7
THE
M
ROUTE OF ARNOLD'S CAMPAIGN.
THE
wold's
AND OF THE
HARDSHIPS AND SUFFERINGS OF THAT BAND OF HEROES
TEA VERSED THE WILDERNESS OF MAINE
CAMBRIDGE TO THE ST. LAWRENCE,
AUTUMN OF 1775.
BY JOHN JOSEPH HENRY,
o
One of the Survivors.
ALBANY:
JOEL MUNSELL.
1877.
277
MEMOIR
OF
JOHN JOSEPH HENRY,
BY HIS GRANDSON.
John Joseph Henry, the author of the Campaign against Quebec, was
born at Lancaster, Pennsylvania, on the 4th of November A.D. 1758.
His ancestors came to Pennsylvania with the first great wave of Scotch-
Irish immigration. His father, William Henry, in a brief memoir of him
self, written in the German tongue a few weeks before his death, says :
"I was born May 1 9th, 1729. My grandparents on my father's side
came from Scotland, and on my mother's side were descendants of French
refugees. My parents on both sides came from Ireland to Pennsylvania
and were married in this country. My father was a Presbyterian and my
mother a member of the Church of England, but as there was then no>
Anglican church in Pennsylvania the whole family felt drawn to join the
Presbyterians."1
Robert Henry, the Scottish grandfather, with his wife Mary and their
three sons John, Robert and James, arrived in the Delaware in ijzz. He
settled in the pleasant valley of Doe Run in the wide county of Chester
and there, in 1735, ^e an<^ his w^e ended their pilgrimages on the same
day and were buried together at the historic Octorara Meeting House.
Of the three sons James died early leaving a single child who did not
survive infancy, and Robert, following the current of Scotch-Irish emigra
tion went into the valley of Virginia where he left many sons and daughters
and they many descendants.
John Henry married the daughter of Hugh De Vinney, one of the Hu
guenots of the Pequea valley. He remained upon and added to the lands
1 This statement is not strictly accurate. There was more than one Anglican church
in the vicinity of Philadelphia previously to lyzz.
1
M15377
iv. Memoir.
of his father, but dying in middle life his family, consisting of five sons and
several daughters, was in the language of the memoir " entirely scattered."
William Henry, the eldest of the sons, then in his fifteenth year, was
sent to Lancaster to learn the trade of gunsmith with Matthew Roeser.
Lancaster county had been set off from the vast county of Chester in
1729 and itself included "all and singular the lands within the province of
Pennsylvania lying to the northward of Octorara creek and to the westward
of a line of marked trees running from the north branch of Octorara creek
northeasterly to the river Schuylkill." Lancaster, the county seat, was laid
out by James Hamilton, afterwards governor of Pennsylvania, in 1728,
and was in 1745 an active and prosperous town with about two thousand
inhabitants.
Emigrants in large numbers and in some cases in organized bodies, from
Ireland, Scotland, France, Germany and Switzerland, had poured into the
fertile wilderness of southern Pennsylvania. Flying for the most part from
oppressive land laws or from religious persecution they brought with them
their clergy, their school masters and their books and that intensity of faith
and purpose which had sent them forth to found new homes across the sea.
Lancaster, situated in the midst of a great valley of unsurpassed fertility
soon became not only the seat of an active commerce and manufacture
connected with the Indian trade but the home of many men well culti
vated in the learning of the day, especially in its theological departments.
William Henry possessed in full measure the perfervid imagination of his
face, and at early age turned his thoughts upon those great religious ques
tions which are so seldom solved by ratiocination. He tells the story of
•his spiritual experiences at length in his memoir, but it is enough to say
that he did not find the peace he sought, till middle life, when in 1763
he and his wife joined themselves to the Moravians, then known only as
the Church of the United Brethren.
His work in worldly matters prospered, however, for like many of his
race he was prudent in action, though speculative in thought. He became
early the head of a large establishment for the manufacture of arms and
equipments for the Indian trade. In 1754 he was appointed armorer for
the troops collecting in Virginia for Braddock's expedition, and in 1757
he was, with apparent reluctance, called again to go to Virginia as " gun
contractor for the whole army."
From this time forward he was much engaged in public affairs, especially
in those which related to the Indian tribes. Possessing the confidence both
of the whites and the Indians, he was able to render essential service in the
Memoir. v.
settlement of many of the questions which arose between the races. The
Delaware hero, Koquethagachron or White Eyes, and his successor Gelele-
mend or Leader called Killbuck by the whites, were among his friends.
Between him and the latter the tie of friendship was so strong that in
1784, after the Delaware custom, they agreed to exchange names. Gelele-
mend, a few years later, was baptized by the Moravians as William Henry
and his descendants in Fairfield, Canada, still bear the name and claim
kinship with the posterity of their ancestor's friend.
When the disputes between the colonies and the crown grew serious,
William Henry, though a magistrate under the proprietary government,
gave his support with characteristic ardor to the cause of the patriots. His
activity and vigor were conspicuous during the war of the revolution. His
factory was busy in the making of arms and he himself as deputy
commissary general, exercised freely the almost unlimited authority
given him by Washington, in the matter of raising supplies for the
army. After the termination of the war he was called to fill a number of
posts of honor and responsibility. It will seem strange to us, when the
holding of a plurality of offices is deemed an abuse, that at the time of his
death in 1786, he was a judge of the court of common pleas, a member
of the general congress, and the treasurer of Lancaster county j and what
may seem stranger still his wife, Anne Henry, succeeded him in the last
office and continued to fill it with entire acceptation for many years and
nearly up to the time of her own decease.
John Joseph Henry grew up in troublous times. In early childhood he
and his elder brother William Henry, the younger, were witnesses of the
Paxtang massacre. His own recollection was only of the hurrying and
shouts of men, the firing of guns and the retreat at a gallop of those who
had slain the helpless prisoners. His brother, two years his senior, was
able, however, in later years to give a vivid account of the slaughter (Hecke-
welder'sNarrati've^ p. 7 8). Strenuous efforts were made to bring the murderers
to trial by William Henry and others, but the state of feeling on what was
then the frontier, was such that no success followed their efforts. Even
the detachment of Highlanders quartered in the town at the time would do
nothing to stay the carnage or arrest the perpetrators of it.
Judge Henry was accustomed to say, late in life, that he had watched the
careers of all of those lawless men who had murdered the Conestogas, and
that the retribution which man denied had been awarded by Providence,
for that nearly all of them died violent deaths. Tradition tells that the
vi. Memoir.
last of them broke his neck by falling from a loaded wagon near his own
house.
As young Henry grew towards manhood the mutterings of the revolution
ary storm were in the air. He drank in the passions of the time with
eager spirit and with parental precept and example to justify him, gave up
his whole heart to the strife. He had been sent in 1772,, with his uncle
John Henry, who was a gunsmith and Indian trader, to the remote frontier
post "of Detroit. Returning the next year on foot with a single guide, who
died in the wilderness, he found his way after much suffering to the house
of his relative General John Gibson, who dwelt at Logstown on the Ohio.
He was kindly received by General Gibson and when restored to health
was sent forward by him to his home in Lancaster.
General Gibson was himself one of the leading men of the frontier. He
it was to whom the Mengwe chief, Logan, addressed the speech which Jeffer
son, in his Notes on Virginia^ has made immortal. He was a brother
of Colonel George Gibson, who was mortally wounded at St. Glair's de
feat. Col. Gibson was the father of the late Hon. John Bannister Gibson,
chief justice of Pennsylvania.
The Gibsons were all men of force of character combined with a gay
humor. The story is told of Colonel Gibson that a couple of days after
the defeat, whilst the army was still in great peril, as he lay in his rough
shelter in the forest, his nephew, Lieutenant Slough of Lancaster, who had
been slightly wounded in the arm, but had lent his blanket to his uncle, came
to demand its return, saying that he had leave to go home to see his father
and mother. The dying man turned to him with a smile and said " take
it Jake, and go home and honor your father and mother that your days
may be long in the land."
William Henry had designed that his sons William and John Joseph
should follow his own avocation. The former acceded to his father's wishes
and was the second in a line of prosperous makers of arms extending to the
present day. But when the command was laid on the younger son to
enter the factory he so far disobeyed it as to incur the serious displeasure of
his father. Not long after the question between them was settled by the
outbreak of the war. In 1774 the quarrel between the colonies and Eng
land was probably past cure. Both sides were making ready for the conflict.
In southern Pennsylvania the dour frontiersmen might differ as to the
murder of Indian prisoners but they were of one mind as to fighting the
British. They or their ancestors had fled across the ocean from the tyran-
Memoir. vii.
nical land and church laws of England and they would resist to the death
a new oppression in America.
In the spring of 1775 two companies of riflemen were enlisted at the
first tap of the drum for the army before Boston — one from the county
of Cumberland under Captain William Hendricks, the other from Lancaster
county under Captain Matthew Smith. Young Henry, by this time a tall
and hardy youth, well skilled in the use of the rifle and the ways of the
forest, joined the latter without the knowledge of his father. His good
mother, however, whose patriotism may have been a shade less prudent
than that of her husband, was made the confidante of his intention and
gave her consent to an act which was but the natural corollary of her
own teaching. She made with her own hands in secret his rifleman's
uniform, if such it could be called, consisting as he himself tells of leggings,
moccasins and a deep ash colored hunting shirt.
When the day of departure came and the company was drawn up for
inspection before starting, his father passed along the line but did not recog
nize his own son in the tall rifleman on its right.
The story of the campaign so well told by himself needs not to be re
hearsed here. It is enough to say that he came home in the fall of 1776,
apparently in health but with the seeds of disease deeply planted in his
constitution. In a few weeks after this, he tells us, " a slight cold caught
while skating on the Susquehannah or hunting the wild turkey among the
Kittatinny mountains, put an end to all his visionary schemes of ambition."
The scurvy, from which he suffered in the prison at Quebec, attacked with
terrible force the knee which had been injured at the assault. The joint
became the seat of violent inflammation, disease of the bone followed and
when two years afterwards he left his couch it was only to walk with a
crutch through life. Some good, however, came out of So much evil. The
house of William Henry had long been the resort of the educated men of
the Lancaster community and of such strangers as visited the place. Dur
ing the revolution the leading men of the day found quarters there. Franklin,
Rittenhouse, Paine and others were among his guests. (Marshall's Diary
passim.) The Juliana library founded in 1750, so called from Lady Juliana
Penn, wife of Thomas Penn and daughter of the Earl of Pomfret, was kept
there. Constant access to books with abundant leisure to read them and
the society of the foremost men of the time made up for a somewhat de
sultory early training and probably determined his ultimate choice of the
law as his profession.
viii. Memoir.
