THE ARCHPEIEST CONTROVERSY
THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY
DOCUMENTS EELATING TO THE DISSENSIONS OF
THE EOMAN CATHOLIC CLERGY, 1597-1602
EDITED FOB THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Uv
FROM THE PETYT MSS. OF THE INNER TEMPLE
BY
THOMAS GRAVES LAW, LL.D.
LIBRARIAN OF THE SIGNET LIBRARY, EDINBURGH
VOL. II.
LONGMANS, GKEEN, AND CO.
39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON
NEW YORK AND BOMBAY ft U /'
1898
All riy;htt rcscrvci!
c
INEW SERIES NO. LVIII. '
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
INTRODUCTION . . ix
I. THREE ENGLISH NARRATIVES.
1. Mush's Diary or " A Charte of their Affayres in Rome," A.D. 1602 . . I
2. A Second Narrative 28
3. A Third Narrative or Fragment 40
II. BREVIS BELATIO.
1. Brevis veraque admodum Relatio, etc 45
2. Responsio de familiaritate sacerdotum cum magistratu heretico . . 62
3. Responsio de variis nostro nomine impressis libris ..... 63
4. Responsio de paucitate eorum qui ex parte nostra stant, etc. ... 64
5. Del libro toccante alia Successione alia Corona 64
6. Memorial regarding the Sentence of the Inquisition, Aug. 12, 1602 . 65
7. Quomodo media ilia qua) hactenus per arma tentata sunt Catholicis
nocuerunt, etc 70
8. Intentiones regis Hispanis de juvandis Catholicis suspectae ... 71
9. Exempla quadam quibus moveatur S. S. interdicere Jesuitis rerum
politicarum curam 73
10. Memorial on the conditions of Liberty of Conscience (Italian) ... 76
11. Discorso sopra la proposta da alcuni sacerdoti circa il dare liberta di
conscienza 81
12. Titulus novi libri contra presbiteros seculares " Manifestatio " etc. . . 86
13. De modo procedendi sacerdotum qui Appellantes dicuntur. Quaedam a
Jesuita scripta. 27 Apr. 1602 88
14. Oratio hecha a la Magestad del Rey Cattolico en Valladolid ... 90
15. Ex Supplicatione P. Rob. Suthuelli Jesuitse ad Reginam .... 95
16. Titulus libri : Exemplar Epistolae de vita etc. comitis Lecestrensis . . 99
VI THE ABCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
PAGE
17. Petitiones sacerdotuin Anglorum, 6* Martii, 1602 103
18. Informatio de quibusdam presbiteris qui nuper Eomam venerunt . . 103
19. Methodus expeditissima qua possint discern! turbarum architecti, etc. . 107
20. Oratio exhibita Smo pro rebus Catholicis in Anglia 110
21. Una nota per il P. Holto (Parsons' letter from Genoa, March 1597) . 113
22. Declaratio status Catholicorum in Anglia ab anno 1587 .... 117
23. Considerationes Smo proponendas pro pace stabilienda .... 118
24. Eesponsum ad Considerationes a presbyteris Appellantibus propositas . 122
25. Eefutatio Eesponsi P. Personii ad Considerationes 127
26. Letter communicating the Papal Sentence on the question of Schism . 14(5
27. Catalogus Paradoxorum et propositionum temerariarum .... 147
III. LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603.
1. Copy of Letter of Expostulation to Blackwell, Aug. 1G01. . . . 152
2. Letter of Dr. Gifford to his sister, Dec. 17. 1601 177
3. Copy of Letter from Dr. Cecil to Mush 179
4. Copy of Letter from Dr. Cecil to Watson, Jan. or Feb. 1602 . . .182
5. Letter of Dr. Bagshaw to Watson, Feb. 7 183
6. Drafts of Six Memorials to the Pope : —
i. Dr. Cecil's testimonials and apology 185
ii. Petition of the four priests for viaticum 187
iii. Their desire for peace, etc 188
iv. Petition for public instrument in testimony of their innocence . 189
v. Petition for release and trial of Eobert Fisher .... 190
vi. Petition for pecuniary aid 191
7. Propositiones .^Egidii Archeri sacerdotis de lupanariis .... 192
8. Papal definition on the question of Schism 193
9. Letter from Dr. Bishop to Watson, July 16 194
10. Letter from Dr. Ely, probably to Sir Eobert Cecil, with Narrative . . 195
11. Memorial to the Cardinals on behalf of priests deprived of faculties,
Sept. 6 202
12. Letter to the Pope from the four English Priests, Sept. 9 ... 203
13. Letter from Bagshaw to the Bishop of London, Sept. 29 . . . . 204
14. Letter from Dr. Cecil at Borne to James Hill, Esq. in Paris, Oct. 7 . . 205
15. Legal Questions on the force of the Brief of Oct. 1602, with Eeplies . 208
16. Draft of Eules for Union of Secular Priests 209
17. Anonymous Letter of Intelligence on Parsons 212
18. S. J. H. ad E[egem] G[allise] on the insincerity of the Spanish king . 213
19. List of Jesuits or reputed Jesuits among the scholars in the college at
Eome 214
20. Passport for the Appellants signed by Card. Aldobrandino, Oct. 22 . . 218
21. Letter from Dr. Bishop to the Bishop of London, Oct. 27 . . . 'Jl'J
CONTENTS. Vll
PAGE
22. Letter from a priest (unsigned) to the Bishop of London, Nov. 14 . . 221
23. Letter from Anthony Heborne to Blackwell, Nov. 11 .... 223
24. Letter from Blackwell in answer to Heborne, Nov. 17 .... 225
25. A circular letter from Father Garnet to his brethren, Nov. 16 . . 227
26. Letter from Bluet to the Bishop of London, Paris, Dec. 6 ... 230
27. Letter from Anthony Heborne to Blackwell, Dec. 14 .... 230
28. Letter of the discontented about the (Eeonomie to the Archpriest, and
the Arehpriegt his answer, Dec. 13-22 232
29. Letter from Blackwell on the Brief, Feb. 3. 1602-3 234
30. Three letters from Dr. Percy to friends in Paris, April 1603 . . . 235
31. Petition to the Privy Council from prisoners in Framlingham Castle . 242
32. Letter from Sir Eobert Cecil to the Bishop of London, n.d. . . . 245
33. Protestations of Allegiance 246
INDEX . 249
INTRODUCTION.
THE documents in the present volume fall naturally into three
groups.
I. The English narratives, or private memoranda of the depu-
tation of the four priests to Rome and their proceedings there,
during the nine months from Feb. 14 to Oct. 28, 1602, serve as a
general introduction to what follows. In the first of these narra-
tives, or " A Chart of our Affairs," John Mush writes in the name
of the four, referring to himself in the third person, though he occa-
sionally lapses into the first person singular (p. 18 s^.). The second
and anonymous narrative, interesting from the account given of the
Appellants' visit to the nuncio in Flanders and their stay in Paris
on the way to Rome, may have been written by Bluetr but more
probably by Francis Barneby, whose place in the deputation was
afterwards taken by Dr. Cecil. Of Barneby Bagshaw wrote (p. 184)
that he " in truth did more than we all in Flanders and was able to
relate as much as Mr. Bluet could have done and perhaps more."
II. The Brevis Relatio is a record of a more formal and official
character. The narrative with which it begins is fuller and more
important than that of Mush in regard to the audiences of the Pope
and the French ambassador ; and it is supplemented by the several
petitions, memorials, and other documents to which reference is
made in the text. It is not improbably from the pen of Dr. Cecil,
whose academical degree entitled him to take the first place among
X INTRODUCTION.
the delegates. It appears that the French ambassador had desired
the Appellants to let him see, and to deposit with him, copies of
all papers put in by them in the case (p. 45). This injunction
may not have been literally carried out day by day. But the
Brevis Relatio bears evidence of having been prepared for submission
to some French dignitary as a record of the proceedings. It is a
copy made by an Italian clerk in three sections, and these sections
seem to have been delivered together, or at least were so docqueted
en Nov. 4 : that is, some days after the date of the Appellants'
departure from Rome. On the last page of the narrative proper
there will be noticed the interpolation of a few words, and the
erasure of others with the note Jay raye les lignes cy dessus. Three
pages further on there is another note in the same hand : Premier
cahier du discours de ce qui cest passe en Vaffaire des prestres anglois
faict a Rome le 4? Novemlwe 1602. A similar note occurs p. 120,
segond cahier etc., with the same date ; and at the conclusion of the
record (p. 151), troisieme et dernier cahier, etc.* The Brevis Relatio
is probably the Record to which the Appellants refer when taking
counsel's opinion as to the legal force of certain clauses in the Brief
of Oct. 5., viz. " Utrum prohibemur publicare processum hujus
negotii et eum in posterum typis mandare." The Dean of the Rota,
to whom the questions are addressed, answers : " Ex publicatione
processus . . . nihil boni consequi possunt sacerdotes," etc., and the
process, being accordingly not published, may have come back into
the priests' hands and thence possibly into the possession of the
Bishop of London, reaching a final resting-place in the Inner
Temple.
The documents included in the Brevis Relatio are arranged
without any regard to subject or chronological order. They are,
moreover, by no means complete. The paper of Gravamina
against the A I'ch priest was excluded on account of its great bulk
(p. 57), and because in substance it had been already sufficiently
11 This French hand appears once more in the endorsement of a separate docu-
ment, the questions submitted to M. Seraphin (p. 209).
INTRODUCTION. XI
published in the printed books. Some of Parsons's reports to the
Pope on the private characters and vices of the Appellants — papers
which the Pope would not even allow the four priests to see — are
naturally not here. One such paper is printed by Tierney
(iii. clix), who also prints two other Memorials on the controversy
(ib. clxii-iv) drawn up by Parsons and presented in the name of
the Archpriest's procurators to the Cardinals Arrigoni and Borghese.
A more regrettable loss is the full text of the Sentence of the
Inquisition, which was in Tierney's hands, though he printed no
more than a few lines of it.
Ill, The third group contains the remainder of the miscellaneous
papers in the Petyt Collection relating to this subject. The long
Expostulation addressed to Blackwell is a little earlier in date than
the rest, for it was written about July or August 1601,a before the
four priests left England. The letters of Dr. Gifford and Dr. Ely,
men of undoubted orthodoxy and learning, are notable for the very
forcible expression of their anti- Jesuit sentiments. The one detests
" those violent and bloody spirits who continuously and unnaturally
practise against their prince and country " ; and the other
denounces " those unnatural bastards that do attend to nought
else but conquests and invasions." Very curious is the private
correspondence between the Appellants in Paris with their
friends in London and in Borne, in which we find Dr. Bagshaw,
vain of his strange intimacy with a Protestant bishop, writing to
Watson, " I would my Lord of London were now and then by
when we have talk of him with some bishops and nobles here "
(p. 185), while on the other hand, Dr. Percy at Rome is referring to
a bi^other priest, Father Parsons, in venomous language : " 0 vox
serpentina, cum ille nunquam Christum sed quse sua sunt tantum
quaesivit ! " (p. 239). We get glimpses, too, once more of prison life
a In the Introduction to vol. i. (p. xxi), I stated that they began their journey
about the end of September. They were at least reported on the 16th as ready to
start immediately (Tierney, iii. p. cxlviii). It appears, however, from the Second
Narrative (infra, p. 20) that they did not leave London for Dover until about Nov. 4.
Ml INTRODUCTION.
in England. The remnants of the old Wisbech factions, now in
Framlingham castle, are jealous of laymen encroaching upon their
clerical privileges. They petition the Privy Council for relief; and
demand of the unfortunate and bewildered Archpriest more plentiful
or equitable distribution of alms. The news of the Brief of October
elicits from Garnet a letter to his brethren dignified and concilia-
tory in tone, though coloured perhaps in the eyes of the Appellants
with an irritating assumption of superior virtue ; while from
Anthony Heborne comes an equally characteristic but petulant
refusal to comply with the Archpriest's request that he should publish
the brief in the Clink. Yet what an insight into the hard conditions
of the hunted missionary's life, that the most suitable place for the
legal publication of a papal brief should be the inside of a London
gaol ! If the Church of the early Roman days has been fairly
styled the Church of the Catacombs, the Church of the Elizabethan
Catholics may be as truly called the Church of the English Prisons.
The series appropriately closes with a letter of Sir Robert Cecil
" wherein he swears," and by the two specimens of a protestation of
allegiance offered on the part of certain priests.
The motives of the Protestant Queen in setting free four priests
whose lives were forfeited or in jeopardy for their allegiance to
Rome, and providing them with passports that they might the more
easily proceed to lay their clerical grievances at the feet of the Pope,
" Clement in deed as well as in name," may be variously interpreted.
It cannot be assumed, however, that she was actuated solely by
the design of sowing the seeds of fresh discord between the
missionaries. She and her council were apparently in search of
some trustworthy test to distinguish loyal and disloyal priests,
and she probably hoped, as James I. at one time after her
hoped, that the Pope might be induced to prohibit under censures
any attempts at insurrection.
The plan was Bluet's, and therefore the old man, not the most
wise or best tempered of the Appellants, could not be excluded
from the deputation. He. however, was by no means ashamed of
INTRODUCTION. Xlll
his dealings with the Queen. It is to his candid and graphic
account, presented to the two Cardinals in charge of the case, that
we owe our knowledge of the details of this curious episode.*
Dr. Cecil was a more accommodating person, clever and plausible.
He had been chaplain or secretary to Cardinal Allen, and a friend
of Father Parsons, whose letters and secrets he betrayed to Lord
Burghley. His knowledge of languages and diplomatic ability no
doubt made him a valuable acquisition to the Appellants, to whom
his discreditable adventures under the alias of Snowdon were very
likely unknown. But how he came to join the deputation at Paris
to the exclusion of Barneby is not explained. Mush, the leader of
the Northern clergy, a missionary of experience and repute, was a
man of more genuine worth. Champney, the youngest of the four,
was a scholar who was to make his mark as a controversialist 011
Anglican Orders, and to become a doctor of the Sorboniie and vice-
president of Douai College. These men denied, with evident truth,
that they had received a penny from the Queen, or had any
commission from her. Yet they were something more than
" banished " priests. For it was well understood that for a
banished priest to return to England the penalty was death,
whereas Bluet at least seems to have been on parole to come back
to his gaoler with a report of his proceedings ; and Barneby also
was soon, willingly or unwillingly, in England again and in prison.
Unfortunately, the object of the deputation and the important
points in dispute were at the time, and have been to this day,
obscured by the irrelevant issues raised by party spirit and passion.
Charges were brought by the one side against the other regardless
of proof or probability. Nothing seems too base or treacherous to
be believed of a Jesuit, by certain Appellants. Parsons, on the
other hand, was not the kind of controversialist who aims at
discovering and grappling with the strongest point in his adver-
saries' position. As with the two deputies in 1599, so now with
" Printed in English, Cal. S. P., Dom. Eliz. cclxxxiii. 70, and in the original Latin
in Jesuits and Seculars, p. 153.
XIV INTRODUCTION.
the four in 1602, his tactics were rather to "poison the wells," to
damage the priests' characters, to misrepresent their motives and
prevent their obtaining a hearing.
How nearly he succeeded in this is evident. The Pope regarded
them with anger and suspicion. He had heard they were disturbers of
the peace, heretics, deniers of his powers to depose princes, spies in the
pay of Elizabeth. " As to toleration it would do harm. What letters,
what commission (he asked) did they bring from the Queen ? "
That they obtained a fair hearing was due, it seems, entirely to
the intervention of the French ambassador acting under instructions
from Henri IV. A noteworthy condition of his help was that the
priests should not say a word in public or private against the Queen
or Government of England (p. 45). When once the Pope was made
to understand that there was something to say for the Appellants, the
change in his tone was remarkable. He declared that justice should
be done, brushed aside the mutual recriminations and personalities,
and treated the Appellants throughout with singular patience,
moderation and kindliness. Parsons — for the Archpriest's pro-
curators were mere puppets — still endeavoured to prejudice the
cause of the Appellants by identifying their demands with the
extravagances of William Watson. It would be as fair to make
the English Jesuits as a body responsible for the explosive schemes
of their friends and adherents, Catesby and Guy Fawkes.
The gist of the Appellants' case may be found in the six short
petitions formulated on March 6 (p. 103). They asked for a
decision on the charge of schism and disobedience brought against
them by Blackwell and the Jesuit theologians, the charge " which
had been the cause of so many scandals." They asked that nego-
tiations should be entered into with the view of lightening the
pressure of the penal laws, or of securing some measure of tolera-
tion. They petitioned for episcopal government. They begged
that those who had " impiously plotted against the state " might be
removed from the colleges of Douai and Rome ; that all priests,
religious and secular, should be prohibited from intermeddling with
INTRODUCTION. XV
political matters calculated to provoke the Government to more
rigorous persecution ; and that, finally, all Catholics, lay or clerical,
should be put under an obligation to reveal any designs they should
know of, directed against the Queen and State.
There was surely nothing seditious, unorthodox or scandalous
in such demands as these. On the political side there was indeed
reasonable ground for viewing the intrigues, in which Parsons took
a principal part, as the provocative cause of the increase of perse-
cution, and for desiring to diminish the Jesuits' power of doing
mischief. Parsons had embarked upon his long career of con-
spiracy in 1581, in the teeth of his pledges and the commands of
his superiors." He had still later, in spite of the more stringent
decrees of his Order in 1593, published his "Conference on the
succession," and written his revolutionary " Memorial for the
Reformation " ;b and, again, in 1598, with characteristic audacity,
but unusual want of foresight, he had announced to a brother
Jesuit and countryman, and afterwards proposed to the Pope,
" that he might crack his head over it for a little while," the insane
project of having the Infanta of Spain placed on the throne of
England with a Roman Cardinal for her consort !
It may not be surprising that the priests failed to secure the
guarantees they wished for in the matter of politics. The Spanish
influence was too strong. But it should not be surprising also
that, in view of this failure, the Queen took no steps towards
toleration. One, it may be her main, object in facilitating the appeal
had been so far unsuccessful. Hence the disappointing Proclama-
tion of November 5.
In the matter of BlackwellV misgovernment it was proved that
he had exceeded his powers, and had acted tyrannically. It was
not altogether unreasonable that the Appellants should ask for his
removal, or for the abolition of his office. Yet it was hardly to be
• See an article in the Edinburgh Review of April 1898, entitled " English
Jesuits and Scottish Intrigues, 1581-2."
h A copy of which he presented to the Infanta in June 1601.
xvi INTRODUCTION.
expected that the Pope, in the circumstances, would yield so far.
Failing to obtain bishops, and failing to find acceptance for a plan
to neutralise the authority of the Archpriest by the institution of
several local and co-ordinate archpriests, the Appellants bent all
their efforts towards withdrawing their Superior from the dominant
influence of the Jesuits. In this, as has been said, they were
entirely successful.
Here it would seem that these introductory remarks should come
to an end. But in view of certain criticisms made by Father Gerard
in an article in The Month entitled " The Archpriest Controversy "
(Jan. 1897) the point just referred to appears to need more particular
elucidation. In the Introduction to the first volume of this work I
had observed, in reference to the original appointment of the Arch-
priest, that he was instructed by Cardinal Cajetan " in all matters
of gravity to follow the advice of the Superior of the Jesuits "
(p. xvi), and, again, in relation to the Brief of October, 1602,
that " the Appellants triumphed in the withdrawal of the offensive
clause in the Archpriest's instructions bidding him to take counsel
of the Jesuit Superior. He was now, on the contrary, ' for the
sake of peace,' forbidden to consult the Jesuits, whether in
England or in Rome." Moreover, in Jesuits and Seculars (p. Ixv),
describing the Appellants' view of the same clause, I had written
that whereas Blackwell "had no authority over the Jesuits, he was
bouud to consult their Superior. This appeared tantamount to
placing the seculars under the entire control of Garnet."
Upon this Father Gerard remai-ks : " We have seen in what
terms Mr. Law describes the purport of this admonition, and in so
doing he has but followed in the wake of the Appellant writers,
who all speak in the same strain. But it is somewhat remarkable
that, constantly as the Cardinal's letter has been spoken of, it
should apparently have never been textually quoted, and when we
turn to its actual words we find something very different from what
we have been led to expect. Cajetau, in his formal notification
INTRODUCTION. XV11
of Blackwell's appointment, had emphatically stated that the
Fathers of the Society ' have no jurisdiction, nor pretend to have,
over the secular priests.' a In the private instructions, sent at the
same time, he speaks as follows :
" ' Although the Superior of the said Fathers is not among the
consultors of the Archpriest, yet, since it is of the greatest import-
ance, and is the earnest desire and command of His Holiness, that
there should be complete union of mind and agreement between
the Fathers of the Society and the Secular Clergy, and as the said
Superior, on account of his experience of English affairs and the
authority he has amongst Catholics, may greatly assist all consulta-
tions of the Clergy, the Archpriest will be careful in matters of
greater moment to ask his opinion and advice, so that everything
may be directed in a more orderly manner, with greater light and
peace, to the glory of God.' " " It is obvious," adds Father Gerard,
" that such an injunction is altogether caricatured by the summary
we have seen."
It is well that Father Gerard has called attention to this point,
which is important.
In the first place, I must take the opportunity of correcting a
verbal inaccuracy into which I inadvertently fell in the first passage
quoted above, and must ask the reader to substitute (vol. i. p. xvi) the
words " obtain the advice " for " follow the advice." There is cer-
tainly a difference, which may be important, between an injunction
to get advice and to follow it, though there may also be circum-
stances in which the one is virtually equivalent to the other. On
the other hand, Father Gerard is quite mistaken in supposing that
the clause in question has never before been quoted textually.
There was no need for him to translate it from a manuscript copy
in the English college at Eome. The whole passage in which the
clause occurs was given in the original Latin as well as in a
literal translation by John Colleton, in his " Just Defence of the
» These words of Cajetan are as emphatically quoted, with Colleton's comment
upon them, in Jesuits and Seculars (p. Ixiii).
VOL. ii. a
XV111 INTRODUCTION.
Slandered Priests" (p. 175), a work which should be in the hands
of everyone who wishes to form a fair judgment upon the matter.
The words in debate are, " Curabit Archipresbyter in rebus
maioribus indicium quoque eius, consiliumque acquirere ; " or, in
Colleton's English, " The Archpriest shall take care, in matters of
greater moment, to obtain his judgment and counsel." *
Father Gerard, then, appears to regard this injunction as little
more than a general exhortation to peace and concord, with a sug-
gestion that, as a means to this concord, there should be mutual
conference and counsel. But this is to misunderstand or ignore
the whole historical setting of the clause and its bearing upon sub-
sequent events. Indeed, its true significance and purport can best
be made clear by a brief sketch of its history.
This history will then make it clear (1) that at the very outset of
the controversy, in the judgment of the most reasonable of the
Appellants, the clause virtually placed the secular clergy and their
superior under the control of Garnet b ; (2) that Blackwell himself,
so far from attempting to modify this judgment, behaved continu-
ally in such a manner as practically to confirm it ; (3) that the alleged
subserviency of the Archpriest to the Society formed the main ground
of the Appeal of 1600 ; (4) that while the Appellants strove eagerly
at Rome to get the clause in question rescinded, Blackwell and
Parsons as strenuously fought for its retention ; and, (5) that when
the Pope, acceding to the petition of the Appellants, not only abro-
gated this part of Cajetan's instructions but strictly forbade the
Archpriest in future to consult the Jesuits in England or elsewhere
on the affairs of his office, the true import of the Cardinal's words,
* Blackwell's own rendering of the clause in his summary of letters and briefs
submitted to the Government in 1607 was, " that the Archpriest in causes of
greater importance should use the advice of the Superior of the Jesuits because
he was a man of .great experience in the affairs of England."
b Beliefs, fears, and suspicions, most potent factors in the history of any party,
cannot be ignored as non-existent or as mere pretences because in the opinion of
a critic three centuries later these beliefs and fears were not justified by the
circumstances. Nor, in the case of the Appellants, can their motives be fairly
jndped without reading their own books.
INTRODUCTION. XIX
in the mind of Parsons, is discovered through the intrigues and
subterfuges by which, for the next seven years, he endeavoured to
evade the papal prohibition and to restore in effect the original clause.
The historian, who follows in the wake of neither Jesuit nor
Appellant, and has before his eyes the mass of documents printed
in the fifth volume of Tierney's " Dodd," must come to the con-
clusion that the clause in debate was the main hinge upon which
the Archpriest controversy turned in its earlier and later stages,
from 1598 to 1609. The cry for bishops, the demand for a fair
distribution of alms, for reform in the administration of the semi-
naries, for abstention from politics, for the appointment of an
accredited agent of the clergy at Rome, all sprang from, or were
intensified by, the desire to secure a government of the secular
clergy independent of the control or dominant influence of a hand-
ful of Jesuits ; and the clause was naturally regarded as the main
obstacle to this coveted independence. For if the Archpriest were
a friend of the Jesuits he would, in virtue of his instructions, feel
justified in following their lead, political and ecclesiastical ; if he
were hostile to the Jesuits, the obligation to consult them would
force him on all important occasions to show his cards, and lead to
the frustration of every project opposed to their wishes ; for Parsons
and his colleagues at the English College presented at Rome, as
events showed, a well-nigh impenetrable barrier to access to the
Papal Court.
To understand the Appellants' point of view in 1598 it must b»^
remembered that at that date there were more than 300 seminary
priests in England, about 40 or 50 old Marian clergy, and 15
Jesuit priests,* say one Jesuit to 24 seculars, the whole number of
•These fifteen were —
1. H. Garnet, alias Whalley, Darcy, Fanner, etc.
2. E. Weston, alias Edmunds.
3. R. Holtby, alias Ducket, Fetherston, etc.
4. T. Lister, alias Butler.
5. R. Jones, alias Holland, Draper, Northe.
6. J. Bennet, alias Price, Flood, Baker.
a 2
XX INTRODUCTION.
Jesuits being less by half the number of priests who signed the
Appeal. Several of the Jesuits at this time were comparatively
new comers, possessing far less experience on the mission than
had now been gained by such recognised leaders of the clergy as
Colleton or Mush. The discords which had already arisen between
the two sections of the clergy, the adherents and opponents of the
Jesuits, have been described in the Introduction to the former
volume. The appointment of the Archpriest was intended, so the
letters of Cajetan declared, to put an end to these quarrels and
establish unity and peace. But Blackwell was already known as a
strong partisan of the Jesuits and the author of what appeared to
be an exaggerated eulogium of the Society.* Moreover, the pre-
sumption that he was nominated to the office by Parsons rises at
least to the very highest degree of probability. Now, Blackwell
was not made Superior of the Roman Church in England, or even of
the missionary clergy. He had jurisdiction over the secular priests
from the seminaries only. He had no authority whatever over the
Jesuits, and yet he was bound to consult them in the government
of his own subjects. The Jesuit Superior, in the government of
his body, was not so bound to consult the Archpriest.
In these circumstances, Wm. Bishop, seeing that the Assistants
appointed for Blackwell also belonged to the party favouring the
7. J. Gerard, alias Standish, Brook, Lee, etc.
8. E. Oldcorne, alias Hall, Hutton, Parker.
9. T. Stanney, alias Pinke.
10. B. Couling, alias Collin , f Wh0m little is known
11. B. Collins
12. E. Walpole, alias Pauper.
13. J. Percy, alias Fisher, Fairfax.
14. B. Banks, alias Stanhope.
15. B. Blunt, alias Mann, Udall, Eandall, Basset, Mildmay, etc.
• Blackwell wrote to the Cardinal Protector, Jan. 10, 1597 : " So far are these
holy fathers estranged from all appetite of seeking to bear rule, as in every place
they prefashion unto us an example of rare humility, mildness, patience, piety,
and charity " (Colleton's translation). The whole letter is printed in Jesuits and
Seculars, p. 137.
INTRODUCTION. XXI
Jesuits, made a request to him that, for the sake of peace, some
of the remaining Assistants, who were left to be chosen by Black-
well himself, should be selected from priests of the other side.
He answered that " the most Illustrious Lord Protector had pro-
vided that those who were the authors of war and bickerings with
the Fathers should be removed from all charge and government.
For grapes cannot be gathered of thorns nor figs of thistles."
Upon this, Colleton, after quoting the passage from Cajetaii's
instructions, cited by Father Gerard, thus comments : " Now we
appeal to the judgment of the wise whether these things do not
seem (and this was all that we said) to bewray partiality in the
choice of the Archpriest and his counsellors. Or whether the con-
tention now on foot among us (and for appeasing whereof the
Subordination is said to be instituted) being betwixt the Jesuits
and the Secular Priests, were like by this choice to take an happy
or a peaceable end, when the Superior appointed had before so
engaged himself in the false praises of the one side, and alike
untruly derogated from the deserts of the other : when all the
Assistants must be of the Jesuits party, and none for us whom
they impugned : when father Garnet, our capital adversary, by
express order must be called to consultation in all matters of
moment, and nothing pass without his advice: when his calling
also to consultation must be holden for a supreme benefit and
furtherance of matters, and for a greater increase of order, light,
peace, and the glory of God ; and yet admitting of any of our side
to the same consultation must be deemed as little consonant to
peace and reason as for men to seek grapes upon thorns or figs
upon thistles " (p. 175).
If the fears and suspicions here expressed were unfounded, some
evidence would be forthcoming that Blackwell, while these instruc-
tions were in force, acted on occasions independently of Garnet or
of Jesuit influence, or that his conduct towards the Appellants —
conduct now commonly censured as ill-judged and tyrannical —
met with the disapproval of his Jesuit advisers. This is far from
XXII INTRODUCTION.
being the case. The public Appeal to Rome signed by the Thirty-
three priests, and addressed in form to Blackwell himself, puts the
Jesuits in front of their indictment. " Very many," it begins,
"and most unworthy are those things which for these two years
past we have endured at the hands of the Fathers of the Society of
Jesus and of your Reverence both approving and multiplying the
injuries done." The charge is, in effect, that the injuries com-
plained of were initiated by the Jesuits, and that Blackwell
throughout defended, supported and carried them out. That this
complaint was not made without ground is, I think, clear.
The first grievance stated in the Appeal is the dissemination
by the Jesuit Lister of a violent denunciation of the Appel-
lants as guilty of schism, and Blackwell's approval of the treatise.
This Adversus Fadiosos was a counterblast to the equally offensive
and violent memorial against the Jesuits similarly disseminated in
manuscript some years earlier by the firebrands of the opposite
side. The first act of the Appellants on receiving this document
was to write to Blackwell asking if he approved it. His curt
answer was, " I allow of the said discourse." They then requested
him to revoke it. He replied that the request was unreasonable.
u because the medicine ought not to be removed before the sore be
thoroughly cured" (April 1599). Father Gerard admits that this
treatise which the Archpriest thus " formally approved and the
Pope condemned," was " indefensible." But did the Archpriest.
on so grave an occasion, fail to take counsel of the Jesuit Superior
whose subject was causing such a turmoil ? or did Garnet, on his
own account, disavow the treatise or give any sign of disapproval ?
On the contrary, the latter wrote to Colleton, " Ye have in the judg-
ment of the learned incurred the most shameful note of schism."
Colleton then complained to Blackwell of the language of both
Lister and Garnet, and got for his answer, " You ought for their
writings and admonitions to have thanked them in a dutiful and
humble manner." An unpleasant colour is given to the complicity
of Garnet in this matter by a private letter written by him to the
INTRODUCTION, XXI 11
General of the Society, which suggests to Father Gerard (as if in
some palliation of Lister's act) that Lister's brain was affected.
The fact is, that in 1597, Garnet had written to the General that
he was in great trouble and anxiety how to deal with Lister,
" whose every disorder (morbus) proceeds not so much from
infirmity of brain as from perturbation and levity of mind." Yet
in the following year the production of this intemperate and fickle
character is referred to by Garnet himself as the "judgment of
the learned."
The second grievance of the Appellants is what Father
Gerard terms Blackwell's " extraordinary lack of judgment "
and " ill-advised severity " in insisting that his opponents should
acknowledge themselves to have been guilty of schism and
do penance after they had submitted to the papal decision and
surrendered to the Archpriest's authority. But, again, was this
Blackwell's own unprompted judgment ? He announced it in
these terms : " We have received a resolution from our Mother
City that the refusers of the appointed authority were schismatics ;
and surely I would not give absolution to any that should make
no conscience thereof," etc. The authors of the Appeal and their
friends declare that, when pressed T Black well admitted that this
resolution came from Father Tichbourn or Father Walford, Jesuits
residing at Kome. " Yet," add the Appellants, " your reverence
did so propose and grace the same, as many then did and yet do
believe, that the said resolution came as a definitive sentence from
the see apostolic." Garnet in England cannot be made responsible
for the indiscretions of Jesuits in Rome, but unless there was little
unity or discipline among his own subjects it may be presumed
that he approved, as Blackwell certainly did, the assertion of
Father Jones, a theologian of the Society, who now went a step
further than Lister in declaring that all who defended the mal-
contents from the charge of schism would themselves fall under
the censures of the Church.
Blackwell, then, cannot fairly be made the scapegoat of the
XXIV INTRODUCTION.
contending parties. It is impossible to dissociate his conduct from
that of his Jesuit advisers. He was severely reprimanded by the
Pope, for he was ultimately responsible, as the immediate superior
of the Appellants ; but the Cardinals who tried the case, in the
report which formed the basis of the Brief, charitably excuse him,
" inasmuch as he was not learned in the law, and because it is
probable that he acted for the most part by the counsel of others."
When there was question at Rome of abrogating the clause, the
Archpriest's agents, in a Memorial drawn up by Parsons, made a
show, on behalf of the Jesuits, of generously abandoning it. The
Fathers, it is said, never possessed or desired a particle of juris-
diction or power over the secular clergy, and if this single clause
in Cajetan's instructions, concerning which the Appellants are so
vindictively agitating, appears to present any inconvenience, his
Holiness can easily determine as seems good to him. But
presently, when the removal of the clause was imminent, another
Memorial went up from the same quarter, pointing out two evils
which must result. First, it would be a slur upon the Fathers,
both in the eyes of Catholics and of heretics. Secondly, the
carrying out of the Arehpriest's office would be rendered in many
cases impossible. Very forcibly it is urged that the Archpriest
cannot procure residences and maintenance for priests sent into
England by the Jesuits, " who govern the seminaries," unless he
obtains information from the Fathers regarding them ; nor can
he in England in any way provide for the same clergy except by
the care, industry and charity of the same Fathers.* If the clause
is removed all this special business of the Fathers, built up with
• This was indeed the case. The few English Fathers, backed by the resources
of a powerful Society, with extraordinary energy and daring, and with the com-
mand of the purses of rich laymen, had supported and built up the mission
on the foundations laid by Allen. They were making themselves well-nigh
indispensable. They held a number of the clergy in the hollow of their hands.
It was an abnormal state of things. Reaction and revolt, even apart from the
political quarrel, were inevitable. The Jesuits were naturally tenacious of their
hardly-won position and power, and the seculars as naturally tenacious of their
liberty and independence.
1NTKODUCTION. XXV
much risk and labour, must fall to the ground, and result in irre-
parable mischief. In a letter written chiefly in cypher to Garnet
in August, before the publication of the Brief, Parsons wrote :
" As for the clause 450, 39, &c., it must stand for the present;
otherwise there would be 110 peace : after, when inconveniences are
proved, they may be represented by means of 266, who, with help
of 255, may procure sufficient remedy." At the last moment
Blackwell's procurators in vain suggested to the Pope that it should
be set down in the Brief, at least by way of parenthesis, that the
Jesuits had themselves petitioned that the clause should be
removed.* The Pope, however, allowed it to be stated that the
Fathers approved of the alteration. It maybe well here to give
the exact terms of the paragraph in the Brief dealing with the
question : —
" Atque ut tu [Blackwell] sine ulla cujusquam offensione, ac
majore cum animorum quiete, et omnium pace et concordia, officio
tuo fungaris, authoritate apostolica, tenore presentium, tibi in
virtute sanctse obedientiae mandamus, ut nulla negotia ad officium
tuum spectantia expedias, communices, aut tractes cum provinciali
societatis Jesu, vel aliis religiosis ejusdem societatis in Anglia
existentibus ; ne scilicet novas discordise et contentionis inter eos et
presbyteros appellantes occasio prasbeatur ; ac propterea instruc-
tionemtibi a dicto Henrico Cardinale Cajetano, super hac re traditam,
pari authoritate per presentes penitus tollimus et abrogamus.
Insuper tibi prascipimus ne de ecclesiee Anglicanae administratione
et regimine, vel de rebus ad dictum regimen et officium tuum
pertinentibus, per literas, vel interpositam personam, vel alio
quovis modo cum religiosis ejusdem societatis in Romana curia,
vel alibi ubicunque commorantibus agas ; sed omnia ad nos, et
Romanum pontificem, aut ad protectorem pro tempore existentem
referas. Non quod nos aliquid sinistri aut mali de iisdem
religiosis suspicamur, quos scimus sincere pietatis zelo duci, et quse
Dei sunt vere quaerere ; sed quod pro pace et quiete inter catholicos
• Tierney, iii. clxxxii., quoting from the Gradwell MSS.
XXVI INTRODUCTION.
in eo regno tuenda sic convenire judicamus : quodetiidem religiosi
societatis verum esse, atque expedire censuerunt."
The Brief, then, was clear and explicit. The clause in the
instructions given to Blackwell by Cardinal Cajetan was utterly
annulled and abrogated. Moreover, the Archpriest, to whom the
Brief was addressed, was prohibited in future from treating of the
government or administration of the English Church, or of affairs
connected with his office, either by letter or by personal inter-
mediaries, or in any way whatever, with the Fathers of the Society
residing in Rome or elsewhere. All such matters were to be
referred directly to the Pope or the Cardinal Protector.
With the publication of this decree the first chapter in the
history of the clause comes to an end, and the documents in the
Petyt Collection carry us no further. But for the more complete
justification of the summary presented in the first volume, and
censured by my critic as a caricature, I may be permitted to
briefly touch upon the sequel, as it is recorded by Tierney and
supported by the documents printed in his fifth volume, to which
the curious reader must go for further particulars.
In October 1603, twelve months after the Brief appeared,
Blackwell wrote to the Protector, Cardinal Farnese, with the
object of obtaining a reversal of the decree ; and it is significant
that his letter was sealed with the seal of the secretary of the
Society, and its address was in the handwriting of Parsons himself.
The text of this letter I have not seen. The statement is made on
the authority of Tierney (v. 15), who had the letter in his hands.
Other communications seem to have passed with a view of mini-
mising the purport of the prohibition if it could not be entirely
cancelled. Farnese, on Feb. 10, 1607, sends to Blackwell the
Pope's interpretation of the Brief. "His Holiness wished me to
declare that the clause .... must be understood in this sense,
that it may be lawful for the Archpriest to confer with the
Fathers freely for his own help and consolation on matters which
relate to the Catholic religion itself, to cases of conscience
INTRODUCTION. XXV11
and to spiritual affairs, but not on the government of his subjects,
and of politics or affairs of state " [De gubernatione vero vestrorum
subditorum et de rebus politicis vel status, ut aiunt, domination!
vestrae licitum non erit quidquam cum ipsis patribus impertiri],
On Feb. 1 of the following year Blackwell, having been
deposed for his approval of the oath of allegiance, was succeeded
by Birkhead. The new Archpriest was, like his predecessor, a friend
of the Jesuits, but unlike Blackwell was of a mild and conciliatory
disposition, and apparently timid. He shrank from the burden
imposed on him, and wrote at once to Parsons to help to relieve
him of it. Parsons replied that it was impossible. " You must
think God has chosen you to bear the brunt; and there is no
remedy but to put your shoulders under it " (May 18, 1608). The
clergy, taken by surprise, once more suspected intrigue in the
appointment, and their first impulse was again to appeal to Rome.
Their leaders, however, more prudently feared to raise fresh
quarrels, and advised more peaceful measures. They approached
Birkhead himself and solicited from him an answer to three
questions. First, would he promise religiously to observe the
Brief of Clement, forbidding him to consult the Jesuits in the
government of the clergy ? Secondly, would he choose his Assist-
ants, as occasion offered, from among the graver priests ? And,
lastly, would he, as their pastor or father, promote their interests
and welfare, and not strive to erect other edifices upon their ruin ?
The tables are, indeed, curiously turned. A request from the
former malcontents that their superior should obey the Pope's
commands reads like cruel irony. Yet Birkhead meekly gave his
promise on all points in verbo sacerdotis, and the priests on their
side as solemnly promised obedience.
But presently, feeling the isolation and helplessness of his
position, and perhaps conscious that he had not won the full con-
fidence of the ablest and most influential of his clergy, or fearing
to provoke the passive obstruction of the Society if he threw himself
into the arms of the Appellant party, the new Archpriest yearned for
XXV111 INTRODUCTION.
the support of the strong arm of his friend at Rome. In the teeth,
then, of the papal prohibition, which he had promised faithfully to
observe, he wrote to Parsons expressing a desire to treat with the
Fathers on clerical affairs — a desire which he afterwards admitted
was most displeasing to the greater part of his clergy — and suggesting
a scruple, whether the prohibition in the Brief which bound his pre-
decessor was equally obligatory upon himself. He was beginning
to treat the Brief as the Appellants had been accused of treating
the Letters of Cajetan. If his scruple had some ground — for the
Brief in terms was addressed to Blackwell personally — it was a
question which should have been referred for solution directly to the
Pope or the Protector. Parsons replied as might be expected. He
was profuse in his expressions of personal attachment to Birkhead,
promised to put the question at the first opportunity to the Pope,
and meanwhile assured the Archpriest that by consulting the
Fathers on the affairs of his office he would not be acting in oppo-
sition to the intentions of the late Pope Clement, nor to the wishes
of the present Pope Paul V. He furthermore promised Birkhead
the support of the Society if he on his side would adhere to them.
These facts are derived from Birkhead's own candid account of the
matter given to the Vice Protector, Cardinal Bianchetti, December
6, 1610. In one letter written to Birkhead, August 21, 1G08,
Parsons, with amazing perversity, referred to the interpretation
of Farnese above quoted, saying : " Paul explained his meaning to
be, and this by Card. Farnesius to Mr. Blackwell, as I suppose you
have heard, that the prohibition was to be understood only of
treating together matters of state or that might justly offend the
state." As Parsons can hardly have supposed that Birkhead
would not know this to be false, the statement may be meant to
suggest a common line of defence. In any case, a regular corre-
spondence was resumed. The clergy remonstrated. The old
grievances returned ; and it appears that Mush was drawing no
caricature of the state of things when he wrote to Card. Arrigoni
(Jan. 30, 1609), that Parsons had ordered the Archpriest to send
INTRODUCTION. XXIX
all letters destined for his Holiness or the Protector, unsealed and
open, to himself or his Fitzherbert, " as a little boy would to his
schoolmaster."
But such a gross violation of the papal decrees became in
time an intolerable burden upon the conscience of Birkhead.
Parsons's assurances remained unconfirmed by the Pope or
anyone else. The Archpriest accordingly changed his tactics,
assembled his own clergy, selected from among them the principal
Appellants as his Assistants, ascertained the general wish for
episcopal government, and consented to unite with them for the
purpose of obtaining it. Birkhead still wished to entrust the
negotiation to Parsons and Fitzherbert. The clergy were dis-
satisfied with such an arrangement. It was remembered that in
1606 Dr. Champney and Dr. Cecil had gone to Rome, carrying
the names of some seventy priests soliciting bishops, and had been
thwarted by Parsons, who denounced them as the enemies of
religion, and petitioned that Cecil at least should be seized and
put on his trial. They, therefore, naturally distrusted Parsons.
The matter was compromised by the mission of Dr. Richard
Smith, afterwards bishop of Chalcedon, and Thomas More, with
instructions to consult and co-operate with Father Parsons. The
first object of their embassy was to obtain a final decision of the Pope
regarding the controverted right of the Archpriest to communicate
with the Jesuits on the government of the clergy, a decision which
Parsons had already (as we have seen) promised Birkhead to obtain.
After some fresh difficulties, now made by Parsons, were
overcome, Smith had audience of the Pope on May 24, 1609.
He presented a memorial requesting to know how far the clause
in Clement's Brief, which forbade the Archpriest Blackwell to hold
official intercourse, with the Fathers of the Society, was binding on
his successor. The reply was prompt and decisive. Blackw ell's
successors were equally included in the prohibition ; and Cardinal
Bianchetti was instructed officially to communicate the decision
to Birkhead. The Archpriest, at last completely converted to the
XXX INTRODUCTION.
views of the majority of his clergy, welcomed the " joyful news "
and wrote a circular to his Assistants exhorting them to peace, and
to courteous behaviour towards the Fathers, " now that our govern-
ment is by his Holiness so resolutely devolved upon ourselves."
Thus the fierce controversy, raised in 1598 by the famous clause,
terminated after a struggle of eleven years. From the point of
view of the secular priests Birkhead's triumphant exclamation
puts the matter in a nutshell. They were fighting for legitimate
self-government, which in their opinion, in that of their new Arch-
priest, and, as it seems, in that of the Pope also, had been im-
perilled by the injudicious and ill-fated sentence in Cajetan's
instructions.
One word on the question of the number of Appellant priests.
However strong or numerous was the party antagonistic to
the Jesuit schemes before the appointment of the Archpriest, it
was only to be expected that comparatively few, after that event,
would dare to proclaim themselves openly on the side of the
Appellants, and so run the risks of suspension, loss of residence,
and loss of means of subsistence. Those of the party who came to
the front were either men of high courage and strong character, or
prisoners who had little to fear or little to lose, and possibly some-
thing to gain. But there were clearly many more than the thirty-
three signatories of the Appeal who secretly adhered to its princi-
ples. Abroad, many independent and learned doctors sided with the
Appellants ; and Fathers Parsons and Cresswell even attribute the
movement which originated the Benedictine mission to sympathy
with their opponents. After the publication of the Brief of 1602
and the partial triumph of the Appellants, inasmuch as they were
judicially freed from the odious charge of schism and their chiefs
given a place among the Assistants of the Archpriest in the
government of the mission, the mass of the clergy was more or less
animated with the principles and policy which distinguished
Bishop and Colleton, Mush and Champney, or the martyrs Robert
Drury and Roger Cadwallador. We have seen Birkhead ad-
INTRODUCTION. XXXI
mitting that his desire to re-open communication with the Jesuits
on ecclesiastical affairs was opposed to the wishes of " the
greater part of the priests " ; and the general tendency and habit of
mind which had marked the Appellants now became characteristic
of the secular clergy in England, as a whole, for the next two
centuries.
I have in conclusion, to record my special thanks to Professor
Kirkpatrick, Mr. Archibald Constable, and, as before, to the Rev.
W. E. Addis for very substantial aid in correcting proofs and
in suggesting the interpretation or emendation of obscure passages
in the original documents.
THE ARCHPEIEST CONTROVERSY.
I.
THEEE ENGLISH NAKKATIVES.
1. Mush's Dicvry. 54> f 190.
A charte of their affayres in Rome. Mr. Mushe.
A°.D. 1602.
Mr. D. Ce\cU~\ Mr. Blu[et] Mr. Mu[sh~\ Mr. Cham^pney],
FEB.
The 14. being Thursday we arrived in Rome, alia Spada.
The 15. we entred into Dusana at 10 A a by mounthe. The
Frenche Embas.b sent vs word that he had direction from his K.
to protect vs, & so he would but willed vs to kepe secret 6 or 7
daies, till he received other letters, wch he dayly expected. Ca. Do.0
sent vs word that he also would assist vs in what he could, yett
willed, we should kepe in for a few dayes. And to present orselues
• Ducats or crowns.
b Philippe de Bethune, brother of the Duke of Sully. He had been sent on an
Embassy to Scotland by Henri IV. in the summer of 1599, and came to Rome in
1601.
c D'Ossat, misspelled in this document " Dossacke " or " Dosake," sometime
agent for Henri IV. at Rome, created cardinal in 1598.
VOL. II. B
2 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY. [FEB. 16
first to the Protect-or a & Viceprotector least by omitting that
ordinarie course, we should make them or Eniraies.
The 16. like word & comforth was brought from the Emb. &
Ca. D[ossat]. The Embas. sent vs word to prouide for audience
against Friday or Saterday in Shrove weeke.
The 20. wch was Ashe Wed. in the morning we went to Chiesa
nova, ther Mr Mushe mett we Mr Baynes who caried first the
newes of or arryval to Fa. Parsons.
2. Father Botius b was verie frendly & comfortable.
3- After dinner we went to visite the Franche Embaso, and found
that order was sent him from his Kinge to protect vs. He was
verie frendly.
4. Next we went to visite Card. Farnesius Protector: who was not
well. & so we could not speake w* him.
5. Thence we went to Card. Burgesius Viceprotector. in the way
we mett w* Fa: Parsons & D. Haddocke & Baynes all in a coche,
they had been at Card. Burges. before vs. We found this Card,
frendly in wordes & promises. He condemned or disobedience to
the Archep*. cleared vs of schisme.
6. Thence we went to the Inquisition where we found the Commis-
sarie verie frendly. he found greate fault w* certaine Jnglishe
bookes printed in England wch had bene deliuered him. conteynyng
much bad matter, thes were laid to or charge by him. as before
by Card. Burges. but we disclamed from them as in truthe we
were not priuie to the making or divulging of them, nor did knowe
the auther or what they conteyned. the 2 Latin bookes we stood
too. & the Commissarie commended them.
The 21. we returned to visite Card. Farnesius who would not be
seene but sent vs word to repaire to Card. Burgesius if we had any
*• Odoardo Farnese, son of the Prince of Parma, succeeded Cajetan as Cardinal
Protector of England. Card. Camillo Borghese (Burgesius), afterwards Pope Paul
V., was appointed Vice-Protector.
b Tomaso Bozio of the Oratory, author of the DC Signis Ecclesia (Colon. 1592),
a section of which work (lib. xii. cap. 22) is devoted to the persecution of English
Catholics under Elizabeth, and contains a list of the martyrs.
FKB. 24] MUSH'S DIARY. 3
matter to imparte. after 4 or 5 daies he should be at leasure &
then we should returne againe if we had need to speake w1 him.
This we iudged at the first to precede from the Spanishe Embas.
whom Fa. Pars, had sent to him the night before when he could
not haue audience him selfe. [but we found after that it was by
reason of his sickness, for Card. Bel[larmin] and others could not
haue audience.] a
We visited Card. Dosacke who interteyned vs w* all frendlyness. 2.
The 22. we visited Card. Boneviso,b who interteyned vs kindly. &
willed vs to go to the College to Fa. Parsons, Also to vse Fa:
Pars: well & frendly in respect of his manifould good dedes he
had done for or countrie.
We returned to Card. Burges. who used vs frendly & tould us 2.
he had signified to his Ho: or arrival & how we desired audience,
who answered we should haue audience willingly.
The Franche Embas. had audience, tould also his Ho: of or being 3.
in Rome, and desire to haue audience.
The 23. we went to know of the French Embas. what answere
the Pope gaue him touching vs. but he was not at home. Then
we went to Card. Burges. to desire him to deferr to speake to his
Hoi: for or audience, bycause we hoped to haue audience by the
Frenche Emlj. meanes.
The 24. we repaired againe to the Fr. Emb. to knowe his Ho:
answere. He tould vs, that when he rehearsed to his Ho: how his
King had written to him in or behaulfe & to assist & protect vs.
his Ho: answered he knew so muche before.
Againe when he desired that we might be hard, his Ho: answered 2.
we should, & he would heare vs him selfe. He asked what we
were, & how we came out of Ingland. And found fault w4 bookes
published. He answered for thes particulars he knewe litle but it
was certaine his King had good & sufficient information of us
before he so recommendid vs.
• These words were inserted after the paragraph was written.
b Bonviso Buonvisi of Lucca.
B 2
4 THE AHCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY. [FEB. 25
His Ho: said he hard we were contentious and troublesome.
He answered that if it pleased his Ho: to heare & to examine
all, or adversaries would be found guiltie of those crimes, & we
to seeke nothing but pease here, etc.
3. We went to Card. Dosacke to certifie him what we had done the
dales before, who gaue vs good comforte.
The 25. we visited Card. Farnesius, who curteously receyved us
and promised all fauoure & furtherance in the causes for or countries
good. He willed us to repaire to Card. Burg.
The 26. we were w* Fa. Bozzius, and w* him we found Father
Walpoole come out of Spaine, conferring wl him against vs and
or affaires.
The 27. we were w* the French Embas. to knowe when we
might meet w* Seraphin,* & to consult how to procede. Fa.
Parsons had been w* him in the mornyng but was denied audience
vntil [the] next day.
The 28. we went to the Fren: Embas. who tould vs that Fa.
Parsons had bene w* him, & accused vs to be factious, & seditious,
to deale in matters of suite for heretikes, that the priestes were
more exclamed against to be bad men, in the Parlament, than the
Jesuits, that we were few in number : wfc a 1000 other slanders &
calumnies, but he answered him not to his pay.
This day Mr Blu. separated him selfe from dealing and impart-
ing his affaires & consels w* vs 3. Mr D. Ce. Mr M. & Mr Ch.
& joyned him selfe w* D. Peres.b
Doc. Peres denied vs or letter of Fa. Parsons to Fa. Holt from
Genua touching staite matters. wch we had lent him the weeke
before to take a copie of, & to translate.
• Seraphin Olivier, Dean of the Rota, Patriarch of Alexandria, raised to the
Cardinalate 17 September, 1603.
b Dr. William Percy (Pearse or Persens) was ordained priest at Douai in 1578,
and afterwards resided chiefly in Paris or Brussels. He, with Dr. Stapleton, was
requested by Cardinal Cajetan to advise the Nuncio at Brussels regarding English
affairs in 1598 (Douay Diaries, pp. 368, 374, 400). He seems now to have
belonged to the household of the French ambassador at Rome. See his letters
infra.
MAH. 5j MUSH'S DIARY. 5
This Doctor we found now, verie headye & contentious and
redy to faule out w* vs 3. at every word or occasion, & drawyng
Mr Bluet from vs to him selfe. that they two might deale alone in
affaires w* out or knowledge, &c.
MARCHE.
The 1. being Friday the Fran. Embas. had audience ordinarie ;
w* him to the palace went D. Peres & Mr Bluet, w*out or priuitie.
At night D. Peres came, & willed vs all to come the next day after
dynner to his chamber, for he must bring vs to the Franc. Emb.
by his direction.
The 2. we carried or speache to the Embas. or audience was
procured to be on Mounday after dynner. 4. March.
The 3. we received the speache againe and the Embas. aduise.
who as a father was careful for vs. We received a letter from
Mr Hil. of ye 12. of Feb. & one from Mr Ed. B[ennet] of the
21. Decem.
The 4. we found Fa: Pars, w* Fa: Thomas Bozzius. but saw him
not. as also Walpole a & bene wk him before. & Sweet & others.
The 4. b we went to the Palace to have audience but it being the
publike audience for the Signatura we were disapoin[ted], there
we mett Fa. Pars. & Fa. Smith, he marveled we were so strang as
not to come to the Colledg, nor to conuerse familiarly w* him &
others on his side. He said he was glad of or commyng to Rome
for now all would be ended, the proctors of the Archep* were in
Flanders comming to Rome.
The 5.c we went to Card. Dosake shewed him or speache.
whether Fa: Pars. & Fa: Smith came & attended the end of or
audience & then staed w* the Card. 2 houres. tho the Card, sent
him word [to co]me an other tyme.
• father Richard Walpole, the hero of the fictitious " Squier's Plot," now
Parsons' secretary at Rome, and afterwards rector of the seminaries of Seville and
Valladolid. Jessopp's One Generation of a Norfolk House, p. 289, sec[.
b 5 originally, but altered. c G originally.
(5 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY. [MA*. 7
The 5.a we had audience before his Hoi. at 22. the space of an
houre. He answered to all the poyntes of or speache, said he had
hard verie manye euyl things against vs, as that we had sett out
bookes contenyng heresies, that we came to defend heretikes
against his authoritie, in that he might not depose heretical
princes &c. that we came sent by Heretikes vpon their cost, that
we were not obedient to the Sea Apostolike & the Arche p* con-
stituted by him. for a tolleration or libertie of conscience in Eng-
land, it would do harme and make Catholikes become heretikes,
that persecution was profitable to the Churche & therfore not to
be so muche laboured for to be auerted or staied by tolleration,b . . .
offendid that we named hir Queene whome the Sea Apostolike
had deposed & excommunicated. So that we knewe not how to
name hir. for confessions we had hard, & the scruples of conscience
rising thervpon, it was no matter he said, if we were Heretikes.
he asked what reasons we had to refuse the Archep*. Our pro-
testation of obedience to him, he cauled verba, & parole, all we
proposed seemed to dislike him, he said or reasons & matters
should be hard, & examined, by Card. Burgesius & Card. Arri-
gonius. commandid vs to imparte or affaires to no mo Cardinals
but to them two.
3. We returned to the Embas. related to him, he comforted vs,
willed vs to sett downe in a paper for his memorie, what we
demandid, he would deale wl his Ho: to have some favorable
Card, or indifferent joyned with these two.
The 7. we returned to him wfc our demandes, he said he
could not move his Ho: to remove Card. Burg. & Arrig. but
would do what he could to have some indifferent joined w*
them, as he should find his Ho: disposed, bycause his K. had
not written expresly to him to vndertake our affaires as his,
he could not deale openly & shewe him selfe to stand for vs,
as otherwise he would, willed us to solicite w* the K. that he
* 6 erased.
b About a dozen words have been struck out here, apparently by the writer himself.
MAK. 10] MUSH'S DIARY. 7
might be cornmandid more. & to procure that they of England
might, tho in secrete manner or insinuation, move the K. to
further or causes, this would helpe muche. wherby we per-
ceived that or helpes by France were not so effectuall as we
hoped & were borne in hand. We visited Card. Burgesius.
The 8. we hard that Fa: Parsons reported that the Frenche
Embas. beganne to forsake vs. wCl1 we could se no ground of.
We went to visite Card. Burgesius & Card. Arrigo[nius,] who
gave vs good wordes. said they had hard nothing from his
Hoi. touching or affaires, for he was sick of the chiragra.
The 14. we went to Card. Burges. & Arrigon. to knowe if
they had received any order from his Hoi. touching the depu-
tation for or affaires. They had not spoken w* him nor hard
any thing, for his Ho. was still sicke. All thes 7 or 8 daies
Mr M[ush] & Mr Champ[ney] were sicke of the catarr. This 14.
Mr M. went to visite Card. Bellermine who was said to be offendid
w* them, by their aduersaries calumnies. He could not be spoken
w4 then, bat desired [us] to come tow daies after. We deliuered
to Card. Burg. & Arrogon or tow Latine Bookes, & a supplica-
tion that whosoeuer would obiect any thing against vs might
do yt in writing subsined w* their names, or els we might not
be charged to answere it. We first met Mr Haddocke at Card.
Burg, house.
The 15. we returned to them to knowe what order his Ho:
had given about or affaires, they said he had commandid them
to heare what we would say, & propose. And willed also that
whatsoeuer should be brought against vs to answere, should be
in writing. & this Card. Burg, said he would send to Fa:
Pars, that night that he might sett downe all in writing. But
said his Hoi. would not there should be any subscribing of names
to any thing we should make answere to. or to be obiected.
The 16. we went to Card. Arrigon. he tould vs the same.
Also to the lord Embas. to desire him to remember vs in
his audience that day w* his Ho: & to knowe his pleasure of
8 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY. [MAR. 1?
the restrante he maid that we should not resorte to Cardinals
& imparte or affaires to them.
We visited two Frenche priests or frendes wcb gave vs good
consel. one of them lett vs see the Latine Apollogie Parsons
had maid, but could not lett vs haue it.
The 17. we went to Card. Burges. to knowe what Fa: Pars, had
exhibited against vs. we found nothing.
The 18. we went to the French Embas. & so to visite Card.
Aldobrandino but found him not at home.
The 19 in like sorte, but he was to go to Frescato, & we could
haue no audience.
We were wl Card. Dosake. to lett him see or reasons.
We visited Card. Cinthio. St. Georg.a
The 21. we went to Card. Burges to knowe what Fa: Par. had
exhibited against vs, but he had done nothing, but 2 daies before
had bene w* the Card, to request larger tyme. for he was to collect
things out of manye bookes.
The 22. Mr M. went to visite Card. Belarmine, w* whome he had
longe and frendly conference. He confessed the relation sett in the
Latine booke to the Pope,b aboute his letter to Fa: Pars, to be verie
true, he tooke the two Latten bookes to read.
We visited Card. Dosake, & received backe or reasons, they
liked him.
We were w* the Embas. before he went to audience, of whome
we vnderstood that Druman the Scot c had bene w* him to com-
pleayne as it were of vs, that we were enimies to the King of Scotts.
for so Fa: Pars, assured him we were, and therfore desired the
Embas. not to protect vs. The same had Druman tould Mr Bluet
the day before that Fa: Pars, would perswaid the Scotts that we
were enimies to their King. & the Catholikes in England that we
were all for the King of Scotts.
• " St. Georg " inserted. Cinthio Aldobrandini, cardinal of St. George, nephew
of the Pope.
b Mush's Dcclaratio Motuum. The other " Latin book" was Bagshaw's Rclatio.
• Edward Drummond, then residing at Home as agent of James VI.
MAR. 30] MUSH'S DIARY. 9
The 23. we were w* Card. Aldobrandino who received vs verie
frendly & appointed vs to returne on Monday after dinner wch was
or Ladies Anunciation. We deliuered or Reasons of delay to the
two deputed Cardinals, we related to the Embas. what Card.
Aldobrand: said to vs.
The 24. we went to Card. Burges. touching the controuersie &
the reasons. He said the Archepts & the Jesuits preceding in those
opinions of Schisme & disobedience euer displeased his Ho: & him
selfe. & so Fa: Parsons seemed to dislike it also. And doubted
not but that this controuersy should be spedely decided for vs.
that the Archept shewed him selfe to be impudent, and asked vs if
he were any deuine, for his writing shewed him to be none.
We were w* the Embas. who deliuered vs an annexum to or
reasons from Card. Dos. and willed vs to deliuer it.
The 25. Mr M. went to Card. Bellarmine, who had red the two
bookes, he found fault w* ours for bitterness, but none wfc Mr
Listers treatise, but seemed to excuse it. We went to Card.
Burges. to deliuer the supplication or excuse if any thing should
be in or writine reasons that might offend or be out of vse. He tould
vs nothing could be concludid before Easter for this was Mounday
in Passion Weeke. He tould us Fa: Par: would bring in his
obiections against vs on Thursday next.
The 26. we visited Card. Barronius, who was frendly, but willed
vs to kepe that to or selves.
The 30. we visited Card. Burges. & Arrigonius to knowe what
Parsons had exhibited against vs, but he had not given vp his
matters as yett.
They bothe had redd or reasons, & said they liked them, &
doubted not but this controuersie would be endid shortely to or
contentment, for, said Burges, the Archep' his opynnion euer
displeased his Ho: & the whole Courte here. He tould vs of the
commyng vp of ij assistants, we hard it was Mr Parker, & Mr
Archer.
10 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY. [APRIL 1
APRILL.
The 1. we carried the Embas. or reasons of the Inconveniences
of the subordination, &c.
The 3. we had audience of Aldo. verie frendly.
The 9. we were w* Card. Burges. & Arrigon, they tould vs
that on Thursday next they would relate our controuersy to his
Ho: Card. Burg, said that Schisme rebellion disobedience were
all one per diuersa nomina, Card. Arigone said he saw no dis-
obedience in vs for resisting a Cardinals letter, & doubted not
but to haue the controuersie en did verie shortly, & willed vs to
assure or selues that neither fauour nor rewardes nor Honor &c.
should moue him any thing from doyng Justice.
The 10. we were w* Card. Dosake to giue him bona Pascha. &.
w* the Embas. & thence went to Card. Aldo: of whome we had
frendly audience, yett in euery thing he seemed to excuse Fa:
Parsons, & to make vs thinke that now he had no dealing for the
Infanta.
The 11. being Thursday we were w* Card. Burg, to knowe what
his Ho: had done that day w* them, who tould vs that they were
to deliuer vnto vs his Ho: definition of or controuersy of Schisme
& disobedience, wch they said was this. That his Ho: had defined
& declared all the priests wcb had delaied to admitt the new sub-
ordination before it was confirmed by his Ho. his Breve, to be free
from all Schisme & disobedience in that their delay, & that the
confessiones maid vnto the said priests during that delay were
good, & in no case to be iterated : We desired a Breefe hereof,
they said we should haue it before or departure. Laus Deo.
The 13. Fa: Pars. & his cried out against vs, saying we had
falsified the two Cardinals wordes. & that they had not tould vs
from his Ho: that he had declared vs to be no Schismatikes nor
disobedient. Herevpon we writt our common letter to or Bretheren
in England & carried to boihe the Cardinals to lett them se what
we had written & were to send. Card. Burges. said he saw no
APRIL 15] MUSH'S DIARY. 11
cause but it might be sent as we had written it, for in it was the
effect of his Ho: his wordes & declaration, yett willed vs to shew
an other copye therof to Card. Arigon. as we did, the 14. day. &
said that the next day they would in Consistorie conferr together
& w* his Ho: ther aboute.
The 15. day we came to Card: Burg: who tould vs they had
talked w* his Ho: whose answere was, that we might write so into
England, adding that his Ho: would (touching silence in these
matters) haue his formare Breefe obserued vnder paines therin
conteyned, & this he willed vs to add to our letter, And said
also that his Ho: mynd was (as he had told them that day) that
by his formare breefe, he declared vs to be free from Schis. rebell.
& disob: for or delaye. We went to Card. Arigon by Card. Burges.
command* & of him we received the like answere. wher vpon we
sent our common Lattin letter into England, w* the addition as
they had commandid.* Thes Cardinales were offendid w* vs that
we vrged to haue this declaration in some authentical manner wch
we did the rather for that our aduersaries had said that we had
belied the Cardinals, in sayng they tould vs his Ho: had cleared vs
of all Schisme & disobedience, & vrged the last breefe 10 Aug.
1601. against vs wherin they said his Ho: had condemned vs of
disobedience, the Cardinals litle regard thes things, but said it
sufficed his Ho: had so declared vs, & addid that his Ho: would
haue the foresaid Breefe so to be vnderstoode, as that by it he
intendid to cleare vs of Schisme & disobedience. They were
offendid also w* vs, for that or aduersarie Parsons & his, had tould
them we cried all ouer the Cittye, victoria, victoria. wcb was a
meere calumnie, & so we tould the Card, but they seemed not to
beleeue vs, but Arigone said we on bothe sides were t&rribiles.
Thus Parsons & his endeuoured to make vs odious to all men, by
their false calumnies & lies. And nowe we beganne to hope for
litle good at thes Card: handes, when in so cleare & manifest a
• Printed in Latin and English by Collctou in his Just Defence, p. 291. See
also Brcvis Relatio, infra.
12 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY. [APRIL 17
cause wherin or reasons convinced them we could haue so litle
iustice or fauore.
They tould vs we must come and answere to the bookes before
them by his Ho: command*, we said we were redy when we should
be cauled.
The 17. we caried the Cardinals or Grauamina Archipri, Incom-
moda subordinationis.
The 22 we went to knowe his Ho: answere. but they had not
communicated them w* him. Card. Burghesius willed vs to come
& declare those things viua voce, for he well vnderstoode them not.
& appoynted vs the next day at XX.a We deliuered them the
remidies, or considerations.
The 23. we came & largely discoursed of all, he hard vs frendly,
& desyred vs to write them & the remedies faire for his Ho: to read,
so we did.
The 24. we brought them to Card. Burges. where we found Fa:
Walpoole w* him, who had deliuered him certaine Articles or
propositions drawen out of the Inglishe bookes, wch the Card, redd
to vs, & asked vs what we thought of them, & said it were good
that we answered them. We said we were redy, and so desired
him to tell his Ho: yett we thought Fa: Pars: went about to deceive
vs, & send or answeres to the Q. of England if any way he saw they
might offend hir.
The 27. we went to Card. Burg, to desire him to remember or
affaires w* his Ho: theer we found Mr Walpoole Mr Parker Mr
Archer w1 whome Mr Mu: had a lytle conference of the con-
trouersies.
Thes iij weekes or iiij we founde the Frenshe Embas. nothing
willing that we should haue audience w* Aldobrand. or his Ho:
nor forward in or matters, wch we imputed to the want of direction
from his King, & the ill correspondence we had from or frendes in
Paris. wcb had not as yett answered any one letter we had sent
since we came.
1 i.e. o'clock. Roman reckoning.
MAY 10] MUSH'S DIARY. 13
The 30. we went to Card. Burges. who tould vs MrParson[s] had
put vpp, or the procuratours said he, a memorial that we should
sett our handes to all those we had deliuered to the Cardinals, &
his Ho: And prove the things we said against the Archeprest.
We tould him this was but to protract tyme, & that for setting too
or handes it was needless, for the proof es we would bring them.
He willed vs to come to him the next day being May Day at his
returne from the Congregaon of the Inquisition, where he said he
would appointe w* Card. Arigone when they would meet, touching
the bookes we were to see.
Thus hithertoo or business went slowely forward & nought was
clone.
MAY.
The first we were w* Card. Burges. to knowe what he bad done
w* his Ho: But he had not remembred vs.
The 3. we all went to Card. Burges. wher he & Card. Arigone
were to shewe vs the Englishe bookes, & to knowe our answers to
them. They shewed vs 7 or 8. all in Englishe, vnknowen to vs.
Also manye heretical propositions wch Parsons had drawen out or
the same bookes. We turned the cotations, & found neuer one
truly alleaged nor Heretical. And then the Card. Burges. said, in
dede they ar rather deducted out of thes propositions & bookes.
We answered that it was the fashion of Heretikes to deduct
heretical conclusion out of Holy Scripture. And that it was hard
if thes bookes should be condemned as heretical, vpon Parsons'
information, they hauyng no expreese heresies in them. They
answered we need not doubt of that His Ho: would examine them
before he condemned them.
They gave vs Parsons answere to our considerations, & willed vs
to bring our probations for the Grauamina we had put vp against
the Archep*., for Parsons & the procurators denied them to be tru.
The 10. we deliuered to the Cardinals our probationes of the
Grauamina. And we found Fa: Par. w* them bothe to bring them
14 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY. [MAT 12
commendations from the Duke of Ferrie,a whom Par. had bene to
see at Ciuita veche, as he passed to be Viceroie of Cicilia.
The 12. we received letters from Paris. And the Embasidoure
tould vs he had received more direction from his Kinge to fauoure
vs, &c.
The 17. Parsons went to Ciuita veche wfc the Spanishe Embas:
& Card. Aldobrand. We gave Card. Dosack a copie of or Refuta-
tion of Parsons' Answere. We found the Embas. more frendly.
The 21. Mr Champ, and Mr Mu: went to Card. Burges. to shewe
the originals to the two procurators, touching the proofes of the
grauamina. ther we found the two procuratours & two Jesuits
Walpoole & Owe[n].b We desired the Card: that the Jesuits might
not be present, by cause we had not to do w* them. The Card:
would not exclud them, so that the Card, two Jesuits, 2 procura-
tors, & we two were there. We proued our allegations out of the
originals, they would not acknoweledge Mr Blakwels hand. The
two Jesuits neuer ceased prating & quarreling at euery thing, the
procuratours denied the decrees of suffragies, &c. because we had
them not vnder the Archep* his hand. & vpon euery thing they
made infinite cauils, the Jesuits euer whispering in their eares. We
were muche ashamed to see so greate want of synceritie & honestie
in them, but specially in the two Jesuits & Archer. We came that
day but to the 7 grauamen, for they wrangled so muche & the
Card, was wearied, & to go abrode. And they would not confesse
any thing to be proued.
The 22. we went to Card. Arigone, deliuered him a copie of our
refutations, & tould him what we had done w* Card: Burg. We
offered to shewe him or originals. But he said, it sufficed that we
had shewed them to Card. Burg.
The 27 his Hoi: beganne wfc the chiragra.
* Feria.
b Father Thomas Owen, who succeeded Parsons in 1610 as rector of the English
College at Rome, and prefect of the English mission.
JUNE 24] MUSH's DIARY. 15
JUNE.
The first I was w* Card. Burges: about getting faculties for Mr Podagra.
D. Bisshop & craving pardone for Mr Charnocke, & that he might
be restored to his formar staite. the Card, said he was restored
alredy.
The 12 Mr D. Cic. was w* Card. Arigon. Mr Mu. w* Card:
Burges. & deliuered him a supplication to the Pope for a remem-
brance of iiij principal poyntes of or business. & reasons to remoue
the Archep* & to multiply them &c. Parsons w* Hadocke & the
2 proctours had bene w* him immediately before & deliuered him
20 sheetes written in defence of the grauamina we had put vp &
proued against the Archep*, when they denied them to be tru.
now they defendid them. The Card1, said their should be no more
writing, & so deliuered not to vs thos writings.
The 17. D. Cecil was wk his Hoi: and had fauorable audience.
The 19. Card: Burges. tould vs that the Pope had appoynted
Tewisday the morrow after S*. Jo: Bap: for dispatche of our
business.
The 20. Mr Parker talke wfc Mr Mushe long in Chesa nova a : &
would haue perswaidid him to haue secrett conference w* Fa: Parson,
but Mr M. refused.
The 20 Mr Mu. goyng to the Embas: he lett him se a letter in
Frenche from the Frenche Embas. in England wher he writt that
the Q. willed him in England to thank him in Rome from hir for his
good offices in or affaires.
24. S* Jo. Baptists day Mr M. deliuered Card. Arigon Eatiores
contra Archipres. & cetera. He said the reasons against the per-
petuitie of superiours in England was optima ratio. The same day
Mr M. deliuered the same to Card. Burg, who emong many other
things [said] that they of Fa: Pars, parte had bene w* him & tould
him of the conference Mr M: and Mr Parker had. He asked if no
way could be found to accord all emong or selves. He said Fa:
Pars, spake verie well of Mr M. but not so of the rest.
" Chiesa Nuova, the church of the Oratory of St. Philip Neri.
10 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY. [JuxE 25
25. Tewisday the Card, had not audience.
The 26. Mr Mu. was w* Card. Burges. before he went to the
Consistorie. the Card, tould him they had no intimation the day
before, but he would speake w4 the Pope's Mr de Camera that day.
The 27. Card. Burg, tould Mr M. that his Holiness had com-
mitted or cause touching the Archep* & gouernement to the congre-
gation of the Card13 of the Inquisition, wherof Burg. & Arigon were
two, Penella, Ascola, Sfondrato, & Auila other 4.a He willed we
should go & informe them 4, and he would send them our
writings. Thus we were after 5 mounthes to beginne againe.
How this came about we knowe not. by Parso[ns] or others of
the Spanishe faction.
At Card. Burg. Mr M. mett w* Parsons & had a few wordes w*
him.
The 28. the Embasidour tould vs what he said to his Ho: about
the committing of our cause to the Card, of the Inquis: & what his
Hoi: answered. wch satisfied vs not a litle, His Ho: will was that
Mr D. Cecil should go to the Card., & informe them as he had done
him before.
The 30. Mr Cecils & Mr M. visited Card: Penella & Card. Ascula.
Penella was verie inquisitiue from whence we came, who sent vs, if
any of us had bene of the Rom. Col., how many priests were w* vs
in England, said we should haue obeyed the Archep* after we
knewe him to be instituted by his Ho: tould vs of the Englishe
bookes sett out, he said by some of our side, conteynyng heresies,
asked if Fa: Parsons were aliue, avoed that Fa: Parsons knewe not
of the Archepts making, this he protested : we answered to all, yett
would not tell him how Card. Burg, had said to Mr M. & Mr
Champ, that he would wittness that the Archep* was maid wholy
at Fa: Parsons instance. He willed vs to thinke vpon some course
for peace. & promised to do for vs what he could. Card. Ascula
• Dominico Pinelli, Bishop of Fermo ; Geronimo Bernier, Ord. Freed., Bishop of
Ascoli, commonly called Cardinalis Asculanus ; Paolo E. Sfondrati, nephew of
Gregory XIV., and Francesco G. d'Avila, a Spaniard.
ULY 8] MUSH'S DIARY. 17
said he vnderstood nothing of or matters, nor as yett had received
our writings. Card. Burg, had sent them to Card. Penella, in
whose handes they still rested, he would do for us what he could.
JULY.
The first we all visited Card. Sfondrato. he tould vs he had but
euen then receyved the writings from Card. Ascula. promised vs
all the fauoure he could.
