R& Catt co perche cessaranno tutte 
le occasioni e fundamenti de sospetti et trattati con esso lui, et 
di patti, et con Archip., i quali somam 6 desiderano che i Cattolici 
ottenghino liberta di conscienza, et si obligheranno molto 
uolentieri, etiamdio con giuramento se sara di mistiere di servire 
alia Regina et obedtrla in temporale in ogni cosa, et insieme 
de fare quanto con buona conscienza et giustamente possino 
fare questi sacerdoti, et i loro coniunti in satisfattione della 
Regina, conforme pero a cid che sara determinate et ordinato 
da sua Santita. Onde non ueggo per qual cagione si senti che 
sendosi la liberta della conscienza nel regno, iui deuo partire, et 
gli altri restare, se perd non fosse, che quelli che hanno di rimanere 
si trouano di hauere promesso alia Regina piu de quello che 
con bona conscienza si puo fare. 

54, f. 126. 12. Ex Iris Anglice missis 3a lunij 1602 

Titulus noui libri contra presbiteros seculares.* 

Manifestatio simimge stultitiae, et spiritus maligni quorundam 
in Anglia qui uocant seipsos sacerdotes seculares, qui 
excudunt quotidfe infaraes et contumeliosos libros contra 
uiros dignissimos qui eandem cum illis profitenttir religi- 
onem, et ex quibus aliqui eorum superiores sunt legitimi 
ex quorum HbelKs uarii jampridem examinati et refutati 

Superiorum permissione 1602. 

a A manifestation of the great folly and bad spirit of certayne in England calling 
themselves Secular Priestes. Who set forth dayly most infamous and contumelioiis 
libels against worthy men of their own religion and divers of them their lawful 
Superiors, of which libels sundry are here examined and refuted. By priests lyving 
in obedience. Superiorum permissu 1G02. By Father Parsons. 


Quae summatim in libro continentur 
Haec sunt quse sequuntur. 

Praefatio Catholico lectori. 

Cap. l mo manifesta stultitia, et pessimi spiritus eorura qui tales 
libros composuerunt in electione argum*' talium librorum. 

Cap. 2 stultitia, et extrema passio declarata in modo tractan' 
tale argumentum. Cap. 4 stultitia, et praesumptio spiritus quod 54, f. I26b. 
tales sibi fecerunt aduersarios. Cap. 5 Stultitia, et spiritus in- 
honesti quod tarn manifestas falsitates, et contradictiones in 
aestimationis suas iacturara protulerunt. Cap. 6 Stultitia, et 
spiritus malignitas quod P. Personio quosdam obijciunt libros qui 
ilium inirifice honestant ab ipso prodierunt cum breui quadam 
confutatione cuiusdam inepti libelli facti contra librum successionis. 
Cap. 7 Turpis eorura et delusus spiritus quod sibi persuadeant id 
sibi honori fore, aut inde ipsi sibi honoris iacturam restitui posse 
qui ualde apud omne genus hominum (siue amici sunt siue inimici) 
diminuitur hoc modo procedendi clamoribus atque libellis. Cap. 8 
de alijs 5. libris aut potius absurdis et scandalosis libellis qui 
prodierunt, ex quo duobus primis fuerit responsum, et de alijs 
decem libris qui sub praelo esse dicuntur. Cap. 9 directiones 
quaedam datae Catholicis ad discernendam veritatem, et quomodo se 
gerant in tempore hoc contentionum cum examine plurimorum 
mendaciorum notissimorum et infamium W. W. in libro suo Quot- 

Liber iste in 4 to est, et continet 120 folia. 

Quinque alios libros misit in Angliam P. Personius in quibus 
praster Sacerdotes Appellantes alij 40 uiri Catholici partim Sacer- 
dotes partim nobiles conuitijs onerantur. 

D'nus Vuatsonus egerrime fert quod Romae a Doctore Cecilio, 54, f. 127 
D'no Musheo, D'no Charapneo ; Parisijs a Doctore Bagshauo et 
D'no Bosuuilo ; in Anglia a D'no Colingsono et alijs confratribus 
suis, non sine stomacho et indignatione, quidam qui illi a Jesuitis 
attribuuntur libri excipiuntur et nigro carbone notantur : cupit a 


Sanctissimo sibi dari in Gallijs iudicem cui satisfaciat, aut purga- 
tione aut penitentia. 

Archipresbiter decreta noua ueteribus addit, censuras indies 
fulminat, Bullam Pontificis iniquissime declarat ; in quo, et 
authoritatem suam excedit et Canones transgreditur : necesse est 
ista a Sanct mo declarari, An facultates suee ad haec tria se extendant ; 
ad decreta facienda, ad censuras alias quam quae in literis Insti- 
tutiuis nominantur infligendas, ad Bullas Suee Sanctitatis declar- 

12. De modo 2 :)roce dendi Sacerdotum qui Appellantes dicuntur : 
qucRdam a, Jesuita quodam scripta et in Anyliam missa, liomoe 
27 Apr. 1602 Stylo nouo* 

Neapoli et Hediolani magna militum collectio et belli apparatus 
sed quorsum nescitur, iterum tentanda dicitur Hibernia : Dux 
64, f. 127b. Ferise in Siciliam uti Prorex transfretauit ; in transitu P. Personium 
ad Ostiam Tiberinam ad se uocauit, qui dhuc ad nos non redijt. 
Sacerdotes Appellantes in turbulento suo negotio persistuiit, et 
plura sibi pollicentur quam in fine inuenient. Papa agit cum illis 
clementer et paterae ueritus, ne cum uasa sint fragillima, penitus 
frangantur si aliter cum illis ageretur ; importund egerunt, cum 
Papa, \\t interea [judicio] eius ab imputatioue Scismatis liberaren- 
tur sed semper ad Breue reijciuntur et illis imponitur silentium, 
sicut et alijs, quoad illam attinet controversiam ; libros posteriores 
negant, latinos duos solutn agnoscunt, et se vidisse confitentur, 
Spem pacis, b et Exemplar discursuum. c Propositiones, quge in ijs 
continentur pro hasreticis agnoscunt quod illos d'no Londinensi 

a The English original of this letter was forwarded by Phelippes to Sir E. Cecil 
on May 4 (Cal. S. P. Dom. Eliz. cclxxxiv.). Other letters, now in the Public Record 
Office, came from the same source, perhaps designedly, into the hands of the 
government. Compare Foley's Records, vol. i. (Letters of Father Elvers, etc.), and 
Jesuits and Seculars, p. cvii seq. 

b The Hope of Peace, by John Bennet. 

c Copies of certaine Discourses, by Champney, Mush, Bishop and Bennet. 


gratos faciet. Si ullo modo Canonic^ probari potuerit illos illis 
libris fuisse consentientes, proculdubio seueram sentirent senten- 
tiam, sicut euenire est uerisimile illi qui libros illos composuerit 
quicunque fuerit. 

Rex Franciae, et aliqui Prelati et personge principales eius Regni 
ad Papam scripserunt literas pro ijs commendatitias. 

D'nus de Betun, Regis Franciae in urbe orator, eorum partes 
mirifice tuetur, quod in causa est cur benignius et humanius a 
Papa et Cardinalibus tractantur ; dicunt semper V Vatsonum dignum 
esse qui publice per plateas uirgis caedatur. Vnus ex Appellan- 
tibus cum illi a Burghesio Watsoni libri ostenderentur dixit, 54, f. 128. 
Inter 12. Apostolos vntis fuit Judas; praetendunt multa, Archi- 
presbiterum nimirum deponi, et 3. episcopos constitui qui Ecclesiam 
Anglias regant. Alias ut 6. Archipresbiteri instituantvr, et horum 
singuli singulos constituant assistentes, et ut 2. sint sindici, 
qui omnibus praesint, hi autem ut suffrages eligantur et sint 
annui. Alia huiusmodi multa commenta habent quae uiris sapien- 
tibus non possimt non esse ridicula, prasterea propositiones eorum 
procuratoribus Achipr. sunt traditae ut uideant et respondeant. 

Vitro Appellantes dicti Hbentissim6 de unione aliqua et fraterna 
Compositione audiunt, seque id desiderare significant. Papa ab 
hoc etiam modo procedendi non abhorret, ut preterea nihil sit 
actum adhuc. 

Ex libris 39 propositiones erroneae in fide producebantur, alia) 
scandalos83 cum forma quadam. Hodie Dnus Musheus conuenit 
procuratores Archipresbiteri in domo Cardinalis Burghesij, et illis 
significauit se valde cupere ut res ad Arbitros remitteretur et 
fraterne inter nos finiretur, se autem libentissimd velle in condem- 
nationem propositionum dictarum subscribere ; dixit preterea se 
literas accepisse a fratribus suis in Anglia recentes ubi omnes 
ad unum Wuatsoni libr. condemnarunt, quod ipsum illico Cardinal! 
significauit, et multum in Vuatsonuni inuectus est. Romse 
27 April. 1602. 



54, f. 128b. 

It is a 
mercy that 
the speaker 
is allowed to 
express his 
joy in words, 

Yet he is op- 
pressed by the 
dealing with 
" the most 
glorious deeds 
of the Catho- 
lic King " in 
the short 
space allowed 

He would 
wish to say 
something of 
" our, or 
rather your 
and of the 
sufferings of 
the Catholics, 
54, f. 129. 
and much of 
Spain which 
has received 
them as a 
Yet he can 
say nothing 
which is not 
visible at a 
glance, to the 
wisdom, and 
knowledge, as 
well as very 
happy me- 
mory of the 
As the King 

13. Oracion hecha a la magestad del Rey Gattolico en el Collegia 
Yngles de Valladolid. 

Por singular nierced y beneficio tengo el dia de oy, poderosissimo 
y pijssimo Rey, que quando todos los demas padres, y hermanos 
oompafieros mios, que en este tratto estan, testifican solo con los 
ojos y con el rostro la grande alegria de sus animos, y el gozo de 
sus coracones, que de la gratissima presencia de V. M. y Altezas 
han concebido, a mi entre todos me aya cabido esta dicnosa suerte 
que diga con palabras el contento que el animo regocijado tiene ; 
loqual en grande manera mi alegra, no porque yo pueda hazer este 
mejor que los demas, sino porque desta manera podre mas commo- 
damente satisfazer al copioso afeto del coracon, quando los demas 
detienen con silencio, como forcados, la fuerca con que sale el ardor 
de sus animos : aunque por otra parte me causa summa difficultad 
para poder hablar, assi este tiempo en que hablo, como la brevedad 
de lo que tengo de decir, pues se me manda que sea brevissimo. 
Porque pregunto, gloriosissimo Monarca, que cosa mas adversa ni 
incomoda podria ofrecerle al que entra en aquel immense y grande 
Campo de los nobilissimos hechos de V.M. al que va passando por 
su animo para esplicar fuera los immensos titulos de sus alabanoas, 
que la estrechura del tiempo y la brevedad senalada de la oracion, 
y mucho mas a mi en esta primera entrada que hago a la presencia 
di V.M., eh la qual, callando otras muchas cosas y embolviendolas 
en silencio, era cierta razon que dixera algo de nuestra Inglaterra 
6 por mejor decir, no nuestra, sino de V.M., que dixera algunas 
cosas de nosotros mismos, como de hijos, alumnos, y peregrines 
acogidos de su real clemencia, que dixera muchas de Espana, que 
corno dolcissima madre y tierna ama nos cria : y muchissimas de 
V.M. y de los infinites y grandes beneficios que nos ha hecho y 
haze. Loqual todo como me sea forposo 6 dexarlo 6 no hazer mas que 
tocarlo, no con el decoro que querria, no pudo dexar de parecerme cosa 
trabajosa quando se me encargo, aunque de otra parte, para dexir 
verdad, me consolaba mucho el saber quan grande es la prudencia 


de V.M., quail grande su sabiduria, quan grande conocimiento y k n ws 

. , StfttGj tn6 C/S- 

esperiencia tiene de todas las cosas, y singularmente de las nues- tholics need 

tras, quan singular, y felicissima inemoria : de suerte que todo lo than^u^e 

que yo dixesse destas cosas, y pudiera dezir, lo coiicibiria V. M. de him of their 

una sola vista con que nos mirasse y assi provendria con el bene- They com - 

volo assenso de Su benignidad todo lo que yo dixesse, aora fuesse men dhim 

to heaven, 

congratulando me, aora dando gracias, aora supplicando algo a where he will 

V.M. Porque ya senor es sabida de V.M. iiuestro estado, 

sabida nuestra causa, vistas las difficultades, conocido el propd- ward. 

sito, oydos los desseos, entendidas las esperancas, no descono- 

cidos los cuydades. A las quales cosas todas, como V. M. 54, f. I29b. 

por su singular piedad y real clemencia y liberalidad, tanto how he hid a 

ayude y favoresca, no esta necessario que contemos estas cosas 

quanto que con gratos pechos las agradezcamos, que con memoria Lord when 

, J Jezebel cut 

eterna las tengamos como abrapadas, qne con las manos levantadas, O ff the 

con los oios, con los coracones, como lo hazemos cada dia las ^yP^ ts - 

The King of 
remittamos al cielo donde tendra V. M. el premio certissimo, y Spain has 

eterna paga de tal beneficio. Porque, si aquel Abdias varon muy 

temoroso de Dios, como dize la escrittura, tanto se- gloriaba, y con Catholics 
razon, hablando con Helias profeta, de aber guardado cien siervos English Jeze- 
del Senor, persiguiendoles Jezabel, y dandoles la muerte, que bel drives 
diremos aqui donde todo es muy mas aventajado. Por ventura no realm. 
te ban contado, senor mio, dlxo Abdias a Helias, lo que yo liiz& He has saved 
quando mataba Jezabel los pi*ofetas del sefior, que escondi cien 

dellos en cuevas y los sustente con pan y agua. Pero yo digo : death, and 

No es ya sabido y celebrado en el mundo universo lo que ha hecho not rn caves, 

el Key de las Espanas Felippo, quando la Inglesa Jezabel echa los but in houses. 

* Has fed them 

sacerdotes y C/atolicos de su Keyno quando los persigue y busca not on bread 

para quitarles la vida ? que no solo a cien varones sino a muchos ^ nd . water ' 

but in com- 

ceiitenares a librado de la muerte, ni los a escondido en cuevas, fort. 

sino que los a recebido publicamente, y puesto en sus ciudades Therefore 

they will 

dandoles casas y sustento, no solo de pan y agua, smo nonrandis- never forget 

simo, liberalissimo, inagnificentissimo ? Que edad, que siglo, que his benefits - 

memoria de hombres 6 que posteridad podrii jamas de tal heclio between 8 ** 


Philip and olvidarse, y cierto que considerando esto me parece, que veo a 

aquel piadosissimo Dios, que aviendo echado al pueblo de Israel 
God's pro- ' ^ . 

mises to por sus peccados en el destierro de iJabilonia, apiacada su ira, 

Cyrus, wh t es ^j m 5 tanto que aquel pueblo bolviesse de aquel destierro a su 

great in order patria, que para ello solo se determine de escoger y levantar a Gyro, 

his people R e 7 poderosissimo, haziendole muchos beneficios y mercedes y 

Israel from prometiendole por el profeta Isaias dozientos annos antes que 

nasciesse, que assi dize Isaias, Esto dize el seiior a mi Christo Gyro 
If God has _ * 

done this for Cuya mano diestra he tornado para que se arrodillen delante del las 

Prince'and gentes, y los Reyes se le rindan, ire delante di te y humillare los 

the seed of gloriosos de la tierra, d arete los Tesoros escondidos descubrirte he 

much 'more l s secretes mas cerrados por mi sieruo Jacob y por mi escogido 

will he dp for jg^e^ ne te llamado por tu nombre, he te escogido, y tu no me 

a King as has conocido. Esto dize alii. Pues si por el pueblo de Israel y 

h Ul E >a ]i8h 0r P or kolver la decedencia de Jacob a su patria hizo Dios tan 

Catholics! grandes mercedes y beneficios a uri Principe gentil que no 10 

They hope for conocia, quan grandes seran los merecimientos de V. M. Catolico 

restoration to '. L , . 

their country y lieligiosissimo Key, que naze mayores cosas que no Gyro, y las 

by Philip's haze movido de piedad, religion, y uirtud. Y si la Inefable 

God has taken bondad de Dios, y su amor, y misericordia, tuvo tanto cuidado 

Philip by the d e proveer que Gyro fuesse librador de su pueblo, porque no 

subjected esperaremos iiosotros esto misnio de su immensa bondad ? porque 

54, f. 130b. no pensaremos que nos ha dado a V.M. por Gyro nuestro, r que 

heathen and nos restituya y buelva a nuestra patria para renovar el antiguo 

peoples to culto con que Dios alii solia ser hoiirado ? porque no pensaremos 

him, has re- q ue p Or es ^ o jj a tornado el senor la mano de V.M. para hazer 

vealed to him - -,.., 

the secret tantas cosas grandes y admirabiles como con ella ha hecho, y que 

treasures of ^ Qr es ^ o ^ a su bjugado delante di V.M. y de sus gentes tantos 

Therefore the pueblos y naciones infideles y hereges, y que por esto ha puesto a 

English sus pi O g tantos Reyes, ha humillado tantos gloriosos de la tierra y 

Catholics feel J 

sure that God levantado tanto su monarchia, [_porj mas que los hereges y los 

reserves their ma ] os a y an bramado, v que por esto ha dado a V.M. los Tesoros 

restoration as * ' 

a last great escondidos de las Indias, y descubierto los secretes de los otros 

R e y nos P or mas apartados qui esten, para que compadeciendose 


desta semilla de Jacob esparcida, destos Catolicos Ingleses, los Fearing 
restituya algun dia a su patria, y acabe en sus dias esta grande his zeal he 

impresa, difficil y srloriosa, para laqual confiamos que la divina may have 

., ' . v , . gone too far, 

providencia le ha llamado y escogido. Y porque en esta palabra ^ e spe aker 

he abracado lo que tenia que dezir, y temo de no aver passado mas 

adelante de lo que devia con la fuerca y el ardor que me ha hecho King 

hablar, no dire mas : pero esta sola cosa no puedo dexar ni callarla, 

que estos hermanos compafieros mios, que aqui estan, como fidei- tude and their 

commisso me encommendaron instantemente con una rnisma boz, 

y animo, para ofFrecerlo consagrarlo en su nombre a V.M. que pues 

no puedo en manera alguna agradecer como deven estos beneficios, 

que de mano de V. M. han recebido ofrecen de ser eternamente 54, f. 131. 

agracedidos como pudieren de manera que todo lo que aora son, y 

seran in algun tempo en esta vida 6 en la otra, serveran siempre a 

V. M. y assi ofrezco aqui en nombre y boz de todos, todo le que 

podemos, somos, y seremos, ofrezco los animos, ofresco la fuercas, 

pongo en manos de V.M. todos nuestros conatos, dessios, vidas, y 

muertes, y no solo de nosotros sino tambien de nuestros padres, 

amigos, y parentes y de todos los Catolicos de Inglaterra, las quales 

cosas todas, aunque son pequenas, y parezcan a la grandezza de 

V.M. no necessarias, pero no es ageno dessa grandezza tener a 

bien las cosas pequenas que -con grande animo y amor se ofrecen, 

loqual 110 dudamos que hara V.M. a quien Dios nuestro senor 

guarde muchos anos para bien nuestro y de toda la Republica 


Carta esta esta sacada de un libro estampado en Madrid por 
Pedro Madrigal, 1592, con licencia, intitulado " Relacion de un 
Sacerdote Yngles escritta a Flandes a otro yngles Catolico en la 
qual le da cuenta de la venida de su magestad a Valladolid, y al 
Collegio de los Yngleses y lo que alii se hubo en su recibimiento. 

Traducida de yngles, en Castellano, Por Tomas Eclesal Caval- 
lero yngles. " a 

a This little book, says Dr. Jessopp, is ' in fact precisely like a modern newspaper 
report giving a minute account of Philip's reception at the seminary,' when an 



54, f. 131b. 
The youth 
who delivered 
the speech 
was pre- 
sented to the 
King by 
F. Parsons. 

points in it. 

First point, 
that the 
speaker says 
" not our 
but your 

Second point : 
The com- 
parison of 
Philip to 


54, f. 132 

The third 
point : The 
final expres- 

El mancebo que hizo esta oracion era presentado a su magestad 
del P. Personio con lo demas de sus compaiieros, y los puntos 
que hazen sospechoso todo este negocio destos seminaries de Espana 
son los seguientes. 

El preiner punto desta oracion, que haze grande danno 
a las missiones y clerigos enviados de Espana en 

Callando otras muchas cosas y embolviendolas en silencio era 
cierta razon que dixera algo de nuestra Inglaterra, 6 por mejor 
decir no nuestra, sino de vuestra magestad. 

El segundo punto sacado al pie de la letra de la misma 

Y por esto Dios ha dado a V.M. los Thesoros escondidos de las 
Indias, y descubierto los secretes de los otros Reynos por mas 
apartados que esten, paraque compadeciendose desta semilla de 
Jacob esparcida, destos hijos de Israel que aqui vee, destos sacer- 
dotes, destos levitas, destos Catolicos Yngleses los restituya algun 
dia a su patria y acabe en sus dias esta grande empresa difficil y 
gloriosa para loqual confiemos que la diuina providencia le ha 
llamado y escogido : a y porque en esta palabra he abrapado todo lo 
que tenia que decir y temo de no aver passado mas adelante de lo que 
devia con la fuerca y el ardor que me ha hecho hablar no dire 

El Epilogo desta oracion qual es el punto tercero, adonde 

si ve que destos Collegios de Espana han otro fin 

que la Religion sola, 

Pero esta sola cosa no puedo dexar ni callarla, que estos 
hermanos y compaiieros mios que aqui estan como fideicommisso 

elaborate pageant was carried out and orations were delivered in ten languages. 
(One Generation of a Norfolk House, p. 193.) 

B There is a slight difference between the wording of the annotation here and 
the text. It does not affect the meaning. 


me encommendaron instantarnente con una misma boz y anirno sion of devo- 

_ , x tion to the 

para oirecerio y consagrarlo, en su nombre a V. M. que pues no King. 

pueden en manera alguna agradecer como deven estos beneficios 

que de mano de V. M. ban recebido, ofrecen de ser eternamente 

agradecidos como pudieren de manera que todo lo que agora son y 

seran en algun tiempo, en esta vida 5 en la otra, serviran siempre All this 

& V. M. y assi ofrezco los animos, ofrezco las fuercas, pongo en ^f t cl ^T as 

manos de V. M. todos nuestros conatos, desseos, vidas y muertes, y Parsons and 

no solo de nosotros, sino tambien de nuestros padres, amigos, him in various 

y parientes y de todos los Catholicos de Ynglatierra. languages to 

spur the King 

. .... of Spain to 

En toda esta oracion (hecha del P. Persomo y pronunciada de help the 

la bocca de vn mancebito yngles y publicada del dicho Personio n |u ls i- 

in varias lenguas por todo el mondo) no si baze otro que dar partly by his 

espuelas al Key Catolico de seguir la empresa de Ynglatierra parte p^ly 

(reinuestransi) artificiosamente sus fuercas al Eey, y parte con promises of 

f ' j i e J i n IT help from 

vaiias promessas y otrecimientos de las iuercas de los Oatolicos England. 


15. Ex Supplicatione Patris Roberti Suthvvelli Jesuitce ad Reginam 54, f. I32b. 
Anglice anno Dili 159 5 impressa* et publicata Jesuitis in Anglia 
post eius mortem, cuius nomen licet non sit affixum patet 
tamen ex stilo et manuscripto de quo diu mirifice gloriabantur 
Jesuitce, ex fama publica et testibus in Anglia fide dignissimis, 
ab eo fuisse confectum et ex confessione impressoris qui earn ob 
causam suspendio fuit ajftxusf a, Jesuitis fuisse impressum ; 

( A Humble Supplication to Her Majestie, printed anno 1595,' was written, 
says Mr. Sidney Lee, in 1591, but probably first issued in 1600. Father Southwell 
was executed Feb. 21, 1595. Two copies of his Siipplication, seized by the 
government, are now in Lambeth ; and one is in the British Museum. (Diet. Nat. 
Biogr.) The extracts from the Supplication and ' Green Coat ' were handed to 
the French ambassador for delivery to the pope, on August 22. 

b James Ducket, bookseller, executed April 19, 1602, was charged with pub- 
lishing the Supplication and having in his possession twenty-five copies of an 
edition printed early in that year (Pollen, Acts of English Martyrs, p. 245). 


verum ne in eos odium nominatim deriuetur satis erit ad 
Scandala tollenda, quce Catholicis ex hac impressione sunt 
exorta, librum ipsum sine authore condemnare. 

Fol. 73. Satis justam belli causam dicit fuisse Regi Catolico 
inuadendi Angliam quod inter cetera opem tulerunt Regi Chris- 
tianissimo, id temporis inimico Hispaniae, contra jus et titulum 
Infantae filiee Regis Catolici quod habuit in Britaniam ; quod ualde 
iniuriosum uidetur Regi Christianissimo et Coronas Francise. 

Fol. eodem. Neque leuis est iniuria illata Celsitudini tuaa, cum 
sacratam illam manum tuam a talibus cogitationibus directam quas 
54, f. 133. dedignantur falsitates patronas habere vestrarura actionum uideri 
uelint authorem huius sententias. a 

Fol. 84. Reginam excusat tanquam persecutionis insciam, et 
leuissimam, tenerrimam, et inimicam crudelitatis. 

Fol. 86. Quod nunquam procedere posse speramusa tammolli et 
gratioso Judice, sicut est sacrata sua persona, aut sicut es tu ipsa 
sacrata ibidem ; quod est magis incideus in illam mitissimam tem- 
periem excellentissimi animi sui. 

Fol. eodem. Accipe igitur (Princeps clementissima) et consule 
in bonam partem omnia humillima obsequia, et fidelitates nostras 
quaa cum cogitatonibus fidissimis, et resolutionibus seruicij plenis 
sunt sine aliqua simulatione desponsata in maiestatis . vestrse 

Fol. 70. Tanquam honoris causa notat P. Personium et laudat, 
quod non sit nouitius in scientia secretorum et intelligentiarum 
Principum, quod tamen ipse libenter non confitetur. 

Fol. 88. Laudi dat P. Personio quod sit Veteranus in rebus 

Fol. 61. Reginam mira adulatione excusat tanquam a perse- 
cutione abhorrentem. 

Fol. 56. Virtutem Reginse in uita ilia quam sibi elegit celibi et 
innupta laudat. 

a Something wrongly copied in this sentence. 


Fol. 56. Dicit Papam in sacerdotibus initiandis nee sibi 
uindicare nee acquirers maiorem in Anglia auctoritatem quam qui 
Basiliae aut Geneuas sunt Pseudoministri in creandis ministris 

Fol. 46. Vestra Regalis maiestas semper subijciendo desideria 54, f. I33b. 
sua virtutis normae et regalitatem suam moderando raagis uoluntate 
ignoscendi quam potestate interficiendi numquam consensum pre- 
buit tarn uilibus et horrendis imposturis. 

Pag a l ma . Potentissima, misericordiosissima maximeque amanda 
et timenda Princeps. 

2. Bonitas maiestatis vestrae perfecta in omnibus officijs Principe 
digiiis, solaque nostrse iustae spei anchora sacra. 

27. Quern ad finem persuaderemus Catholicis, ut vestrae ma t! 
debitam obijciant obedientiam ; quando nee nobis nee ipsis hoc 
prodesse queat. 

28. Si incorrupta ratio judex constituatur, nunquam pronunciabit 
infidelitatem sequi posse, ex quocunque nostrae Religionis articulo, 
quas sand religio nos magis astringit quam alios quoscunque ad 
exactissimam submissioiiem prestandam Vestree temporali auctori- 
tati, ad eaque omnia honoris ac fidelitatis obsequia quae Catholici 
populi aut nostris suae aut anteactis temporibus cuiquam Principi 
Christiano debita agnouerunt et detulerunt. 

42. Si illi consiliarium quern, imo si V. M tcm sacram, a Regno 
sustulissent (id quod Dei bonitas hactenns nee permisit nee, ut 
sperare licet, inposterum permittet) consilia tameii sua ne speciem 
quidem optati exitus habuissent. 

34. Sacrum nomen nostrae nobilissimas Reginse tale est, ut 54, f. 134. 
proxim^ post dei uerbum inter firmissima ueritatis testirnonia 
honorandum sit. 

59. Obiectum aliquaiido sacerdotibus fuit, quasi de uita sacraa 
maiestatis vestrse aliquid moliti essent, quae res est adeo institutis 
eorum contraria, atque a cogitationibus suis publicaque utilitate 
aliena, ut qui rationem in consilium adhibebit, is nulla ratione 



existimabit sacerdotes tarn stultos, ut rem non modo tarn inutilem 
prorsus sed etiam penitus odiosam uel cogitarent, multo minus 

60. Nemini obscurum esse potest quam pernitiosum futurum sit 
sacerdotibus ac Catholicis vestrae maiestatis protectione destitui. 

60. Mors maiestatis vestrae infinitam perturbationem rerum 
inferret maioremque omnibus calamitatem quam Catholicis con- 
solationis causam, ut nos sacerdotes illam machinari esset non 
solum impium in patriam, sed etiam in nosmetipsos iniuriosum. 

62. Malumus nos vestrae confidere clementiae, ijsque fauoribus 
et gratijs quas M tas Vestra secundum Deum nobis facere maximas 
Dotest, quam in humana quadam in Dei unctos uiolentia pestem 
patrise et nobismetipsis incommodum illud quo nihil grauius 

62. Quatenus vero obijcitur aliquos nostrum affirmasse : uelle 
se Papae exercitus partes tueri contra nostrum Regnum ; est sane 
nullo modo uerisimile nisi ex fragili lingua tormentorum ui 

67. Hoc vestras maiestati firmissime asseueramus quisquis ille 
fuerit, uel cuiusque generis exercitus qui contra te uenerit, potius 
54, 1. 134b. pectora nostra inimicorum gladijs transfodienda obijciemus, quam 
gladios nostros in patrij sanguinis effusionem conuertemus. Haec, 
et similia habet ista supplicatio pag. 23. 30. 26. 66. et alibi. 
Neque male affectus animus, neque ueritas, sed tortura sola 
linguam direxit quae locuta est talia procul dubio fuerunt uerba 
ilia allegata de tuendis partibus exercitus Papas contra nostrum 
Regnum si unquam de ore sacerdotis prodierunt aut aliter ab 
aliquo imperito laico fuerunt dicta, pag. 66. unde concludit non 
esse ueram illam propositionem debere sacerdotem Cath. tueri 
partes exercitus Pontificij contra hereticos. 


16. Titulus libri. 

Exemplar Epistolce cuiusdam scriptce d Mag'ro quodam Artium 
Cantabrigensi ad Amicum suum Londini agentem de uita, 
moribus et actionibus Comitis Lecestrensis et amicorum in 

Quaecunque concepta dicta aut publicata stint in hoc libro cum 
protestatione efficacissima bonse uoluntatis et affectionis obsequij 
plenissimee erga ecc mam maiestatem suam et totum Regnum scripta 54, f. 115. 
esse intelliguntur quibus solis et vsui et commodo esse possit multis 

Libellus iste a Catolico conscriptus in hominem hereticum, eo 
usque heretici personam et laruam induit ut multa in religionem, 
in ceremonias, in Papam ipsum dicat scandalosa, hasresim sapientia, 
et ualde ridicula et contemptus plena.. 

Huius libri auctor publica fama habetur P. Personius, qui 
personam heretici induens, multa dicit in hominem hereticum uera 
et in Republica civili castigatione digna, uerum ut hasc liberius 
promulgaret, multa dicit in preiudicium Religionis Cat cffi . et 
consura ecclesiastica digna. 

Argumenta quibus probatur Patrem Personium huius libri 
auctorem fuisse sunt publica fama, stilus optim6 et familiarissime 
quamplurimis notus, confessio D'ni Caroli Arundelij qui se confessus 
est huic libro subiectum et materiem subministrasse, P. autem 
Personium methodum, stilum, et formam. Huic accedit Ill mi Car'lis 
Alani calculus qui, tali asperitate aut supercilio librum talem pro- 
mulgari, putauit periculosissimum, at priuata quasdam obiectorum 
Licestrensi priuatim mittenda censuit ad hominem mitigandum, 
uel deterrendum. P. vero Personius contra aliorum mentes libellum 
hunc in persona heretici conceptum et concinnatum divulgauit. a 

a " The Copie of a Letter wryten by a master of arte of Cambridge to his friend in 
London concerning some talke past of late between two worshypf ul and grave men, 

H 2 


Uncle sequuta sunt martyria plus minus 25. Sacerdotum et 

64, f. 135b. Verum de authore non ualde laboramus nee P. Personio tantam 
inuri Notam desideramus, ut propositiones heereticas, aut temera- 
rias uideatur (dum nimis artificiosus et subtilis esse studuerit) in 
vulgus protulisse. Verum cum libellus iste plurima contineat 
quas hereticam religionem uel confirmare, vel ornare, uel honestare 
potuerint, .nihilque quod scintillam habeat uiri Catolici, ualde 
uidetur hisce temporibus expedire, ut libellus iste sine auctoris 
nomine condemnetur, quod si de auctore ulterius sit agendum tot 
tractatus et libelli de rebus politicis et de suis gestis et encomijs a 
P. Personio alieno nomine conscripti, et sibi ipsi aliquando dedicati, 
suspectum faciunt negotium. Verum si sua Sanc tas de auctore 
uelit fieri certior, datis ad id in Angliam et Franciam deputatis 
plus centum prodibunt testes qui ab illo conscriptum et promul- 
gatum esse librum istum probabunt. 

Folio 5 to . et ubique Catholicos uocat in contemptum Papistas. 

Fol. 13. Ita uelim moderari inter nos difFerentias Religionis, ut 
status communis patrias nostrse et benedictum regnum maiestatis 
SU83 et communis causa uerae religionis in periculum non uocetur. 

about the present state, and some procedinges of the Erie of Leycester and his 
friendis in England," 1584, n.p. It was reprinted under the title of "Leicester's 
Commonwealth." Quite apart from Parsons' very explicit denial of the author- 
ship (Preface to his Warnword, 1602), it is incredible that he should have 
written it, and the passages here quoted should be alone sufficient to prove this. 
Mary Stuart, writing to the Archbishop of Glasgow in May 1586, and referring 
to the book as written " nearly two years ago," declares that Leicester believed it 
was written by Morgan with the archbishop and Lord Paget ; that the earl in 
consequence " was in the utmost rage against all three," and had procured the 
imprisonment of Morgan. Turnbull, discussing the question in his Introduction 
to the Letters of Mary Stuart, xvii-xxi), cites the arguments of Dr. Ashton and 
Dean Mosse in favour of the opinion that the book was " the work of some subtle 
courtier who for safety got it printed abroad and sent into England under the 
name of Persons," and quotes a letter from Tierney who considers Ashton's 
arguments from internal evidence " quite conclusive." But it is significant that the 
scandalous duplicity and disloyalty towards his church attributed to Parsons, on the 
supposition that he wrote the book, should have created no difficulty in the minds 
of the appellants. 


Fol. 15. uocat Lecestrensem uerse religionis euersorem et inimi- 
cum acerrimum, quam protestanticam esse intelligit. 

Fol. 20. uocat communionem hereticorum sanctam commu- 

Fol. 22. de Sua Sanc t8 ridicule admodum loquitur his uerbis, 51, f. 136. 
quod ad Papam attinet bene poterit fistulas suas reponere. 

Fol. 27. uocat Ducem Alensonium moderatum Papistam, et qui 
uirtute et prudentia Reginge facillime ad Euangelium, id est, ad 
religionem protestantium potuerit trahi ; unde Euangelium illud 
(protestanticum v'lt) per totam Europam potuit disseminari sicut 
fratres in francia bene considerauerunt et sperauerunt. 

Fol. 30. uocat Essexium, hominem hereticum, patronum uerae 
Religionis et predicatorum huius sectae. 

Fol. 58. uitio uertit Lecestrensi, quod cum Academiee Oxoniensis 
fuerit patronus et Cancellarius, Collegia et Seminaria papistica et 
Collegia Jesuitarum ex ilia Academia exierunt ; Thesaurario autem 
Cecilio laudi ducit quod, ex eius Academia cui profuit prodierunt 
omnes doctissimi pseudoepiscopi et uerbi predicatores, etc. a 

Fol. 79. Bayleus et Culpeperus, uterque notus Papista. 

Fol. 112. Uetus ille Legalius obstupuit, et illorum more fecit 
cruces in aere quod nobis risum commouit ; in margine, contemptus 
causa, uocat cruces istas papisticas benedictiones. b 

11 " By Leicester's chancellorship of Oxford," says the author, " is cancelled almost 
all hope of good in that University : and by his protection, it is like soone to come 
to destruction. ... it were sufficient to behold the present state of the two Univer- 
sities whereof they [Leicester and Cecil] are heads and governors. For our owne 
[Cambridge] I will not say much, lest I might seeme partiall : but let the thing 
speak for itselfe. Consider the fruit of the Garden, and thereby you may judge of 
the Gardiner's diligence. Look upon the Bishopricks, Pastorships, and Pulpits 
of England and see whence principally they have received their furniture for the 
advancement of the Gospell. And on the contrary side, look upon the Seminaries 
of Papistry at Eome and Bhems, upon the Colledges of Jesuists, and other 
Companies of Papists beyond the seas and see where-hence they are, especially, 
fraught." Edit. 1641, p. 69. 

b " At these words the oM Lawyer stepped back, as somewhat astonied, and 
began to make Crosses in the ayre, after their fashion, whereat wee laughed." 
Margin " Papisticall blessing " (p. 101). 


Fol. 137. dicit Reginam. Scotiae excludi a Regni titulo, quia 
inimica fuit religion! huic in Anglia receptae. 

Fol. 151. non uideo neque legis aliquo prescripto, aut praxi 
horum temporum, diuersitatem religionis posse impedire iustos 
64, f. 136b. heredes quominns hereditates sibi debitas possideant in quo- 
cunque statu aut genere priuatorum hominum, multo minus 
in iure regni, quod semper pras ceteris magnum habet priuile- 

Fol. 158. precedents propositionis exempla profert Principes 
Germanise Lutheranos, Reginam Elizabetam, Principes Nauarreum 
et Condemn omnes hereticoa. 

Fol. 159. Regem Scotise laudat et admiratur propter exercitia sua 
Principe digna, et institutionem suam in uera religione, sub 
hominibus raris et uirtute ornatis in hunc finem, Joanne nimirum 
Knoxo et Georgio Bucchanano Archiheretico. 

Fol. 160. Educationem, instructionem et conuersationem Regis 
scotiaa cum ijs qui ueram profitentur Religionem, edicta, actiones, 
regimen, et priuatos mores laudat, quae ornnia haDresim con- 

Fol. 161. Aliqui qui ad ministerium Scotiae pertinent, Bed indigni 
tarn digna uocatione. 

Fol. 182. multa arg u aflfert pro toleratione in re religionis, 
idque a Rege Philippe in Belgia, Francia, Germania factum feliciter 
et necessario exemplis probat, quod hodie manibus pedibusque 

Multa preterea ad corroborandum titulum Regis Scotiae ad 
Regnum Angliae affert, licet in libro titulorum spe maioris comniodi 
mutauerit sententiam. 


17. 6 Martij. 54, f. l 7. 

Petitiones Sacerdotum Anglorum. 

1 . Vt auctoritate Apostolica decidatur controuersia ilia de schis- 
mate et inobedientia, quae tantorum scandalorum et contentionum 
in Anglia causa extitit. 

2. Vt sua sanctitas aliquara ineat rationem de leuanda persecu- 
tione in Anglia, quod infinitis Catholicorum lachrymis et lamentis 
desideratur, a quo magistratus Hereticus hoc teinpore non uideri 
omnino abhorrere. 

3. Yt prohibeantur omnes Ecc ci Angli tarn religiosi quam secu- 
lares ne se rebus politicis ullo modo immisceant, unde ciuilis magis- 
tratus grauiorem in Catholicorum persecutionem commoueatur. 

4. Vt uarijs Catholicorum necessitatibus spiritualibus prouide- 
atur Constitutione episcoporum uel suffraganeorum in Anglia. 

5. Vt Collegijs Romano et Duaceno projiciantur tales de quibus 
constat impie eos contra statum politicum machinates esse. 

6. Vt omnes tarn sacerdotes quam laici teneantur revelare 
siquid contra statum aut personam ReginaB tentari intellexerint. 

18. Informatio de quibusdam Presbiteris qui nuperRomam ex Anglia 54, f. 137b. 
uenerunt, ut tarn, suo quam, aliorum quorumdam paucorum 
nomine ArchipresVri Institutionem d sua Sanct" mandatam 

Reginae Consiliarios aliosque hereticos Anglicanos multis iam 
annis, perspecto Religionis Catholicae augmento mirabilique 
seminariorum fructu, uijs omnibus huic prouentui suam industriam 
opposuisse neminem latere possit cui reghi illius conditio perspecta 

Nulla autem illis uia accommodatior faciliorque uisa est, quam 
per seditiones quorundam hominum qui, cum Catholici haberentur, 
alieni tamen a disci plina Catholica erant uel minime animo cum 
eis coniuncti qui res Catholicorum precipue administrabant, 


cuiusmodi erat Hl mus Car'] is Alarms dura uiueret, aliqui ei 
adherentes quos inquietiores isti non mediocriter exercebant. 

Mortuo Card 16 optimo ad annum. D'ni 1594 Collegij Anglorum 
de Vrbe res in apertum prorupere tumultum, eo quod per triennium 
fere magna suse sanctitatis molestia durauit, eiusdem tamen 
prudentia atque auctoritate dimissis seditionis ducibus quieuit 
penitus Collegium, selectissimaque hodie juuentute floret et 
siugulari unione animorum fruitur. 

Ex dimissorum [ccetu] tumultuantium nonnulli, cum in Angliam 

54, f. 138. peruenissent aliosque ingenij quietioris inuenissent, nouas statim 

tumultuandi mas excogitare ceperunt, partim ut patres societatis 

in pace degentes impugnarent, partim ut prefecturas sibi ipsi sine 

ulla sedis ApostolicsB auctoritate assumerent. 

Huius Rei S mus D. N. multorum ex clero Anglicano literis 
admonitus, qui id etiam sentiebant, idoneum fore remedium ad 
emulationem contra partes tollendam uel minuendam saltern 
pacemque firmandam, si superior[em] ex suo ordine, hoc est ex 
sacerdotibus secularibus, constitueret, Quibus ille paterne assenti- 
endum duxit, eisque per Ill mi Car'lis Caetani Protectoris Anglise 
literas Arcliip'brum D'num Georgium Blackuuellium spectatas 
virtutis ac eruditionis virum, re prius cum Ill mis Sacra3 Inquisitionis 
Cardinalibus consultata, ordinandum iussit. 

Hanc Summi Pontificis ordinationem gratissimo animo Catholici 
omnes, et plusquam trecenti Sacerdotes acceptarunt gratiasque per 
literas egerunt ; pauci uero quidam, vix decem ab initio, quod 
ambitioni suse obstructas hac Pontificis ordinatione uias anim- 
aduertissent reluctari ceperunt et tumultus per Angliam ciere 
Anno D'ni 1598. 

Et primum quidem exagitare tarn uerbis quam scriptis et 
libellis impressis Cardinalis suarumque literarum fidem. Deinde 
affirmare palamque asserere non potuisse Pontificem ipsis inuitis 
Prelatum eis dare, nisi contra Canones ageret, monere Pontificem, 
quod qui amet periculum peribit in eo : Ac denique terrere 
54, f. I38b. Catholicos legibus Regni penalibus ne Archip'bro a Sua Sanc te 


institute, sub pena amissionis bonorum ac perpetuo carcere nominis 
obedientiam deferrent. 

Anno D'ni 1599 Sua Sanc tas Breue Apostolicum dedit quo 
Archipresbiteri institutionem aliaque omuia in literis Ill mi Cardinalis 
Cactani contents confirmauit : quo viso inquieti timore nonnihil 
perculsi pacem ad aliquot dies simulant : sed inito deinde arctiori 
cum psaudo Ep'o Londinensi ac Regina? Consiliarijs commercio, 
iterum tumultuantur, et ab omni Archipresbiteri auctoritate 
appellant, nullo interim Rom am. misso uel procuratore uel exhibita 
appellatioiiis copia plusquam quindecim oinnino mensium spatio. 

Interea Sua Sanc* as uisa appellatione per Archipresbiterum 
transmissa, re penitus deliberata, nullo modo admittendam censuit ; 
sed iterum causam determinat, Archipresbiterum confirmat, lites 
dirimit, silentium imponit idque per Breue Apostolicum ad 
decimum septimum Augusti Anno D'ni 1601 editum. 

Isti uero uihil curare, imo non expectata Pontificis sententia* 
cum Reginge Consiliarijs iterum transigere de seditione hac modis 
omnibus promouenda, preserbim uero libellis famosis impressis, 
quorum iarn decem uel undecim ediderunt, omni genere immodestias 
uirulentise ac contumeliarurn plenos; alia uero decem volumina 
promittunt quibus infinita tarn Catholicis quam hereticis scandala 

His enim libris non tantum intoleranda conuitia in multos uiros 
probos conijciuiitur, verum etiam impia multa contra fidei Catolicao 
dignitatem in hereticorum gratiam ac favorem asseruntur. Verbi 54, f. 139. 
gratia, quod Sedes Apostolica sit in Anglia extranea seu forinsica, 
et ideo per legem Premuniri exclusa ; quod summus Pontifex 
nulla ratione possit Reginam Anglioe quacunque de causa deponere, 
neque bellum contra earn, uel per se, uel per alios mouere, quod si 
faceret, uel ipseniet in persona propria contra earn veniret, se fore 

* It must be remembered that this Brief of Aug. 1601 was not promulgated by 
the archpriest until Jan. 26, 1602, i.e. until after Parsons' A2)ologie in reply to the 
earlier books of theappellanls had appeared, and after the four priests had started 
on their journey to Rome. 


contra pugnaturos, omnes Catholicos ad hoc ipsum esse obligates 

Damnant preterea nominatim Anglicanos martyres quod hoc 
palam profess! non fuerunt se Reginas in eo casu fuisse adhaesuros ; 
Damnant Catholicos quod suarum calaraitatum causae iustae extite- 
runt, dum Sandero, Alano, Personio alijsque viris Anglis doctrinam 
contrariam docentibus assensi fuerunt. Reprehendunt nominatim 
acta summorum Pontificum Pij V t! , Gregorij 13 et Sixti V a quod 
Reginam excommunicauerunt : Indigna scribunt de S. D. N. Cle- 
mente octauo profitentes se revelare uelle si quidquam scirent con- 
tra Reginam eiusque statum praesentem tractari, formam materiam- 
que iuramenti cuiusdam impii proponunt, quo iuramento adiguntur 
se Pontifici aduersaturos si quidquam contra Reginam per vim 
moliretur. Archipresbiterum summum hipocritam, vsurpatorem, 
patriae proditorem passim uocant ; Jesuitas deterrimae inter omnes 
mortales uitae ac nequissimos asserunt ; pluresque ad Infernum 
quam ipsos Cacodemones trahere ; aliaque similia intolleranda 
maledicta, quibus omne genus hominum ab eorum auersant com- 
mercio ne ipsorum opera iuuentur; aliaque hujusmodi libris eorum 
64, f. 139b. impressis continentur quae coram constituendis a sua sanctitate 
iudicibus probabuntur. Interim Catholici Anglicani ualde his 
rebus affliguntur atque scandalizantur, dum istos tanto hereticorum 
fauore emissos uident. 

Quod ad personas eorum attinet qui aduenerunt, etsi palam ad 
hoc non se produnt, neque Collegio uel alijs qui ause factionis non 
sunt, uidendos se prebeant, quatuor tamen uel quinque modo 
esse dicuntur, Bagshaus, Cecilius, Musheus, Champeneus, Bluettus, 
de quibus, etsi quae dicenda erunt suo loco et tempore asseruantur, 
hie tantum significandum duximus : priores quatuor in hoc ipso de 
Vrbe Collegio Anglorum alumnos aliquando tumultuosos extitisse. 
Et primus quidem, qui alijs ad seditiones dux auctorque fuisse 
notatur, fuit per Hl mum Car'lem Boncompagnum, qui Collegij 
Protector esset, ob seditionem olim eiectus ; secundus uero Ill mi 
Car'lis Alani cui aliquando pro Cappellano inseruiuit testimonio 


quod hodie etiam manu sua exaratnm extat, causam Catholicorum 
semel atque iterum Cicilio, Angliae Thesaurario, cognato suo pro- 
didisse putatur, a cuius filio, qui modo Reginae a secretis est 
omniaque gubernat, curatum esse, suspicantur multi quod explor- 
andi causa Romam sit missus. 

Postremus uero senex iracundae natures, qui ex ministro olim 
Caluiniano factus sacerdos, multa scandalose ex bile contra socios 
presb'ros in carcere gessit, idque tarn uerbis quam pugno, et ex 
ipsiusmet literis constat eum ualde perfide cum ipsa Regina ac 
Consil ri J s contra viros multos Cath cos egisse. a 

1 9. Methodus expeditissima qua possint facillime discerni turbarum 54, f. 140. 
et controuersiarum Architecti in Anglia. 

Citatus, et iuramenti religione astrictus, P. Personius ad base 
quge sequuntur capita nude et apertS sine ambagibus aut ambigui- 
tate ut respondeat magna nos liberabit molestia, fontesque omnes 
et scaturigines calamitatum et controuersiarum nostrarum ita 
reddet conspicuas, ut non de morbo, sed de remedio (tali facto 
examine) Sanctitati Vrae sit laborandum. 