The memoir of his life by his daughter, the mother of the present writer,
tells us all that is known of him till he came to the bar. His preceptor,
Colonel Stephen Chambers, whose youngest sister he afterwards married,
was an Irishman by birth. He had come to Pennsylvania with his father,
mother and sisters in the great Scotch-Irish immigration of 1772, and 1773-
The father being a man of property had educated his son at Trinity college,
Dublin, intending him for the bar. He had the misfortune, however, at
an early age to kill his antagonist in a duel, whereupon the whole family
came to America. He also entered the army and did good service for
some years but resigned his commission and came to the bar of Lancaster
county in 1780 where he attained a large practice. He was a delegate to
the Pennsylvania convention which ratified the federal constitution. He
fell in a duel with Dr. Reger in 1789.
Mr. Henry, after several years of assiduous study, was admitted to practice
in 1785. He too was soon largely employed. But the conditions of suc
cess in the law at that time, were very different from those which com
mand it now. Beyond the statutes of the states there were practically
no books on the law written or printed in America, no text-books,
no digests, no reports. The first volume of Dallas'* Reports was pub
lished in 1790, the second in 1798, and the third in 1799. With
these exceptions no regular series of reports had been published in
America up to the year 1800. The entire vast array of American reports,
both state and federal, has come into existence since that day. The lawyers
of that time were thrown for aid wholly on English resources, and English
law books exclusively composed their modest libraries. It is perhaps a
fortunate thing for the jurisprudence of the country that such was the case.
Where all sound learning in the law was drawn from one source, it was
but natural that the several jurisprudences established on that basis should
have a substantial uniformity though the peculiar political institutions of
the country might seem to disfavor such a result. Many men of great
ability and profound learning were trained in this early school. They
sought their knowledge at the very fountain heads of the law and grew
strong in the mastery of its principles by tracing them to their foundation.
Among these George and James Ross, Duncan, Charles Hall, Yeates,
Watts and Charles Smith were among the associates and friends of Judge
Henry.
In 1793 Mr. Henry was appointed by Governor Mifflin, the president of
the second judicial district of Pennsylvania. His commission, bearing date
Memoir. ix.
the l8th day of December, 1793, appoints him "President of the Several
Courts of Common Pleas in the Circuit consisting of the Counties of
Chester, Lancaster, York and Dauphin," a vast territory whose features were
fertile valleys and rugged hills with the hard wood forests every where pre
dominant.
Of his work as a judge but little remains. It may be said of him, as has
been said of his kinsman and youthful friend, the late Chief Justice Gibson,
who at one time presided over another Pennsylvanian circuit, that so far as
his work in that circuit was concerned *' he has left no monument of his
labors. Like the fruits of much of the best ability of the state, displayed
in the same sphere, they perished on the spot without a record to perpetu
ate their worth." (Essay on the Life and Writings of John B. Gibson,
LL.D., by William A. Porter.) The words of Judge Porter have a sad
aptitude to many cases.
The only case tried by Judge Henry, which is known to have been fully
reported, is that of the Commonwealth vs. Hauer, et als., 2, Chandlers Criminal
Trials, 353. The case in Chandler is but a feeble abridgment of a remark
able pamphlet printed at Harrisburg in 1798, giving a full account of the
trials of the seven persons charged with complicity in the murder. It has
been said that " few events ever caused more excitement and alarm amongst
the German population than the murder of Francis Shitz in 1797. The
trials of the parties implicated in this singular transaction are interesting as
exhibiting the low state of public morals at that day in the interior of the
state, especially amongst the foreign population, and also as involving some
legal points of great importance in criminal law." (Prefatory note to the
.Report in Chandler.)
The counsel on both sides were of great ability and the many questions
of law and of fact were argued with much learning and fullness. The
rulings of Judge Henry throughout the case were briefly and clearly made,
and his charge to the jury correctly stated the principles of the law applica
ble to it.
Two of the prisoners were found guilty of murder in the first degree and
expiated their crime upon the gallows.
The pamphlet report, by an anonymous author, is a model of completeness.
It gives a statement of the case, the pleadings, the evidence in full, the
motions made at the several stages of the very complex proceedings, the
rulings of the court on the points raised, the arguments of the counsel and
the charge of the judge. It is a conscientious history by a fully competent
x. Memoir.
hand of a celebrated case, from the perusal of which a lawyer may derive
greater profit than by reading volumes of such reports as slip-shod indolence
too often imposes on the profession.
About the year 1804, the constitution of Judge Henry, so severely tried
in youth, began to give way under repeated attacks of the gout, which in a
letter written to his brother William in 1807, he speaks of as an inherit
ance from his mother. That it is transmissible by descent many others
have grievous reason to testify.
In succeeding years the severity of his attacks increased so greatly that
he was unable longer to fill the arduous duties of his office. He therefore,
in the latter part of the year 1810, tendered his resignation to the governor
of the state. Four months later, on the I5th April, i8n,he rested finally
from his labors. His remains lie in the burial ground of the Moravian
church at Lancaster.
Judge Henry was a man of great stature and strength, and of grave and
leonine aspect — yet he was of jovial temper and quick and warm sensibilities.
His religious faith was cast in the antique mold which would not admit of
a doubt and somewhat scorned the doubter. By the testimony of all who
knew him he was a brave, just and honorable gentleman.
The Campaign against Quebec was dictated to his daughter, Anne Mary,
the mother of the writer, with the aid of casual notes and memoranda from
his bed of sickness in his latest years. The manuscript received no revision
at his hands, for he was called away very shortly after its last pages were
written. His widow gave it to the press in 1812, and it was printed with
out even the correction of verbal and typographical errors.
He left two sons, Dr. Stephen Chambers Henry, late of Detroit, and
Dr. Julien Henry of St. Louis, also deceased, and several daughters, one
only of whom, Anne Mary, the wife of the late Honorable Thomas Smith,
of Delaware county, has left issue.
A portrait of Judge Henry in the stately dress of a gentleman of the old
time, from the hand of his youngest brother, Benjamin West Henry, a
pupil of Gilbert Stuart, represents him as a man of massive features, broad
shoulders and grave yet kindly expression, and is in full harmony with what
is remembered of him.
AUBREY H. SMITH.
Philadelphia, May Z5th, 1877.
LIFE OF THE AUTHOR.
WRITTEN BY HIS DAUGHTER.
There is an observation trite, true, and universally admitted, that the
lives of those who have not embraced a wide sphere of action, are un
interesting and perfectly devoid of any incitements to attention. Biogra
phies of warriors and statesmen are perused with avidity ; but it is not
merely their own history, but that of the times in which they lived, at
least partially so. But descending to the quieter walks of life, when we
trace the history of a good and unfortunate man, through all the varied
evolutions that peculiarly mark his fate, and prevent him from being en
rolled in the list of those beings who have found the path divested of thorns,
it is, to some, still interesting ; and although the incidents are not of a
nature to excite wonder or astonishment, they may still possess the power
to call forth the sympathy of minds of feeling — minds that have been
taught to feel another's woe.
John Joseph Henry, the author of the following pages, was born Novem
ber 4th, 1758, at Lancaster, Pennsylvania. His father, William Henry,
was a man whose memory is still revered by those who possessed any know
ledge of him, his strict honesty and known probity rendering it sacred to
such as claimed him as their friend. He was possessed of a mechanical
genius in a strong degree. He it was who invented the well known
screw-auger.
Warmly addicted to this his favorite passion, he wished to instil into
the minds of his children, a taste for mechanics. With some of them he
succeeded. As soon as his son John Joseph had attained the age of fourteen,
he bound him an apprentice to an uncle, who was a gunsmith, then a
resident at Lancaster, but after sometime removed to Detroit, taking his
nephew with him. At that place, his stay was but short, on account of
scarcity of business. He returned on foot with a single guide, who died in
the wilderness which lay between Detroit and his home. It was here that
hardships and misfortune first were felt, his future companions during a
xii. Memoir.
length of years devoted to God and his country. Young Henry returned
to his parents and home, dissatisfied with the employment a judicious father
had pointed out for him, as the means by which he wished him to gain a
future subsistence. His ardent mind panted after military glory. The
troubles of his country, which was then making vigorous, and ultimately
successful struggles for a total emancipation from slavery, wrought strongly
upon one, the acme of whose hopes and wishes was, to be one of those
who contended most for freedom. In the fall of 1775, he clandestinely
joined a regiment of men raised in Lancaster county, for the purpose of
joining Arnold, who at that time was stationed at Boston. His father
was commissary to the troops, which office obliged him to' attend them to
Reading. It was at this time, under circumstances which rendered him
most liable to detection from his parent, he left his home to wander, at
the age of sixteen, in a strange land. Thus a thirst for glory inflamed his
youthful breast, and superseded every other passion and affection of his
heart. After enduring all the fatigues of a veteran soldier, they entered
Canada on his birthday — an eventful one to him. He endured hard
ships here, which, in his own simple style, he fully enumerates. It was
in prison, where he lay for nine months, that he contracted a disease (the
scurvy), which at that time did not make its appearance, but six weeks
afterwards, on his return home, at a time when least expected, it made its
appearance under its most malignant form. It was at a time when it
became a duty incumbent on him to continue in the army. A captaincy
had been procured for him in the Virginia line, and a lieutenancy in that
of Pennsylvania. He had designed to accept of the command under the
hero Morgan, which was that of captain, but the disposer of all events
arrested his career, and instead of his fond expectations being accomplished,
all his hopes were blasted, his high prospects faded, and became a dreary
void, by the order of that Omnipotence, who furnished him with that
fortitude which enabled him, through all his misery, to kiss the rod that
chastised him. It was after two years' continuance on the couch of sick
ness, his leg, which was the unfortunate cause of all his illness, began to
heal, and renovated health to give hopes that peace yet remained for him.