We then visited Card. Auila. who desyred us to lett him vnder-
stand the Controuersies from the beginnyng. We promised him
our bookes. he was frendly to vs. Tho. Fite. & Archer we
found w* Auila.
Mr M. was w* the Cornmissarie of the inquisition.
The 2. Mr M. & Mr Ch. were w* Card. Ascula, who vrged them
w* the Englishe bookes conteynyng heresies, yett after conferred
frendly. and promised what he could do.
The same day Mr Blu. & they were w1 Car: Penella. wher they Pinelli.
found Fa: Parsons. He had sent Tho. Fitzherbert & Archer round
about to the 4 Cardles to informe them. Penel. vrged againe the
Englishe booke[s] & the familiaritie of ors w* the Consell a ; that
we should have gone to the Archep* in or grauamina. & if he
would not heare va, then to come humbly to his Ho: all wch we had
done, he reproued Mr M. for sayng pro pace ecclesiae nostrae, etc.
He said he would make vs a dinner & inuite also Fa: Par: that we
might agree, we thanked him, but refused to haue any dealing w*
Fa: Pars.
The 3. Mr M. was w* the Embas: who offered to giue vs monye.
The 4. Mr Cec. Mr Bluet & Mr M. were w* Card. Sfondrato. he
obiected manye things, but specially the Englishe bookes, the
familaritie w* the magistrates, & or Htle number, he condemned
that Parsons or any should deale in matters of staite, & that we
would not obey the Card. Caiet. letters. &c.
The 8. M1' M. was w* Card. Penella where he found Fa: Pars:
» i.e. Privy Council.
VOL. II. C
18 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY. [JULY 9
the Card, said to Mr M. that he greately mislyked that some of
ours should haue familiaritie w* the heretical magistrates in
England. And that we sought for the King of France his pro-
tection in commyng to the sea Apostolike. Mr M. tould him the
reasons of bothe the sending of Swire out of Spaine, & the ill
vsage of Mr Bisshop &c.
The 10 Mr M. was w* Car. B urges, deliuered him the Antithesis
& the memorial for prouision.
The 11 he went to know answere of the memorial, the Card,
tould him he had deliuered it, & that his Ho: would prouide for vs.
& end the matters shortely.
The 12 Mr M. was w* Penella. who required to have an other
copy of the Antithesis. And said that vpon the 16 or 17 the
Cai'dles should meete aboute our matters. And said we must haue
patience if we Jiad not all granted we desired.
The 14. Mr M. was w* Card. Burg, to put him in mynd to
solicite our matters the day following being Consistorie. [About
this tyme Mr Pars, said to the Schollers he would not bid them
speake ill of us the disobedient priests, but commandid them
vnder great penance that none should speake wel of vs, specially or
D. Bagshawe.] a
The 17. Mr Cecil was w* Card. Burg, aboute the same. And Mr
Champ, w* Sr Santorello about our memorial, wherof no word was
had. So we were constrayned to put vp an other.
The 20. Mr Mu. received centum quinquaginta aureos of Card1
Burgesio given vs by his Hoi:
The 21. we received a bill of exchange from Paris of one
hundreth eighty crowenes to be received of Sr Justiniano bancher,
w* letters out of England that the Archepfc contradicted the Popes
Declaration we had sent into England, etc.
I received my daughters letter.
The 23. we received euery one 40 A of our bill from Paris.
» The sentence withhi brackets is an after insertion.
An;. 12] MUSH'S DIARY. 10
The 24. we deliuered M1' Leakes letter to the Embas. & an other
copye to Card. Burg.a
The 25. the Ernbas. had audience & deliuered a copy to his Ho:
The last Mr M. was wfc Card. Burg. & Arrig. to desire them to
put his Ho: in mynd of or businesses. They said they would this
day.
Mr Parsons sent a letter to Mr Mushe. He commandid the
Scholers not to speake to any of vs.
AUGUST.
The first or matters were handled before his Ho: w* the Card1 *
of the Congregation, as Card. Burges. tould vs.
The 7. Mr M. went to Card. Arigone & Card. Burg.a desyring
them to remember his Ho: of or matters.
The 8. he went againe to those Card, they said the matter was
almost endid, & Card. Burg, said the next day he would giue me
a copy [of] what was done.
The 9. day Card. Burg, sent his sernant to caul me to him verie
earely, Mr D. Cecil & I went, he deliuered vs the determination of
the whole Congreon approued as he sayd by his Ho:
The same day Mr M. went to the commissarie who willed vs to
accept of what liked vs, and for the rest to sew to his Ho: and the
Card1"3 to see if we could obteyne more.
The same, we all went to Card: Burg, to lett him know the
difficulties we found in all the poynts that liked vs not. he willed
vs to deliuer vp to his Ho: our myndes. for he could do no more.
He tould vs Fa: Pars, was also displeased w* the order more then
we, we found Pars there w* Card. Burg.
The same, Mr D. Cecil & I went to lett the Embas. vnderstand
of all.
The 111 was w1 Card. Arigon & had long conference w* him
about the poyntes we misliked in the Articles. He said Arc.
The 12 Mr Cecil and I was w* the En.ba?. to giue him the
* Caiet. struck out.
c 2
20 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY. [Auo. 13
poyntes we desired to be addid or altered in that wch his Ho: & the
Inquisition had done.
The 131 was w* Card. Arigon & Burges. about the explication
of the last poynte of the Archep* his preceding against the
Appellants. Arigon said y t included all the appellants as well as vs
that came to Rome. Burg, said it includid onely vs that came
personally.
The 16. was w* Arigon. to knowe what was done the day before,
in the Congregation, bycause we had shewed or selves not to like
of their order in manye things, and Parsons also had giuen vp
manye writings to the Cardlcs aboute their order, not content therw*.
He referred me to Burg. Burg, willed me to bring or memorial
to him of what we disliked, for he must send it about to all the
Card. He asked if we would haue the Archep* remoued. I tould
him we had put vp our articles to his Ho: by the Fren. Embas.
that same day. he bad bring him a copy therof.
The 19 I was w* Card. Arigone, after w* Penella who said we
had asked bothe Iniust & dishonest things, & therfore they had
not granted them. I answered we were Catholike priests &
children of the Sea Apostolike, redy to obey whatsoeuer his Ho:
should determine and command, again e priests wch for defence of
the Sea Apostolike stood euery day in acie redy to shed or bloud.
And therfore were not willing any way to contradict or oppose our
selves to any thing his Ho: would have vs do. And lastly that we
were Catholike priests whom it beseemed not & who would be lothe
to propound to his Ho: & the Inquisition any thing that were
iniust or dishonest, wherfore I besought him to lett vs knowe wch
might be thes things. He said if I would returne 2 daies after, he
would tell me, for as then he had not redd or last memorial or
replye to the Inquisitions censu[re].
Then I went to Burg: who tould me that Parsons was earnest to
ha[ue] all the laitie & old priests includid in the subordination, &
to haue some parte of their sentence against the Archep* mitigated.
This day we hard that the Economic of the Grekes Colledge was
Auo. 27] MUSH'S DIARY. 21
taken from the Jesuits by his Ho: commanding for the students
complayned of them.
This day I mett the two procurators & Tho: Fitzharb. at
Arigones. they had audience after me.
The 20 Mr Cecil was w* Card. Auila, & Burges. [who tould him
Parsons to be more obstinate in the matter of Schism e than euer. &
earnest he was that the sentence of the Inquisi" should not be put
in the Popes breefe. yt would disgrace the Archep* ouer muche.] a
The 22. Mr Mu: was w* Card. Arig. who tould him that or
matters would be dispatched presently, vpon Penellaes Inhonesta,
he asked if we had demaundid vt duceremus vxores. this had bene
in priests inhonestum.
Item he was wk Card. Burg, who tould him that his Ho. that day
had talked w* Arig. & him aboute or matters & would as he thought
end yt in the next Congregon. And that for things past would do
iustice, and establish things to come brachio forti.
The 22 D. Cecil was wfc the Lo: Embas: caried what he had col-
lected out of the supplication b and greene cote c to be deliuered at
his Ho.
The 23 the Lo: Embas: had audience, his Ho: tould him he would
do justice & said lasciate fare a me. commendid the memorial we
last exhibited to be of a good spirit. It was about the difficulties
vpon the sentence of the Inquisition,
The 25 Mr Mu. was w* Card. Penel. who tould not of any iniust
or dishonest things we had demandid, but talked frendly of
ordinarie matters.
This day I mett w* Mr Parker in S*. Ludovicus churche, &
tould him what lies the[y] had sent into England.
The 27 he went to Card. Arig. & Burges. to lett them vnderstand
what he had hard of Parsons that day. that he & his had put vp
some thing to his Ho: that the Archep* might not be reproued as
» Inserted. b Father Southwell's Supplication.
c Leicester's Commonwealth, commonly called " Parsons' green coat," from the
green -edged paper. But see note on p. 100 infra.
22 THE AKCHPR1EST COSTKOVEKSY. [Auo. 28
he was by the sentence of the Inquisitours, that he might not be
admonished to distribute the almesses as that sentence was. for
smale almesses came to his hand (whervpou I lett them vnderstand
that matter how the almesses came most to the Jesuits handes),
that the Archep* might not be forebidden to aske consell of the
Jesuits in England &c.
Thes daies Parsons & his trudged about to the Cardles. the 28.
the 2 procurators deliuered Card. Burg, a supplication before he
went to the Congre011 of the Inquis0".
The 28. I was w* the Commissarie, who tonld me that we were
not Concordes, for that Mr Bluet had tould him that he was well
content w* the Inquisitours sentence & expected but the resolution
of certaine doubts in the Archepts authoritie.
[Tho. Fitz. & the procur. laboured that Parsons might be agent
in Rome for or churche. & Fa: Wally moderator in all controversies
in England, that the Archep* might aske his consel in gouer-
meut.] *
SEPTEMBER.
The 5. I was w* Card. Arig. & wfc Car: Burg, who tould me
that Fa: Pars: had put vp a suppli011, that the Archep* might restore
the faculties wch he had taken away to the Appellants. I tould him
the Appellants did still vse their facules & did not thinke he could
take them away, they having committed no fault, but appealed &
defendid them selves against the infamies of Schisme &c. wch the
Card1'8 had alredy iudged to be lawful, & that the Archep* had
iiiiuried the Appeltes in prohibiting thes things. Againe that yf
this should be granted to the Archep* it would iniurie the priests,
& frustrate all confessiones maid vnto them in this tyme.
The 6. we gave Card. Burg, a memorial touching this poynt, as
he was goyng to the Congreg0" \vl the rest aboute or affaires.
The 8. I was w* Card: Burg, who tould me it was verie well
a Inserted.
SEPT. IS] MUSH'S DIARY. 23
that we put vp this last memorial about faculties, he thought we
should haue or desire in that poynte.
The 12. Card. Burg, tould me or matters were handled that
day before his Ho: verie largely. & endid. that the instructions
were giuen to Monr Vestrio to make a breeve, & that he would
gladly haue tould me the particulars, but that his Ho: commandid
secrecy e tyll the breeve were out. He said it was iusta petitio that
the Lor: Embas. in his audience the next day should aske a sight
of the breefe before it went out, or of the cheefe heades.
The 13. I went to the Embas: and desyred him so to do. also
to desire his Ho: that nothing of the formare declaration should be
left out of the breeve. Also that if any were to be joyned w1 the
Archept they might be named here by his Hoi.
The 14. the Embas. tould me his Ho: would not lett him see
the breefe vnless he would sweare to kepe it secrete to him selfe,
wch he refused vpon that condition to see. againe all that in the
first declaration should be in this breefe, & more addid therto, and
said we should have no cause to complaine. Also that ours to be
joyned w* the Archip* should be named by his Hoi: here.
The 18. I was w* Card. Arigone & Burg, to solicite. ther I
mett w* the two procuratours. emong other things they tould me
of Mr Trolops taking & removing, of Sr Fran. Veres death. And
besought me we might all be frendes & Joine againe &c.
All the rest daies 1 earnestly solicited the Card: Burg. & Vestrio
for dispatche of the breefe. the 27. Vestrio tould me he had
drawen the minuta & would send it to Card. Burg, even then.
The 18. I mett the 2 procuratours at Card: Burg, who were 54, f. 198.
earnest w* me that we should all be frendes. I tould them that
neither they nor the greate calumniator Parsons shewed any syncere
desire of peace or friendship by their actions, for still they
laboured to iniury vs, & opposed them selues to euery thing
they could learne we laboured for, how needful soeuer yt were to or
churche.
24 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY. [Ocr. 2
OCTOBER.
The 2. I was w* Car: Burg, ther I found Monr Vestrio. the
Card, tould me that his Ho: had sent word by Vestrio that we 4
should come to the palace & haue audience the next day at 20. a 2
or 3 daies before this we hard that Mr Tho: Fitz. & the 2 procur:
had bene w* the Pope, & that he said he would haue vs all frendes.
Wherupon we suspecte[d] this to be a plott laid by Parsons &
them, that before his Ho: we mi[ght] be maid frendes, & aske eche
other pardone.
The 3. we went to the Embas. at 18 to aske his aduice in
. . . . a might happen in that audience. After we came to the
palace at or houre appoynted. ther dynner was not endid. Ex-
pecting in the haul aboute haulfe an houre, in comethe Parsons w*
the 2 procuratours & one scholler. they saluted vs, & we them,
they satt dowen on the other side ouer against vs. then we per-
cei[ve]d the p[lot] to be laid by Parsons, & beganne to cast w* our
selues how to answ[ere] before his Ho: that we might neither
offend him by refusing to ente[rtain] frendship w* Parsons more
then in Christian charitie we were bound, nor displease the
Christian King & our owne staite by condescending to what his
Ho: would by likelyhood move vs vnto. We being now as it were
in their trapp. stood muche perplexed & thought we should carie
or selues verie well and wisely that day, if we escaped some
rnischeefe. The doores being opened Parsons & his entred into the
antecamera. after a litle we followed, & placed or selues as farr
opposite to them as we could. After halfe an houre beganne divers
Cardles to enter, (for that after noone was the examen ordinandorum
ad Epis:) then came Card: Farnesius our protector, whervpon we
perceived how strongely Parsons had laid his strategeme, [for
Fames, was not of that Congregation,] b aboute halfe an houre after
Parsons perceving the houre to be past & that the Pope & Cardinals
were entred into the examen he rose & demandid of the Mr de
Camera whether audience might be had that day or no. He
a Illegible. b Interlined.
OCT. 7] MUSH'S DIARY. 25
answered the tyme was past. So Parsons & his departed, all this
while we stood praying their might be no audience that day.
After Parsons & his were gone a litle, Mr Parker & Mr Arch, enter
into the Chamber againe & came to me, and said Fa. Parsons haith
vnderstood ther wilbe [no] a audience this day. he & we departe. he
sent vs to certifie you hereof, that you need not expect any longer.
I answered we were not privy to Mr Parsons matters or audience,
we were to expect aboute or owne affaires. So they parted. It was
good sporte to see how glad we were that all fell out thus contrarie
to Parsons expectation & according to or desires, that so we might
haue more tyme to prepare or selues, & to preuent their mischeefe.
The 4. we tould the Embas. what had hapned. And desired
him to hinder Parsons strategeme by letting his Ho: vnderstand
the cause, that day of his audience. This day we were enformed
that Parsons had bene 4. or 5. nightes together in longe Con-
ference wl Card. Farnese. The Lor: Embas: in his audience altered
his Ho: his mynd aboute or reconciliation w* Parsons. This day
we hard that his Ho: had said to Tho: Fitz. and the procurars that
he would make vs frends w* them all before we should passe out at
his Chamber-dore.
The 5. I was w* Vestrio who tould me he had finished all &
would deliuer the Breues to his Ho: that mornyng. After dinner
I was w* him againe : he maid much of me, and promised all kind-
ness, said that Walpool was w* him a litle before my commyng to
expiscari what was in the breefe. We had bene tould that the
reprehensions of the Archep* at Parsons request were put in a
priuat breefe to him alone & not conteyned in the common
breeve. but Vestrio affirmed ther was but one breve.
I was w* Card. Burg, to request him to solicite the ending of or
matters, he said he was sorie that we & Parsons mett not before
his Ho: & were maid frends. but I satisfied him. he said we had
maneged or affaires prudently & patiently.
The 7. I was wfc Card. Burg, to desire him to remember or busi-
* Omitted in M.S.
26 THE AKCHPKIEST CONTROVERSY. [Ocx. 8
ness w* his Ho: that [Con]sistorie. Again e at night I went to him.
He tould me he had remembred vs, [and] that his Ho: would that
we should haue one authenticaul breeve & Parsons an other. & sent
me to Vestrio to solicite the expedition. Vestrio vsed me kindly &
tooke me in his cotche w* him to Burges: & there tould me we
should haue a copy of the Breeve the next day after dinner, but
we had not.
The 8. I was w* the Embas: to lett him vnderstand of all.
Peares had bene wi him & willed him to beware that we abused
him not.
The 9. I was wfc Vestrio for the breves. He was gone to
Tusculum & his man said all was redie to be deliuered vs when
Card. Aldobrand. should returne the minuta. wch he had not
done.
The 10. Mr Cecils & I was wfc Aldobrandino for returnyng the
minuta to Vestrio, he said he would do it that night not to faile.
We hard that Parsons & his bragged, that the Pope had kept vs
heare so many mounthes, & in the end had granted vs nothing to
the purpose. That poore men we durst not returne into England,
for we should be litle welcome to the Q. and consel. seyng we could
not procure them peace, as they expected we should. And we
failing she must be fayne to seeke for it at their handes that could
bring it to pass meanyng his & his Jesuits.
I was wfc Vestrio to see if Card. Aldobran. had sent the minuta.
but he had not kept touche.
The 11. Mr Champ. & I went to Audience w* the Embas: Card:
Aldobran. tould him he had sent the minuta to Vestrio & willed
him to send for the breve. Mr Champ. & I went presently that
night to Vestrio who was returned from Tusculum. but the minuta
12. were not sent to him as Aldobran. h[ad] tould the Embas: The
next mornyng being Saterday Mr Ce[cil] went to tell the Embas:
& I went againe to Vestrio. who stil tould me the minuta was not
sent from Aldobran. that himselfe would aske it of him that
morning in the palace. & willed me to returne aft[er] dinner. I so
OCT. 17] MUSH'S DIARY. 27
did, and he tould me he had asked it, & Aldobrand. said h[e] had
deliuered it to his secretarie Armenio. Vestrio sent to Armineo,
who answered he could not deliuere it, till he had spoken w* his
Cardinal. After dinner I returned to Vestrio. who sent his man
& a letter wk me to Secretarie Armineo. he answered we must
expect ij houres & that his Card: must see it before it could be
sent. Vestrio wondered what misterium should be in it. The
misterie was no other as I then tould Vestrio then that ther was
some thing in the breeve wcb displeased Mr Parsons, this must be
reuersed by the Spanishe Embas: who had audience those two
houres. after wch was done I doubted not but we should haue the
minuta sent presently. And so it fell out. for that night after
the Spanishe Embas. audience was endid I went to Vestrio who
even then received the minuta & deliuered the breve one copy
to me, the other to Mr Parsons man. This delay [was] maid as
far as we could gather, that the Spanish Embas. might gett re-
versed the prohibition for dealing in Staite matters.
The 13 we caried the Breve to the Embas. This day Mr Par . . .a
came to our loging, & desyred that we might be frendes w* them &
[Mr] Parsons, he tooke me to walke w* him. I refused to haue
any thing to do w* Mr Parsons.
The 16 we were w* his Ho: & had a verie frendly audience, he
grante[d] all we desired, or beades were all blessed as graines, they
& our crosses & medals had the Colledge indulgence, he granted
th[at] my greate crucifix should haue the College indulgence, &
moreo[uer] make a priuiledged altare wher soeuer it stood in
England as long as it were vpon it. he granted me licence to com-
municate all my faculties to 10 priestes in England.
From thence Mr D. Cecil & I went to Card. Burg, to lett him
vnderstand of or audience, & gave him a memorial for Mr
Charnockes matter, an other for or viaticum, wch his Ho: tould vs
he had prouided before we had audience, an other for notaries.
The 1 7 Mr Cecils returned to Card. Burg, for answere, his Ho:
" Parker.
28 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
said we should not stay for or viaticum, he had commandid Hiero-
nimo to deliuer vs 50 A a man. di auro in auro. for Mr Charnockes
matter he would not grant it, but consider therof. & granted we
should haue as many notaries as we pleased. The Embas. had put
vp the friday before a supplication for me to haue a planet a chalice
& crucifix, w* indulgences, his Ho: granted them, but all this
weeke they could not be gotten.
The 18. the Embas: renewed the same memorial, but then his
Ho: answered his guarda robe had none but riche ones, yett he
obteyned that the same indulgences might be applied to any that
should be given vs, or that we should bye. Also that yf or holy
things were taken from vs, or lost, we might apply the same
indulgences to others.
The same day we were w* Card. Aldobran.
The 19 all but I were w4 S* George.
Endorsed. . . . Mushe his Diary of theire busynes at
Rome.
54, f. 207. 2. A Second Narrative.
1601-2.
After manie sclanders, detractions, threates, disgraces, letters,
declamacions & treatises against the priests Apellants devulged &
printed by the Jesuits & theire adherents both w*hin & wlhout the
Realme, charginge them w*h Schisme, rebellion, disobedience,
affirminge also that they durst neuer ascend up to Rome to presente
their Appeale before his ho: or the sacred inquisicion (to whome
they pretended to appeale) and that their Appeale was no more
but a delaye, evasion, and dilatorie playe to blind mens eyes to
winne time and to avoyde the authoritie of their superior : yea
that the very appeale ytself was but an infamous libell (although
thirtie worthye priests haue subscribed to yt) by wch vnchristian,
yea Jewish & Turkish means the Jesuits (men I trowe impeccable)
• Planeta, i.e. chasuble.
A SECOND NARRATIVE. 29
had opened the mouthes of men & women boyes & girles (there
misled flock) to rayle, detract, despise & sclander theire owne
pastors: And that in more vile manner then they unnurtured
children of Bethel did the prophet Elizeus. At length (God so
disposinge) all these came to the knowledge of her matie, & her
hoble counsell, howe dangerous yt was : and w*h what indignitie
the priests were vsed for theire truth & fidelitie. And beinge fully
informed of these wronges disgraces & oppressions wherw*h the
Jesuits by theire instrument the Archpreist had involved the
secular preists. All wch appeared most plainely in theire bookes
dedicated as well to the Popes ho: & the Inquisicion as otherwise,
upon the humble peticions of these preists, the hoble counsell
respectinge theire troubles & miserie graunted that foure or fyve
of the imprisoned secular preists shold be sett at libertie for six
weekes to make provision of money & other necessaries for theire
iourney and then to have licence by waie of banishment to departe
the Realme to followe theire appeale to Rome there to seeke iustice
& reformation at his hands who through the false and wronge
informacion of Parsons and his complices had giuen a cullor to 54, f. 207b
thei[re] wronges although by him neuer intended. And hauinge
received from the honorable counsell theire pasportes for themselues
theire horses, seruantes and Trunks, not without greate difficultie
about the fourthe of Nouember 1601 departed to Douer Water
where they now stayed vntill they had gott newe pasports more
larger then the first.* And beinge arriued at Callice w*hin the
same moneth remembringe that the Archpreist presumed much of
the fauor & furtherance of the Nunce Apostolick in the lowe
cuntrey (a parsonage of highe wisdome, learninge, experience &
integritie) before enie farther attempt resolued to repaire to his
• According to W. C. in his Rcplie to Parsons' Manifestation : " They had but one-
onely passport, and that of Banishment, that is the full truth therein. Some of the
company beeing stayed at Dover, contrary to their expectation, they were enforced
to send back to London : and thereupon procured a note to the searchers and officer
there, that they should passe freely, without search, with such things as they had
to carry with them." /. 78.
30 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
presence there to yeeld an accounte of their actions that so all
obstacles or hindrances behind their backs might be taken awaye,
ffor they vnderstood that the Jesuits by theire letters had marvel-
ously sclandered some of them to the same Nuncio, affirminge that
not onely they were fallen from the faithe but were become
persecutors of Catholicks. And hauinge sent a learned preiste a vnto
him for a safe conduct went thither & orderly related whatsoever •
was amisse in the church of England what sclanders, oppressions
& vnnaturall wronges they had sustayned : npt refusinge to make
him priuye and, as yt were, Judge & Arbitrer of their controuersie.
."Wherevpon beinge fully instructed he wrote his letters to the
Archpreist requiringe him either to appeare before him or send
sufficient procurators in his place. And also to proceede no
further against the preists lite pendente lest he shold giue occasion
vnto them of newe Appeales. Another letter he wrote to the
secular preists willinge them w'hout all feare to showe him their
greeuaunces & wronges promisinge [to] doe them all iustice,
requiringe them in the meane space to be sober & humble, as yt
became preists, not offendinge the civill maiestrates as much as in
them laye. The letter to the Archpriest beginneth thus Adm Rde
Due Amice obseruantissime The letter to the priests beginneth thus
Rdi Dni D Amici honoratissimi Whilst they thus remained at
54, f. 208. [I/lank] the Nunce of Paris sent a copie of the Popes Breue
concerninge these controversies to this Nunce of fflanders. ffor
fa: Parsons hearinge and also feelinge by theire bookes that they
had appealed (as himself confessed) labored what he cold above to
stop the Appeale and hinder theire cominge up. And first he
wrote downe a forme of a Breve so clownish, so vnciuill and so
tyrannicall as never was scene, wherein the catholicks of England
were comaunded to shutt out of theire houses, shun, and avoyde the
preists Apellants as Scissmatickes, Ethnicks and Publicans, men
unworthye anie entertainement, wherevppon Breuiator Vestris
shewinge this forme vnto his ho: he vtterly condemned yt as rustick
* Francis Barnaby. See Ecplie unto a certain Libcll, by W. C.,/o?. 78.
A SECOND NARRATIVE. 31
and vnciuill, and betweene him & Vestris (to vse Parsons owne
phrase) iumbled up this Breue. When the preists had reade this
Breue wch they neuer had heard of before, although the Archpriest
knewe of yt & supprest yt of purpose because they at that time
had certaine bookes to be printed against the priests as theire
Apologie & such like, cleane contrary to the tenor of the Breue,
such estimacion the Jesuits haue of the Popes Breve when yt
pleaseth them, this Copi[e] being considered & pervsed the
preists aunswereth the Nuncio that yt did not satisfye but rather
was a cause of a greater breach, because therein there was no
mencion made of the Jesuits, the chiefest sturrers of these garboyles.
Manie other reasons more they yeelded as the Ntmce in his letter
to the Archpriest showeth in these words : ij, visa quas penes nos
erat proedicti Breuis copia, seu transumpto authentico, mox indica- *
uerunt ilium neque prseteritis controuersijs satisfactum neque
futuris prospectum ac proinde insufficientem eiuscemodi dissen-
sionibus, saltern cum pleno fructu, et expectato a sua Stc fine,
terminandis. Vnde et suam sanctitatem prolixe et fideliter
informandam censebant.
Thus taking theire leaue from the nuncio & hauinge theire
pasports beginninge in these words, Octauius Dei et Aplice
sedis gratia, etc. they sett forth towards Paris, and con-
sideringe what stronge parties they had against them at Rome, 54, f. 20Sb.
and beinge taught by the perrills & troubles of the two preistes
Mr Bushop and Mr Charnock, . . . . a admonishm''8 giuen vnto
them in the Lowe Cuntrey th[at] the protection of a mightie
prince was most necessary [for] them, else they shold find in Rome
iniustitiam causae [et] iniustitiam parsonse. for the first that there f
* At this point occurs a marginal note, added subsequently, it seems, by the same
hand : " Here the Spanish Ambassador of the lowe cuntrey did expostulate w'h
the nuncio for hauinge conference w'h the same preists, being but the spies of
the Queene of England."
» MS. torn.
t Here there is another marginal note (same hand) : " Here maye come in the
Second Appeale of the preists of England."
32 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
ahold be no man apointed to heare theire cause, and thereby shold
lose theire matter, and for the second might be clapt in prison by
the potency of theire aduersaryes. Therefore cominge into Parris
they labored by theire frends (the question belonginge to all the
secular preists in the world) to haue the protection of the most
Christian Kinge, wch w*h greate suite obteyned, and his pasporte
not only for ffraunce but for other Kingdomes & Common wealthes
they went w*h courage towards the cittie and there arriued after
fyve weekes travell the first Thursdaie before Lent where the
rumor was rife that Ireland was conquered by the Spanyards, and
the English, Irish, and Spanishe labored for the Bushopricks of
that cuntrey. These newes somewhat terrified them so that forth-
w% they sent theire Portmantua wfh theire bookes letters &
instructions to the monasterie of S1 Paule two miles out of the
cittie there to be in safety e that yf theire parsons were apprehended
(as theire fellowes were before) theire writinges might be presented,
then w*h all speed they sent to the Embassador of ffraunce to
demand whether he had authoritie from the Kinge to protect them
as Subiects of ffraunce, who aunswered cheerefully & most honor-
ably that he had commandment from his Kinge to receive them &
to protect them, but yet w% all he willed them to keepe themselues
secrett for size dayes vntill he might goe to the Pope himself to
signifye both theire comminge & theire qualities, wch thinge they
did obserue. The next day of audience his excellencye made the
Pope priuye that foure preists of England were come up vnder the
protection of the most Christian Kinge to prosecute theire Appeale
and to informe his ho: of matters of greate importance belonginge
to the Church of England, requiringe that they might haue benigne
54, f. 209. & honorable audience, wch thinge the pope willingly granted.
But first he shewed the Embassador that he had heard mar-
vellous hard reports of the said foure priests, that they were
greate & familiar w% the Queene of England and her counsel!,
and that they had procured from the Queene to come up to
trouble the State of the Church. The Embassador aunswered
A SECOND NARRATIVE. 33
that his kiDge wold not haue protected anie such parsons and
that his ho: shold find them to be sincere & plaine meaning
men w*hout guile or fraude. Well then, saith the Pope, they
shall haue audience on Munday next for vpon fryday had the
Embassador these speaches w'h the Pope, when Munday came
the foure preists beinge directed by my Lo. Embassador &
hauinge some of his gentlemen to conduct them they repayred
to the Courte but, findinge his ho: then to give publick audience,
one of his Chamberlaines aduised the priests to departe to their
lodgings, for that yt was not likely that his ho: wold giue that
day anie priuate audience wch they requ[ired], herevppon they
departed to theire lodgings but forthw^ the Pope arisinge from
his publick audience retyred to his chamber where he was wont
to giue priuate audience & demanded of his Chamberlaines
whether the foure English preists were not in the Pallace, &
caused them to be sought for, but beinge informed that they
had bin there & were departed to theire lodgings because they
were informed that his ho: was not like to giue priuate audience
that day, as beinge the day of publick audience, herevppon he
sent one of his Chamberlaines to theire lodgings to warne them
to come to his presence the next day at nyneteene a clock.
These newes were ioyfull vnto them and against the houre
apointed they made themselues ready and came to his presence
beinge conducted by the Chamberlaines, and after they had
saluted h[is ho:] one of them made a briefe oracion, first signi-
fyinge the cause of theire comminge, the troubles, scandalls, &
vaxacions the Church of England and the secular preists were 54, f. 209b.
brought unto by the sinister dealinges of the Jesuits, so that
in spiritu lenitatis et mansuetudinis he wo[uld] prouide a remedy
that preists might Hue like pr[eists] as heretofore they haue
done, and wlh all offered to his ho; the two lattine bockes
wherein was contayned all theire grieuances wch they desired
to be redressed, otherwise that the Church of England was like
to perrishe, This oracion his ho: aunswered breifly, first that
VOL. II. D
34 THE AKCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
he had hard maruelous ill reports of them that the Queene of
England and her Counsell had suborned them to come vp and
that they had pencions of the Queene, and w*hall demanded
earnestly whether anie of them had letters from the Queene to
demand these thinges at his hands. To whome aunswere was
made that neither the Queene or her Counsell had anie parte in
these negotiacions, but only this : that perceiuinge the troubles,
vexacions, & wronges that the preists sustayned, & knowinge
not how to remedy the same in her self because they were
thinges belonginge to the Sea Apostolike, hauinge an humble
peticion made vnto her, her licence for some of the imprisoned
preists to be sett at libertie to goe to Rome to prosecute this
Appeale w*hout wch licence yt was impossible for them beinge
prisoners to performe this iorney. to the wch peticion after
longe & mature deliberacion she granted that foure of them
shold haue libertie to prouide for themselues & so vndertake
the iorney. As for money or stipend they had none, but only
such as the Catholicks doe giue them to defray theire charges,
wch was shorte enough, and they counted yt very greate clemency
that her matie graunted them so much. As for the other
pointes wch his ho: did insinuate concerninge matters of faithe
as though therin they had bin defective, they aunswered reso-
lutely that yf they had bin such they had no need to come
w% so greate trauell & so greate perill to the Sea Apostolike to
seeke for iustice, for that the Queene of England had Bushopricks
54, f. 210. and better benifices enough wherew'th to inrich them yf they
had bin of her religion, and w*hall desyred of his ho: that
theire accusers might be compelled eyther before his ho: or
judges by him deputed to propose these theire accusacions in
theire owne parsons and not per interpositas personas, as the
manner of ffa: Parsons was, and that they were ready to
cleare themselues. Well then, sayes the Pope, wlh a cheerefull
countenance, I am glad to heare you saye so, you shall haue
justice. Card. Burgesius and Card. Aragonio doe we appointe to
A SECOND NARRATIVE. 35
heare both them and you and to make relacion thereof vnto vs,
and see that you goe vnto no other Cardinalls w*h auie com-
plaintes but to them, and so w*h good & gracious words he
dismissed vs, beinge himself at that present maruelously vexed
w*h the goute so that his seruants were faine to cary him out here maye the
of his chayre to his bed where he remayned foureteene dayes. beTnserted
In this audience he remayned an houre and a half notw*h-
standinge his paine. the preists departed and repayred to the
two Cards designed to heare the matter, and opened vnto them
his ho: pleasure & desyred that they wold call for ffa: Parsons
to sett down his accusacions against them wherevnto they were
ready to aunswere. But ffa: Parsons began to make delayes
to seeke shifts [to] prolonge time, but nothinge more troubled him
& his complices then to heare that the preists had so speedie
& so benign audience, for therein he employed all his cunninge
& the diligence of his freinds to hinder the preists from anie
accesse to his ho: This hapned the first weeke in cleane Lent.a
ffa: Parsons made all the delayes that he cold notw^standinge
he was comanded by his ho: and by the two Cards to bringe
in what he had against the preists crauinge still more time ad
libellandum and thus he drave of, notw'hstandinge he was three
times admonished & comanded, vntill yt was Palme Sunday,
hopinge thereby to driue the preists out of money and so to
fall from theire suite. Lastly in the ho[lie] weeke he brought
in his accusacion to the wch the pr[eists] aunswered the next
day, and so cleered themselues.
And in the meane space they deliuered vnto the [Cardinals] 54, f. 210b.
theire reasons wch moved them to defer the admitting ... of the
Archpreist vntill the comminge of the Breve Ap[ostolike], and con-
sequently proved that thereby they had not incurred anie blemishe
touchinge their obedience to the Sea Ap[ostolike] much lesse the
crime of scisme rebellion & disobedience, wch reasons beinge consi-
dered by the Card8 and related vnto his ho: forthw'h he pronounced
* ' Hebdomada casla, iueuutis Quadragesima hebcl. dicebatur.' Ducange.
02
36 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
sentence & willed the same to be declared vnto the preists
Apellants by the Cardinalls, wch sentence was that the preists of
England were neither scismaticks nor disobedient nor rebellious
Here the against the Sea Apostolike in that they refused to receiue Mr
be set down. Blackwell for theire superior vpon the Card. Caietans letters, and
that they had not lost theire faculties but that the confessions
made vnto them all that while were vallid & good, and w^all his
ho: commaunded the preists to write downe that sentence and send
yt in theire common letter vnto England to informe the preists and
Catholicks there of the truth, and that he wold haue this sentence
to be the explication of his last Bull sent the yeare before, ffa:
Parsons & his complices stormed much against this sentence be-
cause thereby appeared the falshood of ffa: Listers booke, ffa: Jones
his Oracle, and ffa: Garnets and Mr Blackwells their approbacion of
the same, and by this men maye see that all is not the gospell that
proceedeth from the Jesuits.
Next vnto this the preists did sett downe theire reasons
against Mr Blackwell the Archpreist his insufficiency wch con-
sisted in 8 points All wch they proued out of his owne
writinges & decrees. Seaven were admitted by the Cards as
sufficiently proued although his procurators there and the Jesuits
went about to proue that the letters there exhibited out of
the wch they drewe theire proposicions were not his letters or
decrees, wherevppon Card. Burghesius asked them whether they
knew Jijs hand. Some of them aunswered yea, and some .of
them aunswered doubtfully. Well, saith the Card., I will put you
£4, f. 211. out of doubt that this [is] his hand, and so sett a letter of Mr
Blackwells owne hand conferringe the hands together, they cold
not denye but that was his writinge. herevppon followed another
consult betweene the Card, and his ho: whether Mr Blackwell was
to be deposed as the preists required, hauing sett downe 8 causes
whereof the last was matter sufficient to displace him. ffirst yt was
sett downe against him that he had done vniustly in charginge the
preists w% scisme & rebellion where none was, and so in goinge
A SECOND NARRATIVE. 37
about to tak awaye theire faculties, secondly that he had exceeded
his authoritie in takinge vpon him to censure the laye Catholicks
by interdiction, hauinge no authoritie ouer them, also for makinge
newe decrees & extendinge his authoritie ouer the old preists,
whereas his co mission was only ouer alumnos seminariorum, but
that he was to be pardoned in these his accesses because of his
ignorance in the cannon la we, and because he followed therein the
counsels of others, to witt the Jesuits.
Yet notw^standinge the Popes pleasure was that ho shold
remayne and continewe his iurisdicion ouer the preists. this
sentence beinge delivered to both parties yt pleased neyther,
the preists affirminge that yt was not expedient that he shold
haue iurisdiction ouer them w% whome they had so greate
controuersies before, for that he wold euer seeke occasion to be
reuenged. The Jesuits on the other side exclayminge that the
Archpreist was made a dishcloute, his defects- & imperfections
beinge made manifest to the world, they were contented that
his ho: shold knowe his imperfections, indiscretion, and vniustice,
but that he shold not sett yt downe to the vewe of the world,
for that was but to make him ridiculous vnto them ouer whome
he was to haue iurisdiction, wherevppon the matter proceeded
further for certaine monethes, and in very deed the faction
of the Jesuits so preuailed that in the Bull these defects of his
were rather insinuated then sett plainely downe, and here yt
was a world to see how the busie head of ffa: Parsons bestirred him
in spreadinge false rumors concerninge the Queene of England
persecutinge preists & Catholicks contrary to the declaracion of the
foure preists, as y* appeareth in his letters to his complices in
England concerninge certaine honorable speaches wch she vttered
of the Pope, wch also he caused to be deliuered vnto the nouellantes 54, f. 2llb.
of Rome to be spreaded amongst them . . . trick very usuall
wfch him, for take awaye from him lying [and] libelling you spoyle
him of his greatest dowrye, to speak nothinge howe of his diuerse
libells & accusacions wch he deliuered vnto diuerse Cardinalls
38 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
against the preists wch [came] not to light for that the Cards
neuer beleeued y*, nor of [the] diuerse meanes he made to diuerse
Cards to perswade the pr[eists] to come to the Colledge to feaste
w*h him, hopinge that yf he cold haue obteyned so much as to haue
them to bankett w*h him he might find some occasion to intangle
them in words or manners.
But the maine drifte & scope of his perfidious braine was
yet vnseene, wch is this: he labored w% the Cards, and specially
with the Spanish Ambassador that they shold move the Pope
that y* was not honoble, nor Christianlike that the preists shold
be suffered to departe from Rome in anie displeasure or dislike
wlh Parsons or the Jesuits, and therefore that his ho: shold
doe maruelous well yf he wold command the preists to come
to his presence, and ffa: Parsons w*h the Jesuits on the other side,
and there commaund the preists to imbrace ffa. Parsons & reconcile
themselues vnto him and to the rest of the Jesuits, & so make a
full peace whereof his ho: himself shold be witnes. This drifte
tooke such effect that the preists were sent for to the Popes
presence, and the cause secretly by the Lo: Embassador insinuated
vnto them, who required them to consult amonge themselues & to
tell him what aunswere they wold make, for that the matter was of
greate importance, for on the one side yf they refused vpon the
Popes commaundmt to imbrace ffa; Parsons they shold fall into his
hand & so incurre his displeasure, yf they obeyed the Popes will
and reconciled themselues to ffa: Parsons then did they incurre
the displeasure of the most Christian Kinge of ffrance in whose
proteccion they were, and of the Queene of England whose subiects
they were, for that they had charged Parsons there to be deuiser &
plotter of all the treasons, warres, invasions, garboyles, & troubles
that had hapned these last twenty yeares, as yt appeared in his
bookes how he had made sale of the Kingdome of England & of
the Kingdome of ffrance vnto the infanta and therefore that they
cold not make peace wfh him but thereby they shold incurre the
64, f. 212. displeasures of these twoe greate princes whose fauoure they did
A SECOND NARRATIVE. 39
not meane to loose. w*h this constant resolucion they went to the
Pallace Monte Cauallo against the houre prefixed, hauing for their
ease my Lo: Embassadors coach and some of his gentlemen to con-
duct them, not longe after cometh Parsons wkh his Cohorte and
entringe into the Chamber where they were saluted them after the
best manner, but they neuer moved bonnet to him nor made anie
accounte of his salutacions, wch greeued him not a litle perceiuinge
by theire behauioure that he was like to haue but light entertaine-
ment at theire hands, and that his principall designem* fay led him,
for yf they had obeyed the Pope & imbraced Parsons makinge
peace w*h him, then wold he haue written straight waies to
England & to ffraunce that the foure negotiators had reconciled
themselues to him & most humbly on theire knees before the Popes
presence asked him forgiueness, for so Baldwin the Jesuit vsed doctor
Gifford in the Lowe Cuntrey, and so he wold haue involved them in
his owne treasons, but God so disposinge the Pope fell to examine
other matters wch occupied him vntill 8 of the clock at night, and
so departed to theire lodgings. The next day the Lo. Embassador
himself went to the Pope beinge the day of his audience & amonge
other thinges demaunded what his pleasure was concerninge the
foure preists that were there the night before, for that they were
fully resolved neuer to haue peace wlh Parsons so longe as he had
warres w% the twoe kingdomes. The pope aunswered that his
meaninge was [not] to commaund them to haue peace w*h him but
only to exhort them, leauinge yt to theire owne election, and thus
Parsons fell from his principall weapon, wherein he trusted, and
here yt maye be noted w*h what gibes, & merry taunts he maketh
mencion of the Queene of England for that two or three were put
to death duringe the abode of the preists at Rome, not rememberinge
in the meane space that he and Archer his fellowe Jesuit a [were
authors of all these garboyles] a whom he made nunce Apostolike in
Ireland b to prosecute the warres there against the Queene and so
• Inserted above the line.
b James Archer of Kilkenny was a very bellicose Jesuit indeed. He took an
40 THE AECHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
by that meanes alienated her Maties mind from hauinge anie peace,
especially findinge so manie w*h John De Agula, and other
Spaniards what helpes from other princes were promised by the
perswasion of the Jesuits, but he, good man, thinks that he so
shadoweth himself under his square capp that no man spyeth his
stratagems against kinges and kingdomes and his abusinge the
54, f. 212b. popes . . . vnto Tyrone and the rest of his Company in Ireland
w[ch] letters being deliuered by John D' Agula vnto the Lo.
deputy of [I]reland caused her Matie to looke more narrow[lie]
about her, so that of all that followed against Catholicks [we] may
thank ffa: Parsons and his feflowes for giuinge the occasion to alter
her maties inclinacion.a
3. A Third Narrative or Fragment.
64, f. 153.
When they came to Calice,.b it was thought good that some of
them shold deale w'h the Nuntio. Bu-t they first sent for a safe
active part in support of Tyrone's rebellion, and negotiated the sending of supplies
from Spain. A description of the man and of his military exploits, with some of
his letters, will be found in the Cal. of State Papers (Ireland, 1598-9 ; Carew Papers,
1601-3), and Pacata Hibernia (ed. O'Grady), ii. pp. 119, 186, 213, &c. He narrowly
escaped capture in the skirmish of Sandy Bay, where his servant, afterwards
hanged, was caught with the Jesuit's sword and breviary. He sailed from Ireland
to Spain, July, 1601. Though he was commonly termed " the pope's legate," it
does not appear that he had any direct diplomatic commission from Rome. The
papal nuncio was Mansoni, an Italian, who reported that Archer's presence was a
greater comfort to the Irish than a large force of troops. He was withal a zealous
and successful missionary, and was afterwards the first rector of the Irish college
at Salamanca, which he helped to found. In connection, or in contrast, with the
views of the Appellants on this subject the judgment of the Jesuit theologians of
the Salamanca University (printed in Pacata Hibernia, ii. pp. 142-6) is important,
viz. that not only was the insurrection in Ireland lawful, but that it would be a
mortal sin for any Catholic there to take sides with the Queen. The judgment was
dated and signed on March 7, 1602.
• There were four priests executed in England during the stay of the Appellants
at Rome, besides two laymen, one of whom was hanged for assisting or harbouring
a priest, and the other for selling Catholic books. But these executions, which
were in no way exceptional, can hardly be attributed to the cause suggested in the
text.
b November 1601. The handwriting here closely resembles that of Dr. Gifford.
A THIRD NARRATIVE OR FRAGMENT. 41
conduct, wch was graunted ; and therevpon all fower went to New-
porte where the Nuncio lay. There they remayned six or seven
dayes. The cause of theyr going was to make him theyr frende,
least he shold crosse them in theyr buisines at Home. Being
there they procured him to write to the Archpriest & the rest of
the priests Appellants : the copyes of wch Letters were before
sent over.
The Nuncio amongst many other speeches signified, that the
Archduke and the Infanta were but larvati principes : and that
the King of Spaine did wholy direct them. Likewise he told
them, that by reason of the Spanish faction in Rome, if they
were not well backt ; they shold be sure to haue both iniustitiam
causge and iniustitiam personae : wch he thus expounded : viz. that
they shold be insured to go vp and downe, and shold not be able to
procure any Audyence : and it was very likely, that theyr persons
shold be clapt vp in prison, ffrom thence they went to Paris :
where they remayned 9 dayes. There by Mr Hills m-eanes they
had accesse to Monsr Villederoy the Kings Secretary : who vpon
due examination of theyr whole causej procured them the Kings
favor, and promised them, that they shold finde the Kings pro-
tection at Rome w*h his priegera there. He also gave them a
generall safe conduct towards Rome vnder his hand and seale.
They were traueling from Paris to Rome five weekes and arrived
there upon madd thursday, otherwise called Carnivall thursday :
wch is the thursday imediately before Shrove sonday. At theyr
comming thither they sent theyr portmantuas to S* Paules
monastery to two English monckes, there to be safely kept for
them for feare of rifeling. They knew the said Englishmen to
be enemyes to the Jesuits and therefore they did trust them wlh
theyr writinge : wch trust they faithfully performed.
The same day also of theyr comming to Rome they sent to the 54 f_
ffrench Ambassado1" to see whether he had receyved any authority
from the king to protect them : who sent them word, that he had,
* Priega, preghiera.
42 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
and that he wold protect them : but willed them to keep w^in
doores for six dayes, vntill he had been w*h the Pope, to acquaint
him w*h theyr arrivall, and that he had charge from the king to
protect them, as his subiects. wch direction they carefully obeyed,
and in the meane time did sende for Jewes, and provyded for them-
selves fitt apparell agreable to theyr callings, and as the manner
of priests is in Rome.
Vpon Ash Wednesday Mr Bluet went to the new church congre-
gationis oratorii:* where he became acquainted w*h Thomas Bozius
the author of the booke de signis ecclesise.* And amongst some
other things did challenge him, for slandering the Q. Matie in so
grosse a manner, as he did discreditt both himselfe therein and his
whole writings : the particulars being most false, as it was apparant
to all England and the kingdoms adioyning. He also discoursed
w*h him of the excellency of her ma^ person, and of the rarenes of
her guifts and the knowledge of tongues, wherevpon Mr Bozius
admiring he sayd that the Jesuits had giuen him such informa-
tions as he had published in his said writings, and promised to
reprint them againe, and to putt out these slanderous speeches, and
to make her matie satisfaction. The sayd Bozius is a good devout
man, but of no deep reache.
By reason of theyr going abroad the said Wednesday, they were
descryed in that church by some of Parsons instruments. Where-
vpon he bestyrred himselfe from Cardinall to Cardinall w*h whom
he had so wrought before theyr comming thither as if they had not
been protected by the king of ffraunce they had been sent to the
gallyes and never heard.
Vpon the friday the ffrench Ambassador having audyence ac-
quainted the Pope w% theyr being in Rome, and that he had
charge to protect them. The pope aunswered that they were
hereticks, and sent thither by the Q. of England vpon her charges
to doe some mischiefe there. The Ambassador replyed that if they
64, f. 154. had been such persons, the king his master wold not have
• In MS. oratories and ecclessice.
A THIRD NARRATIVE OR FRAGMENT. 43
protected them : and therfore prayed that they might have
audyence, wch the pope graunted. And accordingly vpon the
monday after they were heard. At what time the pope assigned
Card: Burghesius and Card: Arragonius to take notice of their
whole cause, and to make vnto him a relation thereof: affirming
vnto them, that Parsons had made many accusations against
them as that they were hereticks : had made hereticall bookes,
and were sent thither vpon the Q. of Englands charges for the
destruction of Religion. The priests made theyr answeres to every
particular as became them, and desyred the pope that Parsons
might apeare in his owne person and lay downe the accusations in
writing subscribed w*h his owne hand, and not to deale by
interpositas personas. The pope aunswered, that he shold prferre
them in his owne person, but wold hane no subscribing or other
parte.
Accordingly they attended on Card. Burghesius and Card:
Arragonius, who commaunded Parsons to exhibitt his complaints
against them in writing. But he so dallyed owt the time, as it
was allmost Easter before they could gett the accusations from
him : wch being delivered vnto the Appellants, they aunswered
them in three dayes. And then acquainting the sayd Cardinalls
w*h the whole causes of theyr Appeale and proving them by
evydent reasons, the sayd Cardinalls informed the pope. And
therevpon in Easter week the pope gave sentence on the
Appellants behalfe, as heretofore they ratifyed here in England.
Having thus farre proceeded w*h this good success: they then
desyred license of the Cardinalls, that Parsons and his fellowes
might answer to such accusations as the Appellants had to
charge them and the Archpriest w*h. the conclusion of wch was
that the Archpriest might be deposed. Theyr petition was
graunted. Where vpon being heard and the pope informed, the
Cardinalls and the pope concluded vpon certaine points abowt
midsom1": the wch points we sent into England w*h or common
letter.
44 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
These things being thus agreed vpon, pleased ne[y]the"r y6'
Appellts nor the Jesuits. So as the Jesuits labored on the one
syde to have those things altered, that they disliked, and the
Appellants vrged the Archpriests deprivation, as being censured
54, f. I54b. before to be a man vnfitt for his place. But the Jesuits by the
meanes of the Spanish faction pre[vai]led, that the sentence
against the Archprrest and themse[lves] was mitigated ; as
apeareth by the Breve bearing d[ate] the of Octobr
The 28 of Octobr they left ...... a and were driven by
reason of the Spanish .... to make a long iourney by ifraunce :
and came to Paris the furst sonday in Advent stylo novo.
» The eorner of the last page is torn off.
45
II.
BEEVIS EELATIO.
1. Breuis veraque admodum relatio eorum quce dicta, facta, scriptaque 533.
sunt in causa Sacerdotum appellantium d die 14. februarij anno ®*> fol> 97-
1602 quo Romam appulerunt usque ad diem octobris
quando oh vrbe discesserunt ab uno ex ipsis sacerdotibus fideliter
recollecta.
AD Almam Vrbera accesserunt de Catholicorum negotijs tractaturi
quatuor Sacerdotes Angli, Joannes nimirum Cecilius S. Th. D.,
D. Tho. Bluettus, D. Joannes Musheus, D. Antonius Champneus,
14 februarij anno 1602. Excellentissimum Dfium de Bethune
Christianissimi Regis in Urbe oratorern de aduentu suo certiorem
faciunt, qui per intern uncios bono illos iubet esse animo, et domi se
continere donee illi opportunum videretur.
Die 21. eiusdem mensis sacerdotes istos ad se uocat orator
Regius, eosque perquam humaniter et gratiose excepit. D.
Cecilius sociorum nomine Gallice exposuit breuiter aduentus sui
causam, et qua spe freti, et quibus promissip a Christianissimo illis
factis fulti ad vrbem accesserunt in causa iustissima contra poten-
tissimos et .astutissimos aduersarios. Quibus et breuiter et benigne
respondit legatus, Regem Christianissimum illos in protectioneni
suscepisse sibique id in mandatis dedisse, ut Innocentiam et
Justitiam eorum suo nomine strenjie defenderet, ea tantum lege, et
conditione, yt nihil in Reginam Anglise eiusque statum uel uerbo,
uel scripto, uel clam uel palam aggrederentur. Precepit itaque ut
nihil illo inconsulto uerbo aut scripto apud Sanctissimum aut
Cardinales aljquos tractarent iussitque in hunc finem scriptorum
omnium exemplaria apud se deponi. Postridie itum est ad Hlmum
Cardi^alem Dossake apud quern eadem pene loquuti eandem de
46 THE AKCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
Regis Christ™1 in illos affectione et protectione securitatem
recipiunt, abeunt leti, et ad futurara pugnam se accingunt :
visitant vero eorum iussu Hlmum Farnesium Protectorem, et
Burghesium Viceprotectorem, quorum primus difficillimum praebuit
aditum, consolationem autem minimam, quamprimum enim eos ad
Burghesium remittit, a quo benignissime accepti spem conceperunt
non exiguam res sibi successuraa ex sententia.
Die 23. eiusdem mensis, feria nimirum sexta, quse singulis septi-
manis oratori Christianissimi apud Sanctissimum acturo destinatur,
egit cum sua sanctitate legatus de aduentu sacerdotum, de regis
protectione, et intentione, et ut diem statueret quando istos ad se
admitteret sacerdotes.
54, f. 98. Exponit preterea magnam iam esse fenestrarn apertam iuvandis
Cath. quibus Christianissimum eousque fauere demonstrat, quo-
usque se Reginas suae fidos, et subditos obedientes praebuerint,
nullo commodorum aut pretensionum suarum intuitu, sed solo
Justitiae et Innocentiae zelo, et amore ; rogatque Pontificem, ut
[in] causa ista sacerdotum, quos Regina cum socijs nullo modo in
se male affectos esse intelligit aut de perturbando regno sollicitos,
patrem se ostendat, iustitiaeque et innocentias aurem prebeat, ne
illorum videatur patronus et consiliorum particeps qui et vita et
regno earn saspissim^ exturbare moliti sunt. In summa esse expecta-
tione totum pene orbem, quid in hac causa fiat ; quod si homines
istos innocuos a sanctitate sua cum honore, et iusta postulatorum
satisfactione dimissos uiderint, valde est uerisimile, et Reginam
mitius et moderatius in posterum cum Catholicis acturam, et
Regem suum quoad cum Reginas salute et securitate fieri potuit
pro Catholicis intercessurum. Haec verbatim legatus a Pontifice
rediens sacerdotibus ad se uocatis retulit, quorum unus Cecilius
nimirum omnia quasi uerbatim in commentariolos redegit. Ponti-
fex uero respondit se multa de sacerdotibus audiuisse mala, uerum
promittit se asquitati locum daturum, et audientiae diem assignat
quartam martij.
Interim Personius et sui palam per vrbem uolitant ad omnes
BREVIS RELATIO. 47
pene Cardinales, tarn uiua uoce, quam calamo singulos istos sacer- 54, t. 98b.
dotes perstringunt, et mille calumniis onerant. Parasites quinque
suos Hadocum, Thos. Fitzharbertum, Hescettum, Baynes, et
Swetum a cum libellis istis famosis ad Cardinales mittit ; ipse
legatum Galliae et Cardinalem d'Osacke ut illos a sacerdotum
tutela diuerteret, sed frustra ; quse a dictis parasitis et Personio in
sacerdotes dicta et scripta sunt hie omittuntur, quia in sequenti-
bus paerinis ad integrum referuntur.1 Eodem uero et ore et ' infra, pp.
103—107
tempore quo in sacerdotes ista euomuerunt, eos miris modis ad
colloquia, ad congressus, ad Collegium, ad conferencias inuitant ; de
quo rogatus et consultus legatus interdixit omnem uel minimam
cum illis familiaritatem, qui in Reginae Anglia3 caput et Regnum
conspirassent ; quo nullum unquam sacerdotibus dari potuit aut
sanctius, aut salutarius consilium, prout rerum euentus docuit.
Tandem uenit optatus dies quo sacerdotes ad Sanctmi pedes ad-
mittuntur ex quibus unus, videlicet Musheus, latine cepit exponere,
unde et a quibus et qua de causa ad vrbem fuerint missi ex
Anglia, videlicet a Cath. et fratribus suis, ut Sanctitatem suam de
innocentia sua in obiecto illo schismatis, inobedientiee, et rebellionis
crimine informarent, controuersiam illam determinari et declarari
peterent, ut statum Ecclesia3 Anglicanee exponerent, et quae ad
pacem stabiliendam essent necessaria explicarent, ut a Sanctmo
peterent, ut aliquam pro Catholicorum leuandis misery's iniret 54, f. 9 9.
rationem, cum ilia quee hactenus per arma tentata est, contra
Catholicorum pene omnium mentem, tarn male successit ut acces-
gores, et Architectas turbarum istarum, qui nobis semper bellorum
motibus et inuasionibus iratos et irritates in Catholicos faciunt
magistratus, castigaret, et reprimeret, ut de confessionibus factis
appellantibus declararet.
Ad qua3 Pontifex (cuius animum iam aduersariorum clamores et
calumnias praeoccupauerant) uultu non admodum sereco et benigno
* " Thomas Hesket, Haddock, Baines, Thomas Fitzherbert, and one Sweet, are his
[Parsons'] mercenarii to deal against us and spread calumnies." Mush to Ed.
Bennet, Mar. 31, 1602. Tierney, iii. p. clvii.
48 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
respondit : multa uobis objiciuntur et ad nos in dies aflferuntur,
quod a Eegina missi regijs sumptibus hue acceditis: quod si estis
haeretici quid opus est confessione aut absolutione ? quod ad
obiecta crimina attinet nescio in quo obedistis, quod de libertate
attinet conscientiae fortassis persecutio vobis est magis necessaria,
non enim mihi placet talis cum hereticis familiaritas, uultis enim
esse inter spinas et non pungi, Rogauit denique si haberent
mandata a Regina aut si haberent aliquod memoriale.
Responsum est a D'no Cecilio, primo se nee a Regina esse missos
nee ab ea pecunias nee mandatum accepisse, cupere uero ut eius
in Catholicos animus leniretur, idque Aristidis, Basilij, lustini, et
Tertulliani, et Cardinalis Alani exemplo motos cupere, qui et
persecutionem et persequutionis interualla Ecclesiae necessaria
54, f. 99b. futura iudicarent. De obedientia uero data aut negata huic sedi
lis et controuersia est, ad quam dirimeudam ad sedem istam
aduolauimus, quod hasretici aut schismatic! nunquam fecissent, aut
homines male in fidem istam affecti ; memoriale autem non attulimus
cum nihil aliud petimus quam dari nobis Indices, qui audiant, et
referant Sanctitati Vestrae quae nobis referenda dederunt commili-
tones nostri, et Catholici in Anglia.
Summus Pontifex ad Illmos Burghesium et Arigonium Sacer-
dotes remisit, imperans ne quenquam preterea aut uisitarent
aut inform arent.
Redeunt e Palatio Sacerdotes maesti, et ad oratorem Galliae
(quern solum in Vrbe, et Patronum et Consiliarium, et in afflictis
rebus et dubijs asylum habuerunt; alius enim nemo palam se
fauere sacerdotibus istis proh'tebatur ob metum Hispanorum et
Jesuitarum) recta inquam ad eum properant, vultu demisso et
aninio quasi fracto narrant, quam durum experti sunt patrem,
quos deinde illis commissarios assignauerat. Ipse gratiose admo-
dum, et animose (ut est ad gratiam natus) recreat perculsos et
perturbatos sacerdotes, polliceturque se Pontificem ad meliorem men-
tern propediem reducturum. Interim de deputatis cogitat, et suos
consulit ; an uiderentur sacerdotibus futuri si non propitij
BREVIS RELATIO. 49
saltern sequabiles, et aStdfopoi ; invenit in tota curia Romana uix
inveniri duo Praelatos tarn aequi bonique studiosos, qua spe re-
focillati sacerdotes discedunt.
Post biduum, feria nimirum sexta, egit orator cum Sanctmo 54, f. 100.
de rebus sacerdotum, et eorum nomine memoriale exhibuit, ubi
petierunt ut liceret illis de obiectis criminibus respondere, ita
tamen ut adversarii in scriptis appositis chirographis suis obiecta
crimina exhiberent ; egit preterea Pontifici gratias, quod tamdiu
sacerdotes, et tarn patienter audiuerit, quod tarn suaves, pios et
benignos deputatos assignauerit ; cepit deinde liberrime et rogare
et monere Poutificem, ut uellet serio de rebus Angliae, efc cogitare
et informari. Hactenus enim, ut successus rerum docet erratum
esse turpiter cum de Anglia ad fidem reducenda armis et
inuasionibus sit actum ; cum enim Regina Anglias suis viribus
non sufficeret ad hostium uim repellendam tamen regem suum
non posse Principem illam, et Regnum illud in praedam re-
linquere tarn potenti inimico ; suasit itaque Pontifici ut non
negligat occasionem tantam Catholicis iuvandis oblatam, Reginam
enim Anglian mitius et moderatius de Catholicis sentire, multa
autem esse quoe loquuntur posse illam flecti, et ad benignitatem
et suauitatem maiorem reduci : primum quod de Sanctitate
Vestra perhonorifice idque saepius loquuta est ; quod sacerdotes
istos, alios uero morti destinatos, alios in carceribus uinctos
intellecta ex libris et controversijs istis eorum innocentia, ex
vinculis liberauerit, quod eontes ab insontibus discernere didicerit,
quod natura sua sit ad suauitatem et clementiam propensa ;
verum, multa esse narrat quae infensain illam reddant, et 54, f. lOOb.
Catholicis inimicam : primo tot molimina a Personio et suis in
vitam, statum, regnumqne eius suscepta, tot libri in earn
eiusque Consiliarios conscripti, tot libelli famosi dispersi, toties
in earn per diuersos Pontifices fulminatae excommunicationes, tot
excitatae rebelliones, tentatee inuasiones, missi sicarij et venefici,
quibus amotis offensionum fontibus non est dubitandum reginam
religionis ergo in Catholicos nullo modo saeuituram. Si itaque
VOL. II. E
50 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
Catholicorum in Anglia saluti prospectura esse cupit Sanctitas
v'ra, excoramunicationes istse sunt antiquandae ; Catholicis omnibus
sub grauissimis censuris est interminandum, ne se ullo modo, uel
direct^, uel indirecte, uel per se uel per alios in rebus politicis aut
regni statum spectantibus exerceant, sed omnem in temporalibus
Reginaa suas fidelitatem exhibeant ; castigandi sunt et separandi a
regimine collegiorum et praefectura aliqua in Anglia illi omnes qui
cum Personio statum non solum Regni et Regina3 sed etiam
Catholicorum tarn miserS perturbarunt ; denique aut amouendus,
aut ualde limitandus est Archipresbiter iste qui ad partes His-
panicas promouendas falsis informationibus uideretur institutus ;
ubi vero tutum non uideatur esse ut ista omnia primo et uno
impetu faciat Sanctitas uestra, saltern sacerdotes istos dimittat,
cum aliqua iniuriarum suarum satisfactions et petitionum indul-
gentia, vt paulatim et pedetentim et Reginas in Catholicos ira
54, f. 102. deferuescat, et Sanctitas V. in alijs capitibus illi gratum faciat ;
sicque futurum est ut Rex etiam Christmus sese in hoc negotio tarn
sancto et Deo grato interponat.
Ad hoc summus Pontifex respondit se oratori gratias agere
infinitas Regique suo quod de Catholicorum salute tarn sint solliciti,
nihilque sibi magis esse cordi quam quod de Regina placanda pro-
posuerat, rogauitque ut negocium hoc de mitiganda Regina urgeret,
quam ille nunquam aut censura aliqua perstrinxit, aut ullo alio
modo in particulari offendit prseterquam quod more Ecclesiae contra
hereticos in generali promulgatur. Promisit autem se ad Religionis
negocia sola Catholicos reducturum, sacerdotibusistissatisfacturum,
verum illud etiam uidendum est, inquit Pontifex, ut Regina etiam
pro parte sua nostris sanctis desiderijs aliquo modo respondeat.
Eadem feria sexta egit pro solito orator Regius cum Illmo Aldo-
brandino illique exposujt rerum Anglicarum statum, prout Pontifici
prius fecerat ; ingenue fassus est se turn primum sapere et intelligere
in quo statu essent res Anglicanae, neque antehac quicquam
iutellexisse, opemque suamet operam sacerdotibus promisit, eosque
ad se mitti ab oratore rogauifr.
BREVIS RELATIO. 51
Memorial! dato ab oratore Regio pro sacerdotibus, respoiisum est
postridie, et Cardinalibus deputatis mandatum ut Patrem
Personium uocarent et illi Pontificis nomine praeciperent ut in
scriptis singula obiectorum capita articulatim exhiberet, nomina
autem affigi non placuit Sanctmo. Personius mensem integrum in 54, f. I02b.
congerendis calumnijs conterit, tandem ingentem afFert farraginem,
integrum nimirum refertum librum ; Pontifex autem et Card.,
nihil fide dignum in illis accusationibus inuenientes, noluerunt ea
Sacerdotibus in manus dari, sed iusserunt ut negocia sua prose-
querentur. Datae turn illico a Sacerdotibus rationes, quibus de
inobedientia et scismate liberarentur, cum memoriali SancL"10
exliibito, ut controversiam illam dirimeret, quod fecit vi. aprilis,
prout in exemplari literarum a sacerdotibus in Angliam missis
diserte apparet.1 ' infra> P- 146-
Tandem uentum est ad grauamina Archipresbiteri ; quae, quoniam
in magnum congesta sunt fasciculnm, et constant prascipue in
testium et chirographorum et singraphorum productione et
allegatione, nullo modo necessaria duximus in hanc eas inserere
relationem, cum in libris itnpressis multo maior eorum et pre-
cipua pars contineatur, et D'nus Musheus, et D'nus Champneus,
prolatis ante Card. Archipbr. singraphis cum obmutescentibus
Jesuitis et procuratoribus suis, grauaminum omnium rationem
fecerunt.
Ad Aldobrandinum missi a legato Christianissimi e sacerdotibus
duo ab illo satis benigne excipiuntur. Italico Cecilius incipit
sermone et presentem in Anglia Catholicorurn statum exponere
monereque quam sit necessarium ad conciliandos Principum
animos lenitate, subrnissione et fidelitate vti, quantum adhuc in
modo conuertendi Angliam sit erratum, quantum expedit a politi- 54, f. 103.
carum rerum cura et sollicitudine Catholicos omnes arcere.
Illmus Aldobrandinus respondit se nemini esse subiectum nee in
partes ullius Principis propensum, praeterquam quod Religionis
Catholicas propagatio postularet se solum Pontificem agnoscere ; de
reliquo se sacerdotum conatibus et postulatis eo usque non defu-
E 2
52 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
turum quoad Ecclesiae Sanctse exaltationem et religionis aug-
mentum spectarent.
Ceptum est postea agi de Personio eiusque libro de Successioue
Anglias, quern uidisse se fassus est Card., neque reperiri posse
quicquam in illo libro mali. De ilia prohibitione Cath. ne res
status tractarent coepit dubitare quis de futura successione pro-
uideret. Kesponsum est a Cecilio, Qui disponit omnia suauiter,
rex regum et Dominus dominantium, per quern reges regnant.
Apud Card, in scriptis reliquerunt dicti sacerdotes discursum de
'm/ro.p. 117. presenti Anglias statu l et literam quandam Patris Personij, cui
responsum est et detnonstratum in mediis ilium ualde errasse.
Alia enim scripta promiserant per Legatum Gallise in ilium finem
transmittere quorum omnium exemplaria, quoniam in sequentibus
2 infra, pp. paginis habentur,2 breuitatis causa prastermittemus.
oo' iis76' Vocati sunt deinceps predicti sacerdotes ad examen librorum et
propositionum temerariarum quae a Personio et suis dictis sacer-
54, f. I03b. dotibus obijciebantur ; ipsi alijs omnibus libris praeter illos duos
Sanctissmo D'no et sancto officio dedicates latine, et librum dictum
'Exemplar quarumdam literarum ' a nuntiam remiserunt, nee ullo
modo consentientes fuerunt, propositiones uero istas pene omnes et
alias multo peiores in libris Jesuitarum contineri asseuerarunt.
Feria sexta sequenti legatus Galliae cum Sanctmo egit de iniuria
facta sacerdotibus in librorum et propositionum istarum obiectione ;
accusationem istam non ex alio fonte quam ex inueterato odio
exoriri liinc docuit, quod catalogum propositionum asque in eadem
materia temerariarum ex ipsorum Jesuitarum libris collectum
Sanctissimo porrexit. Rogatus a Pontifice an haberet libros huius-
modi continentes propositiones, respondit, Parisijs se habere non
autem in vrbe ; rogatus a Sanctissimo ut pro libris mitteret, misit,
et libros cum propositionibus Pontifici lmo Augusti exhibuit ; harum
propositionum catalogos, quae utrinque fuerint data?, quia inter scrip-
torum exemplaria inferius continentur,3 breuitatis causa omittimus.
3 infra, pp. Vbi omnis ista accusationum tempestas in fumum euanuerat
96, 99, 147.
» The Copies of certaine Discourses. Imprinted at Roan,e, 1601.
BREVIS RELATIO. 53
mssi sunt sacerdotes negotia sua prosequi, et postquam Archi-
presbit. suis depinxissent coloribus, considerationes exhibent Sanc-
tissimo de incommodis et inconuenientijs Archipresbiteratus, aliam- 54, f. 104.
que subordinationis formam magis ad pacis et unionis perpetuitatem
spectantem proponunt ; responsum dat Personius cum suis his con-
siderationibus ; replicatum est a sacerdotibus huic response, quorum
exemplaria inferius affixa1 ampliorem hac de re discursum prohibent. ' infra, pp.
. 118-140.
Sequuta est decima nona a Junij audientia quam habuit coram
sua Sanctte solus D'nus Cecilius, oratore Galilee alijsque eius socijs
id ipsum suadentibus, et rebus suis expedire iudicantibus. Quid
actum sit in ista audientia uidere licet in particulari hac de re
scripto exemplari,2 et ceteris, annexe inferius. 2 infra> P- H
Verum cum diem martis Card. assignauerat,b Sanctissimus
nmtata mente eodem die totum negotium ad Hlmos Sancti officij
Cardinales remisit in quo mirifice insudaiiit Hispanias legatus, ut
mora ipsa et dilatione, (quae officio sancto sunt maxime propria)
sacerdotes perterriti ad aliquas pacis et reconciliationis conditiones
aures prseberent.
Iterum afflicti Sacerdotes ad asylum suurn confugiunt, ad Excel-
lentissimum nimirtim Galliee legatum ; rogant ut Hispanorum et
Jesuitarum machinis et ca[ta]pultis uelit ignem suae auctoritatis
admouere, uelitque consilio et persuasionibus suis tantum efficere
ne ad tribunal tarn tardigradurn reicerentur. Legatus omnem
illico metum ademit, dixitque se effecturum ut aut mentem
mutaret Pontifex, aut moras omnes excluderet.
Quamprimum igitur aderat audientise dies : inter cetera sua 54, f. 104b.
grauissima negocia causam sacerdotum non negligit. Cepitque
dicere mirari se quod sua sanctitas mentem et diem statutum
Card, mutauerat, et ad sanctum officium reiecerat, ubi omnia
tardissime tractantur et expediuntur, neque posse sacerdotes istos
tantam moram pati, occasionesque et opportunitates bene gerendi
in Anglia non esse spernendas, iam ab omnibus palam Hispanorum
a According to Mush's English narrative Cecil's audience was on the 17th.
b Something left out here. The appellants heard of the remit to the Inquisition
on Thursday the 27th.
54 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
et Jesuitarum potentiam in hac causa palpari, palamqne apparere
rem esse non religionis sed status, rogauitque instantissime Ponti-
ficera ut tanto malo tantisque suspicionibus occurreret. Egit
denique gratias pro benigna ilia D'no Cecilio data audientia,
iterumqiie Pontificem monet nihil ia Anglia uel a Rege suo pro
Cath. sperari posse boni, nisi lesuitas a sacerdotuin Regimine
separarentur, nisi Cath. omnes a rebus politicis arcerentur, nisi
secura fieret Regina se subditis non inimicis fauere, et conscienti-
arum aliquod leuamen indulgere.
Responsum est a Sanctissimo legatum male intellexisse eius in
hac remissione ad Sanctum officium mentem : factum est enim pro
sacerdotum istorum bono, ut quge pro ijs determinata fuerint
maiori cum auctoritate, et maturiore cum iudicio prodeant, neque
ullam se positiirum in hoc negocio moram ; de Cecilio autem quern
ad me superiori die misisti uelim intelligas ilium mihi abunde
satisfecisse, velimque ut eum ad omnes Sancti Officij Cardinales
54, f. 105. mittas, et illos informet eodem modo quo me prius inforrnauerat :
quod Pontificis propositum cum legatus rediens sacerdotibus com-
municaverat, mirifice sunt refocillati.
Illmis Burghesio et Arigonio eadern narrat Cecilius quae
summo Pontifici 29 Julij [sic] a narrauerat, addens nonnulla de
truci, tetrica, et tyrannica Personii natura, de eius stupen-
dis artificiis et technis, et quod ille ad mortem et extremas
reduxerat angnstias Penellum [?] ; totum intremunt Personicum ;
uoluitque illos sinml ad cenam uocare et pacem inter illos con-
cludere. Card, de Ascoli non ausus est illos frequenter admittere
propter metum. Card, de Avila tractatum de scismate aliaque
Jesuitarum molimina damnat. Hlmus Sfrondratus hoc modo cum
sacerdotibus conclusit, Separetur a vobis Personius, et de pace non
erit dubitandum. Singulis Card, transmissa sunt scripta nostra et
libri exhibiti; ipsi interim consultant; legatus Hispaniaa, Jesuitarum
Generalis, Personius et sui per urbem et Card, aulas uolitant ;
sacerdotes uero orant.
• June 19 supra.
BREVIS RELATIO. 55
Quatuor a sancti officii Cardinalibus, quatuor istis sacerdotibus
ijsque fauentibus, obiecta sunt crimina ; primo, Nimia cum statu et
magistratu heretico familiaritas ; 2°. librorum impressio, quorum
nonnulli propositiones habuerunt ualde temerarias ; 3°. paucitas
appellantium et fautorum suorum. 4°. et ultimo, Eegis Chris-
tianissimi patrocinium. Ad tria ista prima capita accusationum
responsum habetnr in particulari quadam schedula suo loco.1 '
Ad quartum idem responsum dederunt sacerdotes, quod Personio _ . f
dederat Excellentissimus Galliae legatus, cum ilium primo inuiseret,
et inter cetera quibus usus est ad animum eius a sacerdotibus
auertendi argumentum hoc erat preecipuum : quod sacerdotes isti
rem religionis ad negotium et causam status reduxissent, con-
fugiendo ad regis Christianissimi patrocinium. . Cui legatus
uerissimd et acutissime; respondit; Itane tandem tibi uidetur
durum, et ex regis patrocinio uix per tres menses sacerdotibus istis
concesso perturbatum et confusum religionis negocium, cum tu
tuique per tot annos in tantis negotiorum. uarietatibus Regis
HispaniaB nomine, auctoritate, et patrocinio estis usi, aut tibi
gloriari licet in tot tuis literis, et scriptis de Kegis Hispanias
protectione ; istis uero sacerdotibus Regis Christianissimi protectio
vitio est uertenda : quo response bonus ille pater obmutuit ;
idipsum responsi dederunt Illmis Sancti officii Cardinalibus dicti
sacerdotes cum de calumnia ista postulabantur.