Cum in Angliam a Gregorio 13 Anno 80. fuerit missus, an in 
mandatis habuerit rebus politicis se immiscere, et quousque in ijs 
progressus sit, utrum & superioribus uocatus ante finitum biennium 
Angliam reliquerit, in Gallijs personatus in habitu seculari, extra 
Collegij sui septa uixerit, Hispaniamque eodem ornatu aduolauerit 

a Tierney (vol. iii. p. clvii.) gives an analysis of another memorial, which he calls 
" an extraordinary document," drawn up by Parsons for the information of the 
pope and cardinals, and entitled " An account of the morals of some of the 
principal appellants." Charges of unchastity, drunkenness, violence, and treason 
are there urged against several priests in greater detail and with much asperity. 
Tierney prints also the text of a " Memorial against the Appellants" from a rough 
draft in the handwriting of Parsons, presented in the name of the Archpriest's 
agents, April 1602, dealing mainly with the "ambition," "sedition" and "dis- 
solute lives " of his opponents. 


rebusque politicis totus uacauerit, paratos se reliquisse ad arm a 
Cath. animos egregie simulans, et hoc comento ad Principum aulas 
et aures sibi muniens viam ? an quae Religionem spectassent 
negotia et seminariorum cura et sollicitudo non multo melius et 
decentius in suo habitu suisque nionasterijs perfici et pertractari 
potuissent ? 

Interrogandus est qua auctoritate Regnum Angliae quasi venale 
tot principibus obtulerit, Comiti Darbiensi alijs ad eum missis, alijs 
destinatis ad eundem nuncijs, Duci Parmensi, Comiti Arundelise, 
et Regi Catholico eiusque filiae. 

Qua auctoritate librum suum de Success 118 Comiti Essexiae 
dedicauit, eique epistolam nuncupatoriam praefixit. 

6 4, f. 140 Qua auctoritate libros scripserit de iure Regni in genere et de 

Regni Anglise Success" 6 , quorum primus regibus et monarcliis non 
potest non esse ingratissimus licet uerissimus, secundus rnultos 
Principes et Primaries uiros graui affecit iniuria, omnes Regij 
sanguinis Principes. preter unicam Philippi Reginam aliqua 
insigni ignominia notauit, omnes competitores ad arma et uim 

Qua auctoritate libros uarios meram politiam sapientes in 
refectorijs legi iusserit. 

Qua auctoritate alumnos seminariorum titulo Hispanias sub- 
scribere coegerit, recusantes uero male muletauerit. 

Qua auctoritate librum quern uocant Reformat" 18 scripserit, in 
refectorijs legi mandauerit, cuius summa est ut in Anglia mutentur 
omnia, leges, consuetudines, iura, census, uictus, Prelatorum 
hospitalitas, nobilium auctoritas ; quo3 omnia Tyrannidem uel 
prascedunt uel sequuntur. 

Qua fretus auctoritate libros alios promulgauerit, alios ipse con- 
scripserit, Reginamque Angliae eosque prascipue, qui ad clauum 
Reip cre sedebant, adeo acriter et acerbe perstrinxerit, ut inde irritati 
in Catholicorum caedem et perniciem nouas leges nouaque supplicia 

Qua fretus auctoritate apud Regem Catholicum fictis et fucatis 


rationibus et relationibus de Catholiconim paratis animis ad res 
innouandas de inuadenda et subiuganda Anglia egerit, Catholicos 
vana spe Hispaniae classis per multos annos lactauerit, Eegemque 
Catholicum ad uarias expeditiones, non sine magno Regis damno 
et dispendio, adegerit. 

Qua auctoritate libellum famosum in Lecestrensem refertum 
hseresibus et sermonibus impudicis in persona heretici scripserit, 54, f. 141. 
alium etiam in magnum Angliee Thesaurarium diuulgari curauit, 
ex quibus nihil aliud commodi sperari potuit quam ut illi animo 
morem gereret, et maiorem in fratres persequutionem excitaret. 

Qua auctoritate expeditiones illas duas anni 96. et 97. et illam 
tertiam anni 1601 Hibernicam tarn grauiter et strenue sollicitauit, 
Regemque Catholicum quasi inuitum imposturis suis ad illas 
suscipiendas adegit, sacerdotes insuper et Jesuitas Anglos et 
Hibernos miserit, cum res militaris nullo modo studiorum uel 
missionum suarum sit finis. 

Qua auctoritate Holtum, Cresuuellum, et Balduuinum in Belgijs 
et in Hispanijs ad res politicas et Regnorum et diadematum 
diuisiones tractandas reliquit. 

Qua auctoritate Standisseum, Burleum, Fitzarbertum, Rolstunum, 
dum tumultus Gallici urgerent, tanquam exploratores suos in 
diuersas Gallias partes miserit, Regis sumptu et Regis nomine 
ipsius seruientes uoluntati. 

Qua auctoritate ab ipso uel a Cresuuello uel ab utroque fuerit 
missus Colstonus ad Comitem Essexia3 literas portans, turn ad 
Reginam turn ad alios eius senatores, officij et aflfectionis plenissimas, 
has quidam palam, clanculum uero ad Comitem alias qua3 ilium ad 
regnum capessendum animaret. Hgec sunt quas communiter in P. 
Personium obijciuntur, de quibus si se coram iudice iuratus pur- 
gauerit magna dabitur Cath CIS omnibus satisfactio, sin minus 
magna de reliquis omnibus eius actionibus suspitkx 

Quod si confessione propria aut prolatis chirographis aut iuratis 
testibus constiterit P. Personium in his omnibus esse reum, 54, f. I4ib. 
causam esse totius diuisionis, suspecta debent esse pari ratione 


omnia quae S 4i Vraa suggerit de creatione Archipr. et de ilia forma 
Regiminis instituenda, quam tanquam in Ecclesia Dei nouam et 
inauditam ad pacem inter Ecc los stabiliendam ineptam aegr6 
admiserunt nonnulli ex precipuis sacerdotibus, quod facile animad- 
uerterant auctoritatem illam nomine tenus penes Archipresbyterum 
esse, re autem ipsa penes Personium et Jesuitas, ut ipsi sine 
inuidia artificiose quae uelint in deprimendis et affligendis illis 
statuant, qui non sine patriae periculo et animarum dispendio, 
ferro et flamma, et externo milite rem geri, et plantari posse 
fidem, libere profitentur et demonstrant : uirtute uero, humilitate, 
patientia, morte, et plantari et rigari et renouari ad fidem Regna, 
et solere et debere predicant, neque dari posse exemplum ubi 
armis restituta fuerit religio. 

Hue igitur redeunt omnia Sanct me P. ut qui Apostolico more, sine 
vi, sine strepitu, sine tumultu, pacifice, patienter, et modest^ con- 
uersionem Angliae et animarum messem tractari voluerunt, quique 
hisce tarn uiolentis motibus et conatibus P. Personij ubiuis 
restiterunt pro factiosis habiti sint, fide et auctoritate apud exteros 
Principes exuti, et causse publicae et conuersioni Angliaa inimici 
sint habiti ; cum in confesso sit, et persecut ni pabulum et anim- 
arum conuersioni impedimentum, et factionibus, et dissensionibus 
fomentum has Personij technas et tragedias praebuisse. 

64, f. 142. 20. Oratio exhibita S pro Rkbus Catholicorum in Anylia.* 

Cum nihil sit quod Sane** Vrae gratius aut optatius possit 
eueiiire quam quac pro Catholicorum Anglorum salute pace et con- 
solatione dicta, facta, et constituta sunt cum totum EcclesiaB Angl n 
corpus partesque singulas paterno affectu tenerrimd prosequaris, 
speramvis fore aures illas sanctiss 43 et purgat mas quae hereticis, schis- 
maticis, sicarijs, et sacrilegis pro illorum salute plerumque patent, 
filiorum suorum lachrymis et lamentis non posse occludi, petimus 
ergo, ut uera narraiitibus et iusta postulantibus, non inimicorum 
a Presented by Cecil at his audience of the pope, 17 or 19 June. 


potentia et auctoritas, non subornatus multorum clamor et strepitus, 
non chirographorum numerus, et catalogus (quae aduersarijs nostris 
in promptu sunt omnia) plus ponderis et moment! habeant ad 
animum Sanc ti8 suae alienandum quam ueritas, ratio, innocentia, 
iustitia, testes ad fidem, ad gratiam, ad compassionem. Pro 
factiosis et seditiosis habentur omnes publica uoce, ingeminatis 
literis, continuis clamoribus, qui in Catholicorum causis, et contro- 
uersijs, non solum quae interiorem hominem spectant, sed etiam 
quae de politia et temporali rerum statu aguntur, P. Personij 
sensum et captum non cum applausu approbant, et conatus et 
cogitata eius (seditionis, et sceleris pleniss mas ) de reducenda ad 
fidem Anglia non amplexantur et admittunt, et hinc nostrae 
lachrimae, P. S te , hinc fundi nostri calamitas ; non enim quam 
sancte quam pie quam pudice quis uixerit, quam docte quam 
erudit6 se gesserit, quam strenue et grauiter pro fide certauerit, 
quot uincula, quot carceres, quot opprobria pro Xp'o sustinuerit 
hoc agitur, sed quarum sit partium, quam morigerus, quam bene 54, f. I42b. 
affectus in. eum quern opinionis errore sibi finxit Personius Princi- 
patum. Ulcus est hoc et tactu durum et difficile, at necessarium 
tarn en ut uel ferro uel unguento sanetur. 

Si uis igitur pacem in Anglia, B m? Pater, si cupis a Catholicorum 
iugulis gladium et ceruicibus securim repellere, si uis saluam et 
sartam tectam religionem tueri, declaratio facta de innocentia 
sacerdotum publico aliquo instrument est munienda, ut obstruatur 
os loquentium iniqua ; non solum persona Archipresbyteri sed ilia 
ipsa auctoritas et subordinatio tarn odiosa tarn suspecta, tarn inuisa 
Principibus nostris, tarn grauis et onerosa fratribus nostris, amo- 
uenda est et antiquanda ; amouendi sunt et segregandi prorsus a 
castris et congressibus nostris Jesuitas, prohibendi omnes ne rebus 
se politicis immisceant, ne magistratus animos exulcerent; cum 
Rege denique Christianissimo agendum est ut pro Catholicorum 
leuandis pressuris et misery's apud Reginam intercedat. Denique 
humillime petimus, ut Cardinalibus dies statuatur certus in quo de 
nobis nostrisque negotijs aliquid concludant ; et haec sunt praecipua 


ilia malorura et morborum nostrorum capita quac moram nullam 
patiuntur sine graui totius corporis ruina. Cetera uero quae radices 
ipsas et fontes malorum nostrorura aperient S. V. separatim in 
relatione sen informatioue ista exhibemus. 

Resp. [S 1 " 1 ]. 

Vt libere dicam, nescio quid dicam de istis uestris chimeris de 
54, f. 143. libertate conscientiae ; omnia nestra hue tendunt ut Personium ac- 
cusetis et excnsetis illos qui modo ita bene apud nos intendunt. 
Verum quod ad innocentiam uestram attinet erit uobis authentice 
satisfactum. Quod ad Archpr. et subordinationem attinet faciemus 
iustitiam, Jesuitas a Regiminis vestri sollicitudine excludemus ; 
quod ad sequentia capita attinet, cum res sint maximi mornenti, 
post maturam deliberationem faciemus id quod pro Religionis pro- 
pagatione iudicauerimus maxime expedire. Cardinalibus diem 
martis hora 22. post meridiem assignabimus : et preterea, si quid 
(quod uereor) uobis deerit, ad uitae et uictus commoda prouide- 

Replicatio D. C[ecilii]. 

Quam male audiat apud infinites recti et simplicis cordis Catho- 
licos P. Personius, quam eius sunt suspecta et odiosa molimina 
Principibus multis Catt cls , quousque vestro nomine et auctoritate sit 
abusus, quantas in Anglia excitauerit turbas, non est quod uerbis 
nostris aut accusationibus dari fidem postulemus ; ex scriptis nostris 
qu89 S.V. nostro nomine exhibebit Ecc mus Galliae legatus S.V. facile 
iudicabit qu-ae fuerint P. Personij in patriam in Principem in Eccle- 
siam et fratres nostros offieia : quod ad libertatem conscientise 
attinet, nihil a Regina nostra petimus aut peti desideranms, nihil 
uieissim promittimus nee in nos suscipimus nisi quod Justinus 
iTiartir, Tertullianias, et alij Patres Imperatoribus in primatiua 
Ecclesia petierunt- et promisenant, nisi quod Ill mus Alanus bonae 
memorioa in sua Apologia seminariorum petijt et pollicetur, neque 
54, f. 143b. alios habet inimicos istiusmodi pacifica inter Christianos in re 
Religionis compositio preter puritanos inter hereticos et Jesuitas 


inter Cattolicos, qui praetextu zeli et pietatis statura politicum 
ubique perturbant, et ad democratiam omnia trahunt ut ipsi interim 

omnia regant. 

Responsum S mi . 

Videbimus quid de his dicat orator Christianissimi, et faciemus 
quicquid Catholicis prodesse iudicabimus sine religionis aut sedis 
huius preiudicio. 

21. Vna Noia per il p're Holto e tali confidenti amid a, cjli quali 
lui trouerd buono de communicarla.* 

Le cause principali di questo mio viaggio sono de assettarsi con 
sua Santita et il P're generale tutti tali punti che si uederanno 
necessarij per il sostento degli seminarij de Spagna, Fiandra et 
Italia, et de gli missionarij de la societa in Inghilt a , et perd tutto 
quello che si presentera a uoi intorno a quell i punti, cioe delle 
faculta, gouerno, priuilegij, e sostento, 6 cose simili, io ui pregho 
et gli altri amici, di auuisarmi con tutta la breuita possibile, perche 
1' intentione mia 6 de procurare che io no mene resti in Italia seno 
il manco che sia possibile io h6 promesso in Spagna, et per diuersi 
ragioni sera molto necessario. 

S' io posso ancora far' qualche opera bona nel co'porsi et accordarsi 
le con'uersie del Sem" Inglese Romano, et delle differenze tra gl' 
altri delta nat ne n'ra altroue, fard il rneglio che posso, al manco spero 
di far' intendere a S.S U et all' altre persone principali, il fundamento 54, f. 144. 
et le uere cause di queste controuersie. 

Intorno alle cose del stato d' Inghilt* io intendo de mostrare al 
Papa come se ne stanno, e quanto sia necessario che sua S t4 si ne 

Tierney printed another abstract of this letter, dated correctly March 15, from 
the Italian in Parsons' own handwriting ; and Plowden published an English 
translation in his Berington's Panzani, p. 350. Parsons himself printed a great 
part of it in English in his Manifestation, prudently omitting here, however, the 
passage about the Infanta. Tierney remarks that in the following July Parsons 
wrote to Juan d'Idiaquez that he had had an audience of the Pope, who " appeared 
as warm in the cause of the Infanta as could be desired " (iii. Ivii-lix). 



pensa da uero di quel neg con breuita affin clie dopo la morte 
della Reg a d' Inghilt a non sene uenga a mani, peggiori gli pericoli, 
e danni inevitabili che seguiteranno si qualche si uoglia Principe 
heretico preuale : Che gli Cattolici Inglesi desiderano solamente un 
Catt co Re senza rispetto che sia Inglese, Scozzeze, 6 Spagnolo ; il 
che in questo dipende principalmente di sua Santita, che il Padre 
Personio no 6 inimico del R6 di Scotia 6 agente per il Re di Spagna 
come alcuni hanno informati, mostrando per il primo gli buoni 
officij che il P're Personio ha fatto per il RS di Scotia per molti 
anni mentre che si era speranza che diuentasse Cattholico. 

Et per il secondo mostrando per il testimonio del Nuntio de 
Madrid (il quale ha scritto efficacemente a questo fine) che il P. 
Personio ha tuttauia persuaso al Re, et a gli mmistri suoi, che nd 
conuiene che sua Ma ta pretende Inghilt 8 per lui, et che il P. Personio 
ha impetrato del Re di Spagna una promessa absoluta de cio fare 
intorno a quel punto, il Nuntio ha visto gli discorsi, et 6 stato fatto 
consapeuole delle Conferenze et ragionamenti che il P. Personio ha 
fatto de giorno in giorno a quel fine. 

In fine questa deue ser la conclusione die la sola strada e, che S. 
S ta s' aecordasse con il R6 di Spagna de qualche composibione 
ragioneuole per qualche persona che sera capabile, e che stara bene, 
54, f. 144b. per Sua Sane**, sua Maesta Catt ca , Inglesi, e Scozzezi, il Re di 
Nauarra, denemarca e tutti gli altri. Ma che sara questa persona 
6 persone 1' intentione del Padre Personio e di lasciar' a pensare a 
S. S t4 e de rompere la testa sua per qualche tempo. 

Pero al parere mio no sene troua altra compositione piu profita- 
bile, probabile, et factibdie, che la Infanta con il Principe Cardinale, a 
ma si uoi altri gli buoni amici nostri siate di un' altro parere, e 
possiate proporne gli mezzi, di gracia mettete gli per iseritto, perche 
mi rallegrerd de sentirae et accommodarmi a uoi altri ancora ; 
perche in quest' altro uoglio andar pianpiano fin tanto che habbia 
tiostra risposta, et ricordarsi che in questo non si ha da mirare 
solamente quello che sia conforme a i nostri desiderij et appetiti, 
a Parsons' own copy underlines " signora infanta maritata al principe cardinaleS 


ma quelle tre conditioni inanzi specificate de profitto, probabilita, et 
factibilita, tanto de preualersi e guadagnar, quanto di defendere, 
sentare, e continuarsi dipoi, et questo 6 tutto quello che in questo 
punto io posso dire, et anzi basciando di cuore gli mani a tutti, ui 
dico adio, desiderando in quest! negotij tutta la secretezza possibile 
come uedete che sia necessaria : II n'ro S or Jesus resti sempre 
con voi altri. di Genoua a gli 15. di maggio [sic] 1597. 

Vostro sempre, la mano del qua'le conoscete. 

Has esse P'ris Personij literas dum ex Hispania Romam uenit et 
[jam eas] propria sua manu conscriptas habemus in Yrbe tres uiros 
fidedignos qui confirmabunt tanquam ooulati testes. 54, f. 145. 

2. Habemus Prototypon in Gallijs manu sua propria conscrip- 

3. Argumento sunt ilium hoc animo Romam uenisse anno 1597. 
et hec in itinere scripsisse, liber quern de Successione scripsit cuius 
conclusio eadem est quas harum literarnni pro Infantas cum 
Cardinale [matrimonio], subscriptiones quas afe alumi solle- 
giorum in hunc finem exegit ; instructiones quas sacerdotibus in 
Angliam missis sibique confidentibus de Infantas titulo promoiiendo 
dedit, vnde merito suspecta possunt esse omnia quas de Archi- 
presb'ro promouendo et defendendo tarn aeriter hactemas egit 
tanquam qui abuti uoluerit Pont ci8 pijssima intentione ad factionem 
hispanicam in Anglia stabiliendam. 

In his literis Patris Personij multa sunt notatu digna;; illud uero 
precipue examinandum censenius : quod olim hanc esse uiam 
statuit ad conuertendam Angliam, nimirum ut sua Sanc tas cum 
Rege Catt co conueniat de compositione aliqua facienda cum 
successore aliquo idoneo qui asque gratus uideatur Pontifici, Regi 
Cattolico, Anglis et Scotis Catholicis, Regi Nauarras, Danemarcas, 
et reliquis omnibus. 

Hanc autem personam esse Infantam cum Cardinale tarn hie 
quam in libro suo de Successione concludit propter utilitatem, 
probabilitatem et factibilitatem, ut ipsius uerbis utamur. 

i 2 


Et primo notandum est Suee Sanctitati magnam factam esse 
iniuriam quod biennio post absolutionem datam Regi Christ 
dedignatur nomen Regis Gallic, sed Nauarrse solum in contemp- 
54, f. 145b. turn, ut prius solebat, quod ipsum in Anglia alius Jesuita, qui 
nihil preterquamquod Patri Personio placuerit loqui audet, apertius 
promulgauit, hereticum eum et peiorem heretico appellans, Papam- 
que in eius absolutione male fuisse informatum et a Theologo suo 
delusum affirmans, cuius rei testes habemus sacerdotes suos ; et 
quorsum hgec tendant et unde motus hsec dixerit relinquimus 
judicio Ill mae D. V. 

De Vtilitate. 

Mirum est Infantam et Cardinalem qui in Belgia a Regni 
Prouincijs et Principibus aluntur, qui sumptus belli non possunt 
sustinere nisi continuis exactionibus, impositionibus et contribution- 
ibuspopuli,quomodo possint Regno Angliae tantum afferre commo- 
ditatis ut utilius nihil excogitari poesit. 

De Probabilitate. 

Non est probabile Infantam quse patrimonium suum in Belgia 
uix potest a turba quadam rebelli et factiosa subditorum suorum 
defendere posse illud reguum alienum subiugare, tot externis, et 
internis competitoribus emulis et inimicis undique imminentibus. 

De Factibilitate. 

Nisi externo et alieno milite rem agat Infanta in Anglia, nisi 

54, f. 146. post prostrates iniinicos, non est quod de Catholicorum presumat 

aut potentia aut beneuolentia qui nee adeo sunt potentes, ut solet 

male informare Pater Personius, nee tarn ben6 affecti in Hispanos 

ut uelint pro eis periclitari. 

Sunt enim in Anglia professi notique ut Catholici 30,000. plus 
minus, et ex eis pars maior feminarum, puerorum, seruulorum, pauci 
admodum primarij viri, ex nobilitate uix duo paria, et hi non 
oranes in Hispaniam affecti. 

Solet autem Pater Personius fortassis numerum Catholicorum 
ad 10,000 [100,000?] extendere, affectionem, et zelum in His- 


paniam predicare, suoque nutu et arbitratu regi, ut maiorem 
habeat cum sua sanctitate et rege Cattolico auctoritatem, fictis et 
simulatis literis et relationibus insinuate. 

Cum in Anglia Infanta semper hereticos habebit infestissimos, 
et Catholicos paucos et tepidos, et a tergo Regem Scotias qui ius 
suum uindicare conabitur, et a fronte Regem Christianissimum 
qui nullo modo uicinitatem illam ferre persuaderi potest, et a 
latere Hollandos et Danos mari potentissimos, et nulli[bi] amicos 
aut confederates aliquos, nisi quos pecunise vi ex remotissimis 
regionibus uocauerit, nescio quid in mentem uenerit cordatis 
Principibus tarn uana spe hue usque decipi, et de medio tarn 
impossibili tanquam de solo et unico Anglise medicamento 

22. Vera Toreuisque Declaratio Status et CondUionis Catholicorum in 54, f. I46b. 
Anglia ab anno Dni 1587 vsque ad hodiernum diem. 

l mo In tota Insula nulla est Ecelesia, nullum sacellum, locus 
nullus ubi Catholici aut public^ aut priuatim possint aut sacro 
interesse aut alia frequentare sacramenta ad salutem animarura 

2. Qui hereticorum conciones et conuenticula frequentare 
recusent, singulis annis 660. aureos fisco persoluunt, quod si non 
sint soluendo, in carceres conijciuntur. 

3. Pena Capitis est Ecclesiae Romanse reconciliari, peccata con- 
fiteri, a peccatis absolui. 

4. Pena Capitis est sacerdotem hospitio recipere, auxilio, con- 
silio, aut re iuuare. 

5. Pena Capitis est sacerdotem, si cognoueris, illico magistratui 
non manifestare. 

6. Nemo est alicuius nota3 Catolicus quin in Custodia aliqua 
teneatur, hi in arctiori, illi in laxiori. 

7. Nemo Catholicorum aut arma domi habere aut officio in 
republica frui potest. 


8. Nemo ad gradus promoueri, aut beneficio [uti] potest. 

54, f. 147. Ab hoc seruitutis iugo liberari posse Cattolicos putant nonnulli, 

idque zelo ut putant bono, armorum ui et Principum potentia, 
idque per multos annos continues successibus non ita felicibus 
pertentarunt alijsque omnibus qui de medijs alijs magis pacificis 
cogitant, omnem fidem et authoritatem detrahunt ; idque agunt 
sedulo ut omnis illis aditus ad eorum aures quibus incumbit hisce 
rebus prouidere intercludatur. 

pmo jgitur illud sedulo decent et inculcant nullam aliam spem, 
nullam salutem reliquam esse Catt cis , nisi quam in Catholici Regis 
potentia et beneuolentia sitam predicant. 

2 (io Spargunt rumores, et infames, suspectos et inuisos reddunt 
ubique omnes qui aliter de causa communi iuuanda sentiunt. 

Propositum itaque nostrum est sine ulla Catt ci| Regis iniuria S n 
Sua3 ostendere primo non esse abbreuiatam manum D'ni, mediaque 
alia posse inueniri quibus fides Catt ca promoueri poterit sine tanta 
sanguinis effusione. 

3 io Media ilia quas hactenus per arma tentata fuerint plus 
Catt cis obfuisse quam profuisse ; quarum rationum capita Regis 
Christ mi orator S. V. uel uerbo uel scriptis exhibebit. 

54, f. 147b. 23. Considerationes qucedam S* proponendte -pro Pace Stabilienda 

in Ecclesia Anglicana.. 

Post examen grauissimum eorum quae exhibuimus contra modum 
procedendi Archipresbiteri, et incommodoram ipsius Siibordina- 
tionis, fratres nostri iudicio et considerat ni S mi relinquunt, vtrum 
ordinaria Episcoporum Hierarchia afflictissimis rebus nostris magis 
conueniat ; minusque in se incommodi et periculi habeat quam ista 
de quo modo agitur Prelatura. 

1. Verum cum tanti negotii momentum non poterit sine iusto 
examine, longotempore, et debita omnium circumstantiarum trutina 
concludi, ut paci et tranquillitati interim prouideatur, faceret 
proculdubio Sua Sanctitas iudicio nostro rem omnibus gratissimam, 


si in Regione tarn ampla et Province's distincta duos institueret 
syndicos, seu uisitatores, unum in parte Boreali, et in Australi 
alterum, ad quos in rebus dubijs fiat recursus et appellandi 
libertas, ne ad Romanam Curiam in tantis rerum difiicultatibus 
pro dirimendis singulis controversy's cogantur refugere. 

2. Deinde ut quinque aut sex Archipb'ri in Regno Angliee insti- 
tuantur, duo in parte Boreali, et Meridional! tres, sextus in Vvallia 
et confinibus, atque his singulis adiungant duo Assistentes. 
Horum autem [scilicet] auctoritas quousque se extendat si sua 
Sanctitas declarare dignetur (ut singuli intelligant in quibus 
obedire teneantur) ad pacis et concordiee perpetuitatem multum 54, f. 148. 
afferret adiumenti. 

3. Nominatis Sanct mo uiginti ex senioribus et doctioribus sacer- 
dotibus, qui nee uoto nee proposito sint Religiosi regulares, uel a 
[seculari] clero in Anglia, uel a Procuratoribus utriusque partis qui 
modo in urbe sunt, ab his decem, abillis alijs decem, poterit omnium 
applausu sua Sanctitas octo eligere qui, modo quo diximus, 
Catholicis omnibus in Anglia prasficiantur, donee de ordpnatione] 
Ecclesias quam temporibus nostris magis conuenire putamus 
[matur]ius fuerit deliberatum. 

4. Hoc autem et Patribus Societatis perhonorificum et ad 
inuidiam declinandam et ad conciliandam beneuolentiam peroppor- 
tunum, et denique ad omnes contentionum et a3mulationum radices 
extirpandas necessarium foret existimamus, si P'res Societatis 
prascipue Angli, directe aut indirecte uerbo uel scripto, Secularium 
Sacerdotum negotijs seimmiscere prohibeantur, talibusqueelection- 
ibus, nee consilio nee auxilio, clam nee palam, domi nee foris ullo 
modo se implicare. 

5. Prouinciarum etiam distinetio pari modo poterit fieri ab 
Ill mis Car'libus a sua Sanctitate deputatis in hoc opus, consultis 
prius utriusque partis procuratoribus. 

6. Videtur etiam (saluo meliori iudicio) conueniens ut auctoritas 

omnis dicta sit annalis aut ad summum triennalis, deinde alij per 54, f. i4Sb. 
sacerdotes earumdem prouinciarum eligantur in quibus ipsos 


presidere oportet nisi forsan ijdem Sacerdotes [in talibus personis] 
continuandam duxerint auctoritatem. 

7. Conuenire etiam uidetur ut neminem de crimine aliquo, nisi 
prius citatum et legitime conuictum, condemnent. 

8. Deinde ut nulli habeant potestatem reuocandi a quoquam 
Sacerdote facilitates (quae illi . . .) a sed solum eas suspendendi, 
nisi ex culpa grauissima . . . magnum aliquod oriaturscandalum, 
et reus incorrigibilis inueniatur. Causa autem integra ad uisita- 
torem deferatur qui, oum duobus Archipresb'ris re communicata, 
faciat quod pro bono communi maior pars magis expedire in D'no 

9. Nee a residentijs remouendi sacerdotes sit illis liberum nisi 
grauiss* de causa legitime discussa et probata, quod et fiat quantum 
fieri potest cum consensu Catholicorum Dominorum a quibus sunt 

x. Ad uisitatores fiant appellationes ubi inter Archipresbiterum 
et suos sacerdotes aliqua intercedit eontrouersia, penes quos erit 

Segondcahier admouere, dirigere, et eorrigere ipsos Archipresbiteros, suspen- 
faict a Rome -, , .. ** , 

le 4 nouebre dendo eorum auctoritatem si quando ab ijs erratum fuerit, et si se 

1602. judicio Superiorum noluerint submittere, ipsorum etiam erit inter 

54, f. 13$. Archipb'ros ullo modo inter se dissidentes lites componere. b 

xi. Conueniat ut leges nemo ferat aut promulget decreta, quae in 
conscientia obligent, nisi communi Archib'rum et sacerdotum illi 
subditorum maioris partis consensu, praesidente visitatore illius 
Prouincise ; sic autem conditse leges, prius confirmentur a sede 
Apostolica qua uim obligandi habeant. 

xij. Solet ex piorum eleemosinis sacerdotum et laicorum in 
Anglia incarceratorum, et qui extra carceres fuerunt necessi- 
tatibus . . . satisfied : solet tanta copia ex superfluis per annos 
singulos transmitti in partes transmarinas quse sufficeret ad 

" The MS. torn. 

b Folio 148 is much damaged and discoloured on both sides. Folio 158, which 
comes immediately after, has also suffered. The marginal note, Segond Cahier, 
etc., is in the same hand as that on folio 112b (supra, p. 65). 


nutriendos 140 et amplius alumnos in Collegio Rhemensi, relictis 
60 qui ex pensione summi Pontificis et Regis Hispaniae nutriren- 
tur. At uero ex quo Jesuitae quidam in Anglia cum Archi- 
presbitero rerum administratione potiti sunt, licet ampliores quam 
olim a Catholicis donatae fuerint eleemosinae (nam preter muni- 
tiones oranes et secretiores contributiones quadriennio hoc proxim& 
elapso quadraginta uel quinquaginta millia aureorum per summas 
integras in ipsorum potestatem sciuntur distribuenda deuenisse) 
cum ha3 omnes disparuerunt prorsus, cum maxima hominum 
admiratione et scandalo, incarcerati et pauperes Catholici grauis- 
sima rerum inopia laborarunt, et Collegium illud antea celeberri- 
num nunc in eas redactum est angustias ut, extrusis prelectoribus, 54, f. I58b. 
quadraginta tantum Alumnorum egenissimorum seminarium re- 
linquatur. Cum igitur de eleemosinarum distributione grauissimae 
sepenumero ortas sunt lites, eoque nomine Patres Societatis in 
Anglia pessimS audierunt, uisitatoribus cura et specialis sollicitudo 
incumbat incarceratorum et pauperum Catholicorum omnium. Et 
propterea omnes tarn Religiosi quam Archipresbiteri teneantur eis 
rationes reddere eleemosinarum collectarum acceptarum in pios 
usus, ut omnibus, prout eorum [necess]itas postulauerit, prouidea- 
tur. Archipresbiteri autem et visitatores, qui in Prouincijs opulen- 
tioribus ubi largiores eleemosinaB dantur residebunt, teneantur, 
quantum cbmmodS fieri poterit, subuenire necessitatibus eorum 
Catholicorum qui in locis egentioribus uictitant. 

xiij. Conuenit preterea ut omnes sacerdotes Archipresb'ro suo, 
Archipresb'ri visitatoribus, visitatores cum ab officio recedant suis 
successoribus rationem reddant eleemosinarum et collectarum in 
pios vsus acceptarum, ut prouideatur singulis et malarum suspi- 
tionum et querelarum occasiones tollantur. In quibus tamen 
uoluntas Datoris, quantum fieri poterit, obseruetur. 

xiv. Omnes sacerdotes quamdiu in aliena prouincia manebunt 
Archipresbitero eiusdem Provinciae subiecti censebuntur. Si 
autem quis ad declinandum Archipresbiterum suum in causa 
aliqua ad alienam prouinciam se confert, cognitio eius causae et 


54, . 159. sententia non ad alios quam ad suum Archipresbiterum et visita- 
torem spectabit, et ipse ad superiores suos redire omnibus modis 
cogatur. Quod similiter observandum putamus in Archipresbiteris 
respectu visitatorum suorum. 

24. Eesponsum ad Consider ationes quasdam a presbiteris appellan- 
tibus S D. N. propositas pro Pace Stabilienda in Eccl. Anylicana. 

Cum alio iam scripto, separatim Ill mis DD. W. exhibito, a os- 
tenderimus qualemcunque tandem presentis Regiminis ac Subor- 
dinationis mutationem grauissimis incommodis periculisque 
obnoxiam esse : hoc iam scripto hanc ab istis excogitatam propo- 
sitamque noui regiminis ecclesiastic! formam omnium maxima 
habere incommoda ostensuri sumus. Si enim res tota accurate 
perpendatur, facile apparebit illam quemadmodum precipua qua- 
darn ambitione ab initio ortum habuit, ita eandem semper esse 
futuram inquietudinis deinde perpetuse ac maximae causam, con- 
tentiones interminatas ac litigia proseminaturam, presbiteroruin 
mentes ab animarum cura ad alia auocaturam, eorumdem corpora 
personasque plurimis periculis ac hereticorum insidijsexposituram, 
in causam futuram, ut cessent nobilium laicorum eleemosynse a 
54, f. I59b. quibus suppeditari deberent quae sunt ad uictum uitamque 
necessaria ; denique multa in se continere, non modo absurda, sed 
considerate rerum nostrarum presente statu in praxi plane im- 

Haec ubi ostenderimus facili uidebunt Ill mae DD. VV. quam sit 
futurum ab auctoritate ac Sedis Apostolicae maiestate alienum si 
quse iam sunfc prasclare constituta ac breuibus apostolicis confir- 
mata, ea ad paucorum [im]portunitatem conuellantur ac dissipen- 
tur, praesertim . . . hac presenti subordinatione ex quorumdam 
hominum tiirbatione nata sunt incommoda, ea facilS sit una uel 
altera a Sanct mo facta declaratione penitus de medio tollere, ut 
alio iam scripto ostensum est. Atque ut de singulis pauca dicamus. 

Perhaps the Memorial, of which a long extract is printed by Tierney, iii. 
p. clxxii. Cf. also p. clxxiv. 


P m . ad ambitionem quod attinet non multum de ea dubitauerit, 1 De ambi- 
qui mente recolat hanc fere illam ipsam esse regiminis formam 
quam sibi prius inconsulta sede apostolica animo designarunt hi 
ipsi inquieti, sub nomine associations cuiusdam, qua contra 
monitura Apostoli sumere sibi uoluerunt honorem mini me a Deo 
vocati tanquam Aaron, contra qiiam extant multorum presbiterorum 
precipuorum literse quas memorat liber eorumdem Apologeticus S. 
S" inscriptus. Preterea quorsum queso spectant tot Syndici, 
Archipresbiteri, Assistentes alijque officiales, ac eorumdem tarn 
frequens singulis aut alternis annis idque per electiones habenda 
uicissitudo, quam ut presbiterorum animi, qui hoc persecutionis 54, f. 160. 
tempore per humilitatem ac obedientiam rerumque humanarum 
contemptum essentmaxime consolidandi ac ad omnemvirtutemaffir- 
mandi, uanissimo hoc planeque puerili magistratus gerendi ambitu 
virtutibus uacui in superbiam ac omnimodam diffluant vanitatem ? 

Ex eisdem etiam electionibus, congressionibus, suffrage's, sollici- 2 Turbatio 
tationibus, visitationibus, appellationiibus, frequentibus causarum ac Inquie- 
examinibus, canonicis probationibus, quanta sequutura est ani- 
morum corporumque inquietude, quot itinera, quantse impensae, 
quibus sane uix erunt satis vniuersaB illae eleemosinas quas tot 
modis ab hereticis hodie expilati suppeditare poterunt Catolici ! 

Porrd quid aliud erunt hec omnia quam fertilis qusedam seges 3 Lites ac 
atque continua discordiarum inter se et cum alijs fomenta, in quas 
videntur isti adeo propensi ut cum articulo 4 to profiteantur se nihil 
quicquam cum patribus societatis habere, articulo tamen 12 non 
dubitant eos ad rationem reddendam de pecunijs ac eleemosynis 
acceptis uocare, quod tamen tarn de illis quam de alijs factum fore 
impossibile infra statim ostendetur. 

lam uero si ea omnia ac singula quao hucusque dicta sunt 4 Distrac- 
accurate, uti reipsa geri atque administrari necesse erit, omnesque ^eimse ab^ni- 
circumstantiae perpendantur ; quis quseso locus erit non modo marum curis. 
proximorum curandis animabus sed suis etiam proprijs, uti par 54, f. I60b. 
erit, diuturnis ac quietis meditationibus alijsque pietatis exercitijs 
excolendis, ac ad opprobria pro Xp'o tormenta carceres mortemque 



5 De Periculo 
detectionis, et 


6 Eleemosi- 
narum sub- 

64, f. 161. 

ipsam oppetendam preparandis, cum tot alijs rebus ac cogita- 
tionibus implicabuntur ? 

De periculis, ac persecutorum insidijs quid attinet dicere ? cum 
in tarn frequentibus faciendis congressionibus unius falsi fratris 
opera, quorum magna est copia, atque incredibilis hereticorum 
uigilantia qui ad hoc ipsum omnilocoseduloobseruandum ac inuesti- 
gandum magistratus iam particulares atque exploratores desig- 
narunt, prodentur facillime uno fere die plerique plurium 
provinciarum presbiteri : quod quamuis isti non multum fortassis 
modo extimescunt, timebunt tamen meritissime ceteri qui, pro sua 
in fide constantia ac sedi apostolicse seruata obedientia, sunt 
niaxime fidei hostibus inuisi. Imo faxit Christus ut sub hac herba 
anguis aliquis minimd delitescat, cum iam libris impressis tumultuosi 
[jam] aliqui sint commi[nati] se tarn Jesuitas quam Archipresbitero 
adherentes uelle persecutoribus prodere, de quo etiam promisso 
heretici libris impressis ab eisdem exigunt, ut fidem suam liberent. 

Quod eleemosinarum sequutura sit subtractio si eiusmodi 
earumdem reddenda sit ratio, qualem isti postulant, manifesto 
liquet, cum non sit credendum uelle ipsarum contributors 
uel etiam distributors ut, cum capitis periculo per leges Angli- 
canas constitute, eorum nomina publicentur aut hereticis innotes- 
cant ; imo tantum abest ut uelint ullo modo sua nomina in album 
uel catalogum aliquem conferri, ut nunquam fere nisi summo 
secreto ac hominibus fidentissimis earn rem committant, imposito 
etiam illis ipsis silentio, ne nomina sua illis enuncient qui elee- 
mosinis sustentantur. VndS frequenter euenit ut presbiteri 
incarcerati alijque qui eas recipiunt benefactor um suorum nomina 
quoad obierint ignorent, imo non rard accidit, ut ipsi etiam 
morituri, ne heredibus obsint, express^ prohibeant ne res ullo modo 
diuulgetur. Quantum uero periculum sit euulgationis, si tot 
rationes a tarn diuersis tamque frequenter mutandis officialibus per 
istos designatis exigendae sint, quis non uidet, preterquam quod 
iniquum plane sit quemquam uelle cogere ut certis hominibus a 
nobis constitutis eleemosinas, quas sponte elargitur, tanto cum 


periculo tribuat uel distribuendas committat, cum nos aliquos 
extreme supplicio affectos sciamus eo quod haustum ceruisiae vel 
ientaculum sacerdotibus exhibuerint. a Quare cum hoc nouum 
istorum hominum inuentum de hac eleemosinarum collectione ac 
ratione reddenda eo manifesto tendat ut sacerdotes inter se com- 64, f. 16lb. 
mittat asmulationesque maiores excitet et Catholicos laicos in aper- 
tum vitge fortunarumque discrimen adducat, eaque re eleemosinis 
deinceps erogandis uiam omuem intercludat, clarum est nulla 
ratione a Oatholicis in Anglia admitti posse. 

Nescimus etiam quo isti spiritu adeo studios^ religiosos omnes 7 Calumnia- 
-,..., -r> i T -n i -L- f rum occasio. 

cumscunque ordmis in hac sua Reipublicse Ecclesiasticse forma 

deuitent, ut articulo 3 eorumdem inuidia atque odio ab elec- 
tionibus excludant eos etiam uniuersos presbiteros seculares qui 
uel voto uel proposito sint religiosi regulares. Hsec enim sunt 
eorum uerba. Articulo uero quarto patres societatis adeo dili- 
genter arcendos a suis omnibus negotijs electionibusque uolunt, 
ut neque direct^ neque indirecte uerbo uel scripto, consilio uel 
auxilio, clam uel palam, domi uel foris, ullo modo eis adsint quae 
omnia quam absona sint atque ab omni charitate ac pietate aliena 
et factu etiam impossibilia, cum in eadem Republica et in ijsdem 
animarum negotijs cum illis uiia uersentur DD. VV. Ill mae uident. 
Nam hac ratione neque consilium dare in rebus dubijs neque 
pacem couciliare inter discordes, neque admonitione aut correctione 
fraterna uti erga delinquentes, nee alia Charitatis officia prestare 
poterunt. Illud uero quod omnes presbiteros etiam seculares qui 54, f. 162. 
uel voto uel proposito regulares sunt ab omnibus suis electionibus 
excludunt, quantum discordiarum incommodum inferre possit facile 
est judicare, cum hoc pretextu omnes quos ulla ratione suspectos 
quisque habeat rebus suis non fauere voto uel proposito religiosos 
esse causabitur, quemadmodum iam libris impressis omnes siue 
presbiteros, siue laicos nobiles, imo Car'lem Alanum, Sanderum 
aliosque passim uocant Jesuitas, quotiescunque aliquid dicunt 

* Some time before 1592 two gentlemen were executed, the one for giving a 
priest a quart of wine, the other a supper. Morris, Troubles, iii. 28. 



8 Praxis 
nous formae 

54, f. 162b 

9 In present! 
subord" 6 ces- 
sant hffic 
omnia In- 

faciuntue quod ipsis [minus] arridet, ex quo quanta dissidijs porta 
aperiatur clarum est. Imo de ipsis appellantibus alijsque multis 
qui proposita uel etiam uota ingrediendi religionem habuisse 
aliquando noscuntur dubium esse poterit an eadem penitus 
reliquerint necne, et consequent&r an sint ad omnes ipsorum 
electiones inhabiles. 

Preterea in hac ipsis propositae gubernationis praxi non modo 
maxima difficultas, sed omnimodo apparet impossibilitas. Quis 
enim bonis quietisque sacerdotibus persuadebit ut cum tot uitae 
periculis ad tarn frequentes ab ipsis designates conuentus accedant ? 
Quis laicos nobiles ut eos in suas asdes cum totius familiae discrimine 
admittant inducere poterit ? Quis ex quietioribus alicui ex turbu- 
lentis per ambitum fort6 in superiores electis libenter subierit? 
multoque minus, quis ferre poterit, quod isti, suorum ut uidetur 
timentes fugam, articulo ultimo odiose addiderunt, ut a prouincia 
propria abscedentes ad superiores suos redire omnibus modis 
cogantur ? Qui quasso erunt isti modi, aut quanam ratione 
habebitur legitima ilia criminum conuictio quam isti postulant 
art 7. quando conuicto in promptu erit tarn de iudice quam 
testibus hereticorum opera uindictam sumere ? Denique, quod 
supra etiam monuimus, plane reddetur impossibilis eleemosynarum 
non modo reddenda ratio, sed etiam ipsamet collectio, ut alia plura 
pretermittamus, quae cuique rerum Anglicanarum perito statim 
occurrent obuia ; nobis enim satis uisum est in re tarn perspicua 
pauca qusedem capita idque cursim indicare. 

Quod si e conuerso ad earn quaa modo uiget subordinationem 
oculos animosque conuertamus, uidebimus profectd haec omnia 
statim cessare incommoda eorumque loco ijsdem aduersa succedere 
maxima emolumenta. Ambitioni namqite praecluditur aditus non 
ita facile frequenter mutato magistratu, neque id unquam per 
inquietorum ambitum atque electiones. Quieti poterunt esse 
omnes sibique, ut inquit Apostolus, attendere, atque doctrinas dis- 
cordiarum praescinderentur fibras, cum uix unquam Archipresbiteri 
cuiquam facessant negocium nisi quis uel aperte moueat seditionem, 


uel ualde se praebeat in laicorum aedibus scandalosum. Pericula 54, f. 163. 
non erunt ulla noua declinatis frequentibus illis minusque neces- 
sarijs congressionibus. Eleemosynae sicut hactenus citra dantis 
aut recipientis discrimen ad manus peruenient egentium. Re- 
ligiosorum non, ut ipsi cauillantur, imperio, sed non inutili iuuari 
poterunt opera atque consilio ; nisi tamen hac in parte aliud 
uisum fuerit Sanct mo cui in omnibus parere sunt paratissimi. 

Denique in hac subordination nihil hactenus apparuit admodum 
difficile, nedum impossibile, nee alia secuta sunt hactenus incom- 
moda quas non contingere possint in quacunque Rep a uel optirae 
constituta, si liberum esset hostibus inquietis pro libitu tumultuari 
et superioribus suis impune aduersari. Illud praeter omnia iam 
dicta summopere animaduertendum uidetur hanc quam isti modo 
proponunt nouam Regiminis formam prius ab Guilielmo Watsono 
scripto fuisse traditam, qui deinceps quotidie cum Pseudo-Episcopo 
Londinensi agit familiarissim^ atque author extitit libri illius 
Quotlibetici in quo quamplurimas habentur propositiones erroneae 
atque hereticae. 

25. Refutatio Responsi P. Personij ad Consider utiones d nobis S mo 54, f. I63b. 
D'wo N'ro propositas pro pace stabilienda in Ecclesia Anglicana. 

Cum ulcus hoc, quo inscie totius ecclesiae quae in Anglia est 
corpus contabescit, sanari asgerrinid poterit nisi ad vivum resecentur 
omnia, et morbi ipsius fontes et scaturigines aperiantur, antequam 
iiicommodis istis quas subordinationi a nobis propositae obijciantur 
occurramus, haec pauca prefigenda censemus. 

PP. Personium nee uocatum ut Aron, nee missum ut Moysen 
sibi ipsi hanc dignitatem et auctoritatem sumpsisse, ut in urbe ab 
anno saltern 97. omnia Angloruin negotia tarn priuata quam 
publica solus tractaret, solus informaret, solus prornoueret, alijsque 
omnibiis, qui in illius quasi uerba jurati non essent, omnem turn 
fidem, turn aditum, t successum ad superiorum aures praecluderet : 
Quod adueiitus eius ad urbem causa fuerit istiusmodi rerum 


Anglicarum administratio, testes habemus literas eius, manu sua 

64, f. 164. 2. quod solus cum suis hec omnia tractauerit, res est S mo Dn'o 

nr'o et Ills mis DD. W. adeo nota et familiaris, ut non sit necesse 
ad informationes suas in publicis Archiuis remanentes confugere ; 
deinde relationibus quibusdam tarn in Vrbe quam in Anglia sparsis 
sequaces quidem P. Personij hoc sedulo demonstrare contenderunt, 
scilicet non posse in Anglia sartam tectam conseruari religionem 
Catholicam, si modo absoluta ista et irrefragabilis informandi et 
administrandi auctoritas a P. Personio et suis uel auferatur, uel 

Vltrd certum est, alium preterea neminem ab illo terapore uel 
admissum uel permissum in vrbe, qui P. Personio ullo modo 
refragari sit ausus. 

2. certum est, subordinationem istam a Patre Personio inceptam 
et excogitatam eiusque informationibus et relationibus a Sanct mo 
procuratam fuisse, ubi, siquid erratum est, in solo P. Personio est 
cudenda faba. 

3. ex ipsis literis institutiuis, literisque apostolicis, con- 
fessioneque ipsius D. Standisij (cuius manu et lingua parum 
ueraci P. Personius usus est ad subordinationem istam stabilien- 
dam) patet falsas fuisse informationes, et causas fictitias, quibus 
fretus P. Personius formam istam regiminis, quam ille Hierarchiam 
uocat institui curauit. 

54, f. 164b. 4. Cum ab illo responsum hoc ad considerationes nostras pro- 

fectum esse non dubitamus, uariasque in eo falsitates et calum- 
nias contiueri perspicimus, cumque ille acerbissimis nos (etiam 
post aduentum nostrum in urberu) contra mandatum Sanct mi affecit 
iniuriis, partim uiua uoce partim asseclarum suorum clamoribus et 
excursionibus, idque apud omnes hominum ordines, partim libelli 
cuiusdam famosi, quern apologiam uocat, in urbe et in Anglia 
publicatione, contra Breuis Apostolici decretum excommunicatione 
. . . allatum, cumque nihil in dictis aut scriptis nostris ex eo 
tempore appareat acerbius aut immodestius prolatum, putauimus 


(quod bona cum uenia 111. DD. W. fiat) et paci futurae perquam 
necessarium et iustitise et ueritati eruendae percommodum fore, 
si cum ipso P. Personio cominus et aperto marte congrediamur, 
asseclis, et umbris eius preterinissis. 

Calumniarum cumulus quibus in hoc P. Personij 
Responso prsestringinmr. 