As his lameness precluded all possibility of his again entering the armyj
as he had, by a disregard of parental authority, at least so far as concerned
his trade, forfeited his claim to his father's exertions to place him in such
a situation as would make him capable of rendering himself useful to
society, a vigorous effort on his part was necessary ; resolution was not
Memoir. xiii.
wanting ; it was made. He bound himself as an apprentice to John
Hubley, Esq., prothonotary of the county of Lancaster, as a clerk in the
office. Here for four years he pursued his business with the closest appli
cation, and discharged the duties of his office with unabated care and strict
ness ; and when the labors of the day were over, his nights were consumed
in study, endeavoring to compensate himself, in some measure, for the
neglect that his education had suffered by his becoming a soldier. His
frame, still somewhat debilitated by his illness, was not capable of sustain
ing the fatigues of office ; his health suffered much from labor so severe
and application so intense. The time of his indentures being expired, he
commenced the study of law, under Stephen Chambers, Esq. Here he
became acquainted with his future companion in life, the youngest sister of
Mr. Chambers. He practised law from the year 1785, until December,
1793. As his law knowledge was known to be extensive, his abilities and
talents met their due reward, with an appointment, by his excellency
Thomas Mifflin, governor, to the office of president of the second judicial
district of Pennsylvania.
A number of years had now elapsed, his family was large ; by an unfor
tunate removal to a country, at that period sickly, he was attacked by the
gout, which from inexperience, and owing to his having no knowledge as
to the consequences that would necessarily ensue, did not take proper pre
cautions, so as to render it a regular disease. Under that deceptious name,
numerous disorders invaded his frame, and at times with so much severity,
that he was necessitated to continue at home, which prevented him from
executing his official duties as a judge. It was during seven long years of
bodily suffering, that his mind and memory reverted to those scenes more
forcibly than ever, which formed so eventful a period in a life of misfortune
and vicissitude. The interesting narrative of the sufferings of that band
of heroes, of which he was the youngest, is a simple tale of truth, which he
undeviatingly throughout his book adheres to.
He is supported in all his assertions, by the testimony of a number of his
companions in that arduous campaign, men of character and respectability.
His relation of incidents, his descriptive accounts of the country they passed
through, the situation of Quebec, and the disposition of the army, all mark
him to have been a youth of accurate observation, of a comprehensive and
intelligent mind. Possessing, as he must necessarily have done, activity of
spirit and contempt of fatigue, he gained the approbation and esteem of his
seniors. The buoyant spirits of youth rose high over misfortune; unde
xiv. Memoir.
the pressure of the severest distress, vivacity was still retained, and burst
forth at intervals to cheer his hopeless companions.
Disease had now made rapid progress on a constitution weakened by
repeated attacks, and accumulation of disorders, which no skill could
counteract or remedy. The nonperformance of his duties caused petitions
from the several counties to be presented to the legislature, for his removal j
nothing was alleged against him but absence. That honorable house,
having examined and considered the charges, acquitted him with honor.
His commission he retained for the space of two years afterwards ; but ill
ness and debility increasing, and a knowledge of his infirmities being in
curable, compelled him to resign that office, which he had held with
integrity, for seventeen years. Four months succeeding, his worn out frame
was destined to feel the stroke of death, and his freed soul to seek refuge
in the bosom of his Father and his God. He died at Lancaster, April
1811, aged 53.
ARNOLD'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST QUEBEC
PRELIMINARY', /A,J,J5' i.»'K
When the bold enterprise of invading Canada by the
way of the Kennebec river and the uninhabited wilder
ness of Maine had been determined upon by Washington,
in the autumn of 1775, he wrote to congress as follows,
on the 2ist September, from Cambridge, Mass., where
the American army was encamped :
I am now to inform the honorable congress that, encouraged by the
repeated declarations of the Canadians and Indians, and urged by their
requests, I have detached Col. Arnold, with one thousand men, to penetrate
into Canada by way of Kennebec river, and, if possible, to make himself
master of Quebec. By this manoeuvre I proposed either to divert Carleton
from St. John's, which would leave a free passage to General Schuyler, or,
if this did not take effect, Quebec, in its present defenceless state, must fall
into his hands an easy prey. I made all possible inquiry as to the distance,
the safety of the route, and the danger of the season being too far advanced,
but found nothing in either to deter me from proceeding, more especially as
it met with very general approbation from all whom I consulted upon it.
But that nothing might be omitted to enable me to judge of its propriety
and probable consequences, I communicated it, by express, to General
Schuyler, who approved of it in such terms that I resolved to put it in
immediate execution. They have now left this place seven days, and, if
favored with a good wind, I hope soon to hear of their being safe in
Kennebec river.
A copy of his plan of the proposed route was sent to
congress, in the following words :
Route to QUEBEC, from KENNEBEC RIVER.
From the mouth* of Kennebec river to Quebec, on a straight line, is
two hundred and ten miles. The river is navigable for sloops about thirty-
eight miles, and for flat-bottomed boats about twenty-two ^niles j then you
meet Taconick falls, and from Taconick falls to Norridgewock, as the
river runs, thirty-one miles ; from thence to the first carrying place, about
thirty miles ; carrying place four miles, then a pond to cross, and another
carrying place, about two miles to another pond ; then a carrying place
about three or four miles to another pond j then a carrying place to the
western branch of Kennebec river, called the Dead river; then up that
1
2, Campaign against Quebec ', 1775.
river, as it runs, thirty miles, some small falls and short carrying places
around them intervening; then you come to the height of the land, and
about six miles carrying place, into a branch which leads into Ammeguntick
pond, the head of Chaudiere river, which falls into the St. Lawrence
river about four miles above Quebec.
From the American Archives of PETER FORCE, Wash
ington's Irotru'otions to Arnold are given, intrusting him
with- the command- of the forces detached from the main
army for^tbe expedition, and the course he was to pursue
in the execution of his important mission.
To Colonel BENEDICT ARNOLD, Commander of the Detachment of the Continental
Army destined against QUEBEC :
SIR: You are intrusted with a command of the utmost consequence to
the interest and liberties of America 5 upon your conduct and courage, and
that of the officers and soldiers detached on this expedition, not only the
success of the present enterprise, and your own honor, but the safety and
welfare of the whole continent, may depend. I charge you, therefore, and
the officers and soldiers under your command, as you value your own safety
and honor, and the favor and esteem of your country, that you consider
yourselves as marching, not through an enemy's country, but that of our
friends and brethren — for such the inhabitants of Canada and the Indian
Nations have approved themselves in this unhappy contest between Great
Britain and America ; that you check, by every motive of duty and fear
of punishment, every attempt to plunder or insult any of the inhabitants of
Canada. Should any American soldier be so base and infamous as to injure
any Canadian or Indian, in his person or property, I do most earnestly
enjoin you to bring him to such severe and exemplary punishment as the
enormity of the crime may require 5 should it extend to death itself, it will
not be disproportioned to its guilt at such a time and in such a cause.
But I hope and trust that the brave men who have voluntarily engaged in
this expedition will be governed by different views ; that order, discipline,
and regularity of behavior, will be as conspicuous as their courage and
valor. I also give it in charge to you to avoid all disrespect or contempt
of the religion of the country; and if common prudence, policy, and a true
Christian spirit, will lead us to look with compassion upon their errors,
without insulting them, while we are contending for our own liberty, we
should be very cautious of violating the rules of conscience in others, ever
considering that God alone is the judge of the heart of man, and to him
only in this case they are answerable.
Upon the whole, Sir, I beg you to inculcate upon the officers and soldiers
the necessity of preserving the strictest order during their march through
Canada ; to represent to them the shame, disgrace, and ruin, to themselves
and country, if they should, by their conduct, turn the heart of our brethren
in Canada against us ; and, on the other hand, the honors and rewards
which await them, if, by their prudence and good behavior, they conciliate
the affections of the Canadians and Indians to the great interests of America,
Campaign against ghiebec, 1775. j
and convert those favorable dispositions they have shown into a lasting union
and affection.
Thus wishing you, and the officers and soldiers under your command,
honor, safety, and success, I remain, Sir, your most obedient humble
servant,
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
To Colonel BENEDICT ARNOLD :
1. You are immediately on their march from Cambridge to take the
command of the detachment from the Continental Army against Quebec,
and use all possible expedition, as the winter season is now advancing, and
the success of this enterprise (under God) depends wholly upon the spirit
with which it is pushed, and the favorable disposition of the Canadians and
Indians.
2. When you come to Newburyport. you are to make all possible inquiry
what men of war or cruisers there may be on the coast, to which this de
tachment may be exposed on their voyage to Kennebec river j and if you
shall find that there is danger of being intercepted, you are not to proceed
by water, but by land, taking care on the one hand not to be diverted by
light and vague, reports, and on the other not to expose the troops rashly to
a danger which by many judicious persons has been deemed very considerable.
3. You are by every means in your power to endeavor to discover the
real sentiments of the Canadians towards our cause, and particularly as to
this expedition ; ever bearing in mind that if they are averse to it, and
will not cooperate, or at least willingly acquiesce, it must fail of success.
In this case you are by no means to prosecute the attempt. The expense
of the expedition and the disappointment are not to be put in competition
with the dangerous consequences which may ensue from irritating them
against us, and detaching them from that neutrality which they have
adopted.
4. In order to cherish those favorable sentiments to the American cause
that they have manifested, you are as soon as you arrive in their country
to disperse a number of the addresses you will have with you, particularly in
those parts where your route shall lie, and observe the strictest discipline and
good order, by no means suffering any inhabitant to be abused, or in any
manner injured, either in his person or property ; punishing with exemplary
severity every person who shall transgress, and making ample compensation
to the party injured.
5. You are to endeavor, on the other hand, to conciliate the affections
of those people, and such Indians as you may meet with, by every means
in your power; convincing them that we come at the request of many of
their principal people, not as robbers, or to make war upon them, but as
the friends and supporters of their liberties as well as ours ; and, to give
efficacy to these sentiments, you must carefully inculcate upon the officers
and soldiers under your command, that not only the good of their country,
and their honor, but their safety, depends upon the treatment of these
people.
6. Check every idea and crush in its earliest stage every attempt to
plunder, even those who are known to be enemies to our cause; it will
create dreadful apprehensions in our friends, and when it is once begun, none
4 Campaign against Quebec ', 1775.
can tell where it will stop. I therefore again most expressly order that it
be discouraged and punished, in every instance, without distinction.
7. Whatever king's stores you shall be so fortunate as to possess yourselves
of are to be secured for the continental use, agreeable to the rules and regu
lations of war published by the honorable congress. The officers and
men may be assured that any extraordinary services performed by them will
be suitably rewarded.