Accidit autem ut legatus Galliae, qui in Personium et suos hue
usque solum tanquam ReginaB et status Angliae inimicos sese
armauerat, (quern bis eo nomine semel ante adventum et iterum
post aduentum sacerdotum a se reiecerat) suggerente I. C[ecilio]
aliam eamque iustissimam haberet occasionem Personium exagi-
taudi. Exhibuit enim Ds. C. eccmo legato totum paragraphum e
libro Successionis ubi Regi et Corona? franciaB uideretur inimi-
cissimus : quam nactus occasionem orator Regius sequenti 54.^ 1. 100.
audientia Italic^ sanctissimo exhibuit ipsissima Personij uerba,2 2 infra, p. 64.
asserens se hue usque in causa sacerdotum Personio restitisse, at
iam se, Regis sui nomine, Personium tanquam inimicum sui
56 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
Reg's et habere et declarare ; Pontificis iudicio reliquit si
religiosorum essent ista exercitia, Principum et regnorum titulos
et regna diuidere, et lites excitare uix multis seculis restinguendas ;
quod ipsum Thome Fitzharberto, causam Personij apud eum agenti,
dixit liberrime, et non sine stomachi demonstratione.
Nono Augnsti Pontificis nomine sacerdotes ad se uocat Illmus
Burghesius, illisque Sanctitatis suae nomine exhibuit declarationem
sancti Officij Pontificisque ipsius manu correctam et annotatam,
eandem etiam parti contrariae porrigit ; illico sacerdotes ad legatum
confugiunt declarationemque demonstrant ; iubet legatus ut quae
pro statu religionis in ijs uiderentur dura ipsi sacerdotes ex-
ponerent, seipsum uero quae ad statum regni pertinerent cum
sanctissimo tractaturum.
Itum est eodem die ad Burghesium ; Dnus Oecilius caeterorum
nomine presentibus singulis ita loquitur : Illme, Vidimus Smi
sanctique officij declarationem, et in ea vidimus singularem illam,
quam de nobis et negotiis nostris curam habetis, et sollicitudinem
agnoscimus, gratiasque habemus infinitas. Verum inter declara-
tionis istius capita, sicut quaedam sunt iustissima, et causae
sequitate uestraque pietate dignissima, sic quaedam sunt in praxi
54, f. 106b. et executione difficillima, ueluti tali obedire superiori, cum quo tam
capitales exercuimus inimicitias ; quaedam dura, ueluti recursus
appellationum ad Hlmum Farnesium ; quaedam non satis explicata
et perspicua, ut illud de libris et propositionibus temerarijs,
quaedam factu impossibilia, ut congressus et colloquia eum here-
ticis v. g. si nouero quenquam Cath. in Reginae caput conspirasse,
in hoc casu teneor vitae mess consulere, et Oath, istum accusare.
Quibus respondit Card., hgec mihi in scriptis afferetis, et ego
Illmis Sli Officij Dominis legenda et consideranda proponam ; quae
singula magis accurate et curiose inter- cetera exemplaria
1 infra, p. 65. habentur.1
Die uero August! undecimo Ecc"1"3 Galliae legatus cum
Pontifice egit de ista Sli officii declaratione, gratiasque egit
quod tandem sacerdotes istos iustissimS a linguis et labijs dolosis
BREVIS RELATIO. 57"
liberasset, et pro innocentia et iustitia eorum determinasset, at
multa sunt capita, quse aliquanto duriora et cum illo de quo toties
egerunt pacifico rerum cursu pugnantia. Primum enim de persona
Archipresbit. in pristina dignitate et auctoritate stabilienda infinita
occurrunt incommoda, quod Principibus pene omnibus persuasum
sit ilium in hunc iinem fuisse promotum ut Hispanorum inseruiret
ambitioni, quod eo magis ex hac tarn pertinaci eius defens6 in hac
curia apparet et oppositione facta ab Hispanis ijsque fauentibus
equissimis sacerdotum postulatis, magisque continuatio ista post
tot obiecta et probata crimina suspectum reddet et negocium, quod 54, f. 107.
ipsa prima institutio licet a Personio in hunc finem procurata fuisse
constet,a neque posse pro omnibus aeque Catholicis, aut regem
Christianissimum intercedere aut reginam quicquam concedere
dum qui ceteris prgeest utrisque merito sit suspectua.
De appellationibus ad protectorem deuoluendis, magis ista
suspicionem augent, et propter sanguinis cum Hispano coniunc-
tionem, et propter necessariam ab Hispano dependentiam ; preterea
nullo modo uidetur expedire aut dictis Principibus posse hoc
satisfacere, ut is eorum statuatur iudex et arbiter quorum opera
aliquando uti poterit ad families aut parentum suorum titulos
iuraque ad Regni sceptra promouenda. Heec legatus.
Ad quas Pontifex respondit Farnesium esse creaturam suam :
Archip. uero ad tempus esse in illo statu relictum donee maturius
aliquid aliud statueretur, et interim ita esse limitatum et re-
strictum ut nihil possit omnino in istos uel alios grauius exercere.
Rogavit preterea legatus ut quampridem dimitteret istos sacer-
dotes, quod se Pontifex facturum pollicetur. Dum in saucto officio
de negocijs Anglise consilium capiturr cursitat cum suis P. Pers.
idque sedulo agit, ne tarn public^ et tarn aperte reprehendatur
Archipresb., nee lesuitee a rernm regimine amoueantur, ut P.
Personius Archipresb. agens in Vrbe statuatur, ne prohibeantur
Cath. rebus se politicis immiscere ; hoc ipsum P. Generalis,
legatus Hispaniae, eorum deuoti omnes, omni conatu urgent.
* Negocium . . . constet. Some clerical error here.
58 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
54, f . I07b. Venit tandem desiderata dies, cum se sacerdotes uocatos intelli-
gunt ad Pontificem 3°. octobris hora pomeridiana 3a. accepturi,
ut existimarunt, breue et benedictionem Pontificis pro commeatu.
Pergunt Igeti ad Palatium, ubi uident omnium in se comectos
oculos, dicunt Janitoribus se a sua sanctitate uocatos esse;
responsum est iam sibi omnia nota esse, iussique sunt parumper
expectare, ubi notandum est Dnuni Cecilium paulo pridem
aegrotasse : significatum uero sacerdotibus fuit ut ille si ullo modo
£ lecto possit surgere una etiam adesset, ita enim iubere Sanc-
tissimum ; dum ingressum expectant ad Sanctitatem suam sacer-
dotes, ecce adest cum Dfio Parkero et Archero P. Personius, ad
inuicem salutant, sedent unusquisque loco suo, silent, sacerdotes
illico suspicari coeperunt quod res erat, P. Personium nimirum
uelle, et illos et Pontificem, simulata pace in presentia Pontificis
et cum auctoritate eiusdem facienda, et Sanctitati sua3 imponere et
ipsos causam suam pessundare. Cogitant igitur serio apud se
quid agant, quid Sanctitati suae respondeant, quomodo hoc tarn
inaspectatum malum devitent ; orant preterea secret^ apud se ut
permitteret Deus ne in presentiam Pontificis illo die admitterentur,
cum ecce de repents Cardinales, qui episcoporum examini prassunt,
adueniunt idque cateruatim. Adest una et Cardinalis Farnesius
Protector noster, tanquam testis futurus reconciliationis nostra?.
64, f. 108. Vrbs tota et tota Curia nihil aliud sonat quam Anglorum recon-
ciliationi in Palatio ante Pontificem destinatum fuisse diem ilium ;
tamen, ad portam accedens, Pater Personius responsum accepit
illo die non posse Pontificem rebus suis vacare, discedit cum suis,
ex quibus duos ad sacerdotes mittit, qui moneant frustra sacerdotes
expectaturos, propter Pontificis negotia. Illi uero mirificS eius
discessu recreati parumper expectant, donee commode ad magistrum
Cameras et cubiculi pra3fectum accedens Dims Cecilius, dixit se
adesse prout iussit Pontifex, et una rogare si illos iubeat expectare,
qui frustra illos expectaturos respondens eos in diem commodiorem
dimisit, abeunt illi rectd ad Asylum suum, et tanti periculi mouent
legatum Gallic.
BR-EVIS RELATIO. 59
Postridie quarto nimirum octobris orator Regius suam sancti-
tatem adiens narrat quam sit astutus P. Personius, quantum
simulata pace solet suis aduersariis officere, quales rumores
spargere, qualia mendacia ; deinde monet Pontificem sacerdotes istos
nullo modo posse cum Personio familiaritatem aut congressum
aliquem habere, praeter illam qua) Christianis omnibus est com-
munis charitatem, nisi uelint et patriam suam, et Principem, et
Regis Christmi Patrocinium renunciare ; rogat itaque Pontificem
ut, si Catholicis in Anglia bene consultum uoluerit, desinat sacer-
dotes istos ad fictam et auctoritate potius quam affectione animorum
factam pacem compellere : se enim ilia ipsa hora, qua cum
Personio, Regis sui inimico declarato, pacem tarn solemnem
fecerint, illos deserturum.
Respondit Pontifex se re uera hoc in animo habuisse, pacem 54,. f. I08b.
inter presbyteros et Patrem Personium illo ipso die et loco con-
clusisse, et[iam] antequam portas cubiculi sui essent egressi
presente Cardinali Farnesio ad mutuos arnplexus et pacis oscula
coegisse, verum non mihi in mentem uenit nee Personium adeo
fuisse artificiosum, nee sacerdotibus tantum inde imminere mali ;
vnde conclusit Sacerdotibus non futurum hac de causa vlterius
molestum. Et sic laqueus contritus est regij oratoris opera et
rationibus, et liberati sunt sacerdotes ab istis grauissimis difficulta-
tibus. Eo enim res reducta est (riihil tale somniantibus sacerdoti-
bus) P. Personii dolis et artificijs, ut sacerdotes aut Pontifici et
Protectori in os resisterent, et pacem persuadentibus contradicerent,
aut Reginam Anglias, quam satis sibi placatam reliquerant, offen-
sionibus et suspitionibus nouis alienarent, Regisque Christianissimi
patrocinio se suosque priuarent, cuius periculi imminentem pro-
cellam Eccellmus Gallise legatus parua quasi corporis declinatione
dissipauit.
Vltimo uero septembris a sancti officii Cardinalibus data est
sanctmo 2a eorum declaratio, et a sanctitate sua uisa, lecta, et
correcta est, et 1° octobris Rmo D'no Vestrio Barbiano data est ut
in Breuis formam redigeretur, cuius Breuis exemplar unum
60 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
authenticum ad instantiam legati Galilee sacerdotibus, alter um
Archipr. procuratoribus erat tradendurn, verum neutri parti ante
54, f. 109. factas et sigillatas bullas eorum capita erant communicanda.
Pater Personius uero tantum potuit Hispanorum potentia, ut
praecipua capita totius declarations sibi communicari curaret :
cumque iam die septimo octobris expedita, signata, et sigillata
essent omnia iamiam sacerdotibus tradenda tantum effecerunt cum
. . . . a ut minutam Breuis quae [ad prwfectum Brevium . . . .] a
prius ad Vestrium mittitur quam Breue dimittitur, [ . . . apud
Aldobrandinum Brevium prcefectum . . . .] a a die septimo usque
ad 12. qui fuit dies ille quo' legatus Hispaniae suam habet cum
Pontifice audientiam, nulla diligentia, nullis precibus, nulla auctori-
tate dicti sacerdotes obtinere potuerint. Egerunt enim ipsi sacerdotes
[. . . cum pio Aldobrandino] . . . a egit legatus Galliae utrisque
sanctissme promisitb se illico minutam esse mittendamb verum post
datam legato Hispaniae audientiam ilMco relaxata sunt Breuia, et
missa minuta.
Vnde suspicio magna data est oratori Regio dictisque sacer-
dotibus tergiuersationem istam tantam eo factam esse, ut articulum
ilium prchibentem Catholicos rebus politicis se immiscere expunge-
rent, quod cum inconsulto Pontifice ueriti sunt facere, eousque
sunt usi procrastinatione ista donee Hispaniae legatus id a Sanctmo
obtinuisset, quod eo uidetur uerisimilius [quod viri quidam magni
64, f. 109b. fideque dignissimi] c de capifce hoc, et articulo in Breui contento
certo certiorem fecerunt legatum Franciee.
Verum mirandum est, et oratoris Galliaa iudicio ingenio et in
rebus gerendis dexteritati tribuendum, quod contra tarn potentes
exercitatos, astutos, et tot amicis munitos adversaries, et versutissi-
mum ilium P. Personium tantum praeualuerint isti simplices, egeni,
inexercitati sacerdotes.
» Erasures. b So altered by another hand.
c This substitution, together with the preceding erasures on this page, is made
by a subsequent hand with the remark at foot of folio 109 : " Jay ray6 les lignes cy
dessus." In each case the name of Aldobrandinus or prcefectus Brevium is legible
beneath the erasure.
BREVIS RELATIO. 61
Aduersarios in hac causa habuerunt sacerdotes iu prime eorum
aduentu rerum Hybernicarurn expectationem (vix enim post tres
menses ex quo ad vrbem venerunt credi potuit Hispanos ex
Hybernia fuisse eiectos),a Hispaniae legatum totamque factionem
Hispanicam, lesuitas eorumque deuotos, par. nouas nuptias [?], et
ex Anglia Belgia et Hispania literas omnium ordinum et locorum,
hominum utriusque sexus, ad Pontificem.
Praeter Regis Christianissmi protectionem, et Eccellmi Gallise
Legati infinitam industriam et sagacitatem maximam, amicum
habuerunt neminem, qui illis palam et libere astipulari sit ausus,
tarn propter pretentiones (ut aiunt) quas in Curia Rom ana habent,
tarn propter metum J. et H.b
Restat vltima audientia cum Pontifice, et valedictio.c
Die 16. mensis octobris eiusdem anni, idipsum primo sollicitante
legato Gallise, admissi sunt ad pedes Pontificis dicti sacerdotes. D.
Bluettus latine pauca dixit gratiasque egit petijtque reseruari
unam benignam aurem suis fratribus si quid imposterum ad eum
deferri contingeret.
Ad quaD sanctissimus paucis etiam respondit placere sibi
promptam illam obedientiae uocem ac fidem sine charitate niliil
posse, imo nudam esse, docet. Ad pacem hortatur sacerdotes, et
vina ostendit cupere se omnibus satisfacere, et Angliae prse ceteris
subvenire, at Deus scit, inquit, quantis premor angustijs. Rex Verba ista
Hispanige ex una parte. Rex franciae ex altera vrgent. Principes
isti omnes quaerunt quae sua sunt, ita ut nesciam ubi inclinare
caput, et sic sacerdotibus plurimas gratias spirituals indulgendo
eos dimisit, rogans illos in discessu quid illis de Card. Burghesio
* The Spanish army under Don Juan d' Aguilar capitulated at Kinsale on
Jan. 2. They embarked for Spain Feb. 20, but it was not until after the siege and
destruction of Dunboyn in June that expectation of further Spanish aid was
abandoned by the Irish insurgents.
b Jesuitarum et Hispanias ?
c From this point to end of next page of this copy the text is smaller and cramped,
as though added as an after-thought. It encroaches on f. 110, the first page of
new matter beginning " Eesponsioj" &c,
62 THE ARCHPEIEST CONTROVERSY.
uidebatur ; responderunt placuisse illis admodum, et iterum bene-
dictione accepta discesserunt.
Finis.
54, f. 110. 2. llesponsio ad ea quce obijciuntur de Familiaritate quorundam sacer-
dotum cum Magistratu Hceretico in Anglia, et quod aliqua liber-
tate ab ijs fuerint donati, et quod ab ijs viaticum acceperint.
Accusati quidam ex nostris, et Londinura e carcere Vuisbecensi
uocati, quod contra caput Reginge conspirassent, cum quodara qui
ex Hispania a lesuita quodam Anglo se missum ad hoca con-
fitebatur, durissimoque et seuerissimo examini eo nomine subiecti,
ita se de obiectis criminibus purgarunt, ut non solum se liberos, et
omni huius accusationis suspitione uacuos esse ostenderunt, ueruin
etiam et se et ex fratribus suis quamplurimos nihil unquam aut
tentasse aut cogitasse contra statum Regni politicum aut Reginae
54, f. llOb. salutem demonstrarunt ; protestatiquesunt a Summo Pontifice a quo
missi erant sibi ser[io] et iiistanter interdictum fuisse ne rebus se
politicis aliquando immiscerent,b quibus mota regina permisit, utex
patribus alios liberarent e uiiiculis, alios adhuc liberos itineris
comites haberent, Romamque pergerent, partim ad aliquas suas
dirimendas controuersias, partim ut illi satisfieret an quse in Anglia
contra Regni statum a quibusdam tractata auctoritate Pontificia
fuissent facta necne : quod si hac illam suspitione Summus Pontifex
liberaret, spem dedit certissimam de aliquo in fidei negocio liberiori
progressu, et grauioris persecutionis relaxatione, neque preterea
quicquam a nobis cum magistratu heretico unquam est actum, nisi
* See note, vol. i. p. 122. Among other absurdities Squiers in his examination
before the law officers in London (Gal. Dom. Eliz. Oct. 19, 1598), with unconscious
irony makes Father Walpole say '• he would write to Dr. Bagshaw at Wisbeach
Castle as he knew all the, courses of the Jesuits." The indignant Doctor found no
difficulty in establishing his own innocence, but he does not seem to have suspected
the possible innocence of Walpole.
b I do not know of any such papal prohibition forbidding the missionaries to
meddle with political affairs. The Jesuits, however, on their joining the mission in
1580 received from the superiors of their order the strictest injunctions to that effect.
BREVIS RELATIO. 63
quod in totius ecclesiae beneficium sine ullius iniuria aut preiudicio
redundet. Si qui sint, qui secus factum existimant, producant in
scriptis suspitionum et ratiomim suarum capita, quibus summa
cum fide et siraplicitate libentissimS satisfaciemus.
Tantum autem abest, ut a magistratu heretico uiaticum minimum
aliquod subsidy pro hoc itinere conficiendo acceperimus, ut libros,
supellectilem, omniaque nostra Ecclesiastica ornamenta uendere,
sereque alieno nos obstringere simus coacti, ut tandem ad pedes
Sanctitatis suae nos sisteremus ad controuersias istas penitus
delendas et dirimendas, ut Catholici in Anglia interna saltern pace
et concordia perfruantur.
3. Responsio ad ea quce obijciuntur de var'ds nostro nomine Impressis 54, f. ill.
Libris.
In confesso,etliberrime profitemur duos libros a fratribus nostris
esae editos, unum Sanctitati suse,a alterum Illmis D'nis Inquisi-
toribus dedicatum,b idque nostro turn consensu turn consilio in
quibus nihil contra fidem aut bonos mores contineri sperarnus in
quorum altero prsefixae sunt rationes, quibus adducti, seu potius
coacti, ad prceliurn confugimus. De alijs uero libris, quos in nomine
sacerdotum secularium nonnulli editos esse dicunt, et hereticas
continere expositiones, absque omni nostro consensu et notitia
impresses et publicatos esse sanctissiniS protestamur,0 et si qui
huiusmodi extant libri, aut omnino conficti sunt, et sub falsis
* Declaratio motuum ac turbationum qua ex controversies inter Jesuitas, Usque
in omnibus faventem D. Gcorgium Blaclcwellum Archipresbyterum et Sacerdotes
Seminariorum in Anglia, ab obitu illmi Card. Alani pica memories, ad annum
usque 1601. Ad S. D. N. Clementem octavum exUibita etc. By J. Mush.
b Relatio compendiosa turbarum quas Jesziitce Angli una cum D. Georgia
Blacktuello . . . concivere . . . sacrosanctce inquisitionis officio exhibita, etc. By
Dr. Bagshaw.
c The books in question were mainly from the pen of William Watson. They
were published after the departure of the appellants to Borne, and when known
were repudiated by the more moderate men of their party. Even Bagshaw, the
author of the True Relation, expresses his disapproval of Watson's tone.
64 THE ARCHfRIEST CONTROVERSY.
norninibus editi ad maiorem inuidiam et odium in sacerdotes ex-
citandum, conflandum, aut ab aliquo uno inscijs fratribus sunt
confecti.
64, f. lllb. 4. Responsio ad illud quod obijcitur de Paucitate eorum qui ex parte
nostra slant in negocijs cum Sanctissimo tradandis.
Quod ad numerum attinet. Cum causa nostra ab illo ludice sit
audienda qui rei sequitatem, et rationum grauitatem, magis quam
multitudinem personarum respicit, parum refert de numero, modo
justum et aequum sit quod proponimus et postulamus, deinde mirum
uidetur, quomodo qui paucitatem obijciunt, negotium quod cum
sanctissimo sumus tractaturi nescientes sciretamen possintquot sint
a nostris partibus, quot contra nos. Denique si totum hoc negotiurn
multitudine suffragiorum putat Sua Sanctitas dirimendum ; liberet
omnes in Anglia sacerdotes, qui non sint uel actu uel uoto Jesuitee,
ab omni oppressionis, infamise, iniuriseque metu, et unicuique
auctoritate sua imperet ut sufFragium suum ex conscientiae
dictamine libere proferat et turn demum si pauciores fuerimus
causa cademus.
54, f. 112. 5. Del Libro toccante alia Successione alia Corona d' Inghilterra, fatto
per il Patre Personio Anno Domini 94, dedicato all' lllmo Conte
(K Essex del Consiglio Secreto delta Maestd della Regina d' Inghil-
terra di quel libro fol. 150 sono queste parole, nel
preiudicio della Corona de Franda*
This then being so clear as it is, first, that according to the
common course of Succession in England and other countries, and
according to the course of all Common Law, the Infanta of Spain
should inherit the whole kingdom of France, and all other States
thereunto belonging, she being the daughter and heir of King
• ' A Conference about the next Succession to the Crowne of Ingland . . .' Pub-
lished by R. Doleman, 1594. I have here substituted for the extract in Italian the
passage in the original, taken from Part ii. p. 117 of the reprint of 1681.
BREVIS RELATIO. 65
Henry ii of France, whose issue-male of the direct line is wholly
extinct ; but yet for that the French do pretend their Law Salique
to exclude women (which we English have ever denied to be good
until now) hereby cometh it to pass that the king of Navarr pre-
tendeth to enter, and to be preferred before the said Infanta, or her
sister's children, though male, by a collateral line. But yet her
favourers say, (I mean those of the Infanta) that from the Dukedoms
of Britany, Aquitain, and the like, that came to the Crown of
France by women and are inheritable by women, she cannot be in
right debarred ; as neither from any Succession or Pretence to
England, if (either by the Bloud-Royal of France, Britany,
Aquitain, or of England itself) it may be proved that she hath any
interest thereunto, as her favourites do affirm that she hath, by
these reasons following. Finis.
[Note in another hand.~\ Premier cahier du discours de
ce qui cest passe en 1'affaire des prestres anglois
faict a Rome le 4e nouebre 1602.
6. Memorial to the Pope regarding the Sentence of the Inquisition,
August 12.*
Beatissime Pater 54, f. 113
Licet ijs omnibus, quas a Sanctte V'ra ©t Illsmis S^ Officij Car-
dinalibus in causa nostra declarata et terminata sunt, obedire
simus paratissimi, captiuantes sensum et intellectum nostrum in
obsequium potestatis et auctoritatis uestrse : tamen cum quse ad
pacis perpetuitatem sunt, quaerimus, fratrumque nostrorum pro
hoc tempore ora et oculi sumus, tenemur in conscientia, tanquam
fideicommissi, antequam ultima manus negocio nostro imponatur,
Sanctis V'rge consideration! proponere dubia quasdam et difficultates,
quae in quibusdam dictse declarationis capitibus nobis occurrunt.
Pmo Itaque quod ad Archipresbiteri personam attinet, videtur
ualde difficile et improbabile, ut ijs sacerdotibus, quibus cum
"• There is no heading to this document in the original.
VOL. II. F
66 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
tarn grauibus tarn leuibus de causis exercuit et adhuc exercet
inimicitias, prgesit pacifice ; cum sit vir, (ut satis apparet) prseter
csetera ad iram et uindictam praeceps, cum sit Judex sine iuris-
prudentia, et it& a nostris alienus, ut ne ad conspectum eius eos
admittere dignetur; et cum seipsum nesciat regere, quin alieno
consilio ad multa se nobisque indigna facillime itnpellatur,
difficillimum erit alijs diu cum serenitate et tranquillitate, a
Sancte V'ra desiderata, imperet, prsecipue cum sit multum veri-
simile ilium esse voto seu resignatione Jesuitam.a Preterea autem
cum constet omnes 12. Consiliarios, vel Assistentes Archipresby-
teri, consilio ac nutu Patris Personij electos fuisse, et ipsorum
nonnullos Societati Jesuitarum sese pariter astrinxisse, alios autem
utpote venationibus, aucupijs et similibus ineptijs continud occu-
64, f. H3b. patos, cum magno uixisse et uiuere scandalo, omnes demum
appellantibus inimicissimos esse, et ipso Archipresbitero ineptiores
ad gubernandum Ecclesiam, asperum uidetur tantoruru Sacerdotum
colla huiusmodi aduersantium superiorum uoluntatibus premenda
subijcere. Petimus itaque ut Archipresbiter omnino amoueatur,
aut saltern alij Archipresbiteri in aliis Prouinciis equali authori-
tate instituantur, secundum illam quam in considerationibus nostris
exhibuimus regiminis formam. Quibus consideratis si nihilominus
Sanctas V'ra nihil de regiminis forma, nihil de persona Archipres-
biteri mutandum decreuerit, certum est [nos] obedire, eamque
obedieutiam alijs omnibus nostris fratribus precipere et predicare.
Veruratamen si Sane11 Was placuerit perpetuitatem huiusce
magistratus ad unius anni aut biennij terminum restringere, mag-
num erit afflictis fratribus nostris sub tarn duro domino solatium.
Quod si par am uidebitur ista nostra postulatio opportuna, saltern
inter Assistentes, et Consiliarios suos, depositis ineptioribus et
Societati astrictis, aliqui ex nostris admittantur, quorum consilijs,
et consensu in rebus agendis uti teneatur, et familiariter con-
grediatur, ut pristina omnium auersio hac mutua animorum
coniunctione et consiliorum communione amoueatur.
a This appears to be a groundless suspicion.
BREVIS RELATIO. 67
Dignetur etiaui Sanctas V'ra cum Archipresbitero et Assisten-
tibus qui uotum societatis emisemnt dispensare, aut ad ingressum
Religionis coarctare, aut demum loco et officio regendis sacerdoti-
bus saecularibus amouere.
Quod ad communicationem cum Patribus Societatis attinet,
petimus, ut hoc* tarn ipsis Jesuitis quam Archipbro sub aliqua
Censura Ecclesiastica iniungatur cuius absolutio Sanctissimo et 54, f. 114.
successoribus reseruetur.
De Eleemosynis.
Quod ad eleemosynarum caput attinet, in quo omnium fer& Sacer-
dotum, et Catholicorum egentium (quorum infinitus est numerus)
salus et uita sua est, uidentur fratres nostri qui in carceribus,
premente inopia, mente exciderunt, et qui extrema sunt passi, tarn
in uinculis quam qui liberius in uinea D'ni laborant (idque non
solum sciente et consentiente sed et praecipiente Archipresbitero)
perperam admonitione ista leuari.
Ad Patres autem Societatis cum maxima eleemosynarum moles,
turn ipsorum hac in re exquisita diligentia turn quorumdam
collectorum laycorum beneplacito, deuoluatur, quae de ratione ab
ijs exigenda proposuimus uidentur ampliori consideratione digna.
De Appellationibus.
De appellationibus ad Vrbem et ad Hlmum Protectorem difficul-
tates oriuntur ex parte sacerdotum aliquBB quibus satisfieri uix
poterit, paupertas nimirum et impossibilitas sine uitae periculo
Regnum egrediendi, ut appellationes factas prosequantur. Ex
parte Illmi Protectoris, in huiusmodi causis et controuersijs inexer-
citatio, et rerum nostrarum imperitia ; licet enim Princeps sit
nobilissimus, suauissimus et omni uirtutum genere ornatissimus,
tamen appellationes istiusmodi (si modo in Regno ad neminem
concedatur recursus sed immediate ad Vrbem sit recurrendum) 54, f. H4b.
• That is, the order prohibiting such communication.
r 2
68 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
recursus ad Illmos aliquos Cardinales, qui in causis nostris magis
sunt uersati, saltern ad tempus donee ista penitus sit sedata tem-
pestas, desideratur.
Quod ad libros attinet, omnes libros qui aliquid contra ordinem
aut institutum societatis continent, aut contra aliquam priuatam 6
Societate personara, quod probare non possimus, et una heresim
aliquo modo sapiunt : aut contra bonos mores uel sillabam unam
habeant, Rothomagi, uel in Anglia, uel ubicunque impresses
improbamus et damnamus, et improbari et damnari cupimus.
Nominatim autem libellum quendam supplicem ad Reginam
Anglise a Jesuitis conscriptum et promulgatum sine loco aut
authore, continentem propositiones aequ6 scandalosas atque suspec-
tas atque sunt illae Watsoni, quern nunc accepimus et Smo exhibui-
mus, condemnari cupimus, diem tamen, mensem, et annum exprimi
petimus, ut distinguantur ab illis alij libri in eodem loco impress!
qui ab Illsmis DD. non improbantur.
Cum utrique parti iniungatur silentium et cessatio a librorum
editione, communicatione, retentione et euulgatione, cumque
aliqui e societate Patres primi et prascipui fuerunt in huiusmodi
libris, literis, et scriptis edendis et promulgandis, ipsi uero (quod in
superiori Bulla nominatim non includebantur) nihil ad se spectare
istum articulum asseuerarunt, ideoque liberrime istiusmodi libros et
scripta post promulgatam Bullam emiserunt cum perturbatione et
scandalo Catholicorum omnium Anglorum, dignetur S. Sanctas ita
aliquo modo clausulam istaim explicare. ut omnes tarn Relig903
54, f. 115. quam lay cos et sacerdotes contineat, et una omne genus librorum,
literarum, tractatuum quibus uiri alicuius Catholici fama iniuste
uiolari poterit imposterum aut prius uiolata fuerat, quibus excitari
ueteres uel concitari nouse potuerint controuersiae.
Postremo, ut Catholici omnes omni liberentur scrupulo de
retroactis confessionibus, dignetur S. Sanctas in cautelam declarare,
omnes confessiones factas sacerdotibus appellantibus esse et fuisse
ualidas, non obstantibus quibuscunque sententijs, censuris, aut
suspensionibus ab Arehipresbitero aut . . , Card, Caietano pro
BREVIS RELATIO. 69
rebus ad hanc controuersiam spectantibus illatis ; et quod ad
facultates attinet, ut declarentur omnes esse in statu in quo ante
inceptam hanc controuersiam fuerunt ; in declaratione facultatum
Archipresbiteri petimus explicari dubium illud de facultatibus
tollendis, ne possit ab innocentibus pro arbitrio facultates auferre,
et ne possit contra appellantes, qui per se uel per alios ad Vrbem
uenerunt procedere (cum sit omnium excepto Vuatsono eadem ratio)
nisi prius Roma a Sanctsmo uel eius iussu ab Illmo Protectore
responsum habuerit. Insuper ut omnis uerborum ambiguitas
tollatur in breuibus conficiendis ad lites futuras et contentiones
preeueniendas, Petimus etiam (ne insontes ex alieno delicto damnum
patiantur) ut D'nus Guglielmus Vuatsonus (si ipse quid mali
scripserit) Romam vel ad Nuncium Apostolicum in Gallia citetur,
librorum suorum rationem ut reddat, et ut se purget aut poenas de-
bitas sustineat.
Ex literis Archipresbiteri datis nono maij facile iudicabit 54, f. 115b.
Sancttas V'ra quantas ille de facultatibus tollendis et libris
imprimendis excitauit tragosdias, etiam post ultimi Breuis
Apostolici promulgationemr et quod nullam cum homine tarn
uiolente et imprudente sperare possumus pacemr nisi aut ipse
penitus amoueatur, aut de facultatibus, libris, eleemosynis, con-
siliarijsque suis statuatur aliquid conforme postulatis et petitionibus
nostris ; magis caecam et promptam obedientiam exigunt a sacerdo-
tibus secularibus Jesuitse in Anglia cum Archipresbitero, quam in
ullo, uel strictissimo religiosorum ordine exigitur, cum ipsi tamen
Sanctu V'rae et superioribus suis obedientiam eo usque exhibent
quoad talis subinissio in rem suam cedat ; quod in Sancttis V'ra3
hoc ult° Breui et in Nuncij Apostolici qui in Belgio uersatur
mandate uidere licet de facultatibus non tollendis et libris non
imprimendis.
Dignetur etiam Sanctta8 V'ra quamprimum de istis difficultatibus
statuere ; ut tarn leto nuncio quiescant omnes in partibus nostris
tumultus, et ne sit fuga nostra in hieme, cum partim sumus senio
confecti, partim ualetudine admodum infirma.
70 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
54, f. 116. 7. Quomodo media ilia quce hactenus per arma tentata sunt ad redu-
cendam ad fidem Angliam plus Catholicis nocuerunt, quam pro-
fuerunt.
Eruditissimum et grauissimum virum Doctorem Saunderum in
Hiberniam misit Rex Catholicus* cum 100 Hispanis, promissis
amplioribus militum et pecuniarum subsidy's, at deceptus perijt
cum milite Saunderus, et Magistratus irritatus cepit domi in
Catholicos sgeuire.
Ante Sanderum Comites Northumbriae et Westruerlandige arma
pro fide Catholica restituenda sumpserunt regis Catholici promissis
incitati, at delusi a Rege tarn sancto misere perierunt.
In Scotia Comites Angusius, Huntleus, et Erolius a Regis
Hispanige Nuncio iussi et animati certissima subsidiorum spe arma
sumpserunt, sed falsi spe, et turpissime derelicti, post partam
unam uictoriam et sanguinis effusionem fugere sunt coacti.
In expeditione anni 88. nihil minus cogitauit Rex Catholicus
quam de Religionis negotio componendo, nusquam enim adduci
potuit ut cum Sixto Vl° et Card'li Alano aut tempus profectionis
aut conditiones administrandse rei post partam uictoriam com-
municaret. Vnde Catholicis magna parta est ex ilia expeditione
inuidia, multi occisi, leges capitales factae, cum tamen nihil minus
in illo negotio quam Catholicis benefacere cogitauit Rex, si uera
sunt quae de intentione sua narrantur, quae adhuc, ut opinor, a
Catholicis Anglis nescitur.
54, f. H6b. In expeditione anni 96. licet cum P. Personio et Creswello com-
municata fuerunt omnia, et sacerdotes et Jesuitas Angli ab ijs in
ilia protectione missi, tamen ade6 uel intempestiue, uel inconsultd,
uel temer6 rem gesserunt, ut hasc etiam molimina Catholicis domi
capitalia haberentur.
Anno 97 P. etiam Cresuello et Tancredo consulentibus facta est
• This is not quite accurate. The pope, Gregory XIII., not the king of Spain, in
1579 sent Sanders as his agent into Ireland, with Fitzmaurice, who was nominated
General with a commission to raise troops in the pope's name. Philip secretly
aided the enterprise, and subsequently sent reinforcements. See Calendar of
Spanish Papers (Eliz. vol. ii. p. 1G6).
BREVIS RELATIO. 71
alia expeditio maritima, missis una sacerdotibus et Jesuitis
Anglis, sed tarn teiiuiter, tarn imprudenter, et ut uerendum est
intentione non ita syncera, ut praetor odium et uexationem Catholicis
nihil praeterea Ecclesise commodi attulerunt isti conatus.
In Hy hernia Anno 1601 pari fortuna et inconsideratione res gesta
est, falsis enim relationibus et informationibus decepti pij
principes, zelo moti, dum Catholicis cupiunt consulere, in Catho-
licorum perniciem persequutorem animant, et haec omnia duorum
uel trium Jesuitarum impulsu.a
8. Multa sunt quce intentiones Regis Hispanice de iuuandis Catholicis
suspectas reddunt non Catholicis solum Anglis sed Principibus
alijs Catholicis.
Pmo in Gallijs omnes illi praetextus de Religione Catholica tuenda
hue redierunt, nimirum, ut Galli Infantam pro Regina sua re-
ciperent nuptam Principi alicui gallo, ita tamen ut ius Regni
penes illam maneret, quod ipsum in Anglia uerentur.
2°. Pater Critonius Scotus Jesuita in Apologia quam scripsit, 54, f. 117.
aut scribi jussit, et presentari et exhiberi curauit principibus pro
Rege Scotise, his utitur uerbis de libro suceessionis P. Personij
sermonem faciens : Etenim probe nouit Catolicus [?] b libellum ilium
" The reference here is perhaps chiefly to Father James Archer, chaplain of the
Spanish forces, and his assistant, " Father Dominic " Collins (or O'Callan). Father
Dominic appears to have been a temporal coadjutor. He had served as a soldier
or captain for many years in the French and Spanish armies, and after the
capitulation of the Spaniards at Kinsale this "illadvised lay brother" (as he was
called by his brother Jesuit in Ireland, Father Field), " full of ancient military
ardour, remained behind and repaired to a castle [Dunboyn]," where after a siege
of many months he was taken, and afterwards hanged. (Oliver's Collections, 240,
244.) About that time or in Feb. 1603, there were five Jesuit missionaries in Ireland,
of whom Father Field was the Superior.
b " Catolicus." So it appears to be written, though it may be, even so, a copyist's
error for " Cecilius." The quotation, as it stands, appears somewhat disingenuous.
For Father Creighton's Apologie, which I printed in " Documents illustrating
Catholic Policy " (Miscellany : Scottish History Society, 1893), was directed against
Dr. Cecil himself : and the Jesuit, who certainly disapproved of Parsons' treatise,
72 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
tune maxime conceptum Anglorum auimis ingenerasse Regem
Catholicum desiderare magis Anglorum Regnum, quam Anglorum
conversionem.
3°. quod Catholicos o nines Anglos Belgia eijci curauit, ne Reginse
Angliae animum offenderet aut inimicam redderet.
4° quod dum uiueret Regina Scotorum ad quam tanquam
Catholicam ius Regni Angliae, mortua quae nunc rerum potitur,
deuolui necessS erat, nunquam adduci potuit Rex Catholicus ut
uel pedem moueret in Reginse illius aut Religionis Catholicas
beneficium ; ilia uerd capite mulctata exercitum ilium stupendum
anni 88. coegit et in Angliam direxit.
5° In pace ilia quse inter Gallum et Hispanum apud Veruin
conclusa est, ubi de Regina admittenda etiam agebatur, nullibi de
here accuses Cecil of having dishonestly defended it. Cecil had, in fact, drawn up
a Memorial for the King of Spain in 1596, to show that King James was always a
bitter enemy of Catholics, and that any recent pretensions of his to the contrary
were dictated by a fear of the influence of the Book of Succession. " The King of
Scotland," wrote Cecil, " hath come to know that this book hath made a great
impression on all sorts of people," etc. Creighton remarked bitterly, " This honest
man M. C. in the end of his discourse doth much commend Mr. Doleman his
booke of the succession to the crowne of England, saying that it hath made such
impression in the hearts of all sorts of men that the K. of Scotland thereby hath
been moved to seeke to the Pope for his conversion, and the K. of Spayne for a
league to assure his partie in tyme : but here M. C. cunningly. . . as he hath
begonne and proceaded continually wth malitious lyes so he doth end, for he [Cecil]
knoweth well that Mr. Doleman's booke hath made an impression in the hearts of
Englishmen that the K. of Spayne doth more affect the kingdome of England then
the conversion of the people to the Catholiqfaith, as they beleeved before."
Dr. Cecil's former intrigues with the Spanish party were probably as insincere
as they were mercenary, and his later alliance with the Appellants appears to have
been the result of a genuine conversion. His conversion, however, was very recent.
Nov. 26, 1601, not three months before Cecil's arrival in Borne on his present
mission, Cardinal d'Ossat wrote to Villeroi warning him against certain Scots and
English then in France who were acting as spies on behalf of Spain, and naming
among others Bobert Bruce, " fort mauvais homme," and an English priest John
Cecil " nomme le Docteur Cecill, comme il est aussi Docteur pass6 a Cahors, age
de quarante ans, duquel on scaura nouvelles au College des Mignons. II a ete en
Espagne & fait le mal-content des Espagnols, & neanmoins ecrit a Borne au Pere
Personius, Jesuite, Anglois de nation & Espagnol de devotion." Lettre ccc.
(Vol. 5, p. 58.)
BREVIS RELATIO. 73
Catholicis facta est mentio. In pace etiarn quae nuper Bolonia in
Gallijs tractata est, nulla aut mentio aut ratio Catholicorum est
habita ; ita ut ex hereticis quidam. uir Senatorius solebat dicere
plus debere Pontificem Rornanum et Catholicos comiti Tironio
Hiberno quam Regi Hispaniae ; ipse enim primo loco posuit con-
ditiones pro Religione stabilienda, neque aliter se ullo modo uelle
conuenire professus. Rex autem Hispaniae nihil minus quam de
Religione cogitauit in illis suis cum hereticis congressibus.
6° Quod autem in Collegijs et seminary s alendis et fouendis
confert beneficij, si propter Deum hoc fit et pietatis et religionis 54, f. H7b.
intuitu, accipiet mercedem, et nullo modo se patietur a tarn sancto
opere diuerti ; sin horum qui aluntur opera et apud suos gratia et
fide ad Regni illius principatum uiam inunire parat, spes haec ubi
euanuerit etiam charitas itla excidet. Hanc Regis Catholici inten-
tionem de regno Angliae uel sibi uel suis hac largitate in seminaries
acquirendo suspectam etiam reddunt subscriptiones quas ab alumnis
P. Personius exegit in hunc finem, et liber ille successionis ab illo
diuulgatus.*
9. Exempla qucedam 8. Sfi notissima quibus mouealur Jesuitis inter-
dicere rerum politicarum curam eosque ex aulis et castris Princi-
pum euocure.
Jesuitae quidam Sebastianum Lusitanise Regem praecipitem in
expeditionem illam Barbaricam egerunt ubi miser6 perijt.
8 The motive of Philip II. in supporting the English colleges within his dominions
at Douai, St. Omer, Valladolid, etc., forms the main subject of an important letter
of Cardinal d'Ossat to Henri IV. dated Nov. 25, 1601. The cardinal maintains,
but with too little discrimination, that the principal care of these establishments
is to educate the pupils in the firm belief that the throne of England belonged by
right of succession to Philip II. or his children ; and he continues : " Et apres que
les jeunes gentilhommes Anglois ont ainsi fait le eours de leurs etudes, ceux qui
sont reconnus pour mieux espagnolisez, & pour les plus courageux & plus fermes
au Credo Espagnol, sont envoyez en Angleterre, pour y semer cette foi, & y
gagner ceux qui n'ont boug6 du pais, & pour epier & donner avis aux Espagnols de ce
qui se fait dans 1'Augleterre & de ce qui leur senible se pouvoir & devoir faire
pour la faire tomber en la puissance d'Espagne ; & pour, si besoin est, subir martyre
74 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
P. Odo Piginettus a [Pigenat] et Cumblottus [Commolet ?] res
unionis in Gallijs administrarunt, sed quam infelicit&r, exitus
loquitur.
P. Carillius Transyluaniae Principem eiusque negotia direxit
missus ab eo in Hispaniam et Romam Nuncius, sed euanuerunt
eorum consilia uniuersa.
P. Archerus, missus a Comite Tironio cum P. Personio, Romas
iussus est conferre symbolum, remissus est una cum P. Mansonio
54, f. 118. Nuncio, sed quo successu iudicet qui, etc.
P. Critonius contra Regem suum priuata auctoritate egit in
Hispania, mittit ad Catholicos Comites ut nomina sua cartae uacuaa
apponant, ab ipso in Hispanijs implendae pro ratione temporum
et negociorum ; mittuntur nomina ; capitur nuncius ; Comites laesaa
maiestatis rei efficiuntur. Hos tamen nobiles postea idem Critonius
mutata mente tanquam proditionis reos pro ijsdem quas exegerat
subscriptionibus exagitat.b
P. Gordonius a sua Sancte pecunias Regis Scotiae nomine petijt,
concessit pius Pontifex, redit bonus pater cum pecunijs recta ad
aussibien ou mieux pour la dite Foi Espagnole, que pour la Religion Catholique." If
this could be the deliberate belief of a churchman and statesman of d'Ossat's char-
acter and sagacity, is it surprising that Elizabeth and her counsellors held the same
belief and acted upon it ?
• Odo Pigenat, provincial of the Jesuits and member of the Council of the
" Sixteen " who held their meetings commonly in the Jesuit college at Paris.
Father Commolet was another prominent supporter of the League. For the
opinions of the Appellants on these affairs, see the Preface " To all English
Catholicks that are faithfull subjects to Queene Elizabeth our most dread
Soueraigne " prefixed by " The Secular Priests " to their translation of the Jesuits
Catechism, 1602.
b See " The Spanish Blanks and Catholic Earls 1592-4 " in the Scottish
Review, July 1893. Father Creighton's apparent change of front was the subject
of Cecil's rare tract "A Discoverye of the errors committed and injuryes don to his
MA. off Scotlande and Nobilitye off the same realm and John Cecyll pryest and D.
of diuinitye by a malitious Mythologie titled an Apologie and compiled by William
Criton Pryest and professed Jesuite, whose habit and behavioure whose cote and
conditions are as sutable, as Esau his handes, and Jacob his voice," dated
Montmartre, Aug. 10, 1599.
BREVIS RELATIO. 75
Comitem Huntleum nepotem suum, mentitus Pontifici de Regis
desiderio.a Vnde Catholicorum mira exorta est persequutio.
P. Personius libros scripsit de successione ; in expeditione
Ann. 88. 96. et 97. et 1601. multa fecit, scripsit, et plurimum
elaborauit ; in Gallijs tempore unionis, author, impulsor, et con-
suitor fuit ; ad Comitem Darbiensem misit ut de Regno capes-
sendo cum illo ageret, sed frustra omnia.
P. Holtus misit in Angliam Holsettum [? Hesketh] ad animum
Comitis Darbiensis in eo ipso Regni negotio explorandum, sed
capite plectitur nuncius, et post paucos dies comes ueneno
perijt.b
P. Cresuellus et Tancredus c in expeditionibus illis anni 96.
97 et 1601 multa et magno cum zelo prouenerunt et per-
fecerunt ; Sacerdotes et Jesuitas itineris comites miserunt, sed
quam prospere quantoque ecclesise bono malim tacite apud me
cogitare quam scriptis committere.
P. Antonius Crispus etiam in Belgijs multa in se suscepit, 54, f. 118b.
multa molitus est, sed exitu infelicissimo, ut omnia solent in
hoc genere Jesuitae, iusto Dei judicio quod ea, quae ad pro-
fessionem et uocationem suam nullo modo spectent, tarn abunde"
amplexarentur.
a This is a common mistake. Father Gordon made no false pretences to the
pope. His receipt to the papal treasury, signed by him Aug. 9, 1594, is printed in
Bellesheim's History of the Cath. Ch. in Scotland (Hunter Blair's transl., iii. p. 449)
and bears plainly on the face of it that the money was paid by Mgr. Gio.
Sapiretti, the deputy paymaster of the Camera Apostolica in Scotland to the Earls
of Huntly, Angus, and Errol to enlist soldiers in defence of good Catholic Scots
against the heretics.
b On the death of the fourth Earl of Derby, in 1592, Eichard Hesketh, a Catholic
gentleman, was commissioned by Sir William Stanley and Father Holt to negotiate
with the Earl's son and successor Lord Strange regarding the succession to the
crown. Lord Derby delivered Hesketh to the Council and he was executed for high
treason, Nov. 29, 1593. Gillow, Bibl. Diet.
c Joseph Cresswell, sometime rector of the English College at Rome and sub-
sequently superior of the English missionaries in Spain, died 1623. Charles
Tancred was in 1592 minister at the Seminary of Seville. He died at Valladolid,
July 1599 (Oliver).
76 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
Vineentius Zelander, Coadiutor seu laicus Jesuitarum frater,
quam infeliciter res Belgicas tractaverit quantumque se immis-
cuerit V. S. cuius est vsus et abusus auctoritate optimS nouit.
P. Cecilia[nus] a in Hispania quam serio ad exercitum et
expeditionem illam Anglicam Anni 1596. promouendam labor-
auerit cum collega suo Personio, et quam infauste non dicam,
in fide exitus ipse loquitur.
Ducem etiam de Grates ad quantas reduxerunt angustias
Jesuitae, qui rebus politicis non solum in senatu suo interesse
sed praeesse uoluerunt, testis est clades et defectio miseranda quibus
ditiones eius affliguntur.
P. Richardus Warpolus misit in AngHam Squierum ad reginam
veneno aggrediendam, qud nihil Catholicis et sacerdotibus aut
iniquius aut iniuriosius excogitari potuit.
10. Memorial, setting forth on the part of the Jesuits the injustice and
inconvenience of the conditions under which it was proposed that
Queen Elizabeth should grant liberty of conscience to Catholics?
Perd la uerita e che uedendo hora la Reina col suo molto
iiy.
dispiacere et dispetto, che i Catholici in processo di 40 anni di
persecutione sono tanto accresciuti, che di pochi ch' erano al prin-
cipio s' habbiano di gia fatto un corpo grossissimo et fortissimo,
sotto un capo che e 1' Archiprete immediatamente subordinate a
S. Su, et parendole che mentre staranno in piedi i seminary, et
durera questa subordinatione accompagnata con I'industria et buon
zelo de i padri della compagnia, accrescera ogni giorno piu questo
corpo, et si manterra iui 1' auctorita di S. Sta la quale le pare
incompatibile con la sua, et insieme hauendo questi sacerdoti, 6
almeno alcuni di loro confederati, gia resa obedienza alia regina, et
promesso di resistere etiamdio a sua Sangta medessima quando
sentasse qualch' cosa contra di lei, ancorche fosse per materia di
a Father Ceciliano, appointed by Father Parsons to be first rector of the seminary
of Valladolid, founded in 1589.
b There is no heading to this document in the MS.
BREVIS RELATIO. 77
Religione come appare nelli libri loro stampati ; si puo credere che
accioche sua Sangu richiamasse i Padri et 1' Archiprete d' Inghil-
terra, i quali non pud per altra uia cacciare 6 dominare, si contenta-
rebbe che questi pochi sacerdoti restassino, et ancora permetterebbe
loro alcuna moderatione dalle leggi penali, per il tempo pero che
paresse a lei, et per quelli solamente che si obligassero di accettare
et adempire alcune condition!, le quali facilmente se possino racco-
gliere da un libro di Vassino [Watson] che & uno de i sacerdoti ap-
pellanti, et compagno di questi, et scritto in Inglese, et publicato
con suo proprio nome, nel quale mostra che qualsiuoglia Catholico
douerebbe contentarsi di poter godere qualunque pace, per abietta et
uile che fosse, per che la Regina venisse a mitigar le leggi penali. 54, f. H9b.
Fra 1' altre conditioni queste si leggono. Pra, che i Padri della
Compagnia, et tutti quelli Catholici, cosi laici come sacerdoti, che
stanno sotto 1' obedienza dell' Archiprete siano caceiati da Inghila.
2a, che i Cattolici che hanno di rimanere debbono scoprire et
accusare tutti gl' altri della parte contraria. 3% che non si mandino
i figlii per imparare nei Seminarij et Collegij di Roma, Spagna,
et Fiandra, affirmando che questo dourebbe esser aiutata con altre
leggi, uie piu rigorose che mai 4a, che nissuno parli 6 scriua
conta le leggi imposte d da imporsi dal parlamento contra la
Religione et fede Catolica. 5a, che non si oda parola 6 segno dal
successore. 6a, finalmente che tutti si oblighino con giuramento
di difendere la Regina contra sua Sta in caso etiamdio concernente
la Religione, al qual proposito sappiamo che gia in Inghilterra s' e
tratto con 1' occasione che ne diedero i sacerdoti inquieti di pro-
porre a tutti i Cattci il prefato- giuramento con incredibile danno
loro e della Chiesa, percioche se lo rifusano come tutti i buoni senza
dubio faranno, saria senza dubio maggior la persecutione che mai:
et se 1' accettano, si esclude a fatto 1' auctorita della Sede Apostolica
da Inghilra et in questa guisa la liberta di coscienza concessa, et
accettata con tali conditioni sera piu preiudiciale alia chiesa di Dio
che non e stato 6 potra giamai essere la persecutione della Reina,
perche nella persecutione s' e sempre amplificata la Chiesa, et uie
78 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
64, f • 120. piu si amplificara, sanguis enim martyrum semen est Ecclesiae : Ma con
tal liberta di conscienza presto verrebbe a finire et mancare a fatto.
Quanto a concedere una liberta di conscienza, che sia utile et
sicura per i Catholici, con annullare et reuocare le leggi fatte
contra di loro sino al tempo presente, et permettere libero exercitio
della Religione con le Chiese, et Vescoui per ordinare sacerdoti, et
fare collegij in uece di seminarij, non pud la Religione Cattolica
mantenere in Inghilterra, 6 da credere indubitamente che la Reina
non sia per farlo mai per il periculo che giudica douere soprastare
per questo alia sua Religne e stato come di sopra si e detto ; ma io
credo che la Reina ancorche volesse non si possi giamai fare
perch e tal liberta di conscienza non si puo dare, ne manco si ponno
annullare le leggi gia fatte, ne rinouare altra cosa senza consenti-
mento delli tre stati del Regno che cornmunemente si dice parla-
mento, et e cosa certa che il clero heretico, il quale e uno delli tre
stati, et i Puritani de i quali molti ancora sono ne i altri due, non
lo consentiranno mai. Et questi come capricciosi, et impatienti, 6
furiosi confonderanuo, et metteranno sotto sopra il tutto, anzi che
permettera tal cosa. Onde sapendo tutto questo la Regina molto
bene non e da credere 6 sperare che sia per tentarlo.
Finalmente si ha da considerare che certezza si hauera che la
Regina habbia da osseruare tutte le promesse fatte a nome di lei
da questi sacerdoti, perche puo essere fraude in questo negocio non
solamente dal canto della Reina, ma ancora da canto di questi
54, f. I20b. sacerdoti, di cui questo pud essere inuentione, benche sia stato
ancora conferito con essa lei per potere sotto pretesto di procurare
liberta di conscienza a i Cattolici piu liberamte et con minore
sospetto di malitia vomitare poi al veleno contra il P're Personio
i P'ri della Compagnia, et 1' Arch, attribuendo loro la cagione di
tutta la persecutione, parte per discolparsi della disobedienza et
parte per indurre S. Sangta a chiamarli d' Inghilt*.
Di questo non ho debole coniettura per una lettera di Bluetto, il
quale e il piu vecchio di questi che qui sono, scritta mentre che Ini
stava ancora prigione in Inghilt* ad uno de suoi Compagui
BREVIS RELATIO. 79
chiamato Musheoa, che parimente e uenuto con lui, nella quale lettera
li significa come alia fine dopo molto trauaglio et spesa hauea
ottenuto di parlare all Reina et suo consiglio, et che insieme
hauea procurata licentia per se et per altri tre di vscire d' Inghil-
terra, con spargere uoce di essere inandati in essilio per proseguire
lor appellatione, difFerendo il dirl' le particolarita per quando si
trouassero insieme, aggiunge dipoi sperare grandemente che la sua
trama (tal nome le dava) non sarebbe stata giudicata da lui ni meno
dall altri cattiua ne infruttuosa et perche questo, come altre cose
accennate in questa lettera, si ossequi dipoi apuntino si pud
presumere che quanto trattino hora questi sacerdoti a nome della
Reina sia la trama di Bluetto laquale piacque alia Reina per il
seruitio che riceuerebbe giustificandoli la persecutione contra a 54, f. 121.
Cattu con publicare cosi in Roma come in Fiandra, Francia et Italia,
che Giesuiti, et altri boni Cattolici, et 1' Archiprete trattano cose
contro di lei con il Re di Spagna, il che questi sacerdoti hanno
fatto, non solamente in uoce ma anco in scritti mandati fuora da
loro 6 da Compni accattare gratia da gli heretici, con i quali libri,
oltre il calumniare, come si e gia detto il loro Archip. il P. Personio
et tutta la Compagnia di Giesu s . . . lano sfac ... ia ... rente
in alcuni luoghi de Cardinale Alano et de Dottore Sandero et con
poca riuerenza di tre Sommi P[ontefici Pio] Vto, Gregorio 13°, et
Sixto Vto, perche eglino scommunicarono la Regina nel che dicono
manifesto heresie contro 1' auttorita della sede Apostolica, In summa,
posuerunt in coelum os suum con detrahere all? istessi martiri
d' essere giustamente, et legitimamente condemnati et giustitiati
come traditori, per non hauere uoluto confessare esser cosa licita
resistere a Sua Sang1* in caso che uolesse deporre la Reina per
titulo di heresia ; et se ben questi sacerdoti neghino hora hauere
scritto tali libri, affirmando che gli heretici 1' hanno publicato sotto
nome loro, con tutto cid si uedera manifestamente quando si uoglia
che eglino 6 almeno alcuni delli appellanti lor confederati a nome
de chi uenghino gli scrissero et publicarono a nome di tutti loro.
• Printed in Parson's Apologia, f. 108, and in Jesuits and Seculars, p. xcvi.
80 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
Questa non e la priina uolta che gli huomini di questa fattione
hanno conspirato al Consiglio della Reina per cacciare dell' Isola
54, f. 121b. i Giesuiti, percioche, intorno all' Anno 1586, alcuni di loro lo
trattorono con Vualsighamo, secrrio della Reina, et scrissero libri non
solamente con' il P're Personio, et tutta la Compagnia, ma etiamdio
contro il Cardinale Alano, et insieme contro 1' auttorita della sede
Apostolica, come pur' ancora questi fanno ; perd il fine fu che il
principale di loro fu scoperto per spia, et essendo fatto prigione in
Parigi confessd il tutto, et in prigione poi pentito sene passo all'
altra vita.
Ne tanpoco e questa la prima volta che la Reina ha tentata de
ingannare il sommo Pontefice con simiglianti prattiche, perche per
alcun tempo trattonne Gregorio 13° di felice mema in speranza
della sua conversione alia sede Apostolica, et in quel mentre andaua
souertendo alcuni di questa Corte con denari ; accioche persuadessero
a Sua Sangli che abandonasse la protectione de Seminarij, et de Cato-
lici luglesi, gia che ella non perseguitaua alcuno per la Religione,
ma che solo castigaua li Catolici per le loro conspirationi contra di
lei, et questo trattato duro dopo molte proposte et risposte, infin' a
tanto che alcuni Catolici Inglesi in Parigi uennero a scoprire che
la Reina haueua in termini di un anno rimessa in questa Citta
20,000 scudi d' oro oltre altri 15,000 che il suo Agente Aldredo
portd seco in tanti doppij de quattro in una uolta, come 1' istesso
confesso a quello che scriue questo : Di tutto questo essendo
auuisato il Pontefice subito se accorse del ciro et dell inganno.
Concludo con dire che da quello di che fin' hora ho ragionato si
54, f. 122. pud facilmente raceogliere qualsia il trattato presente di questi
Sacerdoti, et quale e la risolutne che si puo sperare della prudenza
di S. Santu, perche non potendo perragion di state dar la Reina tal
liberta di conscienza, quale sarebbe a proposito et conueniente, et
presumendoci, che questo trattato sia trama et tela, ordita de questi
istessi sacerdoti, sara incaminata solamente a fini loro particolari
con accordo et approbatione della Reina, per il ben et utile che da
questo a lei ne potra succedere.
BEEVIS RELATIO. 81
Et finalmente douendo quello che dimandano riuscire piu dan-
noso alia Cliiesa de Dio che non £ state d ha per essere 1' istessa
persecutione si deue credere che non parera giusto a S. Su de
concedere loro queste dimande, ne hauer' consideratione alle
promesse et effetti loro et della Regina, aucorche mostrassino
espressa commissione di lei, quanto meno poi se non n' hauessero ;
e particolarmente poi cosa certa che non ricorrerebbe la Reina per
aiuto a Sua Santita, contra 1'Arciprete et li Padri della Compagnia,
se li potesse cacciare senza lui, o fare loro egual danno et alia
chiesa per altro mezzo, la quale ragione potra mouere S. Santita a
continuare le missioni de padri della Compagnia in Inghilterra, et
confirmare con altri mezzi la subordinatione et auttorita dell'
Arciprete, commandando in tanto a questi pochi inquieti sotto
graui pene et censure ad obedirlo, et lasciare tutte queste prattiche
con heretici. II che se si sara senza dubio che la maggior parte di
loro si ridurra ad obedienza et unione, et solamente si perderanno
quelli pochi che sono incurabili et filij perditionis (s6 pero uene 5 4, f. 122b.
sara alcuno fra di loro), i quali essendo conosciuti et cacciati il
corpo restara del tutto purgato et allegerito dell' humore peccante
et cattiuo. Per il qual fin si pud credere che Iddio habbia per-
messo questa diuisione, et che i Principali siano venuti a Roma
in tempo che la verita potra essere del tutto conosciuta, et si potra
irnporre fine et remedio intiero a gran scandali, et danni, che
tutti nascono dal procedere loro, da libri che compongono i loro
congiunti, et dalla intelligenzache certo hanno con li heretici.
10. Discorso sopra la proposta che si hd da fare per quanto si dice, a
8. 8antta da alcuni Sacerdoti Inglesi d nome della Regina
d' Inghilterra, circa il dare Liberia di Conscienza d Catholici di
quel Regno.
Per conoscere se in questo negocio si precede sinceramente 6 con
fraude tr6 cose si deuono considerare, p° se per ragion di stato
deue concedere la Regina a Catholici liberta di conscienza. 2° se
VOL. II. G
82 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
sua Santita deue ammettere le dimande che faranno quest! sacerdoti.
3° che sicurezza daranno per 1' adimpimento delle promesse che
faranno a nome della Regina.
Quanto al primo se bene paresse a molti che la Regina deue
cercare di guadagnarsi et obligarsi i Catthol. del suo Regno con
promettere loro liberta di conscienza, et in questo modo liberarsi da
ogni timore, et pericolo del Regno, nondimeno e cosa certissima,
che la Regina e consiglio hanno sempre hauuto, et di presente
54, f. 123. hanno, diuersissimo parere, giudicando che per essersi ella dichiarata
nemica della Chiesa, et della sede Apostolica (conciosia, che ella si
6 fatta, per dir cosi, Antipapa con chiamarsi Capo della Chiesa)
non potra giamai riputarsi sicura mentre nel suo Regno si riconosce
1' auctorita della sede apostolica, percioche e cosa certa appresso
loro che quanto piu multiplicaranno i Catholici tanto piu crescera
il numero dei nemici loro, sa ancora la Regina che con dare la
liberta di conscienza a Catholici, non se li pud tanto obligare 6
seco congiungere, che uenghino a rimanere disobligati 6 disuniti da
loro supremo pastore, per essere 1' obligo della conscienza il maggior
che s' habbia, per questo rispetto sino dal Principio di suo Regno
piglio per ispediente di tenerli sempre tanto bassi, et oppressi, che
non si potesse temere di loro ni alcuna maniera conforme a i
Principij da Macchiavello (il quale dall heretici e seguitato in
tutto) che consiglia 1' istesso, in caso si trouino alcuni disgustati, et
nemici del stato.
Per questo hauendo uisto la Regina quanto sia cresciuto il
numero de Catholici in Inghilterra, nella persecutione, et le grandi
difficulta che si sono passate, facilmente hora si persuade, et con
ragione, che con dar' liberta di conscienza habbia da crescere molto
piu in pochissimo tempo con piu pericolo della sua falsa religione
et stato.
Per questa ragione si ha da stimare certissimamente che non
porra mai i Cattolici in stato d' onde ne possi riceuere 6 temere
danno, ma piu presto usera 1' istessi artificij che fin hora ha usata
d' andare procurando di disunire i Cattolici, et diuiderli, et perse-
BREVIS RELATIO. 83
guitarli, sotto pretesto et colore di materia di stato leuandoli mille 54, f. 123b.
testimonij di tradimento, et conspirationi finte, ingannando fra
tanto tutti i Principi Catolici con false demon strationi di quando in
quando di inchinarsi alia religione Cattolica 6 almeno di permettere
la liberta della conscienza a Cattolici spargendo infinite bugie per
tutta Christianita con spie, et con libri stampati in uarie lingue, per
giustificare il rigore et la crudelta usata contro i Cattolici.
Et come la Regina et gli heretici maggiormente abhorriscono
et odiano qelli che con maggiore zelo attenda promouere la Religne
Cattolica in Inghilta (come unitamente gia fecero per molti anni il
Cardinale Alano di felice memoria, et il P're Personio, et dopo la
morte del Cardinale il Padre detto piu die altri : poiche non solo fu
cagione che in Spagna et in Fiandra si facessero tre grandi semi-
narij et due residenze per institufcione de giovani et sacerdoti
Inglesi, ma ancora che si sedassero et quietassero i tumulti del
seminario et Collegio Inglesi a Roma non senza dispiacere et
rabbia delli heretici d' Inghilterra per cui opera erano nutrite tali
discordie, et oltre cid pure in beneficio della Christianita Inglese
ha mandate fuori parecchi libri et tuttauia manda pieni de molta
doctrina, et eruditione, et edificatione Christiana, in essi mostrando
chiaramente li errori, et discoprendo 1' inganni loro) percio dico
la Regina et heretici non cessaranno di perseguitarlo acerbissima-
mente con spargere per mezzo di loro spie infinite calumnie, et
falsita, et hora a questo fine banno preso il piu apparente mezzo, et
termine, et il piu a proposito che mai, quali sono questi sacerdoti, 54, f. 124.
i quali per essere tali, et per hauer' patito per la £ede Catta, si
pensa la Regina, che facilmente debbono essere creduti da tutti ;
onde con questa lor uenuta a Roma quando bene non facessero altro
effetto che di straccare Sua Santa, et empire questa Corte delle
dicerie et querele, con far' ancora sapere questa discordia fra
sacerdoti con molto scandalo de boni, et de altretanto populo, et
piacere a gli heretici, et suscitare uarij rumori et risse contra a
Cattolici in [universal e], ma in particolare contra il P're Personio,
1' Archipr., et i PP. della compagnia in Inghilta, a fine di dare
G 2
84 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
colore et apparente giustitia alia persecutions mossa iui contro a
Cattolici, giudicara con tutto cio" la Regina, d' hauer' da loro in tal
modo riceuuto importante seruitio.
Oltre cio dal procedere della Regina in questo negocio si uede
chiram6 che ella non pretenda altrimente contentare inunire seco
i Catolici, poiche fauorisce questi pochi sacerdoti (i quali non
passano trenta) et perseguita tutti gli altri buoni Catolici che
arriuano a molte migliaria, nel che dimostra, euidentemente, che
non ha altro fine che de nutrire et fonaentare la diuisione com-
minciata tra Cattolici, per poterli poi rouinare tutti, et special-
mente quelli che non si uorranno conforraare con la sua uolonta.
In confirmatione di questo si pud credere che se ella hauesse
ueramente uoglia di trattare sinceramente qualche cosa con sua
Santita hauerebbe eletto alcuni da i Principali Catt11 et piu grati,
54, f. I24b. et accetti a sua S*4 et alia maggior parte de Cattolici, et non Sacer-
doti inquieti, i quali per la loro inquietudine hanno giustamente
meritato il sdegno de sua Sangu et cattiua opinione appo tutti gli
altri Catt11 di Inghilterra dai qali (come confessano i compagni ne
lor' libri) sono tenuti per seditiosi et inquieti.
Hora quanto a quello che si ha da richiedere da sua santita in
contra cambio della liberta di conscienza che si permette, si dice
che chiederanno, che sia leuato, et annullato 1'Archipr., et si
scacciano i Padri della compagnia d' Inghilterra, et tutti gli altri
sacerdoti che uiuono sotto 1' obedienza dell' Arciprete ; et che stanno
d' accordo et conforme per essere tutti questi (come dicono costoro)
confederati col R6 di Spagna contra la Regina affine di darli il
Regno, et consequente cagione de tutta la persecutione mossa contro
i Cattolici.
In queste due cose siano de considerare primamente quello che si
chiede, 2te la ragioue per cui si ehiede. Quanto alia prima parmi
che sia simile alia dimanda dei lupi i quali come si fauoleggia pro-
misero alii pastori di far pace con loro pur che cacciassero uia i
cani che sruardano la naandra, percio che, che altro sarebbe scacciare
i PP. d' Inghilterra, e 1' Archiprete, con i sacerdoti che 1' ohediscono
BREVIS RELATIO. 85
che sono piu de 400, tutti boni, et zelantissimi del seruitio de Dio
et della santa sede, et in loro uece mettere quest! pochi inquieti, et
d' accordo col nemico, sino priuare le pouerelle pecore de proprij et 54, f. 125.
cari pastori, et lasciarli alia inisericordia, anzi darli in preda a lupi
rapacissimi, d'onde in breue ne succederia infallibilmente la total
Kuina della Religione Cattolica ?
Ma quanto a quello che tocca alia Religione per cui cio si
dimanda, molto poco ne tengono questi sacerdoti si la proporranno,
poiche conoscono bene eglino intrinsicamente la malitia, malignita,
et artificij delli heretici in sapere calumniare i Cattolici, colorire, et
coprirelapersecutione col pretesto, et manto della ragione del stato,
per rendere i Catholici odiosi al popolo, et con questo oscurare et
togliere la gloria debita a i martirij loro. Di questi ce ne sono
moltissimi essempij nelli santissmri martiri ingiustamente condem-
nati sotto colore di tradimento, et conspirationi uane, et finte, come
il P're Campiano della compagnia di Giesu, et undeci sacerdoti con
lui con molti altri dipoi, i quali morendo hanno protestato tutti
la propria innocenza in questo particolare, et e cosa manifesta
che tra tutti i Padri della Compagnia et sacerdoti de seminarij,
che sono stati imprigionati, tormentati, 6 martirizati da che com-
mincio la persecutione, non si ha trouato pur' uno in cui fosse
attacco de tradimento 6 colore di materia di stato, ne meno
nelli altri, eccetto in un solo per nome detto Balardo, sacerdote
secolare del seminaio de Rhemis in Francia, in tempo della
Regina di Scotia che sia in cielo. II quale fu impiegato nelle
cose di lei per alcuni de i Principali di questa fattione nemica
de Cardinale Alano de felice memoria, de P're Personio, et di 54) fl 125b'
tutta la Compagnia di maniera che fra loro, non si fu nissuna
corrispondentia, communicatione, 6 intelligentia ; tutto questo
sanno molfco bene questi sacerdoti, ma se ardiscono a negarlo (come
hanno f'atto li compagni ne i loro libri) saranno conuinti d'auanti
a chi sara disegnato da Sua Santita per qta causa.
Ma se la Regina pretende dar' liberta di conscienza, ne altro
serue de padri, et del' Archiprete che de loro trattati, et prat-
85 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY,
tiche consapute, non occorre che cerchi da sua Sangta che li
scacci d' Inghilterra, percio che hauendo i Cattolici libero esser-
citio della religione loro con sicurezza sufficiente et ragioneuole,
non si hauera piu di bisogno di seminarij in Spagna, ne di
riceuere mercedi et fauori del R& Cattco perche cessaranno tutte
le occasioni e fundamenti de sospetti et trattati con esso lui, et
di patti, et con Archip., i quali somam6 desiderano che i Cattolici
ottenghino liberta di conscienza, et si obligheranno molto
uolentieri, etiamdio con giuramento se sara di mistiere di servire
alia Regina et obedtrla in temporale in ogni cosa, et insieme
de fare quanto con buona conscienza et giustamente possino
fare questi sacerdoti, et i loro coniunti in satisfattione della
Regina, conforme pero a cid che sara determinate et ordinato
da sua Santita. Onde non ueggo per qual cagione si senti che
sendosi la liberta della conscienza nel regno, iui deuo partire, et
gli altri restare, se perd non fosse, che quelli che hanno di rimanere
si trouano di hauere promesso alia Regina piu de quello che
con bona conscienza si puo fare.
54, f. 126. 12. Ex Iris Anglice missis 3a lunij 1602
Titulus noui libri contra presbiteros seculares.*
Manifestatio simimge stultitiae, et spiritus maligni quorundam
in Anglia qui uocant seipsos sacerdotes seculares, qui
excudunt quotidfe infaraes et contumeliosos libros contra
uiros dignissimos qui eandem cum illis profitenttir religi-
onem, et ex quibus aliqui eorum superiores sunt legitimi
ex quorum HbelKs uarii jampridem examinati et refutati
sunt.
Superiorum permissione 1602.
a A manifestation of the great folly and bad spirit of certayne in England calling
themselves Secular Priestes. Who set forth dayly most infamous and contumelioiis
libels against worthy men of their own religion and divers of them their lawful
Superiors, of which libels sundry are here examined and refuted. By priests lyving
in obedience. Superiorum permissu 1G02. By Father Parsons.
UREVIS RELATIO. 87
Quae summatim in libro continentur
Haec sunt quse sequuntur.
Praefatio Catholico lectori.
Cap. lmo manifesta stultitia, et pessimi spiritus eorura qui tales
libros composuerunt in electione argum*' talium librorum.
Cap. 2° stultitia, et extrema passio declarata in modo tractan'
tale argumentum. Cap. 4° stultitia, et praesumptio spiritus quod 54, f. I26b.
tales sibi fecerunt aduersarios. Cap. 5° Stultitia, et spiritus in-
honesti quod tarn manifestas falsitates, et contradictiones in
aestimationis suas iacturara protulerunt. Cap. 6° Stultitia, et
spiritus malignitas quod P. Personio quosdam obijciunt libros qui
ilium inirifice honestant ab ipso prodierunt cum breui quadam
confutatione cuiusdam inepti libelli facti contra librum successionis.
Cap. 7° Turpis eorura et delusus spiritus quod sibi persuadeant id
sibi honori fore, aut inde ipsi sibi honoris iacturam restitui posse
qui ualde apud omne genus hominum (siue amici sunt siue inimici)
diminuitur hoc modo procedendi clamoribus atque libellis. Cap. 8°
de alijs 5. libris aut potius absurdis et scandalosis libellis qui
prodierunt, ex quo duobus primis fuerit responsum, et de alijs
decem libris qui sub praelo esse dicuntur. Cap. 9° directiones
quaedam datae Catholicis ad discernendam veritatem, et quomodo se
gerant in tempore hoc contentionum cum examine plurimorum
mendaciorum notissimorum et infamium W. W. in libro suo Quot-
libetico.
Liber iste in 4to est, et continet 120 folia.
Quinque alios libros misit in Angliam P. Personius in quibus
praster Sacerdotes Appellantes alij 40 uiri Catholici partim Sacer-
dotes partim nobiles conuitijs onerantur.
D'nus Vuatsonus egerrime fert quod Romae a Doctore Cecilio, 54, f. 127
D'no Musheo, D'no Charapneo ; Parisijs a Doctore Bagshauo et
D'no Bosuuilo ; in Anglia a D'no Colingsono et alijs confratribus
suis, non sine stomacho et indignatione, quidam qui illi a Jesuitis
attribuuntur libri excipiuntur et nigro carbone notantur : cupit a
THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
Sanctissimo sibi dari in Gallijs iudicem cui satisfaciat, aut purga-
tione aut penitentia.
Archipresbiter decreta noua ueteribus addit, censuras indies
fulminat, Bullam Pontificis iniquissime declarat ; in quo, et
authoritatem suam excedit et Canones transgreditur : necesse est
ista a Sanctmo declarari, An facultates suee ad haec tria se extendant ;
ad decreta facienda, ad censuras alias quam quae in literis Insti-
tutiuis nominantur infligendas, ad Bullas Suee Sanctitatis declar-
andas.
12. De modo 2:)rocedendi Sacerdotum qui Appellantes dicuntur :
qucRdam a, Jesuita quodam scripta et in Anyliam missa, liomoe
27 Apr. 1602 Stylo nouo*
Neapoli et Hediolani magna militum collectio et belli apparatus
sed quorsum nescitur, iterum tentanda dicitur Hibernia : Dux
64, f. 127b. Ferise in Siciliam uti Prorex transfretauit ; in transitu P. Personium
ad Ostiam Tiberinam ad se uocauit, qui «dhuc ad nos non redijt.