In articulo primo ambitionis preterites nos arguit falsissim&, et 
futuram nos in suspitionem trahit. 

In eodem articulo inquietos, art 3 et 8 turbulentos, articulo 5 
tumultuantes uocat, art. 7. in lites et discordias propensos dicit, 
art. 8. adeo nos infames putat ut electis in superiores parendum 54, f. 165. 
esse dubitat. 

Art 9 apertos uocat seditionum motores et ualde scandalosos 
in edibus Catholicorum, in art. autem 5 aperte insinuat'nos nee 
in fide fuisse constantes, nee sedi apostolicas obedientes, contra 
declaration em Sanct mi qua nos nuperrimS hac nota liberauit et 
perpetuum huic controuersise imposuit silentium tarn uerbo quarn 
scripto, tarn in vrbe quam in Anglia. 

Breuissima Calumniarum istarum Refutatio. 

Cum nulluui sit superiorum genus quos non summa cum 
alacritate agnoscimus (Archipresbiteri enim auctoritatem ad unum 
omnes uiso breui apostolico admisimus, in rebus controuersis primo 
ad Nuncium in Flandria, deinde ad Hl mos Cardinales Protectorem et 
viceprotectorem recta porreximus, et modo ad pedes sanctissimi 
prostrati quid de nobis rebusque nostris statuat humillimd ex- 
pectamus, sub uno capite unius corporis et Ecclesiae membra con- 
stantissime contra portas inferi et persecutionis impetum per- 
seueramus) mirari satis non possumus a quo capite defectionem 
istam factam et seditionem excitatam a nobis toties et hie, et in 
libro suo apologetico inculcat P. Personius ; a quo corpore separates 
tarn odiosfe clamitat? cui potestati hostes tarn inquietos et tur- 



54, f. I65b. bulentos nominat ? cum separationem aut secessionem ab alio 
capite et corpore inter fratres nostros nullam uidemus nisi forte 
seipsum duosque ministros intelligat, quern pro domino et superiore 
nee agnoscimus iiec agnoscendum putamus. Turbarum autem et 
contentionum omnia semina et segetes, cum a tribus uel quatuor 
sui ordinis hominibus prodiisse uel lippientibus innotescat, nescimus 
quid illi in mentem uenerit in capita nostra suorum crimina 
retorquere iterumque uulnus hoe post infusum a Sanctissimo oleum 
refricare. Quod si hie Romae in ore et oeulis Hl marum DD. VV. et 
in conspectu Sua3 sanctitatis post iniunetum sileutium acquiescere 
nesciunt, quid de ijs in Anglia eet sperandum ubi auctoritate 
arrnati posteriora prioribus peiora efficient proculdubio, nisi 
innocentiae nostrae a Sanct mo D'no Noetro et Ill mis DD. prouideatur ? 

Refutatio Proemij. 

In proemio, duo a responsi auctore P. Personio tractantur : 
P incommodorum et periculorum aceruus in subordinationem a 
nobis propositam artificiosS congeritur quibus singulis seriatim suo 
loco singula dabimus responsa ; 2 persuasione quadam Rethorica a 
maiestate Sedis Apostolica3 desumpta subordinationi suaB succen- 
54, f. 166. turiare satagit. Quasi uero quicquid magis sedis apostolicas 
dignitatem deceat et sanctitatem predicet, quam quae falsis et 
iniquis information ibus impetrata uideantur eadem liberrimo et 
legitimo examine patefacere, et post detectas fraudes et artificia 
uel ueritatis suppresses uel suggestae falsitatis quge primo tanquam 
preclar6 instituta et breuibus apostolicis confirmata prodierunt, 
eadem non solum mutare et diminuere, sed potius abrogare et 
antiquare; quin et hoc solemne est in curia Romana, non ad 
paucorum importunitatem (ut suo more loquitur P. Personius) 
sed ad ueritatis et aequitatis iustissimas postulationes multa 
saspissime reuocare et reformare, presertim uero ea quge in dis- 
iunctis et remotis regionibus in aliorum preiudicium ex falsis 
relationibus sunt instituta. 
- Quod autem de remedio loquitur tarn presente et propitio. 


nimirum posse penitus una uel altera S. S. declaratione omnia 
sedari, loquitur uel inuisus a quantam nos fratresque nostri apo- 
stolicis scriptis reuerentiam et obedientiam exhibemus, aut errat 
longe qui putat multum diuturnitatis [?] esse custodem aut pacis 
propugnaculum ? Verum is est captus hominis, ut preter uim 
et uirgam feiream nihil ad continendum in officio sacerdotes 
opportunum existimet aut rebus suis commodum. 

Refutatio articuli priini 54, f. iGGb. 

De Ambitionis incommodo. 

Hoc sibi palmarium putat P. Personius, ambitionis, seditionis, 
factionis, passionis, et indeuotionis labe conspergere omnes qui 
quicquam contra ilium quern sibi opinionis errore firixit princi- 
patum hiscere aut mutire audent. 

Quis autem nisi mentis inops, nisi oculis captus est, qui non 
uideat quorsum hec tendant, aut in qua herba lateat anguis, aut 
ex qua officina prodeat ambitio, qui Patrem Personium uel a 
facie nouerit, uel de eius libris, literis, et tractatibus uel 
tantulum degustauerit. 

Mortuo felicis memorise Ill mo Alano tumultuari ceptum est in 
Anglia inter quosdam Jesuitas et sacerdotes seculares, omniaque 
tarn in carceribus quam in prouincijs, tarn domi quam foris 
commoueri, vnde tempestatem futuram preuidentes, cogitauimus 
communi omnium tarn secularium quam Regularium consensu, 
et summi Pontificis approbatione de societate sacerdotum secu- 
larium instituenda et superioribus eligendis, qui certis quibusdam 
regulis subiecti, tarn pietatis quam charitatis opera ardentius 
quam in uita separata solebant exercere. Res grata uisa est 
Jesuitis, laudabant uehementer pios conatus ; at ueriti, ne concordia 54, f. 167. 
tanta confirmati sacerdotes illorum iu dirigendis alijs in dis- 
tribuendis eleemosynis et dirimendis controuersijs seu seminandis 
potius eneruarent auctoritatem, clanculum ad urbem miserunt qui, 

8 Or inscius ? There is something wrong in the latter part of this sentence. 

K 2 


associationem nostram seditionem uocantes, istam subordinationem 
in qua alieno nomine licentius dominari possint a Sanct mo im- 
petrarunt : hinc fundi nostri calamitss. 

Ad ambitionem uero quod spectat de titulis aut infulis parum 
refert, modo imperet quis, modo de omnibus collegijs, seminary's, 
collectis eleemosinis, pensionibus, controuersijs, residentijs dis- 
ponat P. Personius, nemini uillicationis sua3 rationem redditurus, 
siue suo hoc, siue alieno nomine, siue arte, siue aperte id faciat, 
nihil refert, dum faciat modo ; neque in hoe tarn secreto et tecto 
dignitatum aucupio ambitionis scintillas latitare cogitemus ; 
demusque tantum homini religiose, illo nernp& inconsulto, missos 
fuisse & Patre Holto Jesuita eius subdito legatos (quorum unus, 
ille nimirum qui peierauit, in vrbe est) ad Archiducem Albertum, 
qui nomine totius nationis ab eo peterent literas ad Suinmum 
Pontificem de P. Personio ad dignitatem Cardinalitiam pro- 
mouendo ; at suo se inditio prodit bonus iste pater, cum actiones 
et cogitationes uniuersas hue dirigit, ut Principibus persuadeat in 
sito supercilio sitas esse Catholicorum omnium fortunas, uoluntates, 
affectionesque. quibug fultus speciosissimas de Regno Anglise 
potiundo chimeras, quoties et quibus illi commodum uidebitur, 
54, f. 167b. magnatibus obtrudit ; hec ueris8 a esse testantur Heskettus missus 
a P. Holto Jesuita (qui nil unquam inconsulto P. Personio 
superiori suo ausus est aggredi, et D. Worthingtono eius organo ad 
comitem Darbiensem, qui nomine Catholicorum eum ad Regnum 
capessendum incitarent, qui captus supremo supplicio est affectus. 
Ipse uero comes non post multos menses ueneno est sublatus. 

Testes sunt sacerdotes aliqui, qui a P. Personio id ipsum etiam 
in mandatis habuerunt, ut Comitem Darbiensem, sicut fecit postea 
Heskettus, pertentarent. Testis est liber Successionis, ubi multa 
de Catholicorum affectione et titulo Infantse ceteris praefereiido 
loquitur ; hue spectant literae missiuse ad P. Holtum dum esset 
Genuse anno 1597 cuius ueritatis tres testes producemus et 
prototype testes subscriptiones alumnorum titulo Infantae. Testis 
liber Reformationis, quern in refectorijs legi curauit, ex quibus 


colligitur in hoc terminari Patris Personij ambitionem, ut possit 
quern uelit Catholicum ad Angliee successionem promouere novam- 
que Reipublicee et Ecclesise formam, tanquam nouus Solon, ciuibus 
et posteris suis relinquere : quibus consideratis, et hoc et iam 
eius de instituenda et defendenda hac subordinatione egregium 
commentum nobis snspectum non immerito esse cepit, quippe qui 
eius opera [cognoscamus quomodo] quas uelit Catholicorum sub- 
scriptiones sacerdotum praesertim partim metu, partim minis, 
partim lenocinijs et promissis, cartae licet uacuae appositas possit 
extorquere, omniaqiie Catholicorum negocia, collectas eleemosinas, 54, f. 168. 
desideria etiam et uoluntates suo nutu dirigere, cuius opera et 
auctoritate poterit in suam sententiam uel inuitos trahere, uel 
pertinaces, et a tali ambitu abhorrentes [apud] exteros infamise et 
[improperiorum] cumulis obruere. 

Cetera Ill mis DD. VV. consideranda relinquimus in qua sub- 
ordinatione altiores radices egit ambitio aut certiora reliquit 
argumenta, ubi notandum est ilia ambitionum incommoda quae 
subordinationi nostrae opponuntur omnibus aeque collegijs, con- 
gregationibus, religionibus, Rebuspublicis, Regnis, ubi electione 
creantur magistratus et superiores, esse communia. 

Refutatio 2 ffi partis articuli primi 
De multitudine et vicissitudine Magistratuum. 

In subordinatione a P. Persouio excogitata 12. sunt Assistentes, 
unus Archipresbiter, quibus per totum Regnum in hac nostra 
subordinatione quinque adiecimus, et duos ad quos in grauaminibus 
fiat recursus. In qua Regiminis forma, ut itinerum et impen- 
sarum uitetur longinquitas et grauitas, habebunt sacerdotes in suis 
prouincijs superiores ad quos confugiant, et quibuscum agant 
minimo cum sumptu, turn labore et periculo. 

In vicissitudinem uero magistratuum et annalem seu biennalem 
elect em minime mirandum est quod in hoc articulo calamum acuant, 54, f. I68b. 
utpote perpetuaa P. Personij dictaturge ex diametro oppositam ; 


quod si in confesso sit tantam uirtutis, pietatis, et deuotionis 

stragem in Rempublicam Christianam ex necessitate inferre istius- 

modi frequentes superiorum mutationes, quid tandem patribus 

Concilij Tridentini in mentem uenit tales superiorum uicissitudines 

in omnes religiosorum familias introducere tanquam ambitionis, 

dissolutionis, superbiae, et tirannidis antydoturn ; quid in collegijs, 

capitulis, sodality's, congregation ibusque reformatissimis ubi 

annuls electionibus et mutationibus geruntur omnia ? nunquid 

omnes exuisse pietatem, deuotionem et mortificatiouem dicamus, 

quod statis temporibus ad superiorum electionem conueniant? 

quid parochi qui de annuis creandis aedituis sunt solliciti, an ideo 

ut perpetuo animarum curam abijciant necesse est ? quidquid de 

residentia in residentiam, hoc est de beneficio in beneficium, de 

parochia in parochiam singulis annis, aliquando uero mensibus, ab 

Arcliipresbitero mutantur, uel saltern ad nutum mutari poterint ; 

nunquid et mentem una et meritum animarum lucrandarum 

mutasse dicamus? Quin et eo magis absurdum uideri potest nugas 

istas et mera figmenta de ambitionum et distractionum incommodis 

a P. Personij inuidia prodijsse, cum ipse alijque Patres Societatis 

qui Angliae negotijs implicantur ita uitam actiuam et contem- 

54, f. 169. platiuam in ordinem redegerunt, ut in ipso aestu et impetu con- 

temptus mundi etiam de Regnis mundi Regnique titulis et rerum- 

publicarum reformationibus, sine ullo meditationum aut deuo- 

tionum obstaculo, libros impriniant, de missionibus, seminarijs, 

pensionibus, facultatibus, regimine, priuilegijs, de litibus, et con- 

trouersijs, de politia, et successore futuro Regni Anglias seduld 

tractent. Hec enim omni aut cum sua sanctitate ageret, scribit Pater 

Personius Genuse Mart. 15. 1597, causam itineris sui ad vrbem 

tune temporis fuisse ; preterea cum non solum publica sed priuata 

singulorum negotia amplectantur isti boni patres, mortificationis 

tamen magistri haberi uolunt, cumque nullum esse nuncium, 

nullum legatum existimamus Pontificis aut Principis qui plures 

Patre Personio literarum fascicules ex omnibus Europae angulis 

mittat aut recipiat, sumptibus et pecunijs pauperum et patrimonio 


Christi (cum totus tamen sit in raundi fuga et contemptu) 
quomodo tarn degeneres et angusti pectoris putet esse sacerdotes, 
ut non possint de biennio in biennium pro electione superioris con- 
gredi aut syngraphis sufFragari, nisi uirtutibus nuncium re- 
mittant et in omnimodam superbiam et uanitatem defluant. 

Refutation articuli secundi 54, f. i69b. 

De Turbationis et Iniquietudinis incommodis. 

Hoc sedulo agit Pater Personius ut uisitationibus, appellationibus, 
causarum examinibus, canonicis probationibus, pecuniarijs rationibus 
precludat uiam,et pro suo arbitratu subordinationis huius suseauc- 
toritate munitus in sacerdotum omnium famas et fortunas seeuiat ; 
deque collectis et eleemosynis omnibus ad libitum disponat, cum 
Alcibiade iniens rationem ne reddat rationem,ne fortassis ad calculos 
revocatus repetundarum reus cum suis inueniatur. 

In hac uero a nobis excogitata regiminis forma, breuissimis 
itineribus, leuissimis expensis, minimaque animorum corporumque 
inquietudine transigentur. Haec omnia, cum facillimum sit unam 
peragrare Prouinciam, sufFragia per literas transmittere et saspissime 
conuenire tarn ad electiones quam ad causarum decisiones, at in 
ilia Patris Personij subordinatione omnes istas turbationum, sump- 
tuum et inquietudinis difficultates concurrere, quis non uidet, qui 
uidet ex remotissimis Regni partibus ad unum Londini degentem 
superiorem esse confugiendum, uel ut se de crimine purget quis, uel 54, f. 170. 
ut uer superiorem suum informet, uel ab eo ut petat quid, uel ut de 
grauaminibus conqueratur, quse literis committi aut exprimi non 
possunt, quod si a superiore isto quid durius aut iniquius iniunctum 
fuerit, nullum in hac subordinatione refugium habemus nisi ad 
vrbem confugiamus. 

Certum est igitur eum, qui. electionibus, appellationibus, uisita- 
tionibus, canonicis probationibus, pecuniarijs rationibus, in Re- 
publica (ad cuius ipse clauum sedet) nullum relinqui debere locum 
existimet, merito posse in affectati imperij suspitionem trahi. 


Refutatio articuli tertij 
De Litibus et Discordijs. 

Tantum abest ut contentionum seges fertilis ab hac nostra forma 
oriatur, ut nihil ad pacem et fraternitatem stabiliendam aptius 
excogitari potuerit, quam haec tarn sequabilis et moderate imperandi 
et subijciendi forma, cum ilia arbitraria Patris Personij subordinatio 
nullis legibus, nullis limitibus circumsepta omnem iniustitiae, 
violentise, et oppression! libertatem indulgens, perpetuum quoddam 
discordiarum et contentionum erit fomentum. 

64, f. 170b. Refutatio articuli quarti 

De Distvactione perpetua ab Animarum cura. 

Hsec omnia gratis esse dicta facillime perspicient Ills m<B DD. V V. 
turn ex ijs quas superiori articulo de uicissitudine superiorum 
diximus, turn quod hie sicut in alijs capitibus nihil probari aut 
argumento aliquo confirmari uideant. Quid enim impediment! aut 
meditationibus aut mortificationibus aut curae animarum afferret 
aut imprimeret in sacerdotum animis unius horse aut diei occupatio, 
et in negotio electionum et uisitationum sollicitudo post biennij in 
summa pace transcursum curriculum ; cum ipsi, inter tot secularium 
negotiorum fluctus et uoragines perpetuo agitati, nihil tarn en ad 
spiritualia segniores aut ad conscientiarum directionem aut ani- 
marum curam ineptiores haberi uelint. 

Refutatio articuli V u 
De periculis Detectionum et Comprehensionis. 

Non sunt ad electiones istas nostras uecessariaa tarn frequentes 
64, f. 171. congregationes et congressus, nee tanti rumores et strepitus qui 
toties et tarn artificiose in response Patris Personij inculcantur, 
semel enim singulis annis uel post biennium tractari potest hoc 
negotium uel una congregalis eiusdem prouincia3 sacerdotibus (quod 
sepius singulis annis uel casu uel leuioribus de causis euenire 


solet) uel scripto uel nuncio missis suffrages. Cum autem ubique 
in periculis versamur, sepissimd autem in Catholicorum edibus con- 
uenimus, questio est utrum qui decem dierum iter conficit, ut 
superiorem adeat et alloquatur totidemque in reditu insumat, 
raaioribus et crebrioribus sit periculis, sumptibus, animique et 
corporis motibus obnoxis, quam ij qui uno plerumque die aut ad 
summum biduo aut triduo idipsum conficit negotij. Undique sunt 
pericula, molestiae, labores, at in ista Patris Personij subordina- 
tione tantum sunt grauiora et diuturniora, quantum a tribus decem, 
aut sex uiginti multitudine et disparitate disiunguntur. 

Refutatio articuli sexti 
De Eleemosynarum subtractione. 

In sexta sua de eleemosynis ratione quantopere P. Pars, ratione 
destituatur, patet facilius atque apertius, quam ut cuiquam 54, f. 171b. 
obscurum esse queat, nam cum uix unquam alias copiosiores 
eleemosinas a Catholicis in Anglia datae fuerunt (ut testatur D'nus 
Blacuellus in literis suis 20. martij 1600 datis) nee unquam minori 
cum sequitate et parcius distributee, cumque non solum sacerdotum 
ferS omnium uita (siue hi in carceribus degant siue extra) ab elee- 
mosynis maxim^ pendeat, sed alij plurimi Cath. domi forisque et 
priuatim et in communi uictitantes harum piarum eleemosynarum 
subsidy's seepe sustententur ; quid a3quum magis est aut neces- 
sarium, quam ut tales eleemosinas ita dispensentur, ut et dantium 
uoluntatibus et egentium necessitatibus optime consulatur et satis- 
fiat? Ha3C autem dispensatio ut recte ac sineomni diminutione et 
fraude fiat, nulla facilior, tutior, aut honestior uia nobis occurrit, 
quam ut de acceptis e quibuscunque eleemosinis ratio aliquando 
reddatur. Sintque preterea constituti aliqui uisitatores nimirum 
ad quos pertineat precipuam quandam curam eorum qui in necessi- 
tate maiori sunt habere ; ut hac ratione, et maximd egentibus 
subueniatur distributions, et accipientibus quasi aliquod frenum 
imponatur, ne eas efiusS aut negligentius in suos aut alienos super- 


fluos usus profundant, aut minus ex uoluntatibus contribuentium, 
Quibus sane rationibus ita respondet Pater Personius ut nihil 

54, f 172. respondeat, unum tantum affirmat esse ualde periculosum, ut nomina 
dantium prodantur ; quasi uero aut hi omnes qui largiores elee- 
mosynas conferunt ita lateant, ut non sint multis Catholicis ipso 
nomine cogniti, aut necess sit in reddendis rationibus dantium 
nomina semper exprimi, cum satis fuerit acceptas summas simul et 
modum causasque dispensandi in rationes referre easque superiori 
suo Archipresbitero aut uisitatori pro tempore existenti exhibere, 
qui cum unicus erit, simulque et semel rationes eorum accipiat, nee 
alteri quam successori tradat, non uidemus cur adeo de euulgatione 
timeri debet, aut uel minimum inde datoribus (quibus dandi cui 
uolunt potestatem relinquimus) creari periculum, multo uero minus 
hoc apud probos et rectae conscientiee sacerdotes (quibus dis- 
pensandi libertatem non negamus) ad emulationem uel ad dis- 
sentionem ualebit, qui non quee sua sed quas Dei sunt querentes, id 
tutissimum ad suarum conscientiarum securitatem reputabunt, si 
in his quse fidei suee fuerint commissa rect& dispensandis, non 
Deum solum sed etiam homines testes habueriut neque quicquam 
perinda ; atque hee cautela aequissimaque ratio in pecunijs dis- 
pensandis apud Catholicos laicos ualebit ad eorum liberalitatem 
excitandam, quas etiam procul dubio latiorem [viam] erogandis 
eleemosinis aperiet, claramque efficiet talem rationem omnimoda 
ratione a Catholicis in Anglia admitti et posse, et debere. 

64, f. 172b. Neque nouum hoc est quod proposuimus, aut a praxi ecclesiaa 
primatiuse alienum, cum in 6 a Actorum diaconos talibus prasficien- 
dos collectariis rationibus non dissimili omnino data occasion e 
decreuerunt Apostoli ; facto quotidiano ministerio despicerentur ; 
eadem sunt tempora persecutionis [scilicet] idem contemptus et 
inequalitas in repartiendis collectis ; idem quasi numerus designa- 
tur, hie diaconorum, apud nos superiorum ; vbi aliter Apostoli, 
aliter se gerit Pater Personius, illi enim in hac exorta in ipsis 
ecclesise incunabulis contentione summa cum suauitate fibras et 
radices malorum (adhibita Diaconorum cura et sollicitudine) 


euellunt. In Patris uero Personij response, quid hie simile 
pietatis ? factum est murmur sacerdotum incarceratorum layco- 
rumque plurimorum quod in distributione collectarum se spretos 
animaduerterent. Ex quadraginta quinque millibus enim aureorum, 
quae defunctorum legationes (preter alias pecunias quas Catholi- 
corum uirorum largitas contulit) in pios usus his quatuor superiori- 
bus retroactis aiinis erogarunt (ut magni Jubilei eleemosynas 
taceamus) qui in D'no uincti fuerunt ne tantam quidem partem 
receperunt ut sine graui seris alieni pondere ad uictus et uestitus 
necessaria comparare sibi potuerint. Sacerdotes passim in summis 
rerum angustijs uictitabant. Et ex laicis aliqui magna? nota3 et 
nominis homines fame miserrime perierunt, cum interim 660 
aureorum in Belgias transmittenda rapuit fiscus, et alia 16000 54, f. 173. 
dicuntur tuto illic paulo ante peruenisse. Hinc factum est iustum 
murmur. Petunt Catholici rationes reddi, et superiores constitui, ne 
sicut hactenus cum uitae dispendio spernant r in distributionibus. 
Hie Pater Personius emulationem, seditionem, pericula eleemosy- 
narum subtractiones clamitat, neque aaquum esse censet cum 
Apostolis praeficiendos Diaconos, sed castigandos eos qui his malis 
medelam adhiberi cupiunt. Immemor fortasse quid Pater 
Westonus in Castro Vuisbicensi cum D'no Bluetto questore 
communi eleemosynarum (qui 15000 aureorum annuatim pro 
carceris illius subsidio solitus erat recipere) ageret, gratitudinis 
enim et pietatis pretextu non solum ad calculos eum exactissimos 
uocari librosqua perscrutari uoluit sed nomina etiam benefactorum 
tabulis inscribi et in singulis cubiculis affigi aequissimum putauit. 
Verum nondum ad illos peruenerant loculi, neque hominem 
integerrimum, qui quindecim annorum sollicitudine, et collectarum 
distributione summa cum fide et omnium satisfactione Catholi- 
corum omnium in se oculos con uert erat, tarn cito de sede et 
auctoritate sua deturbare poterant. 

Tandem vero, illo artificiose, contentiose, et scandalose excluso, 
rerum potiti sunt, ubi imposterum, solitis eleemosynis aut non 
missis aut male impensis, summis premebantur angustijs. 54, f. 173b. 


Refutatio articuli septimi 
De Calumniarum occasione. 

In septimo articulo grauissimS conqueritur Pater Personius 
Jesuitas suos ab electionibus et secularibus administrationibus 
excludi ; at uero id nobis non solum Eequissimum et ordinatissimum 
sed paci ecclesise Anglicanas maxime necessarium uidetur, ut non 
magis Jesuits? sacerdotum secularium, quam sacerdotes Jesuitarum 
aliorumque religiosorum electionibus et administrationibus se 
immisceant neque hoc alitdr accipi uolumus quam totius Christiana 
ecclesias praxis consuetudoque obseruat. Non enim aut pacem 
conciliare aut fraterna correctione uti, aut uere pietatis charita- 
tisque fungi officijs eos prohibemus, sed quia omnium harum 
calamitosarum dissentionum causa precipua et auctores extiterunt 
quidam Jesuitse, dum ambitiosS nimis et uiolentSr imperium in 
clerum Anglicanum affectarunt, tolli hasc denuo aut sopiri nulla 
ratione queunt, nisi illi rerum perturbatores non modo a regimine 
sacerdotum, sed etiam ab omni eius ambiendi potestate, et occa- 
sione adeoque suspitione excludantnr. Hancque ob causam, non 
54, f. 174. tantuni Jesuitas professes illos, et palam cognitos, sed illos etiam 
latentes et uel solo uoto seu proposito Societati obstrictos, 
remouendos ducimus, a quibus haec eadem mala (licet latentius 
non tamen minus periculosius) prestare experimur, adeo ut uel eo 
grauius periculum paci publicae ab his immineat quam ab ipsis 
professis Jesuitis, prout occultiores sunt nee alijs quam suis 
Jesuitis, uel ob hanc maxime causam cogniti, ut ista omnia tutius 
per eos atque artificiosius in seculari regimine conficiantur. Nam 
ij sunt quos Jesuitse post manifestatum ipsius propositum ingredi- 
endi societatem, imo post emissum religionis votum, ad se recipere 
nolunt, sed foris per annos, tanquam seculares, data opera [volunt] 
excubare, ut exploratorum munus inter sacerdotes exerceant atque 
ad omnia sint parati conficienda quas ex re Jesuitarum esse possint. 
Hos diligentissime instruunt in hoc Tyrocinio, et secularibus praafic 


curant, ut in auctoritate constituti facilius efficaciusque res omnes 
et omnia Jesuitarurn molimina promoueant. a 

Magna sane pacis turbatio et nimia boni public! iactura ex alio 
hominum genere oriri necesse erit, quos Jesuitae premijs presenti- 
bus et futurorum spe sibi allicere et deuincere ubique solent, ut 
ad suum nutum omnia (quando occasio fert) conficiant ; istos si ab 
electionibus et rerum nostrarum administ bus non excludiraus, illos 54, f. 174b. 
certe non aegre ferre debent prohiberi, quos certum habent aliud 
Instituti genus secularibus iam esse ingressos, presertim cum nee 
ipsos Jesuitas (qui uideri uolunt in lucrandarum animarum operi- 
bus et desiderio ceteris praelucere) latere potest quod omnibus 
notum est, Clerum, et totam Ecclesiam Anglicanam, quae intestinis 
dissentionibus modo cruentata misere jacet, felicissima pace et 
concordia floruisse, donee Jesuitaa cum [occultis] suis nouitijs 
fines proprios egressi, saecularium negotia inuadere et tractare 
precipitantius ceperunt, dominatum artificiose ambire in carcere 
Vuisbicensi ; deinde {illo non ex sententia suecedente) presentis 
regiminis formam falsis informationibus instituere, superiores 
omnes eligere, leges prasscribere, et eo demum singular! gradu 
dominandi omnibus tarn rebus tarn hominibus presidere, ut nihil 
maioris momenti deberet effici a superioribus secularibus quod non 
prius judicio hominis Jesuitae esset comprobatum. Tune enim non 
homines ob prudentiam aptiores ad gerendum magistratum, non ob 
83quitatem digniores loco, aut ob industriam merito prestantiores 
qui fraterna charitate paceque omnes coalescere inuitarent, ad 
prelaturas eligebantur; sed illi soli assumpti ac ad regendum 
accessiti suut qui ui, minis, inetu optimos quosque ex secularibus, 54, f. 175. 
aut cogerent Jesuitarum uoluntatibus in cunctis acquiescere aut 
eos immeritis infamijs iniurijsque audacter obruerent, ut de 

a The existence of these " Jesuits in disguise," or " covert Jesuits " as they were 
then called, on the mission, was a constant source of complaint on the part of the 
secular clergy. Similar offence was given by the vow of obedience to Father 
Parsons taken by Dr. Worthington when vice president at Douai. The list 
of scholars at Rome who have become or are " reputed Jesuits," 1597 1602 
(infra, p. 214), appears to have been drawn up in reference to this subject. 


Archipresbitero et assistentibus (qui ex duplici hominum genero 
per Jesuitas electi fuerunt) meridiana luce clarius patescit. 

Notum preterea omnibus est quam admiranda fuerit gloria, quam 
utiles progressus Collegij Rhemensis (quod modo difforrne nimis et 
sterile rnanet) antequam Jesuitae procurationes pensionum in 
Hispania et Roma, et in Anglia commumum eleemosynarum ad- 
ministrationes sibi arripuerint. Itaque cum certissimum sit et 
nimis manifestuni non priuatos solum sed uniuersam Anglicanam 
ecclesiam tot incommoda, tanta damna, tantam calamitatem ex hoc 
presertim capite tulisse, quod Jesuitas cogniti et latentes negocijs, 
secularis Cleri se imrniscere permitterentur, non molest^ ferre 
deberent si tandem post tantas acceptas clades cautiores effecti et 
serius nobis consulentes, eos et eorum occultos nouitios a nostris 
electionibus et administrationibus coerceri cupiamus. 

Vtque nostrum non esse putamus tarn curiosos esse in aliena 
Republica, ut de illorum regimine, subordination et superioribus 
inquiramus, aut quomodo illorum nouitij in Anglia recepti, et 
54, f. 175b. Angliam, ut alij solent sacerdotes, peragrantes sine nouitiatu, aut 
recipi, aut retineri, aut spiritu religioso iinbui inter tarn diutumas 
distractiones potuerint, sic nee illis sequum -esse existimamus, nostris 
uel prasesse uel interesse electionibus, neque ulterius se immiscere 
quam solent ceteree in Ecclesia Dei Religiosorum families. Heec 
enim est uera Hierarchia, ubi singuli ordines et status ecclesiastic! 
suo se loco, suis legibus, suis limicibus contineant, neque stationes 
suas deserunt, neque in aliorum castra prosiliunt, ut uitetur omnis 
confusio et calumniandi et murmurandi occasio. 

Neque sane difficile erit (cuin res ita postulare uidebitur) sus- 
pectos hos sine omni errore, dissidio, aut iniuria discernere ; id enim 
uel unico uerbo prestari potest, si non satis sit presumere et credere 
Catholicos sacerdotes omries, post apostolicam prohibitionem, uelle 
ex se libere, pietatis solum et conscientias bonas intuitu uetito 
abstinere sponteque, si uinculum habeant, detegere. 

Neque rursum (ut Pater Pei'sonius affirmat) impossibile magis 
erit quod proposuimus de excludendis Jesuitis ab his tractandis 


in ipsa Anglia quain sit clerum in reliquo Christiano orbe in eisdeni 
animarum negotijs cum ceteris Religiosis family's sine secularium 
negociorum commixtione uersari, unaque turn religiosee turn fraternse 54, f. 176. 
charitatis officijs incumbere. 

Nos igitur ceterorum Christianorum exemplo pacisque concili- 
andas ac conseruandee studio, denique usu et ratione docti non 
spiritu nescio quo (ut Pater Personius objicit) moti, nostra negotia 
nobis, alijs sua relinquimus et uindicamus. Quae uero de Ill mo 
Alano, Sandero et alijs affert (quia calumnies sunt) intacta abire 
sinimus. Interim tamen serio affirmamus Jesuitas Alano et optimis 
quibusque Anglis, turn in regendis College's turn in rebus Angliae 
tractandis, summopere ob earn maxime causam displicuisse, quod 
spretis secularis Cleri honore et fama posthabitisque commodis et 
pace Ecclesiasticas Anglorum Reipublicae, nimio ardore et impetu 
ad sua in cunctis querenda ferebantur. Quod sane ab Ill mo Alano 
ab ipso initio animaduersum causa fuerit, ut non nisi inuite eos ad 
alumnorum Anglorum regimen admitti consenserit : introducti 
uero in Romanum Collegium et messem Anglicanam, ad suas pru- 
dentiae regulam ita omnia redigere conati sunt, turn fouendis dis- 
sensionibus turn omnia ad se trahendo, ut preter ipsos auctores 
etiam reliquos fere omnes tantee illis collates potestatis penituerit, 
plane animaduertentes, ex infausto rerum euentu, multo ut ante 
felicius sic post tranquillius et fructuosius consultum fuisse rebus 
Anglicanis, si, relictis Jesuitis, in solis bouibus id est in clero 
seculari (ut ceptum erat) arare perseuerassent. a 54, f. 176b. 

Epilogus pro sexto et septimo articulis. 

Verum cum in sexto hoc septimoque articulo maximam uim 
suarum rationum facere uideatur Pater Personius, satis mirari non 

a But, if it be true that Allen would have preferred that the government of the 
college at Home should not have been placed in the hands of the Jesuits, it was he 
who, when differences arose, persuaded the Jesuits to take part in the English 
mission, and it was the superiors of the Society who at first rather held back from 
the undertaking. 


possumus uirum eius prudentiae suam suorumque et dominandi et 
pecuniarum cupiditatem tarn manifests prodere. Quid enim illis 
indignius qui se mundo mortuos et a secularibus rebus separates 
profitentur, quam uix sub uerborum fuco hanc intemperantiam 
animi sui uelare posse ; presertim cum se hoc nomine pessime apud 
Anglos audire non ignorant, quod dominatum in clerum secularem 
affectare et pecunias prae ceteris in usus proprios ac luxum sollicitius 
aggregare et profundere cognoscautur. Cur enim his rationum 
umbris ac commentis tantopere contendit bonus ille Pater ne 
sui ab electionibus et administratione arceantur, neue acceptarum 
et distributarum pecuniarum cuiquam reddant rationem ? Cur 
54, f. 178. tarn inania objicit pericula, dissidia, emulationes ? Cur tantam 
sollicitudinem de quietis meditationibus et pietatis exercitijs sacer- 
dotum habet, et nolit eos pecwniarum aut ambitionis cogitationibus 
a mortis et tormentorum tolerandorum cogitatione ad punctum 
temporis detineri ? cur aliud omne quam praesens regimen damnat, 
et aspernatur ? non ob aliud certe, quam ut plenam quam obtinent 
potestatem Jesuitae retineant ; quod directs uindicare non audent 
indirect^ consequantur ; pecunias, quas uerbis respuunt, reipsa 
omnes in suam potestatem redigant, de his deque eleemosynis, 
sacerdotibus, laicis, rebus denique omnibus, maximis minimisque, 
pro suo arbitratu, nemine contradicente disponant, 

Refutatio octaui articuli 
De Impossibilitate praxis nouas formse. 

Nemo est ex bonis et quietis sacerdotibus qui cum fratribus suis 
etiam quietis (utcurnque illos turbulentos dicat Pater Personius) 
conuenire refugiet ; et de facto in aedibus nobilium una uiuunt, et 
una congrediuntur, partim casu, partim dedita opera ; uerum esto ne 
sacerdotes [quidern] posse adduci ad conuentus istos, nee nobiles 
54, f. 178b. laycos eos admissuros, quod usu quotidiano (licet id strenue egerunt 
Jesuitae nostrates, ne a Catholicis reciperemur, idque apud Sanctitatem 
suam importunius urgebat Pater Personius, ut id ipsum in ultimo 
breui Catholicis omnibus iniungeretur) falsissimum esse experimur ; 


attamen cum electiones istae absentium syngraphis possint commo- 
dissimS confici, totum hoc de impossibilitate commentum corruit. 
Quod si hac ex parte tails aliqua emergat Impossibilitas, ex literis 
institutiuis Archipresbiteri multo manifestius apparet ubi ille et 
sacerdotes ad se uocare, de criminibus cognoscere, conuentus facere, 
et in eisdem presidere iubetur, quae omnia in hac nostra forma 
uidentur factu impossibilia, praecipue uero impossibilem statuunt 
esse legitimam criminum conuictionem quia conuicto in promptu 
est tarn de iudice quam de testibus hereticorum opera uindictam 
sumere. Quae impossibilitas seque in auctoritatem Archipresbiteri 
militat, quomodo enim aut sacerdotes ad se uocabit, aut testes 
audiet aut corriget quenquam, cum conuicto in promptu sit tarn 
de iudice quam testibus uindictam sumere ? quod haetenus tarn 
calamitatibus obruti et iniurijs afiecti ab Archipresbitero, nostrorum 
fecit nemo, neque faciet, ut speramus, quisquam a Deo derelictus, 
utcumque omnia suspitionibus implere cupit Pater Personius, ut 54, f. 179. 
aliquod habeat semper quo fugiat de[verti]culum. 

Refutatio artieuli noni ubi dicitur in presenti Subordinatione 
cessare omnia predicta Incommoda. 

lam satis superque demonstratum est omnia ilia quse subordi- 
nation! a nobis proposita obijciuntur meras esse nugas et commenta, 
in ilia uero Patris Personij regiminis forma maxime uigere, quibus 
si ilia etiam addamus incommoda quae in alio scripto a nobis 
Ill mis DD. W. exhibito apparent, facillime, ut speramus, uidebunt 
Illust m<B DD. W, qui sint reuera pacis et fraternitatis amatores, et 
num in hoc precipiti uiolente rerum cursu quo impellentibus alijs 
fertur Archipresbiter (tam leuibus de causis ut ipse confitetur tarn 
graues exercens inimicitias, et infligens penas, quae usque ad uitam 
ipsam et animam penetrant) sperari poterit aliquis contentionum 
finis, aut presentium motuum cessatio. 

Ad motum enim primi mobilis (P. nimirum Personij, qui rapidis- _. f 
simus et uiolentissimus esse solet, cum moueantur in hac subordina- 
tione omnia, ad unam . . . Patris Personij potentiam et auctori- 



tatem stabiliendam inseruire uidentur, et hoc tarn absolutum in 
Archipresbiteri dominium, et tarn caecam quam a sacerdotibus exigit 
obedientiam : quid enim magis Tyrannidem et extremam sapit 
ambitionem, quam in dicta causa, non admisso aut uocato reo, sine 
lege, sine teste, sine appellationis remedio aut subsidio, extreme 
famee et fortunarum supplicio hominem sacerdotem afficere ; quod 
ab Archipresbitero sepius factitatum ostendimus in grauammibus 
sanctissimo exhibitis, et ex natura ipsius regiminis loci et temporis 
in quibus instituitur et uiuitur fieri necesse est probauit ex suis 
incommodis Pater Personius. 

lustitia (ut inquit Propheta) et pax osculatae sunt. Quam ergo 
ex subordinatione ilia pacem sperare licet in qua procuranda et 
exercenda iustitige ipsius fundamenta conuellunt ! Quod si ex 
sequo et bono contra omnes naturae et ecclesiae leges et canones 
54, f. 180. punire, iudicare, et imperare licet propter temporum et locorum 
difficultates et pericula, ex aequo etiam et bono obedire licet propter 
eadem pericula, et sic arbitraria erit tarn superioritas quam 

26. Letter of the four Appellants communicating 1o their English 
brethren the papal sentence on the question of Schism.* 

Admodum Reuer di in Xpo Patres fratresque 

Exhibuimus lll mis Cardinalibus Burghesio et Arigonio (quos 
sanctissimus arbitros instituit in causa nostra, uiros tarn pietate et 
uirtute insignes, quam legum scientia et rerum experientia et 
animi candore omnibus gratos) rationes quibus ducti distulimus 
ArcLipresbitero ante aduentum Breuis Apostolici obedire. Qui- 
bus cum sanctissimo communicatis undecimo Aprilis, placuit Ill mis 
Cardinalibus sanctitatis suse mentem eodem die nobis significare, 
nimirum quod propter dictam dilationem nee scismatici nee re- 
belles aut inobedientes extiterimus, et quod confessiones factaa 

11 There is no heading to this document in the original. The letter was signed 
by the four appellants at Rome, and addressed " to John Colleton and Antony 
Heborne and the rest of their associates." See above, p. 11. 


sacerdotibus, qui ob huiusmodi rationes distulerunt, essent ualidsa 

et nullo modo reiterandee, nisi aliud forsan interueniret impedi- 

mentum quam quod a tali dilatione haberet originem. Hasc uobis 

significanda duximus, partim ut multorum conscientijs satisfiat, 

partim etiam ut ad omnem uos modestiam, charitatem, et humili- 

tatem excitemus tarn literis quam exemplo. Quod reliquum est 54, f. 180b. 

habemus clementissimum Patrem, aequissimos arbitros, neque est 

quod dubitemus de pristina pace et tranquillitate breuissime 

recuperanda. Romse decimo quinto Aprilis 1602. 

Harum literarum exemplar cum utroque Cardinalium reliquimus 
qui, communicate cum sua sanctitate negocio, responsum tulerunt, 
sanctitatem suam uelle et jubere, ut hec ad uos scriberemus a 
unaque moneremus ilium intelligere hec omnia in ultimo suo breui 
in hunc sensum esse determinata et declarata, perpetuumque silen- 
tium huic controuersiae imposterum imponi iubet, tarn in urbe 
quam in Anglia, sub censuris in eodem breui contentis. 

27. Catalogus Paradoxorum, et Propositionum Temerariarum quce in 
primo scripto Illustr mis Cardinalibus Burghesio atgue Arigonio 
exhibito latins ostenduntur. 

Paradoxon Primum de authoritate Sedis Apostolica3 negata in 54, f. 181. 
constituendo superiore aliquo ecclesiastico in Regno Anglios. 

Propositiones habet quatuor. b 

1. Prima Pontificem non potuisse Archipresbiterum super eos Exempl. dis- 
, r ., n . . . . f cursuum pag. 

const[it]uere sine ipsorum consensu, nisi contra eanones facere 29. 


* Colleton, in reporting the papal sentence (Just Defence, p. 293), says nothing of 
this reference to the last brief and to the command of "perpetual silence," which 
had been entirely disregarded by both sides. Compare p. 193 infra. 

b The books from which the greater part of the following propositions are deduced 
are the Important Considerations, the Quodlibets, the Dialogue betwixt a Secular 
priest and a lay gentleman, and the Sparing Discovery, all four attributed to William 
Watson and disowned by the delegates at Home. The others referred to are the 

L 2 


Quodl. pag. 

Exempl. dis- 
curs. pag. 6. 
pag. 14. 
Prefat. ad 
Quodl. p. 63, 
166 et 162. 

pag. 171. 

54, f. 181b. 

2. 2 a quod sua Sanctitas non solum contra Canones aut Jus 
Ecclesiasticum peccauit Archipresbiterum instituendo, sed contra 
humanum, etiam diuinum, naturale nationumque. 

3. Tertia. quod pontifex citra Reginae ac Reipublicae Anglicanse 
consensum non potuit, nee potest hodie, superiorem aliquem eccle- 
siasticum in Anglia constituere, et si constituat, quicunque superiori 
sic ab eo constitute obedierit, legitime castigari poterit amissione 
bonorum omnium, ac perpetua incarceratione ex praescripto cuius- 
dam legis penalis perantiquae, hoc est ante trecentos (inquiunt) 
annos latae, quas uulgo dicitur de Praamunire. 

3. Quarta quod summus Pontifex non solum propter legem 
antiquam de Premunire non potuerit Archipresbiterum in Anglia 
legitimS constituere, sed neque propter leges recentes Reginae ac 
Reipublicae presentis. 

Quodl. pag. 
258. 256. 255. 
et 260. 
Ibidem, pag. 

Ibidem, pag. 

Paradoxum Secundum de preiudicata Pontificis auctoritate in ex- 
communicandis Principibus secularibus. 

Propositiones habet quinque. 

1. Prima. Nullo modo expedire ut Pontifex Romanus his tem- 
poribus Principem aliquem temporalem excommunicet. 

2. Secunda. Nullam unquam hactenus a summo Poiitifice latam 
esse contra aliquem Principem excommunicationem cuius postea 
ipsum non poenituerit. a 

3. Tertia. Tot esse excommunicationum Pontin'ciarum nullitates 
ut impossibile ferS sit sic deiiunciari excommunicationis alicuius 

Copies of certain Discourses, and the Hope of Peace by John Bennet. The two 
Latin books by Mush and Bagshaw escape censure. The oath of allegiance cen- 
sured under Paradoxon Tertium, art. 6, is probably one of the forms printed below, 
p. 246. Compare the letter of Cecil to Watson, Feb. 1602. 

Compare the words of Urban VIII. to Cardinal Borgia in reference to the 
excommunications of Henry VIII. and Elizabeth, exacted at the instances of the 
house of Austria and the Spaniards, says the pope, " But with what success ? 
The whole world can tell. We yet bewail it with tears of blood. Wisdom does 
not teach us to imitate Pius V. or Clement VII.," etc. Quoted in Simpson's 
Campion, p. 371. 


sententiam contra Principem aliquem,utpossent subditi eiussecura 
conscientia illi non parere. Idque plane cerni in excommunica- 
tione contra Elisabettam lata. 

4. Quarta. Quod non obstante quacunque, uel maxim6 ut Ibidem pag. 

r ...-,, ! T . n i.- 254 - et 255 - 

[prmcipisj heeretici, Pontificis Romam excommumcatione teneantur Q UO <II. s. ar. 

subditi Principi suo parere. 7 - 

5. Quinta. Quod sententia excommunicationis lata per Pium V tum Ibidem pag. 

r> A v L !_ - n 252 et 253. 

contra Regmam Angliae, et bma eius renouatio per Gregorium 

decimum tertium et Sixtum Quintum Summos Pontifices, inualida 
fuit ab initio et inique lata. 

Paradoxon Tertium contra authoritatem Pontificis in castigandis 
Principibus haereticis per gladium temporalem. 

Propositiones habet octo. 

1. Prima. Quod summus Pontifex neque debet, neque legi time Quodl. pag. 
potest ullum Principem temporalem, uel heresis uel apostasiae Considerat. 
uel alterius cuiuscunque criminis causa, Principatu suo priuare, P a S- 39 - 
uel bello persequi, et quod leges ecclesiasticse ea de re factaa non 

2. Secunda quod si Pontifex ulla de re, etiam religionis Catho- Considerat. 
Iica3 tuendae causa, contra Principem aliquem hereticum, nominatim . ' 

uero contra Regiiiam Angliaa, arma moueret posse ac debere Dialogum. 
Catholicos omnes ei resistere, hocque se facturos protestantur. i 7 g. 177. 

3. Tertia. quod si Pontifex bellum contra Angliam moueret, et 54, f. i82b. 
uerbis protestaretur Religionis solius restituendas causa et nullo ibid pag. 176. 
modo regnum subiugandi id fieri, fidem tamen ipsi adhibendam 

non esse. 

4. Quarta. Catholicos omnes speciali uoto ac iureiurando dis- Ibid. pag. 304. 
tringere se debere ut summo Pontifici, si arma contra Reginam 
moueret, uiribus omnibus resistant. 

5. Quinta non tantum superiores leges in bona ac uitas eorum Ibid. pag. 303. 
Catholicorum, qui istis hac in re non assentiuntur, ferendas esse sed 
spiritualia etiam commoda auferenda. 


Consid. pag. 3. 6. Sexta. Eorum Catholicorum qui Pontifici hac in re con- 

Quodf'paR ' sen ti un k e * & b ipsis dissentiunt non solum procurandas esse penas 

229. tanquam uerae patriae proditorum ac lesse maiestatis reorum, 

uerum etiam propalanda consilia si sciantur ; idque se facturos 


Considerat. 7. Septima non posse excusari a proditionis et laesas maiestatis 

crimine eos qui religionis Catholicae causa ab hereticis in Anglia 
his annis preteritis occisi fuere, eo quod profiteri recusauerint se 
Reginae contra Pontificem adhesuros si bellum ab eo religionis 
causa moueretur. 

Quodl. pag. 8. Octaua. Neque ipsorum summorum Pontificum facta hac in 

252. 253. 254. . . 

Considerat. re probanda esse, sea reprehensione potius digna, nisi quantum per 
pag. 9. 14. 15. surre ptionem forte excusentur. 

54, f. 183. Paradoxum Qaartum ; de habenda maiori ratione status politici 
quam rerum ad fidem et Religionem spectantium. 

Propositiones habet quinque. 

Quodl. pag. 1 . Prima. Defectionem a fide in aliquo Principe Christiano non 

Parca de- preiudicare Regni sui iuri quod possidet. 

tectio, pag. 56. 2. Secunda. Heresim uel Apostasiam non debere cuicunque 

Quodl. pag. obesse qui ius habet successionis in aliquo regno, et quod impium 
292. et 150. /~<-IT T 11 c 

esset uathohcum qui ius alias non haberet ei anteferre. 

Ibid. pag. 3. Tertia. Ita uiuendum esse iam sacerdotibus Catholicis in 

223 229 

Anglia et extra Angliam, ut neque uerbo, neque scripto, legibus, 

statutis, uel factis hereticorum contradicant. 
Consid. pag. 4. Quarta. Nouam esse ingrediendam promouendas in Anglia 

Religionis viam eique planS contrariam quam Alanus Sanderus, 

Stapletonus, Patres Societatis et ipsi Summi Pontifices hactenus 


Consid. pag. 5- Quinta. Culpam omnem persecutionis quae hactenus in 
Q 7 ' ,. Anglia deseuijt non tarn in reginam ac Consiliarios aliosque 

304. bereticos quam in ipsos Catholicos esse conferendam. 