8. Spare neither pains nor expense to gain all possible intelligence on
your march, to prevent surprises and accidents of every kind ; and endeavor,
if possible, to correspond with General Schuyler, so that you may act in
concert with him. This I think may be done by means of the St. Francois
Indians.
9. In case of a union with General Schuyler, or if he should be in
Canada upon your arrival there, you are by no means to consider yourself as
upon a separate and independent command, but are to put yourself under
him, and follow his directions. Upon this occasion, and all others, I
recommend most earnestly to avoid all contention about rank. In such a
cause, every post is honorable in which a man can serve his country.
10. If Lord Chatham's son should be in Canada, and in any way fall in
your power, you are enjoined to treat him with all possible deference and re
spect. You cannot err in paying too much honor to the son of so illustrious
a character and so true a friend to America. Any other prisoners who may
fall into your hands you will treat with as much humanity and kindness as
may be consistent with your own safety and the public interest. Be very
particular in restraining not only your own troops but the Indians from all
acts of cruelty and insult which will disgrace the American arms, and irritate
our fellow-subjects against us.
11. You will be particularly careful to pay the full value for all pro
visions or other accommodations which the Canadians may provide for you
on your march ; by no means press them or any of their cattle into your
service, but amply compensate those who voluntarily assist you. For this
purpose you are provided with a sum of money in specie, which you will
use with as much frugality and economy as your necessities and good policy
will admit, keeping as exact account as possible of your disbursements.
12. You are by every opportunity to inform me of your progress, your
prospect, and intelligence, and upon any important occurrence to despatch
an express.
13. As the season is now far advanced, you are to make all possible
despatch ; but if unforeseen difficulties should arise, or if the weather should
become so severe as to render it hazardous to proceed, in your own judgment
and that of your principal officers, whom you are to consult, in that case
you are to return, giving me as early notice as possible, that I may give you
such assistance as may be necessary.
14. As the contempt of the religion of a country, by ridiculing any of its
ceremonies or affronting its ministers or votaries, has ever been deeply
resented, you are to be particularly careful to restrain every officer and
soldier from such imprudence and folly, and to punish every instance of it.
On the other hand, as far as lies in your power, you are to protect and
support the free exercise of the religion of the country, and the undisturbed
Campaign against Quebec , 1775. 5
enjoyment of the rights of conscience in religious matters, with your utmost
influence and authority.
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
The address to the people of Canada was printed for
distribution as opportunity offered, and was in the follow
ing words :
By his Excellency GEORGE WASHINGTON, Esquire, Commander in Chief of
the Army of the United Colonies of NORTH AMERICA.
To the Inhabitants of CANADA :
FRIENDS AND BRETHREN : The unnatural contest between the English
colonies and Great Britain has now risen to such a height, that arms alone
must decide it. The colonies, confiding in the justice of their cause and
the purity of their intentions, have reluctantly appealed to that Being in
whose hands are all human events. He has hitherto smiled upon their
virtuous efforts. The hand of tyranny has been arrested in its ravages, and
the British arms, which have shone with so much splendor in every part
of the globe, are now tarnished with disgrace and disappointment. Gene
rals of approved experience, who boasted of subduing this great continent,
find themselves circumscribed within the limits of a single city and its sub
urbs, suffering all the shame and distress of a siege, while the freeborn
sons of America, animated by the genuine principles of liberty and love of
their country, with increasing union, firmness, and discipline, repel every
attack, and despise every danger. Above all, we rejoice that our enemies
have been deceived with regard to you j they have persuaded themselves,
they have even dared to say, that the Canadians were not capable of dis
tinguishing between the blessings of liberty and the wretchedness of slavery j
that gratifying the vanity of a little circle of nobility would blind the eyes
of the people of Canada ; by such artifices they hoped to bend you to their
views, but they have been deceived j instead of finding in you that poverty
of soul and baseness of spirit, they see, with a chagrin equal to our joy, that
you are enlightened, generous, and virtuous ; that you will not renounce
your own rights, or serve as instruments to deprive your fellow-subjects of
theirs.
Come, then, my brethren, unite with us in an indissoluble union ; let us
run together to the same goal. We have taken up arms in defence of our
liberty, our property, our wives, and our children 5 we are determined to
preserve them or die. We look forward with pleasure to that day, not
far remote, we hope, when the inhabitants of America shall have one
sentiment, and the full enjoyment of the blessings of a free Government.
Incited by these motives, and encouraged by the advice of many friends of
liberty among you, the grand American congress have sent an army into
your province, under the command of General Schuyler, not to plunder,
but to protect you ; to animate and bring forth into action those sentiments
of freedom you have disclosed, and which the tools of despotism would
extinguish through the whole creation. To cooperate with this design,
and to frustrate those cruel and perfidious schemes which would deluge our
frontiers with the blood of women and children, I have detached Colonel
Arnold into your country, with a part of the army under my command. I
6 Campaign against Quebec, 1775.
have enjoined upon him, and I am certain that he will consider himself,
and act as in the country of his patrons and best friends. Necessaries and
accommodations of every kind which you may furnish he will thankfully
receive, and render the full value. I invite you, therefore, as friends and
brethren, to provide him with such supplies as your country affords ; and
I pledge myself not only for your safety and security, but for ample compensa
tion. Let no man desert his habitation. Let no one flee as before an
enemy. The cause of America and of liberty is the cause of every virtuous
American citizen, whatever may be his religion or his descent. The
United Colonies know no distinction but such as slavery, corruption, and
arbitrary domination, may create. Come, then, ye generous citizens, range
yourselves under the standard of general liberty, against which all the force
and artifice of tyranny will never be able to prevail.
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
The following order is found among the general orders
of the commander in chief, of Sept. 8, 1775 :
The detachment going under the command of Colonel Arnold, to be
forthwith taken off the roll of duty, and to march this evening to Cambridge
common, where tents and every thing necessary are provided for their
reception. The rifle company at Roxbury, and those from Prospect hill, to
march early to-morrow morning, to join the above detachment. Such
officers and men as are taken from General Green's brigade, for the above
detachment, are to attend the muster of their respective regiments to-morrow
morning, at seven o'clock, upon Prospect hill ; when the muster is finished,
they are forthwith to rejoin the detachment at Cambridge.
So many journals of this expedition have been pre
served, and published with annotations and introductions
more or less extensive, some of the more important of
them are alluded to instead of going over the same ground
with an elaborate introduction to the narrative which
Judge Henry has left to us.
The most complete and circumstantial of these narra
tives that have attained to publication, are those of Henry,
Thayer and Senter. The former was published in a
separate volume in 1812, and has since been republished.
Senter's may be found in vol. I of the Penn. Hist. Soci
ety Bulletin. The Journal of Melvin has been published
in two or three editions. Meigs's in the Mass. Hist.
Soc. Collections. Ware's in the New Eng. Hist, and
Genealogical Register, annotated by Mr. Justin Winsor.
The Maine Hist. Soc. Collections, vol. I, 2d ed., gives
several of Arnold's letters and orders during the expedi-
Campaign against Quebec, 1775. 7
tion, and a narrative principally derived from the pub
lished journals. The Journal of Capt. Thayer has been
elaborately annotated by the Rev. Edwin M. Stone, and
published by him with an exhaustive bibliographical and
historical introduction, which has been published entire
in the Rhode Island Hist. Soc. Collections.
In view of the well preserved narratives in the collec
tions of the historical societies of this remarkable episode
in the history of the revolution, the publication of a new
edition of Judge Henry's simple but truthful account of
the expedition, was thought to be an enterprise of doubt
ful utility, unless accompanied by new and important
adjuncts, further illustrating its authenticity, and the
movements of the actors in the scene. Whatever it
may lack therefore in bringing out new and startling facts,
the contribution of a new memoir of Judge Henry, a
few brief notes, and an index, so often omitted in such
works, together with some documentary papers intro
ductory to the narrative,, are relied upon as an apology
for the present edition, the previous crude ones being
entirely out of print, and unattainable.
The narrative of Henry is the only one giving an ac
count of the pioneer expedition of his party to discover
the source of the Chaudiere river, a service that was ex
ecuted with much energy and expedition, and attended
with great peril and hardship. Looking at the exploit
from this distant period, there seems to have been a good
deal of misdirected energy and hardihood in the conduct
of the enterprise, occasioning disaster and loss by un
skillful management, amounting almost to recklessness,
by which provisions and munitions of all kinds were
wrecked, and time and human force inefficiently ex
pended. The pioneer detachment under Steele, and the
advance party under Arnold made good progress, but
there was apparent lagging in the rear in bringing up the
supplies, and the final defection of Enos was fatal to the
entire success of the expedition, which was the capture
of Quebec. The attainment of that object would have
8 Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775.
secured Canada to the revolutionists, and saved the valu
able lives of Montgomery and others, and might have
given another destiny to Arnold.
The original edition of the narrative was published at
Lancaster, Pa., in 1812, with the following notice, and
recommendation by one of the compatriots of the author.
To THE PUBLIC.
This work is given to the world, as left by Judge
Henry. Had he lived to superintend the printing of it
himself, many alterations would, no doubt, have been
made, many passages which may at present appear ob
scure, would have been fully explained, and many differ
ences of style corrected. As the work purports to be
written by Judge Henry, it was thought improper to
make any alterations or additions, trusting that the world,
when acquainted with the circumstances under which it
was published, will be disposed to pardon trivial errors
as to the truth of the principal facts. The following letter
from General Michael Simpson, is ample testimony :
DEAR SIR : I have read your work " of the expedition
through the wilderness in 1775." So far as I was con
cerned in the transactions related in the work, they are
truly stated. That expedition, perhaps the most arduous
during the revolutionary war, is truly represented. The
public may, in the general, be assured that the account
is genuine.
Your humble servant,
MICHAEL SIMPSON. J
For a notice of Michael Simpson see a subsequent page.
CAMPAIGN AGAINST QUEBEC.
BY JOHN JOSEPH HENRY.