Sacerdotes Appellantes in turbulento suo negotio persistuiit, et
plura sibi pollicentur quam in fine inuenient. Papa agit cum illis
clementer et paterae ueritus, ne cum uasa sint fragillima, penitus
frangantur si aliter cum illis ageretur ; importund egerunt, cum
Papa, \\t interea [judicio] eius ab imputatioue Scismatis liberaren-
tur sed semper ad Breue reijciuntur et illis imponitur silentium,
sicut et alijs, quoad illam attinet controversiam ; libros posteriores
negant, latinos duos solutn agnoscunt, et se vidisse confitentur,
Spem pacis,b et Exemplar discursuum.c Propositiones, quge in ijs
continentur pro hasreticis agnoscunt quod illos d'no Londinensi
a The English original of this letter was forwarded by Phelippes to Sir E. Cecil
on May 4 (Cal. S. P. Dom. Eliz. cclxxxiv.). Other letters, now in the Public Record
Office, came from the same source, perhaps designedly, into the hands of the
government. Compare Foley's Records, vol. i. (Letters of Father Elvers, etc.), and
Jesuits and Seculars, p. cvii seq.
b The Hope of Peace, by John Bennet.
c Copies of certaine Discourses, by Champney, Mush, Bishop and Bennet.
BREVIS RELATIO. Oi)
gratos faciet. Si ullo modo Canonic^ probari potuerit illos illis
libris fuisse consentientes, proculdubio seueram sentirent senten-
tiam, sicut euenire est uerisimile illi qui libros illos composuerit
quicunque fuerit.
Rex Franciae, et aliqui Prelati et personge principales eius Regni
ad Papam scripserunt literas pro ijs commendatitias.
D'nus de Betun, Regis Franciae in urbe orator, eorum partes
mirifice tuetur, quod in causa est cur benignius et humanius a
Papa et Cardinalibus tractantur ; dicunt semper V Vatsonum dignum
esse qui publice per plateas uirgis caedatur. Vnus ex Appellan-
tibus cum illi a Burghesio Watsoni libri ostenderentur dixit, 54, f. 128.
Inter 12. Apostolos vntis fuit Judas; praetendunt multa, Archi-
presbiterum nimirum deponi, et 3. episcopos constitui qui Ecclesiam
Anglias regant. Alias ut 6. Archipresbiteri instituantvr, et horum
singuli singulos constituant assistentes, et ut 2. sint sindici,
qui omnibus praesint, hi autem ut suffrages eligantur et sint
annui. Alia huiusmodi multa commenta habent quae uiris sapien-
tibus non possimt non esse ridicula, prasterea propositiones eorum
procuratoribus Achipr. sunt traditae ut uideant et respondeant.
Vitro Appellantes dicti Hbentissim6 de unione aliqua et fraterna
Compositione audiunt, seque id desiderare significant. Papa ab
hoc etiam modo procedendi non abhorret, ut preterea nihil sit
actum adhuc.
Ex libris 39 propositiones erroneae in fide producebantur, alia)
scandalos83 cum forma quadam. Hodie Dnus Musheus conuenit
procuratores Archipresbiteri in domo Cardinalis Burghesij, et illis
significauit se valde cupere ut res ad Arbitros remitteretur et
fraterne inter nos finiretur, se autem libentissimd velle in condem-
nationem propositionum dictarum subscribere ; dixit preterea se
literas accepisse a fratribus suis in Anglia recentes ubi omnes
ad unum Wuatsoni libr. condemnarunt, quod ipsum illico Cardinal!
significauit, et multum in Vuatsonuni inuectus est. Romse
27 April. 1602.
90
THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
54, f. 128b.
It is a
singular
mercy that
the speaker
is allowed to
express his
joy in words,
etc.
Yet he is op-
pressed by the
difficulty'pf
dealing with
" the most
glorious deeds
of the Catho-
lic King " in
the short
space allowed
him.
He would
wish to say
something of
" our, or
rather your
England,"
and of the
sufferings of
the Catholics,
54, f. 129.
and much of
Spain which
has received
them as a
loving
mother.
Yet he can
say nothing
which is not
visible at a
glance, to the
wisdom, and
universal
knowledge, as
well as very
happy me-
mory of the
king.
As the King
13. Oracion hecha a la magestad del Rey Gattolico en el Collegia
Yngles de Valladolid.
Por singular nierced y beneficio tengo el dia de oy, poderosissimo
y pijssimo Rey, que quando todos los demas padres, y hermanos
oompafieros mios, que en este tratto estan, testifican solo con los
ojos y con el rostro la grande alegria de sus animos, y el gozo de
sus coracones, que de la gratissima presencia de V. M. y Altezas
han concebido, a mi entre todos me aya cabido esta dicnosa suerte
que diga con palabras el contento que el animo regocijado tiene ;
loqual en grande manera mi alegra, no porque yo pueda hazer este
mejor que los demas, sino porque desta manera podre mas commo-
damente satisfazer al copioso afeto del coracon, quando los demas
detienen con silencio, como forcados, la fuerca con que sale el ardor
de sus animos : aunque por otra parte me causa summa difficultad
para poder hablar, assi este tiempo en que hablo, como la brevedad
de lo que tengo de decir, pues se me manda que sea brevissimo.
Porque pregunto, gloriosissimo Monarca, que cosa mas adversa ni
incomoda podria ofrecerle al que entra en aquel immense y grande
Campo de los nobilissimos hechos de V.M. al que va passando por
su animo para esplicar fuera los immensos titulos de sus alabanoas,
que la estrechura del tiempo y la brevedad senalada de la oracion,
y mucho mas a mi en esta primera entrada que hago a la presencia
di V.M., eh la qual, callando otras muchas cosas y embolviendolas
en silencio, era cierta razon que dixera algo de nuestra Inglaterra
6 por mejor decir, no nuestra, sino de V.M., que dixera algunas
cosas de nosotros mismos, como de hijos, alumnos, y peregrines
acogidos de su real clemencia, que dixera muchas de Espana, que
corno dolcissima madre y tierna ama nos cria : y muchissimas de
V.M. y de los infinites y grandes beneficios que nos ha hecho y
haze. Loqual todo como me sea forposo 6 dexarlo 6 no hazer mas que
tocarlo, no con el decoro que querria, no pudo dexar de parecerme cosa
trabajosa quando se me encargo, aunque de otra parte, para dexir
verdad, me consolaba mucho el saber quan grande es la prudencia
BREVIS RELATIO. 91
de V.M., quail grande su sabiduria, quan grande conocimiento y kn°ws
. , StfttGj tn6 C/S-
esperiencia tiene de todas las cosas, y singularmente de las nues- tholics need
tras, quan singular, y felicissima inemoria : de suerte que todo lo than^u^e
que yo dixesse destas cosas, y pudiera dezir, lo coiicibiria V. M. de him of their
una sola vista con que nos mirasse y assi provendria con el bene- They com -
volo assenso de Su benignidad todo lo que yo dixesse, aora fuesse mendhim
to heaven,
congratulando me, aora dando gracias, aora supplicando algo a where he will
V.M. Porque ya senor es sabida de V.M. iiuestro estado,
sabida nuestra causa, vistas las difficultades, conocido el propd- ward.
sito, oydos los desseos, entendidas las esperancas, no descono-
cidos los cuydades. A las quales cosas todas, como V. M. 54, f. I29b.
por su singular piedad y real clemencia y liberalidad, tanto how he hid a
ayude y favoresca, no esta necessario que contemos estas cosas
quanto que con gratos pechos las agradezcamos, que con memoria Lord when
, J Jezebel cut
eterna las tengamos como abrapadas, qne con las manos levantadas, Off the
con los oios, con los coracones, como lo hazemos cada dia las ^y°P^ts-
The King of
remittamos al cielo donde tendra V. M. el premio certissimo, y Spain has
eterna paga de tal beneficio. Porque, si aquel Abdias varon muy
temoroso de Dios, como dize la escrittura, tanto se- gloriaba, y con Catholics
razon, hablando con Helias profeta, de aber guardado cien siervos English Jeze-
del Senor, persiguiendoles Jezabel, y dandoles la muerte, que bel drives
diremos aqui donde todo es muy mas aventajado. Por ventura no realm.
te ban contado, senor mio, dlxo Abdias a Helias, lo que yo liiz& He has saved
quando mataba Jezabel los pi*ofetas del sefior, que escondi cien
dellos en cuevas y los sustente con pan y agua. Pero yo digo : death, and
No es ya sabido y celebrado en el mundo universo lo que ha hecho not rn caves,
el Key de las Espanas Felippo, quando la Inglesa Jezabel echa los but in houses.
* Has fed them
sacerdotes y C/atolicos de su Keyno quando los persigue y busca not on bread
para quitarles la vida ? que no solo a cien varones sino a muchos ^nd.water'
but in com-
ceiitenares a librado de la muerte, ni los a escondido en cuevas, fort.
sino que los a recebido publicamente, y puesto en sus ciudades Therefore
they will
dandoles casas y sustento, no solo de pan y agua, smo nonrandis- never forget
simo, liberalissimo, inagnificentissimo ? Que edad, que siglo, que his benefits-
memoria de hombres 6 que posteridad podrii jamas de tal heclio between8**
92 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
Philip and olvidarse, y cierto que considerando esto me parece, que veo a
aquel piadosissimo Dios, que aviendo echado al pueblo de Israel
God's pro- ' ^ .
mises to por sus peccados en el destierro de iJabilonia, apiacada su ira,
Cyrus, wh t es^jm5 tanto que aquel pueblo bolviesse de aquel destierro a su
great in order patria, que para ello solo se determine de escoger y levantar a Gyro,
his people Re7 poderosissimo, haziendole muchos beneficios y mercedes y
Israel from prometiendole por el profeta Isaias dozientos annos antes que
nasciesse, que assi dize Isaias, Esto dize el seiior a mi Christo Gyro
If God has _ *
done this for Cuya mano diestra he tornado para que se arrodillen delante del las
Prince'and gentes, y los Reyes se le rindan, ire delante di te y humillare los
the seed of gloriosos de la tierra, d arete los Tesoros escondidos descubrirte he
much 'more l°s secretes mas cerrados por mi sieruo Jacob y por mi escogido
will he dp for jg^e^ ne te llamado por tu nombre, he te escogido, y tu no me
a King as has conocido. Esto dize alii. Pues si por el pueblo de Israel y
hUlE>a]i8h0r Por kolver la decedencia de Jacob a su patria hizo Dios tan
Catholics! grandes mercedes y beneficios a uri Principe gentil que no 10
They hope for conocia, quan grandes seran los merecimientos de V. M. Catolico
restoration to '. L, . °
their country y lieligiosissimo Key, que naze mayores cosas que no Gyro, y las
by Philip's haze movido de piedad, religion, y uirtud. Y si la Inefable
God has taken bondad de Dios, y su amor, y misericordia, tuvo tanto cuidado
Philip by the de proveer que Gyro fuesse librador de su pueblo, porque no
subjected esperaremos iiosotros esto misnio de su immensa bondad ? porque
54, f. 130b. no pensaremos que nos ha dado a V.M. por Gyro nuestro,r que
heathen and nos restituya y buelva a nuestra patria para renovar el antiguo
peoples to culto con que Dios alii solia ser hoiirado ? porque no pensaremos
him, has re- que pOr es^o jja tornado el senor la mano de V.M. para hazer
vealed to him - -,.•.••,
the secret tantas cosas grandes y admirabiles como con ella ha hecho, y que
treasures of ^Qr es^o ^a subjugado delante di V.M. y de sus gentes tantos
Therefore the pueblos y naciones infideles y hereges, y que por esto ha puesto a
English sus piOg tantos Reyes, ha humillado tantos gloriosos de la tierra y
Catholics feel J
sure that God levantado tanto su monarchia, [_porj mas que los hereges y los
reserves their ma]os ayan bramado, v que por esto ha dado a V.M. los Tesoros
restoration as * ' •
a last great escondidos de las Indias, y descubierto los secretes de los otros
Reynos Por mas apartados qui esten, para que compadeciendose
BREVIS EELATIO. 93
desta semilla de Jacob esparcida, destos Catolicos Ingleses, los Fearing
restituya algun dia a su patria, y acabe en sus dias esta grande his zeal he
impresa, difficil y srloriosa, para laqual confiamos que la divina may have
., ' . v , . gone too far,
providencia le ha llamado y escogido. Y porque en esta palabra ^e speaker
he abracado lo que tenia que dezir, y temo de no aver passado mas
adelante de lo que devia con la fuerca y el ardor que me ha hecho King
hablar, no dire mas : pero esta sola cosa no puedo dexar ni callarla,
que estos hermanos compafieros mios, que aqui estan, como fidei- tude and their
commisso me encommendaron instantemente con una rnisma boz,
y animo, para ofFrecerlo consagrarlo en su nombre a V.M. que pues
no puedo en manera alguna agradecer como deven estos beneficios,
que de mano de V. M. han recebido ofrecen de ser eternamente 54, f. 131.
agracedidos como pudieren de manera que todo lo que aora son, y
seran in algun tempo en esta vida 6 en la otra, serveran siempre a
V. M. y assi ofrezco aqui en nombre y boz de todos, todo le que
podemos, somos, y seremos, ofrezco los animos, ofresco la fuercas,
pongo en manos de V.M. todos nuestros conatos, dessios, vidas, y
muertes, y no solo de nosotros sino tambien de nuestros padres,
amigos, y parentes y de todos los Catolicos de Inglaterra, las quales
cosas todas, aunque son pequenas, y parezcan a la grandezza de
V.M. no necessarias, pero no es ageno dessa grandezza tener a
bien las cosas pequenas que -con grande animo y amor se ofrecen,
loqual 110 dudamos que hara V.M. a quien Dios nuestro senor
guarde muchos anos para bien nuestro y de toda la Republica
Christiana.
Carta esta esta sacada de un libro estampado en Madrid por
Pedro Madrigal, 1592, con licencia, intitulado " Relacion de un
Sacerdote Yngles escritta a Flandes a otro yngles Catolico en la
qual le da cuenta de la venida de su magestad a Valladolid, y al
Collegio de los Yngleses y lo que alii se hubo en su recibimiento.
Traducida de yngles, en Castellano, Por Tomas Eclesal Caval-
lero yngles. "a
a This little book, says Dr. Jessopp, is ' in fact precisely like a modern newspaper
report giving a minute account of Philip's reception at the seminary,' when an
94
THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
54, f. 131b.
The youth
who delivered
the speech
was pre-
sented to the
King by
F. Parsons.
Suspicious
points in it.
First point,
that the
speaker says
" not our
but your
England."
Second point :
The com-
parison of
Philip to
Cyrus.
54, f. 132
The third
point : The
final expres-
El mancebo que hizo esta oracion era presentado a su magestad
del P. Personio con lo demas de sus compaiieros, y los puntos
que hazen sospechoso todo este negocio destos seminaries de Espana
son los seguientes.
El preiner punto desta oracion, que haze grande danno
a las missiones y clerigos enviados de Espana en
Ynglatierra.
Callando otras muchas cosas y embolviendolas en silencio era
cierta razon que dixera algo de nuestra Inglaterra, 6 por mejor
decir no nuestra, sino de vuestra magestad.
El segundo punto sacado al pie de la letra de la misma
oracion.
Y por esto Dios ha dado a V.M. los Thesoros escondidos de las
Indias, y descubierto los secretes de los otros Reynos por mas
apartados que esten, paraque compadeciendose desta semilla de
Jacob esparcida, destos hijos de Israel que aqui vee, destos sacer-
dotes, destos levitas, destos Catolicos Yngleses los restituya algun
dia a su patria y acabe en sus dias esta grande empresa difficil y
gloriosa para loqual confiemos que la diuina providencia le ha
llamado y escogido : a y porque en esta palabra he abrapado todo lo
que tenia que decir y temo de no aver passado mas adelante de lo que
devia con la fuerca y el ardor que me ha hecho hablar no dire
mas.
El Epilogo desta oracion qual es el punto tercero, adonde
si ve que destos Collegios de Espana han otro fin
que la Religion sola,
Pero esta sola cosa no puedo dexar ni callarla, que estos
hermanos y compaiieros mios que aqui estan como fideicommisso
elaborate pageant was carried out and orations were delivered in ten languages.
(One Generation of a Norfolk House, p. 193.)
B There is a slight difference between the wording of the annotation here and
the text. It does not affect the meaning.
BREVIS RELATIO. " 95
me encommendaron instantarnente con una misma boz y anirno sion of devo-
_ , x tion to the
para oirecerio y consagrarlo, en su nombre a V. M. que pues no King.
pueden en manera alguna agradecer como deven estos beneficios
que de mano de V. M. ban recebido, ofrecen de ser eternamente
agradecidos como pudieren de manera que todo lo que agora son y
seran en algun tiempo, en esta vida 5 en la otra, serviran siempre All this
& V. M. y assi ofrezco los animos, ofrezco las fuercas, pongo en ^ftcl^Tas
manos de V. M. todos nuestros conatos, desseos, vidas y muertes, y Parsons and
no solo de nosotros, sino tambien de nuestros padres, amigos, him in various
y parientes y de todos los Catholicos de Ynglatierra. languages to
spur the King
. .... of Spain to
En toda esta oracion (hecha del P. Persomo y pronunciada de help the
la bocca de vn mancebito yngles y publicada del dicho Personio «n|ulsi-
in varias lenguas por todo el mondo) no si baze otro que dar partly by his
espuelas al Key Catolico de seguir la empresa de Ynglatierra parte p^ly
(reinuestransi) artificiosamente sus fuercas al Eey, y parte con promises of
f • ' • j i e J i n IT help from
vaiias promessas y otrecimientos de las iuercas de los Oatolicos England.
Yngleses.
15. Ex Supplicatione Patris Roberti Suthvvelli Jesuitce ad Reginam 54, f. I32b.
Anglice anno Dili 159 5 impressa* et publicata Jesuitis in Anglia
post eius mortem, cuius nomen licet non sit affixum patet
tamen ex stilo et manuscripto de quo diu mirifice gloriabantur
Jesuitce, ex fama publica et testibus in Anglia fide dignissimis,
ab eo fuisse confectum et ex confessione impressoris qui earn ob
causam suspendio fuit ajftxusf a, Jesuitis fuisse impressum ;
( A Humble Supplication to Her Majestie, printed anno 1595,' was written,
says Mr. Sidney Lee, in 1591, but probably first issued in 1600. Father Southwell
was executed Feb. 21, 1595. Two copies of his Siipplication, seized by the
government, are now in Lambeth ; and one is in the British Museum. (Diet. Nat.
Biogr.) The extracts from the Supplication and ' Green Coat ' were handed to
the French ambassador for delivery to the pope, on August 22.
b James Ducket, bookseller, executed April 19, 1602, was charged with pub-
lishing the Supplication and having in his possession twenty-five copies of an
edition printed early in that year (Pollen, Acts of English Martyrs, p. 245).
96 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
verum ne in eos odium nominatim deriuetur satis erit ad
Scandala tollenda, quce Catholicis ex hac impressione sunt
exorta, librum ipsum sine authore condemnare.
Fol. 73. Satis justam belli causam dicit fuisse Regi Catolico
inuadendi Angliam quod inter cetera opem tulerunt Regi Chris-
tianissimo, id temporis inimico Hispaniae, contra jus et titulum
Infantae filiee Regis Catolici quod habuit in Britaniam ; quod ualde
iniuriosum uidetur Regi Christianissimo et Coronas Francise.
Fol. eodem. Neque leuis est iniuria illata Celsitudini tuaa, cum
sacratam illam manum tuam a talibus cogitationibus directam quas
54, f. 133. dedignantur falsitates patronas habere vestrarura actionum uideri
uelint authorem huius sententias.a
Fol. 84. Reginam excusat tanquam persecutionis insciam, et
leuissimam, tenerrimam, et inimicam crudelitatis.
Fol. 86. Quod nunquam procedere posse speramusa tammolli et
gratioso Judice, sicut est sacrata sua persona, aut sicut es tu ipsa
sacrata ibidem ; quod est magis incideus in illam mitissimam tem-
periem excellentissimi animi sui.
Fol. eodem. Accipe igitur (Princeps clementissima) et consule
in bonam partem omnia humillima obsequia, et fidelitates nostras
quaa cum cogitatonibus fidissimis, et resolutionibus seruicij plenis
sunt sine aliqua simulatione desponsata in maiestatis . vestrse
defensionem.
Fol. 70. Tanquam honoris causa notat P. Personium et laudat,
quod non sit nouitius in scientia secretorum et intelligentiarum
Principum, quod tamen ipse libenter non confitetur.
Fol. 88. Laudi dat P. Personio quod sit Veteranus in rebus
politicis.
Fol. 61. Reginam mira adulatione excusat tanquam a perse-
cutione abhorrentem.
Fol. 56. Virtutem Reginse in uita ilia quam sibi elegit celibi et
innupta laudat.
a Something wrongly copied in this sentence.
BREVIS RELATIO. 97
Fol. 56. Dicit Papam in sacerdotibus initiandis nee sibi
uindicare nee acquirers maiorem in Anglia auctoritatem quam qui
Basiliae aut Geneuas sunt Pseudoministri in creandis ministris
protestantibus.
Fol. 46. Vestra Regalis maiestas semper subijciendo desideria 54, f. I33b.
sua virtutis normae et regalitatem suam moderando raagis uoluntate
ignoscendi quam potestate interficiendi numquam consensum pre-
buit tarn uilibus et horrendis imposturis.
Paga lma. Potentissima, misericordiosissima maximeque amanda
et timenda Princeps.
2. Bonitas maiestatis vestrae perfecta in omnibus officijs Principe
digiiis, solaque nostrse iustae spei anchora sacra.
27. Quern ad finem persuaderemus Catholicis, ut vestrae mat!
debitam obijciant obedientiam ; quando nee nobis nee ipsis hoc
prodesse queat.
28. Si incorrupta ratio judex constituatur, nunquam pronunciabit
infidelitatem sequi posse, ex quocunque nostrae Religionis articulo,
quas sand religio nos magis astringit quam alios quoscunque ad
exactissimam submissioiiem prestandam Vestree temporali auctori-
tati, ad eaque omnia honoris ac fidelitatis obsequia quae Catholici
populi aut nostris suae aut anteactis temporibus cuiquam Principi
Christiano debita agnouerunt et detulerunt.
42. Si illi consiliarium quern, imo si V. Mtcm sacram, a Regno
sustulissent (id quod Dei bonitas hactenns nee permisit nee, ut
sperare licet, inposterum permittet) consilia tameii sua ne speciem
quidem optati exitus habuissent.
34. Sacrum nomen nostrae nobilissimas Reginse tale est, ut 54, f. 134.
proxim^ post dei uerbum inter firmissima ueritatis testirnonia
honorandum sit.
59. Obiectum aliquaiido sacerdotibus fuit, quasi de uita sacraa
maiestatis vestrse aliquid moliti essent, quae res est adeo institutis
eorum contraria, atque a cogitationibus suis publicaque utilitate
aliena, ut qui rationem in consilium adhibebit, is nulla ratione
VOL. II. H
98 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
existimabit sacerdotes tarn stultos, ut rem non modo tarn inutilem
prorsus sed etiam penitus odiosam uel cogitarent, multo minus
perficerent.
60. Nemini obscurum esse potest quam pernitiosum futurum sit
sacerdotibus ac Catholicis vestrae maiestatis protectione destitui.
60. Mors maiestatis vestrae infinitam perturbationem rerum
inferret maioremque omnibus calamitatem quam Catholicis con-
solationis causam, ut nos sacerdotes illam machinari esset non
solum impium in patriam, sed etiam in nosmetipsos iniuriosum.
62. Malumus nos vestrae confidere clementiae, ijsque fauoribus
et gratijs quas Mtas Vestra secundum Deum nobis facere maximas
Dotest, quam in humana quadam in Dei unctos uiolentia pestem
patrise et nobismetipsis incommodum illud quo nihil grauius
importare.
62. Quatenus vero obijcitur aliquos nostrum affirmasse : uelle
se Papae exercitus partes tueri contra nostrum Regnum ; est sane
nullo modo uerisimile nisi ex fragili lingua tormentorum ui
prodijsset.
67. Hoc vestras maiestati firmissime asseueramus quisquis ille
fuerit, uel cuiusque generis exercitus qui contra te uenerit, potius
54, 1. 134b. pectora nostra inimicorum gladijs transfodienda obijciemus, quam
gladios nostros in patrij sanguinis effusionem conuertemus. Haec,
et similia habet ista supplicatio pag. 23. 30. 26. 66. et alibi.
Neque male affectus animus, neque ueritas, sed tortura sola
linguam direxit quae locuta est talia procul dubio fuerunt uerba
ilia allegata de tuendis partibus exercitus Papas contra nostrum
Regnum si unquam de ore sacerdotis prodierunt aut aliter ab
aliquo imperito laico fuerunt dicta, pag. 66. unde concludit non
esse ueram illam propositionem debere sacerdotem Cath. tueri
partes exercitus Pontificij contra hereticos.
BREVIS RELATIO 99
16. Titulus libri.
Exemplar Epistolce cuiusdam scriptce d Mag'ro quodam Artium
Cantabrigensi ad Amicum suum Londini agentem de uita,
moribus et actionibus Comitis Lecestrensis et amicorum in
Anglia.
Quaecunque concepta dicta aut publicata stint in hoc libro cum
protestatione efficacissima bonse uoluntatis et affectionis obsequij
plenissimee erga eccmam maiestatem suam et totum Regnum scripta 54, f. 115.
esse intelliguntur quibus solis et vsui et commodo esse possit multis
communi.
Libellus iste a Catolico conscriptus in hominem hereticum, eo
usque heretici personam et laruam induit ut multa in religionem,
in ceremonias, in Papam ipsum dicat scandalosa, hasresim sapientia,
et ualde ridicula et contemptus plena..
Huius libri auctor publica fama habetur P. Personius, qui
personam heretici induens, multa dicit in hominem hereticum uera
et in Republica civili castigatione digna, uerum ut hasc liberius
promulgaret, multa dicit in preiudicium Religionis Catcffi. et
consura ecclesiastica digna.
Argumenta quibus probatur Patrem Personium huius libri
auctorem fuisse sunt publica fama, stilus optim6 et familiarissime
quamplurimis notus, confessio D'ni Caroli Arundelij qui se confessus
est huic libro subiectum et materiem subministrasse, P. autem
Personium methodum, stilum, et formam. Huic accedit Illmi Car'lis
Alani calculus qui, tali asperitate aut supercilio librum talem pro-
mulgari, putauit periculosissimum, at priuata quasdam obiectorum
Licestrensi priuatim mittenda censuit ad hominem mitigandum,
uel deterrendum. P. vero Personius contra aliorum mentes libellum
hunc in persona heretici conceptum et concinnatum divulgauit.a
a " The Copie of a Letter wryten by a master of arte of Cambridge to his friend in
London concerning some talke past of late between two worshypf ul and grave men,
H 2
100 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
Uncle sequuta sunt martyria plus minus 25. Sacerdotum et
Catholicorurn.
64, f. 135b. Verum de authore non ualde laboramus nee P. Personio tantam
inuri Notam desideramus, ut propositiones heereticas, aut temera-
rias uideatur (dum nimis artificiosus et subtilis esse studuerit) in
vulgus protulisse. Verum cum libellus iste plurima contineat
quas hereticam religionem uel confirmare, vel ornare, uel honestare
potuerint, .nihilque quod scintillam habeat uiri Catolici, ualde
uidetur hisce temporibus expedire, ut libellus iste sine auctoris
nomine condemnetur, quod si de auctore ulterius sit agendum tot
tractatus et libelli de rebus politicis et de suis gestis et encomijs a
P. Personio alieno nomine conscripti, et sibi ipsi aliquando dedicati,
suspectum faciunt negotium. Verum si sua Sanctas de auctore
uelit fieri certior, datis ad id in Angliam et Franciam deputatis
plus centum prodibunt testes qui ab illo conscriptum et promul-
gatum esse librum istum probabunt.
Folio 5to. et ubique Catholicos uocat in contemptum Papistas.
Fol. 13. Ita uelim moderari inter nos difFerentias Religionis, ut
status communis patrias nostrse et benedictum regnum maiestatis
SU83 et communis causa uerae religionis in periculum non uocetur.
about the present state, and some procedinges of the Erie of Leycester and his
friendis in England," 1584, n.p. It was reprinted under the title of "Leicester's
Commonwealth." Quite apart from Parsons' very explicit denial of the author-
ship (Preface to his Warnword, 1602), it is incredible that he should have
written it, and the passages here quoted should be alone sufficient to prove this.
Mary Stuart, writing to the Archbishop of Glasgow in May 1586, and referring
to the book as written " nearly two years ago," declares that Leicester believed it
was written by Morgan with the archbishop and Lord Paget ; that the earl in
consequence " was in the utmost rage against all three," and had procured the
imprisonment of Morgan. Turnbull, discussing the question in his Introduction
to the Letters of Mary Stuart, xvii-xxi), cites the arguments of Dr. Ashton and
Dean Mosse in favour of the opinion that the book was " the work of some subtle
courtier who for safety got it printed abroad and sent into England under the
name of Persons," and quotes a letter from Tierney who considers Ashton's
arguments from internal evidence " quite conclusive." But it is significant that the
scandalous duplicity and disloyalty towards his church attributed to Parsons, on the
supposition that he wrote the book, should have created no difficulty in the minds
of the appellants.
BREVIS RELATIO. 101
Fol. 15. uocat Lecestrensem uerse religionis euersorem et inimi-
cum acerrimum, quam protestanticam esse intelligit.
Fol. 20. uocat communionem hereticorum sanctam commu-
nionem.
Fol. 22. de Sua Sanct8 ridicule admodum loquitur his uerbis, 51, f. 136.
quod ad Papam attinet bene poterit fistulas suas reponere.
Fol. 27. uocat Ducem Alensonium moderatum Papistam, et qui
uirtute et prudentia Reginge facillime ad Euangelium, id est, ad
religionem protestantium potuerit trahi ; unde Euangelium illud
(protestanticum v'lt) per totam Europam potuit disseminari sicut
fratres in francia bene considerauerunt et sperauerunt.
Fol. 30. uocat Essexium, hominem hereticum, patronum uerae
Religionis et predicatorum huius sectae.
Fol. 58. uitio uertit Lecestrensi, quod cum Academiee Oxoniensis
fuerit patronus et Cancellarius, Collegia et Seminaria papistica et
Collegia Jesuitarum ex ilia Academia exierunt ; Thesaurario autem
Cecilio laudi ducit quod, ex eius Academia cui profuit prodierunt
omnes doctissimi pseudoepiscopi et uerbi predicatores, etc.a
Fol. 79. Bayleus et Culpeperus, uterque notus Papista.
Fol. 112. Uetus ille Legalius obstupuit, et illorum more fecit
cruces in aere quod nobis risum commouit ; in margine, contemptus
causa, uocat cruces istas papisticas benedictiones.b
11 " By Leicester's chancellorship of Oxford," says the author, " is cancelled almost
all hope of good in that University : and by his protection, it is like soone to come
to destruction. ... it were sufficient to behold the present state of the two Univer-
sities whereof they [Leicester and Cecil] are heads and governors. For our owne
[Cambridge] I will not say much, lest I might seeme partiall : but let the thing
speak for itselfe. Consider the fruit of the Garden, and thereby you may judge of
the Gardiner's diligence. Look upon the Bishopricks, Pastorships, and Pulpits
of England and see whence principally they have received their furniture for the
advancement of the Gospell. And on the contrary side, look upon the Seminaries
of Papistry at Eome and Bhems, upon the Colledges of Jesuists, and other
Companies of Papists beyond the seas and see where-hence they are, especially,
fraught." Edit. 1641, p. 69.
b " At these words the oM Lawyer stepped back, as somewhat astonied, and
began to make Crosses in the ayre, after their fashion, whereat wee laughed."
Margin " Papisticall blessing " (p. 101).
102 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
Fol. 137. dicit Reginam. Scotiae excludi a Regni titulo, quia
inimica fuit religion! huic in Anglia receptae.
Fol. 151. non uideo neque legis aliquo prescripto, aut praxi
horum temporum, diuersitatem religionis posse impedire iustos
64, f. 136b. heredes quominns hereditates sibi debitas possideant in quo-
cunque statu aut genere priuatorum hominum, multo minus
in iure regni, quod semper pras ceteris magnum habet priuile-
gium.
Fol. 158. precedents propositionis exempla profert Principes
Germanise Lutheranos, Reginam Elizabetam, Principes Nauarreum
et Condemn omnes hereticoa.
Fol. 159. Regem Scotise laudat et admiratur propter exercitia sua
Principe digna, et institutionem suam in uera religione, sub
hominibus raris et uirtute ornatis in hunc finem, Joanne nimirum
Knoxo et Georgio Bucchanano Archiheretico.
Fol. 160. Educationem, instructionem et conuersationem Regis
scotiaa cum ijs qui ueram profitentur Religionem, edicta, actiones,
regimen, et priuatos mores laudat, quae ornnia haDresim con-
firmarunt.
Fol. 161. Aliqui qui ad ministerium Scotiae pertinent, Bed indigni
tarn digna uocatione.
Fol. 182. multa argu aflfert pro toleratione in re religionis,
idque a Rege Philippe in Belgia, Francia, Germania factum feliciter
et necessario exemplis probat, quod hodie manibus pedibusque
oppugnat.
Multa preterea ad corroborandum titulum Regis Scotiae ad
Regnum Angliae affert, licet in libro titulorum spe maioris comniodi
mutauerit sententiam.
BREVIS RELATIO. 103
17. 6 Martij. 54, f. l 7.
Petitiones Sacerdotum Anglorum.
1 . Vt auctoritate Apostolica decidatur controuersia ilia de schis-
mate et inobedientia, quae tantorum scandalorum et contentionum
in Anglia causa extitit.
2. Vt sua sanctitas aliquara ineat rationem de leuanda persecu-
tione in Anglia, quod infinitis Catholicorum lachrymis et lamentis
desideratur, a quo magistratus Hereticus hoc teinpore non uideri
omnino abhorrere.
3. Yt prohibeantur omnes Eccci Angli tarn religiosi quam secu-
lares ne se rebus politicis ullo modo immisceant, unde ciuilis magis-
tratus grauiorem in Catholicorum persecutionem commoueatur.
4. Vt uarijs Catholicorum necessitatibus spiritualibus prouide-
atur Constitutione episcoporum uel suffraganeorum in Anglia.
5. Vt Collegijs Romano et Duaceno projiciantur tales de quibus
constat impie eos contra statum politicum machinates esse.
6. Vt omnes tarn sacerdotes quam laici teneantur revelare
siquid contra statum aut personam ReginaB tentari intellexerint.
18. Informatio de quibusdam Presbiteris qui nuperRomam ex Anglia 54, f. 137b.
uenerunt, ut tarn, suo quam, aliorum quorumdam paucorum
nomine ArchipresVri Institutionem d sua Sanct" mandatam
impugnent.
Reginae Consiliarios aliosque hereticos Anglicanos multis iam
annis, perspecto Religionis Catholicae augmento mirabilique
seminariorum fructu, uijs omnibus huic prouentui suam industriam
opposuisse neminem latere possit cui reghi illius conditio perspecta
est.
Nulla autem illis uia accommodatior faciliorque uisa est, quam
per seditiones quorundam hominum qui, cum Catholici haberentur,
alieni tamen a disci plina Catholica erant uel minime animo cum
eis coniuncti qui res Catholicorum precipue administrabant,
104 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
cuiusmodi erat Hlmus Car'] is Alarms dura uiueret, aliqui ei
adherentes quos inquietiores isti non mediocriter exercebant.
Mortuo Card16 optimo ad annum. D'ni 1594 Collegij Anglorum
de Vrbe res in apertum prorupere tumultum, eo quod per triennium
fere magna suse sanctitatis molestia durauit, eiusdem tamen
prudentia atque auctoritate dimissis seditionis ducibus quieuit
penitus Collegium, selectissimaque hodie juuentute floret et
siugulari unione animorum fruitur.
Ex dimissorum [ccetu] tumultuantium nonnulli, cum in Angliam
54, f. 138. peruenissent aliosque ingenij quietioris inuenissent, nouas statim
tumultuandi mas excogitare ceperunt, partim ut patres societatis
in pace degentes impugnarent, partim ut prefecturas sibi ipsi sine
ulla sedis ApostolicsB auctoritate assumerent.
Huius Rei Smus D. N. multorum ex clero Anglicano literis
admonitus, qui id etiam sentiebant, idoneum fore remedium ad
emulationem contra partes tollendam uel minuendam saltern
pacemque firmandam, si superior[em] ex suo ordine, hoc est ex
sacerdotibus secularibus, constitueret, Quibus ille paterne assenti-
endum duxit, eisque per Illmi Car'lis Caetani Protectoris Anglise
literas Arcliip'brum D'num Georgium Blackuuellium spectatas
virtutis ac eruditionis virum, re prius cum Illmis Sacra3 Inquisitionis
Cardinalibus consultata, ordinandum iussit.
Hanc Summi Pontificis ordinationem gratissimo animo Catholici
omnes, et plusquam trecenti Sacerdotes acceptarunt gratiasque per
literas egerunt ; pauci uero quidam, vix decem ab initio, quod
ambitioni suse obstructas hac Pontificis ordinatione uias anim-
aduertissent reluctari ceperunt et tumultus per Angliam ciere
Anno D'ni 1598.
Et primum quidem exagitare tarn uerbis quam scriptis et
libellis impressis Cardinalis suarumque literarum fidem. Deinde
affirmare palamque asserere non potuisse Pontificem ipsis inuitis
Prelatum eis dare, nisi contra Canones ageret, monere Pontificem,
quod qui amet periculum peribit in eo : Ac denique terrere
54, f. I38b. Catholicos legibus Regni penalibus ne Archip'bro a Sua Sancte
BREVIS RELATIO. 105
institute, sub pena amissionis bonorum ac perpetuo carcere nominis
obedientiam deferrent.
Anno D'ni 1599 Sua Sanctas Breue Apostolicum dedit quo
Archipresbiteri institutionem aliaque omuia in literis Illmi Cardinalis
Cactani contents confirmauit : quo viso inquieti timore nonnihil
perculsi pacem ad aliquot dies simulant : sed inito deinde arctiori
cum psaudo Ep'o Londinensi ac Regina? Consiliarijs commercio,
iterum tumultuantur, et ab omni Archipresbiteri auctoritate
appellant, nullo interim Rom am. misso uel procuratore uel exhibita
appellatioiiis copia plusquam quindecim oinnino mensium spatio.
Interea Sua Sanc*as uisa appellatione per Archipresbiterum
transmissa, re penitus deliberata, nullo modo admittendam censuit ;
sed iterum causam determinat, Archipresbiterum confirmat, lites
dirimit, silentium imponit idque per Breue Apostolicum ad
decimum septimum Augusti Anno D'ni 1601 editum.
Isti uero uihil curare, imo non expectata Pontificis sententia*
cum Reginge Consiliarijs iterum transigere de seditione hac modis
omnibus promouenda, preserbim uero libellis famosis impressis,
quorum iarn decem uel undecim ediderunt, omni genere immodestias
uirulentise ac contumeliarurn plenos; alia uero decem volumina
promittunt quibus infinita tarn Catholicis quam hereticis scandala
praebentur.
His enim libris non tantum intoleranda conuitia in multos uiros
probos conijciuiitur, verum etiam impia multa contra fidei Catolicao
dignitatem in hereticorum gratiam ac favorem asseruntur. Verbi 54, f. 139.
gratia, quod Sedes Apostolica sit in Anglia extranea seu forinsica,
et ideo per legem Premuniri exclusa ; quod summus Pontifex
nulla ratione possit Reginam Anglioe quacunque de causa deponere,
neque bellum contra earn, uel per se, uel per alios mouere, quod si
faceret, uel ipseniet in persona propria contra earn veniret, se fore
* It must be remembered that this Brief of Aug. 1601 was not promulgated by
the archpriest until Jan. 26, 1602, i.e. until after Parsons' A2)ologie in reply to the
earlier books of theappellanls had appeared, and after the four priests had started
on their journey to Rome.
106 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
contra pugnaturos, omnes Catholicos ad hoc ipsum esse obligates
asserunt.
Damnant preterea nominatim Anglicanos martyres quod hoc
palam profess! non fuerunt se Reginas in eo casu fuisse adhaesuros ;
Damnant Catholicos quod suarum calaraitatum causae iustae extite-
runt, dum Sandero, Alano, Personio alijsque viris Anglis doctrinam
contrariam docentibus assensi fuerunt. Reprehendunt nominatim
acta summorum Pontificum Pij Vt!, Gregorij 13 et Sixti Va quod
Reginam excommunicauerunt : Indigna scribunt de S. D. N. Cle-
mente octauo profitentes se revelare uelle si quidquam scirent con-
tra Reginam eiusque statum praesentem tractari, formam materiam-
que iuramenti cuiusdam impii proponunt, quo iuramento adiguntur
se Pontifici aduersaturos si quidquam contra Reginam per vim
moliretur. Archipresbiterum summum hipocritam, vsurpatorem,
patriae proditorem passim uocant ; Jesuitas deterrimae inter omnes
mortales uitae ac nequissimos asserunt ; pluresque ad Infernum
quam ipsos Cacodemones trahere ; aliaque similia intolleranda
maledicta, quibus omne genus hominum ab eorum auersant com-
mercio ne ipsorum opera iuuentur; aliaque hujusmodi libris eorum
64, f. 139b. impressis continentur quae coram constituendis a sua sanctitate
iudicibus probabuntur. Interim Catholici Anglicani ualde his
rebus affliguntur atque scandalizantur, dum istos tanto hereticorum
fauore emissos uident.
Quod ad personas eorum attinet qui aduenerunt, etsi palam ad
hoc non se produnt, neque Collegio uel alijs qui ause factionis non
sunt, uidendos se prebeant, quatuor tamen uel quinque modo
esse dicuntur, Bagshaus, Cecilius, Musheus, Champeneus, Bluettus,
de quibus, etsi quae dicenda erunt suo loco et tempore asseruantur,
hie tantum significandum duximus : priores quatuor in hoc ipso de
Vrbe Collegio Anglorum alumnos aliquando tumultuosos extitisse.
Et primus quidem, qui alijs ad seditiones dux auctorque fuisse
notatur, fuit per Hlmum Car'lem Boncompagnum, qui Collegij
Protector esset, ob seditionem olim eiectus ; secundus uero Illmi
Car'lis Alani cui aliquando pro Cappellano inseruiuit testimonio
BREVIS RELATIO. 107
quod hodie etiam manu sua exaratnm extat, causam Catholicorum
semel atque iterum Cicilio, Angliae Thesaurario, cognato suo pro-
didisse putatur, a cuius filio, qui modo Reginae a secretis est
omniaque gubernat, curatum esse, suspicantur multi quod explor-
andi causa Romam sit missus.
Postremus uero senex iracundae natures, qui ex ministro olim
Caluiniano factus sacerdos, multa scandalose ex bile contra socios
presb'ros in carcere gessit, idque tarn uerbis quam pugno, et ex
ipsiusmet literis constat eum ualde perfide cum ipsa Regina ac
ConsilriJs contra viros multos Cathcos egisse.a
1 9. Methodus expeditissima qua possint facillime discerni turbarum 54, f. 140.
et controuersiarum Architecti in Anglia.
Citatus, et iuramenti religione astrictus, P. Personius ad base
quge sequuntur capita nude et apertS sine ambagibus aut ambigui-
tate ut respondeat magna nos liberabit molestia, fontesque omnes
et scaturigines calamitatum et controuersiarum nostrarum ita
reddet conspicuas, ut non de morbo, sed de remedio (tali facto
examine) Sanctitati Vrae sit laborandum.
I CAP.
Cum in Angliam a Gregorio 13° Anno 80. fuerit missus, an in
mandatis habuerit rebus politicis se immiscere, et quousque in ijs
progressus sit, utrum & superioribus uocatus ante finitum biennium
Angliam reliquerit, in Gallijs personatus in habitu seculari, extra
Collegij sui septa uixerit, Hispaniamque eodem ornatu aduolauerit
a Tierney (vol. iii. p. clvii.) gives an analysis of another memorial, which he calls
" an extraordinary document," drawn up by Parsons for the information of the
pope and cardinals, and entitled " An account of the morals of some of the
principal appellants." Charges of unchastity, drunkenness, violence, and treason
are there urged against several priests in greater detail and with much asperity.
Tierney prints also the text of a " Memorial against the Appellants" from a rough
draft in the handwriting of Parsons, presented in the name of the Archpriest's
agents, April 1602, dealing mainly with the "ambition," "sedition" and "dis-
solute lives " of his opponents.
108 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
rebusque politicis totus uacauerit, paratos se reliquisse ad arm a
Cath. animos egregie simulans, et hoc comento ad Principum aulas
et aures sibi muniens viam ? an quae Religionem spectassent
negotia et seminariorum cura et sollicitudo non multo melius et
decentius in suo habitu suisque nionasterijs perfici et pertractari
potuissent ?
Interrogandus est qua auctoritate Regnum Angliae quasi venale
tot principibus obtulerit, Comiti Darbiensi alijs ad eum missis, alijs
destinatis ad eundem nuncijs, Duci Parmensi, Comiti Arundelise,
et Regi Catholico eiusque filiae.
Qua auctoritate librum suum de Success118 Comiti Essexiae
dedicauit, eique epistolam nuncupatoriam praefixit.
6 4, f. 140 Qua auctoritate libros scripserit de iure Regni in genere et de
Regni Anglise Success"6, quorum primus regibus et monarcliis non
potest non esse ingratissimus licet uerissimus, secundus rnultos
Principes et Primaries uiros graui affecit iniuria, omnes Regij
sanguinis Principes. preter unicam Philippi Reginam aliqua
insigni ignominia notauit, omnes competitores ad arma et uim
animaverit.
Qua auctoritate libros uarios meram politiam sapientes in
refectorijs legi iusserit.
Qua auctoritate alumnos seminariorum titulo Hispanias sub-
scribere coegerit, recusantes uero male muletauerit.
Qua auctoritate librum quern uocant Reformat"18 scripserit, in
refectorijs legi mandauerit, cuius summa est ut in Anglia mutentur
omnia, leges, consuetudines, iura, census, uictus, Prelatorum
hospitalitas, nobilium auctoritas ; quo3 omnia Tyrannidem uel
prascedunt uel sequuntur.
Qua fretus auctoritate libros alios promulgauerit, alios ipse con-
scripserit, Reginamque Angliae eosque prascipue, qui ad clauum
Reipcre sedebant, adeo acriter et acerbe perstrinxerit, ut inde irritati
in Catholicorum caedem et perniciem nouas leges nouaque supplicia
inuenirent.
Qua fretus auctoritate apud Regem Catholicum fictis et fucatis
I5REVIS RELATIO. 109
rationibus et relationibus de Catholiconim paratis animis ad res
innouandas de inuadenda et subiuganda Anglia egerit, Catholicos
vana spe Hispaniae classis per multos annos lactauerit, Eegemque
Catholicum ad uarias expeditiones, non sine magno Regis damno
et dispendio, adegerit.
Qua auctoritate libellum famosum in Lecestrensem refertum
hseresibus et sermonibus impudicis in persona heretici scripserit, 54, f. 141.
alium etiam in magnum Angliee Thesaurarium diuulgari curauit,
ex quibus nihil aliud commodi sperari potuit quam ut illi animo
morem gereret, et maiorem in fratres persequutionem excitaret.
Qua auctoritate expeditiones illas duas anni 96. et 97. et illam
tertiam anni 1601 Hibernicam tarn grauiter et strenue sollicitauit,
Regemque Catholicum quasi inuitum imposturis suis ad illas
suscipiendas adegit, sacerdotes insuper et Jesuitas Anglos et
Hibernos miserit, cum res militaris nullo modo studiorum uel
missionum suarum sit finis.
Qua auctoritate Holtum, Cresuuellum, et Balduuinum in Belgijs
et in Hispanijs ad res politicas et Regnorum et diadematum
diuisiones tractandas reliquit.
Qua auctoritate Standisseum, Burleum, Fitzarbertum, Rolstunum,
dum tumultus Gallici urgerent, tanquam exploratores suos in
diuersas Gallias partes miserit, Regis sumptu et Regis nomine
ipsius seruientes uoluntati.
Qua auctoritate ab ipso uel a Cresuuello uel ab utroque fuerit
missus Colstonus ad Comitem Essexia3 literas portans, turn ad
Reginam turn ad alios eius senatores, officij et aflfectionis plenissimas,
has quidam palam, clanculum uero ad Comitem alias qua3 ilium ad
regnum capessendum animaret. Hgec sunt quas communiter in P.
Personium obijciuntur, de quibus si se coram iudice iuratus pur-
gauerit magna dabitur CathCIS omnibus satisfactio, sin minus
magna de reliquis omnibus eius actionibus suspitkx
Quod si confessione propria aut prolatis chirographis aut iuratis
testibus constiterit P. Personium in his omnibus esse reum, 54, f. I4ib.
causam esse totius diuisionis, suspecta debent esse pari ratione
110 THE ARCHPR1EST CONTROVERSY.
omnia quae S4i Vraa suggerit de creatione Archipr. et de ilia forma
Regiminis instituenda, quam tanquam in Ecclesia Dei nouam et
inauditam ad pacem inter Ecclos stabiliendam ineptam aegr6
admiserunt nonnulli ex precipuis sacerdotibus, quod facile animad-
uerterant auctoritatem illam nomine tenus penes Archipresbyterum
esse, re autem ipsa penes Personium et Jesuitas, ut ipsi sine
inuidia artificiose quae uelint in deprimendis et affligendis illis
statuant, qui non sine patriae periculo et animarum dispendio,
ferro et flamma, et externo milite rem geri, et plantari posse
fidem, libere profitentur et demonstrant : uirtute uero, humilitate,
patientia, morte, et plantari et rigari et renouari ad fidem Regna,
et solere et debere predicant, neque dari posse exemplum ubi
armis restituta fuerit religio.
Hue igitur redeunt omnia Sanctme P. ut qui Apostolico more, sine
vi, sine strepitu, sine tumultu, pacifice, patienter, et modest^ con-
uersionem Angliae et animarum messem tractari voluerunt, quique
hisce tarn uiolentis motibus et conatibus P. Personij ubiuis
restiterunt pro factiosis habiti sint, fide et auctoritate apud exteros
Principes exuti, et causse publicae et conuersioni Angliaa inimici
sint habiti ; cum in confesso sit, et persecutni pabulum et anim-
arum conuersioni impedimentum, et factionibus, et dissensionibus
fomentum has Personij technas et tragedias praebuisse.
64, f. 142. 20. Oratio exhibita S™ pro Rkbus Catholicorum in Anylia.*
Cum nihil sit quod Sane** Vrae gratius aut optatius possit
eueiiire quam quac pro Catholicorum Anglorum salute pace et con-
solatione dicta, facta, et constituta sunt cum totum EcclesiaB Angln«
corpus partesque singulas paterno affectu tenerrimd prosequaris,
speramvis fore aures illas sanctiss43 et purgatmas quae hereticis, schis-
maticis, sicarijs, et sacrilegis pro illorum salute plerumque patent,
filiorum suorum lachrymis et lamentis non posse occludi, petimus
ergo, ut uera narraiitibus et iusta postulantibus, non inimicorum
a Presented by Cecil at his audience of the pope, 17 or 19 June.
BBEVIS RELATIO. Ill
potentia et auctoritas, non subornatus multorum clamor et strepitus,
non chirographorum numerus, et catalogus (quae aduersarijs nostris
in promptu sunt omnia) plus ponderis et moment! habeant ad
animum Sancti8 suae alienandum quam ueritas, ratio, innocentia,
iustitia, testes ad fidem, ad gratiam, ad compassionem. Pro
factiosis et seditiosis habentur omnes publica uoce, ingeminatis
literis, continuis clamoribus, qui in Catholicorum causis, et contro-
uersijs, non solum quae interiorem hominem spectant, sed etiam
quae de politia et temporali rerum statu aguntur, P. Personij
sensum et captum non cum applausu approbant, et conatus et
cogitata eius (seditionis, et sceleris plenissmas) de reducenda ad
fidem Anglia non amplexantur et admittunt, et hinc nostrae
lachrimae, P. Ste, hinc fundi nostri calamitas ; non enim quam
sancte quam pie quam pudice quis uixerit, quam docte quam
erudit6 se gesserit, quam strenue et grauiter pro fide certauerit,
quot uincula, quot carceres, quot opprobria pro Xp'o sustinuerit
hoc agitur, sed quarum sit partium, quam morigerus, quam bene 54, f. I42b.
affectus in. eum quern opinionis errore sibi finxit Personius Princi-
patum. Ulcus est hoc et tactu durum et difficile, at necessarium
tarn en ut uel ferro uel unguento sanetur.
Si uis igitur pacem in Anglia, Bm? Pater, si cupis a Catholicorum
iugulis gladium et ceruicibus securim repellere, si uis saluam et
sartam tectam religionem tueri, declaratio facta de innocentia
sacerdotum publico aliquo instrument© est munienda, ut obstruatur
os loquentium iniqua ; non solum persona Archipresbyteri sed ilia
ipsa auctoritas et subordinatio tarn odiosa tarn suspecta, tarn inuisa
Principibus nostris, tarn grauis et onerosa fratribus nostris, amo-
uenda est et antiquanda ; amouendi sunt et segregandi prorsus a
castris et congressibus nostris Jesuitas, prohibendi omnes ne rebus
se politicis immisceant, ne magistratus animos exulcerent; cum
Rege denique Christianissimo agendum est ut pro Catholicorum
leuandis pressuris et misery's apud Reginam intercedat. Denique
humillime petimus, ut Cardinalibus dies statuatur certus in quo de
nobis nostrisque negotijs aliquid concludant ; et haec sunt praecipua
112 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
ilia malorura et morborum nostrorum capita quac moram nullam
patiuntur sine graui totius corporis ruina. Cetera uero quae radices
ipsas et fontes malorum nostrorura aperient S. V. separatim in
relatione sen informatioue ista exhibemus.
Resp. [S1"1].
Vt libere dicam, nescio quid dicam de istis uestris chimeris de
54, f. 143. libertate conscientiae ; omnia nestra hue tendunt ut Personium ac-
cusetis et excnsetis illos qui modo ita bene apud nos intendunt.
Verum quod ad innocentiam uestram attinet erit uobis authentice
satisfactum. Quod ad Archpr. et subordinationem attinet faciemus
iustitiam, Jesuitas a Regiminis vestri sollicitudine excludemus ;
quod ad sequentia capita attinet, cum res sint maximi mornenti,
post maturam deliberationem faciemus id quod pro Religionis pro-
pagatione iudicauerimus maxime expedire. Cardinalibus diem
martis hora 22. post meridiem assignabimus : et preterea, si quid
(quod uereor) uobis deerit, ad uitae et uictus commoda prouide-
bimus.
Replicatio D. C[ecilii].
Quam male audiat apud infinites recti et simplicis cordis Catho-
licos P. Personius, quam eius sunt suspecta et odiosa molimina
Principibus multis Cattcls, quousque vestro nomine et auctoritate sit
abusus, quantas in Anglia excitauerit turbas, non est quod uerbis
nostris aut accusationibus dari fidem postulemus ; ex scriptis nostris
qu89 S.V. nostro nomine exhibebit Eccmus Galliae legatus S.V. facile
iudicabit qu-ae fuerint P. Personij in patriam in Principem in Eccle-
siam et fratres nostros offieia : quod ad libertatem conscientise
attinet, nihil a Regina nostra petimus aut peti desideranms, nihil
uieissim promittimus nee in nos suscipimus nisi quod Justinus
iTiartir, Tertullianias, et alij Patres Imperatoribus in primatiua
Ecclesia petierunt- et promisenant, nisi quod Illmus Alanus bonae
memorioa in sua Apologia seminariorum petijt et pollicetur, neque
54, f. 143b. alios habet inimicos istiusmodi pacifica inter Christianos in re
Religionis compositio preter puritanos inter hereticos et Jesuitas
BREVIS RELATIO. 113
inter Cattolicos, qui praetextu zeli et pietatis statura politicum
ubique perturbant, et ad democratiam omnia trahunt ut ipsi interim
omnia regant.
Responsum Smi.
Videbimus quid de his dicat orator Christianissimi, et faciemus
quicquid Catholicis prodesse iudicabimus sine religionis aut sedis
huius preiudicio.
21. Vna Noia per il p're Holto e tali confidenti amid a, cjli quali
lui trouerd buono de communicarla.*
Le cause principali di questo mio viaggio sono de assettarsi con
sua Santita et il P're generale tutti tali punti che si uederanno
necessarij per il sostento degli seminarij de Spagna, Fiandra et
Italia, et de gli missionarij de la societa in Inghilta, et perd tutto
quello che si presentera a uoi intorno a quell i punti, cioe delle
faculta, gouerno, priuilegij, e sostento, 6 cose simili, io ui pregho
et gli altri amici, di auuisarmi con tutta la breuita possibile, perche
1' intentione mia 6 de procurare che io no mene resti in Italia seno
il manco che sia possibile io h6 promesso in Spagna, et per diuersi
ragioni sera molto necessario.
S' io posso ancora far' qualche opera bona nel co'porsi et accordarsi
le con'uersie del Sem"° Inglese Romano, et delle differenze tra gl'
altri delta natne n'ra altroue, fard il rneglio che posso, al manco spero
di far' intendere a S.SU et all' altre persone principali, il fundamento 54, f. 144.
et le uere cause di queste controuersie.
Intorno alle cose del stato d' Inghilt* io intendo de mostrare al
Papa come se ne stanno, e quanto sia necessario che sua St4 si ne
• Tierney printed another abstract of this letter, dated correctly March 15, from
the Italian in Parsons' own handwriting ; and Plowden published an English
translation in his Berington's Panzani, p. 350. Parsons himself printed a great
part of it in English in his Manifestation, prudently omitting here, however, the
passage about the Infanta. Tierney remarks that in the following July Parsons
wrote to Juan d'Idiaquez that he had had an audience of the Pope, who " appeared
as warm in the cause of the Infanta as could be desired " (iii. Ivii-lix).
VOL. II. I
114 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
pensa da uero di quel neg° con breuita affin clie dopo la morte
della Rega d' Inghilta non sene uenga a mani, peggiori gli pericoli,
e danni inevitabili che seguiteranno si qualche si uoglia Principe
heretico preuale : Che gli Cattolici Inglesi desiderano solamente un
Cattco Re senza rispetto che sia Inglese, Scozzeze, 6 Spagnolo ; il
che in questo dipende principalmente di sua Santita, che il Padre
Personio no 6 inimico del R6 di Scotia 6 agente per il Re di Spagna
come alcuni hanno informati, mostrando per il primo gli buoni
officij che il P're Personio ha fatto per il RS di Scotia per molti
anni mentre che si era speranza che diuentasse Cattholico.
Et per il secondo mostrando per il testimonio del Nuntio de
Madrid (il quale ha scritto efficacemente a questo fine) che il P.
Personio ha tuttauia persuaso al Re, et a gli mmistri suoi, che nd
conuiene che sua Mata pretende Inghilt8 per lui, et che il P. Personio
ha impetrato del Re di Spagna una promessa absoluta de cio fare
intorno a quel punto, il Nuntio ha visto gli discorsi, et 6 stato fatto
consapeuole delle Conferenze et ragionamenti che il P. Personio ha
fatto de giorno in giorno a quel fine.
In fine questa deue ser la conclusione die la sola strada e, che S.
Sta s' aecordasse con il R6 di Spagna de qualche composibione
ragioneuole per qualche persona che sera capabile, e che stara bene,
54, f. 144b. per Sua Sane**, sua Maesta Cattca, Inglesi, e Scozzezi, il Re di
Nauarra, denemarca e tutti gli altri. Ma che sara questa persona
6 persone 1' intentione del Padre Personio e di lasciar' a pensare a
S. St4 e de rompere la testa sua per qualche tempo.
Pero al parere mio no sene troua altra compositione piu profita-
bile, probabile, et factibdie, che la Infanta con il Principe Cardinale,a
ma si uoi altri gli buoni amici nostri siate di un' altro parere, e
possiate proporne gli mezzi, di gracia mettete gli per iseritto, perche
mi rallegrerd de sentirae et accommodarmi a uoi altri ancora ;
perche in quest' altro uoglio andar pianpiano fin tanto che habbia
tiostra risposta, et ricordarsi che in questo non si ha da mirare
solamente quello che sia conforme a i nostri desiderij et appetiti,
a Parsons' own copy underlines " signora infanta maritata al principe cardinaleS
BREVIS RELATIO. 115
ma quelle tre conditioni inanzi specificate de profitto, probabilita, et
factibilita, tanto de preualersi e guadagnar, quanto di defendere,
sentare, e continuarsi dipoi, et questo 6 tutto quello che in questo
punto io posso dire, et anzi basciando di cuore gli mani a tutti, ui
dico adio, desiderando in quest! negotij tutta la secretezza possibile
come uedete che sia necessaria : II n'ro Sor Jesus resti sempre
con voi altri. di Genoua a gli 15. di maggio [sic] 1597.
Vostro sempre, la mano del qua'le conoscete.
Has esse P'ris Personij literas dum ex Hispania Romam uenit et
[jam eas] propria sua manu conscriptas habemus in Yrbe tres uiros
fidedignos qui confirmabunt tanquam ooulati testes. 54, f. 145.
2°. Habemus Prototypon in Gallijs manu sua propria conscrip-
tum.
3°. Argumento sunt ilium hoc animo Romam uenisse anno 1597.
et hec in itinere scripsisse, liber quern de Successione scripsit cuius
conclusio eadem est quas harum literarnni pro Infantas cum
Cardinale [matrimonio], subscriptiones quas afe alu«mi« solle-
giorum in hunc finem exegit ; instructiones quas sacerdotibus in
Angliam missis sibique confidentibus de Infantas titulo promoiiendo
dedit, vnde merito suspecta possunt esse omnia quas de Archi-
presb'ro promouendo et defendendo tarn aeriter hactemas egit
tanquam qui abuti uoluerit Pontci8 pijssima intentione ad factionem
hispanicam in Anglia stabiliendam.
In his literis Patris Personij multa sunt notatu digna;; illud uero
precipue examinandum censenius : quod olim hanc esse uiam
statuit ad conuertendam Angliam, nimirum ut sua Sanctas cum
Rege Cattco conueniat de compositione aliqua facienda cum
successore aliquo idoneo qui asque gratus uideatur Pontifici, Regi
Cattolico, Anglis et Scotis Catholicis, Regi Nauarras, Danemarcas,
et reliquis omnibus.
Hanc autem personam esse Infantam cum Cardinale tarn hie
quam in libro suo de Successione concludit propter utilitatem,
probabilitatem et factibilitatem, ut ipsius uerbis utamur.
i 2
116 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
Et primo notandum est Suee Sanctitati magnam factam esse
iniuriam quod biennio post absolutionem datam Regi Christ™0
dedignatur nomen Regis Gallic, sed Nauarrse solum in contemp-
54, f. 145b. turn, ut prius solebat, quod ipsum in Anglia alius Jesuita, qui
nihil preterquamquod Patri Personio placuerit loqui audet, apertius
promulgauit, hereticum eum et peiorem heretico appellans, Papam-
que in eius absolutione male fuisse informatum et a Theologo suo
delusum affirmans, cuius rei testes habemus sacerdotes suos ; et
quorsum hgec tendant et unde motus hsec dixerit relinquimus
judicio Illmae D. V.
De Vtilitate.
Mirum est Infantam et Cardinalem qui in Belgia a Regni
Prouincijs et Principibus aluntur, qui sumptus belli non possunt
sustinere nisi continuis exactionibus, impositionibus et contribution-
ibuspopuli,quomodo possint Regno Angliae tantum afferre commo-
ditatis ut utilius nihil excogitari poesit.
De Probabilitate.
Non est probabile Infantam quse patrimonium suum in Belgia
uix potest a turba quadam rebelli et factiosa subditorum suorum
defendere posse illud reguum alienum subiugare, tot externis, et
internis competitoribus emulis et inimicis undique imminentibus.
De Factibilitate.
Nisi externo et alieno milite rem agat Infanta in Anglia, nisi
54, f. 146. post prostrates iniinicos, non est quod de Catholicorum presumat
aut potentia aut beneuolentia qui nee adeo sunt potentes, ut solet
male informare Pater Personius, nee tarn ben6 affecti in Hispanos
ut uelint pro eis periclitari.
Sunt enim in Anglia professi notique ut Catholici 30,000. plus
minus, et ex eis pars maior feminarum, puerorum, seruulorum, pauci
admodum primarij viri, ex nobilitate uix duo paria, et hi non
oranes in Hispaniam affecti.
Solet autem Pater Personius fortassis numerum Catholicorum
ad 10,000 [100,000?] extendere, affectionem, et zelum in His-
BREVIS RELATIO. 117
paniam predicare, suoque nutu et arbitratu regi, ut maiorem
habeat cum sua sanctitate et rege Cattolico auctoritatem, fictis et
simulatis literis et relationibus insinuate.
Cum in Anglia Infanta semper hereticos habebit infestissimos,
et Catholicos paucos et tepidos, et a tergo Regem Scotias qui ius
suum uindicare conabitur, et a fronte Regem Christianissimum
qui nullo modo uicinitatem illam ferre persuaderi potest, et a
latere Hollandos et Danos mari potentissimos, et nulli[bi] amicos
aut confederates aliquos, nisi quos pecunise vi ex remotissimis
regionibus uocauerit, nescio quid in mentem uenerit cordatis
Principibus tarn uana spe hue usque decipi, et de medio tarn
impossibili tanquam de solo et unico Anglise medicamento
cogitare.
22. Vera Toreuisque Declaratio Status et CondUionis Catholicorum in 54, f. I46b.
Anglia ab anno Dni 1587 vsque ad hodiernum diem.
lmo In tota Insula nulla est Ecelesia, nullum sacellum, locus
nullus ubi Catholici aut public^ aut priuatim possint aut sacro
interesse aut alia frequentare sacramenta ad salutem animarura
necessaria.
2°. Qui hereticorum conciones et conuenticula frequentare
recusent, singulis annis 660. aureos fisco persoluunt, quod si non
sint soluendo, in carceres conijciuntur.
3°. Pena Capitis est Ecclesiae Romanse reconciliari, peccata con-
fiteri, a peccatis absolui.
4°. Pena Capitis est sacerdotem hospitio recipere, auxilio, con-
silio, aut re iuuare.
5°. Pena Capitis est sacerdotem, si cognoueris, illico magistratui
non manifestare.
6°. Nemo est alicuius nota3 Catolicus quin in Custodia aliqua
teneatur, hi in arctiori, illi in laxiori.
7°. Nemo Catholicorum aut arma domi habere aut officio in
republica frui potest.
118 THE ARCHPEIEST CONTROVERSY.
8°. Nemo ad gradus promoueri, aut beneficio [uti] potest.
54, f. 147. Ab hoc seruitutis iugo liberari posse Cattolicos putant nonnulli,
idque zelo ut putant bono, armorum ui et Principum potentia,
idque per multos annos continues successibus non ita felicibus
pertentarunt alijsque omnibus qui de medijs alijs magis pacificis
cogitant, omnem fidem et authoritatem detrahunt ; idque agunt
sedulo ut omnis illis aditus ad eorum aures quibus incumbit hisce
rebus prouidere intercludatur.
pmo jgitur illud sedulo decent et inculcant nullam aliam spem,
nullam salutem reliquam esse Cattcis, nisi quam in Catholici Regis
potentia et beneuolentia sitam predicant.
2(io Spargunt rumores, et infames, suspectos et inuisos reddunt
ubique omnes qui aliter de causa communi iuuanda sentiunt.
Propositum itaque nostrum est sine ulla Cattci| Regis iniuria Sn
Sua3 ostendere primo non esse abbreuiatam manum D'ni, mediaque
alia posse inueniri quibus fides Cattca promoueri poterit sine tanta
sanguinis effusione.
3io Media ilia quas hactenus per arma tentata fuerint plus
Cattcis obfuisse quam profuisse ; quarum rationum capita Regis
Christmi orator S. V. uel uerbo uel scriptis exhibebit.
54, f. 147b. 23. Considerationes qucedam S*° proponendte -pro Pace Stabilienda
in Ecclesia Anglicana..
Post examen grauissimum eorum quae exhibuimus contra modum
procedendi Archipresbiteri, et incommodoram ipsius Siibordina-
tionis, fratres nostri iudicio et consideratni Smi relinquunt, vtrum
ordinaria Episcoporum Hierarchia afflictissimis rebus nostris magis
conueniat ; minusque in se incommodi et periculi habeat quam ista
de quo modo agitur Prelatura.
1. Verum cum tanti negotii momentum non poterit sine iusto
examine, longotempore, et debita omnium circumstantiarum trutina
concludi, ut paci et tranquillitati interim prouideatur, faceret
proculdubio Sua Sanctitas iudicio nostro rem omnibus gratissimam,
BREVIS RELATIO. 119
si in Regione tarn ampla et Province's distincta duos institueret
syndicos, seu uisitatores, unum in parte Boreali, et in Australi
alterum, ad quos in rebus dubijs fiat recursus et appellandi
libertas, ne ad Romanam Curiam in tantis rerum difiicultatibus
pro dirimendis singulis controversy's cogantur refugere.
2. Deinde ut quinque aut sex Archipb'ri in Regno Angliee insti-
tuantur, duo in parte Boreali, et Meridional! tres, sextus in Vvallia
et confinibus, atque his singulis adiungant duo Assistentes.
Horum autem [scilicet] auctoritas quousque se extendat si sua
Sanctitas declarare dignetur (ut singuli intelligant in quibus
obedire teneantur) ad pacis et concordiee perpetuitatem multum 54, f. 148.
afferret adiumenti.
3. Nominatis Sanctmo uiginti ex senioribus et doctioribus sacer-
dotibus, qui nee uoto nee proposito sint Religiosi regulares, uel a
[seculari] clero in Anglia, uel a Procuratoribus utriusque partis qui
modo in urbe sunt, ab his decem, abillis alijs decem, poterit omnium
applausu sua Sanctitas octo eligere qui, modo quo diximus,
Catholicis omnibus in Anglia prasficiantur, donee de ordpnatione]
Ecclesias quam temporibus nostris magis conuenire putamus
[matur]ius fuerit deliberatum.
4. Hoc autem et Patribus Societatis perhonorificum et ad
inuidiam declinandam et ad conciliandam beneuolentiam peroppor-
tunum, et denique ad omnes contentionum et a3mulationum radices
extirpandas necessarium foret existimamus, si P'res Societatis
prascipue Angli, directe aut indirecte uerbo uel scripto, Secularium
Sacerdotum negotijs seimmiscere prohibeantur, talibusqueelection-
ibus, nee consilio nee auxilio, clam nee palam, domi nee foris ullo
modo se implicare.
5. Prouinciarum etiam distinetio pari modo poterit fieri ab
Illmis Car'libus a sua Sanctitate deputatis in hoc opus, consultis
prius utriusque partis procuratoribus.
6. Videtur etiam (saluo meliori iudicio) conueniens ut auctoritas
omnis dicta sit annalis aut ad summum triennalis, deinde alij per 54, f. i4Sb.
sacerdotes earumdem prouinciarum eligantur in quibus ipsos
120 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
presidere oportet nisi forsan ijdem Sacerdotes [in talibus personis]
continuandam duxerint auctoritatem.
7. Conuenire etiam uidetur ut neminem de crimine aliquo, nisi
prius citatum et legitime conuictum, condemnent.
8. Deinde ut nulli habeant potestatem reuocandi a quoquam
Sacerdote facilitates (quae illi . . .)a sed solum eas suspendendi,
nisi ex culpa grauissima . . . magnum aliquod oriaturscandalum,
et reus incorrigibilis inueniatur. Causa autem integra ad uisita-
torem deferatur qui, oum duobus Archipresb'ris re communicata,
faciat quod pro bono communi maior pars magis expedire in D'no
iudicauerit.
9. Nee a residentijs remouendi sacerdotes sit illis liberum nisi
grauiss* de causa legitime discussa et probata, quod et fiat quantum
fieri potest cum consensu Catholicorum Dominorum a quibus sunt
remouendi.
x. Ad uisitatores fiant appellationes ubi inter Archipresbiterum
et suos sacerdotes aliqua intercedit eontrouersia, penes quos erit
Segondcahier admouere, dirigere, et eorrigere ipsos Archipresbiteros, suspen-
faict a Rome -, , .. •*•*•• »••, •
le 4 nouebre dendo eorum auctoritatem si quando ab ijs erratum fuerit, et si se
1602. judicio Superiorum noluerint submittere, ipsorum etiam erit inter
54, f. 13$. Archipb'ros ullo modo inter se dissidentes lites componere.b
xi. Conueniat ut leges nemo ferat aut promulget decreta, quae in
conscientia obligent, nisi communi Archib'rum et sacerdotum illi
subditorum maioris partis consensu, praesidente visitatore illius
Prouincise ; sic autem conditse leges, prius confirmentur a sede
Apostolica qua uim obligandi habeant.
xij. Solet ex piorum eleemosinis sacerdotum et laicorum in
Anglia incarceratorum, et qui extra carceres fuerunt necessi-
tatibus . . . satisfied : solet tanta copia ex superfluis per annos
singulos transmitti in partes transmarinas quse sufficeret ad
" The MS. torn.
b Folio 148 is much damaged and discoloured on both sides. Folio 158, which
comes immediately after, has also suffered. The marginal note, Segond Cahier,
etc., is in the same hand as that on folio 112b (supra, p. 65).
BREVIS RELATIO. 121
nutriendos 140 et amplius alumnos in Collegio Rhemensi, relictis
60 qui ex pensione summi Pontificis et Regis Hispaniae nutriren-
tur. At uero ex quo Jesuitae quidam in Anglia cum Archi-
presbitero rerum administratione potiti sunt, licet ampliores quam
olim a Catholicis donatae fuerint eleemosinae (nam preter muni-
tiones oranes et secretiores contributiones quadriennio hoc proxim&
elapso quadraginta uel quinquaginta millia aureorum per summas
integras in ipsorum potestatem sciuntur distribuenda deuenisse)
cum ha3 omnes disparuerunt prorsus, cum maxima hominum
admiratione et scandalo, incarcerati et pauperes Catholici grauis-
sima rerum inopia laborarunt, et Collegium illud antea celeberri-
num nunc in eas redactum est angustias ut, extrusis prelectoribus, 54, f. I58b.
quadraginta tantum Alumnorum egenissimorum seminarium re-
linquatur. Cum igitur de eleemosinarum distributione grauissimae
sepenumero ortas sunt lites, eoque nomine Patres Societatis in
Anglia pessimS audierunt, uisitatoribus cura et specialis sollicitudo
incumbat incarceratorum et pauperum Catholicorum omnium. Et
propterea omnes tarn Religiosi quam Archipresbiteri teneantur eis
rationes reddere eleemosinarum collectarum acceptarum in pios
usus, ut omnibus, prout eorum [necess]itas postulauerit, prouidea-
tur. Archipresbiteri autem et visitatores, qui in Prouincijs opulen-
tioribus ubi largiores eleemosinaB dantur residebunt, teneantur,
quantum cbmmodS fieri poterit, subuenire necessitatibus eorum
Catholicorum qui in locis egentioribus uictitant.
xiij. Conuenit preterea ut omnes sacerdotes Archipresb'ro suo,
Archipresb'ri visitatoribus, visitatores cum ab officio recedant suis
successoribus rationem reddant eleemosinarum et collectarum in
pios vsus acceptarum, ut prouideatur singulis et malarum suspi-
tionum et querelarum occasiones tollantur. In quibus tamen
uoluntas Datoris, quantum fieri poterit, obseruetur.
xiv. Omnes sacerdotes quamdiu in aliena prouincia manebunt
Archipresbitero eiusdem Provinciae subiecti censebuntur. Si
autem quis ad declinandum Archipresbiterum suum in causa
aliqua ad alienam prouinciam se confert, cognitio eius causae et
122 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
54, . 159. sententia non ad alios quam ad suum Archipresbiterum et visita-
torem spectabit, et ipse ad superiores suos redire omnibus modis
cogatur. Quod similiter observandum putamus in Archipresbiteris
respectu visitatorum suorum.
24. Eesponsum ad Consider ationes quasdam a presbiteris appellan-
tibus S™0 D. N. propositas pro Pace Stabilienda in Eccl. Anylicana.