Aliae Propositiones temerariae breuitatis causa praetermissae. 54, f. I83b. 

Prima. Licere ipsis commercium ac tractatum habere cum Ep. ad Dia- 
hereticis hostibusque fidei contra alios Catholicos sibi aduersantes. 
Secunda. nullum in toto orbe superiorem posse hoc in eis 49. 

reprehendere, nisi sit ex eorum nuraero quos Apostolus uocat : 

. 7 . 7 Spes pacis, 

Pnncipes, et Potestates miindi, reciores tenebrarum harum. pa g. 10. 

Tertia. Nullam inobedientiam peccatum esse nisi qua superior! Exemplum 
resistitur, et no turn eius praeceptum contemnitur et impugnatur. _' 2 i. 

Quarta. nullum prorsus actura inobedientiae commissum fuisse ibid. pag. 16. 
a presbiteris Appellantibus, dum negabant obedire Cardinalis 
Caetani ordination! a Pontifice profectae. 

Quinta. Confirmationis sacramentum uel necessarium esse hoc 54, f. 184. 
tempore in Anglia durante persecutione, uel vanam et quasi Ibid. pag. 103 
superfluam in Ecclesia Dei cerimoniam esse. 

Sexta. Parochorum, ac secularium sacerdotum perfectiorem Ibid. pag. 103. 
esse statum, quam Religiosorum. 

Septima. Impium et Pharisaicum esse examen instituere, uel Quodl. pag. 
discrimen facere de admittendis ad religionem : quia non est per- ju : / 8 ' et 
sonarum acceptio coram Deo. 140. 

Octaua. Jesuitas Religiosos non esse sed omnium hominum Quodl. pag. 
deterrinios, et plures ad infernum animas trahere quam ipsos ^L 1 ' 62 ; 
Cacodemones, licere etiam ad Apostasiam egressumque ex ipsorum Parcam de- 
Religione homines hortari. Quodl pag. 

Nona. Exemplum iuramenti impij contra Pontificis auctoritatem 8 - 28 - 
quod istorum appellantium nomine circumfertur. 

Propositiones istea datae contra presbiteros appellantes in causa 
fuerunt quod Eccellentissimus orator Galliaa Sanct mo exhibuerit 
eiusdem farinas proposition es ex quibusdam Jesuitarum libris 

troisieme et dernier cahier du discours recuilli de ce qui 
est passe en laffaire des prestres anglois faict a Rome 
le 4 e noue'bre 1602. 



54, f. 401. 1. Copy of a Letter of Expostulation to Blackwell* 

August 1601. 

Reuerend S r , oure greate coete and charges, our paynefull 
iourneys and daungerous adventures to the sea apostolick have 
given and to this daie doe give sufficient tesfcimonie of our sincere 
desire of peace and concorde. And whereas some Jesuits, yo r self 
and others give out that wee had audience and that wee were 
condemyned in our brethren who went first to Rome, notwithstand- 
inge that they had suche proctors and other helpe as was fitt & 
necessary for the declaringe and determininge so weightie a 
matter, it is most vndowbtedly true that so sone as it might 
conveniently be effected after theire speache with the Protector 
(who then was) they were restrayned of theire libertie, and were 
kept close prisoners in suche sorte as neither they could confer 
together nor might aske counsell of any other in theire cause, but 
at the end of 7 weekes were brought as prisoners to answere to 
what yo r proctors could lay against them. To w c h also, when they 
shewed themselves readie and demaunded a copie of theire accusa- 
tions, nothinge was delivered vnto them bvt a speache w c h sounded 

This letter is chiefly directed against that of Black well to his Assistants, dated 
June 23, 1601, and reprinted in Jesuits and Seculars, p. 151. Mr. Macray thinks 
the copy is in the handwriting of Mush or Champney. There are apparently two 
copyists ; the writing changes after the sixth folio. 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 153 

of peace but brought it not. In what readynes others of o r 
brethren are nowe to goe to Rome it is not unknowne vnto yow : a 
sparinge neither theire persons nor theire purses (both beinge 
more or lesse in the wayne) to procure peace, so much talked of 
and so many waies avoided or shifted of by yow and yo r guides, 
yf iudgem* may be given of yow accordinge to youre proceedinges, 
whether they are w*h color of pietie or pretence of authoritie. 
Doth not yo r daily comendinge of fa: Lister his libell declare 
what pyetie did move yow to prohibite the divulginge of bookes 
either then or afterwarde to be sett fourth whereby the fame of any 
particular ecclesiasticall person of oure nation might receyve 
blemishe ? Is it not evident, when wee were poynted at bothe by 
you and youre adhere ats to be the men who were meant thereby, 
that yo r edict or prohibicion way to that end made that wee should 
vse no suche meanes as in all ages haue ben lawfull in the 
necessary defence of oure selves from yo r vniust oppressions and 
from the Jesuits theire most wicked calumniations ? Was there 
any savo 1 " of peace (after the peace once made amongst vs) in the 
p . . . . e b of a resolution pretended to come from Rome wherein 
we were declared to haue been schismaticks ? Or was there any 54, f. 401 
tast of pietie in yo r contemninge and reiectiuge the censure of the 
most famous Universitie in the worlde (although vppon true 
information as yo u suppose) given in o r behalf, after that wee had 
in vayne, although most humblie, requested that o r controuersies 
might haue ben determined by a private dispute at home ? Did 
the suspendinge vs from divine offices as much as lay in yow and 
the interdictinge yo r brethren and fellowe laborers in this vyne- 
yard (who were alwaies readie to give an accompt of theire actions) 
proceede of a spirite of peace ? Or could any pious ignorance pleade 
excuse of so fowle an ... c or frowardnes in yow to multiply afflic- 
tions by censures, yo? authority to iuflicte eccles 1 penalties beinge 

The intention of sending the four delegates to Borne was not made public 
until after July 1. 

b Mutilated. c Some word, perhaps " error," omitted. 


restrayned in yo r constitutive letters to the only takinge awaye of 
faculties, or suspendinge them vntill the offendo r should be 
reclaymed, conformable to the former parte of the same letters 
where, after that the protector had made yow an Archepr: and given 
yow authoritie to directe, admonishe, reprehende and chasten, he 
appointed the manner of this chasticement to be in abridginge 
faculties when there was neede or recallinge them vppon any 
necessitie ? Can yow think that these limitations of yo r authoritie 
was but to make a shewe only of some honest course of proceedinge 
w f h vs, and that the drifte thereof was that yow shoulde at yo r 
pleasure doe what yo u liste w*hout showing any one tittle for yo r 
warrant from suche as might give suche authoritie ? Were there 
witts (think yow) at home who perswaded yow to these courses, 
and to challenge moreover vnto yo r self a soueraigne power to 
determine all controuersies w c h should arise here amongst vs vppon 
so silly a ground as is a power to end a quarrell or controuersie 
begone vppon an vnkynde worde or some froward action betweene 
the priests and the cathol: before it should growe to so fowle a 
matter, as was most falsly and iniuriously suggested to haue alredy 
ben and was the sole motive for yo r authoritie ? Had that Anti- 
papall declaracion of yo rs of the 28 of October 1600 any affiiiitie w*h 
peace or [unijtie, when by the authoritie p r tended to be committed 
vnto yow [by his] holines yo u pronounced diffinitively that the first 
54, f. 402. letters by w c h yo u were made an Archepr: over the seminary 
priests did truly bynde all the catholicks, and that all they who 
wittinglie did any waye resiste yo r authoritie were truly dis- 
obedient to the See apostolick and rebellious against yo r office 
given yow by the same See ? Yf suche a declaracion had pro- 
ceeded from his holynes who (howsoeuer yow thinke yow doe feele 
yo r selfe surely assisted) is only warranted as heade of gods Churche 
on earth and his vicar generall, dowbtlesse it might have caried an 
infallible creditte : but proceedinge from an Archepr: (who by this 
office is vnder an Archdeacon) wee may w*hout offence demaund 
to what these catholickes who were not seminary priests were 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 155 

bound by those yo r first letters, or how all these may be sayd to 
haue ben veryly disobedient to the See apostolick or rebellious 
against yo r office given vnto yo u by the same See, who wittinglie 
went or sent to that See to vnderstand his holynes his pleasure 
before they would admitt the authoritie (for other resistance 
there was not), yo r first letters being sent vnto you neither from 
his holynes nor that See. How can it then be thought that 
yow were possessed w*h a spirite of peace, who vsed such vnsemely 
tearmes against yo r fellow priests and suche as in all reasonable 
mens vnderstandinge did continue theire ready obedience to his 
holynes and the see apostolick by submitting themselves so soone as 
they sawe the Breue? How do you, S r , desire peace who before 
these slaunders forbid them vnder more greevous penalties than 
yow can inflicte to defend them selves from such infamies ? Is 
it not evident that yow ayme at no other matter then by 
threatninge and punishinge to bringe vs to a sinfull silence, 
while yow and yo r complices exercise yo r selves w'h most 
shameles declarations, and to that end now lately haue made an 
other edict against the divulginge or retayninge of suche bookes 
as discover yo r bad proceedinge against vs and oure owne iust 
defence, and for the greater credit of this edict yow prefixe a 
title the like whereof men vse to heare bareheaded : George 
Blackwell by the grace of God and y e ordynance of y e See 
apostolick Archepr[iest] of England. Did ever any Archepr: in 
suche sorte salute his brethren or children? Whom doe yo u 
make yo r self ? Your authoritie stretcheth all over England and 54., f. 4Q2b. 
Scotland: so doth the authority of y r brethren, and ouer Ire- 
land also : But by chaunce you are an Archepr: in good tyme ; 
it is a good step to be one day M r Archdeacon by the grace of 
God. But this stile of Archepr: of England deserveth no worse 
an intimation than this George Blackwell by the grace of God 
etc: Dowbtles, were wee not to be tolde by yo r owne self that 
yow are George Blackwell by the grace of god and the ordinance 
of the see apostolick Archepr: of England, wee should make a 


stay and inquier howe yow come to be Archepr: of England. 
Certayne it is that by the letters of the Cardinall Caietane, w c h 
wee haue seen, yow were not made Archepr: of Engl: but of the 
seminary prests only, w c h were or should be in Engl: and Scot- 
land, by w c h yow were made Archepr: as well of Scotland as of 
England. And it would have ben more hono r vnto you and a 
greater terro r to many other to have heard you declare yo r self 
to be George Blackwell by the grace of god and the ordinance 
of the see apostolick Archepr: of England and Scotland : but in 
truthe this is to make a foundation for so huge an sedifice 
first because an authoritie given p r cisely over one particular 
estate in a cuntreye will not stretche it self ouer all in the 
Cuntrye. Secondly whatsoeuer yow are by the grace of god 
dowbtlesse yow were not Archepriest of England by the ordinance 
of the See apostolick : yf yow were Archepr: of Eng: but by the 
ordinance of the Card: Caietane, who in his letters vnto yow 
sayth playnely that it is his owne ordinance for these are his 
wordes : Dum haec nostra ordinatio durauerit : so longe as this 
cure ordynance shall endure; and afterwardes, Wee give yow 
the authoritie of an Archepr: ouer the priests of y e Seminaries. 
Yf yow vrge the breve w c h came a yere after the ordinance, no 
man will make him self so ignorant (especially if he reade the 
breve) as to think that it was an ordinance of his holynes, and 
not rather a confirmation of somwhat don by the Card: Caietane 
his letters, wherein howsoeu" the breve took it that yow were 
described by the Card: Caietane an Archep: of the Engl: Cathol: 
and referreth the readers to the Card: letters, yet yow can not 
but knowe that there is no suche matter in the Cardinalls 
54, f. 403. letters, yow must therefore lett vs see what yo w can shewe for 
yo r title, or give vs leave to thinke that yow strayne muche for 
this w c h yow p r tend over and aboue the title of an Archepr: of 
the seminary priests in Engl: and Scot!: And if it were so as 
yow might call yo r self by suche title as his holynes might by 
error or also wittingly hono r yow : yet should yow not call yo r 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 157 

self George Blackwell by the grace of god and ordinance of the 
see apostolick Archep: of England but of the Engl: cathol: only, for 
these are the wordes w c h his holynes dothe vse in his breue and 
supposeth that suche a title was given yow by the Card: Caietane 
his letters, but in truthe was not, as any man may see who will 
reade them. But if it may please yo w to turne to youre Clemen- 
tines, de sententia excom: suspens. etc., yow shall fynde, Cap: si 
summus pontifex, that if the Pope shall by writt, word or constitu- 
tion vse any title of hono r to any man, he is not to be thought to 
approve suche a title in the person or give any newe righte by this 
his owne word, writt, or constitution. 

But, whosoeuer you are, wee take yow for no lesse then yo w are by 
the permission of god and the appointm* or confirmacion of the See 
apostolick and retorne yow as many good wishes as yow doe send 
to priests and cathol: of bothe sexes, and wee add this wishe over- 
plus that yow had not made this edicte, for that hereby yow doe 
many waies confirme men in theire opinion of yo r want. And be- 
cause yo w doe prayse yo r selfe so muche for yo r patience in these 
controuersies, wee nede not here she we ho we yow haue vsed it 
marvelously in suspendinge some, interdictinge other some, takinge 
away theire faculties from others, forbiddinge others to preache, 
beside the detayninge of suche releef as hathe ben appointed for 
poore priests and prisoners or generally for pious vses from suche 
as of whom yo w conceived hardly in respect of these controuersies. 

The appellation w c h was made to his holynes and to the See 
apostolick (most necessary for the reformacion of suche abuses as 
were offred vs by yow and others who were born out w'h youre 
authoritye) is followed as muche as it may and hathe neede as yet. 
That w c h is vppon a reasonable cause deferred is not to be indeed 
forgotten ; and in that yow say that the appellacion had not ben 54, f. 403b. 
delivered to his holynes so soone as it was, had not yow ben, a yow 

8 Something omitted. The words of Blackwell were "perhaps never meant to 
be presented to him [the pope], although means must be made by me that it may 
come to his reading." 


confirme that w c h wee haue often said, that it is hard for vs to con- 
vey any thinge to his holynes his handes although wee take all the 
meanes w c h possibly wee may and haue don in this cause : especi- 
ally about the sendinge of the booke dedicated vnto his holynes, 
for that was sent by three sundry meanes vnto him, as wee had cer- 
teyne intelligence in June last past from suche as did send it. And 
what other thinge can so well followe hereon as y e necessity of 
divulginge our bookes abrode in so many places as wee may, that 
thereby either by frend or other some one copy may come to his 
holynes his viewe. Yow haue therefore litle reason to forbid the 
divulginge of them especially if yo w had a sincere meaninge and 
desire that they shoulde come to his holynes, as yow p r tend in yo r 
letters of the 23th of June last past to yo r assistants. An other 
cause of divulginge oure bookes was, that as well at home as abrode 
wee might lay open the causes of these controuersies w c h were most 
vntruly given out by yow and others to be obstinacie, disobedience, 
pride, ambition, loosenes of life, schisme, sedition and what ells 
could turne most to oure discredite, all beinge to be beleeved by 
those whome yowe cold, either w*h glosinge wordes or by enter- 
posinge yo r authority, draw for yo r parte as muche as if it had [been] 
already proved or by some oracle revealed vnto them, whereby 
many of bothe sexes, to vse yo r owne terme, havinge over nimble 
instruments some by nature some by practise, yet all extraordin- 
arily stirred and as it were rapt with these newe inspirations w l h 
an vndecent fury (as yf they would inforce men to heare them) 
daylie bray out a most vnsavery and lothsome breth w*hout any out- 
warde respecte to tyme, place or persons, or inwardly to truthe, 
honestye or modestye. 

Can you (to vse yo r owne arguments) allowe and comend that 
senseles and shamefull libell of fa: Lister divulged by diuerse manu- 
scripts most iniuriously to oure reproche, and will yow forbid vs to 
divulge suche [b]okes in o r owne defence as may cleare vs from 
these impious calumniations ? 
54, f. 404. Shall it be lawfull for fa: Holbye the Jesuite to scatter abrode his 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 159 

foolishe and false discourses a although most vaynely and w'hout 
shame avouched w*h protestations by him to be most true ? and 
must wee be debarred to answere for cure selves, and discover his 
falshood ? Hathe any comaundm* proceeded from yow that none 
should divulge any of theire writinges or retayne them ? Have 
yow not in yo r letters of 23 th of June last past to yo r assistants 
affirmed and published that yo w think still that wee were schis- 
maticks : and must wee be forbidden to declare how wee are 
abused therein ? Ought wee in yo r conceyte goe to complayne o r 
selves in foraigne cuntryes and suffer our selves to be overborne by 
yow and the Jesuits to our perpetuall infamie at home wth yo r 
most wicked and iniurious calumniacions ? Did the Jesuits or 
wee begynne first to pen and spreade abrode ? May they and yo w 
together strive who can most greevously accuse vs, and is it a 
breache of peace in vs to purge o r selves ? Can it w*hout shame be 
asked that yow may in all places say yo r pleasures, and that wee 
who suffer thereby infynite iniuries should be silent ? Yf wee had 
ben schismaticks in not giving creditt to a Cardinalls letter 
grounded vppon an egregious slaunder of priests & cathol: and 
stuffed wth suche matter as was never before herd in the Christian 
worlde : or if wee had ben so wicked as fa: Lister the Jesuite 
thinketh that he dothe demonstrate in his absurde treatise and 
divulged bothe in England and abrode intituled : Against y e 
factious in the Churche (the first w c h was penned, divulged and 
yet to this day by yow approved) where was the wisdome w c h 
crieth out of yo r last edict to vs to go abrode to superiors to com- 
playne thereof while our good name must lye bleedinge at home ? 
Dpthe not this bewray that yo u doe but counterfeyte some tymes 
Jacobs voyce and in very dede have alwayes Esawe his handes ? wee 
must doe belike as yo w say and not as yow doe. Hathe the 
dealinge in this matter ben so secrett as any one can be ignorant 
of o r care to haue all matters att all tymes determined w*h peace 

Father Holtby's Letter to a Lady (June 30, 1601), signed ' A. Ducket,' printed 
in Vol. I. p. 176. 


and quietnes and haue solicited it diverse tymes at home (where 
wee haue receyved no other answeres then tauntes and contemp- 
tible reproofes) and abrode, where o r brethren in requitall of theire 
charge, paynes and travell, to be informed themselves and to informe 
54, f. 404b. vs what they and wee were to expecte in the hard course begonne 
against vs, were imprisoned, banished theire owne and confined to 
straunge cuntries w*hout any allowance for theire mayntenance 
there, notw'hstandinge they stoode to their triall and were forwarde 
even to the offence of theire and oure adversaries to answere to 
what yo r procters had to say against them, either in o r generall 
cause, in w c h they went, or any other private malitious quarrell ? 
Att this doubtlesse yo u drive in yo r last edicte that they whom wee 
should send the second tyme shoulde in the like sorte be inter- 
cepted, imprisoned, kept so close as they should have no oppor- 
tunitie to deale in suche matters as wherein they are imployed, 
after some tyme perchaunce brought forth, accused by yo r fellowes, 
the matter shufled vpp : they sent away w*h good wordes : his 
holyiies kept still in ignorance of o r iniuries, o r frends certified 
from Rome by some impudent Intelligenser that they had audience 
& procters, their cause heard, they insufficient and not able to say 
any thinge but aske pardon and suche like stuff as Parsons and 
m r Martyn Aray forged and sent vnto yo u when they undertook to 
certifye yow of the proceedinges of o r other brethren at Rome. 
But belike yo u assure yo r selves yo r matters will not have any 
suche successe or end, yf the true causes of oure troubles should 
beforehand be divulged throughout the worlde, thereby at the least 
to purchase vs audience where wee are to hope for remedy against 
yo r slaunders and the Jesuits impious calumniations. And to this 
end was the prohibiting of bookes by you, and the divulginge of 
them by vs iudged necessary, that o r brethren should not be 
thought to tempt God and be laughed att by f: Parsons and others 
as our other two brethren were ; because, as f: Parsons tolde the 
tale himself to the students in the Colledge, they, trusting to 
theire owne innocencye and the iustnesse of their cause, came not 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 161 

otherwise any way armed or provided from beinge imprisoned and 

vsed as they were. Your labo r is therefore in vayne w c h yo u take 

in forbiddinge such courses as are to be thought most necessary to 

haue oure cause decided and peace restored, and no way eyther 

scandalous to true harted catholickes or cause of laughter to oure 

adversaries. Neither will the testimonies of ten thousand to the 

contrary prove other then either greate tiranny in yo w or a sinfull 

rashnes in the witnesses, when whatsoeuer is published will be 

iustified to theire shame, vppon whom (although nowe they consider 54, f. 405. 

litle thereon) yo u must and will lay the burden to purge and cleare 

yo r self, although theire testimonies did induce yow to doe what 

yo w doe, and not rather yo r importunitye induce them to witnesse 

they knowe not what, not only against o r bookes, against w c h yo u 

labo r to gett the priests handes (as though the testimony of many 

that they knowe no ill by suche a man can purge him at the barre 

where there are but two or three ready and able to iustifie it against 

him), but whatsoeuer ells they must and shall at yo r pleasure 

witnesse (goinge about in imitation of fa: Parsons in Spayne, 

where he deliuereth the catholick princes, or of John Calvine at 

Geneva in a round cap) to gett theire handes to blancks, w c h some 

for feare, some for foolishe hopes perchance, will not stick to give 

for yo r satisfaccion, howsoeuer their soules lye at p r sent gage and 

may hereafter smart for it : at what tyme all theire corses will not 

misse yo u who did induce them vnto so fowle a matter. Yf any 

device could be made to perswade men that, by reason or fear of 

yo r authoritye, honestye were as infallibly annected to yo r actions 

as in yo r edict made 18 October 1600, yo u would insynuate that 

truthe was inseperably annected to yo r definitions, yow might per- 

chaunce make many to think it a goodly matter to be in authoritie 

and force vppon you their handes to an hundreth blancks. But 

w*hout dowbt bothe yow and wee shall finde a fayle bothe in the 

one and the other. Leave therefore this and other the like con- 

ceyts : they guide yow not well to whom yo u have given over 

yo r self. They make yow to multiply edicts to very small purpose 



in this kinde : as well for y* yo u have not as yet shewed what or 
where yo r authoritie is to make edicts, as also for that yo r edicts 
tend to one and the same cause, w c h is longe since devolved from 
yow to yo r superio 1 ", wee havinge appealed not only for oure selves 
but all other also oure frendes bothe from the greevance wee felt 
and all other to force afterward vppon vs in or for the cause in 
controuersye or any thinge perteyninge therevnto. And the 
iniustice of this yo r last edicte appeareth the greater in that it is 

64, f. 405b. given out by yo r frendes that our bookes contayne many falshoodes 
w c h are to be vrged against vs and therefore in reason wee are to 
retayne them that wee may not be to muche abused by suche as 

31 July. seeke for- such advantages. We haue been also certified by the 

superio r of the Jesuites here in England that, er it were longe, the 
two printed bookes should god-willinge be answered from Rome. 
And how then shall wee understand y e answere vnles wee may see 
how well it is applyed, vnles perchaunce yo u woulde that wee 
should beleeve that wee say what this answerer maketh vs to say, 
and that wee are the men w c h he wolde finde in his harte we were, 
and in him to prove, or that his wordes should be taken for oracles 
and the bookes fully satisfied when they can not be seen what is 
conteyned in them. What man of corage would aske of his aduer- 
sarie so greate an advantage if he had any conceyte that the least 
right were in his generall ? Take a good hart vnto yow : seeke 
not by suche disgracefull meanes to preiudice yo r owne case. Yf 
yow haue don well, be you assured that the least heare of yo r head 
can not perishe. Yf you haue ben [uiijiustly charged w f h any thinge 
free yo r self not by wordes but by proofes : keepe not yo r frendes 
still in this suspence that there may be somewhat said for yo u and 
in yo r cause, whe[r]e they see nothinge but wordes and those 
detractions against men (were yow not of England) farre yo r 
betters, and in England of farre greater merite in the cause of god 
and his Church e. The greater these yo r lamentations are, the 
more greevously will they light vppon you, who can not but see, 
vnles the case (beinge yo r owne) doe to muche blynde yow, how 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 163 

that all yo r actions are but very shiftes for the present to wyn 
tyme, w c h in the end will trye who hathe the truthe. I will not 
here repeate what either in this letter vnto yow or former dis- 
courses are at large mentioned so playf[n]ully that none but affected 
ignorance or blindnes colde misse. How doe yo u forbid all aswell 
the laytie as y e Clergie to divulge or retayne any bookes of that 
argument of w c h o r bookes were, and both divulge and retayne yo r 
self, yea and beare out some other bothe of the laytie & the 
clergie to divulge or retayne such bookes ? Is there not an 
Epistle of pious greef, by S. N. to his ffrend, lately sett fo r th in 
printe a divulged and retayned by yo u and yo r frendes, wherein, 
amongest some idly applied common places against discorde, 
foolish prayses of f: Parsons and other, this argument is handled, 
so muche as it is, very simply, god wott r but in slaunderous termes 
and most wicked assertions, and S. N. the author thereof is 
nothinge ashamed to intitle it An epistle of pious greefe. If he 
had called it an epistle of greef, it might very well have borne the 
title, and euery man who should reade it wolde thinke the author 
had over muche greeved, yf not to the losse of his senses yet dowbt- 
les to the losse of his sowle. But callinge it an epistle of pious 
greef, it conteyninge most impious exclamacions against cathol: 54, f. 406. 
priests, the title hathe litle congraitie w^ the treatise : the other 
might haue ben thought to haue beene caried w*h some humane 
passion or wrong informacion, yf his greef had ben that wee could 
not frame o r selves to be in order vnder a superio r , and that wee 
made strife and contentions against the Jesuites and Archepr: but 
to exclame in this manner, O that it weare not against Jesus fol. 3. 
him selfe ! was to shew his greef was mixed with more then a 
mans malice and to make an insoluble argum*, that it was a most 
impious greef, whatsoeuer he p r tended. To the lik effecte he 
vttereth that, of w c h his stomack semeth an indeficiant springe : fol. 3. 
and chargeth vs some tyme, that wee haue brought cathol: into 

I can learn nothing of this book. The initials point to Silvester Norris, a 
priest, who in 1606 became a Jesuit, and wrote books under that signature. 

M 2 


daunger of theire lives or their soules : some tyme that wee had 
secrett intelligence w*h the enimies, and have o r selves made a 
further resolution yf occasion serve. Cold this be written w*h any 
charity, or so muche as one sparke of the pious greefe ? What 
enemy is this w*h whom wee haue had this secret intelligence, or 
what resolution may it be, that wee are charged to have made, yf 
occasion serve ? or what occasion may this be w c h is here left as a 
relic ? when every man shall haue made the worst conceyte he 
may of vs : yet doth this sentence leave worse matter to stay 
vppon, if her ma ty or any of her honorable Counsell or any other 
by theire appointm* (perceyvinge a reall diffrence betweene vs 
risen vppon the falshood of the one parte against them, and fidelity 
vppon the other parte who never toke them for enimies but rather 
what they iudged amisse in them) have shewed some extraordinary 
favo r vnto some : and given them leave to followe their case against 
suche as haue abused them, what harme ha the come thereon ? 
These men thus favored have don much goode bothe to priestes and 
lay men : as o r most impudent adversary can not deny, although 
some (for mere splene against them) boldly give out that they 
caused a soden and perilous serche in London for the Archepr: 
and Jesuites : a slaunder evidently convinced to suche as live in 
London to be most false, the serche beinge in suche places as 
where some of vs might haue been endaungered, and these not 
disturbed, who to vs and all in London are knowne to be most 
impudent of theire tongues against vs, the chiefe lay assistantes to 
the Archepr: and highly devoted to the Jesuites. Should wee 
vppon this grounde (w c h were the case changed would be an 
invincible argum* to o r adversaries against vs) say : that the 
Archep: and Jesuites caused that serche for the disturbance of vs 
and o r frendes w*h whom at that tyme wee might haue ben and 
they supposed wee were, they who by all likelihood might haue 
harbored some of them at that tyme not beinge once called vppon ? 
Yf we would have Jesuited and caried so small a respect to 
charity, those sturres w c h nowe are in England perchance had never 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 165 

ben ; but these speches against vs must still be in every mans 
mouthe and fill all cuntries where either the Jesuites or any of 
theire faction doe come and fynd theire wished intertaynmen fc . What 
secret intelligence the Jesuites haue had w*h suche as [they] would 
have vs knowe they take for theire enimies, and what resolutions 
they have had themselves, if occasion should serve, their duble 
message to the castle and vnto vs, theire bookes and letters of state, 
matters doe declare and convince in such sorte as greate must the 
imprudence of S. N. be, to vrge any suche poynt against vs, who 
have not at any time dealt in hugger mugger, but playnely and 54, f. 406b. 
openlie (evident signes of o r integritie and fidelitie), to w c h 
although it rest vncertayne what end they will give in, when it is 
to give it good or bad, or howe longe or shorte this respite may be 
to breathe vnder so perilous a yoake, yet it is most certeyne that 
many haue found comforte and ease for the present in reason not 
to be refused and no man any way preiudiced thereby : what tales 
soever be vrged against vs already or may hereafter vppon such 
ingrounded suspitions as S. N. in his evill applied epistle would 
engender in his frendes minde by cryinge out against scandalls, 
discorde, and contention w*hout showinge who were the authors 
thereof: but rather blaminge suche as beinge abused should 
endevo r to remove the suspitions and crimes layed against them. 
And to the end that he and his fellowes might the more surely & 
w*hout rebuke proceede in slaunderinge the priestes he censureth 
that sentence of Pamachius to S* Hierome as voide of sounde fol. 2. 
iudgem* w c h in this epistle he citeth : Purga suspitiones hominum 
et convince criminantem ne, si dissimulaueris, consentire videaris. 
Cleare thy self of mens suspitions and shew that theire accusations 
be false, lest by dissemblinge them thow mayst seeme to agree 
vnto them. What conscience may wee think doth S. N. beare 
whose advice is so voyde of reason ? Howe would he have cen- 
sured S* Augustine if he had red this iudgem 1 in him: Duse res Ser: 49 de 
sunt, conscientia et fama; conscientia nocessaria est tibi, fama dmersis - 
proximo tuo : qui fidens conscientia sua negligit famam suam, 


crudelis est; Conscience and good name are two tliinges : con- 
science is necessary for thy self, good name for thy neighbo r : who 
trusting to his conscience neglecteth his good name is cruell. 
Whosoeuer were the authors of these contentions nowe in Engl: 
his epistle of pious greef is a most impious treatise : where he 
taketh it as a verity not to be contradicted that who so opposeth 
himself against a Jesuite or superio r , opposeth himself against 
Jesus : as though (to omitt his blasphemie) no Jes. or superio r 
can doe that w c h is amiss, nor necessary meanes for redresse be 
vsed but w'h an opposicion against Jesus. Yf S. N. did knowe 
that the Jes: & Archepr: haue ben the Authors of these contro- 
uersies in Engl: how wickedlie hathe he employed his tyme in 
framinge this epistle and applyinge it to vs as to men who by 
repyninge at authoritie had caused these tumultes ? Yf S. N. 
hathe forgotten it, he may call to minde that the first begynninge 
of those controuersies was at Wisbiche, where by most vnchristian 
meanes as the defraudinge of some priestes there & abridginge 
them of the cathol. almes by w c h they lived, the Jes: and some 
other adheringe vnto them for y l purpose endevored to compell the 
rest to become theire subiectes. This not succeedinge altogether 
to theire mindes, by the shamelesnes of one who had a resolution to 
be of theire order they procured an absolute authoritie ouer all y e 
priestes of y e Seminaries w c h were or should be in EngL or Scot- 
land in such a man as would be at theire devociou. flfor the 
furtheringe whereof a most wicked sla under was raised & suggested 
at Rome against the seminarie priestes & cathol: as may be scene in 
the Card: Caietans letters to m r Blackwell. The authoritie beinge 
given by this false suggestion was as falsly proposed, & because 
when wee sawe a thief wee woulde not runne w*h him wee were by 
the Jes: and y e Archepr: proclaymed schismatickes, excommunicated 
factious seditious Rebells, irregular, no better then southsayers & 
Idolaters & as ethenickes & publicans, even at suche tyme as wee 
sent to Rome to acquaint his ho: nes w l h y e abuses w c h were offred to 
him & his flock, an argum* for vs to men of sence that, whosoeuer were 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 167 

guilty of these & oth r suche crymes, wee were most free from them : 
since y* y e departing from him argueth schisme not y e hasteninge 
vnto him, when there is iust cause as was here in a matter of so 
greate weight, procured by palpable deceyte & by most false & 
ignominious suggestions, alwaies likely to growe to that passe to 
w c h it is nowe come. 

The authority beinge at y e length by sinister meanes also con- 
firmed, at y e sight of y e breve wee did . . . . a submitt our selves 
vnto it w*h a free remission [?] of those greevous iniuries w c h wee 
had receyved . . . . a y e aforesaid slaunders. But the Jesuites 
and Archepr. had not as yet what th[ey] aymed at. Theire thirste 
would not be quenched . . . . b greater furtherance of this 54, f. 407. 
wickednes a Jesuite beganne to renew the forged calumniations 
and to averre that whosoever shall dogmatizando affirme, that we 
were not schismaticks (in not obeying the authority before we saw 
the Breve) shold incurre the censures of holy Church. The Arch- 
priest being warned hereof, to the ende that this fyrebrand of 
faction (to vse his own tearmes) shold be quenched, was so farre 
from giving redresse as he allowed of the assertion, and for the 
more creditt thereof our infamy, and to bringe somewhat to passe, 
in w c h it shold seeme he and his followers were crossed by our 
submission to the authority, he published a resolution, w c h he 
sayd he had from the mother City (to give it perchance an 
extraordinary authority) that the refusers of his authority were 
schismaticks ; and from time to tyme [he] commended Listers 
seditiouse libell, as a most learned discourse even at such time 
as he wold beare the world in hande that he held it as a matter 
of opinion whether we were schismaticks or no, and that he gave 
every man leave to hold what he wold therein. And this being 
so vndoubtedly true, as the Jesuits and Archpriest cannot dis- 
prove it, and hath been in other discourses so demonstrated, as 
it were to spend time vainly to prove it in this place : how 
are we condemned for indevoring by all meanes possible to 
MS. mutilated. b Page torn : the second copyist begins here. 


remove those calumniations and crymes most falsly layd against 
vs ? how could silence be vsed herein, w c h as Pamachius above 
rehearsed doth affirme is an argument of guiltines, or as S' 
Augustine sayth, is cruelty against ourselves, how cleare soever 
our consciences are before God? And how then hath this pious 
griever, if not vainly imployed his time in quoting authors 
sacred and prophane against discord and contention, yet impiously 
applyed them to vs and for wante of matter exclaymeth against 
our knowen courses for peace as against discord and contentions, 
w'h these tearmes ; 6, that it were not against Jesus himselfe ? 
We will not say, that Jesuita, a Jesuite, is derived from Jesus ; 
as mons, a hill, is a movendo, w c h signifyeth to move ; because 
as the derivers say, the hills doe not move, although some, 
eyther by miracle or by some accident in the earth have moved : 
doubtles some of the Jesuites actions in these affayres have had 
no more coherence w*h Jesus then detraction hath w*h charity, 
falshood w l h verity, cruelty w'h compassion, that most iustly S. N. 
might in his griefe have both exclaymed against the spiritt w c h 
hath possessed them, 6 that it were not against Jesus himselfe : 
and charged them (as not being content to perishe alone) that 
they plundge our litle barke (already shaken by the tempest of 
persecution) in theyr owne ruyne, having themselves through 
pryde and most vnchristianlike courses sonke lower then w k howt 
some speciall miracle they may rise againe. And if by them we 
have been compelled to lay open more then is for theyr creditt, 
54, f. 407b. w'howt towche of any who have well deserved of vs, we are most 
vniustly accused of vngratefulnes. 

Who this S. N. is, who hath declared his griefe in this epistle, it 
is not much materiall : some by the frivolous heaping of sentences 
have iudged it your owne. Some have thought that it is ffa: 
Parsons his piety ; both for that we have been kept a longe 
time in expectation of an answere from Rome to two bookes 
(as this epistle seemeth to be) and also for many sayinges 
therein knowen to be his. If it could have been made by you both, 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 169 

neyther of you had been indebpted to the other, ffor who cannot 
see here how mulus mulum. If yow being putt in authority 
have demeaned yo r selfe otherwise then becometh you, why shold 
you being our Archp r sbiter bynde vs to soothe yow in it ? 
Many murmuring against theyr superior have been diversly 
smitten by the haiide of god : therefore (if this epistle maker 
will conclude to his purpose) no man must contradict a superior, 
how soever he behave himselfe: who seeth not this folly ? or 
who since the Breve hath refused the authority ? who of any 
sense can yeald that he was a schismaticke in not obeying of 
it, before he saw cause why he shold ? This is the question, 
and not, whether a man knowen to be in authority ought to be 
obeyed. And the case of this controversy is not that any doe 
repyne at authority (as this epistle maker falsly suggesteth) but 
whether Catholicke priestes ought to beleeve theyr superior, that 
they were schismatickes, excommunicated, irregular, factious, 
seditious and fallers ovvt of the Church and from the spouse of 
Christ ; lost theyr facultyes w c h they vsed in the gaine of soules to 
Christ, and consequently have abused all th-eyr ghostly children in 
hearing theyr confessions w*hout power to absolve them; been 
disobedyent to Christ his vicar, yea and to Christ him selfe, and for 
what ? fforsoth because they did not submitt themselves to an 
vnknowen authority before they saw a Breve : wherein they first 
perceyvedthe popes mynde therein. Neyther is this the first time, 
that this foolishe Rhetorick hath been vsed. The times are such, 
as yow could have very litle vse of externall discipline and cor- 
rection towards any : as though no great matter could be practised 
by yow against vs : whereas yow taking hold of this, have (as you 23 June 1601. 
say yo r selfe) made yo r edictes wth punishmentes to be incurred 
ipso facto : and notwithstanding have made examinations of matters 
(post factum) as it is at large declared, in the hope we have of peace. 
The deserts of the Jesuits are declared in this epistle : by 
theyr being our masters, our govern ors : our masters to wryte bookes, 
buylders of Colleges for vs, and procurers of great alines for our 


relief. If the epistle maker doe meane, that all Jesuites haue 
deserved thus of all the priestes : it is evydent, that he is 
54, f. 408. deceyved : many of the chief and those who have and doe full 
labor in our Church, having never been beholden vnto them for 
any of these matters. And if he will fly to his meaning that 
some Jesuits have well deserved of some priestes : then must he 
neyther condemne all the priestes of vngratefulnes to the Jesuites, 
nor any at all, vnlesse he can shew an opposition in them against 
all the Jesuites, w c h surely he shall never doe : the priestes 
reteyning an honorable respect vnto the order and particularly to 
such as they are bound vnto ; and finding themselves agrieved 
only by the bad dealings of some of them, who are a disgrace to 
theyr order. Our college of Doway (afterwards translated to 
Rhemes) hath sent the greatest sorte of laborers into this vine- 
yarde : and while it was vnder oure owne government, it was 
mainteyned w*h double the number, that now it hath, being now 
at curtesy of the Jesuites : besydes theyr disgracefull vsage thereof 
in putting downe such lectures therein, as by w c h our priests 
might attaine to some knowledge of divinity; vnder a color forsoth 
that learning maketh them prowde (but in very truth to abvse the 
Cleargy of England, that nosaecular priest hereafter shall be able to 
match them in learning, and thereby to grow into contempt amongst 
the Catholicks, whose soares must lye and fester vntill theyr 
parishe priest can finde out a Jesuite to aske his counsell) : besydes 
the caveats they putt vnto the governo r thereof (a vassall of theyr 
owne) for receyving of such students as they only must preferre 
and the Archpriest, who is also at theyr devotion : w c h they per- 
forme w% that charity, that if they may vnderstand, that a youth 
(howsoever he is affected in his mynde) doth receyve any benefitt by 
vs, or any ofvs, itis asufficient occasion forthemnot to further him; 
w c h as the case is declared is to hinder him : As if when a man 
shold see one in neede receyve some reliefe of such as he cannot 
brooke : he must whett his stomach against him who receyved 
reliefe, and doe him what mischief he can. As of late the Arch- 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 171 

priest and Jesuites vnderstanding of a young gentleman, who was 

by our meanes to be conveyed over, notw*hstandmg lie was to 

mainteyne himselfe and in such place where the Jesuites make a 

good commodity of such, as not to be brought to any account of 

what they receyved for this cause, they absolutly denyed to give 

him theyr letters, w*howt w c h he could not be there interteyned. 

The English college at Rome was and is governed by the Jesuites: 

in w c h theyr practises to allure the schollers to theyr society and 

to disturbe such as will not yealde vnto them, declareth how well 

they deserve of God and our contry. Our hearing some of them 

reade in the scholes bound so many vnto them as heard them : 

although at home those who wold not be of them were vpon theyr 

Doway pollicy dieply [?] hindred from the profitt they must have 

taken. But no doubt God hath and doth supply otherwise what 

through theyr faithful nes to him in opposing themselves to manifest 

perill in defence of the Catholick church they might through the 

Jesuites evill pollicyes have wanted : and they have hearde as 

occasion hath served both in the vniversityes and in prisons that 54, f. 408b. 

they have had learning, when such as contrary to theyr oath 

taken in the Colledge for the present helpe of theyr contry have 

loytered behinde, pretendinge to purchase more piety and learning, 

and bewrayed how they have only profited in a foule senselesse and 

detracterious spiritt. But if for our hearing them in the scholes 

we shold not be gratefull, we shold incurre the cryme, w c h they 

also may iucurre, if they think not themselves beholden to vs, by 

whom they have profited in learning : some of them especially, who 

have been brought vp in such universityes, as whereof some of vs 

are members ; or some had the helpe of such in particular in theyr 

proceedinges, as had been of vs : as Card: Alane, D. Sanders, D. 

Stapleton : to say nothing of Bp: ifysher, Gardiner, Cope and 

diverse others, from whom theyr chiefest wryter and most at this 

day admired, had had no small furniture. Vnto what tumultes the 

Jesuites have brought that college at Rome, it were lamentable to 

rehearse, of w c h howsoever they may post the cause to the 


studentes, yet cannot it be doubted but that through theyr 
disorder it standeth in very hard tearmes. The Colleges in Spaine 
sett forward by ffa: Parsons are at litle rest (a strange observation, 
that there shold be no quietnes where the Jesuites once putt in 
theyr foote, howsoever they color theyr actions w*h piety and 
spiritt) how well they are manteyned I know : possibly they are in 
farre better case then eyther the College of Doway, or that at 
Rome, because they are of ffa. Parsons erecting : in w c h if he have 
deserved ought, perchance it is not of vs who had colleges inough 
before : w c h, if the honor of God and the good of my contry had 
been aymed at, wold not have been in those desperate tearmes in 
w c h they are : but it is evydent that those new colleges were 
erected vpon some other ground ; as may apeare by the vsage of 
the Studentes: w c h hitherto hath been to abvse the Catholick 
princes of that contry, and to induce them into an admiration of 
ffa: Parsons, as of a man likely to further any intention, w c h he 
shold putt into them. And to the better effecting thereof the 
studentes have been pressed some of them to sett to theyr handes 
directly to the lady Isabell her title to England : some of them to 
diverse blankes, subscribing in English to some, to other some in 
latine and to other in Spanish : w c h and his like practises (how 
well soever he might otherwise deserve of vs) cannot be reckoned 
amongst good deserts ; as having thereby given our adversaryes so 
cleare a proofe of his disloyalty towardes his prince and contry, 
that vnlesse we shold yealde our selves to be traytors to the state, 
for the love of w c h and the reducing thereof to the Catholick faith 
we daily adventure our lives, we cannot but severre ourselves from 
him and his complices, of what quality soever or cloth the cloake is 
of, w c h must cover them, ffor these and such like both generall 
and particular his plottes and his fellowes against our contry, and 
consequently against the quyet w c h otherwise Catholicks might 
have in England, who now are grown in hatred w*h our state and 
religion more in contempt than ever it was in England (vpon the 
reduction of w c h S. N. confesseth, the reduction of all abowt it 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 173 

doth depend) for his and theyr misdemeanors : also towards vs, 
because we do not labor in the furthering of such his plotts we 54, t. 409. 
have little cause to give him thanks, or to be noted of vngrateful- 
nes towardes him and such his fellowes or followers. Hath he at 
any time then done well for vs ? we thank him for it. But this 
his wel doing must be no warrant for him to doe any evill w*hout 
rebuke. If a cow give a good soope of milke she is to be thanked : cherished, 
but if she kicke it downe w'h her heele, the good turne she did 
may not save her from blame. If the Card: Alane vsed any com- 
plements at any time vnto the Jesuites, all the gentlemen who were 
W*h him before his death can testify that he much disliked theyr 
dealinges towardes vs : and the Jesuites cannot w*howt great 
impudency deny it, to whomsoever they doe shuffle of the blame. 
Dr. Stillingtons letters of complementes from Spaine also may be 
shewed : but it is well knowen that through his inward affection 
to them, not knowing how to mend himselfe, he left his life soner 
then by course of nature he shold have done : although perchance 
his being vnder water did him litle good, when in an expedition 
again[st] England, he was by fa: Parsons meanes compelled 
against his will to take shipping : at what time that many were 
driven home by tempest, and many of o r English priests perished 
by shipwreck. Dr. Stapleton his devotion to the Jesuites was 
cooled, when he departed owt of theyr order : a w c h if they will 
attribute to a hastines against them they must not vrge his gravity 
for themselves against vs. Dr. Barrett, who was President at 
Doway, was knowen to all men to dissemble w f h the Jesuites, as 
they dissembled w f h him, keeping him to serve theyr turnes as now 
they keep an other, and perchance w*th the like foolish hope of 
preferrn* by them. But putt the case, that all these did like 
marvaylously well of the Jesuites, is it an argument that if they 
were now living, they wold doe so ? Could they indure to see 
theyr brethren in pamphlettes and speeches to be attached of 
schisme, accounted as excommunicate, fallen from the Church of 
" He did not complete his noviciate. See Dodd, ii. 85. 


god no better than Ethnickes and publicans : because they wold 
send to Rome to his holines, to know his pleasure before they 
wold submitt themselves to an authority intruded vpon them, as 
they might well think, it comming w%owt any letters from his 
holines, or testimony that his holines had given such power to any 
other . . . they knowing no other superior in spirituall matters 
then his holines : can any man inferre, that those grave and 
learned men wold have taken the Jesuites parte in so foule a matter, 
against men of theyr owne coate and profession ? How doth S. N. 
in his epistle of griefe forgett himselfe, or how can he think to 
draw to this conceyt that those grave men if they were now living 
wold take the Jesuites parte against vs : whereas there are many 
living who can testify that y e Card: Alane did take our parte 
against them, and bewayled oftentimes the garboyles, w c h he saw 
wold follow after his death between them and vs. The opinion of 

fol. 6 et 7. ffa: Campian (as S. N. confesseth) was, that the priestes of 
England were piissimi et doctissimi: compare this w*h ffa: Listers 
opinion and the Jesuites of vs, who most proudly & yet shame- 

54, f. 409b. fully condemne vs both of impiety and wante of learning, and as 
homunculi (to vse ffa: Listers tearme) in theologia, and to touch 
that point of vngratefulnes w c h S. N. layeth to our charge, our 
vsage towards the Jesuites hath been such as more then all the 
good w c h ever they meant vnto vs hath been abundantly recom- 
pensed : w c h if they shall deny, we appeale to theyr forefather ffa: 
Campian, who (as S. N. here also affirmeth) sayth that we have 
given him and his fellowes that creditt in England, as he could 
not w'howt feare rehearse it. And to conclude, yow may see if it 
please yow, that S. N. hath taken great paines to quote many places 
against discord w c h we hate more than he doth, and were it not 
a frivolous labor, we wold make a repetition of them or the like. 
He blameth vs that we doe wryte such thinges, as such as be 
adversaryes to both may take advantage against vs. He blameth 
vs that we sent a booke to his holines, and putt no name vnto it. 
He supposeth, and must have all to think that we repyne at 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 175 

authority, regard not our superio r , and y* by our bookes we con- 
firme men in opinion at Rome that we are factious : And because 
he will have no obloquy w c h he may vse against vs vpon this 
supposall, he will also rather then fayle of his purpose, include 
himselfe and all our nation in this generall and ignominious judg- fo1 - 18 - 
ment English men p[utt in] passion regard no law of God nature 
or civility in theyr speach or manner of proceeding : and least per- 
chance this proposition shold seeme to fayle in himselfe, who found 
it in this his evilly in titled epistle of pious grief, he hath shewed 
small regard to law of God, nature or civility by his manifest 
vntruthesj defaming his contry, and most folish exclamations 
against such as for any thing we know are his equalls, and if 
not his betters no way his inferio rs . His vntruthes are, that we 
repyne at authority to w c h all our contry knoweth we did yeald, 
so sone as we saw any letters from his holines : to whom only in 
spirituall causes we owe obedyence. Secondly he sayth that our 
book was dedicated to his holines w*howt any name putt vnto it : 
w c h is in this manner : Declaratio etc Ad S. D. N. Clementem 8 m 
exhibita ab ipsis sacerdotibus qui schismatis aliorumq' criminum 
sunt insimulati. A declaration etc. put up to o r holy father, pope 
Clement 8th of that name, by those priests, who are accused of 
schisme and other crymes : of w c h priestes the names of 30 are 
particularly sett downe, pa: 119. His taxing of all his country- 
men that being putt in passion, they regard no law of God, 
nature, or civility in theyr proceeding, sheweth how he sinneth 
against nature, and vpon a conceyt (most foolish also and false) 
that we rayse contentions against the Jesuites and Archpriest, 
he exclaymeth in this sorte : that it were not against Jesus 
himselfe. If his wisdome cold see y k a booke written by 0. C. 
might take quotations owt of our writinges against the mis- 
demeano 1 " 8 of the Jesuites, and that this was not to be liked of, 
can he think that S. N. can escape margent of any book, written 
by any as impudent [as] himselfe : in witnes that such priestes as 
have a long time adven[tured] more for Jesus than the Jesuits 


54, f. 410. have done, shold now become Aposta[tes] and rayse contention 
against Jesus himselfe : or that such priestes who have been 
knowen to have susteyned the heate of persecution with no other 
resolution then hath become Catholick priestes (when as the 
Jesuites dared not to shew themselves, or w l h that timorousnes 
as they thought every houre a day vntill they retorned to some 
morall safety for themselves) now to be by S. N. noted for men of a 
dishonorable resolution, if occasion should serve, and to bring 
Catholickes into perill of losse eyther of theyr lives or of theyr 
soules ? Can we, if eyther we resist the law of god as priestes, or 
of nature as men, or of civility as living among others, heare our 
selves thus defamed, other mens soules depending vpon theyr good 
opinion of vs, our selves of yeares to vse reason in our actions and 
not of so meane bringing vp, especially the greater parte, and be 
silent ? Are we not in all mens iudgments (except S. N. and his 
fellowes who could perchance make a better benefitt by our silence) 
bound to purge our selves in this ease, our adversaries pressing vs 
still most falsly that we repyne at authority and seeking to 
enforme the world thus of vs, w*howt shewing any acte of our 
disobedyence except our forbearing to submitt ourselves before 
there was cause why we shold : yow shewing no letters from his 
holines for yo r authority ? Doe you cease to publishe or man- 
teyne these vntruthes against vs, and we will attende the decyding 
of this controversy, where it ought to be. But if yow shall 
eyther yo r selfe publishe bookes of this arguement, or beare others 
out therein : yow must thinke that we must take yo r edictes to the 
contrary, as most vniust in themselves, yo r practise explaining 
them, that all may be sayd and published by w c h we may be 
brought into infamy : and that nothing is to be divulged by vs by 
w c h we may be cleared from it : perswade yo r selfe that notw^- 
standing yow are the first of our coate who hath been in the 
authority of an Archpriest here in England (a matter much vrged 
by yo r flatterers) is no such priviledge, but that yow may erre as 
grossly in yo r actions as Aron did and Saul, both imediatly chosen 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 177 

by God : the one to the highest priesthood ; the other to the king- 
dome over his people ; George Blackwell by the grace of God, 
and the ordinance of the Sea Apostolick, Archpriesb of England, 
yow were preferred by falshood etc, the motive of yo r authority 
apeareth in the Cardinalls letters. And if the pope him[self] did 
preferre yow, he preferred one whom he knew not. And thus farre, 
Reverend S r , we have emboldened our selves to signify vnto yow 
the many iniustices of yo r last edict against the divulging or re- 
teyning such bookes as are to cleare vs of the many and iniurious 
slanders daily spreadd against vs ; how also notw t hstanding this 
yo r edict against the divulging or reteyning any bookes of this 
arguement, there is an epistle, intituled of pious griefe, written 
by S. N. to his frend, and divulged by order from you, as by all 
likelyhood we may thinke : it being in theyr handes, who wold not 54, f. 410b 
else have it : w c h epistle argueth . . . earnest desire, that the 
readers shold yet conceyve worse of vs (yf worse they can) then 
heretofore they have, as we see have shewed owt of diverse 
places quoted owt of the epistle called of pious griefe but in very 
deed of a wicked and very frivolous discourse, and such as may 
aswell, perchance much better be applyed to the writer thereof 
and his parte, then to vs. ffare yow well. 