MY DEAR CHILDREN :
There is a point in the history of the American
revolution, hitherto little attended to ; as yet imperfectly
related, and now at this late day almost forgotten ; %which
would deserve and require the talents and genius of a
Xenophon, to do it real justice. As your father in early
life had a concern in that adventure, permit him to relate
to you in the words of truth, a compendious detail of the
sufferings of a small band of heroes ; unused, to be sure,
to military tactics and due subordination, but whose souls
were fired by an enthusiastic love of country, and a
spirit such as has often inspired our ancestors, when
determined to be free. In giving you this relation,
knowing him as you do, you will scarcely call in question
his veracity ; particularly when he assures you upon the
honor of a gentleman and an honest man, that every word
here related, to the best of his recollection and belief, is
literally true. He could not be so unjust to your morals,
your veracity, or integrity, as to state any thing to you
which he knew, or even suspected to be untrue. He
has himself been too much the victim of base liars, not
to endeavor to eradicate so vile a principle from your
minds. His own education, though made by his truant-
isms (in avoidance of the bounteous and liberal designs
of his good father), an incorrect one, yet the piety and
real religious fervor of his parents, never would tolerate
a lie. This mental vice, to them, was the greatest of
io Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775.
all abominations, as it is with your father : it is also his
most fervent hope and prayer, that every one of you,
will not only contemn the lie, but hold in sovereign
detestation the liar.
Persons at your age, and at this advanced stage of
the improvement and melioration of our soil, in a climate
so far south as ours, can scarcely form a correct con
ception, but from actual observation, of the sterility, the
dreariness and the destitution of every comfort of life,
which a wilderness in a high northern latitude exhibits.
A confidence however in your good sense, encourages,
and in fact animates him, to put that upon paper, which
has a thousand times, in detached parcels, been the subject
of amusing prattle around the fireside. This is done the
rather at this time, as some very atrocious scoundrels
who never looked an enemy in the eye, now assume the
garlands and honors which ought to adorn the brows of
more worthy men.
In the autumn of 1775, our adorable Washington
thought it prudent to make a descent upon Canada. A
detachment from the American grand army, then in the
vicinity of Boston, Massachusetts, was organized, to
fulfil this intention, by the route of the Kennebec and
Chaudiere rivers. It was intended as a cooperation with
the army of General Montgomery, who had entered the
same province, by the way of Champlain and Montreal.
Colonel Benedict Arnold was appointed the commander
in chief of the whole division. The detachment consisted
of eleven hundred men. Enos1 was second in command.
Of this I knew nothing, but from report. Riflemen
composed a part of the armament. These companies,
from sixty-five to seventy-five strong, were from the
southward : that is, Captain Daniel Morgan's company
1 The expedition consisted of two battalions ; the first commanded by
Lieut. Col. Christopher Greene ; the second under Lt. Col. Roger Enos.
It was subdivided into three divisions, the rear division being under the
command of Enos, who, 25th October, abandoned the enterprise with his
division, ignominiously taking the provisions, and returned to Cambridge. — M.
Campaign against Quebec, 1775. n
from Virginia ; that of Captain William Hendricks from
Cumberland county in Pennsylvania, and Captain Matthew
Smith's company from the county of Lancaster, in the
latter province.1 The residue, and bulk of this corps
consisted of troops from Massachusetts, Rhode Island
and Connecticut. It has flown from my memory,
whether we had any from New Hampshire ; but there
is an impression on my mind that we had, as General
Dearborn, who was of the latter province, commanded
a company in the expedition. All these men were of as
rude and hardy a race as ourselves, and as unused to the
discipline of a camp, and as fearless as we were. It fell
to me to know many of them afterwards intimately ;
speaking generally, without any allusion to particulars,
they were an excellent body of men, formed by nature
as the stamina of an army, fitted for a tough and tight
defence of the liberties of their country. The principal
distinction between us, was in our dialects, our arms,
and our dress. Each man of the three companies bore
a rifle-barreled gun, a tomahawk, or small axe, and a
long knife, usually called a scalping-knife, which served
for all purposes, in the woods. His under-dress, by no
means in a military style, was covered by a deep ash-
colored hunting-shirt, leggings and moccasins, if the latter
could be procured. It was the silly fashion of those
times, for riflemen to ape the manners of savages.2
1 No sooner was a call for volunteers issued in 1775, than we find a
company formed in Paxton and Derry in Pa., to march to Quebec j having as
officers and privates Matthew Smith, James Crouch, Richard Dixon,
Robert McClure, Archibald Steele, Michael Simpson, John Joseph Henry,
John Harris, eldest son of John Harris founder of Harrisburgh, and other
honored names, now seldom recalled, but the remembrance of whose valiant
deeds, hardy endurance, and patriotic sacrifices will never be forgotten by a
grateful people. Dixon and Harris never returned from Quebec. One of
them certainly was killed there ; the fate of the latter is quite uncertain. —
Centennial Address at Harrisburgb, July 4, 1876, by A. B. HAMILTON. — M.
2 The Canadians who first saw these men emerge from the woods, said
they were vctu en toile, clothed in linen. The word toile was changed to
ro/e,»iron plate. By a mistake of a single word the fears of the people were
greatly increased, for the news spread that the mysterious army that descend
ed from the wilderness was clad in sheet iron. — M.
12 Campaign against Quebec y 1775.
Our commander, Arnold, was of a remarkable cha
racter. He was brave, even to temerity ; was beloved
by the soldiery, perhaps for that quality only. He
possessed great powers of persuasion, was complaisant ;
but, withal, sordidly avaricious. Arnold was a short,
handsome man, of a florid complexion, stoutly made, and
forty years^old at least.1
On the other hand Morgan was a large, strong bodied
personage, whose appearance gave the idea history has left
us of Belisarius. His manners were of the severer
cast ; but where he became attached he was kind and
truly affectionate. This is said, from experience of the
most sensitive and pleasing nature ; activity, spirit and
courage in a soldier, procured his good will and esteem.
Hendricks was tall, of a mild and beautiful counte
nance. His soul was animated by a genuine spark of
heroism. Smith was a good looking man, had the air
of a soldier, was illiterate and outrageously talkative.
The officers of the eastern troops were many of them
men of sterling worth. Colonel Christopher Greene
seemed too far advanced in life for such hard service,
yet he was inspired by an ardor becoming a youth. He
afterwards did the public good service at Redbank on the
Delaware, in the autumn of 1777. Majors Meigs,
Febiger and Bigelow, were excellent characters. As
we acted in the advance, the latter gentlemen were not
well known to us, until sometime afterwards. Your
father was too young to enjoy any other honor than that
of exposing himself, in the character of a cadet, to every
danger. This little army in high spirits, marched from
Prospect hill near Cambridge in Massachusetts, on the
nth of September, 1775, and on the following day2
1 Arnold was but thirty-four years of age at this time. Notices of Arnold
are found in the biographical dictionaries and elsewhere, and a pedigree of
his family is given in HOUGH'S Am. Siog. Notes, p. 8. — M.
2 Portions of the army took different routes to Newburyport. The
companies under Major Return J. Meigs marched from Roxbury, thraugh
Cambridge, Mystick, Maiden, Lynn, Salem, Danvers, Beverly, Wenham,
and Rowley. — Mass. Hist. Soc. Col!., 2d series, n, 227, 228.
Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775. 13
arrived at Newburyport (which is formed by the waters
of the Merrimac river). This place, at that time, was a
small but commercial town, near the border of Massa
chusetts. Here we remained encamped five days, provid
ing ourselves with such articles of real necessity, as our
small means afforded. On the afternoon of the sixth
day, we embarked aboard of ten transports ;x sailed in
the evening, and at dawn of day descried the mouth of the
Kennebec river. The wind was strong but fair. The
distance of this run was 150 miles. We ascended the
river to Colonel Colborn's ship yard ;2 here we left our
vessels, and obtained bateaux, with which we proceeded
to Fort Western. At this place, on the day of our arrival,
an arrangement was made by the commander in chief,
which in all probability sealed the destiny of your parent.
It was concluded to dispatch an officer and seven men
in advance, for the purposes of ascertaining and marking
the paths, which were used by the Indians at the numer
ous carrying-places in the wilderness, towards the heads
of the river ; and also, to ascertain the course of the river
Chaudiere, which runs from the height of land, towards
Quebec.
To give some degree of certainty of success to so
hazardous an enterprise, Arnold found it necessary to
1 On the 1 9th the detachment, consisting of ten companies of musketmen,
and three companies of riflemen, amounting to noo men, embarked on
board of ten transports, and sailed for the Kennebec river. — Ibid, 228. — M.
2 The bateaux were built at Agry's point, about two miles below Gardiner,
the residence of Major Colborn. It is mentioned in Meigs's Journal of the
expedition, that but fourteen days had elapsed since orders had been given
for building two hundred bateaux, collecting provisions for and levying
eleven hundred men, and marching them to this place. Here the army
embarked, on the 22d September, having taken two days to transfer their
baggage and stores. It is mentioned in HANSON'S History of Gardner and
Pittston, that Col. Colborn, who built the bateaux, was never paid for them,
and that his heirs unsuccessfully petitioned congress for remuneration. In
Thayer's Journal the construction of the bateaux is most severely condemned
as a fraud upon the government. See p. 6, THAYER'S Journal^ R. I.
Co/Sections^ vol. 6. — M.
14 Campaign against Quebec^ 1775.
select an officer of activity and courage ; the choice fell
upon Archibald Steele1 of Smith's company, a man of
an active, courageous, sprightly and hardy disposition,
who was complimented with the privilege of naming his
companions. These consisted of Jesse Wheeler, George
Merchant, and James Clifton, of Morgan's ; and Robert
Cunningham, Thomas Boyd, John Tidd, and John
1 Archibald Steele, a brother of Gen. John Steele, was a man of great
intrepidity and resolute daring. Upon the breaking out of the Revolution
he and a man named Smith raised a company in Lancaster county and
marched to Boston, where they were organized into a regiment and placed
under the command of Benedict Arnold. This was the regiment that made
the celebrated march through the wilderness of Maine to Quebec, in the
winter of 1775, which has ever been remembered as one memorable in the
annals of American history. During this march Archibald Steele had the
command of a party of men who were selected to go before the army and
mark out the roads and crossing places j and on the arrival of the army at
the St. Lawrence he was appointed superintendent of the crqssing of the
river. At the head of his company Steele marched with the army to the
attack upon Quebec, but upon the fall of Gen. Montgomery the Americans
retreated, and Arnold's division were all taken prisoners. He was badly
wounded in the left hand, two of his fingers having been carried away by
a musket shot. The following may be cited as showing the heroic daring
of Capt. Archibald Steele : On one occasion as the Americans were crossing
a river in bark canoes, these were filled to their utmost capacity with men,
and Capt. Steele seeing no room in the canoe leaped into the river, rested
his hands on the stern of the boat whilst one of the men therein sat upon
them, and thus was he dragged through the floating ice to the opposite
shore. When they reached the shore, life was almost extinct ; the soldiers
wrapped him in their blankets, and rolled him over the ground to infuse
new life in him. On his return home from the Quebec expedition he met
the American army in New Jersey, and was informed by Gen. Hand that
two of his brothers, John Steele and Wm. Steele, were then serving with
the army. Capt. Archibald Steele asked Gen. Hand if he thought his
brother John would be competent to assume the command of a company
(being but eighteen years of age.) Hand replied that he would warrant
his qualification, and the commission was produced. Archibald Steele was
afterwards appointed deputy quartermaster general, a position he retained
for some considerable time. He was appointed by Washington colonel of
a western expedition, but sickness prevented the acceptance of this com
mand. He held for some time in Philadelphia his position of military
storekeeper. He died in Philadelphia, Oct. 19, 1832, aged 91 years. He
had three sons in the naval service during the war of 1812 (George,
William and Matthias), who were captured, taken to England, and there
for a time detained as prisoners of war. — HARRIS'S Biog. Hist. Lancaster
Co., Pa., 561.