Cum alio iam scripto, separatim Illmis DD. W. exhibito,a os-
tenderimus qualemcunque tandem presentis Regiminis ac Subor-
dinationis mutationem grauissimis incommodis periculisque
obnoxiam esse : hoc iam scripto hanc ab istis excogitatam propo-
sitamque noui regiminis ecclesiastic! formam omnium maxima
habere incommoda ostensuri sumus. Si enim res tota accurate
perpendatur, facile apparebit illam quemadmodum precipua qua-
darn ambitione ab initio ortum habuit, ita eandem semper esse
futuram inquietudinis deinde perpetuse ac maximae causam, con-
tentiones interminatas ac litigia proseminaturam, presbiteroruin
mentes ab animarum cura ad alia auocaturam, eorumdem corpora
personasque plurimis periculis ac hereticorum insidijsexposituram,
in causam futuram, ut cessent nobilium laicorum eleemosynse a
54, f. I59b. quibus suppeditari deberent quae sunt ad uictum uitamque
necessaria ; denique multa in se continere, non modo absurda, sed
considerate rerum nostrarum presente statu in praxi plane im-
possibilia.
Haec ubi ostenderimus facili uidebunt Illmae DD. VV. quam sit
futurum ab auctoritate ac Sedis Apostolicae maiestate alienum si
quse iam sunfc prasclare constituta ac breuibus apostolicis confir-
mata, ea ad paucorum [im]portunitatem conuellantur ac dissipen-
tur, praesertim . . . hac presenti subordinatione ex quorumdam
hominum tiirbatione nata sunt incommoda, ea facilS sit una uel
altera a Sanctmo facta declaratione penitus de medio tollere, ut
alio iam scripto ostensum est. Atque ut de singulis pauca dicamus.
• Perhaps the Memorial, of which a long extract is printed by Tierney, iii.
p. clxxii. Cf. also p. clxxiv.
BREVIS RELATIO. 123
Pm. ad ambitionem quod attinet non multum de ea dubitauerit, 1° De ambi-
qui mente recolat hanc fere illam ipsam esse regiminis formam
quam sibi prius inconsulta sede apostolica animo designarunt hi
ipsi inquieti, sub nomine associations cuiusdam, qua contra
monitura Apostoli sumere sibi uoluerunt honorem mini me a Deo
vocati tanquam Aaron, contra qiiam extant multorum presbiterorum
precipuorum literse quas memorat liber eorumdem Apologeticus S.
S" inscriptus. Preterea quorsum queso spectant tot Syndici,
Archipresbiteri, Assistentes alijque officiales, ac eorumdem tarn
frequens singulis aut alternis annis idque per electiones habenda
uicissitudo, quam ut presbiterorum animi, qui hoc persecutionis 54, f. 160.
tempore per humilitatem ac obedientiam rerumque humanarum
contemptum essentmaxime consolidandi ac ad omnemvirtutemaffir-
mandi, uanissimo hoc planeque puerili magistratus gerendi ambitu
virtutibus uacui in superbiam ac omnimodam diffluant vanitatem ?
Ex eisdem etiam electionibus, congressionibus, suffrage's, sollici- 2» Turbatio
tationibus, visitationibus, appellationiibus, frequentibus causarum ac Inquie-
examinibus, canonicis probationibus, quanta sequutura est ani-
morum corporumque inquietude, quot itinera, quantse impensae,
quibus sane uix erunt satis vniuersaB illae eleemosinas quas tot
modis ab hereticis hodie expilati suppeditare poterunt Catolici !
Porrd quid aliud erunt hec omnia quam fertilis qusedam seges 3° Lites ac
atque continua discordiarum inter se et cum alijs fomenta, in quas
videntur isti adeo propensi ut cum articulo 4to profiteantur se nihil
quicquam cum patribus societatis habere, articulo tamen 12° non
dubitant eos ad rationem reddendam de pecunijs ac eleemosynis
acceptis uocare, quod tamen tarn de illis quam de alijs factum fore
impossibile infra statim ostendetur.
lam uero si ea omnia ac singula quao hucusque dicta sunt 4° Distrac-
accurate, uti reipsa geri atque administrari necesse erit, omnesque ^eimse ab^ni-
circumstantiae perpendantur ; quis quseso locus erit non modo marum curis.
proximorum curandis animabus sed suis etiam proprijs, uti par 54, f. I60b.
erit, diuturnis ac quietis meditationibus alijsque pietatis exercitijs
excolendis, ac ad opprobria pro Xp'o tormenta carceres mortemque
124
THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
5° De Periculo
detectionis, et
comprehen-
sionis.
6° Eleemosi-
narum sub-
tractio.
64, f. 161.
ipsam oppetendam preparandis, cum tot alijs rebus ac cogita-
tionibus implicabuntur ?
De periculis, ac persecutorum insidijs quid attinet dicere ? cum
in tarn frequentibus faciendis congressionibus unius falsi fratris
opera, quorum magna est copia, atque incredibilis hereticorum
uigilantia qui ad hoc ipsum omnilocoseduloobseruandum ac inuesti-
gandum magistratus iam particulares atque exploratores desig-
narunt, prodentur facillime uno fere die plerique plurium
provinciarum presbiteri : quod quamuis isti non multum fortassis
modo extimescunt, timebunt tamen meritissime ceteri qui, pro sua
in fide constantia ac sedi apostolicse seruata obedientia, sunt
niaxime fidei hostibus inuisi. Imo faxit Christus ut sub hac herba
anguis aliquis minimd delitescat, cum iam libris impressis tumultuosi
[jam] aliqui sint commi[nati] se tarn Jesuitas quam Archipresbitero
adherentes uelle persecutoribus prodere, de quo etiam promisso
heretici libris impressis ab eisdem exigunt, ut fidem suam liberent.
Quod eleemosinarum sequutura sit subtractio si eiusmodi
earumdem reddenda sit ratio, qualem isti postulant, manifesto
liquet, cum non sit credendum uelle ipsarum contributors
uel etiam distributors ut, cum capitis periculo per leges Angli-
canas constitute, eorum nomina publicentur aut hereticis innotes-
cant ; imo tantum abest ut uelint ullo modo sua nomina in album
uel catalogum aliquem conferri, ut nunquam fere nisi summo
secreto ac hominibus fidentissimis earn rem committant, imposito
etiam illis ipsis silentio, ne nomina sua illis enuncient qui elee-
mosinis sustentantur. VndS frequenter euenit ut presbiteri
incarcerati alijque qui eas recipiunt benefactor um suorum nomina
quoad obierint ignorent, imo non rard accidit, ut ipsi etiam
morituri, ne heredibus obsint, express^ prohibeant ne res ullo modo
diuulgetur. Quantum uero periculum sit euulgationis, si tot
rationes a tarn diuersis tamque frequenter mutandis officialibus per
istos designatis exigendae sint, quis non uidet, preterquam quod
iniquum plane sit quemquam uelle cogere ut certis hominibus a
nobis constitutis eleemosinas, quas sponte elargitur, tanto cum
BREVIS RELATIO. 125
periculo tribuat uel distribuendas committat, cum nos aliquos
extreme supplicio affectos sciamus eo quod haustum ceruisiae vel
ientaculum sacerdotibus exhibuerint.a Quare cum hoc nouum
istorum hominum inuentum de hac eleemosinarum collectione ac
ratione reddenda eo manifesto tendat ut sacerdotes inter se com- 64, f. 16lb.
mittat asmulationesque maiores excitet et Catholicos laicos in aper-
tum vitge fortunarumque discrimen adducat, eaque re eleemosinis
deinceps erogandis uiam omuem intercludat, clarum est nulla
ratione a Oatholicis in Anglia admitti posse.
Nescimus etiam quo isti spiritu adeo studios^ religiosos omnes 7° Calumnia-
-,..., -r> • i T -n i • -L- f rum occasio.
cumscunque ordmis in hac sua Reipublicse Ecclesiasticse forma
deuitent, ut articulo 3° eorumdem inuidia atque odio ab elec-
tionibus excludant eos etiam uniuersos presbiteros seculares qui
uel voto uel proposito sint religiosi regulares. Hsec enim sunt
eorum uerba. Articulo uero quarto patres societatis adeo dili-
genter arcendos a suis omnibus negotijs electionibusque uolunt,
ut neque direct^ neque indirecte uerbo uel scripto, consilio uel
auxilio, clam uel palam, domi uel foris, ullo modo eis adsint quae
omnia quam absona sint atque ab omni charitate ac pietate aliena
et factu etiam impossibilia, cum in eadem Republica et in ijsdem
animarum negotijs cum illis uiia uersentur DD. VV. Illmae uident.
Nam hac ratione neque consilium dare in rebus dubijs neque
pacem couciliare inter discordes, neque admonitione aut correctione
fraterna uti erga delinquentes, nee alia Charitatis officia prestare
poterunt. Illud uero quod omnes presbiteros etiam seculares qui 54, f. 162.
uel voto uel proposito regulares sunt ab omnibus suis electionibus
excludunt, quantum discordiarum incommodum inferre possit facile
est judicare, cum hoc pretextu omnes quos ulla ratione suspectos
quisque habeat rebus suis non fauere voto uel proposito religiosos
esse causabitur, quemadmodum iam libris impressis omnes siue
presbiteros, siue laicos nobiles, imo Car'lem Alanum, Sanderum
aliosque passim uocant Jesuitas, quotiescunque aliquid dicunt
* Some time before 1592 two gentlemen were executed, the one for giving a
priest a quart of wine, the other a supper. Morris, Troubles, iii. 28. »
126
THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
8° Praxis
nous formae
impossibilis.
54, f. 162b
9° In present!
subord"6 ces-
sant hffic
omnia In-
commoda.
faciuntue quod ipsis [minus] arridet, ex quo quanta dissidijs porta
aperiatur clarum est. Imo de ipsis appellantibus alijsque multis
qui proposita uel etiam uota ingrediendi religionem habuisse
aliquando noscuntur dubium esse poterit an eadem penitus
reliquerint necne, et consequent&r an sint ad omnes ipsorum
electiones inhabiles.
Preterea in hac ipsis propositae gubernationis praxi non modo
maxima difficultas, sed omnimodo apparet impossibilitas. Quis
enim bonis quietisque sacerdotibus persuadebit ut cum tot uitae
periculis ad tarn frequentes ab ipsis designates conuentus accedant ?
Quis laicos nobiles ut eos in suas asdes cum totius familiae discrimine
admittant inducere poterit ? Quis ex quietioribus alicui ex turbu-
lentis per ambitum fort6 in superiores electis libenter subierit?
multoque minus, quis ferre poterit, quod isti, suorum ut uidetur
timentes fugam, articulo ultimo odiose addiderunt, ut a prouincia
propria abscedentes ad superiores suos redire omnibus modis
cogantur ? Qui quasso erunt isti modi, aut quanam ratione
habebitur legitima ilia criminum conuictio quam isti postulant
art0 7°. quando conuicto in promptu erit tarn de iudice quam
testibus hereticorum opera uindictam sumere ? Denique, quod
supra etiam monuimus, plane reddetur impossibilis eleemosynarum
non modo reddenda ratio, sed etiam ipsamet collectio, ut alia plura
pretermittamus, quae cuique rerum Anglicanarum perito statim
occurrent obuia ; nobis enim satis uisum est in re tarn perspicua
pauca qusedem capita idque cursim indicare.
Quod si e conuerso ad earn quaa modo uiget subordinationem
oculos animosque conuertamus, uidebimus profectd haec omnia
statim cessare incommoda eorumque loco ijsdem aduersa succedere
maxima emolumenta. Ambitioni namqite praecluditur aditus non
ita facile frequenter mutato magistratu, neque id unquam per
inquietorum ambitum atque electiones. Quieti poterunt esse
omnes sibique, ut inquit Apostolus, attendere, atque doctrinas dis-
cordiarum praescinderentur fibras, cum uix unquam Archipresbiteri
cuiquam facessant negocium nisi quis uel aperte moueat seditionem,
BREVIS RELATIO. 127
uel ualde se praebeat in laicorum aedibus scandalosum. Pericula 54, f. 163.
non erunt ulla noua declinatis frequentibus illis minusque neces-
sarijs congressionibus. Eleemosynae sicut hactenus citra dantis
aut recipientis discrimen ad manus peruenient egentium. Re-
ligiosorum non, ut ipsi cauillantur, imperio, sed non inutili iuuari
poterunt opera atque consilio ; nisi tamen hac in parte aliud
uisum fuerit Sanctmo cui in omnibus parere sunt paratissimi.
Denique in hac subordination nihil hactenus apparuit admodum
difficile, nedum impossibile, nee alia secuta sunt hactenus incom-
moda quas non contingere possint in quacunque Repa uel optirae
constituta, si liberum esset hostibus inquietis pro libitu tumultuari
et superioribus suis impune aduersari. Illud praeter omnia iam
dicta summopere animaduertendum uidetur hanc quam isti modo
proponunt nouam Regiminis formam prius ab Guilielmo Watsono
scripto fuisse traditam, qui deinceps quotidie cum Pseudo-Episcopo
Londinensi agit familiarissim^ atque author extitit libri illius
Quotlibetici in quo quamplurimas habentur propositiones erroneae
atque hereticae.
25. Refutatio Responsi P. Personij ad Consider utiones d nobis Smo 54, f. I63b.
D'wo N'ro propositas pro pace stabilienda in Ecclesia Anglicana.
Cum ulcus hoc, quo inscie totius ecclesiae quae in Anglia est
corpus contabescit, sanari asgerrinid poterit nisi ad vivum resecentur
omnia, et morbi ipsius fontes et scaturigines aperiantur, antequam
iiicommodis istis quas subordinationi a nobis propositae obijciantur
occurramus, haec pauca prefigenda censemus.
PP. Personium nee uocatum ut Aron, nee missum ut Moysen
sibi ipsi hanc dignitatem et auctoritatem sumpsisse, ut in urbe ab
anno saltern 97. omnia Angloruin negotia tarn priuata quam
publica solus tractaret, solus informaret, solus prornoueret, alijsque
omnibiis, qui in illius quasi uerba jurati non essent, omnem turn
fidem, turn aditum, «t successum ad superiorum aures praecluderet :
Quod adueiitus eius ad urbem causa fuerit istiusmodi rerum
128 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
Anglicarum administratio, testes habemus literas eius, manu sua
exaratas.
64, f. 164. 2°. quod solus cum suis hec omnia tractauerit, res est Smo Dn'o
nr'o et Illsmis DD. W. adeo nota et familiaris, ut non sit necesse
ad informationes suas in publicis Archiuis remanentes confugere ;
deinde relationibus quibusdam tarn in Vrbe quam in Anglia sparsis
sequaces quidem P. Personij hoc sedulo demonstrare contenderunt,
scilicet non posse in Anglia sartam tectam conseruari religionem
Catholicam, si modo absoluta ista et irrefragabilis informandi et
administrandi auctoritas a P. Personio et suis uel auferatur, uel
diminuatur.
Vltrd certum est, alium preterea neminem ab illo terapore uel
admissum uel permissum in vrbe, qui P. Personio ullo modo
refragari sit ausus.
2°. certum est, subordinationem istam a Patre Personio inceptam
et excogitatam eiusque informationibus et relationibus a Sanctmo
procuratam fuisse, ubi, siquid erratum est, in solo P. Personio est
cudenda faba.
3°. ex ipsis literis institutiuis, literisque apostolicis, con-
fessioneque ipsius D. Standisij (cuius manu et lingua parum
ueraci P. Personius usus est ad subordinationem istam stabilien-
dam) patet falsas fuisse informationes, et causas fictitias, quibus
fretus P. Personius formam istam regiminis, quam ille Hierarchiam
uocat institui curauit.
54, f. 164b. 4°. Cum ab illo responsum hoc ad considerationes nostras pro-
fectum esse non dubitamus, uariasque in eo falsitates et calum-
nias contiueri perspicimus, cumque ille acerbissimis nos (etiam
post aduentum nostrum in urberu) contra mandatum Sanctmi affecit
iniuriis, partim uiua uoce partim asseclarum suorum clamoribus et
excursionibus, idque apud omnes hominum ordines, partim libelli
cuiusdam famosi, quern apologiam uocat, in urbe et in Anglia
publicatione, contra Breuis Apostolici decretum excommunicatione
. . . allatum, cumque nihil in dictis aut scriptis nostris ex eo
tempore appareat acerbius aut immodestius prolatum, putauimus
BREVIS RELATIO. 129
(quod bona cum uenia 111. DD. W. fiat) et paci futurae perquam
necessarium et iustitise et ueritati eruendae percommodum fore,
si cum ipso P. Personio cominus et aperto marte congrediamur,
asseclis, et umbris eius preterinissis.
Calumniarum cumulus quibus in hoc P. Personij
Responso prsestringinmr.
In articulo primo ambitionis preterites nos arguit falsissim&, et
futuram nos in suspitionem trahit.
In eodem articulo inquietos, art0 3° et 8° turbulentos, articulo 5°
tumultuantes uocat, art. 7. in lites et discordias propensos dicit,
art. 8. adeo nos infames putat ut electis in superiores parendum 54, f. 165.
esse dubitat.
Art0 9 apertos uocat seditionum motores et ualde scandalosos
in edibus Catholicorum, in art. autem 5° aperte insinuat'nos nee
in fide fuisse constantes, nee sedi apostolicas obedientes, contra
declaration em Sanctmi qua nos nuperrimS hac nota liberauit et
perpetuum huic controuersise imposuit silentium tarn uerbo quarn
scripto, tarn in vrbe quam in Anglia.
Breuissima Calumniarum istarum Refutatio.
Cum nulluui sit superiorum genus quos non summa cum
alacritate agnoscimus (Archipresbiteri enim auctoritatem ad unum
omnes uiso breui apostolico admisimus, in rebus controuersis primo
ad Nuncium in Flandria, deinde ad Hlmos Cardinales Protectorem et
viceprotectorem recta porreximus, et modo ad pedes sanctissimi
prostrati quid de nobis rebusque nostris statuat humillimd ex-
pectamus, sub uno capite unius corporis et Ecclesiae membra con-
stantissime contra portas inferi et persecutionis impetum per-
seueramus) mirari satis non possumus a quo capite defectionem
istam factam et seditionem excitatam a nobis toties et hie, et in
libro suo apologetico inculcat P. Personius ; a quo corpore separates
tarn odiosfe clamitat? cui potestati hostes tarn inquietos et tur-
VOL. II. K
130 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
54, f. I65b. bulentos nominat ? cum separationem aut secessionem ab alio
capite et corpore inter fratres nostros nullam uidemus nisi forte
seipsum duosque ministros intelligat, quern pro domino et superiore
nee agnoscimus iiec agnoscendum putamus. Turbarum autem et
contentionum omnia semina et segetes, cum a tribus uel quatuor
sui ordinis hominibus prodiisse uel lippientibus innotescat, nescimus
quid illi in mentem uenerit in capita nostra suorum crimina
retorquere iterumque uulnus hoe post infusum a Sanctissimo oleum
refricare. Quod si hie Romae in ore et oeulis Hlmarum DD. VV. et
in conspectu Sua3 sanctitatis post iniunetum sileutium acquiescere
nesciunt, quid de ijs in Anglia eet sperandum ubi auctoritate
arrnati posteriora prioribus peiora efficient proculdubio, nisi
innocentiae nostrae a Sanctmo D'no Noetro et Illmis DD. prouideatur ?
Refutatio Proemij.
In proemio, duo a responsi auctore P. Personio tractantur :
P° incommodorum et periculorum aceruus in subordinationem a
nobis propositam artificiosS congeritur quibus singulis seriatim suo
loco singula dabimus responsa ; 2° persuasione quadam Rethorica a
maiestate Sedis Apostolica3 desumpta subordinationi suaB succen-
54, f. 166. turiare satagit. Quasi uero quicquid magis sedis apostolicas
dignitatem deceat et sanctitatem predicet, quam quae falsis et
iniquis information ibus impetrata uideantur eadem liberrimo et
legitimo examine patefacere, et post detectas fraudes et artificia
uel ueritatis suppresses uel suggestae falsitatis quge primo tanquam
preclar6 instituta et breuibus apostolicis confirmata prodierunt,
eadem non solum mutare et diminuere, sed potius abrogare et
antiquare; quin et hoc solemne est in curia Romana, non ad
paucorum importunitatem (ut suo more loquitur P. Personius)
sed ad ueritatis et aequitatis iustissimas postulationes multa
saspissime reuocare et reformare, presertim uero ea quge in dis-
iunctis et remotis regionibus in aliorum preiudicium ex falsis
relationibus sunt instituta.
- Quod autem de remedio loquitur tarn presente et propitio.
BKEV1S RELATIO. 131
nimirum posse penitus una uel altera S. S. declaratione omnia
sedari, loquitur uel inuisusa quantam nos fratresque nostri apo-
stolicis scriptis reuerentiam et obedientiam exhibemus, aut errat
longe qui putat multum diuturnitatis [?] esse custodem aut pacis
propugnaculum ? Verum is est captus hominis, ut preter uim
et uirgam feiream nihil ad continendum in officio sacerdotes
opportunum existimet aut rebus suis commodum.
Refutatio articuli priini 54, f. iGGb.
De Ambitionis incommodo.
Hoc sibi palmarium putat P. Personius, ambitionis, seditionis,
factionis, passionis, et indeuotionis labe conspergere omnes qui
quicquam contra ilium quern sibi opinionis errore firixit princi-
patum hiscere aut mutire audent.
Quis autem nisi mentis inops, nisi oculis captus est, qui non
uideat quorsum hec tendant, aut in qua herba lateat anguis, aut
ex qua officina prodeat ambitio, qui Patrem Personium uel a
facie nouerit, uel de eius libris, literis, et tractatibus uel
tantulum degustauerit.
Mortuo felicis memorise Illmo Alano tumultuari ceptum est in
Anglia inter quosdam Jesuitas et sacerdotes seculares, omniaque
tarn in carceribus quam in prouincijs, tarn domi quam foris
commoueri, vnde tempestatem futuram preuidentes, cogitauimus
communi omnium tarn secularium quam Regularium consensu,
et summi Pontificis approbatione de societate sacerdotum secu-
larium instituenda et superioribus eligendis, qui certis quibusdam
regulis subiecti, tarn pietatis quam charitatis opera ardentius
quam in uita separata solebant exercere. Res grata uisa est
Jesuitis, laudabant uehementer pios conatus ; at ueriti, ne concordia 54, f. 167.
tanta confirmati sacerdotes illorum iu dirigendis alijs in dis-
tribuendis eleemosynis et dirimendis controuersijs seu seminandis
potius eneruarent auctoritatem, clanculum ad urbem miserunt qui,
8 Or inscius ? There is something wrong in the latter part of this sentence.
K 2
132 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
associationem nostram seditionem uocantes, istam subordinationem
in qua alieno nomine licentius dominari possint a Sanctmo im-
petrarunt : hinc fundi nostri calamitss.
Ad ambitionem uero quod spectat de titulis aut infulis parum
refert, modo imperet quis, modo de omnibus collegijs, seminary's,
collectis eleemosinis, pensionibus, controuersijs, residentijs dis-
ponat P. Personius, nemini uillicationis sua3 rationem redditurus,
siue suo hoc, siue alieno nomine, siue arte, siue aperte id faciat,
nihil refert, dum faciat modo ; neque in hoe tarn secreto et tecto
dignitatum aucupio ambitionis scintillas latitare cogitemus ;
demusque tantum homini religiose, illo nernp& inconsulto, missos
fuisse & Patre Holto Jesuita eius subdito legatos (quorum unus,
ille nimirum qui peierauit, in vrbe est) ad Archiducem Albertum,
qui nomine totius nationis ab eo peterent literas ad Suinmum
Pontificem de P. Personio ad dignitatem Cardinalitiam pro-
mouendo ; at suo se inditio prodit bonus iste pater, cum actiones
et cogitationes uniuersas hue dirigit, ut Principibus persuadeat in
sito supercilio sitas esse Catholicorum omnium fortunas, uoluntates,
affectionesque. quibug fultus speciosissimas de Regno Anglise
potiundo chimeras, quoties et quibus illi commodum uidebitur,
54, f. 167b. magnatibus obtrudit ; hec ueris8a esse testantur Heskettus missus
a P. Holto Jesuita (qui nil unquam inconsulto P. Personio
superiori suo ausus est aggredi, et D. Worthingtono eius organo ad
comitem Darbiensem, qui nomine Catholicorum eum ad Regnum
capessendum incitarent, qui captus supremo supplicio est affectus.
Ipse uero comes non post multos menses ueneno est sublatus.
Testes sunt sacerdotes aliqui, qui a P. Personio id ipsum etiam
in mandatis habuerunt, ut Comitem Darbiensem, sicut fecit postea
Heskettus, pertentarent. Testis est liber Successionis, ubi multa
de Catholicorum affectione et titulo Infantse ceteris praefereiido
loquitur ; hue spectant literae missiuse ad P. Holtum dum esset
Genuse anno 1597 cuius ueritatis tres testes producemus et
prototype testes subscriptiones alumnorum titulo Infantae. Testis
liber Reformationis, quern in refectorijs legi curauit, ex quibus
BREVIS RELATIO. 133
colligitur in hoc terminari Patris Personij ambitionem, ut possit
quern uelit Catholicum ad Angliee successionem promouere novam-
que Reipublicee et Ecclesise formam, tanquam nouus Solon, ciuibus
et posteris suis relinquere : quibus consideratis, et hoc et iam
eius de instituenda et defendenda hac subordinatione egregium
commentum nobis snspectum non immerito esse cepit, quippe qui
eius opera [cognoscamus quomodo] quas uelit Catholicorum sub-
scriptiones sacerdotum praesertim partim metu, partim minis,
partim lenocinijs et promissis, cartae licet uacuae appositas possit
extorquere, omniaqiie Catholicorum negocia, collectas eleemosinas, 54, f. 168.
desideria etiam et uoluntates suo nutu dirigere, cuius opera et
auctoritate poterit in suam sententiam uel inuitos trahere, uel
pertinaces, et a tali ambitu abhorrentes [apud] exteros infamise et
[improperiorum] cumulis obruere.
Cetera Illmis DD. VV. consideranda relinquimus in qua sub-
ordinatione altiores radices egit ambitio aut certiora reliquit
argumenta, ubi notandum est ilia ambitionum incommoda quae
subordinationi nostrae opponuntur omnibus aeque collegijs, con-
gregationibus, religionibus, Rebuspublicis, Regnis, ubi electione
creantur magistratus et superiores, esse communia.
Refutatio 2ffi partis articuli primi
De multitudine et vicissitudine Magistratuum.
In subordinatione a P. Persouio excogitata 12. sunt Assistentes,
unus Archipresbiter, quibus per totum Regnum in hac nostra
subordinatione quinque adiecimus, et duos ad quos in grauaminibus
fiat recursus. In qua Regiminis forma, ut itinerum et impen-
sarum uitetur longinquitas et grauitas, habebunt sacerdotes in suis
prouincijs superiores ad quos confugiant, et quibuscum agant
minimo cum sumptu, turn labore et periculo.
In vicissitudinem uero magistratuum et annalem seu biennalem
electem minime mirandum est quod in hoc articulo calamum acuant, 54, f. I68b.
utpote perpetuaa P. Personij dictaturge ex diametro oppositam ;
134 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
quod si in confesso sit tantam uirtutis, pietatis, et deuotionis
stragem in Rempublicam Christianam ex necessitate inferre istius-
modi frequentes superiorum mutationes, quid tandem patribus
Concilij Tridentini in mentem uenit tales superiorum uicissitudines
in omnes religiosorum familias introducere tanquam ambitionis,
dissolutionis, superbiae, et tirannidis antydoturn ; quid in collegijs,
capitulis, sodality's, congregation ibusque reformatissimis ubi
annuls electionibus et mutationibus geruntur omnia ? nunquid
omnes exuisse pietatem, deuotionem et mortificatiouem dicamus,
quod statis temporibus ad superiorum electionem conueniant?
quid parochi qui de annuis creandis aedituis sunt solliciti, an ideo
ut perpetuo animarum curam abijciant necesse est ? quidquid de
residentia in residentiam, hoc est de beneficio in beneficium, de
parochia in parochiam singulis annis, aliquando uero mensibus, ab
Arcliipresbitero mutantur, uel saltern ad nutum mutari poterint ;
nunquid et mentem una et meritum animarum lucrandarum
mutasse dicamus? Quin et eo magis absurdum uideri potest nugas
istas et mera figmenta de ambitionum et distractionum incommodis
a P. Personij inuidia prodijsse, cum ipse alijque Patres Societatis
qui Angliae negotijs implicantur ita uitam actiuam et contem-
54, f. 169. platiuam in ordinem redegerunt, ut in ipso aestu et impetu con-
temptus mundi etiam de Regnis mundi Regnique titulis et rerum-
publicarum reformationibus, sine ullo meditationum aut deuo-
tionum obstaculo, libros impriniant, de missionibus, seminarijs,
pensionibus, facultatibus, regimine, priuilegijs, de litibus, et con-
trouersijs, de politia, et successore futuro Regni Anglias seduld
tractent. Hec enim omni aut cum sua sanctitate ageret, scribit Pater
Personius Genuse Mart. 15. 1597, causam itineris sui ad vrbem
tune temporis fuisse ; preterea cum non solum publica sed priuata
singulorum negotia amplectantur isti boni patres, mortificationis
tamen magistri haberi uolunt, cumque nullum esse nuncium,
nullum legatum existimamus Pontificis aut Principis qui plures
Patre Personio literarum fascicules ex omnibus Europae angulis
mittat aut recipiat, sumptibus et pecunijs pauperum et patrimonio
BREVIS RELATIO. 135
Christi (cum totus tamen sit in raundi fuga et contemptu)
quomodo tarn degeneres et angusti pectoris putet esse sacerdotes,
ut non possint de biennio in biennium pro electione superioris con-
gredi aut syngraphis sufFragari, nisi uirtutibus nuncium re-
mittant et in omnimodam superbiam et uanitatem defluant.
Refutation articuli secundi 54, f. i69b.
De Turbationis et Iniquietudinis incommodis.
Hoc sedulo agit Pater Personius ut uisitationibus, appellationibus,
causarum examinibus, canonicis probationibus, pecuniarijs rationibus
precludat uiam,et pro suo arbitratu subordinationis huius suseauc-
toritate munitus in sacerdotum omnium famas et fortunas seeuiat ;
deque collectis et eleemosynis omnibus ad libitum disponat, cum
Alcibiade iniens rationem ne reddat rationem,ne fortassis ad calculos
revocatus repetundarum reus cum suis inueniatur.
In hac uero a nobis excogitata regiminis forma, breuissimis
itineribus, leuissimis expensis, minimaque animorum corporumque
inquietudine transigentur. Haec omnia, cum facillimum sit unam
peragrare Prouinciam, sufFragia per literas transmittere et saspissime
conuenire tarn ad electiones quam ad causarum decisiones, at in
ilia Patris Personij subordinatione omnes istas turbationum, sump-
tuum et inquietudinis difficultates concurrere, quis non uidet, qui
uidet ex remotissimis Regni partibus ad unum Londini degentem
superiorem esse confugiendum, uel ut se de crimine purget quis, uel 54, f. 170.
ut uer£ superiorem suum informet, uel ab eo ut petat quid, uel ut de
grauaminibus conqueratur, quse literis committi aut exprimi non
possunt, quod si a superiore isto quid durius aut iniquius iniunctum
fuerit, nullum in hac subordinatione refugium habemus nisi ad
vrbem confugiamus.
Certum est igitur eum, qui. electionibus, appellationibus, uisita-
tionibus, canonicis probationibus, pecuniarijs rationibus, in Re-
publica (ad cuius ipse clauum sedet) nullum relinqui debere locum
existimet, merito posse in affectati imperij suspitionem trahi.
136 THE ARCHPRTEST CONTROVERSY.
Refutatio articuli tertij
De Litibus et Discordijs.
Tantum abest ut contentionum seges fertilis ab hac nostra forma
oriatur, ut nihil ad pacem et fraternitatem stabiliendam aptius
excogitari potuerit, quam haec tarn sequabilis et moderate imperandi
et subijciendi forma, cum ilia arbitraria Patris Personij subordinatio
nullis legibus, nullis limitibus circumsepta omnem iniustitiae,
violentise, et oppression! libertatem indulgens, perpetuum quoddam
discordiarum et contentionum erit fomentum.
64, f. 170b. Refutatio articuli quarti
De Distvactione perpetua ab Animarum cura.
Hsec omnia gratis esse dicta facillime perspicient Illsm<B DD. V V.
turn ex ijs quas superiori articulo de uicissitudine superiorum
diximus, turn quod hie sicut in alijs capitibus nihil probari aut
argumento aliquo confirmari uideant. Quid enim impediment! aut
meditationibus aut mortificationibus aut curae animarum afferret
aut imprimeret in sacerdotum animis unius horse aut diei occupatio,
et in negotio electionum et uisitationum sollicitudo post biennij in
summa pace transcursum curriculum ; cum ipsi, inter tot secularium
negotiorum fluctus et uoragines perpetuo agitati, nihil tarn en ad
spiritualia segniores aut ad conscientiarum directionem aut ani-
marum curam ineptiores haberi uelint.
Refutatio articuli Vu
De periculis Detectionum et Comprehensionis.
Non sunt ad electiones istas nostras uecessariaa tarn frequentes
64, f. 171. congregationes et congressus, nee tanti rumores et strepitus qui
toties et tarn artificiose in response Patris Personij inculcantur,
semel enim singulis annis uel post biennium tractari potest hoc
negotium uel una congregalis eiusdem prouincia3 sacerdotibus (quod
sepius singulis annis uel casu uel leuioribus de causis euenire
BREVIS RELATIO. 137
solet) uel scripto uel nuncio missis suffrages. Cum autem ubique
in periculis versamur, sepissimd autem in Catholicorum edibus con-
uenimus, questio est utrum qui decem dierum iter conficit, ut
superiorem adeat et alloquatur totidemque in reditu insumat,
raaioribus et crebrioribus sit periculis, sumptibus, animique et
corporis motibus obnoxis, quam ij qui uno plerumque die aut ad
summum biduo aut triduo idipsum conficit negotij. Undique sunt
pericula, molestiae, labores, at in ista Patris Personij subordina-
tione tantum sunt grauiora et diuturniora, quantum a tribus decem,
aut sex uiginti multitudine et disparitate disiunguntur.
Refutatio articuli sexti
De Eleemosynarum subtractione.
In sexta sua de eleemosynis ratione quantopere P. Pars, ratione
destituatur, patet facilius atque apertius, quam ut cuiquam 54, f. 171b.
obscurum esse queat, nam cum uix unquam alias copiosiores
eleemosinas a Catholicis in Anglia datae fuerunt (ut testatur D'nus
Blacuellus in literis suis 20. martij 1600 datis) nee unquam minori
cum sequitate et parcius distributee, cumque non solum sacerdotum
ferS omnium uita (siue hi in carceribus degant siue extra) ab elee-
mosynis maxim^ pendeat, sed alij plurimi Cath. domi forisque et
priuatim et in communi uictitantes harum piarum eleemosynarum
subsidy's seepe sustententur ; quid a3quum magis est aut neces-
sarium, quam ut tales eleemosinas ita dispensentur, ut et dantium
uoluntatibus et egentium necessitatibus optime consulatur et satis-
fiat? Ha3C autem dispensatio ut recte ac sineomni diminutione et
fraude fiat, nulla facilior, tutior, aut honestior uia nobis occurrit,
quam ut de acceptis e quibuscunque eleemosinis ratio aliquando
reddatur. Sintque preterea constituti aliqui uisitatores nimirum
ad quos pertineat precipuam quandam curam eorum qui in necessi-
tate maiori sunt habere ; ut hac ratione, et maximd egentibus
subueniatur distributions, et accipientibus quasi aliquod frenum
imponatur, ne eas efiusS aut negligentius in suos aut alienos super-
138 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
fluos usus profundant, aut minus ex uoluntatibus contribuentium,
Quibus sane rationibus ita respondet Pater Personius ut nihil
54, f • 172. respondeat, unum tantum affirmat esse ualde periculosum, ut nomina
dantium prodantur ; quasi uero aut hi omnes qui largiores elee-
mosynas conferunt ita lateant, ut non sint multis Catholicis ipso
nomine cogniti, aut necess™ sit in reddendis rationibus dantium
nomina semper exprimi, cum satis fuerit acceptas summas simul et
modum causasque dispensandi in rationes referre easque superiori
suo Archipresbitero aut uisitatori pro tempore existenti exhibere,
qui cum unicus erit, simulque et semel rationes eorum accipiat, nee
alteri quam successori tradat, non uidemus cur adeo de euulgatione
timeri debet, aut uel minimum inde datoribus (quibus dandi cui
uolunt potestatem relinquimus) creari periculum, multo uero minus
hoc apud probos et rectae conscientiee sacerdotes (quibus dis-
pensandi libertatem non negamus) ad emulationem uel ad dis-
sentionem ualebit, qui non quee sua sed quas Dei sunt querentes, id
tutissimum ad suarum conscientiarum securitatem reputabunt, si
in his quse fidei suee fuerint commissa rect& dispensandis, non
Deum solum sed etiam homines testes habueriut neque quicquam
perinda ; atque hee cautela aequissimaque ratio in pecunijs dis-
pensandis apud Catholicos laicos ualebit ad eorum liberalitatem
excitandam, quas etiam procul dubio latiorem [viam] erogandis
eleemosinis aperiet, claramque efficiet talem rationem omnimoda
ratione a Catholicis in Anglia admitti et posse, et debere.
64, f. 172b. Neque nouum hoc est quod proposuimus, aut a praxi ecclesiaa
primatiuse alienum, cum in 6a Actorum diaconos talibus prasficien-
dos collectariis rationibus non dissimili omnino data occasion e
decreuerunt Apostoli ; facto quotidiano ministerio despicerentur ;
eadem sunt tempora persecutionis [scilicet] idem contemptus et
inequalitas in repartiendis collectis ; idem quasi numerus designa-
tur, hie diaconorum, apud nos superiorum ; vbi aliter Apostoli,
aliter se gerit Pater Personius, illi enim in hac exorta in ipsis
ecclesise incunabulis contentione summa cum suauitate fibras et
radices malorum (adhibita Diaconorum cura et sollicitudine)
BREVIS RELATIO. 139
euellunt. In Patris uero Personij response, quid hie simile
pietatis ? factum est murmur sacerdotum incarceratorum layco-
rumque plurimorum quod in distributione collectarum se spretos
animaduerterent. Ex quadraginta quinque millibus enim aureorum,
quae defunctorum legationes (preter alias pecunias quas Catholi-
corum uirorum largitas contulit) in pios usus his quatuor superiori-
bus retroactis aiinis erogarunt (ut magni Jubilei eleemosynas
taceamus) qui in D'no uincti fuerunt ne tantam quidem partem
receperunt ut sine graui seris alieni pondere ad uictus et uestitus
necessaria comparare sibi potuerint. Sacerdotes passim in summis
rerum angustijs uictitabant. Et ex laicis aliqui magna? nota3 et
nominis homines fame miserrime perierunt, cum interim 660
aureorum in Belgias transmittenda rapuit fiscus, et alia 16000 54, f. 173.
dicuntur tuto illic paulo ante peruenisse. Hinc factum est iustum
murmur. Petunt Catholici rationes reddi, et superiores constitui, ne
sicut hactenus cum uitae dispendio spernantr in distributionibus.
Hie Pater Personius emulationem, seditionem, pericula eleemosy-
narum subtractiones clamitat, neque aaquum esse censet cum
Apostolis praeficiendos Diaconos, sed castigandos eos qui his malis
medelam adhiberi cupiunt. Immemor fortasse quid Pater
Westonus in Castro Vuisbicensi cum D'no Bluetto questore
communi eleemosynarum (qui 15000 aureorum annuatim pro
carceris illius subsidio solitus erat recipere) ageret, gratitudinis
enim et pietatis pretextu non solum ad calculos eum exactissimos
uocari librosqua perscrutari uoluit sed nomina etiam benefactorum
tabulis inscribi et in singulis cubiculis affigi aequissimum putauit.
Verum nondum ad illos peruenerant loculi, neque hominem
integerrimum, qui quindecim annorum sollicitudine, et collectarum
distributione summa cum fide et omnium satisfactione Catholi-
corum omnium in se oculos con uert erat, tarn cito de sede et
auctoritate sua deturbare poterant.
Tandem vero, illo artificiose, contentiose, et scandalose excluso,
rerum potiti sunt, ubi imposterum, solitis eleemosynis aut non
missis aut male impensis, summis premebantur angustijs. 54, f. 173b.
140 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
Refutatio articuli septimi
De Calumniarum occasione.
In septimo articulo grauissimS conqueritur Pater Personius
Jesuitas suos ab electionibus et secularibus administrationibus
excludi ; at uero id nobis non solum Eequissimum et ordinatissimum
sed paci ecclesise Anglicanas maxime necessarium uidetur, ut non
magis Jesuits? sacerdotum secularium, quam sacerdotes Jesuitarum
aliorumque religiosorum electionibus et administrationibus se
immisceant neque hoc alitdr accipi uolumus quam totius Christiana
ecclesias praxis consuetudoque obseruat. Non enim aut pacem
conciliare aut fraterna correctione uti, aut uere pietatis charita-
tisque fungi officijs eos prohibemus, sed quia omnium harum
calamitosarum dissentionum causa precipua et auctores extiterunt
quidam Jesuitse, dum ambitiosS nimis et uiolentSr imperium in
clerum Anglicanum affectarunt, tolli hasc denuo aut sopiri nulla
ratione queunt, nisi illi rerum perturbatores non modo a regimine
sacerdotum, sed etiam ab omni eius ambiendi potestate, et occa-
sione adeoque suspitione excludantnr. Hancque ob causam, non
54, f. 174. tantuni Jesuitas professes illos, et palam cognitos, sed illos etiam
latentes et uel solo uoto seu proposito Societati obstrictos,
remouendos ducimus, a quibus haec eadem mala (licet latentius
non tamen minus periculosius) prestare experimur, adeo ut uel eo
grauius periculum paci publicae ab his immineat quam ab ipsis
professis Jesuitis, prout occultiores sunt nee alijs quam suis
Jesuitis, uel ob hanc maxime causam cogniti, ut ista omnia tutius
per eos atque artificiosius in seculari regimine conficiantur. Nam
ij sunt quos Jesuitse post manifestatum ipsius propositum ingredi-
endi societatem, imo post emissum religionis votum, ad se recipere
nolunt, sed foris per annos, tanquam seculares, data opera [volunt]
excubare, ut exploratorum munus inter sacerdotes exerceant atque
ad omnia sint parati conficienda quas ex re Jesuitarum esse possint.
Hos diligentissime instruunt in hoc Tyrocinio, et secularibus praafic
BREVIS RELATIO. 141
curant, ut in auctoritate constituti facilius efficaciusque res omnes
et omnia Jesuitarurn molimina promoueant.a
Magna sane pacis turbatio et nimia boni public! iactura ex alio
hominum genere oriri necesse erit, quos Jesuitae premijs presenti-
bus et futurorum spe sibi allicere et deuincere ubique solent, ut
ad suum nutum omnia (quando occasio fert) conficiant ; istos si ab
electionibus et rerum nostrarum administbus non excludiraus, illos 54, f. 174b.
certe non aegre ferre debent prohiberi, quos certum habent aliud
Instituti genus secularibus iam esse ingressos, presertim cum nee
ipsos Jesuitas (qui uideri uolunt in lucrandarum animarum operi-
bus et desiderio ceteris praelucere) latere potest quod omnibus
notum est, Clerum, et totam Ecclesiam Anglicanam, quae intestinis
dissentionibus modo cruentata misere jacet, felicissima pace et
concordia floruisse, donee Jesuitaa cum [occultis] suis nouitijs
fines proprios egressi, saecularium negotia inuadere et tractare
precipitantius ceperunt, dominatum artificiose ambire in carcere
Vuisbicensi ; deinde {illo non ex sententia suecedente) presentis
regiminis formam falsis informationibus instituere, superiores
omnes eligere, leges prasscribere, et eo demum singular! gradu
dominandi omnibus tarn rebus tarn hominibus presidere, ut nihil
maioris momenti deberet effici a superioribus secularibus quod non
prius judicio hominis Jesuitae esset comprobatum. Tune enim non
homines ob prudentiam aptiores ad gerendum magistratum, non ob
83quitatem digniores loco, aut ob industriam merito prestantiores
qui fraterna charitate paceque omnes coalescere inuitarent, ad
prelaturas eligebantur; sed illi soli assumpti ac ad regendum
accessiti suut qui ui, minis, inetu optimos quosque ex secularibus, 54, f. 175.
aut cogerent Jesuitarum uoluntatibus in cunctis acquiescere aut
eos immeritis infamijs iniurijsque audacter obruerent, ut de
a The existence of these " Jesuits in disguise," or " covert Jesuits " as they were
then called, on the mission, was a constant source of complaint on the part of the
secular clergy. Similar offence was given by the vow of obedience to Father
Parsons taken by Dr. Worthington when vice president at Douai. The list
of scholars at Rome who have become or are " reputed Jesuits," 1597 — 1602
(infra, p. 214), appears to have been drawn up in reference to this subject.
142 THE ARCHPEIEST CONTROVERSY.
Archipresbitero et assistentibus (qui ex duplici hominum genero
per Jesuitas electi fuerunt) meridiana luce clarius patescit.
Notum preterea omnibus est quam admiranda fuerit gloria, quam
utiles progressus Collegij Rhemensis (quod modo difforrne nimis et
sterile rnanet) antequam Jesuitae procurationes pensionum in
Hispania et Roma, et in Anglia commumum eleemosynarum ad-
ministrationes sibi arripuerint. Itaque cum certissimum sit et
nimis manifestuni non priuatos solum sed uniuersam Anglicanam
ecclesiam tot incommoda, tanta damna, tantam calamitatem ex hoc
presertim capite tulisse, quod Jesuitas cogniti et latentes negocijs,
secularis Cleri se imrniscere permitterentur, non molest^ ferre
deberent si tandem post tantas acceptas clades cautiores effecti et
serius nobis consulentes, eos et eorum occultos nouitios a nostris
electionibus et administrationibus coerceri cupiamus.
Vtque nostrum non esse putamus tarn curiosos esse in aliena
Republica, ut de illorum regimine, subordination et superioribus
inquiramus, aut quomodo illorum nouitij in Anglia recepti, et
54, f. 175b. Angliam, ut alij solent sacerdotes, peragrantes sine nouitiatu, aut
recipi, aut retineri, aut spiritu religioso iinbui inter tarn diutumas
distractiones potuerint, sic nee illis sequum -esse existimamus, nostris
uel prasesse uel interesse electionibus, neque ulterius se immiscere
quam solent ceteree in Ecclesia Dei Religiosorum families. Heec
enim est uera Hierarchia, ubi singuli ordines et status ecclesiastic!
suo se loco, suis legibus, suis limicibus contineant, neque stationes
suas deserunt, neque in aliorum castra prosiliunt, ut uitetur omnis
confusio et calumniandi et murmurandi occasio.
Neque sane difficile erit (cuin res ita postulare uidebitur) sus-
pectos hos sine omni errore, dissidio, aut iniuria discernere ; id enim
uel unico uerbo prestari potest, si non satis sit presumere et credere
Catholicos sacerdotes omries, post apostolicam prohibitionem, uelle
ex se libere, pietatis solum et conscientias bonas intuitu uetito
abstinere sponteque, si uinculum habeant, detegere.
Neque rursum (ut Pater Pei'sonius affirmat) impossibile magis
erit quod proposuimus de excludendis Jesuitis ab his tractandis
BREVIS EELATIO. 143
in ipsa Anglia quain sit clerum in reliquo Christiano orbe in eisdeni
animarum negotijs cum ceteris Religiosis family's sine secularium
negociorum commixtione uersari, unaque turn religiosee turn fraternse 54, f. 176.
charitatis officijs incumbere.
Nos igitur ceterorum Christianorum exemplo pacisque concili-
andas ac conseruandee studio, denique usu et ratione docti non
spiritu nescio quo (ut Pater Personius objicit) moti, nostra negotia
nobis, alijs sua relinquimus et uindicamus. Quae uero de Illmo
Alano, Sandero et alijs affert (quia calumnies sunt) intacta abire
sinimus. Interim tamen serio affirmamus Jesuitas Alano et optimis
quibusque Anglis, turn in regendis College's turn in rebus Angliae
tractandis, summopere ob earn maxime causam displicuisse, quod
spretis secularis Cleri honore et fama posthabitisque commodis et
pace Ecclesiasticas Anglorum Reipublicae, nimio ardore et impetu
ad sua in cunctis querenda ferebantur. Quod sane ab Illmo Alano
ab ipso initio animaduersum causa fuerit, ut non nisi inuite eos ad
alumnorum Anglorum regimen admitti consenserit : introducti
uero in Romanum Collegium et messem Anglicanam, ad suas pru-
dentiae regulam ita omnia redigere conati sunt, turn fouendis dis-
sensionibus turn omnia ad se trahendo, ut preter ipsos auctores
etiam reliquos fere omnes tantee illis collates potestatis penituerit,
plane animaduertentes, ex infausto rerum euentu, multo ut ante
felicius sic post tranquillius et fructuosius consultum fuisse rebus
Anglicanis, si, relictis Jesuitis, in solis bouibus id est in clero
seculari (ut ceptum erat) arare perseuerassent.a 54, f. 176b.
Epilogus pro sexto et septimo articulis.
Verum cum in sexto hoc septimoque articulo maximam uim
suarum rationum facere uideatur Pater Personius, satis mirari non
a But, if it be true that Allen would have preferred that the government of the
college at Home should not have been placed in the hands of the Jesuits, it was he
who, when differences arose, persuaded the Jesuits to take part in the English
mission, and it was the superiors of the Society who at first rather held back from
the undertaking.
144 THE ARCHPR1EST CONTROVERSY.
possumus uirum eius prudentiae suam suorumque et dominandi et
pecuniarum cupiditatem tarn manifests prodere. Quid enim illis
indignius qui se mundo mortuos et a secularibus rebus separates
profitentur, quam uix sub uerborum fuco hanc intemperantiam
animi sui uelare posse ; presertim cum se hoc nomine pessime apud
Anglos audire non ignorant, quod dominatum in clerum secularem
affectare et pecunias prae ceteris in usus proprios ac luxum sollicitius
aggregare et profundere cognoscautur. Cur enim his rationum
umbris ac commentis tantopere contendit bonus ille Pater ne
sui ab electionibus et administratione arceantur, neue acceptarum
et distributarum pecuniarum cuiquam reddant rationem ? Cur
54, f. 178. tarn inania objicit pericula, dissidia, emulationes ? Cur tantam
sollicitudinem de quietis meditationibus et pietatis exercitijs sacer-
dotum habet, et nolit eos pecwniarum aut ambitionis cogitationibus
a mortis et tormentorum tolerandorum cogitatione ad punctum
temporis detineri ? cur aliud omne quam praesens regimen damnat,
et aspernatur ? non ob aliud certe, quam ut plenam quam obtinent
potestatem Jesuitae retineant ; quod directs uindicare non audent
indirect^ consequantur ; pecunias, quas uerbis respuunt, reipsa
omnes in suam potestatem redigant, de his deque eleemosynis,
sacerdotibus, laicis, rebus denique omnibus, maximis minimisque,
pro suo arbitratu, nemine contradicente disponant,
Refutatio octaui articuli
De Impossibilitate praxis nouas formse.
Nemo est ex bonis et quietis sacerdotibus qui cum fratribus suis
etiam quietis (utcurnque illos turbulentos dicat Pater Personius)
conuenire refugiet ; et de facto in aedibus nobilium una uiuunt, et
una congrediuntur, partim casu, partim dedita opera ; uerum esto ne
sacerdotes [quidern] posse adduci ad conuentus istos, nee nobiles
54, f. 178b. laycos eos admissuros, quod usu quotidiano (licet id strenue egerunt
Jesuitae nostrates, ne a Catholicis reciperemur, idque apud Sanctitatem
suam importunius urgebat Pater Personius, ut id ipsum in ultimo
breui Catholicis omnibus iniungeretur) falsissimum esse experimur ;
BREVIS RELATIO. 145
attamen cum electiones istae absentium syngraphis possint commo-
dissimS confici, totum hoc de impossibilitate commentum corruit.
Quod si hac ex parte tails aliqua emergat Impossibilitas, ex literis
institutiuis Archipresbiteri multo manifestius apparet ubi ille et
sacerdotes ad se uocare, de criminibus cognoscere, conuentus facere,
et in eisdem presidere iubetur, quae omnia in hac nostra forma
uidentur factu impossibilia, praecipue uero impossibilem statuunt
esse legitimam criminum conuictionem quia conuicto in promptu
est tarn de iudice quam de testibus hereticorum opera uindictam
sumere. Quae impossibilitas seque in auctoritatem Archipresbiteri
militat, quomodo enim aut sacerdotes ad se uocabit, aut testes
audiet aut corriget quenquam, cum conuicto in promptu sit tarn
de iudice quam testibus uindictam sumere ? quod haetenus tarn
calamitatibus obruti et iniurijs afiecti ab Archipresbitero, nostrorum
fecit nemo, neque faciet, ut speramus, quisquam a Deo derelictus,
utcumque omnia suspitionibus implere cupit Pater Personius, ut 54, f. 179.
aliquod habeat semper quo fugiat de[verti]culum.
Refutatio artieuli noni ubi dicitur in presenti Subordinatione
cessare omnia predicta Incommoda.
lam satis superque demonstratum est omnia ilia quse subordi-
nation! a nobis proposita obijciuntur meras esse nugas et commenta,
in ilia uero Patris Personij regiminis forma maxime uigere, quibus
si ilia etiam addamus incommoda quae in alio scripto a nobis
Illmis DD. W. exhibito apparent, facillime, ut speramus, uidebunt
Illustm<B DD. W, qui sint reuera pacis et fraternitatis amatores, et
num in hoc precipiti uiolente rerum cursu quo impellentibus alijs
fertur Archipresbiter (tam leuibus de causis ut ipse confitetur tarn
graues exercens inimicitias, et infligens penas, quae usque ad uitam
ipsam et animam penetrant) sperari poterit aliquis contentionum
finis, aut presentium motuum cessatio.
Ad motum enim primi mobilis (P. nimirum Personij, qui rapidis- _. f
simus et uiolentissimus esse solet, cum moueantur in hac subordina-
tione omnia, ad unam . . . Patris Personij potentiam et auctori-
VOL. II. L
146 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
tatem stabiliendam inseruire uidentur, et hoc tarn absolutum in
Archipresbiteri dominium, et tarn caecam quam a sacerdotibus exigit
obedientiam : quid enim magis Tyrannidem et extremam sapit
ambitionem, quam in dicta causa, non admisso aut uocato reo, sine
lege, sine teste, sine appellationis remedio aut subsidio, extreme
famee et fortunarum supplicio hominem sacerdotem afficere ; quod
ab Archipresbitero sepius factitatum ostendimus in grauammibus
sanctissimo exhibitis, et ex natura ipsius regiminis loci et temporis
in quibus instituitur et uiuitur fieri necesse est probauit ex suis
incommodis Pater Personius.
lustitia (ut inquit Propheta) et pax osculatae sunt. Quam ergo
ex subordinatione ilia pacem sperare licet in qua procuranda et
exercenda iustitige ipsius fundamenta conuellunt ! Quod si ex
sequo et bono contra omnes naturae et ecclesiae leges et canones
54, f. 180. punire, iudicare, et imperare licet propter temporum et locorum
difficultates et pericula, ex aequo etiam et bono obedire licet propter
eadem pericula, et sic arbitraria erit tarn superioritas quam
subiectio.
26. Letter of the four Appellants communicating 1o their English
brethren the papal sentence on the question of Schism.*
Admodum Reuerdi in Xpo Patres fratresque
Exhibuimus lllmis Cardinalibus Burghesio et Arigonio (quos
sanctissimus arbitros instituit in causa nostra, uiros tarn pietate et
uirtute insignes, quam legum scientia et rerum experientia et
animi candore omnibus gratos) rationes quibus ducti distulimus
ArcLipresbitero ante aduentum Breuis Apostolici obedire. Qui-
bus cum sanctissimo communicatis undecimo Aprilis, placuit Illmis
Cardinalibus sanctitatis suse mentem eodem die nobis significare,
nimirum quod propter dictam dilationem nee scismatici nee re-
belles aut inobedientes extiterimus, et quod confessiones factaa
11 There is no heading to this document in the original. The letter was signed
by the four appellants at Rome, and addressed " to John Colleton and Antony
Heborne and the rest of their associates." See above, p. 11.
BREVIS RELATIO. 147
sacerdotibus, qui ob huiusmodi rationes distulerunt, essent ualidsa
et nullo modo reiterandee, nisi aliud forsan interueniret impedi-
mentum quam quod a tali dilatione haberet originem. Hasc uobis
significanda duximus, partim ut multorum conscientijs satisfiat,
partim etiam ut ad omnem uos modestiam, charitatem, et humili-
tatem excitemus tarn literis quam exemplo. Quod reliquum est 54, f. 180b.
habemus clementissimum Patrem, aequissimos arbitros, neque est
quod dubitemus de pristina pace et tranquillitate breuissime
recuperanda. Romse decimo quinto Aprilis 1602.
Harum literarum exemplar cum utroque Cardinalium reliquimus
qui, communicate cum sua sanctitate negocio, responsum tulerunt,
sanctitatem suam uelle et jubere, ut hec ad uos scriberemusa
unaque moneremus ilium intelligere hec omnia in ultimo suo breui
in hunc sensum esse determinata et declarata, perpetuumque silen-
tium huic controuersiae imposterum imponi iubet, tarn in urbe
quam in Anglia, sub censuris in eodem breui contentis.
27. Catalogus Paradoxorum, et Propositionum Temerariarum quce in
primo scripto Illustrmis Cardinalibus Burghesio atgue Arigonio
exhibito latins ostenduntur.
Paradoxon Primum de authoritate Sedis Apostolica3 negata in 54, f. 181.
constituendo superiore aliquo ecclesiastico in Regno Anglios.
Propositiones habet quatuor.b
1. Prima Pontificem non potuisse Archipresbiterum super eos Exempl. dis-
, r.,n . . . . f cursuum pag.
const[it]uere sine ipsorum consensu, nisi contra eanones facere 29.
uellet.
* Colleton, in reporting the papal sentence (Just Defence, p. 293), says nothing of
this reference to the last brief and to the command of "perpetual silence," which
had been entirely disregarded by both sides. Compare p. 193 infra.
b The books from which the greater part of the following propositions are deduced
are the Important Considerations, the Quodlibets, the Dialogue betwixt a Secular
priest and a lay gentleman, and the Sparing Discovery, all four attributed to William
Watson and disowned by the delegates at Home. The others referred to are the
L 2
THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
Quodl. pag.
163.
Exempl. dis-
curs. pag. 6.
Consid.
pag. 14.
Prefat. ad
dialogum.
Quodl. p. 63,
166 et 162.
Quodl.
pag. 171.
54, f. 181b.
2. 2a quod sua Sanctitas non solum contra Canones aut Jus
Ecclesiasticum peccauit Archipresbiterum instituendo, sed contra
humanum, etiam diuinum, naturale nationumque.
3. Tertia. quod pontifex citra Reginae ac Reipublicae Anglicanse
consensum non potuit, nee potest hodie, superiorem aliquem eccle-
siasticum in Anglia constituere, et si constituat, quicunque superiori
sic ab eo constitute obedierit, legitime castigari poterit amissione
bonorum omnium, ac perpetua incarceratione ex praescripto cuius-
dam legis penalis perantiquae, hoc est ante trecentos (inquiunt)
annos latae, quas uulgo dicitur de Praamunire.
3. Quarta quod summus Pontifex non solum propter legem
antiquam de Premunire non potuerit Archipresbiterum in Anglia
legitimS constituere, sed neque propter leges recentes Reginae ac
Reipublicae presentis.
Quodl. pag.
258. 256. 255.
et 260.
Ibidem, pag.
260.
Ibidem, pag.
255.
Paradoxum Secundum de preiudicata Pontificis auctoritate in ex-
communicandis Principibus secularibus.
Propositiones habet quinque.
1. Prima. Nullo modo expedire ut Pontifex Romanus his tem-
poribus Principem aliquem temporalem excommunicet.
2. Secunda. Nullam unquam hactenus a summo Poiitifice latam
esse contra aliquem Principem excommunicationem cuius postea
ipsum non poenituerit.a
3. Tertia. Tot esse excommunicationum Pontin'ciarum nullitates
ut impossibile ferS sit sic deiiunciari excommunicationis alicuius
Copies of certain Discourses, and the Hope of Peace by John Bennet. The two
Latin books by Mush and Bagshaw escape censure. The oath of allegiance cen-
sured under Paradoxon Tertium, art. 6, is probably one of the forms printed below,
p. 246. Compare the letter of Cecil to Watson, Feb. 1602.
• Compare the words of Urban VIII. to Cardinal Borgia in reference to the
excommunications of Henry VIII. and Elizabeth, exacted at the instances of the
house of Austria and the Spaniards, says the pope, " But with what success ?
The whole world can tell. We yet bewail it with tears of blood. Wisdom does
not teach us to imitate Pius V. or Clement VII.," etc. Quoted in Simpson's
Campion, p. 371.
BKEVIS RELATIO. 149
sententiam contra Principem aliquem,utpossent subditi eiussecura
conscientia illi non parere. Idque plane cerni in excommunica-
tione contra Elisabettam lata.
4. Quarta. Quod non obstante quacunque, uel maxim6 ut Ibidem pag.
r ...-,, !• • T» . •« • n • • i.- 254- et 255-
[prmcipisj heeretici, Pontificis Romam excommumcatione teneantur QUO<II. s. ar.
subditi Principi suo parere. 7°-
5. Quinta. Quod sententia excommunicationis lata per Pium Vtum Ibidem pag.
r> • A v L !_• ±- n • 252 et 253.
contra Regmam Angliae, et bma eius renouatio per Gregorium
decimum tertium et Sixtum Quintum Summos Pontifices, inualida
fuit ab initio et inique lata.
Paradoxon Tertium contra authoritatem Pontificis in castigandis
Principibus haereticis per gladium temporalem.
Propositiones habet octo.
1. Prima. Quod summus Pontifex neque debet, neque legi time Quodl. pag.
potest ullum Principem temporalem, uel heresis uel apostasiae Considerat.
uel alterius cuiuscunque criminis causa, Principatu suo priuare, PaS- 39-
uel bello persequi, et quod leges ecclesiasticse ea de re factaa non
obligant.
2. Secunda quod si Pontifex ulla de re, etiam religionis Catho- Considerat.
Iica3 tuendae causa, contra Principem aliquem hereticum, nominatim . '
uero contra Regiiiam Angliaa, arma moueret posse ac debere Dialogum.
Catholicos omnes ei resistere, hocque se facturos protestantur. i7g. 177.
3. Tertia. quod si Pontifex bellum contra Angliam moueret, et 54, f. i82b.
uerbis protestaretur Religionis solius restituendas causa et nullo ibid pag. 176.
modo regnum subiugandi id fieri, fidem tamen ipsi adhibendam
non esse.
4. Quarta. Catholicos omnes speciali uoto ac iureiurando dis- Ibid. pag. 304.
tringere se debere ut summo Pontifici, si arma contra Reginam
moueret, uiribus omnibus resistant.
5. Quinta non tantum superiores leges in bona ac uitas eorum Ibid. pag. 303.
Catholicorum, qui istis hac in re non assentiuntur, ferendas esse sed
spiritualia etiam commoda auferenda.
150 THE ARCHPR1EST CONTROVERSY.
Consid. pag. 3. 6. Sexta. Eorum Catholicorum qui Pontifici hac in re con-
Quodf'paR ' sentiunk e* &b ipsis dissentiunt non solum procurandas esse penas
229. tanquam uerae patriae proditorum ac lesse maiestatis reorum,
uerum etiam propalanda consilia si sciantur ; idque se facturos
profitentur.
Considerat. 7. Septima non posse excusari a proditionis et laesas maiestatis
crimine eos qui religionis Catholicae causa ab hereticis in Anglia
his annis preteritis occisi fuere, eo quod profiteri recusauerint se
Reginae contra Pontificem adhesuros si bellum ab eo religionis
causa moueretur.
Quodl. pag. 8. Octaua. Neque ipsorum summorum Pontificum facta hac in
252. 253. 254. . .
Considerat. re probanda esse, sea reprehensione potius digna, nisi quantum per
pag. 9. 14. 15. surreptionem forte excusentur.
54, f. 183. Paradoxum Qaartum ; de habenda maiori ratione status politici
quam rerum ad fidem et Religionem spectantium.
Propositiones habet quinque.
Quodl. pag. 1 . Prima. Defectionem a fide in aliquo Principe Christiano non
Parca de- preiudicare Regni sui iuri quod possidet.
tectio, pag. 56. 2. Secunda. Heresim uel Apostasiam non debere cuicunque
Quodl. pag. obesse qui ius habet successionis in aliquo regno, et quod impium
292. et 150. /~<-IT • • T 11 • c
esset uathohcum qui ius alias non haberet ei anteferre.
Ibid. pag. 3. Tertia. Ita uiuendum esse iam sacerdotibus Catholicis in
223 229
Anglia et extra Angliam, ut neque uerbo, neque scripto, legibus,
statutis, uel factis hereticorum contradicant.
Consid. pag. 4. Quarta. Nouam esse ingrediendam promouendas in Anglia
Religionis viam eique planS contrariam quam Alanus Sanderus,
Stapletonus, Patres Societatis et ipsi Summi Pontifices hactenus
tenuerunt.
Consid. pag. 5- Quinta. Culpam omnem persecutionis quae hactenus in
Q7' ,. Anglia deseuijt non tarn in reginam ac Consiliarios aliosque
304. bereticos quam in ipsos Catholicos esse conferendam.
BREVIS RELATIO. 151
Aliae Propositiones temerariae breuitatis causa praetermissae. 54, f. I83b.
Prima. Licere ipsis commercium ac tractatum habere cum Ep. ad Dia-
hereticis hostibusque fidei contra alios Catholicos sibi aduersantes.
Secunda. nullum in toto orbe superiorem posse hoc in eis 49.
reprehendere, nisi sit ex eorum nuraero quos Apostolus uocat : „
. 7. 7 Spes pacis,
Pnncipes, et Potestates miindi, reciores tenebrarum harum. pag. 10.
Tertia. Nullam inobedientiam peccatum esse nisi qua superior! Exemplum
resistitur, et no turn eius praeceptum contemnitur et impugnatur. _' 2i.
Quarta. nullum prorsus actura inobedientiae commissum fuisse ibid. pag. 16.
a presbiteris Appellantibus, dum negabant obedire Cardinalis
Caetani ordination! a Pontifice profectae.
Quinta. Confirmationis sacramentum uel necessarium esse hoc 54, f. 184.
tempore in Anglia durante persecutione, uel vanam et quasi Ibid. pag. 103
superfluam in Ecclesia Dei cerimoniam esse.
Sexta. Parochorum, ac secularium sacerdotum perfectiorem Ibid. pag. 103.
esse statum, quam Religiosorum.
Septima. Impium et Pharisaicum esse examen instituere, uel Quodl. pag.
discrimen facere de admittendis ad religionem : quia non est per- ju:/8' et
sonarum acceptio coram Deo. 140.
Octaua. Jesuitas Religiosos non esse sed omnium hominum Quodl. pag.
deterrinios, et plures ad infernum animas trahere quam ipsos ^L1' 62;
Cacodemones, licere etiam ad Apostasiam egressumque ex ipsorum Parcam de-
Religione homines hortari. Quodl • pag.
Nona. Exemplum iuramenti impij contra Pontificis auctoritatem 8- 28-
quod istorum appellantium nomine circumfertur.
Propositiones istea datae contra presbiteros appellantes in causa
fuerunt quod Eccellentissimus orator Galliaa Sanctmo exhibuerit
eiusdem farinas proposition es ex quibusdam Jesuitarum libris
depromptas.
troisieme et dernier cahier du discours recuilli de ce qui
est passe en laffaire des prestres anglois faict a Rome
le 4e noue'bre 1602.
III.
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603.
54, f. 401. 1. Copy of a Letter of Expostulation to Blackwell*
August 1601.
Reuerend Sr, oure greate coete and charges, our paynefull
iourneys and daungerous adventures to the sea apostolick have
given and to this daie doe give sufficient tesfcimonie of our sincere
desire of peace and concorde. And whereas some Jesuits, yorself
and others give out that wee had audience and that wee were
condemyned in our brethren who went first to Rome, notwithstand-
inge that they had suche proctors and other helpe as was fitt &
necessary for the declaringe and determininge so weightie a
matter, it is most vndowbtedly true that so sone as it might
conveniently be effected after theire speache with the Protector
(who then was) they were restrayned of theire libertie, and were
kept close prisoners in suche sorte as neither they could confer
together nor might aske counsell of any other in theire cause, but
at the end of 7 weekes were brought as prisoners to answere to
what yor proctors could lay against them. To wch also, when they
shewed themselves readie and demaunded a copie of theire accusa-
tions, nothinge was delivered vnto them bvt a speache wch sounded
• This letter is chiefly directed against that of Black well to his Assistants, dated
June 23, 1601, and reprinted in Jesuits and Seculars, p. 151. Mr. Macray thinks
the copy is in the handwriting of Mush or Champney. There are apparently two
copyists ; the writing changes after the sixth folio.
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 153
of peace but brought it not. In what readynes others of or
brethren are nowe to goe to Rome it is not unknowne vnto yow : a
sparinge neither theire persons nor theire purses (both beinge
more or lesse in the wayne) to procure peace, so much talked of
and so many waies avoided or shifted of by yow and yor guides,
yf iudgem* may be given of yow accordinge to youre proceedinges,
whether they are w*h color of pietie or pretence of authoritie.
Doth not yor daily comendinge of fa: Lister his libell declare
what pyetie did move yow to prohibite the divulginge of bookes
either then or afterwarde to be sett fourth whereby the fame of any
particular ecclesiasticall person of oure nation might receyve
blemishe ? Is it not evident, when wee were poynted at bothe by
you and youre adhere ats to be the men who were meant thereby,
that yor edict or prohibicion way to that end made that wee should
vse no suche meanes as in all ages haue ben lawfull in the
necessary defence of oure selves from yor vniust oppressions and
from the Jesuits theire most wicked calumniations ? Was there
any savo1" of peace (after the peace once made amongst vs) in the
p . . . . e b of a resolution pretended to come from Rome wherein
we were declared to haue been schismaticks ? Or was there any 54, f. 401
tast of pietie in yor contemninge and reiectiuge the censure of the
most famous Universitie in the worlde (although vppon true
information as you suppose) given in or behalf, after that wee had
in vayne, although most humblie, requested that or controuersies
might haue ben determined by a private dispute at home ? Did
the suspendinge vs from divine offices as much as lay in yow and
the interdictinge yor brethren and fellowe laborers in this vyne-
yard (who were alwaies readie to give an accompt of theire actions)
proceede of a spirite of peace ? Or could any pious ignorance pleade
excuse of so fowle an ... c or frowardnes in yow to multiply afflic-
tions by censures, yo? authority to iuflicte eccles1 penalties beinge
• The intention of sending the four delegates to Borne was not made public
until after July 1.
b Mutilated. c Some word, perhaps " error," omitted.
154 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
restrayned in yor constitutive letters to the only takinge awaye of
faculties, or suspendinge them vntill the offendor should be
reclaymed, conformable to the former parte of the same letters
where, after that the protector had made yow an Archepr: and given
yow authoritie to directe, admonishe, reprehende and chasten, he
appointed the manner of this chasticement to be in abridginge
faculties when there was neede or recallinge them vppon any
necessitie ? Can yow think that these limitations of yor authoritie
was but to make a shewe only of some honest course of proceedinge
wfh vs, and that the drifte thereof was that yow shoulde at yor
pleasure doe what you liste w*hout showing any one tittle for yor
warrant from suche as might give suche authoritie ? Were there
witts (think yow) at home who perswaded yow to these courses,
and to challenge moreover vnto yorself a soueraigne power to
determine all controuersies wch should arise here amongst vs vppon
so silly a ground as is a power to end a quarrell or controuersie
begone vppon an vnkynde worde or some froward action betweene
the priests and the cathol: before it should growe to so fowle a
matter, as was most falsly and iniuriously suggested to haue alredy
ben and was the sole motive for yor authoritie ? Had that Anti-
papall declaracion of yors of the 28 of October 1600 any affiiiitie w*h
peace or [unijtie, when by the authoritie prtended to be committed
vnto yow [by his] holines you pronounced diffinitively that the first
54, f. 402. letters by wch you were made an Archepr: over the seminary
priests did truly bynde all the catholicks, and that all they who
wittinglie did any waye resiste yor authoritie were truly dis-
obedient to the See apostolick and rebellious against yor office
given yow by the same See ? Yf suche a declaracion had pro-
ceeded from his holynes who (howsoeuer yow thinke yow doe feele
yorselfe surely assisted) is only warranted as heade of gods Churche
on earth and his vicar generall, dowbtlesse it might have caried an
infallible creditte : but proceedinge from an Archepr: (who by this
office is vnder an Archdeacon) wee may w*hout offence demaund
to what these catholickes who were not seminary priests were
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 155
bound by those yor first letters, or how all these may be sayd to
haue ben veryly disobedient to the See apostolick or rebellious
against yor office given vnto you by the same See, who wittinglie
went or sent to that See to vnderstand his holynes his pleasure
before they would admitt the authoritie (for other resistance
there was not), yor first letters being sent vnto you neither from
his holynes nor that See. How can it then be thought that
yow were possessed w*h a spirite of peace, who vsed such vnsemely
tearmes against yor fellow priests and suche as in all reasonable
mens vnderstandinge did continue theire ready obedience to his
holynes and the see apostolick by submitting themselves so soone as
they sawe the Breue? How do you, Sr, desire peace who before
these slaunders forbid them vnder more greevous penalties than
yow can inflicte to defend them selves from such infamies ? Is
it not evident that yow ayme at no other matter then by
threatninge and punishinge to bringe vs to a sinfull silence,
while yow and yor complices exercise yor selves w'h most
shameles declarations, and to that end now lately haue made an
other edict against the divulginge or retayninge of suche bookes
as discover yor bad proceedinge against vs and oure owne iust
defence, and for the greater credit of this edict yow prefixe a
title the like whereof men vse to heare bareheaded : George
Blackwell by the grace of God and ye ordynance of ye See
apostolick Archepr[iest] of England. Did ever any Archepr: in
suche sorte salute his brethren or children? Whom doe you
make yorself ? Your authoritie stretcheth all over England and 54., f. 4Q2b.
Scotland: so doth the authority of yr brethren, and ouer Ire-
land also : But by chaunce you are an Archepr: in good tyme ;
it is a good step to be one day Mr Archdeacon by the grace of
God. But this stile of Archepr: of England deserveth no worse
an intimation than this George Blackwell by the grace of God
etc: Dowbtles, were wee not to be tolde by yor owne self that
yow are George Blackwell by the grace of god and the ordinance
of the see apostolick Archepr: of England, wee should make a
156 THE ARCHPIUEST CONTROVERSY.
stay and inquier howe yow come to be Archepr: of England.
Certayne it is that by the letters of the Cardinall Caietane, wch
wee haue seen, yow were not made Archepr: of Engl: but of the
seminary prests only, wch were or should be in Engl: and Scot-
land, by wch yow were made Archepr: as well of Scotland as of
England. And it would have ben more honor vnto you and a
greater terror to many other to have heard you declare yorself
to be George Blackwell by the grace of god and the ordinance
of the see apostolick Archepr: of England and Scotland : but in
truthe this is to make a foundation for so huge an sedifice
first because an authoritie given prcisely over one particular
estate in a cuntreye will not stretche it self ouer all in the
Cuntrye. Secondly whatsoeuer yow are by the grace of god
dowbtlesse yow were not Archepriest of England by the ordinance
of the See apostolick : yf yow were Archepr: of Eng: but by the
ordinance of the Card: Caietane, who in his letters vnto yow
sayth playnely that it is his owne ordinance for these are his
wordes : Dum haec nostra ordinatio durauerit : so longe as this
cure ordynance shall endure; and afterwardes, Wee give yow
the authoritie of an Archepr: ouer the priests of ye Seminaries.