Yo rs as you are in will to deserve 
of vs the vniustly defamed priestes. 

Concordat cum originali, 

Wllm. Clerke. 

2. Letter from Dr. William Gifford to his Sister. 54^ f. 242. 

Deo. 17. 1601. 
Right wo r ship u my lovinge sister. 

I was very glad by this gentleman to vnderstande of yo r welfare 
and by his returne to have occasion to salute you, being amongst 
other afflictions incident to my longe exile and banishment an 
extreeme greefe that I could not, nor this 30 yeares did have, 

VOL. II. L y 


ordinary intercourse or communication w*h my neere friends and 
kinred, w c h I impute chiefly to those who by stratagemes and 
crafty devises have wrongfully made me hatefull to our prince and 
estate, by abvsing my name in those practises in w c h, as Christ 
knoweth, I never had any parte. ffor as I am a Catholicke, and so 
will for ever continue by gods speciall assistance : so I ever detested 
these violent and b[l]oody spiritts who continually and unnatu- 
rally practise against theyr prince and contry, and seeke to expose 
to the spoyle of forayners by vniust invasion and conquest all sorts 
of people of what religion soever. And I wold be very sory that 
you my good sisters or any other my Catholicke friends shold of 
simplicity be intangled w*th any such persons, who to bringe theyr 
purposes to passe, you to reape the lucre and gaine or to have them- 
selves accownted negotiators and dealers in great affayres, do letle 
aseeme to indanger Catholicke gentlemen and to bringe [them] to 
vtter ruyne, doe irritate and exasperate the prince ; and by folishe 
bookes, lewde pamphletts and intercourse of dangerous letters w c h 
theyr companions on this syde doe make . . . a the burden of bloody 
lawes vntollerable, w c h the prince and estate are forced to make 
for theyr owne security. You easily a who I meane, and for Gods 
sake take speciall care of, least a fay re shew of a goodly mind and 
profession deceyve yow and leade you into thraldome before you be 
aware. Inform e yo r selfe arryght w fc howt passion or partiality 
who they be that have sente in men to attempte against the sacred 
person of o r prince : who they be, that negotiate abroad for forraine 
invasion and conquests, and vnnaturally seeke to arme strangers 
to the overthrow of theyr naturall contry, from whom all these 
folishe bookes of titles and right [to] the Crowne, of particular 
mens lives or such, like have proceeded : who they be that vainly 
promise reformation or rather subversion of the state ; and when 
you have found who they be, eschew them as dangerous to yo r 
soule, pernicious to yo r body, enemyes to theyr contry and infamous 
to our religion ; and serve your turne of those Catholicks who in 
" Some word apparently omitted here. 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 179 

true humility and Christian duty to theyr prince (saving theyr 
religion and conscience to God) w*h an Apostolicall spiritt doe 
seeke w*h zeale the only winninge of soules, and as well by exem- 54, f. 242b. 
plary life, as by true .... a the consciences of those w*h whom 
they deale, and by .... a ministration of the sacraments doe 
augment the num[ber] . . . . a people, and pray hartely and sin- 
cerely for theyr prince [and] contry. [By] such men you shall 
reape comforte and no danger of body and soule, nor heynous 
offence to yo r prince : And if [you] indure, it shall . . . . b mere 
matter of religion and conscie[nce] w c h is most honorable and 
meritorious. And w*h this my [dear] sister I make an ende, com- 
mendinge you and yo rs to the ho[ly] protection of him who spente 
his sacred blowd on the crosse for vs all. ffrom my house in Lisle 
this 17. [of] Decemb r 1601. 

Yo r loving brother and faithfull fr[end] for ever 

William Gifforde 

Endorsement (on back offol. 434, misplaced) : 

17 Dec 1601 
Dr. Gifford to his sister to take heed of the Jesuits 

3. Copy of letter from Cecil to Mush. 64, f. 390. 

Worsh. good S" 

I have written vnto yow by the way yow desired at yo r departure ; 
w*hin 3 dayes thereof I visited in yo r names mon sr Ville[roi] who 
was not ignorant both of the time and fully informed of yo r com- 
pany. It seemeth that acte of yo rs hath been so vrged, w*h former 
impressions made of o r good frends yo r companions, y* yow must of 
necessity carry yo r selves w*th great simplicity and sincerity : yow 
to reteyne that yow have, and they to gaine that they have lost. 
When I shall be assured of the safe passage of o r letters 1 will 
sende yow a letter and discourse, by w c h you may discover that yo r 

MS. mutilated. b Obliterated. 

N 2 


oldest companion, sive iure sive iniuria nescio, is thought to have 
been overbusy and lesse gratefull and loving then becometh a man 
of his coate and calling. I have not seen the man that convayd 
yow to yo r coach at yo r departure hence : but once or twice 
sithence : he is all w f h him that yow bidd not adieu and burned his 
letter : w c h two acts of discurtesy are daily vrged. It will fall out, 
as I allwayes told yow, that it is a thing impossible to doe effectu- 
ally what yow and m r Bluet also in his to vs, requireth of me w'howt 
offence of that party : yet will I provyde that on my parte no 
occasion shall be offered but that only w c h yow all have imposed 
vpon me. I deale now imediately w*th o r best frend who vseth me 
very both kindly and respectively. We can deale no further here 
till we heare what termes you stande on : what may be hoped there 
and procured here for the further pursuite of o r affayres : yow know 
where o r articles are in o r frends handes but as yet vnaunswered. 
Commend me hartely to yo r 2 companions, the 2 Bennetts espe- 
cially, m r Ed . . , a m r Charnock, m r Collington and y e rest : and 
if yowe please frequent and communicate, yow Romanes that 
haue borne pondus et aestus diei together, w*h all freedome and 
fidelity There hath been of late one Redman owt of fflanders, who 
w*h R Twist is sent back by D Bag[shaw] and m r Ctmsta[ble] for 
D Weston and D Smith. M r Morgan likewise hath been here w*h 
D r Bagsh: whose mother is a Skidmo r : he wente away likewise 
w*h letters good store towards fflanders. I write to m r Bluet of an 
oath, w c h m r Hill wold have us sende yow and tender here to the 
Embassado 1 " : but we pawse till we heare from yow. 

I doe what I can to excuse and take away all suspicions, as that 
of yo r going together I sought to excuse by a reporte that one of 
Abvil made of yo r seperation : 2 to Bologna and 2 into Calice, w c h 
was controlled by the Lievetenant of Caliz w c h wrote to Mons r 
Villeroy, that yow were fewer that imbarked there. 

In m r Bluets letters diverse things were misconstrued, as his 
writing that he left me there to excuse him (satis, sayd they, pro 

Paper damaged. 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 181 

authoritate), his giving first Ecc a and then D. Ils ma w c h was sayd to 
be ab equis ad asinos. I seeke what I can to excuse and satisfy 
and keep all in good conceyt : and all is too litle. If yow heare of 
m r Dud: commend me to him, as to S. Ken:, yo r most loving and 
vertuous hostesse vnknowen, and the rest o r brethren. I hope m r 
Anthony will not starte, from whom I expect to heare often. I 
write this for all : for [a multitude of letters multiply paines and 
perill and care to no purpose. 

N. Litt. [?] as I am informed hath forsaken o r best frend at Rome. 54, f. 390b. 
The last post is drowned, w c h maketh me app r hende o r papers 
w c h probably shold have come w*th him : and to yo r good prayers 
I most humbly recommend me. If I happen to come for a starte 
into England wryte of whom and in what prison I may inquire of 
you. Valete in Chfo 

Yo rs as you know to vse 

J. Cecyll. 

Whatsoever I say on purpose is as farre as may be mis- 
con [strued] as my desyre to wryte to yow p r sently w'hin three dayes 
when I knew how hardly yo r going in that company was construed, 
was wondered at what occasion I could have of so sodaine writing. 
Also to yo r self as I percey ve it was vrged that I pe . . . ed and pro- 
posed things my selfe disliked : w c h is not so admirable, if one 
contrary to his owne iudgm* conforme himselfe to the opinion of 
maney, especially where the difference is of the time, and not of the 
matter. In fine yo r visits, yo r conference and the rest are here 
vrged, and I come to know of that w c h I take not to be true, viz 
yo r intrinsecall dealing w*h him, of whom I have heard yow say 
1000 times that in his life he never did a good turne to vs or our 
cause : yo r wisdome, discretion and good behavio r and vnyon at 
home will breake the neck of all these critices. 

To his worsh: good frende M r Jo: Mush or in absence 
to M r Anthony Champney give these. 


54, f. 391. 4. Copy of letter from Cecil to Watson. Jan. or Feb. 1602. 

Good M r Watson, I cannot but acknowledge your loving letter, 
albeit, that by yow in printe, and by you in p r sence of o r supreme 
iudges in o r late controversyes, I have had my patience very extra- 
ordinarily exercised. I have towards yow performed the parte of a 
frend in place where pregnant perill was thereto annexed : w c h 
good office being of you so frendly accepted I cannot but corre- 
spond and give contentm* to yo r desyre of intercourse. Setting asyde 
then all ceremonyes and needles complem* 8 , this I must advertise 
yow, that from henceforth yow conferre with o r brethren, and make 
your election of some one man to whom you may direct yo r letters : 
for yo r last indorsed to so many was not so gratefull. M r D r 
Bagshaw or M r Hill, eyther of them, are men whom yow know yow 
are beholden to, and may vse w*thowt all offence in a farre greater 
matter. If you please to send yo r letters in a cover to y e Embass: 
it will be farre more acceptable domi forisque and we lesse beholden 
to base companyons. O r brethren at their departure hence desyred 
me, no wayes inclined to stay behinde them of my selfe, to stay here 
and to deale in theyr affayres w*h this K. a I desyre yow to sounde 
herein the minde and opinion of o r estate : for vnles they like both 
of the negotiation, and of the person : I will in no case medle with 
theyr disliking. Yow may also if yow please desyre o r brethren to 
interteyne no kinde of negotiation, directe or indirecte, offensive to 
y e state. 

I take that m r Hill or D Bagsh: are farre more proper for this 
place then my selfe : ffor to tell yow plainly my desyre is rather 
domi consuescere, if I may vnderstand by yow that I may have any 
oversight, or may be admitted to that grace my companions have 

a This letter seems to have been written from Paris before Cecil resolved to take 
part in the deputation to Borne. His three companions left Paris on Jan. 1, 
and the letter was probably written early in the same month, notwithstanding the 
endorsement of the copyist. 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 183 

There passed this way of late one Way : who reported that yow 
had renounced yo r priesthood, and all exercise thereof, w c h were to 
deare a price of yo r favo r and liberty : and in any case ne incidas in 
Syllam cupiens vitare Charibdin. Yow wryte of artycles, but none 
apeare We have conceyved here an oath of obedyence w c h, if others 
sende not, yow shall have w*h the nexte. yo r tracte, as apeareth by 
Mr. Bluetts, pleaseth not him. yow may vse me in all confidence 
and assurance Usque ad aras 

J. Cecyll. 

[At foot of page :] [To my] very loving ffrend 

[M r ] Watson 
give these 

[Endorsed, same hand as copy :] ffeb 1602 

A copy of D. Cecylls Ires to M r Mush and M r Watson 

5. From Dr. Bagshaw to William Watson. 54, f. 243. 

Feb. 7, 1602. 

Good M r Will m I have redd your Quodlibets over, & have 
asked the iudgement of diverse. The style is misliked for the 
bitterness, & I pray you hereafter have greate care & moder- 
ation, for I can assure you so bitinge a style dothe not good. 
Much good matter I finde, & if it had bene whote a only in yt 
place where your harte was as hyghe as your heade for in- 
faminge owr matters I coulde well have liked it. 

What letters come in yours see them delivered. I hope 
your creditt & mine will serve to have them safely conveyed. 
Att leasure I pray you deale w*h my L. b to whom I have 
writte[n] the Spanishe faction is on foote & fierce for expecta- 
tion of future matters. We must have good supporte. If the 
LL. of her ma tyes Cownsayle will deale w*h the Embassador to 

a Sic, for " hot " ? b The Bishop of London. 


come or sende to the secretarie heere present to further vs, we 
shall doe well. 

Heere very wise men will not be persuaded but some greate 
persons ar Spanified, althoughe yow answeare yt poynte in the 
ende of your booke, and therfore our sendinge over was not 
to benefitt our country or procure ease to owre cawse but only 
for a showe to shifte of the time. 

Have care of Framlingham & of all our friends there. The 
remoove of some of them was promised. 

I pray you write or speake to M r Churche y 1 he sende 
hyther assone as may be. 

I will perforate yt w c h you write of me & your selfe & the 
thirde person. a 

54, f. 243b. M r Bluett wrote to my L. for to be a meanes for sendinge 
owr letters by M r Winwoode, b for that we ar driven to sende 
otherwise hande over heade. I marvayle we have no answeare. 
I pray you deale very earnestly w tb my L. for M r Barnbye, 
who in truthe did more than we all in flanders & was able to 
relate as muche as M r Bluett coulde have done & perhaps 
more. His liberty & perhapps returne were very necessary. 
It mighte be a good occasion, when he might presently be 
freed, to bringe vs monye & worde of all things & to goe w*h 
me to flanders, if neede shall be, and afterwards to Rome. I 
pray yow sollicite this instantlye. 

Some passages of your booke make me of good hope as of a 
college of oure owne to cowntervayle the Spanishe seminaries. 
What hope of toleracion at least for vs, whose fidelyty I hope 
is not dowbted of, sende worde. It encowrageth & gladdeth 
for the time. 

By M r Barnby or some other convenient messenger lett me 
heare assone & as lardgely as yow can. 

a In the margin are four lines in another hand, tantalisingly illegible by erasure. 
" This 3 rd pson was Mr. . . ." etc. 

b Ralph Winwood, agent of Queen Elizabeth at the French Court. 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 185 

Pray harde for vs. W 4 h commendacions to all the honest gentle- 
men w k h yow, M r Pigott, M r Kempe, M r Ledyo [?] w*h the rest. 

I promised M r Cole the messanger one of owr books. I did 
not performe it. I pray you supply e it & commend me to him. 

We heare of new preparations in Spayne. Leasure serveth 54, f. 244. 
not further. 

Paris vii febr. yours ever 

C. B. 

I have written to M r Clerke, M p Leake, M r Bennetts, M r 
Smithe, M r Hebburne, M r Barnbye, M r Doleman, M r Churche, 
M r Dudleye, M r Charnocke, M r Copleye, Seal them all w c h be 
unsealed, & deliver them. 

I had thowghte to have sent them all unsealed but it fell 
owt otherwise. In any case lett them be delivered. There is 
nothing but ordinarye matters. 

I would my L. of London were nowe & then by, when we 
have talke of him w*h some of the byshopps & nobles heere. 

J. Bennetts comminge hath done good to owres & made it 
more spoken of, & a number of questions to be asked abowte 
my L. who is taken for a speciall meanes therof used by her 
Ma** 8 . 

6. Drafts of Six Memorials to the Pope. 47, f. 272. 

Beatissime Pater 

Placuit xpianissimo Regi hoc tempore, et cum hisce meis fratri- 
bus et in castris dni commilitonibus, me S u tuae per legatum suum 
recomendare, turn quod ei de zelo meo in causa fidei catholicso 
promovenda3 sine aliqua rerum politicarum mixtura abunde fuit 
satisfactum, data hums examinis occasione a legato Anglias, qui 
me hoc nomine apud Regem christianissimum accusavit tanquam 
nimis familiarem ijs qui politicum Angliae statum perturbarunt, 
turn quod apud eum frequentissime et instantissirne egeram vt 
interposita eius apud senatores Angliae authoritate cum eis ageret 


vt legum severitatem quibus catholici in re religionis et conscientia3 
negotijs premebantur, aut antiquando, aut alterando, aut moder- 
ando edictorum acerbitatem reprimeret, liberumque relinqueret 
catholicis Romanae Ecclesise ritu aut publice aut saltern privatim 
dno deo eiusque sanctis inservire : quern ita paratum et affectum 
hac mea opera et diligentia invenit R mus epus Mutinensis, tune 
temporis in Gallijs Nuncius, vt nihil prseter S tis tugs imperium et 
authoritatem ad opus tarn sanctum perficiendum desideraretur ; 
verum dum adhuc in incude res esset, discedit Nuncius, refrigescit 
negotium, donee isti boni sacerdotes in Galliam appellantes eovsque 
Regis animum ad pietatem flexerant, vt pristini mei desiderij de 
catholicis iuvandis explendi spem non contemnendam dederit. 
Quod si S u tuae haec via facilior [et expeditior visa fuerit ad 
catholicorum levandas miserias, et fidem propagandam] a 

aperiemus quibus medijs, rationibus et conditionibus haec a Rege 
christianiss mo in Dei gloriam, ecclesise utilitatem et catholicorum 
favorem impetrari poterint. Sin minus hue ad pedes S tis tuaa 
accessimus, quicquid statueris, iusseris, decreveris, non solum aequo 
sed alacri animo laturi, eamque submissionis et obedientise 
promptitudinem in reliquis nostris fratribus effecturi .... et, si 
quid in reliquo vitse nostras cursu humanitus erratum aut peccatum 
fuerit, censuris et supplicio colla subdituri : jube, coge, impera, 
homines sumus, errare, labi, falli, decipi possumus ; at authoritatem 
tuam subterfugere, post tam diuturnam, constantem et continuam 
eius professionem et pro ea perpassiones non possumus. 

[Q d si S tas ad pedum tuorum oscula 

v'ra communi humillime prostratus 

omnium cathol- lo: Cecilius sacerdos Anglus. 

icorum consensu 

et clamoribus excitata velit paulisper experiri 

quid istiu[s] com modi ecclesiae exoriri poterit] b 

The clause within brackets partially erased, and the two or three lines indi- 
cated by dots entirely erased. b Added in the margin. 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 187 

Ne ficta videantur quae in relations ista continentur, aut a 47, f. 272b. 
cerebro meo deprompta ad captandam gratiam aut S tls tuaa 
lenitatem et clementiam abvtendam, singulis propositionibus singula 
testiraonia affigenda existimavi. 

Quod a legato Anglise apud Regem christ: accusatus fuerim de 
nimia familiaritate cum ijs qui statum Angliaa politicum perturbant 
habeo penes me litteras Ill ml Card. Surdiaci, a dum esset in minori- 
bus, idipsum attestantes, quibus addi potest R mi dni Abatis S u 
Martini, Dni Conestabili Angli, aliorumque gravissimorum virorum 

Quod rursus in gratiam Regis fuerim receptus testantur eius 
literee, quibus nos Regibus principibus et Rebusp: in itiuere 
commendavit : testis est etiam Eccellentiss us dns de Betune legatus 
Galliae qui Regis animum ea de re optime novit. 

Quod non nisi rogatus et plurimorum in Anglia catholicorum 
literis et lamentis excitatus, et ab ip'o R mo Nuntio iussus, apud 
Regem eiusque ministros causam cath. tractaverim, ipsum produco 
R mum Nuncium tanquam oculatum testem, litterasque et chiro- 
graphum penes me habeo materna lingua omni suspitione aut 
exceptione liberas. 

De exitu et progressu negotij testem cito R mBm Mutinensem qui 
vt Romam ea de re scriberem iussit, et quid inde responsi habuerim 
proferam in huius veritatis fidem. 


Beat m2 Pater 

Cum pro singulari tua in nos aequitate et amore paterno ad earn 
tandem sint reducta negotia nostra periodum vt de reditu nostro 
ad castra dni et vexilla xpi in Anglia sit cogitandum, cumque S tas 
vestra satis superque sit informata quam sit curta suppellex, 
quantumque sumus ad tarn longum laboriosum et sumptuosum 
iter imparati, nisi charitatis et dementias tuae nobis pateant 

a FranQois d'Escoubleau de Sourdis, created cardinal in 1592. 


fontes, petimus humillime vt S ta v. dignetur in viatico nobis sub- 
ministrando considerare hiemem iam instare et ex nostris aliquos 
esse valetudine infirma, alios estate confectos, alios satis provectos 
omnes laboribus et misery's exhaustos neque posse nos aut pedibus 
aut adeo properanter sicut solent illi quibus ordinarium porrigitur 
viaticum iter conficere, sed maiora turn subsidia turn solatia turn 
laborum intervalla et aetati et infirmitati nostrae et hiemis asperitati 
esse necessaria, qua3 omnia S tis v. clementiae et considerationi 


Beatissime P: 

Quicquid a nobis hactenus est propositum de Gravaminibus 
Archypr., de Incommodis ipsius regiminis, de Considerationibus 
ad pacem spectantibus, de Refutatione responsi exhibiti a p: 
Parsono contra praedictas Considerationes, ex nullo alio fonte 
prodijsse protestamur quam ex zelo pacis ve[r]aeque fraternitatis 
et ex intimis perfectee charitatis visceribus, vt remotis ijs impedi- 
mentis quibus ecclesiae quae in Anglia est salus periclitatur, 
ardentius et alacrius (datis vndeque dextris) qui in vinea dni 
laborant operarij ad haereseos extirpationem et animarum conver- 
sionem accingantur. Liceat itaque nobis libere profiteri quod res 
est S me P., et considerationi v'rae relinquere quatuor ilia capita, 
fusius in ill is nostris scriptis contenta, scz., de persona Archipri 
deque eius praelatura, quibus stantibus, nulla pax, nulla moderatio, 
nulla potest sperari animorum vnio ; de eleemosynarum distribu- 
tione et illarum rationibus reddendis de magistratuum electionibus 
annuis, et de statuum et ordinum distinctione vt suo se quisque 
loco et statione contineat, neque se vlterius Jesuitae misceant 
quam solent alij religiosi alijs alibi ecclesiasticis ordinibus : quod 
ad nos attinet quicquid S tas statuerit, decreverit, iusserit, ordina- 
verit, certum est obedire et intellectum captivare, verum si con- 
trouersiarum fontes et scaturigines patris Parsoni et suorum 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 189 

oppositions intactae vel non prorsus .... relinquan[tur], aeque 
certum est ex ijsdem malis causis eosdem malos effectus .... 
esse expectandos : nam non potest ecclesia Anglorum non graui 
ferre et multum in Jesuitas commoueri, cum intellexerint .... 
rationes pro bono communi et publica pace a no .... vestree 
S* 1 propositas paucorum illorum religiosorum renitent .... 
privatisque commodis .... optato exitu frustrari. 


Beatissime p : 

Significauimus per litteras nostras S tis v'rse declarationem qua 
ab omni rebellion is aut inobedientiae crimine ob delatam ante Brevis 
apostolici adventum Archipn submissionem liberabantur, quo 
nuncio mirifice refocillati statuerunt perpetuo in hac causa et 
controuersia quiescere. At libri, litterae, discursus et rumores a 
p. Personio suisque sequacibus indies ubique dispersi calumniarum 
istarum memoriam vbique acerbissime refricantes et filiorum 
suorum spiritus . . . [datae declarations veritatem pernegantes] b 
timoratas conscientiae et de preteritis confessionibus suis valde 
incertas, nisi fide publica et autentica illis aliquo modo satisfiat, 
cogunt illos humillime ad S tis v'rse pedes cleroentissimos confugere 
petereque innocentiae suae et aequitatis, verbo vestro iamdudum et 
viva voce pontificia iamdudum declaratae, testimonium aliquod et 
instrumentum publicum : alias certissime recrudescet uulnus, nullus- 
que erit vnquam aut modus aut finis contentionum dum illi accu- 
sando [negando nostram declarationem] et calumniando [inno- 
centiam nostram] nos autem affirmando, defendendo et refutando, 
totum orbem scriptis et clamoribus impleamus do-nee eveniat, q d 
praedixit apostolus, vt dum ab invicem mordemus ab invicem con- 

* See above, pp. 11, 146. b Inserted above the line. 




Beatiss me p: 

Cum in Hispaniis (in libera licet custodia) captivus tamen 
detineatur Joannes* Fisherus sacerdos Anglus, S tls v raB diu alumnus 
in collegio Anglicano in Urbe, vir omni virtutum, linguarum et 

a "John" must be a slip of the pen for " Bobert." There was no John 
Fisher at the English College at this date. Bobert, who took a principal part in 
the drawing up of the memorial against the Jesuits, came to Bheims in March 
1590, and was admitted at the age of twenty-two into the college at Borne July 8, 
1593. He left in May 1596, when he was busy with the affairs of the malcontent 
clergy, both in England and on the continent. Dr. Barret, who was watching his 
movements and hoping to get him apprehended in Belgium, wrote to Parsons, 
Aug. 10, 1597, as follows : " Very loving and reverend Father, this I wryte at 
Liege where I am in my way homeward [from Spa to Bheims]. There passed by 
this towne one Fisher, that was sent by the seditious schollers into England, from 
hence he went to Bruxelles, thence to Lisle, and so to Doway, and thence to Cam- 
bray. He hath bin, as I am informed, in every shire in England to styrre up men 
against Jesuits and Spaniards, which he uttered to a good man in this towne. I 
marvaile he escaped at Bruxels, Being they are advertised out of England of his 
secret conference with a cheefe man of the councel of England & with Sacheverel 
the Apostata in the said councelors house. Heere he tould one in great secret, 
that he was to go to M. Ch. Pa[get] and D. Gifford, and to M. Morgan about matters 
of importance, he said also that they were in good hope to have liberty of con- 
science in England in case they might get the Jesuits thence, no doubt this is one 
part of his busynes, he left his bag at Liege & I have seene it, yet nothing of im- 
portance therin, saving a little compendious note of all their Articles against the 
Jesuits at Borne which he carried with him to dilate to the faction in England as 
appereth, for it is rery old and almost worne out. [This note was rather 
brought out of England. As after will appeare. Parsons' marginal note."] I am to 
go to Bruxels and to make means to have the man examined, in case he may be 
found ; before he return to this towne, for he is to come back hither & to one in 
this place, he was at his going into England earnestly commended by D. Gifford, 
&c." Some months afterwards Fisher reappeared in Borne, " half converted," 
writes Parsons, and " willingly offered himself " at the English College, where he 
was put through an examination extending over several days by the Papal fiscal. 
In this examination he made many statements, which are printed by Parsons in 
his Apologif (ff. 94-97), to the discredit of the anti-Jesuit party. These state- 
ments, which Parsons admitted were not altogether trustworthy, were said by Dr. 
Ely to have been extorted from " the miserable fellow " by fear of the gallies or 
the gallows ; and Bagshaw declares that Parsons had threatened " to put hot irons 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 191 

bonarum litterarum panoplia si quis alius in toto clero Anglicano 
excultissimus, ita vt castellae [Castilise ?] limites exilire non audeat et 
iam paene per septennium sumraa cum patientia tarn durum iugum 
sustinuit, nullo suo delicto sed p. Personij potentia et artificio sibi 
impositum, tantae indignitatis et iniustitise rumore perculsi fratres 
nostri et alij paene infiniti tarn in Anglia quam extra Angliam 
Catholici, et vineam Dni tarn strenuo et aBgregio operario in tanta 
literatorum penuria et paucitate privari segerrime ferentes, petunt 
humillime vt v. S. dignetur Card. Burghesio hoc in mandatis dare vt 
vestro nomine adNuncium in Hispanijs degentem scribat vt dictum 
Joannem Fisherum Romam mittat ad S tis v. tribunal sistendum, 
vt si quid fecerit homine catholico et sacerdote Anglo indignum 
salutari poenitentia coerceatur, sin minus vt ad pugnam et palses- 
tram Anglicanam tanquam veteranus et benemeritus miles resti- 
tuatur, quern solum supremum et immediatum vt Anglocatholicus, 
vt sacerdos, vt alumnus superiorem agnoscit. 


Beatiss me p : 

Cum singularis S tis v. charitas et summa sollicitudo etiam ad 
minutissima se extendat, ita vt non solum de negotijs nostris 
expediendis, sed de neeessitatibus etiam sublevandis paterno 
quodam afFectu pijssime cogitet idque nobis significari voluerit : ab 
hominibus S a v'rae charissi mis nobisque amicissimis : tamdiu S u 
v'rae molesti esse in hoc genere abstinuimus quamdiu rerum et 
causarum nostrarum exitum in dies expectavimus, licet ad hoc 
tantum conficien . . . iter et sustinendos sumptus preeter piorum 
elemosynas et suppellectilem vestesque sacras prasconis voce ven- 
ditas nihil habuimus (quippe qui pro sedis huius dignitate alijs 

to his arms " to get him to say what he did. Fisher had been apparently banished 
into Spain, and kept under restraint there for the past five and a half years, not 
" seven years," as in this petition ; and the Appellants now pray for his release 
and a fresh trial in the belief that when free from undue influence he would give a 
truer and more favourable colour to the conduct of his friends. 


omnibus beneficien[tiis] aut patrimoniorum cominodis priuemur). 
Verum iam cum (vt maturiori inditio et examine concludantur 
omnia) St* v'rse placuit moram longiorem negotijs nostris imponere, 
coacti etiam sumus necessitates nostras exponere, cum numero 
sumus 4, et post tot et tarn assiduos sumptus reliqui nihil nisi 
ut ad viscera et fonte[s] charitatis v'rae iussi, vocati et invitati 
confugiamus et vim pudori et modestia3 nostrae faciam[us] Deus 
O. M. clementiss* 111 Beat nem v. eccl'se suae diutissime incolumem 

B mai pater tis v. 
filii obedientes a 

Joes Csecilius \ 

Tho. Bluettus 

, ,_ . vquatuor sacerdotes Angli 

Joes Musius 

Anthonius ChampneusJ 

47, f. 276b. 7. Six Propositions of Mr. Giles Archer. 

Assertiones b Egidii Archerij Sacerdotis Angli, qui nunc in Vrbe 
est, quas publice proposuit in carcere Wisbicensi, affirmantis se ex 
animo et deliberate illas asserere. 

Lupanaria Romas sunt ibi cum approbatione. 

2 a . 
Lupanaria sunt equ licita atque aliquis Ciuis Romanus. 

Lupanaria sunt Romaa equS licita atque aliquis Magistratus Ciui- 

" The following names erased and "quatuor sacerdotes Angli" substituted. 

b These " lewd assertions " of Mr. Giles Archer are the subject of much com- 
ment in Eagshaw's True Relation (Reprint, p. 65). They are here written on the 
back of the foregoing draft in an Italian hand. 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603, 193 


Sunt ibi seque licita, atque Papa ipse, uel aliquis Ordo Religio- 

5 a . 

Lupanaria sunt maxime necessaria. 

6 a . 

Sunt ibi uel eorum [aliqua ?] esse ibi eque licita, atque aliquis 
Ciuis uel Magistratus. 

Responsio et distinctio D'ni Edmundi Jesuitse qui tune erat in 
career e Wisbicen. 

Mag r Archerius uult dicere et intelligere Lupanaria esse Romas 
cum approbatione aeque licita atque aliquem Ciuera, Mag'ratum, 
Ordinem Religiosorum uel Papam, sed non peccatum simplicis 
fornicationis, Posters die dixit idem Archerius se uelle defendere 
istas propositiones contra quemcumque et se deliberate et ex animo 
istas asseruisse. 

Dns Egidius Archerius assertor harurn propositionum Romam 
uenit, et manet in Collegio Anglorum. 

8. Papal Definition on the question of Schism. 47, f. 383. 

Anno D. 1602. Apr [11-15]. 

Cum a sacerdotibus anglicanis qui se Appellantes vocant [Rom]0e 
gmo jjo jq-^ supplicatum fuisset suo sociorurnque nomine, vt sua S tas 
. . . [dec]larare atque determinare dignaretur hec duo : nimirum 
vtrum s[acerdotes] qui ante adventum Brevis Ap'lici subordinationi 
per literas Ill mi C[ard] 1!s Caietani institutes subscribere distulerunt 
fuerint inobedientes rebelles, et schismatici an non : deinde vtrum 
confessiones Catholicorum ipsis interim factce sint iterandae necne ? 
Ill" 11 Card lcs Burghesius atque Arrigonius, quibus causae Angli- 



canae cognitio a sua S te commissa est, die prsedicto retulerunt S um 
D. N. die vndecimo eiusdem mensis atque anni his de rebus 
consultum respondisse : 

De primo quidem standum esse ijs quee in Brevi Ap'lico ad 
17 Aug. anno 1601 edito his de rebus ordinata atque declarata 
sunt, nominatim vero vt habeatur ea tota controversia pro extincta 
atque obolita, silentio etiam imposito, idque sub Censuris in eodem 
Brevi expressis. De 2 vero, Confessiones catholicorum ipsis factas 
non esse iterandas si nullum aliud intervenerit impedimentum. 

Hoc Scriptum ostensum est ipsis Ill mis Card bus supra- 
nominatis et ab ipsis penitus approbatum. 

Die vero 15 eiusdem mensis et anni, consultus iterum S mus 
prsedictis Ill mis Card 1 " 18 de eiusdem rebus respondit se nolle de illis 
amplius verba fieri sed voluntatem suam esse vt de prsefatis con- 
trouersijs schismatis, rebellionis atque inobedientise, quee ante 
primum Breve Ap'licum die 6 Apr: anno 1599 editum excitatse 
sunt, omnimodum imponatur silentium ac post" suo Brevi 17 Aug 
1601 edito stetur; idque sub prsedictis censuris ne vlterius de his 
altercandi detur occasio. De ceteris vero quse postea acciderunt 
respondit sua S tas se deinceps rebus perpensis quae magis ad 
sequitatem pacemque facient ordinaturum. 

54, f. 236. 9. Letter from Dr. William Bishop) to Mr. Watson. 

16 July 1602. 

Good S 1 ', these same are to certify j*ou that I have receaved 
yours, and sent the note, as I did once before to theire place, 
ours there loking . . . are differed to the Congregation of the 
Inquisition not for our harme, but for the ruine of Parsons subordi- 
nation as Clem: tearmeth it. Yo r books are without doubt (as 
we heare from all coastes) disgous . . . most blame the sharpnes 
of the stile, some certayne assertions perillous w c h are in some of 
them, it may bee they bee none of yours, w c h I advise you to 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 195 

certify to Rome in tyme, lest y or honour be somewhat darkened by 
them, for some of them (as it is written from there) are like to be 
condemned to the fire, yf it please you to write to me or by mee, I 
will doe what I can for the performing of y or . . . . you shall God 
willinge see our Answere vnto the Apology in printe. a Then you 
may the better printe yours, so that there bee noe dissonance. I 
pray you kepe mee in the good grace of your most honorable 
friends & your owne. & so with my most harty comends to you I 
committ you to God. the xvj of July at Par. 

Yo rs in our Lord 

Will'm Byshop 

I pray you send that to M rs Percy to the addresse. 

Endorsement (same hand): 

To his very singular friend M r Watson at my L. of 
Londons London 

10. Letter from Dr. Humphry Ely, probably to Sir Robert Cecil. 

Aug. 30, 1602. 
Right honorable. 54 t f. 213. 

The constant report that all trauellers giue out of yo r affable and 
courtuous nature, in easelie and willingly admitting all suters to 
yo r presence and myld hearing of their requeste haue em- 
bouldened me ; but especially the desire I haue of the salfeguard of 
her Ma te my princes person & estat, and good of my contrey 
(whereunto yo r hono r , aboue the rest, hath a vigilant ey and 
earnest care) haue encoraged and invited me to trouble yo r hono r 
w k th these fewe lynes, and to aduertize yo u of an accident that hath 
happened of late in this contrey of Lorraine, the brief narracion 
whereof yo r hono r shall receiue herein enclosed. By the w c h her 
Ma 1ie , yo r hono r and the rest of her Ma tes honorable counsayll may 
perceiue, not onely that the secular priests and Catholick Gentlemen 

a Perhaps Dr. Ely's book, printed at Paris. It contains separate " Answers " by, 
or on behalf of, Bishop himself, Bagshaw and Charles Paget. 

o 2 


both at home and abrode do not carrie such a malicious hart to her 
Ma tie or evell will to the state of our contrey as they haue been 
heretofore (through vniustlie & erroniously) thought and suspected 
to haue borne; and so under th[at] pretence haue erroniously beene 
putt to death and torments for the same. But also, whereas wee 
are still most ready (after a most meeke and Apostolicall manner) 
to suffer prisonments, torm ts and death, very willingly for the pro- 
fession of the Catholick and Romaine faith ; so are wee also most 
ready and willing both at home and abroade to suffer imprisonm* 
racks and death itself for the defence of o r naturall & lawfull 
prince, of her life and estate, against all whosoeuer shall attempt 
anything against her royall person or Crowne, be he Spaniard, 
French, Scott, or whosoeuer els. And this o r loyall fidelitie we 
haue not onely heretofore at all tymes and in all places protested 
in words, and by printed books testified to the wholl world, but 
also in fact and deed (as by the example of this worshipfull & 
reuerend priest [may] be seen and verified, of whose opinion & 
mind most of us ... that are abroade) do presently vtter and 
declare, protesting furst[lye] that if hereafter (as God forbid) her 
Ma tie or state should by any of the aboue named be invaded or dis- 
tressed, wee shalbe ready to the shedding of th[e last dr]opp of o r 
blood to defend the same and w% armes to w^stand and fyght 
against such invasors whosoeuer. This then being o r finall & ... 
conclusion to suffer p[atiently] wh[at] . . . [af]fliction soeuer the 
54, f. 2l3b. tempo[ral] state shall putt upon us for o r faith and religion, and 
beare courageously all the opprobies and iniuries some deceived 
catholicks doe heape upon vs for this o r true and loyall affection and 
protestation, but also to carry willingly and ioyfully such afflic- 
tions as forreine princes for this o r loyaltie shall putt vpon vs. Our 
case being thus miserable both at home and abroade ; at home 
afflicted for o r conscience, abrode persecuted for o r fidelitie to our 
prince ; I doubt not but if her Ma tie knewe thus much, but of her 
naturall clemencie, and of her royall mercie, she would at the 
leaste make a distinction betwixt her naturall children and sub- 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 197 

jects that in all sinceritie doo hono r & reuerence her, and those un- 
naturall Bastards th[at] doo attend to nought els but conquests and 
invasions, by giving [them] leave to serue God freely and securely, 
in easing the yoke of her seuere laws enacted against them for their 
faith and conscience ; for as yo r hono r doth knowe it is a rule of 
nature qui in vno grauatur, in aliis debet subleuari ; seeing we are 
for o r professed loyaltie afflicted, [at] home by corrupted brethren, 
and abrode also by forreine pr . . . it should then be a great 
signe of her Ma tes clemencie to relei[ue] us w*h some tolleracion for 
o r consciences. Our dayly wishes and praiors are that it would please 
her Ma tie and her honorable Coun[sayle] to encline to clemencie, 
and graunt vs the free [vse] of [Religion ?] a for I doo protest in the 
name of all my brethren [Cath]olicks . . . . priests, and others that 
are not bent to any facti[on] ; th . . ht [we are] so far of nowe, & 
heretofore haue beene, from [seeking] desiring or procuring the 
disquieting or ouerthrowing of h[er] Ma[ tie ] and the state, that I 
promisse for my self and them all [tha]t if wee sha[ll] understand 
of neuer so smale an ynckling of ... or pretence against her 
Ma tie and her estat, th[at we will] not onlie be the first that shall 
discouer it to yo[ r hono] r ; but a[lso] to be the formost, by armes 

and other meanes to to nowe, if these o r 

actions and protestacions at home, and o r afflictions and sufferings 
abroade shall not be thought sufficient to trust vs hereafter, or to 

blott out the sinister and erronious opinions state con- 

ceiued heretofore against us : we are most ready to give her Ma tie 
and the state all sure contentement, satisfaction, obligacion, and 

assurance of o r loyaltie & fidelitie est 54, f. 214. 

of her honorable counsaill shall find and think needful, neces- 
sarie and expedient. Yf her Ma tie might, by yo r hono rs goodness 
and the singular care you haue of the quietnes and assurance of the 
Estate and of the prosperous raigne and life of o r prince, be acer- 
tayned and assured of her Catholick subjects good harts and en tier 
intentions, no doubt it would moove her to pittie, clemencie, and 
* MS. torn away here and in much of following page. 


mercie, and to grant vs libertie to serue God according to o r con- 
science, and freely w*hout feare of pursuyuants to offer vp o r 
sacrifices, both for her long liue & [good] health and happy raigne 
also : as wee doo yet dailie notw^standing the hott execution of 
her seuere laws, thus much touching o r endeuo r s and good in- 
tentions towards her M te and the Estate. 

Now w^ yo r pardon a word touching yo r hono r . It cannot 

be vnknowne to a man of y r wisdome and experience but that 

by reason of yo r place and high calling, of the singular abilities 

of yo r person and of the favo r that o r prince beareth yo u , yo u 

are of many envied and maligned and hated not of a fewe. 

Besides, as I haue often heard by trauellers, the partizants and 

fauorers of the late seditious puritaine Erie doo beare yo r 

hono r in speciall, cancred harts, poysoued entrailes, and in- 

speakable hatred, swelling w l h desired vengeance, wishing & 

hoping for a tyme of revenge, this being the common report, 

and not likely to be vntrue. Yf a stranger to yo r hono r (yet 

a faithfull servant and well wilier both to you and yo r familie) 

might be heard and credited, I would counsaill yo r hono r to 

fortifie and strengthen yo r self not onely against all sorte of 

ennymyes and evell willers, but also against all their attempts 

and violence hereafter pretended whatsoever. Nowe a more 

surer and trustier, I will alsso add a more stronger, defence 

yo u cannot haue either at home or abrode than to haue the 

catholick partie by yo r benefitte, not onely highlie obliged but 

also most suerly and dearely linked and knitt to yo u . It is 

generally thought . . . that yo r hono r may doo very much 

both in court and counsaill, and that yo u may full safely (yf it 

would but please yo u to put them to yo r good will & affection) 

obteyne either libertie of conscience, . . . some tolleracion for 

y e poore afflicted catholicks; w c h if it should please yo u to do, 

you should so binde them to yo r hono r that yo u should not 

need to feare any ennymyes whosoever, either in her Ma te life 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 199 

or after her death, either at home or abroade. the obligacion 
would be so greate that they would not onelie be reddie to 
thrust their bodies betweene yo r hono r and all danger, but 
would be also readie to die at yo r feete in defence of yo r person, 54, f. 2i4b. 
hono r and familie. Yo r wisdome and judgem* cannot but tell 
yo u that all this I haue said is true, and that the Catholicks, 
for so great a benefitt received by yo r meanes & favor, could 
not nor would not be ingrat. they would not onely entirely 
looue yo", but as to their defender and protector, they would 
also carry all reuerence, respect, hono r , and fidelitie. And this 
much in all their names, I do confidently promys yo u . And 
besides by all other humaine meanes and obligacions that may 
be profitable, they shalbe redy to oblige and bind themselues 
to yo r hono r and yo r familie. Would to God, I had so much 
grace and fauo r w*h yo r hon[or] ... I might wliout offence 
appeare before yo u , and in your presence treate of this and 
much more that might tend to the liking [of] her mat tie the con- 
seruacion of the Estate, and to the defence of ... person and 
familie, against all envious persons and all yo r evell willers. 
yf yo r hono r shall like of this myne affection & good endeuors, 
and that it would please yo u to give me accesse to yo r pre- 
sence and audience, vpon the leste significacion thereof made 
to her Ma te Agent at Paris, and by him to a[nie] Catholick 
Gentleman theare, I shalbe soone w*h yo r hono r [. In] the 
meane tyme, I doo hartely desire o r sweet Saluio r to encline 
yo r hart to pittie o r cause, and to haue due consideracion of 
our unfayned offers ; and to deale so wisely and consideratly 
that all yo r cogitacions may tende to the seruice of her Ma tie 
to the easing of vs innocent Catholicks, and to the conserua- 
cion of yo r owne person, state & familie, against all that desire 
the ouerthrowe thereof. 

And thus crauing most humbly pardon if I haue beene ouer- 
bould to trouble yo r hono r , after my most humble dutie, I 


leave yo r hono r to the tuition of the b. Trinitie. from Pont & 
Mousson in Lorraine 

This 30 tb of August 1 602 

Yo r hono rs poore beadesman to serue you 
w*h all fidelitie and to hono r you 

Humfrey Ely, Docto r and 
professor of the Lawes. 

64, f. 228b. A Narrative by Dr. Ely (originally sent with the 

foregoing Letter). 

M r Arthur Pits, a worshipfull priest, was banished out of the 
Tower of London for his Eeligion amongst diuers others in the 
yeare 1585. comming into Lorraine, was receiued into the ser- 
uice of the Cardinal of Vaudemont, w*h whom all his life he 
was in great fauo r and creditt. After whose death, he was 
called to serue the Cardinal of Lorraine, the duke of Lorraines 
sonne ; whom he had serued w% great creaditt these 1 4 yeares, 
being his chancello[r] and deane of Liuerdun, who about the 
beginning of Julie las[t] was accused to the Cardinal by a 
Runagate Jesuist that he sh[ould] saie two things: the one, 
that wheare there was a bruit that [the] French king was at 
Callais w*h an Army to conquo r Ingland, M r Pits should saie: 
That his desire was not that Ingland shou[ld] fall into his 
hands : th'other, that if the king of France should go into 
Ingland to conquo r the same, and depose her Ma tie his lawfull 
prince, that he would go into Ingland himself, and kill him 
theare, rather than he should depose her Ma fcie . Vpon this 
accusacion they weare both committed to prison, where they 
yet both remaine. 

M r Pits in his examinacion, and in his [justifications] confesseth 
that he said the first, not onely to this said Runagate Jesuist 
but to diuers others, bicause he would neither haue the French 
nor the Spaniard to rule and gouverne in o r contrey, being 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 201 

mooued thereto by a naturall instinct and dutie w c h he beareth 
to his prince and contrey ; and that no good & [n]aturall 
Englishman should or conld desire to be vnder a stranger, and 
the dispossession of his prince, who could not but desire .... 
land should be conquered, next that, he hoped that the [old] 
Religion shall one daie be established w^out conquests or shed- 
ding of blood, but either by the blood of martyrs or by her . . . 
for the second point, he denieth [upon oath that he ?] said it or 

thought it, and giueth some Reasons* 

thing printed there- 54, f. 228. 

of, and dedicated to the pope, and it is well knowne w*h what 
heate and affection I haue alwaies w^stood y* faction of Spaigne. 
for after that two priests sent to Rome weare imprisoned & 
banished, b I counselled them to send others (as they have doon) 
and that vnder the protection of the French king, who dooth 
protect them nowe at Rome. Howe could it come into my 
fantasie to kill him, by whose protection wee do endeuo r to 
deliuer o r selues from the foresaid oppression and tyrannie? 
Further sait[h he] yf I hadd said it, I would neither be 
ashamed nor a[fraide to] confesse it : knowing that the king 
cannot . . . zeale and affection in the defence of my Queene 

and he himself is of that mind and juge- 

ment, that . . . [notw%] standing the diuersitie of Religion 
ought to defend . . . contrey, against all others whosoeuer. for 
the cath[olics of] France stoode to him, & fought for him, when 
he [was not of their ?] religion. By these his answeares in 
his iust . . . may see o r opinions, o r intentions, and o r fidelitie. 