Campaign against Quebec,, 1775. I5
M'Konkey, of Smith's company. Though a very youth,
yet in a small degree accustomed to hardships, derived
from long marches in the American woods, Steele's
course of selection next fell upon your father, who was
his messmate and friend. Two birch-bark canoes were
provided ; and two guides, celebrated for the manage
ment of such water craft, and who knew the river as
high up as the great carrying-place were also found.
These were Jeremiah Getchel, a very respectable man,
and John Home, an Irishman who had grown gray in
this cold climate.
This small party, unconscious of danger, and animated
by a hope of applause from their country, set forward
from Fort Western in their light barks, at the rate of
from fifteen to twenty, and in good water, twenty-five
miles per day. These canoes are so light, that a person
of common strength may carry one of the smallest kind,
such as ours were, many hundred yards without halting.1
Yet they will bear a great burden, and swim nearly
gunwale deep ; an admirable description of them is given
by Hearne, in his Journey to the Coppermine river.
Steele's canoe bore five men with their arms and
baggage, which last was indeed light in quantity and
quality, one barrel of pork, one bag of meal, and 20O
weight of biscuit. The other canoe carried seven men,
their arms and baggage, and a due proportion of provisions.
1 The gentlemen composing this party were unwilling to impose upon
me, any thing above my apparent strength, yet in the heyday of youth, I
would clap a canoe on my back, and run a hundred yards across a carrying-
place. This is done by a particular mode of management. There is a
broad stave, something like a flour barrel-stave, but straight and thicker,
with two perforations in it, an inch or more apart, towards the middle of
the stave. A thong of stout leather is inserted through those holes, and
tightly bound to the central cross-bar of the canoe. The carrier swings
the canoe by a sudden jerk upon his shoulders, and which he can handle
with ease, throwing the hollow side of the canoe on his back, the stave, if
it may be so called, resting principally on the hind part of the head, and
the prominences of the shoulders. Thus he may, if a strong man, pass
over a considerable space of ground of a difficult nature, in a short time
with much speed. — Henry.
1 6 Campaign against Quebec •, 1775.
On the evening of the 23d of September, our party
arrived at Fort Halifax,1 situated on the point formed by
a junction of the Sebasticook and Kennebec rivers.
Here our commander, Steele, was accosted by a Captain
Harrison, or Huddlestone, inviting him and the company
to his house. The invitation was gladly accepted, as the
accommodation at the fort, which consisted of old block
houses and a stockade in a ruinous state, did not admit
of much comfort ; besides it was inhabited, as our friend
the captain said, by a rank tory. Here for the first time
the application of the American term tory, was defined
to me by the captain. Its European definition was well
known before. Another interesting conversation upon
the part of the captain, struck my mind as a great
curiosity in natural history, and well deserving com
memoration ; he observed that he had immigrated to the
place he then resided at, about thirty years before, most
probably with his parents, for he did not then appear to
be much beyond forty. That at that period the common
deer which now inhabits our 'more southern climate, was
the only animal of the deer kind which they knew, un
less it was the elk \ and them but partially. In a short
space of time the moose deer appeared in small numbers,
but increased annually afterwards, and as the one species
became more numerous, the other diminished : so that
the kind of deer first spoken of, at the time of this infor
mation, according to the captain, was totally driven from
that quarter. The moose deer reigned the master of
the forest. This anecdote, if true, might in such minds
1 Fort Halifax was built by Gov. Shirley of Massachusetts in 1754, by
engagement with the Plymouth company, who were to build Fort Western
at Cushnoc now Augusta. It was located at Ticonic, the confluence of the
Sebasticook with the Kennebec, and was built of hewn timber, with a block
house at opposite angles of the fort, and picketed. Plans of both forts are
given in NORTH'S History of Augusta. At Ticonic was the first carrying
place, where all the provisions and baggage had to be transported by land a
distance of eighty rods, and the bateaux dragged over by human force aided
by a yoke of oxen. — M.
Campaign against Quebec , 1775. 17
as those of Buffon, or De Pauw, give occasion to systems
in natural history, totally inconsistent with the laws of
nature ; still there may be something in it ; animals, like
human beings, whether forced fry necessity or from
choice, do migrate. Many instances might be given
of this circumstance of the animal economy, in various
parts of the world. The above relation is the only
instance which has come to my knowledge, where one
species has expelled another of the same genus. If the
fact be true, it is either effected by a species of warfare,
or some peculiarity in the appearance of the one kind,
and of horror or perhaps of disgust in the other ; we know
the rock goat (steinbock of the Germans and boquetin of
the French) formerly inhabited the low hills of southern
France and of the Pyrenees ; they have been driven
thence by some peculiar cause, for they are now con
fined to the tops of the highest mountains in Europe. It
is true, it has been frequently advanced by men of re
spectability and information in Pennsylvania, that the
grey fox which is indigenous in the United States, and
all North America, has been driven from the Atlantic
sea coast into the interior, by the introduction of the red
fox from Europe. But we have no sufficient data to
warrant this assertion. The truth probably is, that as
the grey fox is a dull and slow animal, compared with the
sprightliness, rapidity, and cunning of the red fox, that
the first has been thinned by the huntsmen, and gradually
receded from the seacoast to the forest, where, from his
habits, he is more secure. The cunning and prowess
of the latter, has enabled him to maintain his station
among the farms, in despite of the swiftness and power
ful scent of the dogs. But that which puts this assertion
out of view, is that the red fox is indigenous throughout
North America. He and the grey fox are found in the
highest latitudes, but there, their skins are changed into
more beautiful furs than those of ours, by the effects of
climate. Another notion has been started within these
1 8 Campaign against Quebec , 1775.
twenty years past, of the fox squirrel expelling the large
grey squirrel : but it is fallacious.
Be these things as they may, we spent an agreeable
and most sociable evening with this respectable man, and
his amiable family. On the following day, our party
rose early, and accompanied by our host, waited upon
the tory, who then showed himself to be an honest man,
of independent principles, and who claimed the right of
thinking for himself. He exchanged a barrel of smoke-
dried salmon for a barrel of pork, upon honest terms.
We set out from this place, well pleased with our host,
the old tory, and our bargain. In a very few days,
without other accident than the spraining of Lieut.
Steele's ancle, by his slipping, when carrying a canoe
over the path, at one of the intermediate portages, we
arrived safely at Norridgewock falls. Coming to the
landing place, the water being smooth and very deep, a
rock, as we passed it, drew my attention very particularly,
it was standing in a conical form, five feet in perpen
dicular height, and ten or twelve feet in diameter at the
base. I observed that next the water, the face of the
rock, which was a bluish flint, was, as it were, scalloped
out, down to the very water's edge. Asking Getchel
how this had occurred, his reply was that the Indians, in
former times, had from thence obtained their spear and
arrow points. It seems unreasonable that without a
knowledge of iron, they should have been capable of
executing such a labor. However, upon observation and
reflection, since Getchel's time, an inducement from
experience and reasoning occurs, which influences me to
believe that he might have been correct in his observation.
The rock, no doubt, still remains, and there is leisure
for inquiry and discussion.
We were hurried. The village within one hundred
yards of the pitch of the fall, was evidently a deserted
Campaign against Quebec, 1775. 19
Indian town.1 We saw no one there. It was without
the vestige of inhabitants. Dressing our victuals here
at mid-day, an occurrence happened, which disgusted me
in an extreme degree. On this day, an estimate of our
food was made, and an allotment in quantity to each man,
though no actual separation of shares took place, as that,
it was agreed, should happen at the twelve-mile carrying
place. By the estimate now made, it seemed that there
was something of a surplus. As we had had hard work,
that and some preceding days, and harder fare, our good
commander was inclined to indulge Us. The surplus
was allotted for this day's fare. It happened that
M'Konkey was, by routine, the cook. He boiled the
meat (vegetable food of any kind was not attainable),
and when sauntering towards the fall, he called us to
dinner. We came eagerly. He was seated on the earth,
near the wooden bowl. The company reclined around
in a like posture, intending to partake ; when M'Konkey
raising his vile and dirty hands, struck the meat, exclaim
ing, " By G — d this was our last comfortable meal."
The indelicacy of the act, its impiety, and the grossness
of the expression, deprived the company of appetite. On
several subsequent occasions M'Konkey showed himself
as mean in spirit, as he was devoid of decency. We soon
rid ourselves of him. Many years afterwards, at Lan
caster, in Pennsylvania, he applied and received a loan
by way of charity from me, which he meanly solicited
with the most abject sycophancy. So true it is, in
general, that those who disregard the social decencies of
1 The advanced party arrived at Norridgewock on the 2d of October.
This was the third carrying place, and had been the residence of the noted
Jesuit missionary, Rale, among the Conibas, usually called the Norridgewock
Indians, who for many years were a great scourge to the advancing English.
A vigorous attack was made upon the place in 1724, when Rale was killed
on the 24th of August, and the Indian village destroyed. Vestiges of it,
and of a Catholic chapel, as well as the priest's grave still remained. Here
were repaired their hastily constructed bateaux, which in the end caused
great loss of provisions and munitions, and here they left the abode of man,
and entered upon the uninhabited wilderness. — M.
2O Campaign against Quebec ', 1775.
life, are equally incapable of those virtues which make
man respectable in society.