Yf yow vrge the breve wch came a yere after the ordinance, no
man will make him self so ignorant (especially if he reade the
breve) as to think that it was an ordinance of his holynes, and
not rather a confirmation of somwhat don by the Card: Caietane
his letters, wherein howsoeu" the breve took it that yow were
described by the Card: Caietane an Archep: of the Engl: Cathol:
and referreth the readers to the Card: letters, yet yow can not
but knowe that there is no suche matter in the Cardinalls
54, f. 403. letters, yow must therefore lett vs see what yow can shewe for
yor title, or give vs leave to thinke that yow strayne muche for
this wch yow prtend over and aboue the title of an Archepr: of
the seminary priests in Engl: and Scot!: And if it were so as
yow might call yor self by suche title as his holynes might by
error or also wittingly honor yow : yet should yow not call yor
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 157
self George Blackwell by the grace of god and ordinance of the
see apostolick Archep: of England but of the Engl: cathol: only, for
these are the wordes wch his holynes dothe vse in his breue and
supposeth that suche a title was given yow by the Card: Caietane
his letters, but in truthe was not, as any man may see who will
reade them. But if it may please yow to turne to youre Clemen-
tines, de sententia excom: suspens. etc., yow shall fynde, Cap: si
summus pontifex, that if the Pope shall by writt, word or constitu-
tion vse any title of honor to any man, he is not to be thought to
approve suche a title in the person or give any newe righte by this
his owne word, writt, or constitution.
But, whosoeuer you are, wee take yow for no lesse then yow are by
the permission of god and the appointm* or confirmacion of the See
apostolick and retorne yow as many good wishes as yow doe send
to priests and cathol: of bothe sexes, and wee add this wishe over-
plus that yow had not made this edicte, for that hereby yow doe
many waies confirme men in theire opinion of yor want. And be-
cause yow doe prayse yor selfe so muche for yor patience in these
controuersies, wee nede not here she we ho we yow haue vsed it
marvelously in suspendinge some, interdictinge other some, takinge
away theire faculties from others, forbiddinge others to preache,
beside the detayninge of suche releef as hathe ben appointed for
poore priests and prisoners or generally for pious vses from suche
as of whom yow conceived hardly in respect of these controuersies.
The appellation wch was made to his holynes and to the See
apostolick (most necessary for the reformacion of suche abuses as
were offred vs by yow and others who were born out w'h youre
authoritye) is followed as muche as it may and hathe neede as yet.
That wch is vppon a reasonable cause deferred is not to be indeed
forgotten ; and in that yow say that the appellacion had not ben 54, f. 403b.
delivered to his holynes so soone as it was, had not yow ben,a yow
8 Something omitted. The words of Blackwell were "perhaps never meant to
be presented to him [the pope], although means must be made by me that it may
come to his reading."
158 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
confirme that wch wee haue often said, that it is hard for vs to con-
vey any thinge to his holynes his handes although wee take all the
meanes wch possibly wee may and haue don in this cause : especi-
ally about the sendinge of the booke dedicated vnto his holynes,
for that was sent by three sundry meanes vnto him, as wee had cer-
teyne intelligence in June last past from suche as did send it. And
what other thinge can so well followe hereon as ye necessity of
divulginge our bookes abrode in so many places as wee may, that
thereby either by frend or other some one copy may come to his
holynes his viewe. Yow haue therefore litle reason to forbid the
divulginge of them especially if yow had a sincere meaninge and
desire that they shoulde come to his holynes, as yow prtend in yor
letters of the 23th of June last past to yor assistants. An other
cause of divulginge oure bookes was, that as well at home as abrode
wee might lay open the causes of these controuersies wch were most
vntruly given out by yow and others to be obstinacie, disobedience,
pride, ambition, loosenes of life, schisme, sedition and what ells
could turne most to oure discredite, all beinge to be beleeved by
those whome yowe cold, either w*h glosinge wordes or by enter-
posinge yor authority, draw for yor parte as muche as if it had [been]
already proved or by some oracle revealed vnto them, whereby
many of bothe sexes, to vse yor owne terme, havinge over nimble
instruments some by nature some by practise, yet all extraordin-
arily stirred and as it were rapt with these newe inspirations wlh
an vndecent fury (as yf they would inforce men to heare them)
daylie bray out a most vnsavery and lothsome breth w*hout any out-
warde respecte to tyme, place or persons, or inwardly to truthe,
honestye or modestye.
Can you (to vse yor owne arguments) allowe and comend that
senseles and shamefull libell of fa: Lister divulged by diuerse manu-
scripts most iniuriously to oure reproche, and will yow forbid vs to
divulge suche [b]okes in or owne defence as may cleare vs from
these impious calumniations ?
54, f. 404. Shall it be lawfull for fa: Holbye the Jesuite to scatter abrode his
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 159
foolishe and false discourses a although most vaynely and w'hout
shame avouched w*h protestations by him to be most true ? and
must wee be debarred to answere for cure selves, and discover his
falshood ? Hathe any comaundm* proceeded from yow that none
should divulge any of theire writinges or retayne them ? Have
yow not in yor letters of 23th of June last past to yor assistants
affirmed and published that yow think still that wee were schis-
maticks : and must wee be forbidden to declare how wee are
abused therein ? Ought wee in yor conceyte goe to complayne or
selves in foraigne cuntryes and suffer our selves to be overborne by
yow and the Jesuits to our perpetuall infamie at home wth yor
most wicked and iniurious calumniacions ? Did the Jesuits or
wee begynne first to pen and spreade abrode ? May they and yow
together strive who can most greevously accuse vs, and is it a
breache of peace in vs to purge orselves ? Can it w*hout shame be
asked that yow may in all places say yor pleasures, and that wee
who suffer thereby infynite iniuries should be silent ? Yf wee had
ben schismaticks in not giving creditt to a Cardinalls letter
grounded vppon an egregious slaunder of priests & cathol: and
stuffed wth suche matter as was never before herd in the Christian
worlde : or if wee had ben so wicked as fa: Lister the Jesuite
thinketh that he dothe demonstrate in his absurde treatise and
divulged bothe in England and abrode intituled : Against ye
factious in the Churche (the first wch was penned, divulged and
yet to this day by yow approved) where was the wisdome wch
crieth out of yor last edict to vs to go abrode to superiors to com-
playne thereof while our good name must lye bleedinge at home ?
Dpthe not this bewray that you doe but counterfeyte some tymes
Jacobs voyce and in very dede have alwayes Esawe his handes ? wee
must doe belike as yow say and not as yow doe. Hathe the
dealinge in this matter ben so secrett as any one can be ignorant
of or care to haue all matters att all tymes determined w*h peace
• Father Holtby's Letter to a Lady (June 30, 1601), signed ' A. Ducket,' printed
in Vol. I. p. 176.
160 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
and quietnes and haue solicited it diverse tymes at home (where
wee haue receyved no other answeres then tauntes and contemp-
tible reproofes) and abrode, where or brethren in requitall of theire
charge, paynes and travell, to be informed themselves and to informe
54, f. 404b. vs what they and wee were to expecte in the hard course begonne
against vs, were imprisoned, banished theire owne and confined to
straunge cuntries w*hout any allowance for theire mayntenance
there, notw'hstandinge they stoode to their triall and were forwarde
even to the offence of theire and oure adversaries to answere to
what yor procters had to say against them, either in or generall
cause, in wch they went, or any other private malitious quarrell ?
Att this doubtlesse you drive in yor last edicte that they whom wee
should send the second tyme shoulde in the like sorte be inter-
cepted, imprisoned, kept so close as they should have no oppor-
tunitie to deale in suche matters as wherein they are imployed,
after some tyme perchaunce brought forth, accused by yor fellowes,
the matter shufled vpp : they sent away w*h good wordes : his
holyiies kept still in ignorance of or iniuries, or frends certified
from Rome by some impudent Intelligenser that they had audience
& procters, their cause heard, they insufficient and not able to say
any thinge but aske pardon and suche like stuff as Parsons and
mr Martyn Aray forged and sent vnto you when they undertook to
certifye yow of the proceedinges of or other brethren at Rome.
But belike you assure yor selves yor matters will not have any
suche successe or end, yf the true causes of oure troubles should
beforehand be divulged throughout the worlde, thereby at the least
to purchase vs audience where wee are to hope for remedy against
yor slaunders and the Jesuits impious calumniations. And to this
end was the prohibiting of bookes by you, and the divulginge of
them by vs iudged necessary, that or brethren should not be
thought to tempt God and be laughed att by f: Parsons and others
as our other two brethren were ; because, as f: Parsons tolde the
tale himself to the students in the Colledge, they, trusting to
theire owne innocencye and the iustnesse of their cause, came not
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 161
otherwise any way armed or provided from beinge imprisoned and
vsed as they were. Your labor is therefore in vayne wch you take
in forbiddinge such courses as are to be thought most necessary to
haue oure cause decided and peace restored, and no way eyther
scandalous to true harted catholickes or cause of laughter to oure
adversaries. Neither will the testimonies of ten thousand to the
contrary prove other then either greate tiranny in yow or a sinfull
rashnes in the witnesses, when whatsoeuer is published will be
iustified to theire shame, vppon whom (although nowe they consider 54, f. 405.
litle thereon) you must and will lay the burden to purge and cleare
yor self, although theire testimonies did induce yow to doe what
yow doe, and not rather yor importunitye induce them to witnesse
they knowe not what, not only against or bookes, against wch you
labor to gett the priests handes (as though the testimony of many
that they knowe no ill by suche a man can purge him at the barre
where there are but two or three ready and able to iustifie it against
him), but whatsoeuer ells they must and shall at yor pleasure
witnesse (goinge about in imitation of fa: Parsons in Spayne,
where he deliuereth the catholick princes, or of John Calvine at
Geneva in a round cap) to gett theire handes to blancks, wch some
for feare, some for foolishe hopes perchance, will not stick to give
for yor satisfaccion, howsoeuer their soules lye at prsent gage and
may hereafter smart for it : at what tyme all theire corses will not
misse you who did induce them vnto so fowle a matter. Yf any
device could be made to perswade men that, by reason or fear of
yor authoritye, honestye were as infallibly annected to yor actions
as in yor edict made 18 October 1600, you would insynuate that
truthe was inseperably annected to yor definitions, yow might per-
chaunce make many to think it a goodly matter to be in authoritie
and force vppon you their handes to an hundreth blancks. But
w*hout dowbt bothe yow and wee shall finde a fayle bothe in the
one and the other. Leave therefore this and other the like con-
ceyts : they guide yow not well to whom you have given over
yorself. They make yow to multiply edicts to very small purpose
VOL. II. M
162 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
in this kinde : as well for y* you have not as yet shewed what or
where yor authoritie is to make edicts, as also for that yor edicts
tend to one and the same cause, wch is longe since devolved from
yow to yor superio1", wee havinge appealed not only for oure selves
but all other also oure frendes bothe from the greevance wee felt
and all other to force afterward vppon vs in or for the cause in
controuersye or any thinge perteyninge therevnto. And the
iniustice of this yor last edicte appeareth the greater in that it is
64, f. 405b. given out by yor frendes that our bookes contayne many falshoodes
wch are to be vrged against vs and therefore in reason wee are to
retayne them that wee may not be to muche abused by suche as
31 July. seeke for- such advantages. We haue been also certified by the
superior of the Jesuites here in England that, er it were longe, the
two printed bookes should god-willinge be answered from Rome.
And how then shall wee understand ye answere vnles wee may see
how well it is applyed, vnles perchaunce you woulde that wee
should beleeve that wee say what this answerer maketh vs to say,
and that wee are the men wch he wolde finde in his harte we were,
and in him to prove, or that his wordes should be taken for oracles
and the bookes fully satisfied when they can not be seen what is
conteyned in them. What man of corage would aske of his aduer-
sarie so greate an advantage if he had any conceyte that the least
right were in his generall ? Take a good hart vnto yow : seeke
not by suche disgracefull meanes to preiudice yor owne case. Yf
yow haue don well, be you assured that the least heare of yor head
can not perishe. Yf you haue ben [uiijiustly charged wfh any thinge
free yor self not by wordes but by proofes : keepe not yor frendes
still in this suspence that there may be somewhat said for you and
in yor cause, whe[r]e they see nothinge but wordes and those
detractions against men (were yow not of England) farre yor
betters, and in England of farre greater merite in the cause of god
and his Church e. The greater these yor lamentations are, the
more greevously will they light vppon you, who can not but see,
vnles the case (beinge yor owne) doe to muche blynde yow, how
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 163
that all yor actions are but very shiftes for the present to wyn
tyme, wch in the end will trye who hathe the truthe. I will not
here repeate what either in this letter vnto yow or former dis-
courses are at large mentioned so playf[n]ully that none but affected
ignorance or blindnes colde misse. How doe you forbid all aswell
the laytie as ye Clergie to divulge or retayne any bookes of that
argument of wch or bookes were, and both divulge and retayne yor
self, yea and beare out some other bothe of the laytie & the
clergie to divulge or retayne such bookes ? Is there not an
Epistle of pious greef, by S. N. to his ffrend, lately sett forth in
printea divulged and retayned by you and yor frendes, wherein,
amongest some idly applied common places against discorde,
foolish prayses of f: Parsons and other, this argument is handled,
so muche as it is, very simply, god wottr but in slaunderous termes
and most wicked assertions, and S. N. the author thereof is
nothinge ashamed to intitle it An epistle of pious greefe. If he
had called it an epistle of greef, it might very well have borne the
title, and euery man who should reade it wolde thinke the author
had over muche greeved, yf not to the losse of his senses yet dowbt-
les to the losse of his sowle. But callinge it an epistle of pious
greef, it conteyninge most impious exclamacions against cathol: 54, f. 406.
priests, the title hathe litle congraitie w^ the treatise : the other
might haue ben thought to haue beene caried w*h some humane
passion or wrong informacion, yf his greef had ben that wee could
not frame orselves to be in order vnder a superior, and that wee
made strife and contentions against the Jesuites and Archepr: but
to exclame in this manner, O that it weare not against Jesus fol. 3°.
him selfe ! was to shew his greef was mixed with more then a
mans malice and to make an insoluble argum*, that it was a most
impious greef, whatsoeuer he prtended. To the lik effecte he
vttereth that, of wch his stomack semeth an indeficiant springe : fol. 3°.
and chargeth vs some tyme, that wee haue brought cathol: into
» I can learn nothing of this book. The initials point to Silvester Norris, a
priest, who in 1606 became a Jesuit, and wrote books under that signature.
M 2
164 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
daunger of theire lives or their soules : some tyme that wee had
secrett intelligence w*h the enimies, and have or selves made a
further resolution yf occasion serve. Cold this be written w*h any
charity, or so muche as one sparke of the pious greefe ? What
enemy is this w*h whom wee haue had this secret intelligence, or
what resolution may it be, that wee are charged to have made, yf
occasion serve ? or what occasion may this be wch is here left as a
relic ? when every man shall haue made the worst conceyte he
may of vs : yet doth this sentence leave worse matter to stay
vppon, if her maty or any of her honorable Counsell or any other
by theire appointm* (perceyvinge a reall diffrence betweene vs
risen vppon the falshood of the one parte against them, and fidelity
vppon the other parte who never toke them for enimies but rather
what they iudged amisse in them) have shewed some extraordinary
favor vnto some : and given them leave to followe their case against
suche as haue abused them, what harme ha the come thereon ?
These men thus favored have don much goode bothe to priestes and
lay men : as or most impudent adversary can not deny, although
some (for mere splene against them) boldly give out that they
caused a soden and perilous serche in London for the Archepr:
and Jesuites : a slaunder evidently convinced to suche as live in
London to be most false, the serche beinge in suche places as
where some of vs might haue been endaungered, and these not
disturbed, who to vs and all in London are knowne to be most
impudent of theire tongues against vs, the chiefe lay assistantes to
the Archepr: and highly devoted to the Jesuites. Should wee
vppon this grounde (wch were the case changed would be an
invincible argum* to or adversaries against vs) say : that the
Archep: and Jesuites caused that serche for the disturbance of vs
and or frendes w*h whom at that tyme wee might haue ben and
they supposed wee were, they who by all likelihood might haue
harbored some of them at that tyme not beinge once called vppon ?
Yf we would have Jesuited and caried so small a respect to
charity, those sturres wch nowe are in England perchance had never
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 165
ben ; but these speches against vs must still be in every mans
mouthe and fill all cuntries where either the Jesuites or any of
theire faction doe come and fynd theire wished intertaynmenfc. What
secret intelligence the Jesuites haue had w*h suche as [they] would
have vs knowe they take for theire enimies, and what resolutions
they have had themselves, if occasion should serve, their duble
message to the castle and vnto vs, theire bookes and letters of state,
matters doe declare and convince in such sorte as greate must the
imprudence of S. N. be, to vrge any suche poynt against vs, who
have not at any time dealt in hugger mugger, but playnely and 54, f. 406b.
openlie (evident signes of or integritie and fidelitie), to wch
although it rest vncertayne what end they will give in, when it is
to give it good or bad, or howe longe or shorte this respite may be
to breathe vnder so perilous a yoake, yet it is most certeyne that
many haue found comforte and ease for the present in reason not
to be refused and no man any way preiudiced thereby : what tales
soever be vrged against vs already or may hereafter vppon such
ingrounded suspitions as S. N. in his evill applied epistle would
engender in his frendes minde by cryinge out against scandalls,
discorde, and contention w*hout showinge who were the authors
thereof: but rather blaminge suche as beinge abused should
endevor to remove the suspitions and crimes layed against them.
And to the end that he and his fellowes might the more surely &
w*hout rebuke proceede in slaunderinge the priestes he censureth
that sentence of Pamachius to S* Hierome as voide of sounde fol. 2°.
iudgem* wch in this epistle he citeth : Purga suspitiones hominum
et convince criminantem ne, si dissimulaueris, consentire videaris.
Cleare thy self of mens suspitions and shew that theire accusations
be false, lest by dissemblinge them thow mayst seeme to agree
vnto them. What conscience may wee think doth S. N. beare
whose advice is so voyde of reason ? Howe would he have cen-
sured S* Augustine if he had red this iudgem1 in him: Duse res Ser: 49 de
sunt, conscientia et fama; conscientia nocessaria est tibi, fama dmersis-
proximo tuo : qui fidens conscientia sua negligit famam suam,
166 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
crudelis est; Conscience and good name are two tliinges : con-
science is necessary for thy self, good name for thy neighbor : who
trusting to his conscience neglecteth his good name is cruell.
Whosoeuer were the authors of these contentions nowe in Engl:
his epistle of pious greef is a most impious treatise : where he
taketh it as a verity not to be contradicted that who so opposeth
himself against a Jesuite or superior, opposeth himself against
Jesus : as though (to omitt his blasphemie) no Jes. or superior
can doe that wch is amiss, nor necessary meanes for redresse be
vsed but w'h an opposicion against Jesus. Yf S. N. did knowe
that the Jes: & Archepr: haue ben the Authors of these contro-
uersies in Engl: how wickedlie hathe he employed his tyme in
framinge this epistle and applyinge it to vs as to men who by
repyninge at authoritie had caused these • tumultes ? Yf S. N.
hathe forgotten it, he may call to minde that the first begynninge
of those controuersies was at Wisbiche, where by most vnchristian
meanes as the defraudinge of some priestes there & abridginge
them of the cathol. almes by wch they lived, the Jes: and some
other adheringe vnto them for yl purpose endevored to compell the
rest to become theire subiectes. This not succeedinge altogether
to theire mindes, by the shamelesnes of one who had a resolution to
be of theire order they procured an absolute authoritie ouer all ye
priestes of ye Seminaries wch were or should be in EngL or Scot-
land in such a man as would be at theire devociou. flfor the
furtheringe whereof a most wicked sla under was raised & suggested
at Rome against the seminarie priestes & cathol: as may be scene in
the Card: Caietans letters to mr Blackwell. The authoritie beinge
given by this false suggestion was as falsly proposed, & because
when wee sawe a thief wee woulde not runne w*h him wee were by
the Jes: and ye Archepr: proclaymed schismatickes, excommunicated
factious seditious Rebells, irregular, no better then southsayers &
Idolaters & as ethenickes & publicans, even at suche tyme as wee
sent to Rome to acquaint his ho:nes wlh ye abuses wch were offred to
him & his flock, an argum* for vs to men of sence that, whosoeuer were
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 167
guilty of these & othr suche crymes, wee were most free from them :
since y* ye departing from him argueth schisme not ye hasteninge
vnto him, when there is iust cause as was here in a matter of so
greate weight, procured by palpable deceyte & by most false &
ignominious suggestions, alwaies likely to growe to that passe to
wch it is nowe come.
The authority beinge at ye length by sinister meanes also con-
firmed, at ye sight of ye breve wee did . . . . a submitt our selves
vnto it w*h a free remission [?] of those greevous iniuries wch wee
had receyved . . . . a ye aforesaid slaunders. But the Jesuites
and Archepr. had not as yet what th[ey] aymed at. Theire thirste
would not be quenched . . . . b greater furtherance of this 54, f. 407.
wickednes a Jesuite beganne to renew the forged calumniations
and to averre that whosoever shall dogmatizando affirme, that we
were not schismaticks (in not obeying the authority before we saw
the Breve) shold incurre the censures of holy Church. The Arch-
priest being warned hereof, to the ende that this fyrebrand of
faction (to vse his own tearmes) shold be quenched, was so farre
from giving redresse as he allowed of the assertion, and for the
more creditt thereof our infamy, and to bringe somewhat to passe,
in wch it shold seeme he and his followers were crossed by our
submission to the authority, he published a resolution, wch he
sayd he had from the mother City (to give it perchance an
extraordinary authority) that the refusers of his authority were
schismaticks ; and from time to tyme [he] commended Listers
seditiouse libell, as a most learned discourse even at such time
as he wold beare the world in hande that he held it as a matter
of opinion whether we were schismaticks or no, and that he gave
every man leave to hold what he wold therein. And this being
so vndoubtedly true, as the Jesuits and Archpriest cannot dis-
prove it, and hath been in other discourses so demonstrated, as
it were to spend time vainly to prove it in this place : how
are we condemned for indevoring by all meanes possible to
• MS. mutilated. b Page torn : the second copyist begins here.
168 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
remove those calumniations and crymes most falsly layd against
vs ? how could silence be vsed herein, wch as Pamachius above
rehearsed doth affirme is an argument of guiltines, or as S'
Augustine sayth, is cruelty against ourselves, how cleare soever
our consciences are before God? And how then hath this pious
griever, if not vainly imployed his time in quoting authors
sacred and prophane against discord and contention, yet impiously
applyed them to vs and for wante of matter exclaymeth against
our knowen courses for peace as against discord and contentions,
w'h these tearmes ; 6, that it were not against Jesus himselfe ?
We will not say, that Jesuita, a Jesuite, is derived from Jesus ;
as mons, a hill, is a movendo, wch signifyeth to move ; because
as the derivers say, the hills doe not move, although some,
eyther by miracle or by some accident in the earth have moved :
doubtles some of the Jesuites actions in these affayres have had
no more coherence w*h Jesus then detraction hath w*h charity,
falshood wlh verity, cruelty w'h compassion, that most iustly S. N.
might in his griefe have both exclaymed against the spiritt wch
hath possessed them, 6 that it were not against Jesus himselfe :
and charged them (as not being content to perishe alone) that
they plundge our litle barke (already shaken by the tempest of
persecution) in theyr owne ruyne, having themselves through
pryde and most vnchristianlike courses sonke lower then wkhowt
some speciall miracle they may rise againe. And if by them we
have been compelled to lay open more then is for theyr creditt,
54, f. 407b. w'howt towche of any who have well deserved of vs, we are most
vniustly accused of vngratefulnes.
Who this S. N. is, who hath declared his griefe in this epistle, it
is not much materiall : some by the frivolous heaping of sentences
have iudged it your owne. Some have thought that it is ffa:
Parsons his piety ; both for that we have been kept a longe
time in expectation of an answere from Rome to two bookes
(as this epistle seemeth to be) and also for many sayinges
therein knowen to be his. If it could have been made by you both,
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 169
neyther of you had been indebpted to the other, ffor who cannot
see here how mulus mulum. If yow being putt in authority
have demeaned yor selfe otherwise then becometh you, why shold
you being our Archprsbiter bynde vs to soothe yow in it ?
Many murmuring against theyr superior have been diversly
smitten by the haiide of god : therefore (if this epistle maker
will conclude to his purpose) no man must contradict a superior,
how soever he behave himselfe: who seeth not this folly ? or
who since the Breve hath refused the authority ? who of any
sense can yeald that he was a schismaticke in not obeying of
it, before he saw cause why he shold ? This is the question,
and not, whether a man knowen to be in authority ought to be
obeyed. And the case of this controversy is not that any doe
repyne at authority (as this epistle maker falsly suggesteth) but
whether Catholicke priestes ought to beleeve theyr superior, that
they were schismatickes, excommunicated, irregular, factious,
seditious and fallers ovvt of the Church and from the spouse of
Christ ; lost theyr facultyes wch they vsed in the gaine of soules to
Christ, and consequently have abused all th-eyr ghostly children in
hearing theyr confessions w*hout power to absolve them; been
disobedyent to Christ his vicar, yea and to Christ him selfe, and for
what ? fforsoth because they did not submitt themselves to an
vnknowen authority before they saw a Breve : wherein they first
perceyvedthe popes mynde therein. Neyther is this the first time,
that this foolishe Rhetorick hath been vsed. The times are such,
as yow could have very litle vse of externall discipline and cor-
rection towards any : as though no great matter could be practised
by yow against vs : whereas yow taking hold of this, have (as you 23 June 1601.
say yor selfe) made yor edictes wth punishmentes to be incurred
ipso facto : and notwithstanding have made examinations of matters
(post factum) as it is at large declared, in the hope we have of peace.
The deserts of the Jesuits are declared in this epistle : by
theyr being our masters, our governors : our masters to wryte bookes,
buylders of Colleges for vs, and procurers of great alines for our
170 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
relief. If the epistle maker doe meane, that all Jesuites haue
deserved thus of all the priestes : it is evydent, that he is
54, f. 408. deceyved : many of the chief and those who have and doe full
labor in our Church, having never been beholden vnto them for
any of these matters. And if he will fly to his meaning that
some Jesuits have well deserved of some priestes : then must he
neyther condemne all the priestes of vngratefulnes to the Jesuites,
nor any at all, vnlesse he can shew an opposition in them against
all the Jesuites, wch surely he shall never doe : the priestes
reteyning an honorable respect vnto the order and particularly to
such as they are bound vnto ; and finding themselves agrieved
only by the bad dealings of some of them, who are a disgrace to
theyr order. Our college of Doway (afterwards translated to
Rhemes) hath sent the greatest sorte of laborers into this vine-
yarde : and while it was vnder oure owne government, it was
mainteyned w*h double the number, that now it hath, being now
at curtesy of the Jesuites : besydes theyr disgracefull vsage thereof
in putting downe such lectures therein, as by wch our priests
might attaine to some knowledge of divinity; vnder a color forsoth
that learning maketh them prowde (but in very truth to abvse the
Cleargy of England, that nosaecular priest hereafter shall be able to
match them in learning, and thereby to grow into contempt amongst
the Catholicks, whose soares must lye and fester vntill theyr
parishe priest can finde out a Jesuite to aske his counsell) : besydes
the caveats they putt vnto the governor thereof (a vassall of theyr
owne) for receyving of such students as they only must preferre
and the Archpriest, who is also at theyr devotion : wch they per-
forme w% that charity, that if they may vnderstand, that a youth
(howsoever he is affected in his mynde) doth receyve any benefitt by
vs, or any ofvs, itis asufficient occasion forthemnot to further him;
wch as the case is declared is to hinder him : As if when a man
shold see one in neede receyve some reliefe of such as he cannot
brooke : he must whett his stomach against him who receyved
reliefe, and doe him what mischief he can. As of late the Arch-
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 171
priest and Jesuites vnderstanding of a young gentleman, who was
by our meanes to be conveyed over, notw*hstandmg lie was to
mainteyne himselfe and in such place where the Jesuites make a
good commodity of such, as not to be brought to any account of
what they receyved for this cause, they absolutly denyed to give
him theyr letters, w*howt wch he could not be there interteyned.
The English college at Rome was and is governed by the Jesuites:
in wch theyr practises to allure the schollers to theyr society and
to disturbe such as will not yealde vnto them, declareth how well
they deserve of God and our contry. Our hearing some of them
reade in the scholes bound so many vnto them as heard them :
although at home those who wold not be of them were vpon theyr
Doway pollicy dieply [?] hindred from the profitt they must have
taken. But no doubt God hath and doth supply otherwise what
through theyr faithful nes to him in opposing themselves to manifest
perill in defence of the Catholick church they might through the
Jesuites evill pollicyes have wanted : and they have hearde as
occasion hath served both in the vniversityes and in prisons that 54, f. 408b.
they have had learning, when such as contrary to theyr oath
taken in the Colledge for the present helpe of theyr contry have
loytered behinde, pretendinge to purchase more piety and learning,
and bewrayed how they have only profited in a foule senselesse and
detracterious spiritt. But if for our hearing them in the scholes
we shold not be gratefull, we shold incurre the cryme, wch they
also may iucurre, if they think not themselves beholden to vs, by
whom they have profited in learning : some of them especially, who
have been brought vp in such universityes, as whereof some of vs
are members ; or some had the helpe of such in particular in theyr
proceedinges, as had been of vs : as Card: Alane, D. Sanders, D.
Stapleton : to say nothing of Bp: ifysher, Gardiner, Cope and
diverse others, from whom theyr chiefest wryter and most at this
day admired, had had no small furniture. Vnto what tumultes the
Jesuites have brought that college at Rome, it were lamentable to
rehearse, of wch howsoever they may post the cause to the
172 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
studentes, yet cannot it be doubted but that through theyr
disorder it standeth in very hard tearmes. The Colleges in Spaine
sett forward by ffa: Parsons are at litle rest (a strange observation,
that there shold be no quietnes where the Jesuites once putt in
theyr foote, howsoever they color theyr actions w*h piety and
spiritt) how well they are manteyned I know : possibly they are in
farre better case then eyther the College of Doway, or that at
Rome, because they are of ffa. Parsons erecting : in wch if he have
deserved ought, perchance it is not of vs who had colleges inough
before : wch, if the honor of God and the good of my contry had
been aymed at, wold not have been in those desperate tearmes in
wch they are : but it is evydent that those new colleges were
erected vpon some other ground ; as may apeare by the vsage of
the Studentes: wch hitherto hath been to abvse the Catholick
princes of that contry, and to induce them into an admiration of
ffa: Parsons, as of a man likely to further any intention, wch he
shold putt into them. And to the better effecting thereof the
studentes have been pressed some of them to sett to theyr handes
directly to the lady Isabell her title to England : some of them to
diverse blankes, subscribing in English to some, to other some in
latine and to other in Spanish : wch and his like practises (how
well soever he might otherwise deserve of vs) cannot be reckoned
amongst good deserts ; as having thereby given our adversaryes so
cleare a proofe of his disloyalty towardes his prince and contry,
that vnlesse we shold yealde our selves to be traytors to the state,
for the love of wch and the reducing thereof to the Catholick faith
we daily adventure our lives, we cannot but severre ourselves from
him and his complices, of what quality soever or cloth the cloake is
of, wch must cover them, ffor these and such like both generall
and particular his plottes and his fellowes against our contry, and
consequently against the quyet wch otherwise Catholicks might
have in England, who now are grown in hatred w*h our state and
religion more in contempt than ever it was in England (vpon the
reduction of wch S. N. confesseth, the reduction of all abowt it
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 173
doth depend) for his and theyr misdemeanors : also towards vs,
because we do not labor in the furthering of such his plotts we 54, t. 409.
have little cause to give him thanks, or to be noted of vngrateful-
nes towardes him and such his fellowes or followers. Hath he at
any time then done well for vs ? we thank him for it. But this
his wel doing must be no warrant for him to doe any evill w*hout
rebuke. If a cow give a good soope of milke she is to be thanked : cherished,
but if she kicke it downe w'h her heele, the good turne she did
may not save her from blame. If the Card: Alane vsed any com-
plements at any time vnto the Jesuites, all the gentlemen who were
W*h him before his death can testify that he much disliked theyr
dealinges towardes vs : and the Jesuites cannot w*howt great
impudency deny it, to whomsoever they doe shuffle of the blame.
Dr. Stillingtons letters of complementes from Spaine also may be
shewed : but it is well knowen that through his inward affection
to them, not knowing how to mend himselfe, he left his life soner
then by course of nature he shold have done : although perchance
his being vnder water did him litle good, when in an expedition
again[st] England, he was by fa: Parsons meanes compelled
against his will to take shipping : at what time that many were
driven home by tempest, and many of or English priests perished
by shipwreck. Dr. Stapleton his devotion to the Jesuites was
cooled, when he departed owt of theyr order : a wch if they will
attribute to a hastines against them they must not vrge his gravity
for themselves against vs. Dr. Barrett, who was President at
Doway, was knowen to all men to dissemble wfh the Jesuites, as
they dissembled wfh him, keeping him to serve theyr turnes as now
they keep an other, and perchance w*th the like foolish hope of
preferrn* by them. But putt the case, that all these did like
marvaylously well of the Jesuites, is it an argument that if they
were now living, they wold doe so ? Could they indure to see
theyr brethren in pamphlettes and speeches to be attached of
schisme, accounted as excommunicate, fallen from the Church of
" He did not complete his noviciate. See Dodd, ii. 85.
174 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
god no better than Ethnickes and publicans : because they wold
send to Rome to his holines, to know his pleasure before they
wold submitt themselves to an authority intruded vpon them, as
they might well think, it comming w%owt any letters from his
holines, or testimony that his holines had given such power to any
other . . . they knowing no other superior in spirituall matters
then his holines : can any man inferre, that those grave and
learned men wold have taken the Jesuites parte in so foule a matter,
against men of theyr owne coate and profession ? How doth S. N.
in his epistle of griefe forgett himselfe, or how can he think to
draw to this conceyt that those grave men if they were now living
wold take the Jesuites parte against vs : whereas there are many
living who can testify that ye Card: Alane did take our parte
against them, and bewayled oftentimes the garboyles, wch he saw
wold follow after his death between them and vs. The opinion of
fol. 6 et 7. ffa: Campian (as S. N. confesseth) was, that the priestes of
England were piissimi et doctissimi: compare this w*h ffa: Listers
opinion and the Jesuites of vs, who most proudly & yet shame-
54, f. 409b. fully condemne vs both of impiety and wante of learning, and as
homunculi (to vse ffa: Listers tearme) in theologia, and to touch
that point of vngratefulnes wch S. N. layeth to our charge, our
vsage towards the Jesuites hath been such as more then all the
good wch ever they meant vnto vs hath been abundantly recom-
pensed : wch if they shall deny, we appeale to theyr forefather ffa:
Campian, who (as S. N. here also affirmeth) sayth that we have
given him and his fellowes that creditt in England, as he could
not w'howt feare rehearse it. And to conclude, yow may see if it
please yow, that S. N. hath taken great paines to quote many places
against discord wch we hate more than he doth, and were it not
a frivolous labor, we wold make a repetition of them or the like.
He blameth vs that we doe wryte such thinges, as such as be
adversaryes to both may take advantage against vs. He blameth
vs that we sent a booke to his holines, and putt no name vnto it.
He supposeth, and must have all to think that we repyne at
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 175
authority, regard not our superior, and y* by our bookes we con-
firme men in opinion at Rome that we are factious : And because
he will have no obloquy wch he may vse against vs vpon this
supposall, he will also rather then fayle of his purpose, include
himselfe and all our nation in this generall and ignominious judg- fo1- 18-
ment English men p[utt in] passion regard no law of God nature
or civility in theyr speach or manner of proceeding : and least per-
chance this proposition shold seeme to fayle in himselfe, who found
it in this his evilly in titled epistle of pious grief, he hath shewed
small regard to law of God, nature or civility by his manifest
vntruthesj defaming his contry, and most folish exclamations
against such as for any thing we know are his equalls, and if
not his betters no way his inferiors. His vntruthes are, that we
repyne at authority to wch all our contry knoweth we did yeald,
so sone as we saw any letters from his holines : to whom only in
spirituall causes we owe obedyence. Secondly he sayth that our
book was dedicated to his holines w*howt any name putt vnto it :
wch is in this manner : Declaratio etc Ad S. D. N. Clementem 8m
exhibita ab ipsis sacerdotibus qui schismatis aliorumq' criminum
sunt insimulati. A declaration etc. put up to or holy father, pope
Clement 8th of that name, by those priests, who are accused of
schisme and other crymes : of wch priestes the names of 30 are
particularly sett downe, pa: 119. His taxing of all his country-
men that being putt in passion, they regard no law of God,
nature, or civility in theyr proceeding, sheweth how he sinneth
against nature, and vpon a conceyt (most foolish also and false)
that we rayse contentions against the Jesuites and Archpriest,
he exclaymeth in this sorte : 0 that it were not against Jesus
himselfe. If his wisdome cold see yk a booke written by 0. C.
might take quotations owt of our writinges against the mis-
demeano1"8 of the Jesuites, and that this was not to be liked of,
can he think that S. N. can escape margent of any book, written
by any as impudent [as] himselfe : in witnes that such priestes as
have a long time adven[tured] more for Jesus than the Jesuits
176 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
54, f. 410. have done, shold now become Aposta[tes] and rayse contention
against Jesus himselfe : or that such priestes who have been
knowen to have susteyned the heate of persecution with no other
resolution then hath become Catholick priestes (when as the
Jesuites dared not to shew themselves, or wlh that timorousnes
as they thought every houre a day vntill they retorned to some
morall safety for themselves) now to be by S. N. noted for men of a
dishonorable resolution, if occasion should serve, and to bring
Catholickes into perill of losse eyther of theyr lives or of theyr
soules ? Can we, if eyther we resist the law of god as priestes, or
of nature as men, or of civility as living among others, heare our
selves thus defamed, other mens soules depending vpon theyr good
opinion of vs, our selves of yeares to vse reason in our actions and
not of so meane bringing vp, especially the greater parte, and be
silent ? Are we not in all mens iudgments (except S. N. and his
fellowes who could perchance make a better benefitt by our silence)
bound to purge our selves in this ease, our adversaries pressing vs
still most falsly that we repyne at authority and seeking to
enforme the world thus of vs, w*howt shewing any acte of our
disobedyence except our forbearing to submitt ourselves before
there was cause why we shold : yow shewing no letters from his
holines for yor authority ? Doe you cease to publishe or man-
teyne these vntruthes against vs, and we will attende the decyding
of this controversy, where it ought to be. But if yow shall
eyther yorselfe publishe bookes of this arguement, or beare others
out therein : yow must thinke that we must take yor edictes to the
contrary, as most vniust in themselves, yor practise explaining
them, that all may be sayd and published by wch we may be
brought into infamy : and that nothing is to be divulged by vs by
wch we may be cleared from it : perswade yorselfe that notw^-
standing yow are the first of our coate who hath been in the
authority of an Archpriest here in England (a matter much vrged
by yor flatterers) is no such priviledge, but that yow may erre as
grossly in yor actions as Aron did and Saul, both imediatly chosen
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 177
by God : the one to the highest priesthood ; the other to the king-
dome over his people ; George Blackwell by the grace of God,
and the ordinance of the Sea Apostolick, Archpriesb of England,
yow were preferred by falshood etc, the motive of yor authority
apeareth in the Cardinalls letters. And if the pope him[self] did
preferre yow, he preferred one whom he knew not. And thus farre,
Reverend Sr, we have emboldened our selves to signify vnto yow
the many iniustices of yor last edict against the divulging or re-
teyning such bookes as are to cleare vs of the many and iniurious
slanders daily spreadd against vs ; how also notwthstanding this
yor edict against the divulging or reteyning any bookes of this
arguement, there is an epistle, intituled of pious griefe, written
by S. N. to his frend, and divulged by order from you, as by all
likelyhood we may thinke : it being in theyr handes, who wold not 54, f. 410b
else have it : wch epistle argueth . . . earnest desire, that the
readers shold yet conceyve worse of vs (yf worse they can) then
heretofore they have, as we see have shewed owt of diverse
places quoted owt of the epistle called of pious griefe but in very
deed of a wicked and very frivolous discourse, and such as may
aswell, perchance much better be applyed to the writer thereof
and his parte, then to vs. ffare yow well.
Yors as you are in will to deserve
of vs the vniustly defamed priestes.
Concordat cum originali,
Wllm. Clerke.
2. Letter from Dr. William Gifford to his Sister. 54^ f. 242.
Deo. 17. 1601.
Right worshipu my lovinge sister.
I was very glad by this gentleman to vnderstande of yor welfare
and by his returne to have occasion to salute you, being amongst
other afflictions incident to my longe exile and banishment an
extreeme greefe that I could not, nor this 30 yeares did have,
VOL. II. Ly
178 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
ordinary intercourse or communication w*h my neere friends and
kinred, wch I impute chiefly to those who by stratagemes and
crafty devises have wrongfully made me hatefull to our prince and
estate, by abvsing my name in those practises in wch, as Christ
knoweth, I never had any parte. ffor as I am a Catholicke, and so
will for ever continue by gods speciall assistance : so I ever detested
these violent and b[l]oody spiritts who continually and unnatu-
rally practise against theyr prince and contry, and seeke to expose
to the spoyle of forayners by vniust invasion and conquest all sorts
of people of what religion soever. And I wold be very sory that
you my good sisters or any other my Catholicke friends shold of
simplicity be intangled w*th any such persons, who to bringe theyr
purposes to passe, you to reape the lucre and gaine or to have them-
selves accownted negotiators and dealers in great affayres, do letle
aseeme to indanger Catholicke gentlemen and to bringe [them] to
vtter ruyne, doe irritate and exasperate the prince ; and by folishe
bookes, lewde pamphletts and intercourse of dangerous letters wch
theyr companions on this syde doe make . . . a the burden of bloody
lawes vntollerable, wch the prince and estate are forced to make
for theyr owne security. You easily a who I meane, and for Gods
sake take speciall care of, least a fay re shew of a goodly mind and
profession deceyve yow and leade you into thraldome before you be
aware. Inform e yor selfe arryght wfchowt passion or partiality
who they be that have sente in men to attempte against the sacred
person of or prince : who they be, that negotiate abroad for forraine
invasion and conquests, and vnnaturally seeke to arme strangers
to the overthrow of theyr naturall contry, from whom all these
folishe bookes of titles and right [to] the Crowne, of particular
mens lives or such, like have proceeded : who they be that vainly
promise reformation or rather subversion of the state ; and when
you have found who they be, eschew them as dangerous to yor
soule, pernicious to yor body, enemyes to theyr contry and infamous
to our religion ; and serve your turne of those Catholicks who in
" Some word apparently omitted here.
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 179
true humility and Christian duty to theyr prince (saving theyr
religion and conscience to God) w*h an Apostolicall spiritt doe
seeke w*h zeale the only winninge of soules, and as well by exem- 54, f. 242b.
plary life, as by true .... athe consciences of those w*h whom
they deale, and by .... a ministration of the sacraments doe
augment the num[ber] . . . . a people, and pray hartely and sin-
cerely for theyr prince [and] contry. [By] such men you shall
reape comforte and no danger of body and soule, nor heynous
offence to yor prince : And if [you] indure, it shall . . . . b mere
matter of religion and conscie[nce] wch is most honorable and
meritorious. And w*h this my [dear] sister I make an ende, com-
mendinge you and yors to the ho[ly] protection of him who spente
his sacred blowd on the crosse for vs all. ffrom my house in Lisle
this 17. [of] Decembr 1601.
Yor loving brother and faithfull fr[end] for ever
William Gifforde
Endorsement (on back offol. 434, misplaced) :
17 Dec 1601
Dr. Gifford to his sister to take heed of the Jesuits
3. Copy of letter from Cecil to Mush. 64, f. 390.
Worsh. good S"
I have written vnto yow by the way yow desired at yor departure ;
w*hin 3 dayes thereof I visited in yor names monsr Ville[roi] who
was not ignorant both of the time and fully informed of yor com-
pany. It seemeth that acte of yors hath been so vrged, w*h former
impressions made of or good frends yor companions, y* yow must of
necessity carry yor selves w*th great simplicity and sincerity : yow
to reteyne that yow have, and they to gaine that they have lost.
When I shall be assured of the safe passage of or letters 1 will
sende yow a letter and discourse, by wch you may discover that yor
• MS. mutilated. b Obliterated.
N 2
180 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
oldest companion, sive iure sive iniuria nescio, is thought to have
been overbusy and lesse gratefull and loving then becometh a man
of his coate and calling. I have not seen the man that convayd
yow to yor coach at yor departure hence : but once or twice
sithence : he is all wfh him that yow bidd not adieu and burned his
letter : wch two acts of discurtesy are daily vrged. It will fall out,
as I allwayes told yow, that it is a thing impossible to doe effectu-
ally what yow and mr Bluet also in his to vs, requireth of me w'howt
offence of that party : yet will I provyde that on my parte no
occasion shall be offered but that only wch yow all have imposed
vpon me. I deale now imediately w*th or best frend who vseth me
very both kindly and respectively. We can deale no further here
till we heare what termes you stande on : what may be hoped there
and procured here for the further pursuite of or affayres : yow know
where or articles are in or frends handes but as yet vnaunswered.
Commend me hartely to yor 2 companions, the 2 Bennetts espe-
cially, mr Ed . . ,a mr Charnock, mr Collington and ye rest : and
if yowe please frequent and communicate, yow Romanes that
haue borne pondus et aestus diei together, w*h all freedome and
fidelity There hath been of late one Redman owt of fflanders, who
w*h R Twist is sent back by D Bag[shaw] and mr Ctmsta[ble] for
D Weston and D Smith. Mr Morgan likewise hath been here w*h
Dr Bagsh: whose mother is a Skidmor : he wente away likewise
w*h letters good store towards fflanders. I write to mr Bluet of an
oath, wch mr Hill wold have us sende yow and tender here to the
Embassado1" : but we pawse till we heare from yow.
I doe what I can to excuse and take away all suspicions, as that
of yor going together I sought to excuse by a reporte that one of
Abvil made of yor seperation : 2 to Bologna and 2 into Calice, wch
was controlled by the Lievetenant of Caliz wch wrote to Monsr
Villeroy, that yow were fewer that imbarked there.
In mr Bluets letters diverse things were misconstrued, as his
writing that he left me there to excuse him (satis, sayd they, pro
• Paper damaged.
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 181
authoritate), his giving first Ecca and then D. Ilsma wch was sayd to
be ab equis ad asinos. I seeke what I can to excuse and satisfy
and keep all in good conceyt : and all is too litle. If yow heare of
mr Dud: commend me to him, as to S. Ken:, yor most loving and
vertuous hostesse vnknowen, and the rest or brethren. I hope mr
Anthony will not starte, from whom I expect to heare often. I
write this for all : for [a multitude of letters multiply paines and
perill and care to no purpose.
N. Litt. [?] as I am informed hath forsaken or best frend at Rome. 54, f. 390b.
The last post is drowned, wch maketh me apprhende or papers
wch probably shold have come w*th him : and to yor good prayers
I most humbly recommend me. If I happen to come for a starte
into England wryte of whom and in what prison I may inquire of
you. Valete in Chfo
Yors as you know to vse
J. Cecyll.
Whatsoever I say on purpose is as farre as may be mis-
con [strued] as my desyre to wryte to yow prsently w'hin three dayes
when I knew how hardly yor going in that company was construed,
was wondered at what occasion I could have of so sodaine writing.
Also to yor self as I percey ve it was vrged that I pe . . . ed and pro-
posed things my selfe disliked : wch is not so admirable, if one
contrary to his owne iudgm* conforme himselfe to the opinion of
maney, especially where the difference is of the time, and not of the
matter. In fine yor visits, yor conference and the rest are here
vrged, and I come to know of that wch I take not to be true, viz
yor intrinsecall dealing w*h him, of whom I have heard yow say
1000 times that in his life he never did a good turne to vs or our
cause : yor wisdome, discretion and good behavior and vnyon at
home will breake the neck of all these critices.
To his worsh: good frende Mr Jo: Mush or in absence
to Mr Anthony Champney give these.
182 THE AECHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
54, f. 391. 4. Copy of letter from Cecil to Watson. Jan. or Feb. 1602.
Good Mr Watson, I cannot but acknowledge your loving letter,
albeit, that by yow in printe, and by you in prsence of or supreme
iudges in or late controversyes, I have had my patience very extra-
ordinarily exercised. I have towards yow performed the parte of a
frend in place where pregnant perill was thereto annexed : wch
good office being of you so frendly accepted I cannot but corre-
spond and give contentm* to yor desyre of intercourse. Setting asyde
then all ceremonyes and needles complem*8, this I must advertise
yow, that from henceforth yow conferre with or brethren, and make
your election of some one man to whom you may direct yor letters :
for yor last indorsed to so many was not so gratefull. Mr Dr
Bagshaw or Mr Hill, eyther of them, are men whom yow know yow
are beholden to, and may vse w*thowt all offence in a farre greater
matter. If you please to send yor letters in a cover to ye Embass:
it will be farre more acceptable domi forisque and we lesse beholden
to base companyons. Or brethren at their departure hence desyred
me, no wayes inclined to stay behinde them of my selfe, to stay here
and to deale in theyr affayres w*h this K.a I desyre yow to sounde
herein the minde and opinion of or estate : for vnles they like both
of the negotiation, and of the person : I will in no case medle with
theyr disliking. Yow may also if yow please desyre or brethren to
interteyne no kinde of negotiation, directe or indirecte, offensive to
ye state.
I take that mr Hill or D Bagsh: are farre more proper for this
place then my selfe : ffor to tell yow plainly my desyre is rather
domi consuescere, if I may vnderstand by yow that I may have any
oversight, or may be admitted to that grace my companions have
obteyned.
a This letter seems to have been written from Paris before Cecil resolved to take
part in the deputation to Borne. His three companions left Paris on Jan. 1,
and the letter was probably written early in the same month, notwithstanding the
endorsement of the copyist.
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 183
There passed this way of late one Way : who reported that yow
had renounced yor priesthood, and all exercise thereof, wch were to
deare a price of yor favor and liberty : and in any case ne incidas in
Syllam cupiens vitare Charibdin. Yow wryte of artycles, but none
apeare We have conceyved here an oath of obedyence wch, if others
sende not, yow shall have w*h the nexte. yor tracte, as apeareth by
Mr. Bluetts, pleaseth not him. yow may vse me in all confidence
and assurance Usque ad aras
J. Cecyll.
[At foot of page :] [To my] very loving ffrend
[Mr] Watson
give these
[Endorsed, same hand as copy :] ffeb 1602
A copy of D. Cecylls Ires to Mr Mush and Mr Watson
5. From Dr. Bagshaw to William Watson. 54, f. 243.
Feb. 7, 1602.
Good Mr Willm I have redd your Quodlibets over, & have
asked the iudgement of diverse. The style is misliked for the
bitterness, & I pray you hereafter have greate care & moder-
ation, for I can assure you so bitinge a style dothe not good.
Much good matter I finde, & if it had bene whotea only in yt
place where your harte was as hyghe as your heade for in-
faminge owr matters I coulde well have liked it.
What letters come in yours see them delivered. I hope
your creditt & mine will serve to have them safely conveyed.
Att leasure I pray you deale w*h my L.b to whom I have
writte[n] the Spanishe faction is on foote & fierce for expecta-
tion of future matters. We must have good supporte. If the
LL. of her matyes Cownsayle will deale w*h the Embassador to
a Sic, for " hot " ? b The Bishop of London.
184 . THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
come or sende to the secretarie heere present to further vs, we
shall doe well.
Heere very wise men will not be persuaded but some greate
persons ar Spanified, althoughe yow answeare yt poynte in the
ende of your booke, and therfore our sendinge over was not
to benefitt our country or procure ease to owre cawse but only
for a showe to shifte of the time.
Have care of Framlingham & of all our friends there. The
remoove of some of them was promised.
I pray you write or speake to Mr Churche y1 he sende
hyther assone as may be.
I will perforate yt wch you write of me & your selfe & the
thirde person. a
54, f. 243b. Mr Bluett wrote to my L. for to be a meanes for sendinge
owr letters by Mr Winwoode,b for that we ar driven to sende
otherwise hande over heade. I marvayle we have no answeare.
I pray you deale very earnestly wtb my L. for Mr Barnbye,
who in truthe did more than we all in flanders & was able to
relate as muche as Mr Bluett coulde have done & perhaps
more. His liberty & perhapps returne were very necessary.
It mighte be a good occasion, when he might presently be
freed, to bringe vs monye & worde of all things & to goe w*h
me to flanders, if neede shall be, and afterwards to Rome. I
pray yow sollicite this instantlye.
Some passages of your booke make me of good hope as of a
college of oure owne to cowntervayle the Spanishe seminaries.
What hope of toleracion at least for vs, whose fidelyty I hope
is not dowbted of, sende worde. It encowrageth & gladdeth
for the time.
By Mr Barnby or some other convenient messenger lett me
heare assone & as lardgely as yow can.
a In the margin are four lines in another hand, tantalisingly illegible by erasure.
" This 3rd pson was Mr. . . ." etc.
b Ralph Winwood, agent of Queen Elizabeth at the French Court.
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 185
Pray harde for vs. W4h commendacions to all the honest gentle-
men wkh yow, Mr Pigott, Mr Kempe, Mr Ledyo [?] w*h the rest.
I promised Mr Cole the messanger one of owr books. I did
not performe it. I pray you supply e it & commend me to him.
We heare of new preparations in Spayne. Leasure serveth 54, f. 244.
not further.
Paris vii° febr. yours ever
C. B.
I have written to Mr Clerke, Mp Leake, Mr Bennetts, Mr
Smithe, Mr Hebburne, Mr Barnbye, Mr Doleman, Mr Churche,
Mr Dudleye, Mr Charnocke, Mr Copleye, Seal them all wch be
unsealed, & deliver them.
I had thowghte to have sent them all unsealed but it fell
owt otherwise. In any case lett them be delivered. There is
nothing but ordinarye matters.
I would my L. of London were nowe & then by, when we
have talke of him w*h some of the byshopps & nobles heere.
J. Bennetts comminge hath done good to owres & made it
more spoken of, & a number of questions to be asked abowte
my L. who is taken for a speciall meanes therof used by her
Ma**8.
6. Drafts of Six Memorials to the Pope. 47, f. 272.
I. CECIL'S TESTIMONIALS AND APOLOGY.
Beatissime Pater
Placuit xpianissimo Regi hoc tempore, et cum hisce meis fratri-
bus et in castris dni commilitonibus, me Su tuae per legatum suum
recomendare, turn quod ei de zelo meo in causa fidei catholicso
promovenda3 sine aliqua rerum politicarum mixtura abunde fuit
satisfactum, data hums examinis occasione a legato Anglias, qui
me hoc nomine apud Regem christianissimum accusavit tanquam
nimis familiarem ijs qui politicum Angliae statum perturbarunt,
turn quod apud eum frequentissime et instantissirne egeram vt
interposita eius apud senatores Angliae authoritate cum eis ageret
186 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
vt legum severitatem quibus catholici in re religionis et conscientia3
negotijs premebantur, aut antiquando, aut alterando, aut moder-
ando edictorum acerbitatem reprimeret, liberumque relinqueret
catholicis Romanae Ecclesise ritu aut publice aut saltern privatim
dno deo eiusque sanctis inservire : quern ita paratum et affectum
hac mea opera et diligentia invenit Rmus epus Mutinensis, tune
temporis in Gallijs Nuncius, vt nihil prseter Stis tugs imperium et
authoritatem ad opus tarn sanctum perficiendum desideraretur ;
verum dum adhuc in incude res esset, discedit Nuncius, refrigescit
negotium, donee isti boni sacerdotes in Galliam appellantes eovsque
Regis animum ad pietatem flexerant, vt pristini mei desiderij de
catholicis iuvandis explendi spem non contemnendam dederit.
Quod si Su tuae haec via facilior [et expeditior visa fuerit ad
catholicorum levandas miserias, et fidem propagandam] a
aperiemus quibus medijs, rationibus et conditionibus haec a Rege
christianissmo in Dei gloriam, ecclesise utilitatem et catholicorum
favorem impetrari poterint. Sin minus hue ad pedes Stis tuaa
accessimus, quicquid statueris, iusseris, decreveris, non solum aequo
sed alacri animo laturi, eamque submissionis et obedientise
promptitudinem in reliquis nostris fratribus effecturi .... et, si
quid in reliquo vitse nostras cursu humanitus erratum aut peccatum
fuerit, censuris et supplicio colla subdituri : jube, coge, impera,
homines sumus, errare, labi, falli, decipi possumus ; at authoritatem
tuam subterfugere, post tam diuturnam, constantem et continuam
eius professionem et pro ea perpassiones non possumus.
[Qd si Stas ad pedum tuorum oscula
v'ra communi humillime prostratus
omnium cathol- lo: Cecilius sacerdos Anglus.
icorum consensu
et clamoribus excitata velit paulisper experiri
quid istiu[s] com modi ecclesiae exoriri poterit] b
• The clause within brackets partially erased, and the two or three lines indi-
cated by dots entirely erased. b Added in the margin.
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 187
Ne ficta videantur quae in relations ista continentur, aut a 47, f. 272b.
cerebro meo deprompta ad captandam gratiam aut Stls tuaa
lenitatem et clementiam abvtendam, singulis propositionibus singula
testiraonia affigenda existimavi.
Quod a legato Anglise apud Regem christ: accusatus fuerim de
nimia familiaritate cum ijs qui statum Angliaa politicum perturbant
habeo penes me litteras Illml Card. Surdiaci,a dum esset in minori-
bus, idipsum attestantes, quibus addi potest Rmi dni Abatis Su
Martini, Dni Conestabili Angli, aliorumque gravissimorum virorum
notitia.
Quod rursus in gratiam Regis fuerim receptus testantur eius
literee, quibus nos Regibus principibus et Rebusp: in itiuere
commendavit : testis est etiam Eccellentissus dns de Betune legatus
Galliae qui Regis animum ea de re optime novit.
Quod non nisi rogatus et plurimorum in Anglia catholicorum
literis et lamentis excitatus, et ab ip'o Rmo Nuntio iussus, apud
Regem eiusque ministros causam cath. tractaverim, ipsum produco
Rmum Nuncium tanquam oculatum testem, litterasque et chiro-
graphum penes me habeo materna lingua omni suspitione aut
exceptione liberas.
De exitu et progressu negotij testem cito RmBm Mutinensem qui
vt Romam ea de re scriberem iussit, et quid inde responsi habuerim
proferam in huius veritatis fidem.
II. PETITION OF THE FOUR PRIESTS FOR VIATICUM. 47, f. 273.
Beatm2 Pater
Cum pro singulari tua in nos aequitate et amore paterno ad earn
tandem sint reducta negotia nostra periodum vt de reditu nostro
ad castra dni et vexilla xpi in Anglia sit cogitandum, cumque Stas
vestra satis superque sit informata quam sit curta suppellex,
quantumque sumus ad tarn longum laboriosum et sumptuosum
iter imparati, nisi charitatis et dementias tuae nobis pateant
a FranQois d'Escoubleau de Sourdis, created cardinal in 1592.
188 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
fontes, petimus humillime vt Sta v. dignetur in viatico nobis sub-
ministrando considerare hiemem iam instare et ex nostris aliquos
esse valetudine infirma, alios estate confectos, alios satis provectos
omnes laboribus et misery's exhaustos neque posse nos aut pedibus
aut adeo properanter sicut solent illi quibus ordinarium porrigitur
viaticum iter conficere, sed maiora turn subsidia turn solatia turn
laborum intervalla et aetati et infirmitati nostrae et hiemis asperitati
esse necessaria, qua3 omnia Stis v. clementiae et considerationi
relinquimus.
47, f. 274. HI. THEIR DESIRE FOR PEACE, AND RECAPITULATION OF GRIEVANCES.
Beatissime P:
Quicquid a nobis hactenus est propositum de Gravaminibus
Archypr., de Incommodis ipsius regiminis, de Considerationibus
ad pacem spectantibus, de Refutatione responsi exhibiti a p:
Parsono contra praedictas Considerationes, ex nullo alio fonte
prodijsse protestamur quam ex zelo pacis ve[r]aeque fraternitatis
et ex intimis perfectee charitatis visceribus, vt remotis ijs impedi-
mentis quibus ecclesiae quae in Anglia est salus periclitatur,
ardentius et alacrius (datis vndeque dextris) qui in vinea dni
laborant operarij ad haereseos extirpationem et animarum conver-
sionem accingantur. Liceat itaque nobis libere profiteri quod res
est Sme P., et considerationi v'rae relinquere quatuor ilia capita,
fusius in ill is nostris scriptis contenta, scz., de persona Archipri
deque eius praelatura, quibus stantibus, nulla pax, nulla moderatio,
nulla potest sperari animorum vnio ; de eleemosynarum distribu-
tione et illarum rationibus reddendis de magistratuum electionibus
annuis, et de statuum et ordinum distinctione vt suo se quisque
loco et statione contineat, neque se vlterius Jesuitae misceant
quam solent alij religiosi alijs alibi ecclesiasticis ordinibus : quod
ad nos attinet quicquid Stas statuerit, decreverit, iusserit, ordina-
verit, certum est obedire et intellectum captivare, verum si con-
trouersiarum fontes et scaturigines patris Parsoni et suorum
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 189
oppositions intactae vel non prorsus .... relinquan[tur], aeque
certum est ex ijsdem malis causis eosdem malos effectus ....
esse expectandos : nam non potest ecclesia Anglorum non graui
ferre et multum in Jesuitas commoueri, cum intellexerint ....
rationes pro bono communi et publica pace a no .... vestree
S*1 propositas paucorum illorum religiosorum renitent ....
privatisque commodis .... optato exitu frustrari.
IV. PETITION FOR PUBLIC INSTRUMENT IN TESTIMONY OF THEIR 47, f. 275.
INNOCENCE OF SCHISM.*
Beatissime p :
Significauimus per litteras nostras Stis v'rse declarationem qua
ab omni rebellion is aut inobedientiae crimine ob delatam ante Brevis
apostolici adventum Archipn submissionem liberabantur, quo
nuncio mirifice refocillati statuerunt perpetuo in hac causa et
controuersia quiescere. At libri, litterae, discursus et rumores a
p. Personio suisque sequacibus indies ubique dispersi calumniarum
istarum memoriam vbique acerbissime refricantes et filiorum
suorum spiritus . . . [datae declarations veritatem pernegantes] b
timoratas conscientiae et de preteritis confessionibus suis valde
incertas, nisi fide publica et autentica illis aliquo modo satisfiat,
cogunt illos humillime ad Stis v'rse pedes cleroentissimos confugere
petereque innocentiae suae et aequitatis, verbo vestro iamdudum et
viva voce pontificia iamdudum declaratae, testimonium aliquod et
instrumentum publicum : alias certissime recrudescet uulnus, nullus-
que erit vnquam aut modus aut finis contentionum dum illi accu-
sando [negando nostram declarationem] et calumniando [inno-
centiam nostram] nos autem affirmando, defendendo et refutando,
totum orbem scriptis et clamoribus impleamus do-nee eveniat, qd
praedixit apostolus, vt dum ab invicem mordemus ab invicem con-
sumamur.
* See above, pp. 11, 146. b Inserted above the line.
190 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY
47, f- 276. v. PETITION FOR THE RELEASE FROM CAPTIVITY AND FOR A FAIR
TRIAL OF ROBERT FISHER.
Beatissme p:
Cum in Hispaniis (in libera licet custodia) captivus tamen
detineatur Joannes* Fisherus sacerdos Anglus, StlsvraB diu alumnus
in collegio Anglicano in Urbe, vir omni virtutum, linguarum et
a "John" must be a slip of the pen for " Bobert." There was no John
Fisher at the English College at this date. Bobert, who took a principal part in
the drawing up of the memorial against the Jesuits, came to Bheims in March
1590, and was admitted at the age of twenty-two into the college at Borne July 8,
1593. He left in May 1596, when he was busy with the affairs of the malcontent
clergy, both in England and on the continent. Dr. Barret, who was watching his
movements and hoping to get him apprehended in Belgium, wrote to Parsons,
Aug. 10, 1597, as follows : " Very loving and reverend Father, this I wryte at
Liege where I am in my way homeward [from Spa to Bheims]. There passed by
this towne one Fisher, that was sent by the seditious schollers into England, from
hence he went to Bruxelles, thence to Lisle, and so to Doway, and thence to Cam-
bray. He hath bin, as I am informed, in every shire in England to styrre up men
against Jesuits and Spaniards, which he uttered to a good man in this towne. I
marvaile he escaped at Bruxels, Being they are advertised out of England of his
secret conference with a cheefe man of the councel of England & with Sacheverel
the Apostata in the said councelors house. Heere he tould one in great secret,
that he was to go to M. Ch. Pa[get] and D. Gifford, and to M. Morgan about matters
of importance, he said also that they were in good hope to have liberty of con-
science in England in case they might get the Jesuits thence, no doubt this is one
part of his busynes, he left his bag at Liege & I have seene it, yet nothing of im-
portance therin, saving a little compendious note of all their Articles against the
Jesuits at Borne which he carried with him to dilate to the faction in England as
appereth, for it is rery old and almost worne out. [This note was rather
brought out of England. As after will appeare. Parsons' marginal note."] I am to
go to Bruxels and to make means to have the man examined, in case he may be
found ; before he return to this towne, for he is to come back hither & to one in
this place, he was at his going into England earnestly commended by D. Gifford,
&c." Some months afterwards Fisher reappeared in Borne, " half converted,"
writes Parsons, and " willingly offered himself " at the English College, where he
was put through an examination extending over several days by the Papal fiscal.
In this examination he made many statements, which are printed by Parsons in
his Apologif (ff. 94-97), to the discredit of the anti-Jesuit party. These state-
ments, which Parsons admitted were not altogether trustworthy, were said by Dr.
Ely to have been extorted from " the miserable fellow " by fear of the gallies or
the gallows ; and Bagshaw declares that Parsons had threatened " to put hot irons
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 191
bonarum litterarum panoplia si quis alius in toto clero Anglicano
excultissimus, ita vt castellae [Castilise ?] limites exilire non audeat et
iam paene per septennium sumraa cum patientia tarn durum iugum
sustinuit, nullo suo delicto sed p. Personij potentia et artificio sibi
impositum, tantae indignitatis et iniustitise rumore perculsi fratres
nostri et alij paene infiniti tarn in Anglia quam extra Angliam
Catholici, et vineam Dni tarn strenuo et aBgregio operario in tanta
literatorum penuria et paucitate privari segerrime ferentes, petunt
humillime vt v. S. dignetur Card. Burghesio hoc in mandatis dare vt
vestro nomine adNuncium in Hispanijs degentem scribat vt dictum
Joannem Fisherum Romam mittat ad Stis v. tribunal sistendum,
vt si quid fecerit homine catholico et sacerdote Anglo indignum
salutari poenitentia coerceatur, sin minus vt ad pugnam et palses-
tram Anglicanam tanquam veteranus et benemeritus miles resti-
tuatur, quern solum supremum et immediatum vt Anglocatholicus,
vt sacerdos, vt alumnus superiorem agnoscit.
VI. FURTHER PETITION FOR PECUNIARY AID.
Beatissme p :
Cum singularis Stis v. charitas et summa sollicitudo etiam ad
minutissima se extendat, ita vt non solum de negotijs nostris
expediendis, sed de neeessitatibus etiam sublevandis paterno
quodam afFectu pijssime cogitet idque nobis significari voluerit : ab
hominibus Sa v'rae charissimis nobisque amicissimis : tamdiu Su
v'rae molesti esse in hoc genere abstinuimus quamdiu rerum et
causarum nostrarum exitum in dies expectavimus, licet ad hoc
tantum conficien . . . iter et sustinendos sumptus preeter piorum
elemosynas et suppellectilem vestesque sacras prasconis voce ven-
ditas nihil habuimus (quippe qui pro sedis huius dignitate alijs
to his arms " to get him to say what he did. Fisher had been apparently banished
into Spain, and kept under restraint there for the past five and a half years, not
" seven years," as in this petition ; and the Appellants now pray for his release
and a fresh trial in the belief that when free from undue influence he would give a
truer and more favourable colour to the conduct of his friends.
192 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
omnibus beneficien[tiis] aut patrimoniorum cominodis priuemur).
Verum iam cum (vt maturiori inditio et examine concludantur
omnia) St* v'rse placuit moram longiorem negotijs nostris imponere,
coacti etiam sumus necessitates nostras exponere, cum numero
sumus 4, et post tot et tarn assiduos sumptus reliqui nihil nisi
ut ad viscera et fonte[s] charitatis v'rae iussi, vocati et invitati
confugiamus et vim pudori et modestia3 nostrae faciam[us] Deus
O. M. clementiss*111 Beatnem v. eccl'se suae diutissime incolumem
co[nservet]
Bmai patertis v.
filii obedientes a
Joes Csecilius \
Tho. Bluettus
, ,_ . vquatuor sacerdotes Angli
Joes Musius
Anthonius ChampneusJ
47, f. 276b. 7. Six Propositions of Mr. Giles Archer.
Assertiones b Egidii Archerij Sacerdotis Angli, qui nunc in Vrbe
est, quas publice proposuit in carcere Wisbicensi, affirmantis se ex
animo et deliberate illas asserere.
Lupanaria Romas sunt ibi cum approbatione.
2a.
Lupanaria sunt equ§ licita atque aliquis Ciuis Romanus.
Lupanaria sunt Romaa equS licita atque aliquis Magistratus Ciui-
tatis.
" The following names erased and "quatuor sacerdotes Angli" substituted.
b These " lewd assertions " of Mr. Giles Archer are the subject of much com-
ment in Eagshaw's True Relation (Reprint, p. 65). They are here written on the
back of the foregoing draft in an Italian hand.
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603, 193
4>
Sunt ibi seque licita, atque Papa ipse, uel aliquis Ordo Religio-
sorum.
5a.
Lupanaria sunt maxime necessaria.
6a.
Sunt ibi uel eorum [aliqua ?] esse ibi eque licita, atque aliquis
Ciuis uel Magistratus.
Responsio et distinctio D'ni Edmundi Jesuitse qui tune erat in
career e Wisbicen.
Magr Archerius uult dicere et intelligere Lupanaria esse Romas
cum approbatione aeque licita atque aliquem Ciuera, Mag'ratum,
Ordinem Religiosorum uel Papam, sed non peccatum simplicis
fornicationis, Posters die dixit idem Archerius se uelle defendere
istas propositiones contra quemcumque et se deliberate et ex animo
istas asseruisse.
Dns Egidius Archerius assertor harurn propositionum Romam
uenit, et manet in Collegio Anglorum.
8. Papal Definition on the question of Schism. 47, f. 383.
Anno D. 1602. Apr [11-15].
Cum a sacerdotibus anglicanis qui se Appellantes vocant [Rom]0e
gmo jjo jq-^ supplicatum fuisset suo sociorurnque nomine, vt sua Stas
. . . [dec]larare atque determinare dignaretur hec duo : nimirum
vtrum s[acerdotes] qui ante adventum Brevis Ap'lici subordinationi
per literas Illmi C[ard]1!s Caietani institutes subscribere distulerunt
fuerint inobedientes rebelles, et schismatici an non : deinde vtrum
confessiones Catholicorum ipsis interim factce sint iterandae necne ?
Ill"11 Cardlcs Burghesius atque Arrigonius, quibus causae Angli-
VOL. II. O
194 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
canae cognitio a sua Ste commissa est, die prsedicto retulerunt Sum
D. N. die vndecimo eiusdem mensis atque anni his de rebus
consultum respondisse :
De primo quidem standum esse ijs quee in Brevi Ap'lico ad
17 Aug. anno 1601 edito his de rebus ordinata atque declarata
sunt, nominatim vero vt habeatur ea tota controversia pro extincta
atque obolita, silentio etiam imposito, idque sub Censuris in eodem
Brevi expressis. De 2° vero, Confessiones catholicorum ipsis factas
non esse iterandas si nullum aliud intervenerit impedimentum.
Hoc Scriptum ostensum est ipsis Illmis Cardbus supra-
nominatis et ab ipsis penitus approbatum.
Die vero 15 eiusdem mensis et anni, consultus iterum Smus
prsedictis Illmis Card1"18 de eiusdem rebus respondit se nolle de illis
amplius verba fieri sed voluntatem suam esse vt de prsefatis con-
trouersijs schismatis, rebellionis atque inobedientise, quee ante
primum Breve Ap'licum die 6 Apr: anno 1599 editum excitatse
sunt, omnimodum imponatur silentium ac post" suo Brevi 17 Aug
1601 edito stetur; idque sub prsedictis censuris ne vlterius de his
altercandi detur occasio. De ceteris vero quse postea acciderunt
respondit sua Stas se deinceps rebus perpensis quae magis ad
sequitatem pacemque facient ordinaturum.
54, f. 236. 9. Letter from Dr. William Bishop) to Mr. Watson.
16 July 1602.
Good S1', these same are to certify j*ou that I have receaved
yours, and sent the note, as I did once before to theire place,
ours there loking . . . are differed to the Congregation of the
Inquisition not for our harme, but for the ruine of Parsons subordi-
nation as Clem: tearmeth it. Yor books are without doubt (as
we heare from all coastes) disgous . . . most blame the sharpnes
of the stile, some certayne assertions perillous wch are in some of
them, it may bee they bee none of yours, wch I advise you to
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 195
certify to Rome in tyme, lest yor honour be somewhat darkened by
them, for some of them (as it is written from there) are like to be
condemned to the fire, yf it please you to write to me or by mee, I
will doe what I can for the performing of yor . . . . you shall God
willinge see our Answere vnto the Apology in printe.a Then you
may the better printe yours, so that there bee noe dissonance. I
pray you kepe mee in the good grace of your most honorable
friends & your owne. & so with my most harty comends to you I
committ you to God. the xvj of July at Par.
Yors in our Lord
Will'm Byshop
I pray you send that to Mrs Percy to the addresse.
Endorsement (same hand):
To his very singular friend Mr Watson at my L. of
Londons London
10. Letter from Dr. Humphry Ely, probably to Sir Robert Cecil.
Aug. 30, 1602.
Right honorable. 54t f. 213.