... & contrey. Wee that Hue in this contrey, and m 

at home, are all of the same minde ; detesting 

of o r contrey, and all attempts against o r pr[ince] . . . differre 
from the Spanish faction in word, hart, right and reason. 

a Several lines defective or undecipherable. 

b Bishop and Charnock. Bishop was sent to Paris. Charnock retired to Pont- 
a-Mousson, where he resided with Pitts. 

c From this point the few remaining decipherable words make no connected 


47, f. 277. 11. A Memorial to the Cardinals on behalf of priests said to have 

been deprived of faculties. a 

Sept. 6. 

De statu Sacerdotum appellantium quantum ad facultates quas 
Archipresbiter dicit se ab eis abstulisse. 

Licet Archipbr a sacerd bus appel bus facultates se abstulisse dixit, 
et ablatas adhuc manere nuper in Anglia declarauit, contra verba 
et sensum ultimi Breuis SS mj D. N., nemo tamen sacerdotum ab 
vsu facultatum suarum adhuc abstinuit, quia literis constitutiuis 
Archipbri manifesto constat, ipsum nullam prorsus authoritatem 
habere sibi a S te sua concessam auferendi facultates nisi ex prece- 
dente aliqua culpa et ex cognita incorrigibilitate post fraternas 
praemissas admonitiones. Sacerdotes autem nullam aliam culpam 
noscuntur commisisse ob quam dicuntur facultatibus priuati, nisi 
quod ad sedem Ap'licam appellarunt et semetipsos ab iniusta 
schismatis nota moderate defenderunt. 

Preterea quod ad decreta Archipbri attinet, eorum transgressio 
pro culpa non habetur, turn quia nullam condendi leges uel 
decreta sanciendi potestatem habere videtur (quod tamen declarari 
cupimus) turn quia in nullo alio nisi in praedictis duobus casibus, 
decreta eius transgressa fuerunt. Quapropter si appellantibus 
facultates tanquam vere amissse uel ablatae restituantur, innocentes 
tanquam gravissimis criminibus rei condemnabuntur ; quaa ab 
Archipbro iniquiss 6 et absque ulla sedis Ap'licae authoritate 
patrata fuerunt, quasi recte facta confirmabuntur ; quae iam fuerunt 
per 111 08 DD OS decreta in hac controversia invalida reddentur et 
infinitorum fere hominum conscientiae de iterandis confessionibus 
scrupulis torqiiebuntur. 

Postulauimus itaque, sicut et modo humillime postulamus, vt 

declaretur, omnes Appellantes esse quoad facultates suas in eodem 

statu quo fuerunt ante inceptam hanc de schismate controuersiam. 

Quod non ex aliquo nostro scrupulo aut dubitatione de validitate 

a In the handwriting of Mush. 


confessionum et facultatum fieri petimus, sed ad satisfactionem 
eorum q\ii de hac re sine causa dubitare voluerunt, et conscientias 
nostrorum Catholicorum scrupialis et anxietatibus vexare delec- 

Exhibitum Card bus 6. Septembris inter eundum ad con- 
gregationem pro rebus Anglicis secundam. 

12. Letter to the Pope from the four English priests. 47, f- 278. 

Beatissime Pater. 

Maxima et unica post deum consolatio nobis est, quod vestras 
paternse commiserationis viscera ita patentia habeamus, vt in 
cunctis angustijs nostris adeo nobis liceat cum certa re frige rij spe 
confugere. Itaque nos quatuor presbiteri Angli, quos de summa 
dementia vestra et benignitate sic in patrocinium suscipere 
dignati estis, vt ad vitam tuendam necessaria vitro obtuleritis, 
humillime supplicamus B m<B paternitati v. vt causas ecclesise 
nostras qua? iam diu coram S te v. agitataa et discussas 
fuerunt, cum primum per grauiora negotia licebit, terminare 
velitis ; itaque interim dum hoc commode possit fieri, aliquid 
nobis eleemosinarij subsidij imparti[ri] dignemini, quo praesen- 
tibus nostris necessitatibus subveniatur. Hoc eo magis nunc 
a S te v. petere cogimur, quod nostrum aliqui grauioribus decum- 
bunt febribus, qu[orum] curas multos sumptus requiri experimur. 
Nos certe (B me pater) eo inopiaa redacti sumus, vt cum antea 
singuli ad frequentia ministeria prestanda singulos famulos 
habere consuevorimus, iam consenescentes et multum aduersa vale- 
tudine laborantes, ne vnum quidem famulum ad communia munera 
obeunda inter omnes quatuor alere aut apud nos retinere vale- 
amus. . 

[Endorsed] Exhibitum 9 Sept. 


54, f. 221. 13. Letter from Bagshaw to the Bishop of London.* 

Sept. 29, 1602. 

My very good L. m r Bluett is on the way hytherwarde, & 
commeth by Bruges. We have receaved no letters these three or 
foure posts from Rome whereby we can not averre any certaynty 
of our affayre. from Flanders they write y l all goeth well for the 
Jesuits : Heere it is certified to the Kings ministers, y t all goeth 
well w'h the priests. 

Many things ar yett to be dealte in, especially mony matters 
w c h require many particular discussions. Ingresse & egresse is a 
thinge necessary for owr dispatch, if not absolutely, yett we dowbte 
not w'h convenient limitation. I have written to m r Secretaire 
for myne owne particular. I desyre your H. at your opportunity 
knowe what answeaare I am to expect. 

For Fisher I have written to m r Watson more fully, for not 
trooblinge your L. I dowbt not but your woonted prudence & 
respect of innocence will direct you to manage his examinations 

for the best 

Amonge other things obiected to our brethren in Ro[me] 

of owr Queene, & the Frenche Kinge. So potent is the 

w c h hath even heere plures fibras than one vnexperienced would . . 

the L. Embassador hath yett I thinke scarcely setled 

at his howse to have saluted him but he had not then bee[n] . . . 

I would be loathe to recourse to him w*h affronte , 

please your H. by M r Watson or otherwise to give some advertise- 
ment what is to be expected or performed. 

I would be gladd to have some time in England for fetchinge 
some things I have, necessary to furnishe me in myne exile, that 
I reserve to God & your good consideration. 

a The MS. is torn at the edges, but even the mutilated sentences are not without 

LETTEES AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 205 

W*h my humble dutye. Paris, this 29 of September 1602. 
Your H r in all syncere affection 

Christopher Bagshaw 
Endorsement (in another hand) : 

To the Right hono le his very good Lo: the Lo: B p of 

14. Letter from Dr. John Cecil at Rome to James Hyll, Esq., 54, f. 238 

at Paris. 

Oct. 7, 1602. 
Ryght Wo r sh 

The laste we receaved from yow was of the 1 7 of August : It 
seemeth by o r calculation that yow have neclegted to write or that 
yo r letters have miscaryed some 2 postes : We cannot remember 
eny omission one o r partes : before I fell sicke the 2 postes 
immediately precedent I delyuered to the Embassador 2 general 
pacquettes for yow, w ch I suspect myght come to yo r handes both 
together, because at the delyuery of the fyrst he was in dowbte yf 
he showlde by that ordinarye dispatche his private pacquate. in 
those of o weare letters to D. Bagshowe m r Pagget, Capten Eliot 
and good m r Bossvile from me, to D. Bishop & others from my 
colleges. I sente in the same the declaration of the Inquisition & 
the replyes we made agaynste the continuation of the Archp: & 
other heddes. after my sicknes my companions writte twise 
w*hout intermission & now it hath pleased God to give me so 
mutche strenghte & comoditye of helthe I returne to my former 
diligence in saluting you. The cause of the miscaryinge of o rs & 
yo rs we impute to the absence and sicknes [of] the Embass. private 
Secretary e ; the Secretarye estab. not beinge acquayn[ted] w'h the 
sendinge of o r , we f[eare] putt them w*h oth[ers] in a cover to 
the post master, and so may they [lie] perhappes at Lions or at the 
postes in Paris whear [you] shall doe well to inquyer after them, 
thus mutch for that poynte. 

My companyons have written to yow & others . . . the tyme of 


my sicknes & therfore I wyll make no farther repetitions then of 
thinges faulen owte sithe[nce] theyr writinge : we expecte euery 
daye o r dispatche, ye sight of the Breve w c h is vnder Vestrios handes. 
[I] vnderstande there be 2, one as a private [re . . est] ... to 
the [Archpa:] a annother in general to al the p[eople]. b The pope 
styll sayeth he wyll give vs con . . . yet Parsons by authorytye & 
arte hadde like to have . . . vs, the 3 of this present, into suche a 
brake that [should] have intangled vs terribly yf not vtterly vn- 
donne [us]. He hadde vnder pretexte of peace & friendship p . . 
the pope to sende for vs to be at the palace prec ... 20 of the 
clocke on thursday last, wyllinge likewise that [yf I] weare owt of 
64, f. 238b. my bedde I show [Id] not fayle to be pre[sent] . . . We weare 
ryght gladde of the appoyntment hopinge his ho: would give vs 
the bull & dispatche vs. We went [at] the hower appoynted, 
wheare we stayde some haulf hower, & behould Parsons w*h his 
procters Parker & Archer appeareth, he saluteth vs and we hym 
w*hout farther coniunction or communion : when we sawe hym and 
o r selves theare, one the stage together, we beganne to suspecte that 
that was indeede to wytte that a[ll] his stratagemes weare not yet 
at an ende, & feared the pope showlde commaunde vs to ioyne 
handes w*h hym & in his syght to make a peace. We conferred for 
the brevitye of the tyme howe to avoyde this inconveniens, but 
w t hal secretlye and in o r hartes we recurre[d] to God & o r blessed 
ladye that they woulde diver[t]e this malheure from vs, interim 
cometh in Card: Farnesius in whose presence this solempnitye of 
pacification must be performed, but for the providence of God 
almightye : The Card., deputed for examen of bushoppes, came in 
so fast in the tayle of Farnesius that, after a 2 howers expectatio, 
Parsons fearinge we shoulde not have tyme inowghe that daie wente 
to the porteco & gott a worde of the master de Camera, and so de- 
parted : imagine yow yf we weare not gladde men to see the storme 
we feared to be so for the tyme diverted : yet the good manne of his 
charity e sent the 2 procters vnto vs to advertise vs that we showlde 
Or, ffath. pa ? b Or, priests ? The writing is scarcely legible. 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 207 

lose o r tyme to expecte farther that daye : aunswer was made that 
we came not thyther but for o r owne private audience & hadde 
nothinge to doe w*h Parsons or his audience and so stayde tyll the 
master de Camera came owte w*h a Cardinal, at w c h tyme I stepped 
to hym & towlde hym that according to the popes order we weare 
theare expectynge his pleasure. I asked yf he commaunded vs to 
attende farther or no. he sayde he cowlde not tell what to saye 
but he was [of] opinion that rather no than [yes] a . We departed 
somwhat recreated that we hadde gotte respirandi tempus, seinge 
o r selves browght by this ai'tifice into termes either to displease the 
pope & protecter to these f . . , or to faule owte w*h o r best & 
surest patrone & protecter. 

We post in hast to o r asylum, to o r only refuge & redresse in al 54, f. 239. 
o r exigentes, o r good Embass. whose audience was the nexte daye. 
We informe & give hym o r reasons : he the nexte daye dealeth so 
effectually w*h the pope that he gatte promise th[at] his holynes 
showlde not vrge vs to eny such inconvenience : The pope confessed 
that his intent of caulinge vs together was that to make vs frendes 
and to embrace on an other before we wente oute of his chamber 
doore ; This borasca was like to come vppon vs Thursdaye last the 
3 of this presente : w c h we shall desyre you to communicate w% o r 
brethren w*h o r hartye comendations to them all : To D. Bagshawe 
my comendacions in particular to whome I have writen so often 
w*hout aunswer, a postscript in annother man's letter only excepted, 
that I ame a werye of the occupation. We are vncerten as yet 
who shal returrne or who shal remayne, & canne deliberate or 
determine nothinge in that kynde tyll we see the bull. 

7th of Ottobre 1602 [in another hand]. 

Endorsement I. (in same hand as letter) : 

To the Right Worshipp 11 his very lovinge [fren]d 
m r Jame Hyll Esquyer give thees 

a Some Italian words erased. 


Endorsement II. : 

Ires de m r Cecile de 7 e d'ottobre come par [un] 
billet qui y fat enferme [est] apparent. Ksp. le 
25 me d'ottobre 1602 

' 15. Legal questions as to the force of the Papal Brief of 

October 1602. 

Qualis publicatio istius brevis requiritur vt obliget in conscientia, 
aut in foro exteriori ? 

Vtrum ex eo quod quis legerit vel lectum audiverit originate aut 
copiarn authenticam obligetur ? 

Vtrum declaretur Archipresbiter excessisse suas facultates in 
condendis decretis, v 1 solum prohibetur ne condat in posterum ? 

Vtrum ilia particula prastensi idem sonat quod falsi et iniusti ? 

Qui libri dicendi sint criminosi, iniuriosi, et calumniosi aut 
qui sunt illi libri aut literse quas excitare possint in posterum 
dissidia ? 

Vtrum prohibemur servare process um huius negotij, aut eum 
imposterum typis mandare aut socijs communicare aut apud amicos 
deponere ? 

54, f. 394. Replies to the foregoing questions by Mons. Seraphin. 

Ad p m . Si publicatio non potest fieri per affixionem ecclesijs 
Catholicorum poterit fieri per eos qui habent curam administran- 
dorum sacramentorum in conuentibus et congregationibus eorum, in 
presentia eorum quorum curam gerunt animarum. Et etiam pub- 
licatio fieri poterit in regnis vicinioribus Catholicorum in locis 
propinquioribus et vicinioribus ecclesijs. 

Ad 2 m . Ex lectura originalis et copife authentica3 obligantur qui 
legerint ad obseruationem, cum habita eius notitia non possint 
excusarj apud Deum. 

Ad 3 m . Non legitur expresse declaratio Archipresbiteruni ex- 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 209 

cessisse suas facilitates cum nullum factum narret ex quo tails 
excessus colligi potest, sed tacite uidentur reuocatae sententiso si 
quee sint per quas Archipresbiter declarauerit presbiteros, pretextu 
schismatis, rebellionis et inobedientise, facultates ipsis concessas a 
sede Ap'lica et superioribus amisisse, iiam Papa declarat eos has 
facultates nunquam amisisse. Et hac declaratione papse tolluntur 
omnia si quas fuerunt facta contra presbiteros prsetextu inobedientige 
etc. et tollitur ei facultas in posterum. 

Ad 4 m . Ilia particula prastensi arguit summum Pontificem non 
habere pro uero prastextum ilium Archipresbiteri declarantis pres- 
biteros schismaticos, rebelles et inobedientes ; quin imo clare uidetur 
approbasse appellationem per eos interpositam ad s. sedem. 

Ad 5 m . De hac re non potest dari certum responsum, cum pendeat 
a lectione librorum ; ideo diligenter cauendum est a tali scriptione 
qua3 possit noua parere dissidia aut uetera renouare, et satis con- 
sulto remedio huic malo obuiam itum uidetur, ex q huiusmodi libri 
in publicum edi non possunt nisi prius obtenta protectoris licentia. 

Ad sextum. Ex publicatione processus huius negocij nihil boni 
consequi possunt presbiteri, et omnem occasionem contentiomim 
amputare debent, silentio et oblivioni prseterita tradentes : et hoc 
cadet sub prohibitione proximo deducta, quamuis uerbo tenus non 
prohibeantur exponere suis symmistis quae in Curia gesta sunt. 

Endorsed (apparently by the same hand in which similar 
notes are made in the copy of the " Brevis relatio ") : 

Aduis de Monsieur Seraphin surles doubtes proposes 
sur le bref du pape 

16. Draft of Rides for an Union among the Secular Priests after 54, f. 229. 
the return of the Appellants from Rome. 

Cum nihil magis quam pacis et fraternitatis nmtuao inter 
Catholicos stabilitatem fideique Catholicae propagationem desi- 
deremus, idque a S mo D. N. Cle: 8 in mandatis habuimus, tarn 


vivse vocis oracnlo quara litterarum apostolicarum testimonio, omni 
nostro conatu efFectum dare, coepimus cogitare et inter nos fratres- 
que nostros serio capita conferre quomodo inimici hominis zizania 
omnia ex agro diu radicitus evulsa eijceremus omnemque illi 
aditum imposterum in vineam Anglicanam praecluderemus. 

Compertum est itaque, post varies hac de re habitos sermones, 
communem quasi pestem et pernitiem totius inter catholicos 
(prsecipue vero sacerdotes) pacis et perfectee charitatis fuisse [vel 
fraternas famae tuendae negligentiam vel] a horrendum illud detrac- 
tionis vitium, cuius ministerio tecte et pedetentim accensae quaedam 
aversionum scintillas in maxima proruperunt animositatum, calum- 
niarum, inimicitiarum et dissidiorum incendia. [alterum vero 
charitatis mutuas quoddam quasi deliquium cum omnes quae sua 
eunt quaarentes proximorum angustias non respiciunt]. Ne penitus 
itaque sic tam horrendo et stupendo incendio conflagrarent omnia, 
nihil sanctius aat salati aninaarum salubrius esse duximus quam 
nos fratresque nostros omnes quibus placuerit libere in album nos- 
trum admitti regulis quibusdam -et limitibus certioribus coercere, 
ne in huiusmodi imposterum incidant detractionum praecipitia 
omniaque ilia quae ex hoc fonte /dimanant vitia, per contraria 
virtutum exercitia extirpent [unaque hortari excitare et devincere 
ad frequentiora et ferventiora charitatis officia]. Itaque profitemur, 
et in verbo sacerdotum sanctissime in nos suscipimus quantum 
possumus et humana patietur fragilitas, regulis infrascriptis nos 
subijcere easque religiosissime observare [durante praesenti in 
Anglia persequutione, nisi aliter a superioribus nostris visum fuerit]. 
Eegula i. Vt qui in societatem istam ; admittantur detractiones omnes 

rumores et susurros, quibus catholici alicuius fama prascipue sacer- 
dotis violari possit, reprimant et reprehendant, sive hoc verbo sive 
scripto fiat, neque patiatur aliquem (quantum in se) infamem fieri 
nisi post habitas fraternas et in charitate debitas correctiones, nisi 
scandalum fuerit publicum et persona incorrigibilis. 

* The passages here placed within square brackets are additions interlined, but 
in the same hand as the rest of the text. 


Vt semper aliquid praemeditatum habeant quod vbi occasio ferat Be. 2*. 
sive in concionibus sive in private sermone vtantur ad vitium istud 54, f. 229b. 
e catholicorum animis et aodibus exstirpandum. 

Vt qui ex hac societate sunt candide omnia et charitative inter- R' 3 a . 
pretent, [ea] praecipue vero quae a confratribus suis dicta, facta, sive 
scripta sint, eosque eorumque famam et aestimationem tueantur et 
defendant quoad iustitia, charitas et particularis haec inter nos vnio 
et coramunio requiraiit, eosque moneant si qui de ijs sparguntur 
clamores quibus eorum fama violari poterit vt aut se purgent aut 
corrigant, autores etiam istiusmodi rumorum proferant si fuerit 
publice, aut si qui retulit eos esse veros asseveraverat. 

Vt parati sint quoad poterunt catholicorum in carceribus detentis R eg . 41.. 
necessitatibus tarn temporalibus quam spiritualibus subvenire, aut 
aliter oppresses et afflictos visitare et adiuvare, praecipue vero eos 
qui societatem istam sunt amplexati, sacerdotes vero ope et 
hospitio destitutes fovere ijsque quoad poterunt providere. 

Vt tarn ope quam opera, auxilio, consilio et authoritate con- jj eg 5 i 
currant ad tales causas omues promovendas et prosequenda quaa 
[ad viros ecclesiasticos spectant] a tota ista societate vel maiori parte 
tractari, proponi, aut prosequi iudicabitur opportunism [re prius 
cum singulis conamunicata]. 

Si inter fratres societatis hums lis aliqua aut contentio oriatur, R eg . gt*. 
vt electis ex ipsa societate arbitris eorum se iudicio et determi- 
nationi subijciant. 

Vt pro defuncto fratre singuli sacerdotes singula celebrent sacra : R eg- 7*. 
et pro benefactoribus nostris bonoque huius societatis singulisque 
confratribus, praecipue autem ijs qui in carceribus sunt aut periculo 
mortis aut pro causa communi laborant peculiari aliqua devotioiie 
singulis diebus vtantur. 

Ne se rebus politicis vllo modo misceant quibus vlla offensio, Keg. 8 a . 
suspitio aut preiuditium Regni et rerum statui temporali possit 
exoriri, vt quas pro religione patimur omni sint calumnia 

Item societatis huius secreta aut alia quaecumque negotia mihi Reg. 9*. 

p 2 


sub secret! cautione commissa nemini revelabo sine consensu f ratrum 

meorum aut eius qui mihi idipsum conamisit. 

Keg. 10\ Teneantur omnes praeteritarum iniuriarum, offensionum et simul- 

54, f. 230. tafcum memoriam omnem sepelire, et si quern ex confratribus suis 

ante initam istam societatem verbo vel scripto iniuste perstrinxerit, 

teneatur quantum fieri poterit famae eius dispendium resarcire. 

Endorsements (in different hands) : 

1. Regula3 quibus sacerdotes parati erant se sub- 


2. Vnio facienda inter sacerdotes Ap: in Anglia 

post reditum ab Vrbe. 

38, f. 384. 17. Anonymous letter of intelligence. 

Jhus Maria. 

I comend vnto y r w p this is all that the party told to me as it 
folowed, first he told to me that the oontrouersy betwyxt y m and 
the Jesuits in y r on nam was generally told in Room and then y* 
on coleg cam to be on aganst another, and ftather Parson dyd put 
the matter in practys be his polycy that the Jesuitis shold haw 
superiority in England, and all the Jesuits in Room and about Room 
touk his part, after the cam befor all the cardinals and the poop is 
holynis the haw found that they wer but of the orders aund no 
superiority to be gewen to them but ther on superiority amongst 
themself, and that the secular church most be abow all orders and 
so it was concluded as he dyd tell to me. Vale Am . . . 


Endorsed (in another hand) : 

How Parsons wold have the Jesuites to be chief 
in England : but the pope holdeth that the 
secular priests shall have the preeminence. 


18. A paper for the King of France, showing that the Spanish 54, f. 149. 
King is not animated by religious zeal. 

S. J. H. a ad 
R. G. 

Qui dixerit Hispanum pietatis aut religionis zelo inflammatum 
tot Seminaria suis sumptibus aluisse et erexisse, tot nobiles fovisse, 
tot pension es annuas contulisse errat longe, mea quidem sententia, 
nescitque ilium multis abhinc annis regnum Anglise vel saltern 
diadematis illius dispositionem ammo devorasse, quod turn facillime 
fieri posse sibi persuasum habuit si in visceribus ipsius regni tot 
suis promissis deceptos haberet Catholicos. Quod ille tot sump- 
tibus, tot conatibus, tot lustris, tot artificijs, tot missis in Angliam 
ex suis municipibus obnixe elaboravit, set., vt fidam et firmarn sibi 
faceret illam in Anglia factionem catholicorum quorum opera, fide, 
et authoritate possit provt occasio faveat vti. hoc ipsum vnico 
mense, vnico verbulo, vnica hac actione, vnico patrocinio eflficaci 
Ma tas v'ra consiliumque [?] tantum et tarn avide expetitum aliud 
agens Hispano eripiet a faucibus. Quantum vero ad res Galli et regni 
huius stabilitatem et Ma tis v'rae securitatem attinet et gloriam 
adferet istiusmodi partium patrocinium, hinc videre licet, quod sine 
sumptu, sine sanguine, sine sudore in regno finitimo, potente et per 
multa secula contrario, de haarede et successore incerto et iamdu- 
dum a potentissimo et vicino Rege spe et opinione devorato hoc 
verborum solum dispendio et vultus beneficio sibi adiunget fac- 
tionem fidam, benevolam, promptam et paratam a vestris stare 
partibus vestroque nutu et authoritate in ijs que ad pacem vtilita- 
temque vtriusque regni pertinent duci et dirigi. 

.Et ne quid novi aut miri hoc esse videatur vix adhuc vulneri 
obducta cicatrix loquitur Hispanum et Anglum annis triginta 

* This is the original heading. To the H. have been added, apparently by a 
later hand (certainly in another ink), a few strokes which may mean olt, making 
Holt. But this is very doubtful. The copy is badly written and obscure. 


continuis factionem potentissimam in Gallijs aluisse, idipsum 
Philippum Athenis, Titum Hierosolymis, Romanes [Libyae ?], Tar- 
quinium Roma3, Mediceos duces dura exularent Florentiae, Gallos in 
Britania et Burgundia, Anglos in Belgia factitasse legimus. 

Endorsed in another liand : 

Hispanie : nihil ob religionem tentasse. 

64, f. 375. 19. Scholars of the English College at Pome who hare become or 

are reputed Jesuits, 1597-1602. a 

Nomina scolarium qui in collegium admissi sunt tamquam 
alumni ab anno 1597 ad incipiendum cursum anno sequenti 
1598, quorum nomina qui Jesuitae iam sunt hoc modo signata X, 

a The list does not appear to be accurate, and it should be compared with the 
register or Diary of the College printed in Foley's Records, vol. vi. The names 
here given are, as a rule, aliases adopted by the scholars at the college, and not 
always the names by which they are best known. A few of them cannot be 
identified with the entries in the College Diary. I have added S.J. in brackets 
against the names of those who are known to have afterwards joined the Society ; 
and it will be seen that this was the case with many who are not marked by the 
writer of the list as "covert Jesuits," or Jesuits in intention. 

It was a natural complaint on the part of the secular clergy that, from the fact 
of the seminarists at Borne being educated under the influence of the Jesuits, so 
large a number of scholars should be tempted into the ranks of a religious body 
which was believed to be aiming at an unfair control of ecclesiastical affairs. The 
grievance was aggravated when, on the appointment of the Archpriest, the Jesuits 
on the mission were not only freed from his jurisdiction, but were enabled the more 
easily to direct his policy by the rule which required the Archpriest on all more im- 
portant matters to consult their superiors. Moreover, it was believed that the Jesuits 
of the Roman seminary, in order to avoid the appearance of undue influence, would 
often persuade the young devotee to defer his actual entrance into the Society until 
some time after he should have gone into England, and to content himself mean- 
while with a secret vow to join the order at a future day. From the beginning of 
1597 till the end of 1602 there were, according to the College Diary, 75 students 
admitted as alumni ; and of these 31, sooner or later, entered the Society. Hence 
the secular priests' constant suspicion of Jesuits in disguise. On the other hand, 
it is clear that the Jesuit recruits among the students were not derived solely from 
the ranks of their own partisans. Several students who were distinguished as 
" mutineers " subsequently joined the Society, suggesting the inference that their 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 215 

qui vero non Jesuitas sunt sed pro Jesuitis computancli hac 
litera C declarati 

ij vero qui in collegio mortui sunt eundem ordinem profitentes 
litera sequenti notati D. 

Isti vero omnes vel immediate ex Anglia vel Duaco vel S to Audo- 
maro missi fuerunt. 

Ad incipiendum vero cursum philosophicum anno 1598 venerunt 
Duaco ; 

Humphredus Hidus. Nicolaus Burdus [Budd]. Ihoannes 
Hollandus. Thomas Randus, S.J. D Ihoannes Harvordus [Har- 
ward, s.j.] C ffranciscus Goldsmitheus a qui sanguinem expuens 
in Anglia redit. X Thomas ffeakus [Feck, S.J.] 

pro anno 1599. 

Ihoannes Philippus Robertus D Robinsonus [s.J.] b 

Henrikus Walkerus [s.J.} C Petrus Worthingtonus [s.J.], 
Thomas Turnerus [s.J.] c C Thomas Mallettus [s.J.] 


Ihoannes Jenninges Henri Holland [s.J.] Ihoannes Lineus 
Thomas Ashtonus Thomas ffranciscus Henrie Coleus 

Ex Anglia 

Richarde ffinchance [Fincham] X Ihoannes Greveus [s.J.] 
X ffranciscus Youngus [s.J.] 

discontent was in part due to temporary causes, or was not at least so deeply rooted 
as permanently to alienate these young men from the order to which they reverted 
with affection when free from restraint. 

All the above were admitted into the college Nov. 2, 1597. The letter C is 
here wrongly placed before Goldsmith. It should mark Thomas Hand, who 
entered the Society in 1600. 

b The D is placed here erroneously. Robert Eookwood, alias Eobinson, became 
a Jesuit after 1605 and lived till 1624. 

c Thomas Barnes, al. Turner, should have been marked D. He was admitted 
into the Society in articitlo mortis, 1599. 


Gulielmus Alabaster. 

Eundem habuit auimum Robert Caldwellus quern adversa vale- 
tudo impedivit ne fieret Jesuita. 

ffranciscus Yorkeus, Richardus Chamberus qui in Anglia reversi 
sunt propter segritudinem. 

pro anno 1600 

Robertus Walkerus, Thomas Everardus : ex Anglia vnde 
venerunt etiam missi 

Henricus Chattertonus C Edwardus Webbus 

C Edwardus Wittingtonus a C Nycolaus Arundguidgius [s.J.] b 

Duaco veneruut 

Robertus Wilsonus Richardus Ashtonus 
C Michael ffreemamis [s.J.] 

Thomas Lutterellus C Sil . . donius [s.J. ?] c 

pro anno 1601 ex Anglia in vna missione 

Thomas Smitheus [s.J.] d Thomas Clemens 

C Thomas Caringtonius Carolus Russell 

C Henricus Butler C Thomas Robinson 
C Gulielmus Adams Thomas Bassett 

Eodem anno sed alio tempore 

Courtneus [Henry Courtney ? S.J.], postea Whittingtonus 
Eodem etiam anno receptus fuit quidam puer 14 annorum vel 

circiter natu Galico quod expresse repugnat regulis reformatis et 

habet animum, vt putatur, eundem cum ceteris. 

* John Brown, alias Whittington, was admitted into the college Nov. 1, 1600. 
b Apparently Nicholas Hart, alias Strange or Strangeways. 
c Henry Bedingfield, alias Silisdon, became a Jesuit Oct. 1602. 
d Thomas Hodgson, or Smith, entered the college Oct. 1600 and the Society 
Dec. 7, 1601. 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 217 

Odomarenses 54, f. 375b. 

C lohannes Digbeus C ffranciscus Yates [s.J.] 

pro anno 1602. Duaco 

Gulielmus Garnereus [?] Ihoannes Amianus 

Jhon Butler. Richard Parkinsonus. Georgius Ashtoneus 


Thomas Morus [s.J.] C Christopherus Bensonus [s.J.] 
C Jhon Midforde [s.J.] 

Ex Anglia 

Charles Walkerus Robertas Olfordus [Griffiths al. Alfordus, S.J.] 
Kempus [?] ffranciscus 


Srnalmann a Wodworthe [?] 

qui pro hoc anno [1602] venerunt .... susceperint in 
.... colleerii. 

o J 

Ab anno domini 1597 exclusive vsque ad hoc tempus tantum [1.] 
19 alumni redierunt sacerdotes in Angliam in quo temporis 
spatio uiidecim alumni in societatem ingressi sunt et e predictis 
19 tres, vz S . . . . Morus, Cornfordus et fflintus pro Jesuitis 
habentur. b Hinc patet Jesuitas et eorum fautores non sine causa 
conari vt illi tantum scolares in collegijs recipiantur quos ipsi ex 
Anglia misserint. 

Lectis collegij regulis facile videri possit quod, cum prsefecti 2. 
novitiorum peregrinorum et alii huiusmodi officiales Jesuitas sunt 
vel reputantur, quam facile sit iuvenes rerum ignaros in ipsorum 

* Samuel Smallman, of Shropshire, is entered in the Pilgrim Book as remaining 
eight days from Mar. 2, 1602, but his name does not appear in the College register. 

b Thos. Cornforth was already a Jesuit in 1600. T. More became one in 1610, 
and Flint in 1621. 


societateni flectere, prsesertim quia cum aJijs loqui, multo minus de 
re tarn gravi consultare vllo modo licite possint. a 

3- Quod una [sit] collegij disciplina, id equaliter ab omnibus exi- 
gitur, sed superiores cum fautoribus suis sepius contra regulam 
dispensant, liberiorem illis conversandi modum permittunt : defectus 
illorum contra regulas vel non omnino vel saltern levius observant, 
illos benigne intuentur et laudant. Ab alijs vero rigorosam. 
regularum observantiam exigunt, illorum errata gravius puniunt et 
non mirum erit aliquos huiusmodi difficultatibus oppresses voca- 
tionem suam relinquere, novitiosque et adolescentes improvidos 
talibus argumentis inductos illos sectari quibus superiores magis 
favere vident et sic paulatim illis similes fient. 

4. Cum tantum tribuatur illis authoritatis, vt ex regulis collegij 
[colligi] possit, adeo vt quodlibet illorum praeceptum vim regulee 
obtineat quotidie novao promulgantur leges quarum executionem non 
parum illorum sectatores alumni et socii nostri non parum adiuvant 
sperantes quod aliquando ipsi etiam hie dominabuntur, cumque 
expellendi e collegio, mitten[di] in Angliam, detinendique facul- 
tates etc. illis pro libito, facultas [sit], sufficiens motivum est vt 
quilibet quodlibet etiam durissimum patiantur ne in tanta pericula 
conquerendo sen remedium aliquando investigando se conjiciant et 
revertantur in collegio pro Jesuitis ex alumnis circa 16 quamvis 
forte etiam plures sint, cum tamen omnium alumnorum numerus 
46 non excellat, quorum 8 vel circiter sunt adhuc novitij." 

54, f. 202. 20. A Idobrandino 1 s Passport for the Appellants. 

Nos Petrus miseratione diuina S. Nicolai in Carcere Tulliano 
Diac. Cardinalis Aldobrandinus S. R. E. Camerarius, Legatus 
Ferrariae, ac totius Status Ecclesiastici Generalis Superintendens 

Cum RR di Sacerdotes Angli, loannes CeBcilius, Thomas Bluettus, 
loannes Misheus, Antonius Champneus ex hac alma Vrbe, pietatis 

Something wroag here. The whole of this paper is badly written, and, in parts, 
indecipherable or unintelligible. 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 219 

officijs rite perfuncti reditum in patriam parent ; Nos quibus 
eorum uitse innocentia, modestia, atque morum grauitas eo, quern in 
Ecclesia obtinent, gradu digna, satis perspecta et probata est, 
prassentes illis ultro dedimus, quibus et nostram in eos beneuolen- 
tiam testatam reddimus, insuperque omnes et singulos Principes, 
Respublicas, et quoscunque potentatus rogamus, ut eos per 
ditiones suas libere transire permittant ; nullumque eisdem impedi- 
mentum, sed potius auxilium et fauorem praestari curent, atque 
adeo tractari ut decet ministros Christi. Ecclesiastic! uero status 
Prouinciarum, Ciuitatum ac locorum Gubernatoribus, Prasfectis, 
caeterisque Magistratibus quibuscunque district^ praecipimus, ut 
pari modo supradictos Sacerdotes honorifice ac beneuole tractent. 
In quorum fidem his subscripsimus et sigillum nostrum apponi 
mandauimus. Datum Romas xxij Octobris. 

P. Card' 8 Aldobrand us 

[Loc. Sig.] Henricus de Valentibus, Sec r 

21. From Dr. William Bishop to the Bishop of London. 5^ f. 376. 

Paris, Oct. 27, 1602. 
Right Honorable 

Beinge aduertised that yo r L. had written, howe our friendes 
about you do complaine of our slack giuinge them notice of our 
affaires : I tooke it for 1 an opportunity of addressinge these vnto 
yo r L. aswell to testify the obligation I take myselfe to haue 
(amonge the rest of my bretherne) vnto yo r L. for the compas- 
sionable and honorable affection w c h you have shewed towardes 
such of our order and religion a ! s are free from all vndutifull 
practises against our soueraine Lady and deare Country : as also 
to lett yo r L. vnderstand, why we can not giue better intelligence 
of such matters whereof we can say noe more then that wee haue 
before heard from others, and in truth it hath befallen out that 


since the last of July vntill the 26 of October, I receiued noe letters 
but once, at what tyme I wrote presently vnto Mr. Watson asmuch 
as I had heard. Nowe I have receiued such articles as the in- 
quisitors agreed vppon : w c h as oure friendes write, were shewed 
them rather to trye what they would mislike in them, then to haue 
them published before the Breve wherein it is thought the most of 
them shalbe couched : w c h notwithstanding as they came to vs 
we doe nowe send with our friendes comon letter to passe through 
yo r L: handes, that you may the better perceive howe matters are 
like to goe. Wherevppon I desire yo r L: to beare with me yf, con- 
sideringe the state of our affaires I be bold toe redooble that our 
common petition and suite vnto you : w c h is, that it may please yo r 
L. to deale with her Ma tie or the LL: of her honorable counsell, 
for the free and safe passage of some of our company vnto you. 
the wch yo r Wisedome cannot but see, howe necessary it wilbe for 
the maintenance of our cause: not only to settle better corre- 
spondence and to instruct our party, but also to strengthen and 
countenance it, that it bee not ouerborne [?] by the contrary faction 
for the Archpr: standinge, who is wholy deuoted to the Jesuites, 
and diuerse men of marke on their side entringe in, to fortify their 
party : yf none of like reputation come in on ours, it must needes 
bee noe smale discouragement to the rest, wherefore I beseech yo r L: 
to consider well of this pointe of importance, and yf it shall please 
you to make choice of mee for one of them to whom such licence 
shalbe granted, I hope to cary myself so in that negotiation, that 
yo r L: shall haue noe cause to repent him of his choise. for 
I thinke I knowe an expedient, howe without seeing soe far of, our 
aduersaries shalbe soe weakned that all their canvasinges and 
vaine pretences will of themselues fall flatt to the grou[nd.] I 
desire therefore that I may haue yo r L: answere vnto this my 
petition. Thus fearinge to be ouer tedious I humbly request yo r L. 
to continue his honorable good affection vnto vs and assistance 
vnto our reasonable demaundes ; so you shall for ever bind us in 
all dutifull sorte (the case of religion reserued) to honour yo r L: 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 221 

and serue our countrey vnto the vttermost of our power, at Paris 
the 27 of October. 

yo r Lordsh: alwayes to comaund 

Will'm Bysh[op] 

Endorsement in same hand. 

To the right Honorable and his very good Lord the 
Lord of London at his house by Paules. 

London . 

22. To the Bishop of London from a priest. 

Unsigned, Nov. 14, 1602. 54, f. 378. 
lit. Honorable, 

Whereas her Maiesty in her late Proclamation a hath left some 
hope of favoure vnto such of our brethrene, as shall present them- 
selues & manifest y* theire harts ar not poluted w*h vnnaturall 
disloyalty to theire Prince & cuntrey. Therefore may it please 
your honor to vnderstand, y* when I had lived but smale tyme in 
our colledge at Rome & saw y e ambitiouse & sinister dealings of 
those Jesuits then superiors, I grewe into such dislike w*h theire 
proceedings y* I was on of y e first w c h began to oppose them in these 
last dissensions of the colledge & on of y e first seven y fc ioyned 
hands in memoriall to his holynese agaynst them, w c h action 
w*hout waveringe or startinge I did as earnestly prosecute as any 
man there duringe my abode in y e colledge. And at y e same tyme 
f. Parsons booke of succession comeinge forth I did freely & 
openly disclame from it & all Spanish factions & tamperinge in 
state matters, as I can prove by good witnesse. By w c h acte I did 
so highly incur y e Jesuits displeasure y* 1 notw^stahdinge y* they 
could not lay any act agaynst me at my departure vnfittinge a 

* The proclamation of Nov. 5 offered indeed small " hope of favour " to those 
who dared almost to insinuate " that we have some purpose to grant a toleration 
of two religions within our realm." 

All priests were to be banished except those who should publicly acknowledge 
their allegiance. With these the Queen would take further order. 


catholike preisfc : & notwithstandinge y* I was sent by his holynesse 
himself in as much grace & favoure as any before or since (though 
of far better talents) as Card: Toilet did witnesse vnder his hand 
& seale whose letters I have yet to showe, yet so far did the 
mallice of those Jesuits extend, y* when I should have passed 
thorow y e Archducke his cuntrey, y e next & salfest way into 
Holland, f. Holt a Jesuite informed y e Archduke & his counsayle 
y* I was an enymy vnto y e Kynge of Spayne & had opposed 
myself vnto those proceedings in Rome, & was like to w*hdrawe 
mens harts from that part & do greate harme in England. By 
whose suggestions all passadge was denyed vnto me & furthermore 
some of y e same crew were plottinge to clap me vp prisoner in 
Antwarpe. By w c h meanes I was enforced to steale backe againe 
forth of his cuntrey in disguysed apparrell & hazard my selfe 
thorow y e cuntreyes of Leedes [Liege] & Colon, pestered w th free- 
booters in such dangerouse sort y* every man told me how, twenty 
to on, my throate would be cutt before I should gett to Hollande. 
Neyther did they so cease to abvse me, but seeinge y k I had thus 
escaped for England they or theire followers presently sent the 
next way into London to give warning of my comeinge to discredite 
me for a spy, & to prevent y fc I should not be receved & relived by 
catholikes. Divers other wronges have I sustayned by them both 
before & sence as I can easyly prove, yet could they never drive 
me to stope or veld to theire designes eyther by subscribeinge at 
theire request (thoughe diverse tymes they have attempted it) or 
els by flatteringe or applaudeinge theire plotts of state & forrayne 
invasion, but have ever freely opposed when opportunity served. 
Thus have I truly & syncerely sett downe my carriadge & dealinge 
in these affayres & how dutifully and loyally I have behaved myself 
towards my Prince & cuntrey, meerely of conscience & naturall 
54, f. 378b. duty when I never expected any favoure for it. But now if it 
shall please her Ma tye to reward my loyalty w*h some ease from y e 
rigor of her lawes I will, God willinge (as never the lesse I am 
bounde to do), continew as trew & faythfull a subiect vnto her, as 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 223 

any catholike preist doth unto his prince in catholike cuntreyes, or 
as ever any preist was faythfull to her grandfather of famous 
memory or to any her predicessors before his tyme. And so in 
most humble manner I take my leave this 14 th of Novemb. 1602 

Your Honors to command. 

Endorsement : 

To the R* Honorable my very good Lord y e Lord 
Bishop of London. 

23. Letter from Anthony Heborne to Blacliwett. 54, f. 240. 

Nov. 11, 1602. 

To the R. R. Mr. George Blackwell archp'st of England 
R. R. 

The 30 of the last moneth I receyued Ires from my bretheren 
the Appellants in Fremingham of their extreme distresses sus- 
tayned now for a long time, & because they intreat my labour 
for some reliefe, I haue therefore thougt Lt meete to acquaint your 
R. w* their wants, who by yo r charitable hand to them & yo r 
letters to others in their behalfe is well knowne to be best able to 
doe for them. It was my chance in June last to come toy* castle, 
at w ch time the sayd Appellants shewed ine how that many moneths 
together, they had not receyved above the rate of ij s iiij d by the 
week in common divident : and now they write, that they haue 
not receyved after the rate of xxiij d by the weeke of the sayd 
common charitie for these three laste moneths next before their 
present letter, in w cb also they declare how they be furder tould 
y* they shall receyve yet lesse than they doe. 

Yo r R: knoweth that they be catholik priests suffering for the 
name of o r Lord Jesus ; & of what necessaries for life, winter, & 
their condition, they doe stand in neede. you likewise knowe 
that they haue noe linings, but doe whollye rest for meate, drinke, 


cloth, fireing, housrome, & other requisits to lyfe, upon the 
providence of God, to be mainteyned by the oblations of his people 
as others of their qualitie are ; & how that for this cause much 
almes hath ever beene given through the whole realme toward 
such charitable vses, & as yo r self haue written more these latter 
years then before, w cb I take to come to yo r owne or yo r assistants 
hands by reason of your office, & to be delivered over againe, to 
the ordinarie distribution of everie place, to dispose there of both 
equally to all, & in case of necessitie vnto every person as theire 
neede requireth, but as you see the distributor in that castle soe 
dispenseth the same, that some haue in competent measure, & 
others wante even for meere necessities. This difference in 
distribution you know must needs be either the sayd dispensers 
owne deed, or els proceed from the receyvers, or the almes-givers, 
or from some other interposed collectors or dealers in this busines, 
& a cause must be thereof & of the choyse thus made of priests, 
& difference so putt betwene persons. The givers of the almes 
be the catholiks dispersed generally through the whole realme ; y e 
receyvors are taken to be yo r R:, yo r assistants, & happily also the 
fathers of the societie ; the collectors & others interposed, such as 
liketh the givers and you to vse ; the imediate dispenser there at 
Fremingham is said to be fa. Coffin. Those in wante be priests, in 
number six, men for priestly cariage noe more subiecte to 
exceptions, than the rest there be, from whom they differ in 
nothing but in being Appellants to the courte of Rome upon the 
causes y* you know, in w ch respect if the immediate dispenser 
there and others where soever, or the almes givers abroad or 
those through whose hande the sayd almes cometh, doe make the 
aforesayd difference & restraynt of reliefe from them, & y* yo r 
charitie doo not allowe thereof, but doo hould the course repre- 
[he]nsible, and meete to be amended ; yo r letters for the contrarie 
54, f. 240b. may soone redresse it ; the w ch letters I doe earnestly besich for 
resolving of some that promissed to give them some releif, so 
. . . uld shew your letters that he might [k]now what feare & 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 225 

doubt in him of the contrarie this answere doth iinporte yo r 
wisdome can well perceyve, & may thereby the better iudge and 
see of what necessitie for those distressed priests the shewinge of 
yo r letters is ; not only to the immediate dispenser there, but also 
to many catholiks abroad that be slack towards their relief, happily 
vpon the aforesayd feare or doubt, conceyved either of themselves 
or by the teaching of others, it being verie appar[ent] that neither 
that slacknes can be w*hout some motives, nor . . . a motives want 
their cause & beginning. I have layd . . . thus before yo r eyes the 
necessities of my brethren and made the causes to appeare from 
whome the same must needs proceed, & w*hall the meanes 
wh[ere]by they may be helped, charitie & their necessitie inforcing 
me so to do. you know yo r office, & the charge wherew t h you 
stand burdened, & can well foresee of what example to catholiks 
yo r charitie equally extended to them w*h the rest there would 
be, what helpe yo r letters may bring them ; & what hindrance of 
relief and increase of their wants yo r silence will procure : and I 
need not tell you how men will marke to see what you doe in this 
matter, & by yo r deed gather your minde, those at least who know 
I writte, & will look to see your answere ; therin to recey ve 
satisfaction ; w cb answere once again I besich to haue, and that 
w'h yo r first convenience, least through wante thereof my inde- 
vours in this meane time taken for my bretheren be hindered, 
whose needes you see to be so great as they cannot suffer any long 
delays, this 11 th of November. 1602 

yo r R. most obedient 
A. H. 

24. Letter from Blackwell in answer to Heborne. 


17 Nov. 1602. 

I would have you not to be so vehement in a matter, wherein I 
am blamelesse. I have considered them of Framingham further 

Edge of MS. torn off here. 


then my receipts can well allowe : w ch ar nott so greate as they 
ar reported in a place, where nothing but truthe should be vttered. 
God knoweth they ar but small : and yet by sparing from my 
selfe, being contented to live in meaner condicion then any of yo r 
adherents, they of Framingham have receaved yearly from me in 
common above six scoare pounds. Let M r Bramston, to whom 
commonly I send, give his testimonie of my respect towards them, 
for whom yo r patheticall complaint ys devised ; yea these vngrate- 
full persons being asked why they should abvse me, being so 
myndfull of them, they answered that I durst not but send to 
them, for one of them besides his divident, I payed at one tyme 
ten pounds for his debts : Merideth ys his name. I have written 
my letters abroade, w c h have procured them noe small reliefe. The 
disposition of Allmes ys nofrcommitted wholye to myne appoynt- 
ment. The givers liinitt yt, and make the peculiar assigment w c h 
I must follow. I can blame none so much for defect of Almes then 
M r Collington and his adherents, from whome synce the begyn- 
nyng of my troublesome office I have not receaved one myte. If 
you knewe how much goeth from me towards the reliefe of poore 
preists at there comming in : towards the succouring of prisons in 
the Cyttye : and towards afflicted Catholiks at libertie, and preists 
w c h be in greate n[ee]de ; you would be asshamed to forge accusa- 
tions against me in this matter : and condemne yourselves that 
have made to me noe contribucions towards soe greate necessities. 
This last weeke passed, the poore preists w c h came in to ioyne in 
o r labours had of me ten poundes : A docter in want being preist 
had of me fourtie shillings : An other much distressed Catholicke 
of rare parts had of me foure poundes. And this w th in one weeke. 
I am now to provide twentie pounds for Framingham. This ys my 
care ; and yet yours think I am carelesse in this busy [ness]. But 
I am carelesse for my selfe. for if any thing be committed to my 
disposicion, or as I will my selfe, I lett yt goe to remedy neces- 
sities abroade, and that maketh me to be bare in apparell, and not 
to be able to keep a m[an] to helpe my weaknes by age either 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 227 

w^in, or w^howt doores. God forgive therefore my accusers ; and 
send vs his peace ; w c h if you embrace, yt wilbe for yo r owne good, 
and my comfort. 

17 Novemb. [1602 added by another hand] 

Vester Seruus Georgius Blakwellus, 

Archip r 

25. From Father Henri/ Garnet. 16 Nov. 1602. 47, f. 384. 

A Circular letter to his brethren. 