On the afternoon of this day, we crossed to the west
side of the river below the fall : searched for, and with
difficulty found the carrying place. Having marked it
with precision, we rested awhile. On the west side of
the river, not very distant from us, there was a consider
able extent of natural meadow.1 One of our party, ex-
1 In traversing this meadow, which was a beautiful plain, one of the
party found the horns of a moose-deer, which from appearances had been
shed in the foregoing summer, or perhaps in the beginning of autumn;
being then about five feet ten inches high. Getchell, facetiously, yet gravely,
insisted by way of measurement, that I should stand under the main fork.
The crown of my head rubbed against the crown- work of the horns. This,
to all of us, was matter of great surprise. However, in a short time after
wards the circumstance of size was thought little of, when we came into
contact with the living animal, upon whose head such horns grew. There
is a paucity of words for a description upon paper, of the enormous dimensions
of the male moose, which we saw, and of their horns. The male-deer
bears horns 5 the female bears none. Those horns, which we examined
minutely, were of a large size, but not so large as some we saw on the
living deer. About midway of the horn, from the crown of the head, there
is a broad, flat part of the horn, called the blade, which, in the specimen
under examination, was full two of my spans, or nearly twenty inches from
whence branched the proud antlers or prong. There is no beast of the
forest more handsomely decorated, unless it be the reindeer of the north of
Europe and Asia. In the evenings, in the first ascension of the Kennebec
and Dead rivers, sitting around our solitary smoke fires, we have often seen
those stately deer passing the river in droves, sometimes of fifteen or twenty
in number, the one walking after the other in the accustomed path, but due
care and discipline kept our arms quiet. The country around Natanis's
house, a circle of ten or fifteen miles, was at that time an admirable hunting
ground. One day, suddenly passing a sharp point of the river about five
miles below Natanis's cabin, we as suddenly fell back. We wanted fresh
food. Regardless of what might follow, Steele permitted us to fire. We
had seen five or six of those monstrous deer, standing in the water knee-deep,
feeding on their favorite food, the red willow. Boyd, Wheeler and myself
passed the river, out of sight of the moose, in the most cautionary manner.
The stream here was not more than sixty yards wide. We approached
them through the thick underwood, which clothed the bank. Boyd pre
ceded. The rustling of the leaves alarmed the deer. They threw up their
heads. What a sight ! The antlers of several of them, seemed to exceed
in size, those we had already seen. Boyd, apprehensive they were about
to run from us, fired without giving Wheeler and myself an opportunity to
take a stand, but the greatest misfortune was, that the worthy Boyd had
neglected to clean his gun that day, it made long fire, and but a trifling
Campaign against Quebec, 1775. 2I
ploring the country for deer, met with two white men
who had come from a distance, mowing the wild grass
of the meadow. An agreeable barter ensued ; we gave
salted pork, and they returned two fresh beaver tails,
which, when boiled, renewed ideas imbibed with the
May-butter of our own country. Taste, however, is
arbitrary, and often the child of necessity. Two years
before this, acorns had supplied me with a precarious
sustenance, on a journey from Sandusky to Pittsburg ;
it momentarily sustained life and bodily labor, but the
consequence was ill health. Your respectable kinsman,
General Gibson, received me into his house at Logstown
on the Ohio, and restored me sound to my parents.
These minute matters are noted here from an expectation
that, knowing the privations men may suffer in respect
to food, you will each of you remember to receive the
dispensations of Providence, of every kind, if not with
thankfulness, at least with submission.
We passed the portage of Norridgewock falls. Thence
for several days, the navigation for such canoes as ours
was tolerable, and in the most part convenient. We
ascended the river rapidly, blazing every carrying-place.
Having now receded many miles from the last white
inhabitants at Norridgewock, it became us therefore to
proceed cautiously. A circumspection was adopted,
which, though prudent in the predicament we were in,
appeared to be rather harsh to the feelings ; the firing of
a gun was prohibited ; though the weather was chilling,
report. The bullet scarcely reached the deer. Wheeler and myself were
creeping to our places when Boyd's gun disturbed the animals. The guns
in our hands were ineffectually discharged. This jejune occurrence is related
merely for the introduction of a single observation. When the bull moose,
at the rustling of the leaves, and afterwards when Boyd fired, threw up
their heads, the tips of their horns seemed to me to stand eighteen feet in
the air. The ridge of the shoulder seemed seventeen hands high. The
largest of these animals was a lusus nature. The moose in ordinary, is of
an ash-colored grey. The one I speak of was flecked, in large spots of red,
on a pure white ground. His skin, if we could have obtained it, would
have been a valuable curiosity. — Henry.
22 Campaign against Quebec •, 1775.
we dared scarcely make a smoke at night. Angling for
trout and chub in the morning and evening, made up our
stock of fresh food. We frequently saw ducks, etc.,
and many moose deer, yet we discharged not a gun ; in
truth we had been made to believe that this country had
numerous Indians in it.
The party proceeded without molestation but from
natural rock, and a strict current (by the 2yth of Sep
tember) T to the twelve-mile carrying-place.2 Here a
new scene opened. Our guides professed that neither of
them had ever been north of this place across the carry
ing-place, but Getchel alleged he had hunted to the east
of the river.
Now we assumed the title of being our own guides,
giving to Getchel due respect and attention for his
information relative to the route north. He informed me
that the course of the river, which is injudiciously called
the Dead river, tended sixty or one hundred miles
northerly, took a short turn southwardly, and was then
within twelve miles of us. That that part was full of
rapids, and impassable to boats, or even canoes. We
searched for the carrying-place, and found a path tolerably
distinct, which we made more so by blazing the trees and
snagging the bushes with our tomahawks ; proceeding
until evening, the party encamped at the margin of a
1 It will be remembered that this was the advanced party. Other
divisions were nearly two weeks later in reaching this point. The divisions
do not seem to have followed each other in the same route, some going
by water, others seeking better paths than had been taken by their
predecessors. — M.
2 This celebrated portage is through the third range of townships of the
Bingham purchase, in latitude 45° 15', and is about fourteen miles long from
the Kennebec to Dead river. It is divided into four carrying places by
three ponds. The first carry is three and three-fourths miles to the first
pond, which is one-fourth of a mile wide ; the second carry a mile to the
second pond, about as wide as the first ; the third about the same length as
the second, to the third pond about four miles wide. From this the fourth
carry of four miles reaches to the Dead river. — NORTH'S History of Augusta,
127-8. The map facing the title page, gives a tolerably correct plan of the
route pursued, on as small a scale as it is possible to represent it. — M.
Campaign against Quebec , 1775. 23
small lake, perhaps about half a mile wide, where there
was plenty of trout, which old Clifton, who was good at
angling, caught in abundance. Here, in a conference
on the subject, it was resolved that two persons of the
party should remain (with about one-half of the pro
visions), until the return of our main body, calculating
the return would be in eight or ten days. It had been
observed that Clifton, being the oldest of the company,
yet brave and a good shot, from the fatigues we had en
dured, had begun to flag. With the assent of our chief,
the younger part of us proposed to him to remain where
we then were, with the better part of the provisions.
After considerable altercation he assented, on condition
of his having a companion. The youngest of the party
nominated M'Konkey, who could not restrain his joy at
the proposal. It was advised for them to retire to the
south end of the pond, perhaps a mile, and there, as in a
perfect recess, remain concealed ; knowing M'Konkey,
the consequences were foreseen. After the accomplish
ment of this affair, Lieutenant Steele parted the provision
appropriated for the marchers, not by pounds or ounces,
my dear children but by : "Whose shall be this." Some
of you have been taught how this is done ; if you should
have forgotten, it will be well now to tell you of it.
The principal of the party, if he is a gentleman and man
of honor, divides the whole portion equally into as many
parts as there are men, including himself; this is done
under the eyes of all concerned, and with their approba
tion the officer then directs some one of the company to
turn his back upon him, and laying his hand on a par
ticular portion, asks, ct Whose shall be this ?" The
answer is hap-hazard, A, S, etc., or any other of the party.
It has frequently occurred that we were compelled to
divide the necessaries of life in this way, and it could
not be fairly said, that any fraud or circumvention took
place.
September 28th, we left Clifton and his companion in
a most dreary wild, but with enough to support them ;
24 Campaign against Quebec , 1775.
and if they would act honorably, to assist us. A laugh
able occurrence ensued. Sergeant Boyd and myself had,
that day, the charge of unloading and loading the canoes,
which, as customarily, being very light and easily blown
off shore by a puff of wind, were drawn half their lengths
•on the beach ; we ran a race who should perform his
duty soonest — he arrived first. Taking up his canoe
suddenly, but hoping to have a better stand than the
shore presented, he set his foot on a large bed of moss
seemingly firm, and sunk ten feet into as cold water,
while fluid, as was ever touched. We soon passed the
pond, found the path, marked it, and came, at the end of
several miles, to a second pond, if my recollection serves,
larger than the former : traversing this, we encamped
more cautiously than ever. On the next day, pursuing
the path, and marking it, a third pond of small diameter
was presented to our view. Passing this, by the evening
we encamped on the north bank of the Dead river.
This river, which is nothing more than an extension
of the Keiinebec,1 is called by this remarkable name,
because a current, a few miles below the place we were
now at, and for many miles above it, is imperceptible.
It is deep and perhaps two hundred and fifty yards wide.
The ground we footed within the last three days, is a
very rugged isthmus, which forms the great bend of the
Kennebec. Coming from the high ground towards the
Dead river, we passed a bog which appeared, before we
entered it, as a beautiful plat of firm ground, level as a
bowling green, and covered by an elegant green moss.
That day, to save my shoes for severer service, moc
casins had been put in their place. Every step we made,
sunk us knee-deep in a bed of wet turf. My feet were
pained and lacerated by the snags of the dead pines, a foot
and more below the surface of the moss ; these and many
other occurrences, which happened afterwards, con-
1 The Dead river is a western branch of the Kennebec, as will be
by reference to the map. — M,
Campaign against Quebec , 1775. 25
vinced me more than reading could, of the manner of
the formation of turf. Sometimes, to lighten the canoes
when ascending strict water, several of us would disem
bark, and proceed along shore, and on many occasions,
traverse a point of land to save distance. Doing this, we
often met with what we thought a flat ground covered
by moss. Entering the parterre, as it might be called,
and running along that which we found to be a log
covered with moss, the moisture on the log, would cause
a foot to slip — down we would come, waist deep in a
bed of wet moss ; such incidents always created a laugh.