The constant report that all trauellers giue out of yor affable and
courtuous nature, in easelie and willingly admitting all suters to
yor presence and myld hearing of their requeste haue em-
bouldened me ; but especially the desire I haue of the salfeguard of
her Mate my princes person & estat, and good of my contrey
(whereunto yor honor, aboue the rest, hath a vigilant ey and
earnest care) haue encoraged and invited me to trouble yor honor
wkth these fewe lynes, and to aduertize you of an accident that hath
happened of late in this contrey of Lorraine, the brief narracion
whereof yor honor shall receiue herein enclosed. By the wch her
Ma1ie, yor honor and the rest of her Mates honorable counsayll may
perceiue, not onely that the secular priests and Catholick Gentlemen
a Perhaps Dr. Ely's book, printed at Paris. It contains separate " Answers " by,
or on behalf of, Bishop himself, Bagshaw and Charles Paget.
o 2
196 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
both at home and abrode do not carrie such a malicious hart to her
Matie or evell will to the state of our contrey as they haue been
heretofore (through vniustlie & erroniously) thought and suspected
to haue borne; and so under th[at] pretence haue erroniously beene
putt to death and torments for the same. But also, whereas wee
are still most ready (after a most meeke and Apostolicall manner)
to suffer prisonments, tormts and death, very willingly for the pro-
fession of the Catholick and Romaine faith ; so are wee also most
ready and willing both at home and abroade to suffer imprisonm*
racks and death itself for the defence of or naturall & lawfull
prince, of her life and estate, against all whosoeuer shall attempt
anything against her royall person or Crowne, be he Spaniard,
French, Scott, or whosoeuer els. And this or loyall fidelitie we
haue not onely heretofore at all tymes and in all places protested
in words, and by printed books testified to the wholl world, but
also in fact and deed (as by the example of this worshipfull &
reuerend priest [may] be seen and verified, of whose opinion &
mind most of us ... that are abroade) do presently vtter and
declare, protesting furst[lye] that if hereafter (as God forbid) her
Matie or state should by any of the aboue named be invaded or dis-
tressed, wee shalbe ready to the shedding of th[e last dr]opp of or
blood to defend the same and w% armes to w^stand and fyght
against such invasors whosoeuer. This then being or finall & ...
conclusion to suffer p[atiently] wh[at] . . . [af]fliction soeuer the
54, f. 2l3b. tempo[ral] state shall putt upon us for or faith and religion, and
beare courageously all the opprobies and iniuries some deceived
catholicks doe heape upon vs for this or true and loyall affection and
protestation, but also to carry willingly and ioyfully such afflic-
tions as forreine princes for this or loyaltie shall putt vpon vs. Our
case being thus miserable both at home and abroade ; at home
afflicted for or conscience, abrode persecuted for or fidelitie to our
prince ; I doubt not but if her Matie knewe thus much, but of her
naturall clemencie, and of her royall mercie, she would at the
leaste make a distinction betwixt her naturall children and sub-
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 197
jects that in all sinceritie doo honor & reuerence her, and those un-
naturall Bastards th[at] doo attend to nought els but conquests and
invasions, by giving [them] leave to serue God freely and securely,
in easing the yoke of her seuere laws enacted against them for their
faith and conscience ; for as yor honor doth knowe it is a rule of
nature qui in vno grauatur, in aliis debet subleuari ; seeing we are
for or professed loyaltie afflicted, [at] home by corrupted brethren,
and abrode also by forreine pr . . . it should then be a great
signe of her Mates clemencie to relei[ue] us w*h some tolleracion for
or consciences. Our dayly wishes and praiors are that it would please
her Matie and her honorable Coun[sayle] to encline to clemencie,
and graunt vs the free [vse] of [Religion ?] a for I doo protest in the
name of all my brethren [Cath]olicks . . . . priests, and others that
are not bent to any facti[on] ; th . . ht [we are] so far of nowe, &
heretofore haue beene, from [seeking] desiring or procuring the
disquieting or ouerthrowing of h[er] Ma[tie] and the state, that I
promisse for my self and them all [tha]t if wee sha[ll] understand
of neuer so smale an ynckling of ... or pretence against her
Matie and her estat, th[at we will] not onlie be the first that shall
discouer it to yo[r hono]r ; but a[lso] to be the formost, by armes
and other meanes to to nowe, if these or
actions and protestacions at home, and or afflictions and sufferings
abroade shall not be thought sufficient to trust vs hereafter, or to
blott out the sinister and erronious opinions state con-
ceiued heretofore against us : we are most ready to give her Matie
and the state all sure contentement, satisfaction, obligacion, and
assurance of or loyaltie & fidelitie est 54, f. 214.
of her honorable counsaill shall find and think needful, neces-
sarie and expedient. Yf her Matie might, by yor honors goodness
and the singular care you haue of the quietnes and assurance of the
Estate and of the prosperous raigne and life of or prince, be acer-
tayned and assured of her Catholick subjects good harts and en tier
intentions, no doubt it would moove her to pittie, clemencie, and
* MS. torn away here and in much of following page.
198 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
mercie, and to grant vs libertie to serue God according to or con-
science, and freely w*hout feare of pursuyuants to offer vp or
sacrifices, both for her long liue & [good] health and happy raigne
also : as wee doo yet dailie notw^standing the hott execution of
her seuere laws, thus much touching or endeuors and good in-
tentions towards her Mte and the Estate.
Now w^ yor pardon a word touching yor honor. It cannot
be vnknowne to a man of yr wisdome and experience but that
by reason of yor place and high calling, of the singular abilities
of yor person and of the favor that or prince beareth you, you
are of many envied and maligned and hated not of a fewe.
Besides, as I haue often heard by trauellers, the partizants and
fauorers of the late seditious puritaine Erie doo beare yor
honor in speciall, cancred harts, poysoued entrailes, and in-
speakable hatred, swelling wlh desired vengeance, wishing &
hoping for a tyme of revenge, this being the common report,
and not likely to be vntrue. Yf a stranger to yor honor (yet
a faithfull servant and well wilier both to you and yor familie)
might be heard and credited, I would counsaill yor honor to
fortifie and strengthen yor self not onely against all sorte of
ennymyes and evell willers, but also against all their attempts
and violence hereafter pretended whatsoever. Nowe a more
surer and trustier, I will alsso add a more stronger, defence
you cannot haue either at home or abrode than to haue the
catholick partie by yor benefitte, not onely highlie obliged but
also most suerly and dearely linked and knitt to you. It is
generally thought . . . that yor honor may doo very much
both in court and counsaill, and that you may full safely (yf it
would but please you to put them to yor good will & affection)
obteyne either libertie of conscience, . . . some tolleracion for
ye poore afflicted catholicks; wch if it should please you to do,
you should so binde them to yor honor that you should not
need to feare any ennymyes whosoever, either in her Mate life
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 199
or after her death, either at home or abroade. the obligacion
would be so greate that they would not onelie be reddie to
thrust their bodies betweene yor honor and all danger, but
would be also readie to die at yor feete in defence of yor person, 54, f. 2i4b.
honor and familie. Yor wisdome and judgem* cannot but tell
you that all this I haue said is true, and that the Catholicks,
for so great a benefitt received by yor meanes & favor, could
not nor would not be ingrat. they would not onely entirely
looue yo", but as to their defender and protector, they would
also carry all reuerence, respect, honor, and fidelitie. And this
much in all their names, I do confidently promys you. And
besides by all other humaine meanes and obligacions that may
be profitable, they shalbe redy to oblige and bind themselues
to yor honor and yor familie. Would to God, I had so much
grace and fauor w*h yor hon[or] ... I might wliout offence
appeare before you, and in your presence treate of this and
much more that might tend to the liking [of] her mattie the con-
seruacion of the Estate, and to the defence of ... person and
familie, against all envious persons and all yor evell willers.
yf yor honor shall like of this myne affection & good endeuors,
and that it would please you to give me accesse to yor pre-
sence and audience, vpon the leste significacion thereof made
to her Mate Agent at Paris, and by him to a[nie] Catholick
Gentleman theare, I shalbe soone w*h yor honor[. In] the
meane tyme, I doo hartely desire or sweet Saluior to encline
yor hart to pittie or cause, and to haue due consideracion of
our unfayned offers ; and to deale so wisely and consideratly
that all yor cogitacions may tende to the seruice of her Matie
to the easing of vs innocent Catholicks, and to the conserua-
cion of yor owne person, state & familie, against all that desire
the ouerthrowe thereof.
And thus crauing most humbly pardon if I haue beene ouer-
bould to trouble yor honor, after my most humble dutie, I
200 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
leave yor honor to the tuition of the b. Trinitie. from Pont &
Mousson in Lorraine
This 30tb of August 1 602
Yor honors poore beadesman to serue you
w*h all fidelitie and to honor you
vnfainedly.
Humfrey Ely, Doctor and
professor of the Lawes.
64, f. 228b. A Narrative by Dr. Ely (originally sent with the
foregoing Letter).
Mr Arthur Pits, a worshipfull priest, was banished out of the
Tower of London for his Eeligion amongst diuers others in the
yeare 1585. comming into Lorraine, was receiued into the ser-
uice of the Cardinal of Vaudemont, w*h whom all his life he
was in great fauor and creditt. After whose death, he was
called to serue the Cardinal of Lorraine, the duke of Lorraines
sonne ; whom he had serued w% great creaditt these 1 4 yeares,
being his chancello[r] and deane of Liuerdun, who about the
beginning of Julie las[t] was accused to the Cardinal by a
Runagate Jesuist that he sh[ould] saie two things: the one,
that wheare there was a bruit that [the] French king was at
Callais w*h an Army to conquor Ingland, Mr Pits should saie:
That his desire was not that Ingland shou[ld] fall into his
hands : th'other, that if the king of France should go into
Ingland to conquor the same, and depose her Matie his lawfull
prince, that he would go into Ingland himself, and kill him
theare, rather than he should depose her Mafcie. Vpon this
accusacion they weare both committed to prison, where they
yet both remaine.
Mr Pits in his examinacion, and in his [justifications] confesseth
that he said the first, not onely to this said Runagate Jesuist
but to diuers others, bicause he would neither haue the French
nor the Spaniard to rule and gouverne in or contrey, being
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 201
mooued thereto by a naturall instinct and dutie wch he beareth
to his prince and contrey ; and that no good & [n]aturall
Englishman should or conld desire to be vnder a stranger, and
the dispossession of his prince, who could not but desire ....
land should be conquered, next that, he hoped that the [old]
Religion shall one daie be established w^out conquests or shed-
ding of blood, but either by the blood of martyrs or by her . . .
for the second point, he denieth [upon oath that he ?] said it or
thought it, and giueth some Reasons*
thing printed there- 54, f. 228.
of, and dedicated to the pope, and it is well knowne w*h what
heate and affection I haue alwaies w^stood y* faction of Spaigne.
for after that two priests sent to Rome weare imprisoned &
banished,b I counselled them to send others (as they have doon)
and that vnder the protection of the French king, who dooth
protect them nowe at Rome. Howe could it come into my
fantasie to kill him, by whose protection wee do endeuor to
deliuer or selues from the foresaid oppression and tyrannie?
Further sait[h he] yf I hadd said it, I would neither be
ashamed nor a[fraide to] confesse it : knowing that the king
cannot . . . zeale and affection in the defence of my Queene
and he himself is of that mind and juge-
ment, that . . . [notw%] standing the diuersitie of Religion
ought to defend . . . contrey, against all others whosoeuer. for
the cath[olics of] France stoode to him, & fought for him, when
he [was not of their ?] religion. By these his answeares in
his iust . . . may see or opinions, or intentions, and or fidelitie.
... & contrey. Wee that Hue in this contrey, and m
at home, are all of the same minde ; detesting
of or contrey, and all attempts against or pr[ince] . . . differre
from the Spanish faction in word, hart, right and reason.0
a Several lines defective or undecipherable.
b Bishop and Charnock. Bishop was sent to Paris. Charnock retired to Pont-
a-Mousson, where he resided with Pitts.
c From this point the few remaining decipherable words make no connected
sense.
202 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
47, f. 277. 11. A Memorial to the Cardinals on behalf of priests said to have
been deprived of faculties. a
Sept. 6.
De statu Sacerdotum appellantium quantum ad facultates quas
Archipresbiter dicit se ab eis abstulisse.
Licet Archipbr a sacerdbus appelbus facultates se abstulisse dixit,
et ablatas adhuc manere nuper in Anglia declarauit, contra verba
et sensum ultimi Breuis SSmj D. N., nemo tamen sacerdotum ab
vsu facultatum suarum adhuc abstinuit, quia literis constitutiuis
Archipbri manifesto constat, ipsum nullam prorsus authoritatem
habere sibi a Ste sua concessam auferendi facultates nisi ex prece-
dente aliqua culpa et ex cognita incorrigibilitate post fraternas
praemissas admonitiones. Sacerdotes autem nullam aliam culpam
noscuntur commisisse ob quam dicuntur facultatibus priuati, nisi
quod ad sedem Ap'licam appellarunt et semetipsos ab iniusta
schismatis nota moderate defenderunt.
Preterea quod ad decreta Archipbri attinet, eorum transgressio
pro culpa non habetur, turn quia nullam condendi leges uel
decreta sanciendi potestatem habere videtur (quod tamen declarari
cupimus) turn quia in nullo alio nisi in praedictis duobus casibus,
decreta eius transgressa fuerunt. Quapropter si appellantibus
facultates tanquam vere amissse uel ablatae restituantur, innocentes
tanquam gravissimis criminibus rei condemnabuntur ; quaa ab
Archipbro iniquiss6 et absque ulla sedis Ap'licae authoritate
patrata fuerunt, quasi recte facta confirmabuntur ; quae iam fuerunt
per 11108 DDOS decreta in hac controversia invalida reddentur et
infinitorum fere hominum conscientiae de iterandis confessionibus
scrupulis torqiiebuntur.
Postulauimus itaque, sicut et modo humillime postulamus, vt
declaretur, omnes Appellantes esse quoad facultates suas in eodem
statu quo fuerunt ante inceptam hanc de schismate controuersiam.
» Quod non ex aliquo nostro scrupulo aut dubitatione de validitate
a In the handwriting of Mush.
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1G01-1G03. 203
confessionum et facultatum fieri petimus, sed ad satisfactionem
eorum q\ii de hac re sine causa dubitare voluerunt, et conscientias
nostrorum Catholicorum scrupialis et anxietatibus vexare delec-
tantur.
Exhibitum Cardbus 6. Septembris inter eundum ad con-
gregationem pro rebus Anglicis secundam.
12. Letter to the Pope from the four English priests. 47, f- 278.
Beatissime Pater.
Maxima et unica post deum consolatio nobis est, quod vestras
paternse commiserationis viscera ita patentia habeamus, vt in
cunctis angustijs nostris adeo nobis liceat cum certa re frige rij spe
confugere. Itaque nos quatuor presbiteri Angli, quos de summa
dementia vestra et benignitate sic in patrocinium suscipere
dignati estis, vt ad vitam tuendam necessaria vitro obtuleritis,
humillime supplicamus Bm<B paternitati v. vt causas ecclesise
nostras qua? iam diu coram Ste v. agitataa et discussas
fuerunt, cum primum per grauiora negotia licebit, terminare
velitis ; itaque interim dum hoc commode possit fieri, aliquid
nobis eleemosinarij subsidij imparti[ri] dignemini, quo praesen-
tibus nostris necessitatibus subveniatur. Hoc eo magis nunc
a Ste v. petere cogimur, quod nostrum aliqui grauioribus decum-
bunt febribus, qu[orum] curas multos sumptus requiri experimur.
Nos certe (Bme pater) eo inopiaa redacti sumus, vt cum antea
singuli ad frequentia ministeria prestanda singulos famulos
habere consuevorimus, iam consenescentes et multum aduersa vale-
tudine laborantes, ne vnum quidem famulum ad communia munera
obeunda inter omnes quatuor alere aut apud nos retinere vale-
amus. .
[Endorsed] Exhibitum 9 Sept.
204 THE ARCIIPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
54, f. 221. 13. Letter from Bagshaw to the Bishop of London.*
Sept. 29, 1602.
My very good L. mr Bluett is on the way hytherwarde, &
commeth by Bruges. We have receaved no letters these three or
foure posts from Rome whereby we can not averre any certaynty
of our affayre. from Flanders they write yl all goeth well for the
Jesuits : Heere it is certified to the Kings ministers, yt all goeth
well w'h the priests.
Many things ar yett to be dealte in, especially mony matters
wch require many particular discussions. Ingresse & egresse is a
thinge necessary for owr dispatch, if not absolutely, yett we dowbte
not w'h convenient limitation. I have written to mr Secretaire
for myne owne particular. I desyre your H. at your opportunity
knowe what answeaare I am to expect.
For Fisher I have written to mr Watson more fully, for not
trooblinge your L. I dowbt not but your woonted prudence &
respect of innocence will direct you to manage his examinations
for the best
Amonge other things obiected to our brethren in Ro[me]
of owr Queene, & the Frenche Kinge. So potent is the
wch hath even heere plures fibras than one vnexperienced would . .
the L. Embassador hath yett I thinke scarcely setled
at his howse to have saluted him but he had not then bee[n] . . .
I would be loathe to recourse to him w*h affronte ,
please your H. by Mr Watson or otherwise to give some advertise-
ment what is to be expected or performed.
I would be gladd to have some time in England for fetchinge
some things I have, necessary to furnishe me in myne exile, that
I reserve to God & your good consideration.
a The MS. is torn at the edges, but even the mutilated sentences are not without
significance.
LETTEES AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 205
W*h my humble dutye. Paris, this 29 of September 1602.
Your Hr in all syncere affection
Christopher Bagshaw
Endorsement (in another hand) :
To the Right honole his very good Lo: the Lo: Bp of
London.
14. Letter from Dr. John Cecil at Rome to James Hyll, Esq., 54, f. 238
at Paris.
Oct. 7, 1602.
Ryght Worsh»
The laste we receaved from yow was of the 1 7 of August : It
seemeth by or calculation that yow have neclegted to write or that
yor letters have miscaryed some 2 postes : We cannot remember
eny omission one or partes : before I fell sicke the 2 postes
immediately precedent I delyuered to the Embassador 2 general
pacquettes for yow, wch I suspect myght come to yor handes both
together, because at the delyuery of the fyrst he was in dowbte yf
he showlde by that ordinarye dispatche his private pacquate. in
those of o™ weare letters to D. Bagshowe mr Pagget, Capten Eliot
and good mr Bossvile from me, to D. Bishop & others from my
colleges. I sente in the same the declaration of the Inquisition &
the replyes we made agaynste the continuation of the Archp: &
other heddes. after my sicknes my companions writte twise
w*hout intermission & now it hath pleased God to give me so
mutche strenghte & comoditye of helthe I returne to my former
diligence in saluting you. The cause of the miscaryinge of ors &
yors we impute to the absence and sicknes [of] the Embass. private
Secretary e ; the Secretarye estab. not beinge acquayn[ted] w'h the
sendinge of or, we f[eare] putt them w*h oth[ers] in a cover to
the post master, and so may they [lie] perhappes at Lions or at the
postes in Paris whear [you] shall doe well to inquyer after them,
thus mutch for that poynte.
My companyons have written to yow & others . . . the tyme of
206 ^THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
my sicknes & therfore I wyll make no farther repetitions then of
thinges faulen owte sithe[nce] theyr writinge : we expecte euery
daye or dispatche, ye sight of the Breve wch is vnder Vestrios handes.
[I] vnderstande there be 2, one as a private [re . . est] ... to
the [Archpa:] a annother in general to al the p[eople].b The pope
styll sayeth he wyll give vs con . . . yet Parsons by authorytye &
arte hadde like to have . . . vs, the 3 of this present, into suche a
brake that [should] have intangled vs terribly yf not vtterly vn-
donne [us]. He hadde vnder pretexte of peace & friendship p . .
the pope to sende for vs to be at the palace prec ... 20 of the
clocke on thursday last, wyllinge likewise that [yf I] weare owt of
64, f. 238b. my bedde I show [Id] not fayle to be pre[sent] . . . We weare
ryght gladde of the appoyntment hopinge his ho: would give vs
the bull & dispatche vs. We went [at] the hower appoynted,
wheare we stayde some haulf hower, & behould Parsons w*h his
procters Parker & Archer appeareth, he saluteth vs and we hym
w*hout farther coniunction or communion : when we sawe hym and
orselves theare, one the stage together, we beganne to suspecte that
that was indeede to wytte that a[ll] his stratagemes weare not yet
at an ende, & feared the pope showlde commaunde vs to ioyne
handes w*h hym & in his syght to make a peace. We conferred for
the brevitye of the tyme howe to avoyde this inconveniens, but
wthal secretlye and in or hartes we recurre[d] to God & or blessed
ladye that they woulde diver[t]e this malheure from vs, interim
cometh in Card: Farnesius in whose presence this solempnitye of
pacification must be performed, but for the providence of God
almightye : The Card., deputed for examen of bushoppes, came in
so fast in the tayle of Farnesius that, after a 2 howers expectatio,
Parsons fearinge we shoulde not have tyme inowghe that daie wente
to the porteco & gott a worde of the master de Camera, and so de-
parted : imagine yow yf we weare not gladde men to see the storme
we feared to be so for the tyme diverted : yet the good manne of his
charity e sent the 2 procters vnto vs to advertise vs that we showlde
• Or, ffath. pa ? b Or, priests ? The writing is scarcely legible.
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 207
lose or tyme to expecte farther that daye : aunswer was made that
we came not thyther but for or owne private audience & hadde
nothinge to doe w*h Parsons or his audience and so stayde tyll the
master de Camera came owte w*h a Cardinal, at wch tyme I stepped
to hym & towlde hym that according to the popes order we weare
theare expectynge his pleasure. I asked yf he commaunded vs to
attende farther or no. he sayde he cowlde not tell what to saye
but he was [of] opinion that rather no than [yes] a. We departed
somwhat recreated that we hadde gotte respirandi tempus, seinge
or selves browght by this ai'tifice into termes either to displease the
pope & protecter to these f . . , or to faule owte w*h or best &
surest patrone & protecter.
We post in hast to or asylum, to or only refuge & redresse in al 54, f. 239.
or exigentes, or good Embass. whose audience was the nexte daye.
We informe & give hym or reasons : he the nexte daye dealeth so
effectually w*h the pope that he gatte promise th[at] his holynes
showlde not vrge vs to eny such inconvenience : The pope confessed
that his intent of caulinge vs together was that to make vs frendes
and to embrace on an other before we wente oute of his chamber
doore ; This borasca was like to come vppon vs Thursdaye last the
3 of this presente : wch we shall desyre you to communicate w% or
brethren w*h or hartye comendations to them all : To D. Bagshawe
my comendacions in particular to whome I have writen so often
w*hout aunswer, a postscript in annother man's letter only excepted,
that I ame a werye of the occupation. We are vncerten as yet
who shal returrne or who shal remayne, & canne deliberate or
determine nothinge in that kynde tyll we see the bull.
7th of Ottobre 1602 [in another hand].
Endorsement I. (in same hand as letter) :
To the Right Worshipp11 his very lovinge [fren]d
mr Jame Hyll Esquyer give thees
Paris
a Some Italian words erased.
208 THE- ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
Endorsement II. :
Ires de mr Cecile de 7e d'ottobre come par [un]
billet qui y fat enferme [est] apparent. Ksp. le
25me d'ottobre 1602
' 15. Legal questions as to the force of the Papal Brief of
October 1602.
Qualis publicatio istius brevis requiritur vt obliget in conscientia,
aut in foro exteriori ?
Vtrum ex eo quod quis legerit vel lectum audiverit originate aut
copiarn authenticam obligetur ?
Vtrum declaretur Archipresbiter excessisse suas facultates in
condendis decretis, v1 solum prohibetur ne condat in posterum ?
Vtrum ilia particula prastensi idem sonat quod falsi et iniusti ?
Qui libri dicendi sint criminosi, iniuriosi, et calumniosi aut
qui sunt illi libri aut literse quas excitare possint in posterum
dissidia ?
Vtrum prohibemur servare process um huius negotij, aut eum
imposterum typis mandare aut socijs communicare aut apud amicos
deponere ?
54, f. 394. Replies to the foregoing questions by Mons. Seraphin.
Ad pm. Si publicatio non potest fieri per affixionem ecclesijs
Catholicorum poterit fieri per eos qui habent curam administran-
dorum sacramentorum in conuentibus et congregationibus eorum, in
presentia eorum quorum curam gerunt animarum. Et etiam pub-
licatio fieri poterit in regnis vicinioribus Catholicorum in locis
propinquioribus et vicinioribus ecclesijs.
Ad 2m. Ex lectura originalis et copife authentica3 obligantur qui
legerint ad obseruationem, cum habita eius notitia non possint
excusarj apud Deum.
Ad 3m. Non legitur expresse declaratio Archipresbiteruni ex-
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 209
cessisse suas facilitates cum nullum factum narret ex quo tails
excessus colligi potest, sed tacite uidentur reuocatae sententiso si
quee sint per quas Archipresbiter declarauerit presbiteros, pretextu
schismatis, rebellionis et inobedientise, facultates ipsis concessas a
sede Ap'lica et superioribus amisisse, iiam Papa declarat eos has
facultates nunquam amisisse. Et hac declaratione papse tolluntur
omnia si quas fuerunt facta contra presbiteros prsetextu inobedientige
etc. et tollitur ei facultas in posterum.
Ad 4m. Ilia particula prastensi arguit summum Pontificem non
habere pro uero prastextum ilium Archipresbiteri declarantis pres-
biteros schismaticos, rebelles et inobedientes ; quin imo clare uidetur
approbasse appellationem per eos interpositam ad s. sedem.
Ad 5m. De hac re non potest dari certum responsum, cum pendeat
a lectione librorum ; ideo diligenter cauendum est a tali scriptione
qua3 possit noua parere dissidia aut uetera renouare, et satis con-
sulto remedio huic malo obuiam itum uidetur, ex q° huiusmodi libri
in publicum edi non possunt nisi prius obtenta protectoris licentia.
Ad sextum. Ex publicatione processus huius negocij nihil boni
consequi possunt presbiteri, et omnem occasionem contentiomim
amputare debent, silentio et oblivioni prseterita tradentes : et hoc
cadet sub prohibitione proximo deducta, quamuis uerbo tenus non
prohibeantur exponere suis symmistis quae in Curia gesta sunt.
Endorsed (apparently by the same hand in which similar
notes are made in the copy of the " Brevis relatio ") :
Aduis de Monsieur Seraphin surles doubtes proposes
sur le bref du pape
16. Draft of Rides for an Union among the Secular Priests after 54, f. 229.
the return of the Appellants from Rome.
Cum nihil magis quam pacis et fraternitatis nmtuao inter
Catholicos stabilitatem fideique Catholicae propagationem desi-
deremus, idque a Smo D. N. Cle: 8° in mandatis habuimus, tarn
VOL. II. P
210 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
vivse vocis oracnlo quara litterarum apostolicarum testimonio, omni
nostro conatu efFectum dare, coepimus cogitare et inter nos fratres-
que nostros serio capita conferre quomodo inimici hominis zizania
omnia ex agro diu radicitus evulsa eijceremus omnemque illi
aditum imposterum in vineam Anglicanam praecluderemus.
Compertum est itaque, post varies hac de re habitos sermones,
communem quasi pestem et pernitiem totius inter catholicos
(prsecipue vero sacerdotes) pacis et perfectee charitatis fuisse [vel
fraternas famae tuendae negligentiam vel] a horrendum illud detrac-
tionis vitium, cuius ministerio tecte et pedetentim accensae quaedam
aversionum scintillas in maxima proruperunt animositatum, calum-
niarum, inimicitiarum et dissidiorum incendia. [alterum vero
charitatis mutuas quoddam quasi deliquium cum omnes quae sua
eunt quaarentes proximorum angustias non respiciunt]. Ne penitus
itaque sic tam horrendo et stupendo incendio conflagrarent omnia,
nihil sanctius aat salati aninaarum salubrius esse duximus quam
nos fratresque nostros omnes quibus placuerit libere in album nos-
trum admitti regulis quibusdam -et limitibus certioribus coercere,
ne in huiusmodi imposterum incidant detractionum praecipitia
•omniaque ilia quae ex hoc fonte /dimanant vitia, per contraria
virtutum exercitia extirpent [unaque hortari excitare et devincere
ad frequentiora et ferventiora charitatis officia]. Itaque profitemur,
et in verbo sacerdotum sanctissime in nos suscipimus quantum
possumus et humana patietur fragilitas, regulis infrascriptis nos
subijcere easque religiosissime observare [durante praesenti in
Anglia persequutione, nisi aliter a superioribus nostris visum fuerit].
Eegula i. Vt qui in societatem istam ;admittantur detractiones omnes
rumores et susurros, quibus catholici alicuius fama prascipue sacer-
dotis violari possit, reprimant et reprehendant, sive hoc verbo sive
scripto fiat, neque patiatur aliquem (quantum in se) infamem fieri
nisi post habitas fraternas et in charitate debitas correctiones, nisi
scandalum fuerit publicum et persona incorrigibilis.
* The passages here placed within square brackets are additions interlined, but
in the same hand as the rest of the text.
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1G01-1603. 211
Vt semper aliquid praemeditatum habeant quod vbi occasio ferat Be. 2*.
sive in concionibus sive in private sermone vtantur ad vitium istud 54, f. 229b.
e catholicorum animis et aodibus exstirpandum.
Vt qui ex hac societate sunt candide omnia et charitative inter- R' 3a.
pretent, [ea] praecipue vero quae a confratribus suis dicta, facta, sive
scripta sint, eosque eorumque famam et aestimationem tueantur et
defendant quoad iustitia, charitas et particularis haec inter nos vnio
et coramunio requiraiit, eosque moneant si qui de ijs sparguntur
clamores quibus eorum fama violari poterit vt aut se purgent aut
corrigant, autores etiam istiusmodi rumorum proferant si fuerit
publice, aut si qui retulit eos esse veros asseveraverat.
Vt parati sint quoad poterunt catholicorum in carceribus detentis Reg. 41..
necessitatibus tarn temporalibus quam spiritualibus subvenire, aut
aliter oppresses et afflictos visitare et adiuvare, praecipue vero eos
qui societatem istam sunt amplexati, sacerdotes vero ope et
hospitio destitutes fovere ijsque quoad poterunt providere.
Vt tarn ope quam opera, auxilio, consilio et authoritate con- jjeg 5i»
currant ad tales causas omues promovendas et prosequenda quaa
[ad viros ecclesiasticos spectant] a tota ista societate vel maiori parte
tractari, proponi, aut prosequi iudicabitur opportunism [re prius
cum singulis conamunicata].
Si inter fratres societatis hums lis aliqua aut contentio oriatur, Reg. gt*.
vt electis ex ipsa societate arbitris eorum se iudicio et determi-
nationi subijciant.
Vt pro defuncto fratre singuli sacerdotes singula celebrent sacra : Reg- 7*.
et pro benefactoribus nostris bonoque huius societatis singulisque
confratribus, praecipue autem ijs qui in carceribus sunt aut periculo
mortis aut pro causa communi laborant peculiari aliqua devotioiie
singulis diebus vtantur.
Ne se rebus politicis vllo modo misceant quibus vlla offensio, Keg. 8a.
suspitio aut preiuditium Regni et rerum statui temporali possit
exoriri, vt quas pro religione patimur omni sint calumnia
liberrima.
Item societatis huius secreta aut alia quaecumque negotia mihi Reg. 9*.
p 2
212 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
sub secret! cautione commissa nemini revelabo sine consensu f ratrum
meorum aut eius qui mihi idipsum conamisit.
Keg. 10\ Teneantur omnes praeteritarum iniuriarum, offensionum et simul-
54, f. 230. tafcum memoriam omnem sepelire, et si quern ex confratribus suis
ante initam istam societatem verbo vel scripto iniuste perstrinxerit,
teneatur quantum fieri poterit famae eius dispendium resarcire.
Endorsements (in different hands) :
1. Regula3 quibus sacerdotes parati erant se sub-
mittere.
2. Vnio facienda inter sacerdotes Ap: in Anglia
post reditum ab Vrbe.
38, f. 384. 17. Anonymous letter of intelligence.
Jhus Maria.
I comend vnto yr wp this is all that the party told to me as it
folowed, first he told to me that the oontrouersy betwyxt ym and
the Jesuits in yr on nam was generally told in Room and then y*
on coleg cam to be on aganst another, and ftather Parson dyd put
the matter in practys be his polycy that the Jesuitis shold haw
superiority in England, and all the Jesuits in Room and about Room
touk his part, after the cam befor all the cardinals and the poop is
holynis the haw found that they wer but of the orders aund no
superiority to be gewen to them but ther on superiority amongst
themself, and that the secular church most be abow all orders and
so it was concluded as he dyd tell to me. Vale Am . . .
Ro[?]
Px
Endorsed (in another hand) :
How Parsons wold have the Jesuites to be chief
in England : but the pope holdeth that the
secular priests shall have the preeminence.
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1G01-1603. 213
18. A paper for the King of France, showing that the Spanish 54, f. 149.
King is not animated by religious zeal.
S. J. H.a ad
R. G.
Qui dixerit Hispanum pietatis aut religionis zelo inflammatum
tot Seminaria suis sumptibus aluisse et erexisse, tot nobiles fovisse,
tot pension es annuas contulisse errat longe, mea quidem sententia,
nescitque ilium multis abhinc annis regnum Anglise vel saltern
diadematis illius dispositionem ammo devorasse, quod turn facillime
fieri posse sibi persuasum habuit si in visceribus ipsius regni tot
suis promissis deceptos haberet Catholicos. Quod ille tot sump-
tibus, tot conatibus, tot lustris, tot artificijs, tot missis in Angliam
ex suis municipibus obnixe elaboravit, set., vt fidam et firmarn sibi
faceret illam in Anglia factionem catholicorum quorum opera, fide,
et authoritate possit provt occasio faveat vti. hoc ipsum vnico
mense, vnico verbulo, vnica hac actione, vnico patrocinio eflficaci
Matas v'ra consiliumque [?] tantum et tarn avide expetitum aliud
agens Hispano eripiet a faucibus. Quantum vero ad res Galli et regni
huius stabilitatem et Matis v'rae securitatem attinet et gloriam
adferet istiusmodi partium patrocinium, hinc videre licet, quod sine
sumptu, sine sanguine, sine sudore in regno finitimo, potente et per
multa secula contrario, de haarede et successore incerto et iamdu-
dum a potentissimo et vicino Rege spe et opinione devorato hoc
verborum solum dispendio et vultus beneficio sibi adiunget fac-
tionem fidam, benevolam, promptam et paratam a vestris stare
partibus vestroque nutu et authoritate in ijs qu£e ad pacem vtilita-
temque vtriusque regni pertinent duci et dirigi.
.Et ne quid novi aut miri hoc esse videatur vix adhuc vulneri
obducta cicatrix loquitur Hispanum et Anglum annis triginta
* This is the original heading. To the H. have been added, apparently by a
later hand (certainly in another ink), a few strokes which may mean olt, making
Holt. But this is very doubtful. The copy is badly written and obscure.
214 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
continuis factionem potentissimam in Gallijs aluisse, idipsum
Philippum Athenis, Titum Hierosolymis, Romanes [Libyae ?], Tar-
quinium Roma3, Mediceos duces dura exularent Florentiae, Gallos in
Britania et Burgundia, Anglos in Belgia factitasse legimus.
Endorsed in another liand :
Hispanie : nihil ob religionem tentasse.
64, f. 375. 19. Scholars of the English College at Pome who hare become or
are reputed Jesuits, 1597-1602. a
Nomina scolarium qui in collegium admissi sunt tamquam
alumni ab anno 1597 ad incipiendum cursum anno sequenti
1598, quorum nomina qui Jesuitae iam sunt hoc modo signata X,
a The list does not appear to be accurate, and it should be compared with the
register or Diary of the College printed in Foley's Records, vol. vi. The names
here given are, as a rule, aliases adopted by the scholars at the college, and not
always the names by which they are best known. A few of them cannot be
identified with the entries in the College Diary. I have added S.J. in brackets
against the names of those who are known to have afterwards joined the Society ;
and it will be seen that this was the case with many who are not marked by the
writer of the list as "covert Jesuits," or Jesuits in intention.
It was a natural complaint on the part of the secular clergy that, from the fact
of the seminarists at Borne being educated under the influence of the Jesuits, so
large a number of scholars should be tempted into the ranks of a religious body
which was believed to be aiming at an unfair control of ecclesiastical affairs. The
grievance was aggravated when, on the appointment of the Archpriest, the Jesuits
on the mission were not only freed from his jurisdiction, but were enabled the more
easily to direct his policy by the rule which required the Archpriest on all more im-
portant matters to consult their superiors. Moreover, it was believed that the Jesuits
of the Roman seminary, in order to avoid the appearance of undue influence, would
often persuade the young devotee to defer his actual entrance into the Society until
some time after he should have gone into England, and to content himself mean-
while with a secret vow to join the order at a future day. From the beginning of
1597 till the end of 1602 there were, according to the College Diary, 75 students
admitted as alumni ; and of these 31, sooner or later, entered the Society. Hence
the secular priests' constant suspicion of Jesuits in disguise. On the other hand,
it is clear that the Jesuit recruits among the students were not derived solely from
the ranks of their own partisans. Several students who were distinguished as
" mutineers " subsequently joined the Society, suggesting the inference that their
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 215
qui vero non Jesuitas sunt sed pro Jesuitis computancli hac
litera C declarati
ij vero qui in collegio mortui sunt eundem ordinem profitentes
litera sequenti notati D.
Isti vero omnes vel immediate ex Anglia vel Duaco vel Sto Audo-
maro missi fuerunt.
Ad incipiendum vero cursum philosophicum anno 1598 venerunt
Duaco ;
Humphredus Hidus. Nicolaus Burdus [Budd]. Ihoannes
Hollandus. Thomas Randus, S.J. D Ihoannes Harvordus [Har-
ward, s.j.] C ffranciscus Goldsmitheus a qui sanguinem expuens
in Anglia redit. X Thomas ffeakus [Feck, S.J.]
pro anno 1599.
Audomarenses
Ihoannes Philippus Robertus D Robinsonus [s.J.] b
Henrikus Walkerus [s.J.} C Petrus Worthingtonus [s.J.],
Thomas Turnerus [s.J.] c C Thomas Mallettus [s.J.]
Duacenses
Ihoannes Jenninges Henri Holland [s.J.] Ihoannes Lineus
Thomas Ashtonus Thomas ffranciscus Henrie Coleus
Ex Anglia
Richarde ffinchance [Fincham] X Ihoannes Greveus [s.J.]
X ffranciscus Youngus [s.J.]
discontent was in part due to temporary causes, or was not at least so deeply rooted
as permanently to alienate these young men from the order to which they reverted
with affection when free from restraint.
• All the above were admitted into the college Nov. 2, 1597. The letter C is
here wrongly placed before Goldsmith. It should mark Thomas Hand, who
entered the Society in 1600.
b The D is placed here erroneously. Robert Eookwood, alias Eobinson, became
a Jesuit after 1605 and lived till 1624.
c Thomas Barnes, al. Turner, should have been marked D. He was admitted
into the Society in articitlo mortis, 1599.
216 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
Gulielmus Alabaster.
Eundem habuit auimum Robert Caldwellus quern adversa vale-
tudo impedivit ne fieret Jesuita.
ffranciscus Yorkeus, Richardus Chamberus qui in Anglia reversi
sunt propter segritudinem.
pro anno 1600
Robertus Walkerus, Thomas Everardus : ex Anglia vnde
venerunt etiam missi
Henricus Chattertonus C Edwardus Webbus
C Edwardus Wittingtonus a C Nycolaus Arundguidgius [s.J.] b
Duaco veneruut
Robertus Wilsonus Richardus Ashtonus
C Michael ffreemamis [s.J.]
Audomarenses
Thomas Lutterellus C Sil . . donius [s.J. ?] c
pro anno 1601 ex Anglia in vna missione
Thomas Smitheus [s.J.] d Thomas Clemens
C Thomas Caringtonius Carolus Russell
C Henricus Butler C Thomas Robinson
C Gulielmus Adams Thomas Bassett
Eodem anno sed alio tempore
Courtneus [Henry Courtney ? S.J.], postea Whittingtonus
Eodem etiam anno receptus fuit quidam puer 14 annorum vel
circiter natu Galico quod expresse repugnat regulis reformatis et
habet animum, vt putatur, eundem cum ceteris.
* John Brown, alias Whittington, was admitted into the college Nov. 1, 1600.
b Apparently Nicholas Hart, alias Strange or Strangeways.
c Henry Bedingfield, alias Silisdon, became a Jesuit Oct. 1602.
d Thomas Hodgson, or Smith, entered the college Oct. 1600 and the Society
Dec. 7, 1601.
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 217
Odomarenses 54, f. 375b.
C lohannes Digbeus C ffranciscus Yates [s.J.]
pro anno 1602. Duaco
Gulielmus Garnereus [?] Ihoannes Amianus
Jhon Butler. Richard Parkinsonus. Georgius Ashtoneus
Odomarenses
Thomas Morus [s.J.] C Christopherus Bensonus [s.J.]
C Jhon Midforde [s.J.]
Ex Anglia
Charles Walkerus Robertas Olfordus [Griffiths al. Alfordus, S.J.]
Kempus [?] ffranciscus
Aliunde
Srnalmann a Wodworthe [?]
qui pro hoc anno [1602] venerunt .... susceperint in
.... colleerii.
o J
Ab anno domini 1597 exclusive vsque ad hoc tempus tantum [1.]
19 alumni redierunt sacerdotes in Angliam in quo temporis
spatio uiidecim alumni in societatem ingressi sunt et e predictis
19 tres, vz S . . . . Morus, Cornfordus et fflintus pro Jesuitis
habentur.b Hinc patet Jesuitas et eorum fautores non sine causa
conari vt illi tantum scolares in collegijs recipiantur quos ipsi ex
Anglia misserint.
Lectis collegij regulis facile videri possit quod, cum prsefecti 2.
novitiorum peregrinorum et alii huiusmodi officiales Jesuitas sunt
vel reputantur, quam facile sit iuvenes rerum ignaros in ipsorum
* Samuel Smallman, of Shropshire, is entered in the Pilgrim Book as remaining
eight days from Mar. 2, 1602, but his name does not appear in the College register.
b Thos. Cornforth was already a Jesuit in 1600. T. More became one in 1610,
and Flint in 1621.
218 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
societateni flectere, prsesertim quia cum aJijs loqui, multo minus de
re tarn gravi consultare vllo modo licite possint.a
3- Quod una [sit] collegij disciplina, id equaliter ab omnibus exi-
gitur, sed superiores cum fautoribus suis sepius contra regulam
dispensant, liberiorem illis conversandi modum permittunt : defectus
illorum contra regulas vel non omnino vel saltern levius observant,
illos benigne intuentur et laudant. Ab alijs vero rigorosam.
regularum observantiam exigunt, illorum errata gravius puniunt et
non mirum erit aliquos huiusmodi difficultatibus oppresses voca-
tionem suam relinquere, novitiosque et adolescentes improvidos
talibus argumentis inductos illos sectari quibus superiores magis
favere vident et sic paulatim illis similes fient.
4. Cum tantum tribuatur illis authoritatis, vt ex regulis collegij
[colligi] possit, adeo vt quodlibet illorum praeceptum vim regulee
obtineat quotidie novao promulgantur leges quarum executionem non
parum illorum sectatores alumni et socii nostri non parum adiuvant
sperantes quod aliquando ipsi etiam hie dominabuntur, cumque
expellendi e collegio, mitten[di] in Angliam, detinendique facul-
tates etc. illis pro libito, facultas [sit], sufficiens motivum est vt
quilibet quodlibet etiam durissimum patiantur ne in tanta pericula
conquerendo sen remedium aliquando investigando se conjiciant et
revertantur in collegio pro Jesuitis ex alumnis circa 16 quamvis
forte etiam plures sint, cum tamen omnium alumnorum numerus
46 non excellat, quorum 8 vel circiter sunt adhuc novitij."
54, f. 202. 20. A Idobrandino1 s Passport for the Appellants.
Nos Petrus miseratione diuina S. Nicolai in Carcere Tulliano
Diac. Cardinalis Aldobrandinus S. R. E. Camerarius, Legatus
Ferrariae, ac totius Status Ecclesiastici Generalis Superintendens
Cum RRdi Sacerdotes Angli, loannes CeBcilius, Thomas Bluettus,
loannes Misheus, Antonius Champneus ex hac alma Vrbe, pietatis
• Something wroag here. The whole of this paper is badly written, and, in parts,
indecipherable or unintelligible.
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 219
officijs rite perfuncti reditum in patriam parent ; Nos quibus
eorum uitse innocentia, modestia, atque morum grauitas eo, quern in
Ecclesia obtinent, gradu digna, satis perspecta et probata est,
prassentes illis ultro dedimus, quibus et nostram in eos beneuolen-
tiam testatam reddimus, insuperque omnes et singulos Principes,
Respublicas, et quoscunque potentatus rogamus, ut eos per
ditiones suas libere transire permittant ; nullumque eisdem impedi-
mentum, sed potius auxilium et fauorem praestari curent, atque
adeo tractari ut decet ministros Christi. Ecclesiastic! uero status
Prouinciarum, Ciuitatum ac locorum Gubernatoribus, Prasfectis,
caeterisque Magistratibus quibuscunque district^ praecipimus, ut
pari modo supradictos Sacerdotes honorifice ac beneuole tractent.
In quorum fidem his subscripsimus et sigillum nostrum apponi
mandauimus. Datum Romas xxij Octobris.
P. Card'8 Aldobrandus
[Loc. Sig.] Henricus de Valentibus, Secr
21. From Dr. William Bishop to the Bishop of London. 5^ f. 376.
Paris, Oct. 27, 1602.
Right Honorable
Beinge aduertised that yor L. had written, howe our friendes
about you do complaine of our slack giuinge them notice of our
affaires : I tooke it for1 an opportunity of addressinge these vnto
yor L. aswell to testify the obligation I take myselfe to haue
(amonge the rest of my bretherne) vnto yor L. for the compas-
sionable and honorable affection wch you have shewed towardes
such of our order and religion a!s are free from all vndutifull
practises against our soueraine Lady and deare Country : as also
to lett yor L. vnderstand, why we can not giue better intelligence
of such matters whereof we can say noe more then that wee haue
before heard from others, and in truth it hath befallen out that
220 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
since the last of July vntill the 26 of October, I receiued noe letters
but once, at what tyme I wrote presently vnto Mr. Watson asmuch
as I had heard. Nowe I have receiued such articles as the in-
quisitors agreed vppon : wch as oure friendes write, were shewed
them rather to trye what they would mislike in them, then to haue
them published before the Breve wherein it is thought the most of
them shalbe couched : wch notwithstanding as they came to vs
we doe nowe send with our friendes comon letter to passe through
yor L: handes, that you may the better perceive howe matters are
like to goe. Wherevppon I desire yor L: to beare with me yf, con-
sideringe the state of our affaires I be bold toe redooble that our
common petition and suite vnto you : wch is, that it may please yor
L. to deale with her Matie or the LL: of her honorable counsell,
for the free and safe passage of some of our company vnto you.
the wch yor Wisedome cannot but see, howe necessary it wilbe for
the maintenance of our cause: not only to settle better corre-
spondence and to instruct our party, but also to strengthen and
countenance it, that it bee not ouerborne [?] by the contrary faction
for the Archpr: standinge, who is wholy deuoted to the Jesuites,
and diuerse men of marke on their side entringe in, to fortify their
party : yf none of like reputation come in on ours, it must needes
bee noe smale discouragement to the rest, wherefore I beseech yor L:
to consider well of this pointe of importance, and yf it shall please
you to make choice of mee for one of them to whom such licence
shalbe granted, I hope to cary myself so in that negotiation, that
yor L: shall haue noe cause to repent him of his choise. for
I thinke I knowe an expedient, howe without seeing soe far of, our
aduersaries shalbe soe weakned that all their canvasinges and
vaine pretences will of themselues fall flatt to the grou[nd.] I
desire therefore that I may haue yor L: answere vnto this my
petition. Thus fearinge to be ouer tedious I humbly request yor L.
to continue his honorable good affection vnto vs and assistance
vnto our reasonable demaundes ; so you shall for ever bind us in
all dutifull sorte (the case of religion reserued) to honour yor L:
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 221
and serue our countrey vnto the vttermost of our power, at Paris
the 27 of October.
yor Lordsh: alwayes to comaund
Will'm Bysh[op]
Endorsement in same hand.
To the right Honorable and his very good Lord the
Lord of London at his house by Paules.
London .
22. To the Bishop of London from a priest.
Unsigned, Nov. 14, 1602. 54, f. 378.
lit. Honorable,
Whereas her Maiesty in her late Proclamation a hath left some
hope of favoure vnto such of our brethrene, as shall present them-
selues & manifest y* theire harts ar not poluted w*h vnnaturall
disloyalty to theire Prince & cuntrey. Therefore may it please
your honor to vnderstand, y* when I had lived but smale tyme in
our colledge at Rome & saw ye ambitiouse & sinister dealings of
those Jesuits then superiors, I grewe into such dislike w*h theire
proceedings y* I was on of ye first wch began to oppose them in these
last dissensions of the colledge & on of ye first seven yfc ioyned
hands in memoriall to his holynese agaynst them, wch action
w*hout waveringe or startinge I did as earnestly prosecute as any
man there duringe my abode in ye colledge. And at ye same tyme
f. Parsons booke of succession comeinge forth I did freely &
openly disclame from it & all Spanish factions & tamperinge in
state matters, as I can prove by good witnesse. By wch acte I did
so highly incur ye Jesuits displeasure y*1 notw^stahdinge y* they
could not lay any act agaynst me at my departure vnfittinge a
* The proclamation of Nov. 5 offered indeed small " hope of favour " to those
who dared almost to insinuate " that we have some purpose to grant a toleration
of two religions within our realm."
All priests were to be banished except those who should publicly acknowledge
their allegiance. With these the Queen would take further order.
222 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
catholike preisfc : & notwithstandinge y* I was sent by his holynesse
himself in as much grace & favoure as any before or since (though
of far better talents) as Card: Toilet did witnesse vnder his hand
& seale whose letters I have yet to showe, yet so far did the
mallice of those Jesuits extend, y* when I should have passed
thorow ye Archducke his cuntrey, ye next & salfest way into
Holland, f. Holt a Jesuite informed ye Archduke & his counsayle
y* I was an enymy vnto ye Kynge of Spayne & had opposed
myself vnto those proceedings in Rome, & was like to w*hdrawe
mens harts from that part & do greate harme in England. By
whose suggestions all passadge was denyed vnto me & furthermore
some of ye same crew were plottinge to clap me vp prisoner in
Antwarpe. By wch meanes I was enforced to steale backe againe
forth of his cuntrey in disguysed apparrell & hazard my selfe
thorow ye cuntreyes of Leedes [Liege] & Colon, pestered wth free-
booters in such dangerouse sort y* every man told me how, twenty
to on, my throate would be cutt before I should gett to Hollande.
Neyther did they so cease to abvse me, but seeinge yk I had thus
escaped for England they or theire followers presently sent the
next way into London to give warning of my comeinge to discredite
me for a spy, & to prevent yfc I should not be receved & relived by
catholikes. Divers other wronges have I sustayned by them both
before & sence as I can easyly prove, yet could they never drive
me to stope or veld to theire designes eyther by subscribeinge at
theire request (thoughe diverse tymes they have attempted it) or
els by flatteringe or applaudeinge theire plotts of state & forrayne
invasion, but have ever freely opposed when opportunity served.
Thus have I truly & syncerely sett downe my carriadge & dealinge
in these affayres & how dutifully and loyally I have behaved myself
towards my Prince & cuntrey, meerely of conscience & naturall
54, f. 378b. duty when I never expected any favoure for it. But now if it
shall please her Matye to reward my loyalty w*h some ease from ye
rigor of her lawes I will, God willinge (as never the lesse I am
bounde to do), continew as trew & faythfull a subiect vnto her, as
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 223
any catholike preist doth unto his prince in catholike cuntreyes, or
as ever any preist was faythfull to her grandfather of famous
memory or to any her predicessors before his tyme. And so in
most humble manner I take my leave this 14th of Novemb. 1602
Your Honors to command.
Endorsement :
To the R* Honorable my very good Lord ye Lord
Bishop of London.
23. Letter from Anthony Heborne to Blacliwett. 54, f. 240.
Nov. 11, 1602.
To the R. R. Mr. George Blackwell archp'st of England
R. R.
The 30 of the last moneth I receyued Ires from my bretheren
the Appellants in Fremingham of their extreme distresses sus-
tayned now for a long time, & because they intreat my labour
for some reliefe, I haue therefore thougt Lt meete to acquaint your
R. w* their wants, who by yor charitable hand to them & yor
letters to others in their behalfe is well knowne to be best able to
doe for them. It was my chance in June last to come toy* castle,
at wch time the sayd Appellants shewed ine how that many moneths
together, they had not receyved above the rate of ijs iiijd by the
week in common divident : and now they write, that they haue
not receyved after the rate of xxiijd by the weeke of the sayd
common charitie for these three laste moneths next before their
present letter, in wcb also they declare how they be furder tould
y* they shall receyve yet lesse than they doe.
Yor R: knoweth that they be catholik priests suffering for the
name of or Lord Jesus ; & of what necessaries for life, winter, &
their condition, they doe stand in neede. you likewise knowe
that they haue noe linings, but doe whollye rest for meate, drinke,
221 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
cloth, fireing, housrome, & other requisits to lyfe, upon the
providence of God, to be mainteyned by the oblations of his people
as others of their qualitie are ; & how that for this cause much
almes hath ever beene given through the whole realme toward
such charitable vses, & as yor self haue written more these latter
years then before, wcb I take to come to yor owne or yor assistants
hands by reason of your office, & to be delivered over againe, to
the ordinarie distribution of everie place, to dispose there of both
equally to all, & in case of necessitie vnto every person as theire
neede requireth, but as you see the distributor in that castle soe
dispenseth the same, that some haue in competent measure, &
others wante even for meere necessities. This difference in
distribution you know must needs be either the sayd dispensers
owne deed, or els proceed from the receyvers, or the almes-givers,
or from some other interposed collectors or dealers in this busines,
& a cause must be thereof & of the choyse thus made of priests,
& difference so putt betwene persons. The givers of the almes
be the catholiks dispersed generally through the whole realme ; ye
receyvors are taken to be yor R:, yor assistants, & happily also the
fathers of the societie ; the collectors & others interposed, such as
liketh the givers and you to vse ; the imediate dispenser there at
Fremingham is said to be fa. Coffin. Those in wante be priests, in
number six, men for priestly cariage noe more subiecte to
exceptions, than the rest there be, from whom they differ in
nothing but in being Appellants to the courte of Rome upon the
causes y* you know, in wch respect if the immediate dispenser
there and others where soever, or the almes givers abroad or
those through whose hande the sayd almes cometh, doe make the
aforesayd difference & restraynt of reliefe from them, & y* yor
charitie doo not allowe thereof, but doo hould the course repre-
[he]nsible, and meete to be amended ; yor letters for the contrarie
54, f. 240b. may soone redresse it ; the wch letters I doe earnestly besich for
resolving of some that promissed to give them some releif, so
. . . uld shew your letters that he might [k]now what feare &
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 225
doubt in him of the contrarie this answere doth iinporte yor
wisdome can well perceyve, & may thereby the better iudge and
see of what necessitie for those distressed priests the shewinge of
yor letters is ; not only to the immediate dispenser there, but also
to many catholiks abroad that be slack towards their relief, happily
vpon the aforesayd feare or doubt, conceyved either of themselves
or by the teaching of others, it being verie appar[ent] that neither
that slacknes can be w*hout some motives, nor . . .a motives want
their cause & beginning. I have layd . . . thus before yor eyes the
necessities of my brethren and made the causes to appeare from
whome the same must needs proceed, & w*hall the meanes
wh[ere]by they may be helped, charitie & their necessitie inforcing
me so to do. you know yor office, & the charge wherewth you
stand burdened, & can well foresee of what example to catholiks
yor charitie equally extended to them w*h the rest there would
be, what helpe yor letters may bring them ; & what hindrance of
relief and increase of their wants yor silence will procure : and I
need not tell you how men will marke to see what you doe in this
matter, & by yor deed gather your minde, those at least who know
I writte, & will look to see your answere ; therin to recey ve
satisfaction ; wcb answere once again I besich to haue, and that
w'h yor first convenience, least through wante thereof my inde-
vours in this meane time taken for my bretheren be hindered,
whose needes you see to be so great as they cannot suffer any long
delays, this 11th of November. 1602
yor R. most obedient
A. H.
24. Letter from Blackwell in answer to Heborne.
[Original.]
17 Nov. 1602.
Sir
I would have you not to be so vehement in a matter, wherein I
am blamelesse. I have considered them of Framingham further
• Edge of MS. torn off here.
VOL. II. Q
226 THE ARCHPIUEST CONTROVERSY.
then my receipts can well allowe : wch ar nott so greate as they
ar reported in a place, where nothing but truthe should be vttered.
God knoweth they ar but small : and yet by sparing from my
selfe, being contented to live in meaner condicion then any of yor
adherents, they of Framingham have receaved yearly from me in
common above six scoare pounds. Let Mr Bramston, to whom
commonly I send, give his testimonie of my respect towards them,
for whom yor patheticall complaint ys devised ; yea these vngrate-
full persons being asked why they should abvse me, being so
myndfull of them, they answered that I durst not but send to
them, for one of them besides his divident, I payed at one tyme
ten pounds for his debts : Merideth ys his name. I have written
my letters abroade, wch have procured them noe small reliefe. The
disposition of Allmes ys nofrcommitted wholye to myne appoynt-
ment. The givers liinitt yt, and make the peculiar assigment wch
I must follow. I can blame none so much for defect of Almes then
Mr Collington and his adherents, from whome synce the begyn-
nyng of my troublesome office I have not receaved one myte. If
you knewe how much goeth from me towards the reliefe of poore
preists at there comming in : towards the succouring of prisons in
the Cyttye : and towards afflicted Catholiks at libertie, and preists
wch be in greate n[ee]de ; you would be asshamed to forge accusa-
tions against me in this matter : and condemne yourselves that
have made to me noe contribucions towards soe greate necessities.
This last weeke passed, the poore preists wch came in to ioyne in
or labours had of me ten poundes : A docter in want being preist
had of me fourtie shillings : An other much distressed Catholicke
of rare parts had of me foure poundes. And this wthin one weeke.
I am now to provide twentie pounds for Framingham. This ys my
care ; and yet yours think I am carelesse in this busy [ness]. But
I am carelesse for my selfe. for if any thing be committed to my
disposicion, or as I will my selfe, I lett yt goe to remedy neces-
sities abroade, and that maketh me to be bare in apparell, and not
to be able to keep a m[an] to helpe my weaknes by age either
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 227
w^in, or w^howt doores. God forgive therefore my accusers ; and
send vs his peace ; wch if you embrace, yt wilbe for yor owne good,
and my comfort.
17 Novemb. [1602 added by another hand]
Vester Seruus Georgius Blakwellus,
Archipr
25. From Father Henri/ Garnet. 16 Nov. 1602. 47, f. 384.
A Circular letter to his brethren.
My very lovinge fft-. Whereas it hath pleased his hoi: to make a
sweete ende of all the controuersies wch haue so longe molested not
vs only, but all other Catholickes by a Breve of his dated the 5 of
October 1602 . . . that although the Authenticall copye cannot
come to or most Rd Archprieste handes so soone as were to be
wished : yet notw^tandinge we h[ave] gotten sure informacion of
the contents thereof: & haue thought it good or rather necessary
to intimate vnto you and by yor meanes as conven[ient]ly you may,
to all of or Society abroade such thinges as concerne the execucion
of the same for our partes ; both because it becometh vs in true
obedience to prevent (yf it be possible) the will of so high a
Superi[our], and for that we haue a particular obligacion to give
good example vn[to] others and fynally for to avoide occasion of all
complaintes : wch yf they . . . should after so manie others made
against vs heretofore, by anie probable occasion geuen on or parte,
arise: yt would be exceedinge grevous to h[is] hoi: and other or
Superiors And no doubt but accordingly they we . . . proceed
towardes the Authors wth severe animaduersion.
Ffirst therfore, it behooveth vs (as all other Catho:) to accept of 1.
his hoi: Breve wth all manner of reuerence and conformity of wills
and iudgmtes vnto his most prudent and pious resolucions ; Ex-
hortinge all Catholickes as occasion may be offered, to the lyke
disposicion. And herevnto we fo[r] or owne selues haue a most
speciall obligacion of gratitude in that he so affectuously sheweth
Q 2
228 THE ARCHP111EST COSTItGVEliSY.
his judgm* of vs, that we ought rath[er] to vse his truly paternall
testificacion for an imitacion to all fervo[ur] and vertue in all or lyf
aiid accions, then anie way to acknowledge the deservinge so highe
comendacion of that Apostolicall Chayre.
2. Secondly that wch most irnporteth : whereas his hoi: requireth as
much under paine of excommunicacion and losse of facultyes, every
one is out of hand to make away all books wrytten on eyther syde
in those quarrells, or any other bookes or letters printed or
wrytten for de[fence] or impugninge of eyther parte or wherby any
catholickes fame m[ay] be vyolated ; neyther are any such hereafter
to be wrytten, communicated or retayned, neyther anie other wcb
may stirre vp olde or newe contencions And wheras this also
uoucerneth the Laytie, and a[ll] the Englishe cleargye, everie one
may admonish his frinde here[in], although I hope ther will come
the Breue itself wth the Authenticall Testimony of Rmus very shortly,
whervnto of force all must giue credyt.
3. And although in this Breue there is no mencion of speeches on
the one or the other syde concerninge these dissencions wch haue
bin heretofore amonge us : yet wheras yt pleased his hoi: in his
Breue of 17 August anno 1601 to impose silence of these matters
47, f. 384b omnibus et singiilis nostrae nationisand in particuler congregations
of 13 & 15 of Aprill last to forbid vnder paine of censures any
mencion of schisme rebellion or disobedience. Therfore this I
comende earnestly vnto all of or Society that not only in wrytinge
but also in their speeches they observe exactly this absolute decree
of the See Apostolick, and yf anie person eyther lay or ecclesiasticall
aske opinion of this case, let them say that ther must be no more
speeche therof. In lyke manner let them dehorfc none from vsinge
any ghostly ffather or harbowringe any priest, nor giue disfavour-
able censure of any, much lesse vse the names of faccion, discon-
tented, or the lyke : except it be a knowne and publick apostata,
or otherwise condempned hereafter by his superior. But let euery
Lay person for confession or harbouring follow his owne inclinacion,
and we incline rather to commend then to discomende any.
LETTERS AXD MEMORIALS, 1G01-1603. 229
If any of the Appellants should be intemperate or vaunt in this 4-
behalf of the Breue, this must not breake or patience, but we ought
to shewe howe glad we are of a fynall ende, wishinge sincerely that
ther had bin no sinne on eyther syde, neyther in the substance nor
manner of prosecucion. And yf wth such patience we cannot ob-
taine the quiet wch we desyre, the fault will easely be laide wher it
shall in deede be founde.
If it happen that anie particuler person require anie satisfaccion 5.
of any speeche vttered against hym by anie of vs, yt will be well
(yf presently it may be) to purge or selues wtb modesty that eyther
no such speeche was vttered or that it was spoken vppon iust cause
eyther true or surmised at that tyme. But in no case to admitt
any altercacion or any contentious tryall, but to alledge his hoi:
will that all be buryed, premisinge wthall that they shall be sure of
no occasion hereafter, whether they had anie before or noe.
Let all beware of spreadinge scandalous rumors wch often tymes 6.
men will tell to haue vs dispyse, and let nothings be wrytten in
anie contencion w^'out leave. And in case or censure be demaunded
of anie case of conscience dependinge or belonginge to these poynte
of stryf, let all be referred to his hoi: or Rmus his declaracion, lest
eyther we giue advantage to such as malyciously may seeke it or
by the simplicity of others be made renewers of olde vngratfull
matters.
Not only in these matters but in all others hereafter, it becomethe 7.
vs all to be very circumspect, bewaring of anie least occasion of
exasperacion of anie eyther lay or ecclesiasticall person : assuringe or
selues that therby both we may loose or good frindes and may also
be brought to giue straight accoumpt of such matters, iustly obiected
against vs, vnto or superiors. And for the more plaine vnder-
standinge of his hoi. will herein I will set downe that wch passed
those ij dayes aboue mencioned of 13 and 15 of Aprill,andso make
an ende, comittinge you and all the rest of our dearest ffr. to Godes
holy proteccion. 16 No: 1602
Yours most louing H.
230 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
64, f. 189. 26 Tho Bluet his negotiations at Rome.
[Heading in another hand.]
Paris, Dec. 6, 1602
Eight Honorable my very good Lord Yf strength hadd been aun-
swerable to good will my sellue in person had saluted yor good
Honor and not my fewe trembling lyn[es], but w*h all speade I
will folowe : to yeald an accoinpt of all my [actions ?] and negotia-
tions at Home and ells where : a poynt not vnfitt to be knowen
vnto her Matie in my poor iudgement : and for that cause I will
make the more haste : I meane to come as secrettly as may be, to
avoyd the speaches of the clamourouse puritans that take upon
them to direct her Matie in matte1" of government. My Lord Am-
bassador heare hathe vssed me most honourably I meane to come
over vnder the conduct of one of his gentlemen, for so is his good
pleasure, thus in haste not forgettfull of my dutie festo S.
Nicopai]
paris
At yor Honor his command
Tho: Bluet
1 Endorsed (in Bluet's hand) :
To the ryght reverent father in Godd my good
Honorable Lord my Lord Bushope of London
2 Endorsed on f. 153 (by writer of Narrative, supra,
p. 40) :
Paris ffesto Nich. 1602
Mr Bluet at his return from Rome
6 Deceinb1".
27. From Anthony Heborne to Blackwell.
Dec. 14, 1602
To the R R. George Blakwel, archpest of England.
R. R. on Saturday laste at night being the llth of December was
delivered me his holines breve, and your letter to Mr Colletone
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 231
shewed me, where you require him that I may publish the sayd breve
in the Clinck. The truth is that I am very ready to anything either
that catholik religion or the dignitie of my vocation shall require-
but in this particuler I find iust hindrances, for the last proclamation
as you knowe, shewing what opinion the state carrieth of the insti-
tution and intent of your office, and my bretherens letters of the
proceedings had touching the same in Rome (wch I haue [seen
. . . ]) making apparunt what cause there is so to conceyue of it,
it semeth evident hereby, that by publishing the sayd breve, I shall
contract the like opinion to my self, wch in my iudgement I am
bound the most I can to avoyd, God and good conscience not
violated, I being one of the number y* is both knowne and already
also declared to be of a contrarie mind, as yor self and all I dare
say desire to be thought, for that it is the thing wlhout wch no
favor can be hoped, and the contrarie vrged as the cause of all our
oppressiones. besyd, my vsuall repare vpon other night occa-
sions to the place you name, makethe the same most dangerous
for me to publish any such matters in, so many circumstances
occurring on my parte to make ye same acte famous ; for wch and
other respects I retorne the breve againe w*hout doing any thing
therein ; and thus besiching that yes iust reasones may hould me
excused w*h you, as I doubt not but they do me in conscience from
accomplishing your desire, I end, ready to fulfill your mind in any
thing that shall not be weyted w*h these or like incombrances
this 14th of december 1602
Yor R. most dutifull
A. H.
232 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
54, f. 156. 28. A Letter of the discontented about the CEconomie to the
Archpriest and the Archpr. his answere to them*
Dec. 13-22, 1602.
Literae nostrse ad eum
Reverendissirae pf ac Dne
Our duties beinge in most humble manner remembered. These
are to request you in all equitie and indifference to respect vs and
not to compell vs any way to admitt laymen to sequalitie of voyces
and offices w*h us But rather wee beseche you to exhorte those
that deale for you not to vrge that wch so many dislike, ffor
indeed we can not but think it a great indignitie offred vnto vs
that they should by theire [ghostlie support counsell or eounte-
54, f. I56b. nance b] our likinge any way ioyned w*h us.
But of all other this makes it in our conceyt m* vnfittinge that if
yor self or any of yor reverend assistances should be apprehended
(wch god forbidd) and comitted to the charge of our keep, every
baker or Brewer that were a Catholick and imprisoned amongst
vs, for stewarding and treasuringe (vppon wch two offices all or
externall peace dependes and the ill husbandry thereof principallie
presseth or rather oppresseth the poore*r sort of our Company) must
by this newe device be made equall wh you. What particler
wronges wee have alredy susteyned about these matters in hand
wee will not att this tyme trouble yor rewerence wtball, vnlesse
wee be further vrged, and are sory that necessitie driveth vs nowe
so farre as in this generall sort to signifie or greefes vnto you.
Wee vnderstand also that vnto laymen yor authoritie reacheth
not ; what hope of redresse then can wee have if wee be iniured by
them ? Wherefore wee humblie desire you vt sacerdotibus sint
salua sua iura, that whosoeuer is the other, mr Bramston may be
alwaies one of or Receyvors and treasurers of the common money :
for otherwise we shalbe still oppressed w*h multitude as wee are
a The copies are thus headed. The " discontented " here were anti-appellants.
b Very faint and uncertain.
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 233
alredy, that wee may manage or owne affaires as wee thinke most
convenient, that you will not impose a burthen vppon us wch you
cannott remove agayne. that these good men by yor fatherlie advice
may have more care of theire poore brethren and lesse of theire
keep, that they may rather respect the commoditie and frugalitie
of or Comunitie then theire owne private contentm1 and proper
will : fynallie that the lay sort may be willing to followe and not
be prferred or goe before those that apperteyne vnto Gods owne lott
and imediate portion.
Yet notw^standing all that wee have said to condescend to
those that in these affaires are dealers for the laymen, for wee
knowe that of themselves vnles they were sett on they would never
be so eegerly bent nor so boldlie dare to deale in or matters contrary
to or mynde, wee are willing that when so many priests as please
to be stewards in or commons have one after an other ended theire
seuerall quarters, the laymen, as many as will, may also take theire
quarterly turnes one after an other till, theire courses being out, the
lott fall vnto the priests agayne.
The laymen have eequal divident w% vs, a thing not accustomed
in other places, vnles, wch is a rare matter and seldome fall[eth] 54, f. 157.
out, some exhibition be sent vnto priests especiallie, of wch wee
thinke yt vnmeete that they should have any [parte or porcion ?]
notw*hstandinge our charges, as yor reuerence cannott but [know],
be diverse waies ordinarily greater then theirs.
Thus presuminge that yor reuerence will helpe to preserve or
peace wlhout [prejudicing ?] or persons in all humble subiection
wee take or leave this 13 of December 1602
Yors in all obedience
My deare and verie reverend brethren in visceribus Dni Jesu
I humblie desire you to agree and not to thinke vppon any Inno-
vations. Keepe yor old customes and let the laymen have theire
voyces and offices as they have had hitherto. Yor dissent about
Kitchen matters will cause yor Benefactors wch are laymen to
234 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
think you are either idle or els careles to performe yor priestlie and
spirituall offices. Imbrace [?] not yor selves to the stewardshipp,
wch is to temporall and to vnworthie a callinge for yor profession.
I must tell you playnlie that or unquiett people do reioyce in yor
dissent, and their devotion will be withdrawn from you if you leave
not these Innovations and endevour to live in vnitie. This strife
against the laytie and yor newe devise, depressions and oppressions
of the laymen yor fellow prisoners, will cause yor lay benefactors
wch are all and yor only benefactors to contemne and forsake you.
Good men will be unwilling to releeve any wch are overcome wfh
any contentious humor. Looze not an honor for an humor and
enter not into any evill conceyte of old Douze a whose discretion,
knowledge, .... conscience and circumspection is so well
knowne here that to destayne [?] him is to discreditt yorselves.
Pardon me : greef and care of yor wellfares doe vrge me to write
in that manner vnto you. Give no scandall to or afflicted Church,
peace and vnitie will .... for yr preform*. Certamini ergo quas
pacis sunt et pax dei exultet in Cordibus vestris. Commendo me
vestris precibus. 22 December.
V Servus G. B. A.
To the WW his very good ffrends Mr Barloo Mr
Bramsston. Mr Hughes Mr J. Grene, Mr
Alabaster and the rest.b
54, f. 155. 29. An original letter from Blacliu-ell.
Feb. 3. 1602-3.
Gaudeo plurimum, qudd Responsum mihi dedistis de Breui
Apostolico vos velle facere in eo, sicut in casteris omnibus, illud
quod decet Catholicos Presbyteros. Et a me quoque hoc responsum
• Can this be " Do wee a f toward intelligencer," who, the Bishop of London
suggests to Cecil, should be transferred with other prisoners to Framlingham,
July 6, 1602 ? (Cal. S. P. Dom. Eliz.)
b Barlow, Bramston and Grene were supporters of Father Weston, and the oppo-
nents of Bagshaw, in the Wisbech stirs.
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 235
feretis, quod invenietis me paratum et oppetitum [?] ad illud quod
personae Catholic! Archipresbyteri sit aptum et consentaneum.
Sed ut hoc summatim, sic illud particulatim scire certum velim,
vtrum monita omnia, praescripta et proposita Sua3 Sanctitatis in
Breui suo Apostolico contenta libenti, syncera, et obedienti volun-
tate secuturi, et per Dei gratiam in moribus vestris expressuri
sitis. Si praBsto fueritis antecedentibus, fratres [?], mei aflfectus et
effectus erga vos planissimum et plenissimum sensum accipietis.
Restat, ut ex literis vestris intelligam an alij Appellantes etiam in
vos commissionem aliquam suam respondendi pro ipsis et ipsorum
nomine procurationem transfuderint. Valete, et renouamini
spiritu mentis vestras vt potiora probetis.
3° February 1602
Vester seruus in Christo
Georgius Blakwellus
Archipresbyter.
Endorsement :
To his verie Loving frends Mr Hebborne, Mr Clerck
and Mr Collington geve these.
30. Three Letters from Dr. Percy at Rome to friends at Paris. 54, f. 370.
I.
April, 1603.
Right Woorshipp.
I wold not let passe the occasion, offered by or honorable friend
monsr Acaria, but to accknowledge by hym the receyt off three off
yurs, the first dated the 24 of februarie, the second havinge no dait,
the third writ the 10 off marche : gevinge ywe harte thanks for yur
advises off or frends arrived in England, and off ther negotiations
ther, whereoff I have at large herd by my Lord Embassader . . .
who is [fu]ll the most redye and most willinge to asist and to do
all honorable offices hear in this court, yea more diligent and
cairfull then ywc or they at home wold think, to whom, ho we all
236 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
[in] general! [be] beholden and every one in particuler, that will
use his honors, faveur and consell, that I dalye do se and have
triall off: and that the Enymie on all occasions hear fyndeth and
so feareth, as he dar not put forth his homes in this place as other-
wise he wold have donne, nor Censor [to] maik commentaries or
glosses of anye thinge exhibited, for fear he be rencontred [to] his
dislikinge. yet knowe I wear in this place insidiatus sit calcando
iniustus, quum alias lasdere non possit. I do not think that he
spareth others as he maye in abscondito. But if men bewair what
they do to itt, and taik heed ne adversarius adulterinum aliquod ex
suo immisceat, kepinge alwayes an origenall off ther doinges,
there is no danger I hope. I [trust] men be wyse and discret,
as I have said to ffather commissarius that other daye, and that they
will not geve xipp to any person any thinge in writinge quod erit
54, f. 370b. extra indicium et determination! contrarium. Nether will ther
actions in what compagnie so ever they do live, yea, though they
live at the table of the heretiques as prisoners, or in libertie
abroad, be such as may geve such occasion of scandal! to any man
livinge nisi huiusmodi qui laborat principio (vt aiunt) hoc est
qui aut habet ignorantiam in intellectu aut malitiam in voluntate,
qni aliorum facta, licet certa et maxime religioni consentanea,
instar phariseorum calumniari soleat. To be brief, so longe as men
will consider what a boon sir [?] they have in this place off the
kings faveur & protection and off his Embassader, and do nothinge
that may geve occasion of suspition or offence to ether off them, I
dout not but that the kingmakers designes will come, as is the old
proverbe, from a wyndmill post to be pudding prik.
And for his generall letter of peace to ywe, wth whom he is so
desyrous to have peace, I do think he doth know my lords opinion
(I can theroff assure yowe) that it is not convenient for manye
causes wch hear ar to longe to sett do[w]ne, for I knowe like an
Esau he hath sought a hear, sed licet hoc esset cum lachrimis,
obtinere non possit vt ego existimo. alth[ough] all men have that
charitie towards hym and wtball others whervnto they ar obliged.
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 237
. . . de foedere nullo contrahendo sub specie et larva amicitiae credo
(nee enim fallor alias ita existimo) illud nee vtile esse nee consen-
taneura, imo periculosuui, licet sit ex semine Aaron non sequitur
quod non decipiet nos. possit enim loq .... verbis pacif . .
perimus in dolo. Yow8 ar wise and know what is best to do ther 54, f. 371.
or abroad, saltern vt orationes fiant sive cum isto sive cum alio
cum omni cliaritate hoc enim rogo nee . . . aut Suse Statis aut
Illustriss. Cardinalis animos offendat. Scio quantopere ipsi in
rebus gerendis aut tractandis fidem et modestiam ab omnibus
expectant et desiderant, as ywe have had experience theroff. I
pray yowe contynewe yur course wth my lord and so desier all
others to do the lik ; they shall have honor and consolation therby.
ffor my owne part I desier nothing more off men then this wch
shall content me, being content to hear litle off any matters, God
is witnes to whom I do commend yowe and all ther or frends.
Salutinge ywe hartelye and all them.
Home this 6 off Aprill
I thank you for yur faveur Yu:s ever
showed mr Midleton Willm Perseus a
yow oblige me
denuo. Excuse me and this so evell
scribled. in treuth I have I
fear mr . . . . Bluetts disseas
[P. S.]
Concerninge Eliot I leave him to his good angell, the man often 54, f. 37ib.
I do se[e], never yet had talk wth hym but ons that off lait that he
delivered me mr Hills commendations. I know the Colour of his
coat and how he is employed hear. God grant he do nothinge
that may be offensiff to God or disagreeable to his contrie.
for that you writt off mr D Smith wth whom I have spoken, he
saeth it is most false and in truth it is. And the Referendario
• So probably. Cf. Doitay Diaries, p. 374. Mr. Macray reads " Persens."