My very lovinge ff t- . Whereas it hath pleased his hoi: to make a 
sweete ende of all the controuersies w ch haue so longe molested not 
vs only, but all other Catholickes by a Breve of his dated the 5 of 
October 1602 . . . that although the Authenticall copye cannot 
come to o r most Rd Archprieste handes so soone as were to be 
wished : yet notw^tandinge we h[ave] gotten sure informacion of 
the contents thereof: & haue thought it good or rather necessary 
to intimate vnto you and by yo r meanes as conven[ient]ly you may, 
to all of o r Society abroade such thinges as concerne the execucion 
of the same for our partes ; both because it becometh vs in true 
obedience to prevent (yf it be possible) the will of so high a 
Superi[our], and for that we haue a particular obligacion to give 
good example vn[to] others and fynally for to avoide occasion of all 
complaintes : w ch yf they . . . should after so manie others made 
against vs heretofore, by anie probable occasion geuen on o r parte, 
arise: yt would be exceedinge grevous to h[is] hoi: and other o r 
Superiors And no doubt but accordingly they we . . . proceed 
towardes the Authors w th severe animaduersion. 

Ffirst therfore, it behooveth vs (as all other Catho:) to accept of 1. 
his hoi: Breve w th all manner of reuerence and conformity of wills 
and iudgm tes vnto his most prudent and pious resolucions ; Ex- 
hortinge all Catholickes as occasion may be offered, to the lyke 
disposicion. And herevnto we fo[r] o r owne selues haue a most 
speciall obligacion of gratitude in that he so affectuously sheweth 

Q 2 


his judgm* of vs, that we ought rath[er] to vse his truly paternall 
testificacion for an imitacion to all fervo[ur] and vertue in all o r lyf 
aiid accions, then anie way to acknowledge the deservinge so highe 
comendacion of that Apostolicall Chayre. 

2. Secondly that w ch most irnporteth : whereas his hoi: requireth as 
much under paine of excommunicacion and losse of facultyes, every 
one is out of hand to make away all books wrytten on eyther syde 
in those quarrells, or any other bookes or letters printed or 
wrytten for de[fence] or impugninge of eyther parte or wherby any 
catholickes fame m[ay] be vyolated ; neyther are any such hereafter 
to be wrytten, communicated or retayned, neyther anie other w cb 
may stirre vp olde or newe contencions And wheras this also 
uoucerneth the Laytie, and a[ll] the Englishe cleargye, everie one 
may admonish his frinde here[in], although I hope ther will come 
the Breue itself w th the Authenticall Testimony of R mus very shortly, 
whervnto of force all must giue credyt. 

3. And although in this Breue there is no mencion of speeches on 
the one or the other syde concerninge these dissencions w ch haue 
bin heretofore amonge us : yet wheras yt pleased his hoi: in his 
Breue of 17 August anno 1601 to impose silence of these matters 

47, f. 384b omnibus et singiilis nostrae nationisand in particuler congregations 
of 13 & 15 of Aprill last to forbid vnder paine of censures any 
mencion of schisme rebellion or disobedience. Therfore this I 
comende earnestly vnto all of o r Society that not only in wrytinge 
but also in their speeches they observe exactly this absolute decree 
of the See Apostolick, and yf anie person eyther lay or ecclesiasticall 
aske opinion of this case, let them say that ther must be no more 
speeche therof. In lyke manner let them dehorfc none from vsinge 
any ghostly ffather or harbowringe any priest, nor giue disfavour- 
able censure of any, much lesse vse the names of faccion, discon- 
tented, or the lyke : except it be a knowne and publick apostata, 
or otherwise condempned hereafter by his superio r . But let euery 
Lay person for confession or harbouring follow his owne inclinacion, 
and we incline rather to commend then to discomende any. 


If any of the Appellants should be intemperate or vaunt in this 4- 
behalf of the Breue, this must not breake o r patience, but we ought 
to shewe howe glad we are of a fynall ende, wishinge sincerely that 
ther had bin no sinne on eyther syde, neyther in the substance nor 
manner of prosecucion. And yf w th such patience we cannot ob- 
taine the quiet w ch we desyre, the fault will easely be laide wher it 
shall in deede be founde. 

If it happen that anie particuler person require anie satisfaccion 5. 
of any speeche vttered against hym by anie of vs, yt will be well 
(yf presently it may be) to purge o r selues w tb modesty that eyther 
no such speeche was vttered or that it was spoken vppon iust cause 
eyther true or surmised at that tyme. But in no case to admitt 
any altercacion or any contentious tryall, but to alledge his hoi: 
will that all be buryed, premisinge w th all that they shall be sure of 
no occasion hereafter, whether they had anie before or noe. 

Let all beware of spreadinge scandalous rumo rs w ch often tymes 6. 
men will tell to haue vs dispyse, and let nothings be wrytten in 
anie contencion w^'out leave. And in case o r censure be demaunded 
of anie case of conscience dependinge or belonginge to these poynte 
of stryf, let all be referred to his hoi: or R mus his declaracion, lest 
eyther we giue advantage to such as malyciously may seeke it or 
by the simplicity of others be made renewers of olde vngratfull 

Not only in these matters but in all others hereafter, it becomethe 7. 
vs all to be very circumspect, bewaring of anie least occasion of 
exasperacion of anie eyther lay or ecclesiasticall person : assuringe o r 
selues that therby both we may loose o r good frindes and may also 
be brought to giue straight accoumpt of such matters, iustly obiected 
against vs, vnto o r superio rs . And for the more plaine vnder- 
standinge of his hoi. will herein I will set downe that w ch passed 
those ij dayes aboue mencioned of 13 and 15 of Aprill,andso make 
an ende, comittinge yo u and all the rest of our dearest ffr. to Godes 
holy proteccion. 16 No: 1602 

Yours most louing H. 


64, f. 189. 26 Tho Bluet his negotiations at Rome. 

[Heading in another hand.] 

Paris, Dec. 6, 1602 

Eight Honorable my very good Lord Yf strength hadd been aun- 
swerable to good will my sellue in person had saluted yo r good 
Honor and not my fewe trembling lyn[es], but w*h all speade I 
will folowe : to yeald an accoinpt of all my [actions ?] and negotia- 
tions at Home and ells where : a poynt not vnfitt to be knowen 
vnto her Ma tie in my poor iudgement : and for that cause I will 
make the more haste : I meane to come as secrettly as may be, to 
avoyd the speaches of the clamourouse puritans that take upon 
them to direct her Ma tie in matte 1 " of government. My Lord Am- 
bassador heare hathe vssed me most honourably I meane to come 
over vnder the conduct of one of his gentlemen, for so is his good 
pleasure, thus in haste not forgettfull of my dutie festo S. 

At yo r Honor his command 

Tho: Bluet 

1 Endorsed (in Bluet's hand) : 

To the ryght reverent father in Godd my good 
Honorable Lord my Lord Bushope of London 

2 Endorsed on f. 153 (by writer of Narrative, supra, 

p. 40) : 

Paris ffesto Nich. 1602 
M r Bluet at his return from Rome 
6 Deceinb 1 ". 

27. From Anthony Heborne to Blackwell. 

Dec. 14, 1602 

To the R R. George Blakwel, archp e st of England. 

R. R. on Saturday laste at night being the llth of December was 
delivered me his holines breve, and your letter to M r Colletone 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 231 

shewed me, where you require him that I may publish the sayd breve 
in the Clinck. The truth is that I am very ready to anything either 
that catholik religion or the dignitie of my vocation shall require- 
but in this particuler I find iust hindrances, for the last proclamation 
as you knowe, shewing what opinion the state carrieth of the insti- 
tution and intent of your office, and my bretherens letters of the 
proceedings had touching the same in Rome (w c h I haue [seen 
. . . ]) making apparunt what cause there is so to conceyue of it, 
it semeth evident hereby, that by publishing the sayd breve, I shall 
contract the like opinion to my self, w c h in my iudgement I am 
bound the most I can to avoyd, God and good conscience not 
violated, I being one of the number y* is both knowne and already 
also declared to be of a contrarie mind, as yor self and all I dare 
say desire to be thought, for that it is the thing w l hout w c h no 
favor can be hoped, and the contrarie vrged as the cause of all our 
oppressiones. besyd, my vsuall repare vpon other night occa- 
sions to the place you name, makethe the same most dangerous 
for me to publish any such matters in, so many circumstances 
occurring on my parte to make y e same acte famous ; for w c h and 
other respects I retorne the breve againe w*hout doing any thing 
therein ; and thus besiching that y es iust reasones may hould me 
excused w*h you, as I doubt not but they do me in conscience from 
accomplishing your desire, I end, ready to fulfill your mind in any 
thing that shall not be weyted w*h these or like incombrances 
this 14 th of december 1602 

Yor R. most dutifull 

A. H. 


54, f. 156. 28. A Letter of the discontented about the CEconomie to the 

Archpriest and the Archpr. his answere to them* 

Dec. 13-22, 1602. 
Literae nostrse ad eum 

Reverendissirae pf ac Dne 

Our duties beinge in most humble manner remembered. These 
are to request yo u in all equitie and indifference to respect vs and 
not to compell vs any way to admitt laymen to sequalitie of voyces 
and offices w*h us But rather wee beseche yo u to exhorte those 
that deale for you not to vrge that w c h so many dislike, ffor 
indeed we can not but think it a great indignitie offred vnto vs 
that they should by theire [ghostlie support counsell or eounte- 

54, f. I56b. nance b ] our likinge any way ioyned w*h us. 

But of all other this makes it in our conceyt m* vnfittinge that if 
yo r self or any of yo r reverend assistances should be apprehended 
(w c h god forbidd) and comitted to the charge of our keep, every 
baker or Brewer that were a Catholick and imprisoned amongst 
vs, for stewarding and treasuringe (vppon w c h two offices all o r 
externall peace dependes and the ill husbandry thereof principallie 
presseth or rather oppresseth the poore*r sort of our Company) must 
by this newe device be made equall w h yo u . What particler 
wronges wee have alredy susteyned about these matters in hand 
wee will not att this tyme trouble yo r rewerence w tb all, vnlesse 
wee be further vrged, and are sory that necessitie driveth vs nowe 
so farre as in this generall sort to signifie o r greefes vnto you. 

Wee vnderstand also that vnto laymen yo r authoritie reacheth 
not ; what hope of redresse then can wee have if wee be iniured by 
them ? Wherefore wee humblie desire yo u vt sacerdotibus sint 
salua sua iura, that whosoeuer is the other, m r Bramston may be 
alwaies one of o r Receyvors and treasurers of the common money : 
for otherwise we shalbe still oppressed w*h multitude as wee are 

a The copies are thus headed. The " discontented " here were anti-appellants. 
b Very faint and uncertain. 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 233 

alredy, that wee may manage o r owne affaires as wee thinke most 
convenient, that you will not impose a burthen vppon us w c h you 
cannott remove agayne. that these good men by yo r fatherlie advice 
may have more care of theire poore brethren and lesse of theire 
keep, that they may rather respect the commoditie and frugalitie 
of o r Comunitie then theire owne private contentm 1 and proper 
will : fynallie that the lay sort may be willing to followe and not 
be p r ferred or goe before those that apperteyne vnto Gods owne lott 
and imediate portion. 

Yet notw^standing all that wee have said to condescend to 
those that in these affaires are dealers for the laymen, for wee 
knowe that of themselves vnles they were sett on they would never 
be so eegerly bent nor so boldlie dare to deale in o r matters contrary 
to o r mynde, wee are willing that when so many priests as please 
to be stewards in o r commons have one after an other ended theire 
seuerall quarters, the laymen, as many as will, may also take theire 
quarterly turnes one after an other till, theire courses being out, the 
lott fall vnto the priests agayne. 

The laymen have eequal divident w% vs, a thing not accustomed 
in other places, vnles, w c h is a rare matter and seldome fall[eth] 54, f. 157. 
out, some exhibition be sent vnto priests especiallie, of w c h wee 
thinke yt vnmeete that they should have any [parte or porcion ?] 
notw*hstandinge our charges, as yo r reuerence cannott but [know], 
be diverse waies ordinarily greater then theirs. 

Thus presuminge that yo r reuerence will helpe to preserve o r 
peace w l hout [prejudicing ?] o r persons in all humble subiection 
wee take o r leave this 13 of December 1602 

Yo rs in all obedience 

My deare and verie reverend brethren in visceribus Dni Jesu 
I humblie desire you to agree and not to thinke vppon any Inno- 
vations. Keepe yo r old customes and let the laymen have theire 
voyces and offices as they have had hitherto. Yo r dissent about 
Kitchen matters will cause yo r Benefactors w c h are laymen to 


think you are either idle or els careles to performe yo r priestlie and 
spirituall offices. Imbrace [?] not yo r selves to the stewardshipp, 
w c h is to temporall and to vnworthie a callinge for yo r profession. 
I must tell you playnlie that o r unquiett people do reioyce in yo r 
dissent, and their devotion will be withdrawn from yo u if you leave 
not these Innovations and endevour to live in vnitie. This strife 
against the laytie and yo r newe devise, depressions and oppressions 
of the laymen yo r fellow prisoners, will cause yo r lay benefactors 
w c h are all and yo r only benefactors to contemne and forsake you. 
Good men will be unwilling to releeve any w c h are overcome w f h 
any contentious humo r . Looze not an honor for an humo r and 
enter not into any evill conceyte of old Douze a whose discretion, 
knowledge, .... conscience and circumspection is so well 
knowne here that to destayne [?] him is to discreditt yo r selves. 
Pardon me : greef and care of yo r wellfares doe vrge me to write 
in that manner vnto you. Give no scandall to o r afflicted Church, 
peace and vnitie will .... for y r preform*. Certamini ergo quas 
pacis sunt et pax dei exultet in Cordibus vestris. Commendo me 
vestris precibus. 22 December. 

V Servus G. B. A. 

To the WW his very good ffrends M r Barloo M r 
Bramsston. M r Hughes M r J. Grene, M r 
Alabaster and the rest. b 

54, f. 155. 29. An original letter from Blacliu-ell. 

Feb. 3. 1602-3. 

Gaudeo plurimum, qudd Responsum mihi dedistis de Breui 
Apostolico vos velle facere in eo, sicut in casteris omnibus, illud 
quod decet Catholicos Presbyteros. Et a me quoque hoc responsum 

Can this be " Do wee a f toward intelligencer," who, the Bishop of London 
suggests to Cecil, should be transferred with other prisoners to Framlingham, 
July 6, 1602 ? (Cal. S. P. Dom. Eliz.) 

b Barlow, Bramston and Grene were supporters of Father Weston, and the oppo- 
nents of Bagshaw, in the Wisbech stirs. 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 235 

feretis, quod invenietis me paratum et oppetitum [?] ad illud quod 
personae Catholic! Archipresbyteri sit aptum et consentaneum. 
Sed ut hoc summatim, sic illud particulatim scire certum velim, 
vtrum monita omnia, praescripta et proposita Sua3 Sanctitatis in 
Breui suo Apostolico contenta libenti, syncera, et obedienti volun- 
tate secuturi, et per Dei gratiam in moribus vestris expressuri 
sitis. Si praBsto fueritis antecedentibus, fratres [?], mei aflfectus et 
effectus erga vos planissimum et plenissimum sensum accipietis. 
Restat, ut ex literis vestris intelligam an alij Appellantes etiam in 
vos commissionem aliquam suam respondendi pro ipsis et ipsorum 
nomine procurationem transfuderint. Valete, et renouamini 
spiritu mentis vestras vt potiora probetis. 

3 February 1602 
Vester seruus in Christo 

Georgius Blakwellus 

Endorsement : 

To his verie Loving frends M r Hebborne, M r Clerck 
and M r Collington geve these. 

30. Three Letters from D r . Percy at Rome to friends at Paris. 54, f. 370. 


April, 1603. 
Right Woorshipp. 

I wold not let passe the occasion, offered by o r honorable friend 
mons r Acaria, but to accknowledge by hym the receyt off three off 
y urs , the first dated the 24 of februarie, the second havinge no dait, 
the third writ the 10 off marche : gevinge y we harte thanks for y ur 
advises off o r frends arrived in England, and off ther negotiations 
ther, whereoff I have at large herd by my Lord Embassader . . . 
who is [fu]ll the most redye and most willinge to asist and to do 
all honorable offices hear in this court, yea more diligent and 
cairfull then y wc or they at home wold think, to whom, ho we all 


[in] general! [be] beholden and every one in particuler, that will 
use his honors, faveur and consell, that I dalye do se and have 
triall off: and that the Enymie on all occasions hear fyndeth and 
so feareth, as he dar not put forth his homes in this place as other- 
wise he wold have donne, nor Censor [to] maik commentaries or 
glosses of anye thinge exhibited, for fear he be rencontred [to] his 
dislikinge. yet knowe I wear in this place insidiatus sit calcando 
iniustus, quum alias lasdere non possit. I do not think that he 
spareth others as he maye in abscondito. But if men bewair what 
they do to itt, and taik heed ne adversarius adulterinum aliquod ex 
suo immisceat, kepinge alwayes an origenall off ther doinges, 
there is no danger I hope. I [trust] men be wyse and discret, 
as I have said to ffather commissarius that other daye, and that they 
will not geve xipp to any person any thinge in writinge quod erit 
54, f. 370b. extra indicium et determination! contrarium. Nether will ther 
actions in what compagnie so ever they do live, yea, though they 
live at the table of the heretiques as prisoners, or in libertie 
abroad, be such as may geve such occasion of scandal! to any man 
livinge nisi huiusmodi qui laborat principio (vt aiunt) hoc est 
qui aut habet ignorantiam in intellectu aut malitiam in voluntate, 
qni aliorum facta, licet certa et maxime religioni consentanea, 
instar phariseorum calumniari soleat. To be brief, so longe as men 
will consider what a boon sir [?] they have in this place off the 
kings faveur & protection and off his Embassader, and do nothinge 
that may geve occasion of suspition or offence to ether off them, I 
dout not but that the kingmakers designes will come, as is the old 
proverbe, from a wyndmill post to be pudding prik. 

And for his generall letter of peace to y we , w th whom he is so 
desyrous to have peace, I do think he doth know my lords opinion 
(I can theroff assure yo we ) that it is not convenient for manye 
causes w ch hear ar to longe to sett do[w] ne , for I knowe like an 
Esau he hath sought a hear, sed licet hoc esset cum lachrimis, 
obtinere non possit vt ego existimo. alth[ough] all men have that 
charitie towards hym and w tb all others whervnto they ar obliged. 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 237 

. . . de foedere nullo contrahendo sub specie et larva amicitiae credo 
(nee enim fallor alias ita existimo) illud nee vtile esse nee consen- 
taneura, imo periculosuui, licet sit ex semine Aaron non sequ itur 
quod non decipiet nos. possit enim loq .... verbis pacif . . 
perimus in dolo. Yo w8 ar wise and know what is best to do ther 54, f. 371. 
or abroad, saltern vt orationes fiant sive cum isto sive cum alio 
cum omni cliaritate hoc enim rogo nee . . . aut Suse S tatis aut 
Illustriss. Cardinalis animos offendat. Scio quantopere ipsi in 
rebus gerendis aut tractandis fidem et modestiam ab omnibus 
expectant et desiderant, as y we have had experience theroff. I 
pray yo we contynewe y ur course w th my lord and so desier all 
others to do the lik ; they shall have honor and consolation therby. 
ffor my owne part I desier nothing more off men then this w ch 
shall content me, being content to hear litle off any matters, God 
is witnes to whom I do commend yo we and all ther o r frends. 
Salutinge y we hartelye and all them. 

Home this 6 off Aprill 

I thank you for y ur faveur Y u:s ever 

showed m r Midleton Will m Perseus a 

yo w oblige me 

denuo. Excuse me and this so evell 

scribled. in treuth I have I 
fear m r . . . . Bluetts disseas 

[P. S.] 

Concerninge Eliot I leave him to his good angell, the man often 54, f. 37ib. 
I do se[e], never yet had talk w th hym but ons that off lait that he 
delivered me m r Hills commendations. I know the Colour of his 
coat and how he is employed hear. God grant he do nothinge 
that may be offensiff to God or disagreeable to his contrie. 

for that you writt off m r D Smith w th whom I have spoken, he 
saeth it is most false and in truth it is. And the Referendario 

So probably. Cf. Doitay Diaries, p. 374. Mr. Macray reads " Persens." 


much abused whose affection towards me I knowe many years past, 
w ch I do not esteme off in this place nor off those who have 
stronger reynes than he hath, be they hear or abroad, as I dout 
not theroff and have assured advise. Good forgeve them, as I do 
and be redye not wth standinge, not caring for all practises or aemula- 
tions agaynst me whatsoever, to do all offices that belongeth a 
Christian man to do in this place, wear I mean to staye and dout 
not off gods providence and the favour off the best hear, so longe 
as I do syncerlye serve hym as I have done to my power mediante 
singulari eius providentiae auxilio et beneficio theis 29 years we 
longe for the 3 .... I do hoope they shall a. 4 or longer from 
hence. I do hear that ffa. Walpole doth p r nosticon that the priests 
who have exhibited vpp the memorial shalbe banished. I praye 
god it be not a p r nosticon but a practise. I do commend me to 
y we , et . . . . meo charissimo et fideli amico P. Acaria qui .... 
hodie discedit. Vale .... chariss. omnes in domo 111. legat. 
te salutant.* 


54, f. 372. Right woorshipfull and my dear freind. 

Yours of the 23 off November wear most gratfull to my lord 
who red y urs passinge well and was most glad off y ur sayf arrivall, 
and I wold the iij others had acknowledged at that tyme the obli- 
gation they have to my lord nor they to hym to whom at that 
tyme my Lord doth think they writt from horn. I mean Fitzherbert 
who off lait vpon some occasions of his letters from Paris commeth 
seldom or not at all to visit my Lord. Concerninge y ur owen 
particuler, assure y we my lord will remayne y urs most assured at all 
occasions in this Court, as he doth assure hymself off y ur fidelitie 
and constancie and that y we will not faill to writt to hym as 
occasion shall serve. He hath sent you as he told me the Breve, 

11 This and the following letters are indeed " evell scribled " and extremely diffi- 
cult to decipher. The text is also bleared and blotted in many places, and the paper 
has been mended here and there, to the detriment of the words. 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 239 

and Monseny r Seraphins opinion writt w th his owen hand, for 
the chalice and vestment dout not off it in tyme, nam quod differtur 
non aufertur. I dout not but he shall obteyn longe maiora for 
yo we and y ur Trends in this place when occasion shalbe offered. 

Ones sence you departed he was in great Coler, concerning the 
practises of [Fitzherbert] a y ur fooloppes [?] fellowe w th his frend 
hear. But as I told hym those practises were onlye off certyn 
folyshe ambitious imaginations and desyres that the partye had to 
be a bishoppe si dijs placet, and the litle friar, as sence is dis- 
covered, shuld have ben an other, yet is my lord off an other 
opinion that there is some other practise by mor then this. And 54, f. 372b. 
iff ther be, all is not oft' great importance, litle can Jupiter pluvialis 
constare domi (?) as his agent hear, yet do I desier y we to have a 
cair and to break all courses or practises whatsoever iff they do not 
commit the same w th my lord, and for manye reasons w c!l you 
may conceave and consider ether nowe or hereafter. 

In conserving my Lord and his faveur in this Court y we not 
onlye shall from tyme to tyme curbe [?] fa. p. b and his compagnons 
but overthrow e all his designes at home and abroad. Yo we shall 
alweyes have hym redye to do and speak in this place and in that 
Court as also y we shall conserve his dear frend the Embassader in 
England and mak hym redye to do for Catholickes ther as this 
man is most redye to do for them all here. 

Parsons of lait was w th Card d'Ossay speine queen observan- 
tine [?], but revera to vtter his fears forsoth he hath . . . 
illam vt ille loq tr , ne heretic .... intelligent iam, fides periclitet r 
cum nihil miser ille magis tundat quam ne Iris co'silijs regnu' 
ipsius corruat. 

He dar not visit my lord, but w th the Card he was bold to vtter 
his fears, forsoth, he hath off y ur negotiations, the cair he saith off 
the publique good and off his nation. vox serpentina, cum ille 
nunquam xpm sed quas sua sunt tantum quaesivit. 

By the next I shall send you that w ch y we desier at Minerva w ch 
The name partly erased. b Or, perhaps, " jap." Compare vol. i. pp. 96, 97. 


is granted ad instantiam R. patris Commissary* who hartelye 
saluteth y we as also doth the ffather Regent off that Convent. 
54, f. 373. All at my lords salut y wj rnaxime vterque medicus spirit ualis et 
corporalis, all at S l Lewys also, maxima R ds D. pastor et D. 
natalis et noel. Remember me at home and wher y we are. Vale. 
25 Decebris Romas ceptum . . Salutinge hartelye d. 

[Then follows immediately, beginning in same line :] 

M r Bagshawe, 

fear y we not that I doe forget anye particular y we left w th me in 
charge, God grant y we maye sayf arrive. Seek by all means 
possible to break all practises either ther wher y we ar or at home. 
Y we have begon I trust the best Course that ever was begon for the 
Catholiques, iff men will vse the same as they ought to do. 
Dolman nor all his adherents in this place will never be able to 
do anye thinge to the Contrarie, nor be able to molest the least or 
meanest Catholique this daye. Some ther be that have intelligence 
w th Dolman and fitzherbert his assistant, but I think iff they love 
ther owen securitie they will alter that Course. Let m r D. Bishopp 
bewair. one hear off no litle accompt, whom y we knowe, said to 
me that the party e was a badd compagnon, in french, c'est vn 
mauvais home bishopp. But by y ur advise he will become of 
other .... 

O r Lord p r serve y we for ever desyring y we to salut y r self from 
me millies millena, and all at home in particular m r Alban and 
Antonie Ecchaude et reliquos amicos nostros, and to dispose off 
me for ever. 

burne this when y we Y urs ever as y ur owen 

rede it. Will m Perseus 

Endorsed l>y writer : A Monsieur 

Monsieur Bluett, pstre 
Anglois a paris. 

In another hand : Perseus to M r Bluett 1603. 

LKTTKKS AM> AIKMOIM A LS. IfiOl-lGO:!. '2 \ \ 


[I] have wiitt vnto yo w (by mons r de Creilles meanes to his 
sister) off y ur affaires w th his holines and the Card. Burgesse. 
howe the pope after he saw the Card., reed the Nuncio his letter 
[an]d y re owen, presentlye commaunded the Card, to signifye [th]at 
he was most willinge, grantinge y we facultates .... abeuntibus 
in Angliam w oh be those y wj do in y urs [to] rie demand, by the 
next post I shall send y w % iff [th]e Card, do not hym self, his 
letters to y we for all. [B]e nierie in God who will love those that 
suffer for [h]ym. Hear Parsons and his ar strok dead w th this 
newes, [n]ot off her death but that the same daye [K]inge James 
was procl[a]med kinge off England tc, w cb proclamation was 
geven to his holines in latyn by niy L. Embassadeur vppon the 
19 off this instant, she dyinge the 3 off this same. Some saye 
w th g rea t reluctance,* others add not w tu out suspition to die a 
Catholique. God grant the last be trewe. and the first also. yo w 
wold wonder to see nowe how rnens desynes are broken, et quo- 
modo evanuerunt homines ... in cogitationibus suis. and some 
others kinge makers abroad do not depart yet, but staye a while, for 
iff need be I knowe iff this proclamation do taik place off frends 
abroad fitt for y ur retorne and assurance at home. Writt to me in 
a[n]ye caise and desier m r D. Damsen [?] off the [. , ,]e Vale, 
Salutinge yo we both. I will deall [wi]th Dolman for y u '' monye 
whereof I have no great hoope but I will not faill to do this . . 
sire for y we and what els so ever in this place y ws ar much be- 
holden to the Nuncio who writt most honorablye. also to Card. 
Burgess, and to my lord hear. Vale 21 Aprilis Romse tuus 


Salut from me m r D. Cecill. Spayn hear seemeth to be glad of 
the proclamation and to lik of the election and procedings in 

* Or ' reticence ' ? 


England. God grant the Catholiq[u]es at home and abroad con- 
solation and save o r contrye from civil ware. 

A Mons r 

Mons r Midleton gentlehme 

et prste Anglois a paris 

. . . son absence a mons r 

. . . au Colledge 

de Cambraye a 


[Endorsed in another hand:~\ 

D r [Cecyll erased] to M r Midleton from Rome. 

54, f. 398. 31. Petition to the Privy Council from Prisoners in Framlinghmn 



To the right honorable y e LL. of her ma ties most honorable 
privie counsell. 

In most humble wise do sue vnto yo r honorable LL pps yo r dailie 
orators y e priests and laie men imprisoned in y e castle of fframing- 
ham, y* whereas certaine orders directed of late from yo r honours 
to y e Justices of peace assigned for this place were published to y e 
saied prisoners in y e common hall by M r Anthonie Wingfielde, 
Knight, and m r Candey esquier, and therevppon y e keeper of y e 
castle straightlie commaunded to see them putt in execution, vz. 
amongst others : first that all servaunts belonging to y e prisoners 
shoulde presentlie be dischardged ; second, y* no maintenaunce 
shoulde be delivered vnto them butt in y e presence of y e keeper or 
of his deputie ; thirde, y* all y e saied prisoners shoulde be referred 
over to y e keepers diett : Itt maye please yo r honorable LL pps to 
vouchsalfe y e hearing of their humble petitions. 

Several of the priests whose signatures are given below were transferred from 
other prisons to Framlingham after the accession of James in 1603, and were 
shortly afterwards in the same year banished the kingdom. 

LETTERS AXD MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 243 

ffirst. y* by yo r honours permission theie maye continew their 
freedom for enioying suche servaunts as be conformable to her 
ma ties lawes, if nott w*hin y e castle yett w k hout in y e towne, 
touching buying, dressing and making their provision att y e best 
hand in respect of their vnfeigned povertie, whiche by all religious 
protestation theie stand readye to make manifest vnto yo r LL pps 
whensoever and by whome yo r hono r shall assigne. 

Second. Y* in like manner by yo r hon rs permission their freinds 
mai haue free access to deliver vnto them all kinde of provision 
for their relief and monie, as in former tyme. because yo r saied 
suppliants haue iust cause to feare [by] long experience y* 
theye had in the time of Thomas Greye, y e keeper of Wisbiche 
castle, y* if no monye can be [delivered butt in y e view of y e 
keeper or his deputie they will forbeare to come vppon extreame 
feare conceaved, howsoever ot[her]wise they be encouraged to 
haue securitie. 

Thirde. y* yo r honorable LL pps will vouchsalfe by no meanes to 
cast yo r poore and distressed suppliants vppon y e keepers diett, 
partlie because his lowest rate of v 9 ' by the weeke for the poorer 
sorte is beyond their compass, and partlie that their usuall rate of 
3 s by the weeke woulde nott extende w t hout subtraction made of 
three meales in y c said wee[ke] and w t hout their freedome ccn- 
tinewed for buying, dressing, and making provision att y e best 
hand. And especiallie [for] enioying also of y* howsholde pro- 
vision w c h is but by suche frendes as haue no monie, w c h holpe 
will most assured[ly] faile, as all the other expressed, if yo r 
LL pps suppliants be referred over to the keepers diett. 

These humble petitions yo r suppliants are vrged to exhibitt y e 
rather vnto yo r honorable LL pps , first, because y* [the] keeper 
dothe affirme by all othes and protestations, in y e hearing of S r 
Anthonie and his associate, y* neither himself nor any for him is 
cause by information that those orders be imposed vppon them. 
Second because yo r humble suppliants a[re] readie to depose, as 
before mentioned, that their povertie is vnfeigned in respect of 

R 2 


their best frendes to be deoeassed [and] others living to be decaied, 
if not of late alienated in mynde against them. Last of all because 
this late remove [from] an obscure prison to a place of this 
qualitie doth intimate much more of her ma tlcs clemencie and your 
L[L pps ] beiiignitie also then that so harde exactions aboue their 
power and vexations, also if they refuse to condescend should 
.... be imposed vppon them w'hout some sinister information. 

Wherefore they most humblie beseche yo r honorable LLw" y* to 
whorne otherwise itfc hathe pleased yo r .... to make shew of 
favour, itt may nott be lawfull for their keeper to shew rigour att 
his pleasure or by his wrong [?] information to procure the same, 
of y e w c h petition if itt maye please yo r honorable LL pps to haue 
gratious consideration in y* behalfe of yo r poore suppliants and 
captives, yo r hono rs shall bynde them during life to encrease [in] 
all dutifull affection inoessantlie to praie as yo r dailie orators that 
yo r honorable LL pps maie be made par[takers] of the supreme 

By yo T LL pps most humble suppliants in all humilitie and 
obedience to be commaunded these priests and laie men 
subscribed a 

f Lewes Barlowe b f Thomas Edwarde Coffin. Niclas Lente 

Edwarde Hoes Haburleus t Thomas Bramston 
t Christopher Drilande Christopher Holywodd 

t Roberte WoodrooflTe Fra f Leonard Hide 

t W m Chadocke Benedictus f Nicholas Knighte 

f William Wigge | Raphe Bicley 

t Williri Clerionet . 
j" John Greene 
f John Bolton 

Hughe Sheldon Richard Smorthet 
John Elwed 

* The 23 signatures which follow are original. 
11 Those marked f had been together at Wisbech in the time of the stir. 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 245 

Endorsement : 

The humble petition of y e prisone[rsj in Framing- 
ham castle to y e right honorable y e LL. of the 

32. From Sir Eobt. Cecitt to the Bishop of London.' 54, f. 200. 

My L. 1 grow very tender in this business because I see how 
the Priests wold encroach and so giue cause to cary anew harder 
hands of y cia Reade I pi-ay you this Ire and see whyther this be 
good geare and think of it my L. for by God y e Priest[Y} swarm. I 
neuer loued persecution but by hea[ven} I wold be loth to be 
concluded Popish, yow and I will conferr of these things for we 
must neyther go to low nor too high. For Barrowes he is a 
dissembling lying foole. 

For Wry ght I haue sent you a warrant w e h yon may vse as is 
best for the queens service and seing there is a warrant alredy 
This may serve but you will find y* he will keep open house in y e 
Clink w c h If he do or suffer resort he shall back againe 

Your louing freend 

Ro Cecyll 
At foot, in other hand : 

An originall Letter to the Bishop of London of Eo: 
Ceeilk about the Priests, wherein he sweares 

Endorsement : 

To the Reverend fiather in god my verie good Lord 
the L. Byshopp of London. 

This letter belongs apparently to an earlier date than the rest of the papers in 
this volume. The " Barrowes " referred to is perhaps Henry Barrowe, the puritan, 
executed April 6, 1593. Cecil at thai time was member of the Council, but not 


54, f. 392. 33. Protestations of Allegiance.* 


A forme of submission exhibited to her Ma tie of Englaude by the 
pryestes & Catholiques of the same nation. 

We Englishe pryestes & other Catholiques of England promise, 
protest and sweare in the presence & kandes of, etc., that we are and 
euer wilbe most humble subieetes & servauntes of Quene Elizabeth, 
o r soueraigne, redye to render her al due obedience and fidelitye, 
and we doe and euer shal acknowledge her for o r soueraigne & 
mystres. And we protest and sweare lykewise that we wyll houlde 
no Intellicence w th eny prince,, potentate or other estate or particuler 

* There are two other forms of such protestations or oaths of allegiance pre- 
served among the Petyt MSS. (54. 233 and 54. 396), which it is not necessary to 
reproduce here. They are both drafts of " The Protestation of Allegiance made 
by Thirteen Missioners to Queen Elizabeth," printed byTierney (vol. iii. clxxxvii.) 
from the MS. of the old " Dean and Chapter," and which he describes (p. 55) as 
" an admirable address drawn up by Dr. William Bishop," Jan. 31, 1603. The 
first (54. 233) has no signature, and is endorsed " A form of Submission of Mr. 
Clarke's hand," as if it was the composition rather of Francis Clark than of Dr. 
Bishop. There is another endorsement, not, however, certainly connected with 
this document, in a hand resembling Gifford's : " ffrom M r Watson ye viii of June 
1602." The second draft (54. 396) is more curious, as it seems to have passed 
under the revising hand of Dr. Gifford, who has appended to it the names of fifteen 
subscribers. The two additional names at the end of the list are Michael Wood 
and Walter Hassals, who perhaps withdrew their adhesion at the last moment. 
The text in its final shape is almost identical with the actual form presented to 
the Queen, but after the words of the opening sentence " faith and loyalty of us 
.... secular priests " there appear erased the words, "more than she findeth by 
the Jesuits and their adherents." In another place a few insignificant words, in 
what appears to be Dr. Gifford's hand, are added to the draft, and these appear in 
Tierney's printed text. Although in its ultimate form the Protestation of the 
thirteen priests refers to, and appears to be occasioned by the Queen's Proclama- 
tion of Nov. 5, 1602, it is not unlikely that it was in substance prepared many 
months before ; for Dr. Cecil writes from Paris to Watson, Feb. 1602, " we have 
conceived here an oath of obedience " (p. 183 supra). The two shortand moderate 
forms which here follow have not been printed before. 

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 247 

person whatsoeuer in praeiudice of the dignity e, authoritye, or 
person Eoyal of her Ma te or her estate. 

II. 38, f. 168. 

I A:B: doe acknowledge in my conscience and confesse vnfeyn- 
edly that the Quenes most excellent Ma tie Q: Elizabeth, now in 
possession of the Crowne of this Realme, is the true, vndowbted 
and lawfull Quene of England and Ireland : and that accordingly 
all the people and subiectes of England and Ireland, of what degree 
or callinge so ever they be, ought and are bound by the word of 
God faithfully to serve, honor, and obey her Highnes, as theyr 
onlye true, vndoubted and lawfull soveraigne Quene : notw^stand- 
inge any forayne or domesticall power, p r heminence or authoritye, 
or any doctrine, opinion or writinge, that eyther hath allready or 
that shall hereafter affirme, comaund or teach the contrarye. And 
furthermore albeyt the B: of Rome for the tyme beinge doe or 
shall hereafter attempt (eyther by any bull or sentence made, 
given, or to be made given or published by himselfe or inhisowne 
name, or by force of any former bull or sentence pretended to be 
allready made, given, denounced and published by any of his pre- 
decessors) to pronounce, declare or publish, or suffer to be 
denounced, declared or published, that her Ma tie is, or ought to be, 
deprived of her kingdome, and so consequently no true and lawfull 
Quene of England and Ireland ; and that the subiectes and people 
of these lands, are discharged of theyr allegiance, and obedience 
vnto her highnes ; and in like manner, although the sayd B: of 
Rome or any other by his apointment or authoritye, or by the 
apointment or authority of any other, shall invade eyther the 
Realme of England or Ireland, or shall attempte by force of Armes, 
to overthrow the present estate of his kingdome, or of the religion 
now professed and established by her Ma te lawes and ordinances}, 
whether it be vnder colo r of the restitution of the Romish religion, 
or vnder what other pretence so ever it be : yet notvv th standinge I 


doe acknowledge myselfe bound in my conscience, to take parte w th 
her Ma u ' against all such persons and tlieyr forces. And ther- 
f'ore I doe vnfeynedly professe and affirme, that I will ever be 
redye, w*h my body and goodes, to w th stande to myne vttermost 
power and abilitye any such forcible and violent attemptes w*h the 
like faith and true allegiance that becometh all dutifull and faith- 
full subiectes of any other Christian prince to w^'stande any 
enemye that shall seeke by force of Armes, of malice and w th owt 
iust cause r to invade or assalt any of theyr possessions, dominyons 
or Contreyes. And all these pointes I acknowledge, coiifesse, 
affirme and professe, so helpe me God. 

]Sn<lor*ed : An othe of Allegeance thowght vpo n by 
some Catholickes. 


ACAHISIO, signer, papal fiscal, i. 115, 
126, 137, 141, ii. 235, 238 

Adams, William, student, ii..216 

Aguilar, don Juan d', ii. 40, 61 

Alabaster, Mr. r ii. 234 

Alabaster, William, student, ii. 216- 

Alban,Mr., ii. 240 

Albert, archduke, ii. 132 

Aldobrandino, Cinthio, card, of St. 
George, i. 244, ii. 8, 28 

Aldobrandino, card. Pietro, i. 13, 243, 
244, ii. 8-10, 26-28, 50-52, 60, 218 

Aldred, a spy, ii. 80 

Alencon, duke of, ii. 101 

Alexandrine, cardinal, ii. 9" 

Alford, liobert, S.J.,. sec Griffiths 

Allen, cardinal, i. 13, 44, 90, 137, 187, 
208, 238, ii. 70, 150, 171; his in- 
fluence in the college at Eome, i. 39 ; 
his opinion of the Jesuits, i. 226, 230, 
ii. 99, 143, 173, 174; discord arises 
on his death, i. 28, 38 

Almand, Olive, i. 21. See Parker 

Alms, distribution of, i. 11, ii. 22, 67, 
120, 124, 137, 224, 233 

Amianus, Joannes, student, ii. 217 

Anthony, Mr., i. 85. See Heborne 

Apostates, secular and Jesuit, i. 9 

Appeal of the thirty-three priests, i. 85 
n, ii. 28, 157 ; approved by the pope,, 
ii. 209 ; the process of, not to be 
published, ii. 209 

Appeals to card, protector, objection* 
against, ii. 67, 120 

Appellants, the: their small number, i. 
132, 141, 179, ii. 55, 64; conditions 
of their yielding, i. 98 ; charges 

against, ii. 55 ; their turbulence, im- 
morality and ambition, i. 129, 236, 
ii. 20, 103-107, 129, 131, 133 ; their 
disobedience and schism,, i. 176-200, 
ii. 28, 166, 167 ; their ignorance 
of the pope's will, affected, i. 185- 
194 ; their familiarity with heretic 
magistrates, ii, 18, 48, 55, 62, 63, 
105 ; they calumniate Jesuits, ii. 79, 
80, and desire their expulsion, i. 
201 ; they abuse the archpriest, ii. 
106 ; their heretical opinions, ii, 
13, 55, 63, 147-151 ; their proposals 
foolish, ii. 89 ; defence of, against 
Blackwell, ii. 152-177 ; their faculties, 
ii. 22 r 68, 69, 194, 202, 209; their 
distress in Framlingham prison, ii. 
223, 224. See also Deputies (1599). 
| Appellants (the four, 1602) : sent to 
Borne, ii. 28, 41 ; their passports from 
privy council, ii. 29 ; the journey to 
Paris, ii. 29, 31, 32, 40; visit the 
nuncio at Nieuport, ii. 30, 31 ; seek 
protection of the French king, ii. 32, 
41; arrrval at Rome, ii. 1, 31, 45; 
have audience of the pope, ii. 6, 15, 27, 
33, 43, 48, 53, 61, 110-113 - r blamed 
for seeking French patronage, ii. 8, 18, 
55 ; statement of grievances, ii. 36, 51, 

67, 188 ; repudiate Watson's books, 
ii, 63", 68; ask for condemnation of 
Leicester's Commonwealth, ii. 100, 
and of Southwell's Supplication, ii. 

68, 95-98 ; their correspondence with 
Paris, ii. 12, 14, 18, 205-207; their 
desire for peace, ii. 188; their six 
petitions, ii. 103 ;, petition for public 



testimony of innocence, ii. 11, 189 ; 
they petition for removal of arch- 
priest, ii. 19, 36, 43, 44, 50 ; propose 
a new form of government, ii, 118 ; 
desire that Jesuits may not interfere 
with government of clergy, ii. 54, 73, 
111, 119 ; complain of Jesuit political 
practices, ii. 49, 64, 70, 73-76, 90-95, 
107-112, 115-117, 134 ; pray for pro- 
hibition of politics, ii. 50, 103 ; peti- 
tion pope for viaticum, ii. 27, 187, 
191 ; petition for fair trial of Fisher, 
ii. 190, and of Watson, ii. 69 ; petition 
regarding confessions and faculties, 
ii. 68, 69 ; receive papal sentence 
on question of schism, ii. 10 ; write 
common letter to England, ii. 10, 11, 

36, 146 ; receive sentence of inquisi- 
tion, 19, 56 ; objections to the sen- 
tence, ii. 19, 20, 37, 56 ; receive brief 
of October 1602, 27, 60 ; refuse to be 
reconciled with Parsons, ii. 17, 27, 
39, 58, 59, 78; return to Paris, ii, 
44 ; their declarations of allegiance, 
148 n, 151, 183, 246 ; letter of a Jesuit 
on their proceedings, ii. 88 ; their 
escape from Parsons's " stratagem," 
ii. 24, 25, 38, 39, 58, 59, 205-207 

Archer, Giles, i. 20 ; proctor of the 
archpriest at Rome, ii. 9, 12, 14, 17, 
25, 58, 206 ; his lewd assertions, i. 
232, ii. 192 

Archer, James, S. J., with Spanish 
forces in Ireland, i. 243, ii. 27, 39 n, 

Archpriest, the. See Blackwell 

Archpriest, office of. See Subordination 

Archpriests, proposal to have several, 
ii. 89, 119, 123, 133 

Armenio, secretary, ii. 27 

Array, Martin, archpriest's proctor, i. 

37, 101, 106, 136, 137, 148, 236, 240, 
ii. 160 ; his letters from Eome 
censuring the two deputies, i. 109- 

Arrigoni, cardinal, commissioned with 
Borghese to hear the appellants, ii. 34, 
43, 48, 146, 147 ; visited by them, ii. 7, 
14, 15, 19, 20, 22, 23, 43, 54 ; declares 
both sides " terribiles," ii. 11 

Arundel, earl of, ii. 99, 108 

Arundguidgius, Nicolas (Strangeways ? ), 
S.J., ii. 216 

Ascoli, card, of, ii. 16, 17, 54 

Ashton, George, student, ii. 217 
Ashton, Richard, student, ii. 216 
Ashton, Thomas, student, ii. 215 
Assistants to archpriest, i. 64, 65, 93, 
101, 105, 106, 129, 151, 206; ap- 
pointment of, i. 167 ; nominated by 
Parsons, ii. 66 ; list of, i. 206 ; peti- 
tion that appellants maybe appointed, 
ii. 66 

Association of secular priests, the, i. 2, 
24, 127, 181, 229, ii. 131 ; incon- 
veniences of, 124 ; its rules, i. 207, 
Attorney-general, i. 226 ; letter from 

Watson to, i. 210 
Avila, card, d', ii. 16, 17, 21, 54 
Awdley, Thomas, priest, i. 230, 239 

B., R., LETTERS from, i. 154, 155 
Babington's attempt, i. 214 
Bagshaw, brother of Dr. B., i. 70 
Bagshaw, Dr. Christopher, i. 7, 11, 13, 
14, 52, 64-66, 68, 70, 74, 77, 85, 87, 
89, 90, 103, 105, 106, 128, 144, 149, 
156, 210, 219, 222, 225-227, 231-234, 
237, 238, ii. 18, 62, 106, 180-183, 
206 ; his turbulence, i. 120, 121, ii. 
106 ; connection with Squiers's plot, 
i. 122 ; draft of letter to deputies, i. 
148 ; letter to the pope, i. 149 ; letter 
to Watson, ii. 183 : letter against 
government by the Jesuits, i. 151 ; 
his statement regarding the Jesuits, 
i. 208 ; his answer to bishop of 
London's " Enquiries," i. 226 ; letters 
to, from Mush, i. 1, 63, 64, from 
Charnock, i. 66, from Blackwell, i. 
72, from Sicklemore, i. 48, from 
Parker, i. 20, from Ed. T., i. 84, from 
R. B., i. 155, from Dr. Percy, ii. 

Baines or Baynes, ii. 2, 47 
Baldwin, father, S.J., i. 246, ii. 39, 109 
Ballard, secular priest, no connection 

with Jesuits, ii. 85 

Barlow, Lewis, priest, i. 65, ii. 234, 244 
Barneby, Francis, priest, ii. 184, 185 
Barnes, Thomas, alias Turner, ii. 215 n 
Baronius, card., i. 29, ii. 9 ; on character 

of seminarists, i. 29 

Barrett, Dr. Richard, president of Douai 
coll., i. 4 n, 134, 135, 244 n. 247, ii. 



Barrowes : a " lying fool," ii. 245 
Barwis, Robert, priest, i. 173, 174 
Bassett, Thomas, student, ii. 216 
Bateman, divine, i. 245 
Bavantor Bavyn, Dr., arbitrator at Wis- 

bech, i. 206, 229, 230, 231 
Bedingfield, Henry, alias Silisden, 

student, ii. 216 n 
Belgium, Jesuits in, i. 9, 14, 15 
Bellarmine, card., i. 192, 240, ii. 3, 7, 8, 9 
Benedict, frater, ii. 244 
Bennet, priest, i. 6 n, 11, 203 n, ii. 85 
Bennet, Edward, priest, i. 10, 11, 48 n, 
102, ii. 5 ; his oration to Clement 
VIII., i. 4 

Bennet, John, i. 4 n, ii. 185 
Bennets, the two brothers, ii. 180 
Benson, Christopher, S.J., ii. 217 
Benson, Robert, alias Richardson, 
priest, i. 6, 91, 108, 201 ; deprived of 
faculties, i. 113 

Bethune, Philippe de, French am- 
bassador, ii, 1 n, 23, 60, 112, 113, 
151, 187, 235, 241 ; protects ap- 
pellants, ii. 1, 2, 14, 32, 55, 61, 89; 
instructions to them, ii. 45 ; gives 
them money, ii. 17 ; visited by them, 
ii. 3-10, 26, 41, 45, 48, 53, 58, 207 ; 
appears lukewarm, ii. 12 ; Parsons's 
interview with, ii. 47 ; has message 
from Q. Elizabeth, ii. 15 ; on institu- 
tion of archpriest, ii. 50, 55 ; com- 
plains of Parsons, ii. 55, 56 ; his 
private secretary, ii. 205 ; audiences 
of the pope on behalf of, ii. 3, 5, 19, 
25, 32, 33, 42, 46. 49, 53, 56, 59 ; 
his opinion on English affairs, ii. 49, 
50 ; petitions regarding Jesuits, ii. 54 
Bickley, Ralph, priest, i. 175 n, ii. 244 
Bishop, Dr. William, i. 67 n, 68, 70, 123 
n, 125, 126 n, 128, 129, 135, 137, 148, 
151, 203 n, 234-236, 240, ii. 205, 240 ; 
threatened by Blackwell, i. 67, 68 ; 
arrives in Rome, i. 101 ; ill-usage of, 
and trial, i. 109, 123-125, ii. 18; 
pardoned, i. 129 ; faculties for, ii. 15 ; 
letters from, i. 67, 123; letter to 
bishop bf London, ii. 219 ; letter to 
Watson, ii. 194 
Bishops, priests petition for, i. 127, ii. 

89, 103, 207 

Blackwell, George, archpriest: news of 
his appointment, i. 64, 66 n ; his 
character, i. 92-98, 124, ii. 155 ; 

wholly devoted to the Jesuits, i. 91, 
150, ii. 66, 220; appointment pro- 
cured by Parsons, i. 137, 166, 195, 
209, ii. 16, 110, 120; to promote 
Spanish cause, ii. 50, 57 ; interviews 
with, i. 67; his claims to place and 
displace priests, i. 71, 72 ; his authority 
questioned, i. 63, 90-98, 138-147, 149, 
150 ; his authority defended, i. 67, 
80-82, 176-200 ; conditions of yield- 
ing to, i. 98 ; confirmed by the pope, 
i. 71 ; memorial thanking pope for his 
appointment, i. 83, 88 ; origin of 
controversy described, ii. 104 ; alleged 
unfitness and tyranny, i. 69, 84, 151, 
233, 240, ii. 8, 10, 12, 13, 15, 36, 51, 
53, 66-69, 152 ; expostulation with, 
ii. 152-177 ; he condemns Paris sen- 
tence, i. 172 ; suppresses brief of 1600, 
ii. 31 ; suspends priests, i. 98, 173 n, 
174, 175 ; prohibits publications, ii. 
158, 162, 163; petition for his re- 
moval, i. 127, ii. 36, 37, 50, 57 ; peti- 
tion for his retention, ii. 57, ' 81 ; 
defends his distribution of alms, ii. 
226 ; prohibited from communicating 
with Jesuits, ii. 67 ; letter to Bagshaw 
and Bluet, i. 72, to Colleton, i. 85, 
to Clark, i. 161, to Heborne, ii. 225, 
concerning Robert Benson, i. 201, 
to discontented prisoners, ii. 233, 
order for Clark's examination, i. 173 ; 
memorandum for English govern- 
ment, i. 205 ; draft of letter from 
Bagshaw to, i. 74 ; draft of letter 
from Bluet, i. 77 ; letters from He- 
borne, ii. 223, 230 ; letter from card. 
Cajetan, i. 106 ; letter from Clark, i. 
163 ; letter from Arthur Pitts, i. 160 ; 
and passim 

Bluet, Thomas, priest, i. 1, 64, 65, 68, 
70, 72, 74, 77, 79, 155, 175, 207, ii. 45, 
180, 184, 204, 237 ; collector of alms, 
ii. 139 ; his dealings with the queen, 
ii. 78 ; his temper, ii. 107 ; at Rome, 
ii. 1, 17, 42 ; separates from asso- 
ciates, ii. 4, 5, 22 ; account of his 
negotiations, ii. 230 ; draft of letter to 
Blackwell, i. 77 ; letter to bishop of 
London, ii. 230 ; letter from Bagshaw, 
i. 72, from Mush, i. 63, from Dr 
Percy, ii. 240 

Bolton, John, ii. 244 

Bonardus i. 11 



Books by appellants : complaints of, ii. 
3, 12, 13, 16, 17, 52, 68; the two 
Latin books acknowledged, ii. 2, 7, 8, 
29, 33, 52, 63, 88, 247 n; English 
books disclaimed, ii. 2,6, 13, 63 n, 68, 
147 n, 194 ; publication of, prohibited, 
ii. 68, 208, 228; dealing with state 
matters, complained of, i. 113, 114 ; 
some by Jesuits, objected against, ii. 
52, 64, 68, 95, 99 

(in particular) : 
Allen's Contra Justitiam Britanni- 

cam, i. 114 

Allen's Modest Defence, ii. 195 
Answer to the Apologie, i. 114 n 
Bagshaw's Eelatio Compendiosa, ii. 


Bagshaw's True Relation, i. 232 
Bennet's Hope of Peace, ii. 88, 148 
Bozio's De Signis Ecclesice, ii. 2 n, 


Bristow's Motives, i. 114 n 
C., O., book written by, ii. 175 
Cecil's Discoverie of Errors, ii. 74 n 
Colleton's Just Defence, i. 85 n, 126 n, 

ii. 147 
Copies of certaine discourses, ii. 52, 

88, 148, 149, 235 n 
Creighton's Apologie for King James, 

ii. 71w, 74 

Ely's Certaine briefe Notes, 121 
Epistle of Pious Grief, by S. N., ii. 

Leicester's Commonwealth, i. 214, ii. 

21, 99, 100, 109 
Lister's Adversus factiosos, i, 99, 240, 

241, ii. 174 

Machiavelli's works, i. 123 
Martin's Treatise of Schism, i. 114 
Mush's Declaratio motuum, ii. 63, 

158, 175 
Parsons's-Brie/e Apologie, ii. 8, 105 n, 


1'arsons's Conference about the Suc- 
cession, i. 113, 207, 213, 218, 237, 

243, ii. 52, 64, 71, 73, 108, 114 n, 

115, 132, 221 

Parsons's Manifestation, ii. 86, 87 
Parsons's Philopater, i. 213 
Parsons's Reformation, ii. 108, 132 
Relacion de un Sacerdote, ii. 93 
Sanders's De Schismate, i. 114 
Sanders's De visibili Monarchia, i. 


Southwell's Supplication, ii. 21, 68, 

Stapleton's Apologia pro rege catlio- 

lico, i. 114 

Three farewells, i. 53 
Watson's Dialogue, ii. 147, 149 
Watson's Important considerations, 

ii. 147, 149 

Watson's Quodlibets, ii. 147, 183 
Watson's Sparing Discovery, ii. 147- 

Borghese, card. Camillo, vice-protector, 
i. 29, 102, 115, 126, 137, 142, 143, 
147, 148, 226, 240, 241 n, ii. 19, 146, 
147, 191, 241: his disgust with 
troublesome students, i. 120 ; con- 
firms rales of college, i. 17 ; visited by 
appellants, ii. 2, 3, 7, 8, 9, 13-15, 18, 
20, 22-27, 54, 56 ; commissioned, 
with Arrigoni, to hear the case, ii. 6, 
34, 43, 48 ; receives priests kindly, ii. 
25, 46, 62 ; his opinion on schism, ii. 
10, 11 ; admits archpriest made solely 
at instance of Parsons, ii. 16 

Borromeo, St. Charles, card., i. 27 n, 47 

Bosvile, or Boswell, ii. 87, 205 

Bozio, Tomaso, of the Oratory, ii. 2, 4, 
5 ; ' of no deep reach,' ii. 42 

Bramston, Thomas, priest, i. 175 n, ii. 
226, 233, 234, 244 

Bretton, Dr., at Douai, i. 245 

Bridewell prison, i. 216 

Brief, papal: (of 1599) i. 123 , 137, 
177, 180, 183-185, 187, ii. 105, 194 
(of 1601) ii. 105, 194, 227, 238 
(of 1602) preparation of, ii. 25, 26, 27, 
44, 60, 206 ; questions as to its 
force, ii. 208, 209 ; circular letter of 
Garnet on, ii. 227 ; Blackwell on, 
ii. 235 ; Heborne refuses to publish 
it, ii. 230 

Bristow, Dr., i. 104 

Brown, John, alias Whittington, ii. 
216 n 

Browne, i. 122 

Bruce, Robert, catholic agent, ii. 72 

Brussels, nuncio at, i. 5, 6 

Brusters, Mrs., i. 156 

Buchanan, George, ii. 102 

Budd (Burdus), Nicolas, student, ii. 21 

Bullock, bookbinder, i. 114 n 

Bul[ton], prisoner, i. 20 (see Button) 

Buoncompagni, cardinal, i. 121, ii. 106 

Buonvisi, card. Bonviso, ii. 3 


Burkett, priest, i. 206 
Burleus, agent of Parsons, ii. 109 
Burrel, John, student, i. 245 
Buthonus, i. 14 
Butler, divine, i. 244 , 245 
Butler, Henry, student, ii. 216 
Butler, John, student, ii. 217 
Button [or Bulton ?], Eichard, priest, i. 
20 [?], 175 

C., R., letters from, to Mr. B., i. 203 

Cajetan, Henry, card, protector, i. 4, 13, 
22, 23, 25, 29, 74, 83, 91, 102, 113, 
126, 127, 129, 130-132, 137-139, 142, 
143, 147, 148, 151, 153, 160, 166, 167, 
177, 185, 234, 236, 247, ii. 17; his 
high position and repute, i. 186, 187; 
his constitutive letters, i. 66 n, 168, 
232 ; the letters quoted, i. 138 ; the 
letters torn, L 73, 76 ; validity of, sus- 
pected, i. 186, 233, ii. 156, 166 ; their 
authority maintained, i. 187-199 ; 
partial to Jesuits, i. 80, 210 ; im- 
prisons Bishop and Charnock, i. 108, 
109; commissioned with Borghese to 
try the two deputies, i. 110, 111, 112, 
115-123, 129, 137, 147 ; grants facul- 
ties to priests in England, i. 152 ; 
promises forgiveness to appellants on 
amendment, i. 125 ; letter from, to 
Blackwell, i. 106, to Parsons, i. 128 ; 
letters to, from Dr. Barret, i. 134, 
from Dr. Wright, 135 

Calais, appellants at, ii. 29, 40 ; lieu- 
tenant of, ii. 180 

Caldwell, Robert, student, ii. 216 

Calverley, Edmund, priest, i. 70, 155, 

Cambrai, provost of N. D. de, i. 16 

Cambridge university, ii. 101 

Campian, father, S.J., i. 104, 227, 238, 
ii. 174 ; his political innocence, ii. 85 

Candey, Mr., ii. 242 

Cardinals at Rome, afraid of Parsons, ii. 

Carillius, S.J., ii. 74 

Carington, Thomas, student, ii. 216 

Catholics, English : increase of, ii. 82 ; 
affairs of, ii. 76, 81, 108, 110, 117 ; 
political views of, ii. 92, 113, 116, 
149 ; persecution of, attributed to 
Jesuits, ii. 78 ; penal laws against, ii. 

Cecil, Dr. John, i. 232, ii 1, 4, 15, 16, 
19, 21, 26, 27, 45, 46, 51, 54, 55, 56, 
58, 71, 72, 106, 107, 185, 205, 215 ; 
his audiences of the pope, ii. 15, 53, 
54, 110 ; his testimonials and apology, 
ii. 185, 186 ; his duplicity, ii. 72 ; 
letter to Mr. James Hill, ii. 205 ; 
letter to Watson, ii. 182 ; letter to 
Mush, ii. 172 

Cecil, sir Robert, i. 215, 222 ; letter to 
bishop of London, ii. 245 ; letter to, 
from Dr. Ely, ii. 195 

Cecil, William, lord Burghley, ii. 101 

Ceciliano, father, S.J., ii. 76 

Chadocke, William, ii. 244 

Chamber, Richard, student, ii. 216 

Champney, Anthony, priest, i. 88, 232 n, 
ii. 1, 4, 7, 14, 16, 18, 26, 45, 51, 106, 

181, 185, 281 

Charnock, Robert, priest, i. 66, 68-70, 
100, 123, 128, 129, 135, 137, 148, 
151, 161, 203, 226, 229, 234, 235, 237, 
240, 241, ii. 15, 27, 28, 180 ; prepara- 
tions for his journey to Rome, i. 66 ; 
at the English college, i. 101 ; im- 
prisoned, i. 109 ; banishment at Pont- 
a-Mousson, i. 160 ; his three letters to 
Bagshaw, i. 66 ; his answer to the 
libel, i. 137 ; letter to J. Smith, i. 

Chatterton, Henry, student, ii. 216 

Chiesa Nuova, ii. 2, 15 

Churche, Mr., ii. 184, 185 

Clark, divine, i. 245 

Clark, Francis, alias William, priest, 
i. 158, 163, 165, 174, ii. 177, 185, 235 ; 
order for his examination by Blackwell, 
i. 173 ; his suspension, i. 174 ; letter 
by, with narrative of proceedings, i. 
165-172; letter to Blackwell, i. 163; 
letter to, from Garnet, i. 79 ; letter 
to, from Blackwell, i. 161 ; his execu- 
tion, i. 175 n 

Clark, James : declaration about Parsons, 
i. 241-243 

Clarkson, divine, i. 244, 245 

Clemens, Thomas, student, ii. 216 

Clement VIII., pope, i. 33, 72, 102, 103, 
118, 120, 126, 130, 149, 151, 160, 179, 

182, 205, 209, 230, 232, 236, 240, 243, 
244, ii. 194, 241 ; answer to speech of 
English priests, i. 4 ; his opinion of 
English missionaries, i. 28, 29 ; repre- 
hends priests, i. 32 ; confirms authority 



of archpriest, i. 71, 79 ; the letter of 
thanks to, i. 82, 83 ; speeches to 
French ambassador, ii. 3, 32, 34, 42, 
60, 54, 57 ; speeches to appellants, ii. 
6, 21, 28, 61, 112 ; his gout, ii. 7, 14 ; 
grants audiences to appellants, ii. 15, 
27, 43 ; gives them money, ii. 18, 28 ; 
wishes to reconcile priests with Par- 
sons, ii. 25, 59, 207 ; refuses to show 
them Parsons's book of slanders, ii. 51 ; 
has bad impression of appellants, ii. 
6, 42 ; pleased with Cecil, ii. 54 ; his 
difficulties between France and Spain, 
ii. 61 ; letter from Bagshaw to, i. 149 ; 
letters from the four priests to, ii. 
203 ; remits affair to inquisition, ii. 

Clennocke, priest, assistant, i. 206 

Clerionet, William, priest, ii. 244 

Clink, the, prison, i. 84, 173, ii. 231, 245 

Cocks, divine, i. 245 

Coffin, Edward, S.J., ii. 224, 244 

Cole, Mr., ii. 185 

Coleus, Henry, student, ii. 215 

Colleton or Collington, John, priest, i. 
4, 66, 70, 71, 85, 88, 98, 100, 103-106, 
126, 129, 139, 155, 159, 173, 200, ii. 
87, 180, 226, 230, 235; letter from 
Blackwell to, i. 85 

Collier, William, student, L 245 

Collins, Dominic, S.J., ii. 71 n 

Colston, agent of Parsons, ii. 109 

Commolet, pere, S.J., ii. 274 

Confirmation, necessary in persecution, 
ii. 151 

Constable, Mr., ii. 180, 187 

Coope, Mr., i. 65 

Cope, Alan, ii. 171 

Cope, James, i. 175 n 

Copley, Mr., ii. 185 

Cornforth, Thomas, S.J., ii. 217 

Creighton or Crichton, William, S.J., 
ii. 71, 72, 74 

Creilles, mons. de, ii. 241 

Cresswell, Joseph, S.J., i. 45, 246, ii. 70, 
75 ; political practices, ii. 109 

Crisp, Antony, S.J., ii. 75 

Curtes or Curteys, priest, i. 244 n, 245 

Curye, i. 227 

DACRE, lord, i. 217, 220 
Damsen, D., ii. 241 
Darbishire, father, S.J., i. 160 

Barrel or Dorel, dean of Agen, i. '241 

Deane, Mr., i. 84 

Denmark, king of, ii. 114, 115 

Dennis, i. 243 

Deputies of the clergy at Borne (1599) : 
sent to Borne, i. 168, 234, 240 ; their 
treatment at Borne, i. 102, 103, 106, 
108, 109, 170, 171, 236; imprison- 
ment, i. 108, 109 ; their credentials, i. 
Ill ; their ambition and factiousness, 
i. Ill ; their commission and de- 
mands, i. 69, 70, 113, 125, 148 ; their 
examination and pleadings, i. 115 seq ; 
libel against, i. 129-136 

Derby, earl of, ii. 75, 108, 132 

Devonish, Harry, student, i. 245 

Devonish, Thomas, student, i. 245 

Digby, John, student, ii. 217 

Dolemanist (for the adherents of Par- 
sons), i. 92-94 

Dolman (for Parsons), ii. 240, 241 

Dolman, Alban, arbitrator, i. 72, 149, 
227-231, 237, 239, ii. 185 

Douai college, i. 14, 119, 122, 134, 192, 
244, 246, ii. 170, 172 ; list of members 
in 1600, i. 244, 245 : Jesuits desire to 
rule, i. 10 

Douze or Dowce, prisoner, ii. 234 

Dover, appellants stopped at, ii. 29 

Dowgle, Clement and Steven, students, 
i. 245 

Driland, Christopher, ii. 244 

Drumrnond, Edward, agent of James VI., 
ii. 8 

Drury, Bobert, priest, suspended, i. 
173 n 

Duckett, A., alias of Holtby, q.v. 

Duckett, James, bookseller, i. 114 n, ii. 95 

Dudley, Bichard, arbitrator at Wisbech, 
i. 1, 231, 232, ii. 181, 185 

ECCHAUDE, Autoine, ii. 240 

Edmunds, alias of Weston, q.v. 

Egerton, priest, i. 245 

Egerton, Nathaniel, student, i. 245 

Eliot, captain, ii. 205, 237 

Elizabeth, queen, i. 145, 212, 222, ii. 39, 
91, 148, 195 ; her praises by father 
Southwell, ii. "96-98 ; plots against 
her, i. 122, 158, 243; policy of ag- 
gression towards, ii. 70 ; policy of 
conciliating her, i. 224, ii. 49, 56, 82, 
83, 85, 149, 196, 197; French am- 



bassador on, ii. 45, 46; attempts to 
deceive Gregory XIII., ii. 80, 148 ; her 
relations with appellants, ii. 15, 34, 
48, 62: news of her death at Borne, 
ii. 241 

Elwed, John, ii. 244 

Ely, Dr. Humphrey, i. 160 ; his profes- 
sion of loyalty, ii. 196 ; opinion of the 
Jesuits, ii. 197 ; letter to Sir R. Cecil, 
ii. 195 

Emerson, Ralph, ii. 244 

England not to be reduced by arms, ii. 49 

Englefield, sir Francis, i. 13 

English students, character of, i. 26, 27, 
41, 43, 44 

Epistle of pious grief, by S. N., criti- 
cised, ii. 163-168 

Essex, earl of, i. 218, 222, ii. 101, 109 

Everard, Thomas, student, ii. 216 

Excommunication of princes inexpe- 
dient, ii. 149 

FACULTIES, for the clergy, i. 151, 152 ; 
delegated by Jesuits, i. 11 ; withdrawn 
from priests, i. 5, 34, 113 ; of appel- 
ants, question of, ii. 22, 23, 68, 69, 
120, 201, 209 

Farbeck, Dr., 227 n 

Farnese, Odoardo, card, protector, ii. 
2, 4, 24, 25, 46, 56, 58, 59, 206 ; his 
Spanish proclivities, ii. 57 ; proposal 
that he should marry the infanta and 
succeed Elizabeth, ii. 114-116 

Feck (Feakus), Thomas, S.J., ii. 215 

Feria, duke of, ii. 14, 88 

Feme : his Glorie of Oenerositie, i. 213 

Ferrara, the pope at, i. 103, 107 

Field, father, S.J., in Ireland, ii. 71 n 

Fincham (Firchance), Richard, stu- 
dent, ii. 215 

Fiscal, papal, i. 31, 34. See also 

Fisher, bishop, ii. 171 

Fisher, Robert, i. 9, 15, 16, 205, 232, 
237 ; memorial attributed to him, 
i. 2 n, 23, 25 ; his instructions, i. 
206 ; his arrest, ii. 190 n, 192 ; 
petition of appellants for his liberty, 
ii. 190, 204 ; sent to the galleys, i. 240 

Fitzherbert, ii. 109 

Fitzherbert, Nicholas, i. 122 

Fitzherbert, Thomas, ii. 17, 21, 22, 24, 
25, 47, 56, 238-240 

Fixer, John, priest, i. 215, 217 

Flint, S. J., ii. 217 

Fortescue, Thomas, al. Greene, student, 

i. 245 

Foynes, alias Sims, divine, i, 245 
Framlingham, prisoners, i. 173, ii. 184, 

225 ; distress and discontent of, ii. 

223, 233; their petition to privy 

council, ii. 242 ; letter to Blackwell, 

and his answer, ii. 232, 233 
France, kingdom of, claims of the 

infanta to, ii. 64, 65, 89 
Franciscus, Thomas, student, ii. 215 
Freeman, Michael, S.J., ii. 216 
French ambassador. See Bethune 

GAKDINEB, bishop, ii. 171 

Garner, William, student, ii. 217 

Garnet, alias Walley, Henry, S.J., i. 11, 
17, 20, 21 n, 43 n, 68, 82, 83, 85 n, 
158, 160, 228, 231, 234, 237, 239, ii. 
22, 36 ; charges against, i. 229, 230, 
232 ; six of the assistants chosen by 
him, i. 167 ; defends the society and 
archpriest, i. 79-82 ; exhorts to peace 
and amity, ii. 227 ; counsels conceal- 
ment of criminal offences, i. 50 ; 
letter in reply to the memorial, i. 17 ; 
letter to Clark, i. 79 ; circular letter 
to his brethren, ii. 227 ; letter from 
Parsons to, i. 21 

Gar [ret], or Gerard [?] , i. 20 

Gifford, Dr. William, i. 84 n, 207, ii. 
39 ; his hand in the memorial against 
Jesuits, i. 7-15 ; letter, warning his 
sister against Jesuits, ii. 178 

Goldsmith, Francis, student, ii. 215 

Gordon, S. J., ii. 74, 75 

Gratz, duke of, ii. 75 

Gravamina against the archpriest, 
presented, ii. 13, 14, 15 

Greek college, taken from Jesuits, ii. 

Green, Mr. J., ii. 234 

Greenal, divine, i. 245 

Greene, Edward, student, i. 245 

Greene, John, i. 175, ii. 244 

Gregory XIII., pope, i. 44, ii. 148 

Greveus, Joannes, S.J., ii. 215 

Grey, Fra., i. 154 

Grey, Thomas, keeper of Wisbech, ii. 

Griffiths, or Griffin, Hugh, i. 10, 11 

25 G 


Griffiths, alias of Robert Alford, S.J., 

ii. 217 
Gwyn, Robert, priest, i. 2 

HABUELEY, Thomas, priest, ii. 244 

Haddock. See Haydock 

Hans, ii. 206 

Harris, divine, i. 245 

Harris, Dr., i. 245 

Harward ^Harvodus), John, S.J., ii. 215 

Haydock (or Haddock), Richard, proc- 
tor of the archbishop at Rome, i. 116, 
129, 136, 137, 236 n, 240, ii. 2, 15, 
47; his letter on the two deputies, i. 

Heborne, Anthony, priest, i. 63, 70, 71, 
85[?], 89, 139, ii. 185, 235; sus- 
pended, i. 98 ; declines to publish 
brief in Clink, ii. 231 ; letter from, 
i. 88; letter to Blackwell, ii. 223; 
letter from Blackwell to, ii. 225 

Henri IV., king of France, i. IS, ii. 61, 
114, 115, 200 ; protects the appel- 
lants, ii. 6, 32 ; recommends them to 
the pope, ii. 89 ; gives passport to J. 
Cecil, ii. 187 ; paper addressed to 
him, on Spanish policy, ii. 218 

Henry II., king of England, i. 145 

Henshawe, priest, i. 206 

Heresy HO bar te right of succession, ii. 

Heretical propositions, ii. 13, 52, 89, 

Hertford, lady Arabella, i. 223 

Hesket, Thomas, ii. 47 

Hesketh, Richard, ii. 75, 132 

Heywood, father, S.J., i. 227, 238 

Hide, Humphrey, student, ii. 215 

Hide, Leonacd, priest, ii. 244 

Hieronymo, ii. '28 

Hill, James, esq., at Paris, ii. 5, 41, 
180, 182, 237; letter from Cecil to, 
ii. 205 

Hill, Thomas, a factions priest, i. 4, 5,, 
6, 12, 108 

Hodgson, alias Smith, Thomas, stu- 
dent, ii. 216 

Holland, Henry, S.J., ii. 215 

Holland, John, student, ii. 215 

Holt, William, S.J., i. 13, 14, 46, 227, 
ii. 4, 75, 132, 134, 202, 213 ; his 
political practices, ii. 75, 109 

Holtby, alias Duckett, Richsii'd, S.J., ii. 

!">'.) ; his letter on the conduct of 

appellants, i. 176-200 
Holywood, Christopher, student, ii. 244 
Hues (or Hughes), Edward, student, ii. 


Hughes, Mr., ii. 234 
Hull, prison, i. 239 

INFANTA of Spain, her title to English 
crown, ii. 64, 114-117, 172; to be 
married to card. Farnese, ii. 114 

Inquisition, cause of appellants re- 
mitted to, ii. 16, 19, 53; their 
decision objected to, ii. 56, 65 ; com- 
missary of, ii. 2, 17 

Ireland, i. 33, 243 ; Spanish expeditions 
in, ii. 32, 61, 70, 71, 88 ; promoted 
by Parsons, ii. 109 ; Jesuits in, ii. 40, 
71 n 

Ithell, apostate, i. 122 

JACKSON, priest, i. 245 

James VI. of Scotland, i. 221, ii. 102, 

117, 241 

Jarveys, John, student, i. 245 
Jenninges, Jo., student, ii. 215 
Jesuits : summary of charges against 
them in the memorial, i. 7-15 ; their 
ambitious policy, i. 94-98, 208-210 ; 
aiming at control over the clergy, ii. 
140, 142 ; their misgovernment of 
the English college, i. 38-48, ii. 217- 
218; cause of dissensions at Wis- 
bech, i. 139, 209 ; procure appoint- 
ment of archpriest, i. 166 ; their 
opposition to the association, i. 3 ; 
account of their seminaries, i. 245- 
248 ; their aim in their foundation, 
ib. ; their political intrigues, i. 157, 
158, ii. 40, 49, 73-76, 111, 172; their 
reliance on Spanish forces, i. 248 ; 
comparison cf, with seculars, 'i. 54- 
61 ; Bancroft's articles of enquiry 
concerning, i. 226-238 ; proposal to 
expel them from England, i. 15, 201, 
ii. 77 ; petition for their removal 
from English college, i. 63 n, 127, 
206, 207 ; not to meddle with govern- 
ment of seculars, ii. 54, 67, 119 ; they 
publish books in spite of brief, ii. 68, 
159 ; obtain modification of sentence 
against Blackwell, ii. 44; fear of, at 



Home, ii. 54, 61 ; Garnet's defences 
of, i. 17-20, 79-82 ; Holtby's denial of 
their undue influence, i. 188-192 ; 
Parsons's defence of their rule at the 
college, i. 21-38; defence of their 
conduct in England, ii. 76-86 ; 
Garnet's exhortation to, ii. 227-229 ; 
they have no jurisdiction over secular 
priests, i. 22 ; opposition good for 
them, i. 35 ; covert or secret Jesuits, 
i. 99, ii. 140, 141, 214 ; and passim 

Jesuits, general of the, ii. 54, 57 

Jhon, Mr., i. 88 

Jones or Evans, priest at Douai, i. 245 

Jones, father, S.J., i. 158, ii. 36 

Justiniano, S r , banker, ii. 18 

KELLISON, Dr., i. 135, 244, 245 

Kemp, Francis, student, ii. 217 

Kempe, Mr., ii. 185 

Ken, S., ii. 81 

Kene, Henry, prisoner, ii. 244 

Knight, Mr., i. 159 

Knighte, Nic., priest, ii. 244 

Knox, John, ii. 102 

Kyrley (Kirby), martyr, i. 104 

LAND, Eobert, i. 201 

Lane, master of arts, i. 242 

Leake, Mr., ii. 19 

Ledyo[?], Mr., ii. 185 

Leicester, earl of, ii. 101 

Leicester's Commomvealth, extracts 

from, ii. 99-102. See also Books 
Lente, Nic., priest, ii. 244 
Lewis, Owen, bishop of Cassano, i. 13, 

27, 44, 137, 196 
Liberty of conscience, i. 15, ii. 102 ; 

Fisher's hopes of, 15 ; harmful 

for catholics, ii. 6 ; chimerical, ii. 

112; proposed conditions of, unjust, 

ii. 76-81 

Lineus, Jo., student, ii. 215 
Linn, Philip, student, i. 245 
Lister, father, S.J., his treatise, i. 99, 

ii. 36, 99 n, 153, 159, 166, 167, 174 ; 

commended by Blackwell, ii. 158 ; 

Bellarmine on, ii. 9 
Litt, N., ii. 181 
London, Bancroft, bishop of, i. 208, 

234 n, ii.-127, 185, 195; his articles 

of enquiry, i. 226 ; his relations with 
appellants, ii. 105, 183, 184 ; letter 
from Bagshaw to, ii. 204, from Dr. 
Bishop to, ii. 209, from a priest to, 
ii. 221, from sir Kobert Cecil to, ii. 

Lorraine, ii. 195 

Lorraine, cardinal of, ii. 200 

MALLET, Eobert, student, i. 245 

Mallet, Thomas, S.J., ii. 215 

Mansoni, nuncio in Ireland, ii. 74 

Markham (or Marchian), Robert, i. 
8-13, 15 

Marshalsea prison, i. 212, 240 

Mary, queen of Scots, ii. 72, 100 n, 

Master, John, i. 84 ; letter from, i. 82 

Medley, keeper of Wisbech prison, i. 
227, 238 

Memorial against the Jesuits, i. 7, 17, 
205, 206, 232 

Merideth, priest, ii. 226 

Michell, i. 3, 206 

Midforde, John, S.J., ii. 217 

Midleton, Mr., at Paris, ii. 237, 241 

Mirto, Octavius, bishop of Tricarico, 
nuncio at Brussels, i. 5, ii. 29, 30, 34, 
41 ; revokes faculties of three priests, 
i. 6 ; extract from his letter to Black- 
well, ii, 31 ; gives passport to 
appellants, ii. 31 ; letter of, i. 109 

Mitchell, Mr. Tristram, i. 242 

More, Thomas, S.J., ii. 217 

Morgan, Mr., ii. 280 

Moroni, cardinal, i. 44 

Morris, divine, i. 245 

Morro (or Mora), monsignor, i. 29, 63 n, 
234 n 

Morton, divine, i. 245 

Mush, alias Ratcliffe, priest, i. 64, 82, 
83, 160, 176, ii. 45, 51, 79, 181 ; arbi- 
trator at Wisbech, i. 231, 232 ; sus- 
pended, 98 n ; statement regarding 
the dissensions at the English college, 
i. 38-48 ; diary of his proceedings at 
Rome, ii. 1-28 ; censures Watson's 
books, ii. 89 ; explains to Clement 
the object of the appeal, ii. 47 ; letter 
to Bagshaw, i. 1, to Mr. Wiseman, i. 
53, to Bagshaw and Bluet, i. 63, to 
Blackwell, i. 158, from Cecil to, ii. 179 




N., S., author of Ejnstle of pious grief, 

ii. 163-174 

Navarre, king of. See Henri IV. 
Nieuport, nuncio at, ii. 41 
Norden, priest and doctor, i. 1, 144 n 
Noricius, i. 14 

Northumberland, earl of, ii. 70 
Nuncio in Flanders. See Mirto 
Nuncio in Paris, ii. 30, 186, 187 
Nuncio in Spain, ii. 191 

OATH of allegiance, prepared, ii. 180, 

183 ; impious, ii. 151 ; specimens of, 

ii. 246, 247 
Oldcorne, father Edward, S.J., i. 154, 

157, 163 
Olivier, Seraphin, dean of the Rota, ii. 

4, 239 ; his replies to legal questions 

upon the brief, ii. 208 
Ossat, cardinal d', ii. 72 n, 73 n, 239 ; 

assists appellants, ii. 1, 2, 4, 8, 9, 

10, 14, 45, 46 ; Parsons with, ii. 5, 


Owen, bishop of Cassane. See Lewis 
Owen, father Thomas, S.J., ii. 14 
Owin, divine, i. 245 
Oxford, university of, i. 242, ik 101 

PAGET, Mr. Charles, i. 207, 237, ii. 205 ; 
his connection with the memorial, i. 
7,. 9, 11, 13 

Paris, appellants at^ii. 31, 41, 182, 185 r 
230, 235-242 

Paris university. See Schism 

Parker, assistant and proctor of Black-- 
well, at Rome, i. 21, ii. 9, 11, 12, 15_ 
21, 25, 27, 58, 206 

Parkinson, Richard, ii. 217 

Parkinson, Rob., student, i. 245 

Parma, duke of, ii. 108 

Parsons, Robert, S.J., i. 4, 13,14, 17, 23, 
37, 38, 42-46, 49, 88, 89, 9] , 95, 106, 109, 
116, 122-125, 129, 137, 141, 144, 149, 
166, 180, 182, 226, 235-238, ii. 35, 96, 
160, 163, 239, 240 ; his early educa- 
tion, i. 241 ; why he left Oxford, i. 144, 
242 ; founds colleges in Spain, i. 30, 
49, 146 ; goes from Spain to Rome, 
i. 29, ii. 113, 134 ; on the disturb- 
ances in the college at Rome, i. 24-34 ; 
defence of his own proceedings, ib. ; 

makes peace at the English college, i. 
30 ; did desire bishops for England, 
i. 120,. 137, 232 ; projects the appoint- 
ment of arehpriest, i. 80, 166, ii. 67, 
133, 194 ; initiates the letter of 
thanks, i. 83 -, his meddling with 
politics, i. 158, 237, ii. 17, 70, 73-75, 
95, 107-110, 112,113; his ambiticvn, 
ii. 131-133; 'kingmaker,' ii. 236 ; 
arrogates to himself control of Eng- 
lish affairs, ii. 127, 128- ; appoints 
proctors for the arehpriest against 
the two deputies, i. 101 ; has th 
deputies confined in the college, i. 109, 
123 ; endeavours to stop, the four ap- 
pellants, ii. 30, 38, 39 ; his dealings 
with the four appellants at Rome, ii. 
2-5, 7, 8, 10-12, 14-18, 19, 21, 22,23, 
26, 35, 36, 37, 42, 43, 46, 47, 50, 54. 
57, 60, 188 ; forbids students to speak 
well of or to appellants, ii. 18, 19 ; 
displeased with sentence of inquisi- 
tion, ii. 19, 20, 22 ; his ' stratagem, 7 
ii. 24, 27, 58, 206 ; his charges against 
the appellants, ii. 43, 87, 129, 207 n ; 
his volume of calumnies ignored by 
the pope> ii. 51 ; complains of pro- 
tection of appellants by France, ii. 55 ; 
his advocacy of the infanta's title, ii. 
64, 65, 114, 172; his good works ex- 
tolled, i. 49, ii. 83 ; author of Val- 
ladolid oration to king Philip, ii. 95 : 
his alleged authorship of Leicester's 
Commonwealth, ii. 21, 99, 100 ; his 
treatment of Fisher, ii. 191 ; his 
receipt ef news of Elizabeth's death, 
ii. 241 ; letters of intelligence about, 
i. 243, ii. 212 - r his letter to Garnet, i. 
21-37; letter from Cajetan to, i. 128 

Peale, Mr., priest, i. 245 
; Peares, Peres or Perseus. See Percy 

Penkevel, priest, i. 245 

Percy, Dr. William, ii. 4 ; ' heady and 
contentious,' ii. 5 ; bids Bethune be- 
ware of appellants, ii. 26 ; three let- 
ters to friends in Paris, ii. 235-242 

Percy, Mrs., ii. 195 

; Persecution in England, i. 84, ii. 82, 
103, 111, 117; profitable to the 
church, ii. 6 

Pett, divine, i. 245 

Petti, nephew of the pope, i. 244 

Philip, II. See Spain, king of 


Philippus, Joannes, student, ii. 215 

Pigenat, Odo, S.J., ii. 74 

Pigott, Mr., ii. 185 

Pinelli, cardinal, ii. 16, 17, 18, 21, 54 

Pitts, Arthur, dean of Liverdun ; his 
declaration of loyalty, ii. 200, 201 ; 
letter to Blackwell, i. 160 

Pius V., ii. 148 

Politics, question of prohibiting, to 
priests, i. 99, 113, 157, ii. 27, 60, 62, 
211. See also Books, Jesuits, Parsons 

Pont-a-Mousson, ii. 200 

Pope (the), paradoxes of appellants 
concerning, ii. 148, 149. See also 
Clement VIII. 

Popham, Alexander, i. 242 

Potter, George (alias Transham), i. 175 

Powel, Mr., i. 72 

Priests, secular, their association, i. 2 n ; 
rebuked by pope, i. 4 ; letters to, from 
nuncio in Brussels, i. 5 ; Garnet's 
appeal to, i. 18, 19 ; their dissensions 
with Jesuits, i. 38 ; differences with 
laymen in prison, ii. 232 ; Mush's 
vindication of, i. 53 ; their labours 
before the coming of Jesuits, i. 58, 59 ; 
many sign letter of thanks to the 
pope, i. 82, 234, 235; dissentients 
prepare to appeal, i. 66 n, 71, 233 ; 
submit on receipt of brief, ii. 167 ; 
causes of complaint, i. 154-156, 167 ; 
refer their case to Paris, i. 192 ; per- 
secuted by Jesuits, i. 167, ii. 222 ; 
driven to France, i. 240 ; faculties 
for, i. 151, 152 ; troubles of those 
suspended, i. 175 ; executions of, ii. 
39, 41 n ; proposals for a union 
among, ii. 209 ; sir E. Cecil on their 
increase, ii. 245 

Privy council, i. 84 n, ii. 183 ; petition 
from Framlingham prisoners to, ii. 

Proclamation, the queen's, of 1602, ii. 
221, 231, 246 n 

Proctors of the archpriest at Eome, i. 
115, ii. 9, 14, 15, 21-24, 36, 67, 69, 

RAND, Thomas, S. J., ii. 215 
Batcliffe, alias of Mush, q.v. 
Rayne, divine, i. 245 
Redman, priest,!. 245 

Redman ' out of Flanders,' ii. 180 
Rheims, decline of college at, ii. 142 
Robinson, Francis, priest, i. 159 
Robinson, Robert, S. J., ii. 215 
Robinson, Thomas, student, ii. 216 
Roche, John, executed, i. 216 
Rolston, agent of Parsons, ii. 109 
Rome, English college at, i. 132, 134, 
135, 144, 148, 236, 239, 246, ii. 221 ; 
articles for regulation of, i. 16, 17 ; 
tumults and scandals at, 1, 2, 24-26 ; 
29, 39, 49-51, 129, 137, 171, 237, ii. 
104 ; young men resort to, for novel- 
ties, i. 27 ; Mush on the Jesuits as 
cause of the trouble, i. 40-43 ; pe- 
titions for removal of Jesuits from, 
i. 63 n, 127, 207 ; Parsons restores 
peace at, i. 29, 83 ; Jesuit influence 
at, ii. 214 n, 217, 218 ; students quiet 
under good government, i. 45 ; stu- 
dents of, petition for a cardinal of 
their own choice, i. 28 ; students ex- 
pelled, i. 31, 32, 50 ; Parsons's dis- 
courses to, i. 158 ; the two deputies 
of the clergy imprisoned at, i. 123 
Rome : the two deputies arrive at, i. 101 
(see Deputies) ; Blackwell's proctors at, 
i. 115 ; arrival of four appellants at, 
ii. 1, 32, 41, 45 (see Appellants) 
Rome, court of: influenced by Spanish 
faction, i. 244 ; list of students at, 
ii. 214 

Rookwood, Robert, ii. 215 n 
Rous, Ant., priest, i. 173, 174 
Rudal, alias Nevel, divine, i. 245 
Russell, Charles, student, ii. 216 

SAINT MABTIN, abbot of, ii. 187 
St. Omers, seminary of, i. 246 
Sanders, Dr. Nicolas, i. 114, ii. 70, 

150, 171 

Santorello, signer, ii. 18 
Sapiretti, ingr. Gio., papal paymaster, 

ii. 75 n 

Schism, appellants accused of, i. 85 n, 
154, 162, 167, 169, 172, 183, 184 ; 
decree of Paris university on, i. 172, 
237, ii. 153, 165; question of, at 
Rome, ii. 9, 65, 103, 189 ; Parsons's 
obstinacy regarding it, ii. 21 ; ques- 
tion determined by cardinals and 
pope, ii. 10, 36, 51, 146, 193 



Scotland, i. 217, ii. 70, 74, 75 n ; Jesuit 

practices in, ii. 74, 75 
Sebastian, king of Portugal, ii. 73 
Secheverel, apostate priest, i. 122 

Sega, cardinal, i. 29, 48 n, 234 n ; visits 
English college, i. 26 ; promises re- 
dress of grievances, i. 46 

Seminaries, foreign, i. 26, 32, 39, 41, 42, 
47, 73, 133, 138, 246, ii. 101 ; aided 
by king Philip, ii. 213 ; Spanish, i. 
26, 30, 45, 49, 146, ii. 134, 171, 172 ; 
Elizabeth wishes Gregory XIII. to 
abandon them, ii. 80. See also Douai, 
Bheims, Home, St. Omer, Seville, 

Seminarists compelled to subscribe 
Philip's title, ii. 108 

Seraphin. See Olivier 

Seville, seminary of, i. 246 

Sfondrati, cardinal, ii. 16, 17 ; on Par- 
sons, ii. 54 

Sheldon, Hugh, ii. 244 

Sherwin, martyr, i. 104 

Shert, martyr, i. 104 

Sickleinore, John, i. 48, 52, 237 ; greatly 
commends Parsons, i. 49 ; letter to 
Bagshaw, i. 48 

Silisden (or Silidonins, S.J.), ii. 216 

Singleton, or Shingleton, assistant of 
Blackwell, i. 206 

Sixtus V., pope, ii. 148 

Skidmor, ii. 9 

Smallman, Sam., student, ii. 217 

Smith, Bartholomew, student, i. 245 

Smith, John, letter from Charnock to, 
i. 174 

Smith, Thomas, student [S.J.], ii. 216 

Smith, father, S.J., at Borne, ii. 5 

Smith, Dr., ii. 180, 237 

Smithe, Mr., ii. 185 

Smithsonne, Mr., i. 89 

Smorthet, Bichard, student, ii. 244 

Smyle, i. 153 

Sourdis, cardinal Francois d'Escoubleau 
de, ii. 187 

Southwell, father Bobert, S.J., i. 26, 45, 
49, 92, 119, 227-229; his Supplica- 
tion (see Books) 

Spain: prejudices against, in the English 
college, i. 30 

Spain, king of, ii. 61 ; assists Sanders in 
Ireland, ii. 70 ; speech made to him 
by Valladolid students, ii. 90-95 ; not 

animated by religious zeal, ii. 71-73, 

Spanish ambassador at Borne, ii. 3, 14, 

27, 53, 54, 57, 60, 61 
Spanish faction, i. 217, 243, 244, ii. 48, 

57, 61, 70, 74, 118, 183, 201, 213, 

217 ; influence of, in Borne, ii. 41, 44 
Spies, use of, by Jesuits in their colleges, 

i. 47 

Squier, Dr., at Oxford, i. 242 
Squiers or Squire : his plot, i. 122, 219, 

242, ii. 62, 76. See also Swire 
Standish, James, priest, i. 72, 167 n, 

206, 240, ii. 109, 128 
Stanhope, sir John, i. 222 
Stanley, sir William, ii. 75 
Stapleton, Dr. Thomas, i. 114 n, 245, ii. 

150, 171, 173 

State, affairs of. See Politics 
Stews, contentions about the, i. 232, ii. 

192, 193 

Stillington, Dr., ii. 173 
Stran., Mr., report of his death, i. 64 
Strange, or Strangeways, student, ii. 216 
Subordination, the : origin of, i. 22, 23, 92, 

165, 232 sq ; letter of thanks for, i. 82, 

169, 170, 234 ; inconveniences of, i. 

90 sq, ii. 10, 122. See also Blackwell 
Succession, Book of, extract from, ii. 

64. See also Books 
Supplication of father Southwell, ex- 
tracts from, ii. 96-98. See also 


Sweet, ii. 5, 47 
Sweete, John, student, i. 245 
Swift, his declaration of the college of 

Douai, i. 244 
Swire [Squires?], ii. 18 

TAILEK, Mr., i. 155 

Tancred, father Charles, S.J., ii. 70, 75 

Taverns frequented by students at Borne, 
i. 31 

Tempest, Edward, priest, i. 6 n, 84 n, 
85, 108 ; his connection with the 
memorial, i. 6, 7,9, 11, 14, 15; letter 
to Bagshaw from the Clink, i. 64, 65 

Thomas, i. 85 

Thornhill (or Thornell), Dr. John, i. 16 

Throgmorton, i. 12, 13 

Thules (or Thewles), priest, i. 20, 65, 
70, 72, 155 



Thyrsle.y, Thomas or Charles, student, 

i. 245 

Tichborne, father Henry, S.J., i. 116 
Tillotson, Francis, priest and spy, i. 3 
Todde, John, i. 38 
Toledo, cardinal, S.J., i. 29, 207, ii. 205, 

222 ; hostility of the Jesuits towards, 

i. 9, 10, 13, 14 
Toleration, sued for, ii. 196, 197 ; hopes 

of, i. 15, ii. 184 ; sir Robert Cecil on, 

i. 222. See Liberty of conscience 
Topcliffe, priest-catcher, i. 212, 213, 215, 

Tower of London, i. 121; plot to seize, 

i. 157 ; lieutenant of, i. 208 
Transham. See Potter, George 
Trim, John, student, i. 245 
Trolop, Mr., ii. 23 
Turner, Robert, of Barnstable, priest, i. 


Turner, Thomas, S.J., ii. 215 
Twist, R., ii. 180 
Tyrone, earl of, in Ireland, ii. 40, 73, 


VALLADOLID, seminary of, i. 246 ; oration 

of the students of, to king Philip, ii. 


Vaudemont, cardinal of, ii. 200 
Vere, sir Francis, ii. 23 
Vervins, peace of, ii. 72 
Vestrio Barbiano, mgr., draws up the 

brief, ii. 23, 24-27, 30, 31, 59, 60, 206 
Villeroi, French secretary of state, ii. 

41, 72 n, 179, 180 
Vitelleschi, Muzio, S.J., rector of the 

English college, i. 45 

WAAD (or Wade), William, clerk of the 
privy council, i. 84, 85, 155, 208, 212, 
215, 226 

Wales, men ready to rise in, i. 158 

Walker, Charles, student, ii. 217 

Walker, Henry, S.J., ii. 215 

Walker, Robert, student, ii. 215 

Walley, alias of Garnet, q.v. 

Walpole, father Richard, S.J., ii. 4, 5, 
12, 14, 25, 76, 238 ; his connection 
with Squiers's plot, i. 122. ii. 5, 62 n 

\V;tlsingham, sir Francis, i. 212 ; priests' 
dealings with, ii. 80 

Ward, Margaret, martyr, 216 n 

Watson, William, priest, i. 98 n, 156, 
226, ii. 204 ; his education, sufferings, 
and imprisonment, i. 211-214; sus- 
pected as a spy, i. 215 ; visits Scot- 
land, i. 217 ; his writings, i. 218-223 ; 
persecuted by Spanish faction, i. 225 ; 
said to have abandoned the priest- 
hood, ii. 182 ; his books condemned 
by appellants, ii. 68, 87, 89, 194; 
his mischievous proposals to secure 
toleration, ii. 77 ; petition that he 
may have a fair examination, ii. 69 ; 
daily with bishop of London, ii. 127 ; 
executed, i. 157 n ; his thirty reasons 
against Blackwell's appointment, i. 
90-98 ; letter to the attorney- 
general, i. 210 ; letter from Cecil to, 
ii. 182 ; letter from Bagshaw to, ii. 
183 ; letter from Dr. Bishop to, ii. 

Way, ii. 182 
Webb, a priest, i. 245 
Webb, Edward, student, ii. 216 
Webb, Dr. Laurence, i. 135 
Webb, William, student, i. 245 
Westmorland, earl of, i. 217, ii. 70 
Weston, Dr., priest, i. 245 
Weston (alias Edmonds), father Ed- 
mund, S.J., i. 11, 21 ; his connection 
with Wisbech stirs, i. 227-233, 238, 
240, ii. 139, 193 
Wigge, William, priest, ii. 244 
Wilsonus, Robert, student, ii. 216 
Wingfield, sir Antony, Kt., ii. 242, 243 
Winwood, Ralph, English agent at 

Paris, ii. 184 

Wisbech castle, i. 11, 52, 121, 122 n, 
139, 144, 145, 148, 154 n, 156, 209, 
239, 240, ii. 192, 244 n; the most 
conspicuous place of catholics in 
England, i. 238 ; priests living apart 
in, i. 1 ; bad spirit of certain inmates, 
i. 132, 144 ; the dissensions there, i. 
227-232, ii. 166 
Wiseman, Mr., letter from Mush to, i. 


Wisemanist, i. 93 

Wittington, Edward, student, ii. 216 
Wodworthe, student, ii. 217 
Woodruffe, Christopher, priest, ii. 244 
Worthington, Dr.. i. 247, ii. 132 
Worthington, Dr., president of Douai, i. 


Worthington, Peter, S.J., ii. 215 | YATES, Francis, S.J., ii. 217 

Wright, a warrant for, ii. 245 Yewne, Ealph, i. 90 

Wright, Mr. John, dean of Courtrai, i. Yorke, Francis, student, ii. 216 

119, 136, 197; his letter to card. 
Cajetan, i. 135, 136 
Wyndham, Dr., i. 230 

Young, Francis, S.J., ii. 215 
ZELANDEB, Vincentius, S.J., ii. 76. 





no. 58 

Camden Society, London 
c?ubli c ations 3