238 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
much abused whose affection towards me I knowe many years past,
wch I do not esteme off in this place nor off those who have
stronger reynes than he hath, be they hear or abroad, as I dout
not theroff and have assured advise. Good forgeve them, as I do
and be redye notwthstandinge, not caring for all practises or aemula-
tions agaynst me whatsoever, to do all offices that belongeth a
Christian man to do in this place, wear I mean to staye and dout
not off gods providence and the favour off the best hear, so longe
as I do syncerlye serve hym as I have done to my power mediante
singulari eius providentiae auxilio et beneficio theis 29 years we
longe for the 3 .... I do hoope they shall a. 4 or longer from
hence. I do hear that ffa. Walpole doth prnosticon that the priests
who have exhibited vpp the memorial shalbe banished. I praye
god it be not a prnosticon but a practise. I do commend me to
ywe, et . . . . meo charissimo et fideli amico P. Acaria qui ....
hodie discedit. Vale .... chariss. omnes in domo 111. legat.
te salutant.*
II.
54, f. 372. Right woorshipfull and my dear freind.
Yours of the 23 off November wear most gratfull to my lord
who red yurs passinge well and was most glad off yur sayf arrivall,
and I wold the iij others had acknowledged at that tyme the obli-
gation they have to my lord nor they to hym to whom at that
tyme my Lord doth think they writt from horn. I mean Fitzherbert
who off lait vpon some occasions of his letters from Paris commeth
seldom or not at all to visit my Lord. Concerninge yur owen
particuler, assure ywe my lord will remayne yurs most assured at all
occasions in this Court, as he doth assure hymself off yur fidelitie
and constancie and that ywe will not faill to writt to hym as
occasion shall serve. He hath sent you as he told me the Breve,
11 This and the following letters are indeed " evell scribled " and extremely diffi-
cult to decipher. The text is also bleared and blotted in many places, and the paper
has been mended here and there, to the detriment of the words.
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 239
and Monsenyr Seraphins opinion writt wth his owen hand, for
the chalice and vestment dout not off it in tyme, nam quod differtur
non aufertur. I dout not but he shall obteyn longe maiora for
yowe and yur Trends in this place when occasion shalbe offered.
Ones sence you departed he was in great Coler, concerning the
practises of [Fitzherbert] a yur fooloppes [?] fellowe wth his frend
hear. But as I told hym those practises were onlye off certyn
folyshe ambitious imaginations and desyres that the partye had to
be a bishoppe si dijs placet, and the litle friar, as sence is dis-
covered, shuld have ben an other, yet is my lord off an other
opinion that there is some other practise by mor then this. And 54, f. 372b.
iff ther be, all is not oft' great importance, litle can Jupiter pluvialis
constare domi (?) as his agent hear, yet do I desier ywe to have a
cair and to break all courses or practises whatsoever iff they do not
commit the same wth my lord, and for manye reasons wc!l you
may conceave and consider ether nowe or hereafter.
In conserving my Lord and his faveur in this Court ywe not
onlye shall from tyme to tyme curbe [?] fa. p.b and his compagnons
but overthrow e all his designes at home and abroad. Yowe shall
alweyes have hym redye to do and speak in this place and in that
Court as also ywe shall conserve his dear frend the Embassader in
England and mak hym redye to do for Catholickes ther as this
man is most redye to do for them all here.
Parsons of lait was wth Card d'Ossay speine queen observan-
tine [?], but revera to vtter his fears forsoth he hath . . .
illam vt ille loqtr, ne heretic .... intelligent iam, fides periclitetr
cum nihil miser ille magis tundat quam ne Iris co'silijs regnu'
ipsius corruat.
He dar not visit my lord, but wth the Card he was bold to vtter
his fears, forsoth, he hath off yur negotiations, the cair he saith off
the publique good and off his nation. 0 vox serpentina, cum ille
nunquam xpm sed quas sua sunt tantum quaesivit.
By the next I shall send you that wch ywe desier at Minerva wch
» The name partly erased. b Or, perhaps, " jap." Compare vol. i. pp. 96, 97.
240 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
is granted ad instantiam R. patris Commissary* who hartelye
saluteth ywe as also doth the ffather Regent off that Convent.
54, f. 373. All at my lords salut ywj rnaxime vterque medicus spirit ualis et
corporalis, all at Sl Lewys also, maxima Rds D. pastor et D.
natalis et noel. Remember me at home and wher ywe are. Vale.
25 Decebris Romas ceptum . . Salutinge hartelye d°.
[Then follows immediately, beginning in same line :]
Mr Bagshawe,
fear ywe not that I doe forget anye particular ywe left wth me in
charge, God grant ywe maye sayf arrive. Seek by all means
possible to break all practises either ther wher ywe ar or at home.
Ywe have begon I trust the best Course that ever was begon for the
Catholiques, iff men will vse the same as they ought to do.
Dolman nor all his adherents in this place will never be able to
do anye thinge to the Contrarie, nor be able to molest the least or
meanest Catholique this daye. Some ther be that have intelligence
wth Dolman and fitzherbert his assistant, but I think iff they love
ther owen securitie they will alter that Course. Let mr D. Bishopp
bewair. one hear off no litle accompt, whom ywe knowe, said to
me that the party e was a badd compagnon, in french, c'est vn
mauvais home bishopp. But by yur advise he will become of
other ....
Or Lord prserve ywe for ever desyring ywe to salut yrself from
me millies millena, and all at home in particular mr Alban and
Antonie Ecchaude et reliquos amicos nostros, and to dispose off
me for ever.
burne this when ywe Yurs ever as yur owen
rede it. Willm Perseus
Endorsed l>y writer : A Monsieur
Monsieur Bluett, pstre
Anglois a paris.
In another hand : Perseus to Mr Bluett 1603.
LKTTKKS AM> AIKMOIM A LS. IfiOl-lGO:!. '2 \ \
III.
[I] have wiitt vnto yow (by monsr de Creilles meanes to his
sister) off yur affaires wth his holines and the Card. Burgesse.
howe the pope after he saw the Card., reed the Nuncio his letter
[an]d yre owen, presentlye commaunded the Card, to signifye [th]at
he was most willinge, grantinge ywe facultates .... abeuntibus
in Angliam woh be those ywj do in yurs [to] rie demand, by the
next post I shall send yw% iff [th]e Card, do not hym self, his
letters to ywe for all. [B]e nierie in God who will love those that
suffer for [h]ym. Hear Parsons and his ar strok dead wth this
newes, [n]ot off her death but that the same daye [K]inge James
was procl[a]med kinge off England «tc, wcb proclamation was
geven to his holines in latyn by niy L. Embassadeur vppon the
19 off this instant, she dyinge the 3 off this same. Some saye
wth great reluctance,* others add not wtu out suspition to die a
Catholique. God grant the last be trewe. and the first also. yow
wold wonder to see nowe how rnens desynes are broken, et quo-
modo evanuerunt homines ... in cogitationibus suis. and some
others kinge makers abroad do not depart yet, but staye a while, for
iff need be I knowe iff this proclamation do taik place off frends
abroad fitt for yur retorne and assurance at home. Writt to me in
a[n]ye caise and desier mr D. Damsen [?] off the [. , ,]e Vale,
Salutinge yowe both. I will deall [wi]th Dolman for yu'' monye
whereof I have no great hoope but I will not faill to do this . . „
sire for ywe and what els so ever in this place yws ar much be-
holden to the Nuncio who writt most honorablye. also to Card.
Burgess, and to my lord hear. Vale 21 Aprilis Romse tuus
Perseus.
Salut from me mr D. Cecill. Spayn hear seemeth to be glad of
the proclamation and to lik of the election and procedings in
* Or ' reticence ' ?
VOL. II. R
212 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
England. God grant the Catholiq[u]es at home and abroad con-
solation and save or contrye from civil ware.
A Monsr
Monsr Midleton gentlehme
et prste Anglois a paris
. . . son absence a monsr
. . . au Colledge
de Cambraye a
Paris.
[Endorsed in another hand:~\
Dr [Cecyll erased] to Mr Midleton from Rome.
54, f. 398. 31. Petition to the Privy Council from Prisoners in Framlinghmn
Castle.*
1603.
To the right honorable ye LL. of her maties most honorable
privie counsell.
In most humble wise do sue vnto yor honorable LLpps yor dailie
orators ye priests and laie men imprisoned in ye castle of fframing-
ham, y* whereas certaine orders directed of late from yor honours
to ye Justices of peace assigned for this place were published to ye
saied prisoners in ye common hall by Mr Anthonie Wingfielde,
Knight, and mr Candey esquier, and therevppon ye keeper of ye
castle straightlie commaunded to see them putt in execution, vz.
amongst others : first that all servaunts belonging to ye prisoners
shoulde presentlie be dischardged ; second, y* no maintenaunce
shoulde be delivered vnto them butt in ye presence of ye keeper or
of his deputie ; thirde, y* all ye saied prisoners shoulde be referred
over to ye keepers diett : Itt maye please yor honorable LLpps to
vouchsalfe ye hearing of their humble petitions.
• Several of the priests whose signatures are given below were transferred from
other prisons to Framlingham after the accession of James in 1603, and were
shortly afterwards in the same year banished the kingdom.
LETTERS AXD MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 243
ffirst. y* by yor honours permission theie maye continew their
freedom for enioying suche servaunts as be conformable to her
maties lawes, if nott w*hin ye castle yett wkhout in ye towne,
touching buying, dressing and making their provision att ye best
hand in respect of their vnfeigned povertie, whiche by all religious
protestation theie stand readye to make manifest vnto yor LLpps
whensoever and by whome yor honor shall assigne.
Second. Y* in like manner by yor honrs permission their freinds
mai haue free access to deliver vnto them all kinde of provision
for their relief and monie, as in former tyme. because yor saied
suppliants haue iust cause to feare [by] long experience y*
theye had in the time of Thomas Greye, ye keeper of Wisbiche
castle, y* if no monye can be [delivered butt in ye view of ye
keeper or his deputie they will forbeare to come vppon extreame
feare conceaved, howsoever ot[her]wise they be encouraged to
haue securitie.
Thirde. y* yor honorable LLpps will vouchsalfe by no meanes to
cast yor poore and distressed suppliants vppon ye keepers diett,
partlie because his lowest rate of v9' by the weeke for the poorer
sorte is beyond their compass, and partlie that their usuall rate of
3s by the weeke woulde nott extende wthout subtraction made of
three meales in yc said wee[ke] and wthout their freedome ccn-
tinewed for buying, dressing, and making provision att ye best
hand. And especiallie [for] enioying also of y* howsholde pro-
vision wch is but by suche frendes as haue no monie, wch holpe
will most assured[ly] faile, as all the other expressed, if yor
LLpps suppliants be referred over to the keepers diett.
These humble petitions yor suppliants are vrged to exhibitt ye
rather vnto yor honorable LLpps, first, because y* [the] keeper
dothe affirme by all othes and protestations, in ye hearing of Sr
Anthonie and his associate, y* neither himself nor any for him is
cause by information that those orders be imposed vppon them.
Second because yor humble suppliants a[re] readie to depose, as
before mentioned, that their povertie is vnfeigned in respect of
R 2
244 THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
their best frendes to be deoeassed [and] others living to be decaied,
if not of late alienated in mynde against them. Last of all because
this late remove [from] an obscure prison to a place of this
qualitie doth intimate much more of her matlcs clemencie and your
L[Lpps] beiiignitie also then that so harde exactions aboue their
power and vexations, also if they refuse to condescend should
.... be imposed vppon them w'hout some sinister information.
Wherefore they most humblie beseche yor honorable LLw" y* to
whorne otherwise itfc hathe pleased yor .... to make shew of
favour, itt may nott be lawfull for their keeper to shew rigour att
his pleasure or by his wrong [?] information to procure the same,
of ye wch petition if itt maye please yor honorable LLpps to haue
gratious consideration in y* behalfe of yor poore suppliants and
captives, yor honors shall bynde them during life to encrease [in]
all dutifull affection inoessantlie to praie as yor dailie orators that
yor honorable LLpps maie be made par[takers] of the supreme
felicitie.
By yoT LLpps most humble suppliants in all humilitie and
obedience to be commaunded these priests and laie men
subscribed a
f Lewes Barlowe b f Thomas Edwarde Coffin. Niclas Lente
Edwarde Hoes Haburleus t Thomas Bramston
t Christopher Drilande Christopher Holywodd
t Roberte WoodrooflTe Fra f Leonard Hide
t Wm Chadocke Benedictus f Nicholas Knighte
f William Wigge | Raphe Bicley
t Williri Clerionet .
j" John Greene
f John Bolton
Hughe Sheldon Richard Smorthet
John Elwed
* The 23 signatures which follow are original.
11 Those marked f had been together at Wisbech in the time of the stir«.
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 245
Endorsement :
The humble petition of ye prisone[rsj in Framing-
ham castle to ye right honorable ye LL. of the
counsel!,
32. From Sir Eobt. Cecitt to the Bishop of London.' 54, f. 200.
My L. 1 grow very tender in this business because I see how
the Priests wold encroach and so giue cause to cary anew harder
hands of ycia Reade I pi-ay you this Ire and see whyther this be
good geare and think of it my L. for by God ye Priest[Y} swarm. I
neuer loued persecution but by hea[ven} I wold be loth to be
concluded Popish, yow and I will conferr of these things for we
must neyther go to low nor too high. For Barrowes he is a
dissembling lying foole.
For Wry ght I haue sent you a warrant weh yon may vse as is
best for the queens service and seing there is a warrant alredy
This may serve but you will find y* he will keep open house in ye
Clink wch If he do or suffer resort he shall back againe
Your louing freend
Ro Cecyll
At foot, in other hand :
An originall Letter to the Bishop of London of Eo:
Ceeilk about the Priests, wherein he sweares
Endorsement :
To the Reverend fiather in god my verie good Lord
the L. Byshopp of London.
• This letter belongs apparently to an earlier date than the rest of the papers in
this volume. The " Barrowes " referred to is perhaps Henry Barrowe, the puritan,
executed April 6, 1593. Cecil at thai time was member of the Council, but not
secretary.
24()'. THE ARCHPK1EST CONTROVERSY.
54, f. 392. 33. Protestations of Allegiance.*
I.
A forme of submission exhibited to her Matie of Englaude by the
pryestes & Catholiques of the same nation.
We Englishe pryestes & other Catholiques of England promise,
protest and sweare in the presence & kandes of, etc., that we are and
euer wilbe most humble subieetes & servauntes of Quene Elizabeth,
or soueraigne, redye to render her al due obedience and fidelitye,
and we doe and euer shal acknowledge her for or soueraigne &
mystres. And we protest and sweare lykewise that we wyll houlde
no Intellicence wth eny prince,, potentate or other estate or particuler
* There are two other forms of such protestations or oaths of allegiance pre-
served among the Petyt MSS. (54. 233 and 54. 396), which it is not necessary to
reproduce here. They are both drafts of " The Protestation of Allegiance made
by Thirteen Missioners to Queen Elizabeth," printed byTierney (vol. iii. clxxxvii.)
from the MS. of the old " Dean and Chapter," and which he describes (p. 55) as
" an admirable address drawn up by Dr. William Bishop," Jan. 31, 1603. The
first (54. 233) has no signature, and is endorsed " A form of Submission of Mr.
Clarke's hand," as if it was the composition rather of Francis Clark than of Dr.
Bishop. There is another endorsement, not, however, certainly connected with
this document, in a hand resembling Gifford's : " ffrom Mr Watson ye viii of June
1602." The second draft (54. 396) is more curious, as it seems to have passed
under the revising hand of Dr. Gifford, who has appended to it the names of fifteen
subscribers. The two additional names at the end of the list are Michael Wood
and Walter Hassals, who perhaps withdrew their adhesion at the last moment.
The text in its final shape is almost identical with the actual form presented to
the Queen, but after the words of the opening sentence " faith and loyalty of us
.... secular priests " there appear erased the words, "more than she findeth by
the Jesuits and their adherents." In another place a few insignificant words, in
what appears to be Dr. Gifford's hand, are added to the draft, and these appear in
Tierney's printed text. Although in its ultimate form the Protestation of the
thirteen priests refers to, and appears to be occasioned by the Queen's Proclama-
tion of Nov. 5, 1602, it is not unlikely that it was in substance prepared many
months before ; for Dr. Cecil writes from Paris to Watson, Feb. 1602, " we have
conceived here an oath of obedience " (p. 183 supra). The two shortand moderate
forms which here follow have not been printed before.
LETTERS AND MEMORIALS, 1601-1603. 247
person whatsoeuer in praeiudice of the dignity e, authoritye, or
person Eoyal of her Mate or her estate.
II. 38, f. 168.
I A:B: doe acknowledge in my conscience and confesse vnfeyn-
edly that the Quenes most excellent Matie Q: Elizabeth, now in
possession of the Crowne of this Realme, is the true, vndowbted
and lawfull Quene of England and Ireland : and that accordingly
all the people and subiectes of England and Ireland, of what degree
or callinge so ever they be, ought and are bound by the word of
God faithfully to serve, honor, and obey her Highnes, as theyr
onlye true, vndoubted and lawfull soveraigne Quene : notw^stand-
inge any forayne or domesticall power, prheminence or authoritye,
or any doctrine, opinion or writinge, that eyther hath allready or
that shall hereafter affirme, comaund or teach the contrarye. And
furthermore albeyt the B: of Rome for the tyme beinge doe or
shall hereafter attempt (eyther by any bull or sentence made,
given, or to be made given or published by himselfe or inhisowne
name, or by force of any former bull or sentence pretended to be
allready made, given, denounced and published by any of his pre-
decessors) to pronounce, declare or publish, or suffer to be
denounced, declared or published, that her Matie is, or ought to be,
deprived of her kingdome, and so consequently no true and lawfull
Quene of England and Ireland ; and that the subiectes and people
of these lands, are discharged of theyr allegiance, and obedience
vnto her highnes ; and in like manner, although the sayd B: of
Rome or any other by his apointment or authoritye, or by the
apointment or authority of any other, shall invade eyther the
Realme of England or Ireland, or shall attempte by force of Armes,
to overthrow the present estate of his kingdome, or of the religion
now professed and established by her Mate lawes and ordinances},
whether it be vnder color of the restitution of the Romish religion,
or vnder what other pretence so ever it be : yet notvvthstandinge I
218 THE AKCHPKIlXr C' >.\TKO\ EHSY.
doe acknowledge myselfe bound in my conscience, to take parte wth
her Mau' against all such persons and tlieyr forces. And ther-
f'ore I doe vnfeynedly professe and affirme, that I will ever be
redye, w*h my body and goodes, to wthstande to myne vttermost
power and abilitye any such forcible and violent attemptes w*h the
like faith and true allegiance that becometh all dutifull and faith-
full subiectes of any other Christian prince to w^'stande any
enemye that shall seeke by force of Armes, of malice and wthowt
iust causer to invade or assalt any of theyr possessions, dominyons
or Contreyes. And all these pointes I acknowledge, coiifesse,
affirme and professe, so helpe me God.
]Sn<lor*ed : An othe of Allegeance thowght vpon by
some Catholickes.
INDEX.
ACAHISIO, signer, papal fiscal, i. 115,
126, 137, 141, ii. 235, 238
Adams, William, student, ii..216
Aguilar, don Juan d', ii. 40, 61
Alabaster, Mr.r ii. 234
Alabaster, William, student, ii. 216-
Alban,Mr., ii. 240
Albert, archduke, ii. 132
Aldobrandino, Cinthio, card, of St.
George, i. 244, ii. 8, 28
Aldobrandino, card. Pietro, i. 13, 243,
244, ii. 8-10, 26-28, 50-52, 60, 218
Aldred, a spy, ii. 80
Alencon, duke of, ii. 101
Alexandrine, cardinal, ii. 9"
Alford, liobert, S.J.,. sec Griffiths
Allen, cardinal, i. 13, 44, 90, 137, 187,
208, 238, ii. 70, 150, 171; his in-
fluence in the college at Eome, i. 39 ;
his opinion of the Jesuits, i. 226, 230,
ii. 99, 143, 173, 174; discord arises
on his death, i. 28, 38
Almand, Olive, i. 21. See Parker
Alms, distribution of, i. 11, ii. 22, 67,
120, 124, 137, 224, 233
Amianus, Joannes, student, ii. 217
Anthony, Mr., i. 85. See Heborne
Apostates, secular and Jesuit, i. 9
Appeal of the thirty-three priests, i. 85
n, ii. 28, 157 ; approved by the pope,,
ii. 209 ; the process of, not to be
published, ii. 209
Appeals to card, protector, objection*
against, ii. 67, 120
Appellants, the: their small number, i.
132, 141, 179, ii. 55, 64; conditions
of their yielding, i. 98 ; charges
against, ii. 55 ; their turbulence, im-
morality and ambition, i. 129, 236,
ii. 20, 103-107, 129, 131, 133 ; their
disobedience and schism,, i. 176-200,
ii. 28, 166, 167 ; their ignorance
of the pope's will, affected, i. 185-
194 ; their familiarity with heretic
magistrates, ii, 18, 48, 55, 62, 63,
105 ; they calumniate Jesuits, ii. 79,
80, and desire their expulsion, i.
201 ; they abuse the archpriest, ii.
106 ; their heretical opinions, ii,
13, 55, 63, 147-151 ; their proposals
foolish, ii. 89 ; defence of, against
Blackwell, ii. 152-177 ; their faculties,
ii. 22r 68, 69, 194, 202, 209; their
distress in Framlingham prison, ii.
223, 224. See also Deputies (1599).
| Appellants (the four, 1602) : sent to
Borne, ii. 28, 41 ; their passports from
privy council, ii. 29 ; the journey to
Paris, ii. 29, 31, 32, 40; visit the
nuncio at Nieuport, ii. 30, 31 ; seek
protection of the French king, ii. 32,
41; arrrval at Rome, ii. 1, 31, 45;
have audience of the pope, ii. 6, 15, 27,
33, 43, 48, 53, 61, 110-113 -r blamed
for seeking French patronage, ii. 8, 18,
55 ; statement of grievances, ii. 36, 51,
67, 188 ; repudiate Watson's books,
ii, 63", 68; ask for condemnation of
Leicester's Commonwealth, ii. 100,
and of Southwell's Supplication, ii.
68, 95-98 ; their correspondence with
Paris, ii. 12, 14, 18, 205-207; their
desire for peace, ii. 188; their six
petitions, ii. 103 ;, petition for public
250
THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
testimony of innocence, ii. 11, 189 ;
they petition for removal of arch-
priest, ii. 19, 36, 43, 44, 50 ; propose
a new form of government, ii, 118 ;
desire that Jesuits may not interfere
with government of clergy, ii. 54, 73,
111, 119 ; complain of Jesuit political
practices, ii. 49, 64, 70, 73-76, 90-95,
107-112, 115-117, 134 ; pray for pro-
hibition of politics, ii. 50, 103 ; peti-
tion pope for viaticum, ii. 27, 187,
191 ; petition for fair trial of Fisher,
ii. 190, and of Watson, ii. 69 ; petition
regarding confessions and faculties,
ii. 68, 69 ; receive papal sentence
on question of schism, ii. 10 ; write
common letter to England, ii. 10, 11,
36, 146 ; receive sentence of inquisi-
tion, 19, 56 ; objections to the sen-
tence, ii. 19, 20, 37, 56 ; receive brief
of October 1602, 27, 60 ; refuse to be
reconciled with Parsons, ii. 17, 27,
39, 58, 59, 78; return to Paris, ii,
44 ; their declarations of allegiance,
148 n, 151, 183, 246 ; letter of a Jesuit
on their proceedings, ii. 88 ; their
escape from Parsons's " stratagem,"
ii. 24, 25, 38, 39, 58, 59, 205-207
Archer, Giles, i. 20 ; proctor of the
archpriest at Rome, ii. 9, 12, 14, 17,
25, 58, 206 ; his lewd assertions, i.
232, ii. 192
Archer, James, S. J., with Spanish
forces in Ireland, i. 243, ii. 27, 39 n,
71,74
Archpriest, the. See Blackwell
Archpriest, office of. See Subordination
Archpriests, proposal to have several,
ii. 89, 119, 123, 133
Armenio, secretary, ii. 27
Array, Martin, archpriest's proctor, i.
37, 101, 106, 136, 137, 148, 236, 240,
ii. 160 ; his letters from Eome
censuring the two deputies, i. 109-
123
Arrigoni, cardinal, commissioned with
Borghese to hear the appellants, ii. 34,
43, 48, 146, 147 ; visited by them, ii. 7,
14, 15, 19, 20, 22, 23, 43, 54 ; declares
both sides " terribiles," ii. 11
Arundel, earl of, ii. 99, 108
Arundguidgius, Nicolas (Strangeways ? ),
S.J., ii. 216
Ascoli, card, of, ii. 16, 17, 54
Ashton, George, student, ii. 217
Ashton, Richard, student, ii. 216
Ashton, Thomas, student, ii. 215
Assistants to archpriest, i. 64, 65, 93,
101, 105, 106, 129, 151, 206; ap-
pointment of, i. 167 ; nominated by
Parsons, ii. 66 ; list of, i. 206 ; peti-
tion that appellants maybe appointed,
ii. 66
Association of secular priests, the, i. 2,
24, 127, 181, 229, ii. 131 ; incon-
veniences of, 124 ; its rules, i. 207,
228
Attorney-general, i. 226 ; letter from
Watson to, i. 210
Avila, card, d', ii. 16, 17, 21, 54
Awdley, Thomas, priest, i. 230, 239
B., R., LETTERS from, i. 154, 155
Babington's attempt, i. 214
Bagshaw, brother of Dr. B., i. 70
Bagshaw, Dr. Christopher, i. 7, 11, 13,
14, 52, 64-66, 68, 70, 74, 77, 85, 87,
89, 90, 103, 105, 106, 128, 144, 149,
156, 210, 219, 222, 225-227, 231-234,
237, 238, ii. 18, 62, 106, 180-183,
206 ; his turbulence, i. 120, 121, ii.
106 ; connection with Squiers's plot,
i. 122 ; draft of letter to deputies, i.
148 ; letter to the pope, i. 149 ; letter
to Watson, ii. 183 : letter against
government by the Jesuits, i. 151 ;
his statement regarding the Jesuits,
i. 208 ; his answer to bishop of
London's " Enquiries," i. 226 ; letters
to, from Mush, i. 1, 63, 64, from
Charnock, i. 66, from Blackwell, i.
72, from Sicklemore, i. 48, from
Parker, i. 20, from Ed. T., i. 84, from
R. B., i. 155, from Dr. Percy, ii.
240
Baines or Baynes, ii. 2, 47
Baldwin, father, S.J., i. 246, ii. 39, 109
Ballard, secular priest, no connection
with Jesuits, ii. 85
Barlow, Lewis, priest, i. 65, ii. 234, 244
Barneby, Francis, priest, ii. 184, 185
Barnes, Thomas, alias Turner, ii. 215 n
Baronius, card., i. 29, ii. 9 ; on character
of seminarists, i. 29
Barrett, Dr. Richard, president of Douai
coll., i. 4 n, 134, 135, 244 n. 247, ii.
172
INDEX.
251
Barrowes : a " lying fool," ii. 245
Barwis, Robert, priest, i. 173, 174
Bassett, Thomas, student, ii. 216
Bateman, divine, i. 245
Bavantor Bavyn, Dr., arbitrator at Wis-
bech, i. 206, 229, 230, 231
Bedingfield, Henry, alias Silisden,
student, ii. 216 n
Belgium, Jesuits in, i. 9, 14, 15
Bellarmine, card., i. 192, 240, ii. 3, 7, 8, 9
Benedict, frater, ii. 244
Bennet, priest, i. 6 n, 11, 203 n, ii. 85
Bennet, Edward, priest, i. 10, 11, 48 n,
102, ii. 5 ; his oration to Clement
VIII., i. 4
Bennet, John, i. 4 n, ii. 185
Bennets, the two brothers, ii. 180
Benson, Christopher, S.J., ii. 217
Benson, Robert, alias Richardson,
priest, i. 6, 91, 108, 201 ; deprived of
faculties, i. 113
Bethune, Philippe de, French am-
bassador, ii, 1 n, 23, 60, 112, 113,
151, 187, 235, 241 ; protects ap-
pellants, ii. 1, 2, 14, 32, 55, 61, 89;
instructions to them, ii. 45 ; gives
them money, ii. 17 ; visited by them,
ii. 3-10, 26, 41, 45, 48, 53, 58, 207 ;
appears lukewarm, ii. 12 ; Parsons's
interview with, ii. 47 ; has message
from Q. Elizabeth, ii. 15 ; on institu-
tion of archpriest, ii. 50, 55 ; com-
plains of Parsons, ii. 55, 56 ; his
private secretary, ii. 205 ; audiences
of the pope on behalf of, ii. 3, 5, 19,
25, 32, 33, 42, 46. 49, 53, 56, 59 ;
his opinion on English affairs, ii. 49,
50 ; petitions regarding Jesuits, ii. 54
Bickley, Ralph, priest, i. 175 n, ii. 244
Bishop, Dr. William, i. 67 n, 68, 70, 123
n, 125, 126 n, 128, 129, 135, 137, 148,
151, 203 n, 234-236, 240, ii. 205, 240 ;
threatened by Blackwell, i. 67, 68 ;
arrives in Rome, i. 101 ; ill-usage of,
and trial, i. 109, 123-125, ii. 18;
pardoned, i. 129 ; faculties for, ii. 15 ;
letters from, i. 67, 123; letter to
bishop bf London, ii. 219 ; letter to
Watson, ii. 194
Bishops, priests petition for, i. 127, ii.
89, 103, 207
Blackwell, George, archpriest: news of
his appointment, i. 64, 66 n ; his
character, i. 92-98, 124, ii. 155 ;
wholly devoted to the Jesuits, i. 91,
150, ii. 66, 220; appointment pro-
cured by Parsons, i. 137, 166, 195,
209, ii. 16, 110, 120; to promote
Spanish cause, ii. 50, 57 ; interviews
with, i. 67; his claims to place and
displace priests, i. 71, 72 ; his authority
questioned, i. 63, 90-98, 138-147, 149,
150 ; his authority defended, i. 67,
80-82, 176-200 ; conditions of yield-
ing to, i. 98 ; confirmed by the pope,
i. 71 ; memorial thanking pope for his
appointment, i. 83, 88 ; origin of
controversy described, ii. 104 ; alleged
unfitness and tyranny, i. 69, 84, 151,
233, 240, ii. 8, 10, 12, 13, 15, 36, 51,
53, 66-69, 152 ; expostulation with,
ii. 152-177 ; he condemns Paris sen-
tence, i. 172 ; suppresses brief of 1600,
ii. 31 ; suspends priests, i. 98, 173 n,
174, 175 ; prohibits publications, ii.
158, 162, 163; petition for his re-
moval, i. 127, ii. 36, 37, 50, 57 ; peti-
tion for his retention, ii. 57, ' 81 ;
defends his distribution of alms, ii.
226 ; prohibited from communicating
with Jesuits, ii. 67 ; letter to Bagshaw
and Bluet, i. 72, to Colleton, i. 85,
to Clark, i. 161, to Heborne, ii. 225,
concerning Robert Benson, i. 201,
to discontented prisoners, ii. 233,
order for Clark's examination, i. 173 ;
memorandum for English govern-
ment, i. 205 ; draft of letter from
Bagshaw to, i. 74 ; draft of letter
from Bluet, i. 77 ; letters from He-
borne, ii. 223, 230 ; letter from card.
Cajetan, i. 106 ; letter from Clark, i.
163 ; letter from Arthur Pitts, i. 160 ;
and passim
Bluet, Thomas, priest, i. 1, 64, 65, 68,
70, 72, 74, 77, 79, 155, 175, 207, ii. 45,
180, 184, 204, 237 ; collector of alms,
ii. 139 ; his dealings with the queen,
ii. 78 ; his temper, ii. 107 ; at Rome,
ii. 1, 17, 42 ; separates from asso-
ciates, ii. 4, 5, 22 ; account of his
negotiations, ii. 230 ; draft of letter to
Blackwell, i. 77 ; letter to bishop of
London, ii. 230 ; letter from Bagshaw,
i. 72, from Mush, i. 63, from Dr
Percy, ii. 240
Bolton, John, ii. 244
Bonardus i. 11
252
THE ARCHPR1EST CONTROVERSY.
Books by appellants : complaints of, ii.
3, 12, 13, 16, 17, 52, 68; the two
Latin books acknowledged, ii. 2, 7, 8,
29, 33, 52, 63, 88, 247 n; English
books disclaimed, ii. 2,6, 13, 63 n, 68,
147 n, 194 ; publication of, prohibited,
ii. 68, 208, 228; dealing with state
matters, complained of, i. 113, 114 ;
some by Jesuits, objected against, ii.
52, 64, 68, 95, 99
(in particular) : —
Allen's Contra Justitiam Britanni-
cam, i. 114
Allen's Modest Defence, ii. 195
Answer to the Apologie, i. 114 n
Bagshaw's Eelatio Compendiosa, ii.
63
Bagshaw's True Relation, i. 232
Bennet's Hope of Peace, ii. 88, 148
Bozio's De Signis Ecclesice, ii. 2 n,
42
Bristow's Motives, i. 114 n
C., O., book written by, ii. 175
Cecil's Discoverie of Errors, ii. 74 n
Colleton's Just Defence, i. 85 n, 126 n,
ii. 147
Copies of certaine discourses, ii. 52,
88, 148, 149, 235 n
Creighton's Apologie for King James,
ii. 71w, 74
Ely's Certaine briefe Notes, 121 »
Epistle of Pious Grief, by S. N., ii.
163-168
Leicester's Commonwealth, i. 214, ii.
21, 99, 100, 109
Lister's Adversus factiosos, i, 99, 240,
241, ii. 174
Machiavelli's works, i. 123
Martin's Treatise of Schism, i. 114
Mush's Declaratio motuum, ii. 63,
158, 175
Parsons's-Brie/e Apologie, ii. 8, 105 n,
195
1'arsons's Conference about the Suc-
cession, i. 113, 207, 213, 218, 237,
243, ii. 52, 64, 71, 73, 108, 114 n,
115, 132, 221
Parsons's Manifestation, ii. 86, 87
Parsons's Philopater, i. 213
Parsons's Reformation, ii. 108, 132
Relacion de un Sacerdote, ii. 93
Sanders's De Schismate, i. 114
Sanders's De visibili Monarchia, i.
114
Southwell's Supplication, ii. 21, 68,
95
Stapleton's Apologia pro rege catlio-
lico, i. 114
Three farewells, i. 53
Watson's Dialogue, ii. 147, 149
Watson's Important considerations,
ii. 147, 149
Watson's Quodlibets, ii. 147, 183
Watson's Sparing Discovery, ii. 147-
151
Borghese, card. Camillo, vice-protector,
i. 29, 102, 115, 126, 137, 142, 143,
147, 148, 226, 240, 241 n, ii. 19, 146,
147, 191, 241: his disgust with
troublesome students, i. 120 ; con-
firms rales of college, i. 17 ; visited by
appellants, ii. 2, 3, 7, 8, 9, 13-15, 18,
20, 22-27, 54, 56 ; commissioned,
with Arrigoni, to hear the case, ii. 6,
34, 43, 48 ; receives priests kindly, ii.
25, 46, 62 ; his opinion on schism, ii.
10, 11 ; admits archpriest made solely
at instance of Parsons, ii. 16
Borromeo, St. Charles, card., i. 27 n, 47
Bosvile, or Boswell, ii. 87, 205
Bozio, Tomaso, of the Oratory, ii. 2, 4,
5 ; ' of no deep reach,' ii. 42
Bramston, Thomas, priest, i. 175 n, ii.
226, 233, 234, 244
Bretton, Dr., at Douai, i. 245
Bridewell prison, i. 216
Brief, papal: (of 1599) i. 123 «, 137,
177, 180, 183-185, 187, ii. 105, 194
(of 1601) ii. 105, 194, 227, 238
(of 1602) preparation of, ii. 25, 26, 27,
44, 60, 206 ; questions as to its
force, ii. 208, 209 ; circular letter of
Garnet on, ii. 227 ; Blackwell on,
ii. 235 ; Heborne refuses to publish
it, ii. 230
Bristow, Dr., i. 104
Brown, John, alias Whittington, ii.
216 n
Browne, i. 122
Bruce, Robert, catholic agent, ii. 72
Brussels, nuncio at, i. 5, 6
Brusters, Mrs., i. 156
Buchanan, George, ii. 102
Budd (Burdus), Nicolas, student, ii. 21
Bullock, bookbinder, i. 114 n
Bul[ton], prisoner, i. 20 (see Button)
Buoncompagni, cardinal, i. 121, ii. 106
Buonvisi, card. Bonviso, ii. 3
253
Burkett, priest, i. 206
Burleus, agent of Parsons, ii. 109
Burrel, John, student, i. 245
Buthonus, i. 14
Butler, divine, i. 244 », 245
Butler, Henry, student, ii. 216
Butler, John, student, ii. 217
Button [or Bulton ?], Eichard, priest, i.
20 [?], 175
C., R., letters from, to Mr. B., i. 203
Cajetan, Henry, card, protector, i. 4, 13,
22, 23, 25, 29, 74, 83, 91, 102, 113,
126, 127, 129, 130-132, 137-139, 142,
143, 147, 148, 151, 153, 160, 166, 167,
177, 185, 234, 236, 247, ii. 17; his
high position and repute, i. 186, 187;
his constitutive letters, i. 66 n, 168,
232 ; the letters quoted, i. 138 ; the
letters torn, L 73, 76 ; validity of, sus-
pected, i. 186, 233, ii. 156, 166 ; their
authority maintained, i. 187-199 ;
partial to Jesuits, i. 80, 210 ; im-
prisons Bishop and Charnock, i. 108,
109; commissioned with Borghese to
try the two deputies, i. 110, 111, 112,
115-123, 129, 137, 147 ; grants facul-
ties to priests in England, i. 152 ;
promises forgiveness to appellants on
amendment, i. 125 ; letter from, to
Blackwell, i. 106, to Parsons, i. 128 ;
letters to, from Dr. Barret, i. 134,
from Dr. Wright, 135
Calais, appellants at, ii. 29, 40 ; lieu-
tenant of, ii. 180
Caldwell, Robert, student, ii. 216
Calverley, Edmund, priest, i. 70, 155,
234
Cambrai, provost of N. D. de, i. 16
Cambridge university, ii. 101
Campian, father, S.J., i. 104, 227, 238,
ii. 174 ; his political innocence, ii. 85
Candey, Mr., ii. 242
Cardinals at Rome, afraid of Parsons, ii.
54
Carillius, S.J., ii. 74
Carington, Thomas, student, ii. 216
Catholics, English : increase of, ii. 82 ;
affairs of, ii. 76, 81, 108, 110, 117 ;
political views of, ii. 92, 113, 116,
149 ; persecution of, attributed to
Jesuits, ii. 78 ; penal laws against, ii.
117
Cecil, Dr. John, i. 232, ii 1, 4, 15, 16,
19, 21, 26, 27, 45, 46, 51, 54, 55, 56,
58, 71, 72, 106, 107, 185, 205, 215 ;
his audiences of the pope, ii. 15, 53,
54, 110 ; his testimonials and apology,
ii. 185, 186 ; his duplicity, ii. 72 ;
letter to Mr. James Hill, ii. 205 ;
letter to Watson, ii. 182 ; letter to
Mush, ii. 172
Cecil, sir Robert, i. 215, 222 ; letter to
bishop of London, ii. 245 ; letter to,
from Dr. Ely, ii. 195
Cecil, William, lord Burghley, ii. 101
Ceciliano, father, S.J., ii. 76
Chadocke, William, ii. 244
Chamber, Richard, student, ii. 216
Champney, Anthony, priest, i. 88, 232 n,
ii. 1, 4, 7, 14, 16, 18, 26, 45, 51, 106,
181, 185, 281
Charnock, Robert, priest, i. 66, 68-70,
100, 123, 128, 129, 135, 137, 148,
151, 161, 203, 226, 229, 234, 235, 237,
240, 241, ii. 15, 27, 28, 180 ; prepara-
tions for his journey to Rome, i. 66 ;
at the English college, i. 101 ; im-
prisoned, i. 109 ; banishment at Pont-
a-Mousson, i. 160 ; his three letters to
Bagshaw, i. 66 ; his answer to the
libel, i. 137 ; letter to J. Smith, i.
174
Chatterton, Henry, student, ii. 216
Chiesa Nuova, ii. 2, 15
Churche, Mr., ii. 184, 185
Clark, divine, i. 245
Clark, Francis, alias William, priest,
i. 158, 163, 165, 174, ii. 177, 185, 235 ;
order for his examination by Blackwell,
i. 173 ; his suspension, i. 174 ; letter
by, with narrative of proceedings, i.
165-172; letter to Blackwell, i. 163;
letter to, from Garnet, i. 79 ; letter
to, from Blackwell, i. 161 ; his execu-
tion, i. 175 n
Clark, James : declaration about Parsons,
i. 241-243
Clarkson, divine, i. 244, 245
Clemens, Thomas, student, ii. 216
Clement VIII., pope, i. 33, 72, 102, 103,
118, 120, 126, 130, 149, 151, 160, 179,
182, 205, 209, 230, 232, 236, 240, 243,
244, ii. 194, 241 ; answer to speech of
English priests, i. 4 ; his opinion of
English missionaries, i. 28, 29 ; repre-
hends priests, i. 32 ; confirms authority
254
TI1K ARCHPRIKST GONTROVKRSY.
of archpriest, i. 71, 79 ; the letter of
thanks to, i. 82, 83 ; speeches to
French ambassador, ii. 3, 32, 34, 42,
60, 54, 57 ; speeches to appellants, ii.
6, 21, 28, 61, 112 ; his gout, ii. 7, 14 ;
grants audiences to appellants, ii. 15,
27, 43 ; gives them money, ii. 18, 28 ;
wishes to reconcile priests with Par-
sons, ii. 25, 59, 207 ; refuses to show
them Parsons's book of slanders, ii. 51 ;
has bad impression of appellants, ii.
6, 42 ; pleased with Cecil, ii. 54 ; his
difficulties between France and Spain,
ii. 61 ; letter from Bagshaw to, i. 149 ;
letters from the four priests to, ii.
203 ; remits affair to inquisition, ii.
53,54
Clennocke, priest, assistant, i. 206
Clerionet, William, priest, ii. 244
Clink, the, prison, i. 84, 173, ii. 231, 245
Cocks, divine, i. 245
Coffin, Edward, S.J., ii. 224, 244
Cole, Mr., ii. 185
Coleus, Henry, student, ii. 215
Colleton or Collington, John, priest, i.
4, 66, 70, 71, 85, 88, 98, 100, 103-106,
126, 129, 139, 155, 159, 173, 200, ii.
87, 180, 226, 230, 235; letter from
Blackwell to, i. 85
Collier, William, student, L 245
Collins, Dominic, S.J., ii. 71 n
Colston, agent of Parsons, ii. 109
Commolet, pere, S.J., ii. 274
Confirmation, necessary in persecution,
ii. 151
Constable, Mr., ii. 180, 187
Coope, Mr., i. 65
Cope, Alan, ii. 171
Cope, James, i. 175 n
Copley, Mr., ii. 185
Cornforth, Thomas, S.J., ii. 217
•Creighton or Crichton, William, S.J.,
ii. 71, 72, 74
Creilles, mons. de, ii. 241
Cresswell, Joseph, S.J., i. 45, 246, ii. 70,
75 ; political practices, ii. 109
Crisp, Antony, S.J., ii. 75
Curtes or Curteys, priest, i. 244 n, 245
Curye, i. 227
DACRE, lord, i. 217, 220
Damsen, D., ii. 241
Darbishire, father, S.J., i. 160
Barrel or Dorel, dean of Agen, i. '241
Deane, Mr., i. 84
Denmark, king of, ii. 114, 115
Dennis, i. 243
Deputies of the clergy at Borne (1599) :
sent to Borne, i. 168, 234, 240 ; their
treatment at Borne, i. 102, 103, 106,
108, 109, 170, 171, 236; imprison-
ment, i. 108, 109 ; their credentials, i.
Ill ; their ambition and factiousness,
i. Ill ; their commission and de-
mands, i. 69, 70, 113, 125, 148 ; their
examination and pleadings, i. 115 seq ;
libel against, i. 129-136
Derby, earl of, ii. 75, 108, 132
Devonish, Harry, student, i. 245
Devonish, Thomas, student, i. 245
Digby, John, student, ii. 217
Dolemanist (for the adherents of Par-
sons), i. 92-94
Dolman (for Parsons), ii. 240, 241
Dolman, Alban, arbitrator, i. 72, 149,
227-231, 237, 239, ii. 185
Douai college, i. 14, 119, 122, 134, 192,
244, 246, ii. 170, 172 ; list of members
in 1600, i. 244, 245 : Jesuits desire to
rule, i. 10
Douze or Dowce, prisoner, ii. 234
Dover, appellants stopped at, ii. 29
Dowgle, Clement and Steven, students,
i. 245
Driland, Christopher, ii. 244
Drumrnond, Edward, agent of James VI.,
ii. 8
Drury, Bobert, priest, suspended, i.
173 n
Duckett, A., alias of Holtby, q.v.
Duckett, James, bookseller, i. 114 n, ii. 95
Dudley, Bichard, arbitrator at Wisbech,
i. 1, 231, 232, ii. 181, 185
ECCHAUDE, Autoine, ii. 240
Edmunds, alias of Weston, q.v.
Egerton, priest, i. 245
Egerton, Nathaniel, student, i. 245
Eliot, captain, ii. 205, 237
Elizabeth, queen, i. 145, 212, 222, ii. 39,
91, 148, 195 ; her praises by father
Southwell, ii. "96-98 ; plots against
her, i. 122, 158, 243; policy of ag-
gression towards, ii. 70 ; policy of
conciliating her, i. 224, ii. 49, 56, 82,
83, 85, 149, 196, 197; French am-
INDEX.
255
bassador on, ii. 45, 46; attempts to
deceive Gregory XIII., ii. 80, 148 ; her
relations with appellants, ii. 15, 34,
48, 62: news of her death at Borne,
ii. 241
Elwed, John, ii. 244
Ely, Dr. Humphrey, i. 160 ; his profes-
sion of loyalty, ii. 196 ; opinion of the
Jesuits, ii. 197 ; letter to Sir R. Cecil,
ii. 195
Emerson, Ralph, ii. 244
England not to be reduced by arms, ii. 49
Englefield, sir Francis, i. 13
English students, character of, i. 26, 27,
41, 43, 44
Epistle of pious grief, by S. N., criti-
cised, ii. 163-168
Essex, earl of, i. 218, 222, ii. 101, 109
Everard, Thomas, student, ii. 216
Excommunication of princes inexpe-
dient, ii. 149
FACULTIES, for the clergy, i. 151, 152 ;
delegated by Jesuits, i. 11 ; withdrawn
from priests, i. 5, 34, 113 ; of appel-
ants, question of, ii. 22, 23, 68, 69,
120, 201, 209
Farbeck, Dr., 227 n
Farnese, Odoardo, card, protector, ii.
2, 4, 24, 25, 46, 56, 58, 59, 206 ; his
Spanish proclivities, ii. 57 ; proposal
that he should marry the infanta and
succeed Elizabeth, ii. 114-116
Feck (Feakus), Thomas, S.J., ii. 215
Feria, duke of, ii. 14, 88
Feme : his Glorie of Oenerositie, i. 213
Ferrara, the pope at, i. 103, 107
Field, father, S.J., in Ireland, ii. 71 n
Fincham (Firchance), Richard, stu-
dent, ii. 215
Fiscal, papal, i. 31, 34. See also
Acarisio
Fisher, bishop, ii. 171
Fisher, Robert, i. 9, 15, 16, 205, 232,
237 ; memorial attributed to him,
i. 2 n, 23, 25 ; his instructions, i.
206 ; his arrest, ii. 190 n, 192 ;
petition of appellants for his liberty,
ii. 190, 204 ; sent to the galleys, i. 240
Fitzherbert, ii. 109
Fitzherbert, Nicholas, i. 122
Fitzherbert, Thomas, ii. 17, 21, 22, 24,
25, 47, 56, 238-240
Fixer, John, priest, i. 215, 217
Flint, S. J., ii. 217
Fortescue, Thomas, al. Greene, student,
i. 245
Foynes, alias Sims, divine, i, 245
Framlingham, prisoners, i. 173, ii. 184,
225 ; distress and discontent of, ii.
223, 233; their petition to privy
council, ii. 242 ; letter to Blackwell,
and his answer, ii. 232, 233
France, kingdom of, claims of the
infanta to, ii. 64, 65, 89
Franciscus, Thomas, student, ii. 215
Freeman, Michael, S.J., ii. 216
French ambassador. See Bethune
GAKDINEB, bishop, ii. 171
Garner, William, student, ii. 217
Garnet, alias Walley, Henry, S.J., i. 11,
17, 20, 21 n, 43 n, 68, 82, 83, 85 n,
158, 160, 228, 231, 234, 237, 239, ii.
22, 36 ; charges against, i. 229, 230,
232 ; six of the assistants chosen by
him, i. 167 ; defends the society and
archpriest, i. 79-82 ; exhorts to peace
and amity, ii. 227 ; counsels conceal-
ment of criminal offences, i. 50 ;
letter in reply to the memorial, i. 17 ;
letter to Clark, i. 79 ; circular letter
to his brethren, ii. 227 ; letter from
Parsons to, i. 21
Gar [ret], or Gerard [?] , i. 20
Gifford, Dr. William, i. 84 n, 207, ii.
39 ; his hand in the memorial against
Jesuits, i. 7-15 ; letter, warning his
sister against Jesuits, ii. 178
Goldsmith, Francis, student, ii. 215
Gordon, S. J., ii. 74, 75
Gratz, duke of, ii. 75
Gravamina against the archpriest,
presented, ii. 13, 14, 15
Greek college, taken from Jesuits, ii.
20,21
Green, Mr. J., ii. 234
Greenal, divine, i. 245
Greene, Edward, student, i. 245
Greene, John, i. 175, ii. 244
Gregory XIII., pope, i. 44, ii. 148
Greveus, Joannes, S.J., ii. 215
Grey, Fra., i. 154
Grey, Thomas, keeper of Wisbech, ii.
243
Griffiths, or Griffin, Hugh, i. 10, 11
25 G
Till: AKCllPKIKST CONTROVERSY.
Griffiths, alias of Robert Alford, S.J.,
ii. 217
Gwyn, Robert, priest, i. 2
HABUELEY, Thomas, priest, ii. 244
Haddock. See Haydock
Hans, ii. 206
Harris, divine, i. 245
Harris, Dr., i. 245
Harward ^Harvodus), John, S.J., ii. 215
Haydock (or Haddock), Richard, proc-
tor of the archbishop at Rome, i. 116,
129, 136, 137, 236 n, 240, ii. 2, 15,
47; his letter on the two deputies, i.
101-106
Heborne, Anthony, priest, i. 63, 70, 71,
85[?], 89, 139, ii. 185, 235; sus-
pended, i. 98 ; declines to publish
brief in Clink, ii. 231 ; letter from,
i. 88; letter to Blackwell, ii. 223;
letter from Blackwell to, ii. 225
Henri IV., king of France, i. IS, ii. 61,
114, 115, 200 ; protects the appel-
lants, ii. 6, 32 ; recommends them to
the pope, ii. 89 ; gives passport to J.
Cecil, ii. 187 ; paper addressed to
him, on Spanish policy, ii. 218
Henry II., king of England, i. 145
Henshawe, priest, i. 206
Heresy HO bar te right of succession, ii.
150
Heretical propositions, ii. 13, 52, 89,
147-151
Hertford, lady Arabella, i. 223
Hesket, Thomas, ii. 47
Hesketh, Richard, ii. 75, 132
Heywood, father, S.J., i. 227, 238
Hide, Humphrey, student, ii. 215
Hide, Leonacd, priest, ii. 244
Hieronymo, ii. '28
Hill, James, esq., at Paris, ii. 5, 41,
180, 182, 237; letter from Cecil to,
ii. 205
Hill, Thomas, a factions priest, i. 4, 5,,
6, 12, 108
Hodgson, alias Smith, Thomas, stu-
dent, ii. 216
Holland, Henry, S.J., ii. 215
Holland, John, student, ii. 215
Holt, William, S.J., i. 13, 14, 46, 227,
ii. 4, 75, 132, 134, 202, 213 ; his
political practices, ii. 75, 109
Holtby, alias Duckett, Richsii'd, S.J., ii.
!">'.) ; his letter on the conduct of
appellants, i. 176-200
Holywood, Christopher, student, ii. 244
Hues (or Hughes), Edward, student, ii.
244
Hughes, Mr., ii. 234
Hull, prison, i. 239
INFANTA of Spain, her title to English
crown, ii. 64, 114-117, 172; to be
married to card. Farnese, ii. 114
Inquisition, cause of appellants re-
mitted to, ii. 16, 19, 53; their
decision objected to, ii. 56, 65 ; com-
missary of, ii. 2, 17
Ireland, i. 33, 243 ; Spanish expeditions
in, ii. 32, 61, 70, 71, 88 ; promoted
by Parsons, ii. 109 ; Jesuits in, ii. 40,
71 n
Ithell, apostate, i. 122
JACKSON, priest, i. 245
James VI. of Scotland, i. 221, ii. 102,
117, 241
Jarveys, John, student, i. 245
Jenninges, Jo., student, ii. 215
Jesuits : summary of charges against
them in the memorial, i. 7-15 ; their
ambitious policy, i. 94-98, 208-210 ;
aiming at control over the clergy, ii.
140, 142 ; their misgovernment of
the English college, i. 38-48, ii. 217-
218; cause of dissensions at Wis-
bech, i. 139, 209 ; procure appoint-
ment of archpriest, i. 166 ; their
opposition to the association, i. 3 ;
account of their seminaries, i. 245-
248 ; their aim in their foundation,
ib. ; their political intrigues, i. 157,
158, ii. 40, 49, 73-76, 111, 172; their
reliance on Spanish forces, i. 248 ;
comparison cf, with seculars, 'i. 54-
61 ; Bancroft's articles of enquiry
concerning, i. 226-238 ; proposal to
expel them from England, i. 15, 201,
ii. 77 ; petition for their removal
from English college, i. 63 n, 127,
206, 207 ; not to meddle with govern-
ment of seculars, ii. 54, 67, 119 ; they
publish books in spite of brief, ii. 68,
159 ; obtain modification of sentence
against Blackwell, ii. 44; fear of, at
INDEX.
257
Home, ii. 54, 61 ; Garnet's defences
of, i. 17-20, 79-82 ; Holtby's denial of
their undue influence, i. 188-192 ;
Parsons's defence of their rule at the
college, i. 21-38; defence of their
conduct in England, ii. 76-86 ;
Garnet's exhortation to, ii. 227-229 ;
they have no jurisdiction over secular
priests, i. 22 ; opposition good for
them, i. 35 ; covert or secret Jesuits,
i. 99, ii. 140, 141, 214 ; and passim
Jesuits, general of the, ii. 54, 57
Jhon, Mr., i. 88
Jones or Evans, priest at Douai, i. 245
Jones, father, S.J., i. 158, ii. 36
Justiniano, Sr, banker, ii. 18
KELLISON, Dr., i. 135, 244, 245
Kemp, Francis, student, ii. 217
Kempe, Mr., ii. 185
Ken, S., ii. 81
Kene, Henry, prisoner, ii. 244
Knight, Mr., i. 159
Knighte, Nic., priest, ii. 244
Knox, John, ii. 102
Kyrley (Kirby), martyr, i. 104
LAND, Eobert, i. 201
Lane, master of arts, i. 242
Leake, Mr., ii. 19
Ledyo[?], Mr., ii. 185
Leicester, earl of, ii. 101
Leicester's Commomvealth, extracts
from, ii. 99-102. See also Books
Lente, Nic., priest, ii. 244
Lewis, Owen, bishop of Cassano, i. 13,
27, 44, 137, 196
Liberty of conscience, i. 15, ii. 102 ;
Fisher's hopes of, 15 ; harmful
for catholics, ii. 6 ; chimerical, ii.
112; proposed conditions of, unjust,
ii. 76-81
Lineus, Jo., student, ii. 215
Linn, Philip, student, i. 245
Lister, father, S.J., his treatise, i. 99,
ii. 36, 99 n, 153, 159, 166, 167, 174 ;
commended by Blackwell, ii. 158 ;
Bellarmine on, ii. 9
Litt, N., ii. 181
London, Bancroft, bishop of, i. 208,
234 n, ii.-127, 185, 195; his articles
of enquiry, i. 226 ; his relations with
appellants, ii. 105, 183, 184 ; letter
from Bagshaw to, ii. 204, from Dr.
Bishop to, ii. 209, from a priest to,
ii. 221, from sir Kobert Cecil to, ii.
245
Lorraine, ii. 195
Lorraine, cardinal of, ii. 200
MALLET, Eobert, student, i. 245
Mallet, Thomas, S.J., ii. 215
Mansoni, nuncio in Ireland, ii. 74
Markham (or Marchian), Robert, i.
8-13, 15
Marshalsea prison, i. 212, 240
Mary, queen of Scots, ii. 72, 100 n,
102
Master, John, i. 84 ; letter from, i. 82
Medley, keeper of Wisbech prison, i.
227, 238
Memorial against the Jesuits, i. 7, 17,
205, 206, 232
Merideth, priest, ii. 226
Michell, i. 3, 206
Midforde, John, S.J., ii. 217
Midleton, Mr., at Paris, ii. 237, 241
Mirto, Octavius, bishop of Tricarico,
nuncio at Brussels, i. 5, ii. 29, 30, 34,
41 ; revokes faculties of three priests,
i. 6 ; extract from his letter to Black-
well, ii, 31 ; gives passport to
appellants, ii. 31 ; letter of, i. 109
Mitchell, Mr. Tristram, i. 242
More, Thomas, S.J., ii. 217
Morgan, Mr., ii. 280
Moroni, cardinal, i. 44
Morris, divine, i. 245
Morro (or Mora), monsignor, i. 29, 63 n,
234 n
Morton, divine, i. 245
Mush, alias Ratcliffe, priest, i. 64, 82,
83, 160, 176, ii. 45, 51, 79, 181 ; arbi-
trator at Wisbech, i. 231, 232 ; sus-
pended, 98 n ; statement regarding
the dissensions at the English college,
i. 38-48 ; diary of his proceedings at
Rome, ii. 1-28 ; censures Watson's
books, ii. 89 ; explains to Clement
the object of the appeal, ii. 47 ; letter
to Bagshaw, i. 1, to Mr. Wiseman, i.
53, to Bagshaw and Bluet, i. 63, to
Blackwell, i. 158, from Cecil to, ii. 179
VOL. II.
258
THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
N., S., author of Ejnstle of pious grief,
ii. 163-174
Navarre, king of. See Henri IV.
Nieuport, nuncio at, ii. 41
Norden, priest and doctor, i. 1, 144 n
Noricius, i. 14
Northumberland, earl of, ii. 70
Nuncio in Flanders. See Mirto
Nuncio in Paris, ii. 30, 186, 187
Nuncio in Spain, ii. 191
OATH of allegiance, prepared, ii. 180,
183 ; impious, ii. 151 ; specimens of,
ii. 246, 247
Oldcorne, father Edward, S.J., i. 154,
157, 163
Olivier, Seraphin, dean of the Rota, ii.
4, 239 ; his replies to legal questions
upon the brief, ii. 208
Ossat, cardinal d', ii. 72 n, 73 n, 239 ;
assists appellants, ii. 1, 2, 4, 8, 9,
10, 14, 45, 46 ; Parsons with, ii. 5,
47
Owen, bishop of Cassane. See Lewis
Owen, father Thomas, S.J., ii. 14
Owin, divine, i. 245
Oxford, university of, i. 242, ik 101
PAGET, Mr. Charles, i. 207, 237, ii. 205 ;
his connection with the memorial, i.
7,. 9, 11, 13
Paris, appellants at^ii. 31, 41, 182, 185r
230, 235-242
Paris university. See Schism
Parker, assistant and proctor of Black--
well, at Rome, i. 21, ii. 9, 11, 12, 15_
21, 25, 27, 58, 206
Parkinson, Richard, ii. 217
Parkinson, Rob., student, i. 245
Parma, duke of, ii. 108
Parsons, Robert, S.J., i. 4, 13,14, 17, 23,
37, 38, 42-46, 49, 88, 89, 9] , 95, 106, 109,
116, 122-125, 129, 137, 141, 144, 149,
166, 180, 182, 226, 235-238, ii. 35, 96,
160, 163, 239, 240 ; his early educa-
tion, i. 241 ; why he left Oxford, i. 144,
242 ; founds colleges in Spain, i. 30,
49, 146 ; goes from Spain to Rome,
i. 29, ii. 113, 134 ; on the disturb-
ances in the college at Rome, i. 24-34 ;
defence of his own proceedings, ib. ;
makes peace at the English college, i.
30 ; did desire bishops for England,
i. 120,. 137, 232 ; projects the appoint-
ment of arehpriest, i. 80, 166, ii. 67,
133, 194 ; initiates the letter of
thanks, i. 83 -, his meddling with
politics, i. 158, 237, ii. 17, 70, 73-75,
95, 107-110, 112,113; his ambiticvn,
ii. 131-133; 'kingmaker,' ii. 236 ;
arrogates to himself control of Eng-
lish affairs, ii. 127, 128- ; appoints
proctors for the arehpriest against
the two deputies, i. 101 ; has th«
deputies confined in the college, i. 109,
123 ; endeavours to stop, the four ap-
pellants, ii. 30, 38, 39 ; his dealings
with the four appellants at Rome, ii.
2-5, 7, 8, 10-12, 14-18, 19, 21, 22,23,
26, 35, 36, 37, 42, 43, 46, 47, 50, 54.
57, 60, 188 ; forbids students to speak
well of or to appellants, ii. 18, 19 ;
displeased with sentence of inquisi-
tion, ii. 19, 20, 22 ; his ' stratagem,7
ii. 24, 27, 58, 206 ; his charges against
the appellants, ii. 43, 87, 129, 207 n ;
his volume of calumnies ignored by
the pope> ii. 51 ; complains of pro-
tection of appellants by France, ii. 55 ;
his advocacy of the infanta's title, ii.
64, 65, 114, 172; his good works ex-
tolled, i. 49, ii. 83 ; author of Val-
ladolid oration to king Philip, ii. 95 :
his alleged authorship of Leicester's
Commonwealth, ii. 21, 99, 100 ; his
treatment of Fisher, ii. 191 ; his
receipt ef news of Elizabeth's death,
ii. 241 ; letters of intelligence about,
i. 243, ii. 212 -r his letter to Garnet, i.
21-37; letter from Cajetan to, i. 128
Peale, Mr., priest, i. 245
; Peares, Peres or Perseus. See Percy
Penkevel, priest, i. 245
Percy, Dr. William, ii. 4 ; ' heady and
contentious,' ii. 5 ; bids Bethune be-
ware of appellants, ii. 26 ; three let-
ters to friends in Paris, ii. 235-242
Percy, Mrs., ii. 195
; Persecution in England, i. 84, ii. 82,
103, 111, 117; profitable to the
church, ii. 6
Pett, divine, i. 245
Petti, nephew of the pope, i. 244
Philip, II. See Spain, king of
INDEX.
Philippus, Joannes, student, ii. 215
Pigenat, Odo, S.J., ii. 74
Pigott, Mr., ii. 185
Pinelli, cardinal, ii. 16, 17, 18, 21, 54
Pitts, Arthur, dean of Liverdun ; his
declaration of loyalty, ii. 200, 201 ;
letter to Blackwell, i. 160
Pius V., ii. 148
Politics, question of prohibiting, to
priests, i. 99, 113, 157, ii. 27, 60, 62,
211. See also Books, Jesuits, Parsons
Pont-a-Mousson, ii. 200
Pope (the), paradoxes of appellants
concerning, ii. 148, 149. See also
Clement VIII.
Popham, Alexander, i. 242
Potter, George (alias Transham), i. 175
Powel, Mr., i. 72
Priests, secular, their association, i. 2 n ;
rebuked by pope, i. 4 ; letters to, from
nuncio in Brussels, i. 5 ; Garnet's
appeal to, i. 18, 19 ; their dissensions
with Jesuits, i. 38 ; differences with
laymen in prison, ii. 232 ; Mush's
vindication of, i. 53 ; their labours
before the coming of Jesuits, i. 58, 59 ;
many sign letter of thanks to the
pope, i. 82, 234, 235; dissentients
prepare to appeal, i. 66 n, 71, 233 ;
submit on receipt of brief, ii. 167 ;
causes of complaint, i. 154-156, 167 ;
refer their case to Paris, i. 192 ; per-
secuted by Jesuits, i. 167, ii. 222 ;
driven to France, i. 240 ; faculties
for, i. 151, 152 ; troubles of those
suspended, i. 175 ; executions of, ii.
39, 41 n ; proposals for a union
among, ii. 209 ; sir E. Cecil on their
increase, ii. 245
Privy council, i. 84 n, ii. 183 ; petition
from Framlingham prisoners to, ii.
242
Proclamation, the queen's, of 1602, ii.
221, 231, 246 n
Proctors of the archpriest at Eome, i.
115, ii. 9, 14, 15, 21-24, 36, 67, 69,
206
RAND, Thomas, S. J., ii. 215
Batcliffe, alias of Mush, q.v.
Rayne, divine, i. 245
Redman, priest,!. 245
Redman ' out of Flanders,' ii. 180
Rheims, decline of college at, ii. 142
Robinson, Francis, priest, i. 159
Robinson, Robert, S. J., ii. 215
Robinson, Thomas, student, ii. 216
Roche, John, executed, i. 216
Rolston, agent of Parsons, ii. 109
Rome, English college at, i. 132, 134,
135, 144, 148, 236, 239, 246, ii. 221 ;
articles for regulation of, i. 16, 17 ;
tumults and scandals at, 1, 2, 24-26 ;
29, 39, 49-51, 129, 137, 171, 237, ii.
104 ; young men resort to, for novel-
ties, i. 27 ; Mush on the Jesuits as
cause of the trouble, i. 40-43 ; pe-
titions for removal of Jesuits from,
i. 63 n, 127, 207 ; Parsons restores
peace at, i. 29, 83 ; Jesuit influence
at, ii. 214 n, 217, 218 ; students quiet
under good government, i. 45 ; stu-
dents of, petition for a cardinal of
their own choice, i. 28 ; students ex-
pelled, i. 31, 32, 50 ; Parsons's dis-
courses to, i. 158 ; the two deputies
of the clergy imprisoned at, i. 123
Rome : the two deputies arrive at, i. 101
(see Deputies) ; Blackwell's proctors at,
i. 115 ; arrival of four appellants at,
ii. 1, 32, 41, 45 (see Appellants)
Rome, court of: influenced by Spanish
faction, i. 244 ; list of students at,
ii. 214
Rookwood, Robert, ii. 215 n
Rous, Ant., priest, i. 173, 174
Rudal, alias Nevel, divine, i. 245
Russell, Charles, student, ii. 216
SAINT MABTIN, abbot of, ii. 187
St. Omers, seminary of, i. 246
Sanders, Dr. Nicolas, i. 114, ii. 70,
150, 171
Santorello, signer, ii. 18
Sapiretti, ingr. Gio., papal paymaster,
ii. 75 n
Schism, appellants accused of, i. 85 n,
154, 162, 167, 169, 172, 183, 184 ;
decree of Paris university on, i. 172,
237, ii. 153, 165; question of, at
Rome, ii. 9, 65, 103, 189 ; Parsons's
obstinacy regarding it, ii. 21 ; ques-
tion determined by cardinals and
pope, ii. 10, 36, 51, 146, 193
260
THE ARCHPRIEST CONTROVERSY.
Scotland, i. 217, ii. 70, 74, 75 n ; Jesuit
practices in, ii. 74, 75
Sebastian, king of Portugal, ii. 73
Secheverel, apostate priest, i. 122
Sega, cardinal, i. 29, 48 n, 234 n ; visits
English college, i. 26 ; promises re-
dress of grievances, i. 46
Seminaries, foreign, i. 26, 32, 39, 41, 42,
47, 73, 133, 138, 246, ii. 101 ; aided
by king Philip, ii. 213 ; Spanish, i.
26, 30, 45, 49, 146, ii. 134, 171, 172 ;
Elizabeth wishes Gregory XIII. to
abandon them, ii. 80. See also Douai,
Bheims, Home, St. Omer, Seville,
Valladolid
Seminarists compelled to subscribe
Philip's title, ii. 108
Seraphin. See Olivier
Seville, seminary of, i. 246
Sfondrati, cardinal, ii. 16, 17 ; on Par-
sons, ii. 54
Sheldon, Hugh, ii. 244
Sherwin, martyr, i. 104
Shert, martyr, i. 104
Sickleinore, John, i. 48, 52, 237 ; greatly
commends Parsons, i. 49 ; letter to
Bagshaw, i. 48
Silisden (or Silidonins, S.J.), ii. 216
Singleton, or Shingleton, assistant of
Blackwell, i. 206
Sixtus V., pope, ii. 148
Skidmor, ii. 9
Smallman, Sam., student, ii. 217
Smith, Bartholomew, student, i. 245
Smith, John, letter from Charnock to,
i. 174
Smith, Thomas, student [S.J.], ii. 216
Smith, father, S.J., at Borne, ii. 5
Smith, Dr., ii. 180, 237
Smithe, Mr., ii. 185
Smithsonne, Mr., i. 89
Smorthet, Bichard, student, ii. 244
Smyle, i. 153
Sourdis, cardinal Francois d'Escoubleau
de, ii. 187
Southwell, father Bobert, S.J., i. 26, 45,
49, 92, 119, 227-229; his Supplica-
tion (see Books)
Spain: prejudices against, in the English
college, i. 30
Spain, king of, ii. 61 ; assists Sanders in
Ireland, ii. 70 ; speech made to him
by Valladolid students, ii. 90-95 ; not
animated by religious zeal, ii. 71-73,
213
Spanish ambassador at Borne, ii. 3, 14,
27, 53, 54, 57, 60, 61
Spanish faction, i. 217, 243, 244, ii. 48,
57, 61, 70, 74, 118, 183, 201, 213,
217 ; influence of, in Borne, ii. 41, 44
Spies, use of, by Jesuits in their colleges,
i. 47
Squier, Dr., at Oxford, i. 242
Squiers or Squire : his plot, i. 122, 219,
242, ii. 62, 76. See also Swire
Standish, James, priest, i. 72, 167 n,
206, 240, ii. 109, 128
Stanhope, sir John, i. 222
Stanley, sir William, ii. 75
Stapleton, Dr. Thomas, i. 114 n, 245, ii.
150, 171, 173
State, affairs of. See Politics
Stews, contentions about the, i. 232, ii.
192, 193
Stillington, Dr., ii. 173
Stran., Mr., report of his death, i. 64
Strange, or Strangeways, student, ii. 216
Subordination, the : origin of, i. 22, 23, 92,
165, 232 sq ; letter of thanks for, i. 82,
169, 170, 234 ; inconveniences of, i.
90 sq, ii. 10, 122. See also Blackwell
Succession, Book of, extract from, ii.
64. See also Books
Supplication of father Southwell, ex-
tracts from, ii. 96-98. See also
Books
Sweet, ii. 5, 47
Sweete, John, student, i. 245
Swift, his declaration of the college of
Douai, i. 244
Swire [Squires?], ii. 18
TAILEK, Mr., i. 155
Tancred, father Charles, S.J., ii. 70, 75
Taverns frequented by students at Borne,
i. 31
Tempest, Edward, priest, i. 6 n, 84 n,
85, 108 ; his connection with the
memorial, i. 6, 7,9, 11, 14, 15; letter
to Bagshaw from the Clink, i. 64, 65
Thomas, i. 85
Thornhill (or Thornell), Dr. John, i. 16
Throgmorton, i. 12, 13
Thules (or Thewles), priest, i. 20, 65,
70, 72, 155
INDEX.
2G1
Thyrsle.y, Thomas or Charles, student,
i. 245
Tichborne, father Henry, S.J., i. 116
Tillotson, Francis, priest and spy, i. 3
Todde, John, i. 38
Toledo, cardinal, S.J., i. 29, 207, ii. 205,
222 ; hostility of the Jesuits towards,
i. 9, 10, 13, 14
Toleration, sued for, ii. 196, 197 ; hopes
of, i. 15, ii. 184 ; sir Robert Cecil on,
i. 222. See Liberty of conscience
Topcliffe, priest-catcher, i. 212, 213, 215,
216
Tower of London, i. 121; plot to seize,
i. 157 ; lieutenant of, i. 208
Transham. See Potter, George
Trim, John, student, i. 245
Trolop, Mr., ii. 23
Turner, Robert, of Barnstable, priest, i.
16
Turner, Thomas, S.J., ii. 215
Twist, R., ii. 180
Tyrone, earl of, in Ireland, ii. 40, 73,
74
VALLADOLID, seminary of, i. 246 ; oration
of the students of, to king Philip, ii.
90-93
Vaudemont, cardinal of, ii. 200
Vere, sir Francis, ii. 23
Vervins, peace of, ii. 72
Vestrio Barbiano, mgr., draws up the
brief, ii. 23, 24-27, 30, 31, 59, 60, 206
Villeroi, French secretary of state, ii.
41, 72 n, 179, 180
Vitelleschi, Muzio, S.J., rector of the
English college, i. 45
WAAD (or Wade), William, clerk of the
privy council, i. 84, 85, 155, 208, 212,
215, 226
Wales, men ready to rise in, i. 158
Walker, Charles, student, ii. 217
Walker, Henry, S.J., ii. 215
Walker, Robert, student, ii. 215
Walley, alias of Garnet, q.v.
Walpole, father Richard, S.J., ii. 4, 5,
12, 14, 25, 76, 238 ; his connection
with Squiers's plot, i. 122. ii. 5, 62 n
\V;tlsingham, sir Francis, i. 212 ; priests'
dealings with, ii. 80
Ward, Margaret, martyr, 216 n
Watson, William, priest, i. 98 n, 156,
226, ii. 204 ; his education, sufferings,
and imprisonment, i. 211-214; sus-
pected as a spy, i. 215 ; visits Scot-
land, i. 217 ; his writings, i. 218-223 ;
persecuted by Spanish faction, i. 225 ;
said to have abandoned the priest-
hood, ii. 182 ; his books condemned
by appellants, ii. 68, 87, 89, 194;
his mischievous proposals to secure
toleration, ii. 77 ; petition that he
may have a fair examination, ii. 69 ;
daily with bishop of London, ii. 127 ;
executed, i. 157 n ; his thirty reasons
against Blackwell's appointment, i.
90-98 ; letter to the attorney-
general, i. 210 ; letter from Cecil to,
ii. 182 ; letter from Bagshaw to, ii.
183 ; letter from Dr. Bishop to, ii.
194
Way, ii. 182
Webb, a priest, i. 245
Webb, Edward, student, ii. 216
Webb, Dr. Laurence, i. 135
Webb, William, student, i. 245
Westmorland, earl of, i. 217, ii. 70
Weston, Dr., priest, i. 245
Weston (alias Edmonds), father Ed-
mund, S.J., i. 11, 21 ; his connection
with Wisbech stirs, i. 227-233, 238,
240, ii. 139, 193
Wigge, William, priest, ii. 244
Wilsonus, Robert, student, ii. 216
Wingfield, sir Antony, Kt., ii. 242, 243
Winwood, Ralph, English agent at
Paris, ii. 184
Wisbech castle, i. 11, 52, 121, 122 n,
139, 144, 145, 148, 154 n, 156, 209,
239, 240, ii. 192, 244 n; the most
conspicuous place of catholics in
England, i. 238 ; priests living apart
in, i. 1 ; bad spirit of certain inmates,
i. 132, 144 ; the dissensions there, i.
227-232, ii. 166
Wiseman, Mr., letter from Mush to, i.
53-62
Wisemanist, i. 93
Wittington, Edward, student, ii. 216
Wodworthe, student, ii. 217
Woodruffe, Christopher, priest, ii. 244
Worthington, Dr.. i. 247, ii. 132
Worthington, Dr., president of Douai, i.
244
262 THE ARCHPHIKST CONTROVERSY.
Worthington, Peter, S.J., ii. 215 | YATES, Francis, S.J., ii. 217
Wright, a warrant for, ii. 245 Yewne, Ealph, i. 90
Wright, Mr. John, dean of Courtrai, i. Yorke, Francis, student, ii. 216
119, 136, 197; his letter to card.
Cajetan, i. 135, 136
Wyndham, Dr., i. 230
Young, Francis, S.J., ii. 215
ZELANDEB, Vincentius, S.J., ii. 76.
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