A spark, if these beds of moss had been dry, as they
were wet, would have made a dreadful conflagration : the
upper country seemed throughout as if covered with it.
To the south and west of the bog first mentioned, there
was a natural meadow of great extent. On the west it
reached, seemingly, to the foot of the mountains several
miles oft. A beautiful creek serpentined through it and
formed a convenient harbor and landing place, opposite
to our camp, and directly to which the Indian path led us.
The timber trees of this, are in great measure different
from those of our country. Here are neither oaks,
hickories, poplars, maples nor locusts ; but there is a
great variety of other kinds of excellent timber, such as
the white and yellow pines, hemlock, cedar, cypress, and
all the species of the firs.1 These trees, in the low
grounds, grow to a very large size ; on the hills, as we
approach northwardly, they seem to dwindle, particularly
as we come to the height of land ; but again rise to a
superb height, as we descend into the intervale, on the
streams running into Canada. Among the trees of this
country, there are two which deserve particular notice,
because of their remarkable qualities. These are the
1 The balsam fir (pinus frascri\ overlooked by Michaux, but differing
from the silver fir, was found to be very abundant (Pres. ALLEN in vol. l,
Maine Hist. Co//., 1 60). It was this fir which Henry mentions, the liquid
of which he was taught to gather. — M.
3
26 Campaign against Quebec •, 1775.
balsam fir, Canada balsam. Balm of Gilead fir, or
bahamum Cana dense, pinus balsomea, which produces the
purest turpentine, and the yellowbirch The first, as its
vulgar name imports, yields a balsamic liquid, which has
been, and perhaps now is, much esteemed by the medi
cal profession. The bark is smooth, except that there
are a vast number of white and lucid protuberances upon
it, of the size of a finger or a thumb nail, bulging from
the surface of the bark. This tree grows to the size of
from fifteen to twenty inches in diameter. From the
essays made, it seems to me that a vial containing a gill
might be filled in the space of an hour. Getchel, our
guide, taught me its use. In the morning when we rose,
placing the edge of a broad knife at the underside of the
blister, and my lips at the opposite part, on the back of
the knife which was declined, the liquor flowed into my
mouth freely. It was heating and cordial to the stomach,
attended by an agreeable pungency. This practice,
which we adopted, in all likelihood contributed to the
preservation of health. For though much wet weather
ensued, and we lay often on low and damp grofind, and
had very many successions of cold atmosphere, it does
not now occur to me, that any one of us was assailed by
sickness, during this arduous excursion. The yellow
birch is useful in many particular instances to the natives.
They form the body of the tree into setting-poles,
paddles, spoons and ladles. The bark, its better property,
serves as a covering for the frame of the canoe, much
in the same manner as the Esquimaux and Greenlanders
apply the seal skin. To you it may appear to be a strange
assertion, but to me it seems true, that the birch-bark
canoe is the most ingenions piece of mechanism man, in
a rude state, is capable of performing. This bold idea
requires a disclosure of the means and the manner of the
work, which shall be done before I leave the subject.1
1 The birch- bark canoe, as intimated before, in the body of the work,
is not only a curious, but a most ingenious machine. So far as my descrip-
Campaign against Quebec, 1775. 27
From the bark of the yellow-birch the Indian also forms
bowls, and baskets of a most beautiful construction, and
it even serves as a wrapper for any nice matter which it
is wished to keep securely, much in the manner we use
brown wrapping-paper. The appearance of the yellow
birch tree at a distance, is conspicuous. Approaching
near it, in the autumn, it seems involved in rolls, some
thing resembling large circular rounds of parchment, or
yellow-paper. There is in my mind no question, but that
among a numerous and industrious people, such as the
tive powers extend, you shall have its construction, described in writing
but without the aid of the pencil it seems to be almost impossible to convey-
to you a just and accurate comprehension of the distinct parts of this
beautiful piece of water-craft. Having had several opportunities to observe
the manner of the formation of the birch-bark canoe, in its various stages,
a description of its sections may not be disagreeable to you. In the con
struction of the canoe, the bow and stern pieces are separate frames, alike
in dimensions, and made of cedar, cypress, or any other light wood ; yet
very light, and so well or tightly bound by tenons, as to require a considerable
effort to break them. These bow and stern pieces, suppose a canoe often,,
or even fifty feet, are connected by laths, with that which I have called
gunwales (gunnels), correspondent in size with the intended length of the
canoe. These gunwales are made from the toughest and best of the timber
that the country produces. The gunwales are strongly secured to the head
and stern by tenons and the cedar root in a most neat and strong manner.
The ribs of the canoe, according to its size, are from two to five inches in
diameter, of the straightest cedar or fir, without knots, closely fitted together,
side by side, and well sewed by means of an awl to the gunwales. This
frame is covered with the yellow-birch-rind, an eighth, a sixth, or a fourth
of an- inch thick. This bark, when applied to canoes, is from two to four
feet in length ; commensurate with the extension of the bow and stern from
each other. Each part of this bark, where the seams meet, is nicely sewed
together by the split cedar root ; these seams are then pitched over in a
ridge, by a hard pitch, in the width of perhaps an inch or more, so as to
make the vessel, truly that which seamen call water-tight. But to this
clumsy attempt to describe to you a boat, which you have never seen, and
perhaps never will see, it seems requisite to add another observation. The
bark which encircles the bottom of the canoe, is strongly attached to the
gunwales by cedar root, much in the same manner as I have seen you
threading wire, for the making of artificial flowers. This bark, thus pre
pared and applied, speaking comparatively (great with small), is a much
stronger material, than your thread, either of flax or silk. The gunwale
was as neatly laced by the cedar, and almost as ornamental, and equally
strong in texture, as the canes we sometimes see from India, covered with
splits of rattan, or some other pliant plant, of southern growth. The
28 Campaign against Quebec, 1775.
Chinese, this indigenous product would become an
article of general use in various ways. The bark, when
taken from the tree, may be obtained lengthwise of the
tree, from one to four feet in breadth, and of a length
equal to the circumference. It is sometimes white with
a yellowish cast, but more usually of a pale, and some
times of a deep gold color. It is partible, when ever so
thick, into the most filmy sheets. The Indians, for
canoes, use it of the thickness of from a fourth, down to
the eighth of an inch, according to the size of the vessel.
Curiosity and convenience made us reduce it often to a
paddles are uniformly made of ash, where it can be obtained, but most
usually of birch, or even of softer wood, in this part of Canada. Many of
the paddles which I saw, were double-bladed, that is a blade at each end of
the handle or pole, and in the hands of a strong person would be, from its
formation, apparently as light as a feather. The pushing-pole was of the
same kind of materials, but light, and if iron could be had, was shod at the
but-end. The rapid and rocky rivers which those poor people, the Indians,
must ascend and descend in their hunting excursions, and which they do
with inconceivable dexterity, requires a quickness of motion of the body,
particularly the arms, which is truly astonishing. The paddle, at this
moment used on the right, and then instantly cast on the left hand of the
canoe, requires a celerity of action which none but such as are used to those
exercises dare undertake. In those instances the double-bladed paddle,
saves half the time which would be employed by the single bladed, in these
arduous but necessary labors. Activity and agility, from the circumstance
of the precariousness of an Indian life, and their manner of subsisting,
become in their education a primary parental motive j without those qualities,
an Indian can never acquire fame, and is often starved.
It often reexhilerates my mind, when reflecting on the waywardness and
unhappiness of my life, to remember the occurrences (July 1773), i° a Part
of a days journey from the windlass of the old carrying place, on the south
side of the river, west of Niagara, by a path which led us to a celebrated
fountain, a little below the brow of the hill, called Mount Pleasant, and
thence to the falls. My youthful imagination was greatly excited. The
company consisted of a French gentleman, my uncle John Henry, and
myself. The Frenchman was a trader who had but just arrived from the
Illinois country, and had dealt beyond the Mississippi. When we came to
Stedman's, his canoe, attended by three or four couriers de bois, lay on the
beach turned upside down, with an immense number of packs of beaver,
press-packed, strewed around, perhaps the whole might have been 3000 Ib.
weight. The canoe was of birch, fifty feet in'length, most beautifully made,
its breadth was probably from six to seven feet in the middle, I examined
with a curiosity, such as a boy of my age might possess. — Henry.
Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775. 29
film, by no means thicker or more substantial than the
silky paper we obtain from India. It serves equally well
for the pencil as paper. Ink, however, flows upon it.
In the course of time a medium may be discovered to
preclude this inconvenience — this bark will preserve
better than paper.
September 3Oth. The company, not apprehending the
reverses which fortune had in store for them, left the
encampment full of courage and hope, though a strong
drift of snow, which whitened all the surrounding hills,
had fallen during the night. Having smooth water, we
paddled away merrily, probably for thirty miles.
Getchel, besides his sheer wisdom, possessed a large fund
of knowledge concerning the country, which he had
derived from the aborigines, and much humorous
anecdote with which, in spite of our privations, he made
us laugh. It was omitted to be mentioned that, before
we" left our last encampment, it became a resolution of
the whole party that the pork in the possession of each
one should be eaten raw, and to eat but in the morning
and evening. As we could not obtain food in this
miserable portion of the globe, even for money, if we
had it, and having nothing else than our arms and our
courage to depend on ; unacquainted with the true
distance of our expedition, for we had neither map nor*
chart, yet resolved to accomplish our orders at the
hazard of our lives — we prudently began to hoard our
provision ; half a biscuit and half an inch square of raw
pork, became this evening's meal. The day's journey
brought us to the foot of a rapid, which convinced us
that the term Dead river was much misapplied. The
night was spent, not upon feathers, but the branches of
the fir or the spruce. It would astonish you, my dear
children, if there was leisure to explain to you, the many
comforts and advantages those trees afford to the way
worn traveler. Suffice it now to say, we rested well.
October ist. The morning brought on new labors.
Our secondary guide and myself, thinking that we could
30 Campaign against Quebec , 1775.
manage the water, slipped into our canoe. Getchel and
another worked Steele's, while our companions, crossing
the hill, marked the carrying-place. From our camp
two-thirds at least of these rapids were concealed from
our view. In much danger, and by great exertion, we
surmounted them in less than an hour. Taking in our
company, we had good water till the evening, when we
were impeded by a precipitate fall of four feet. We
encamped.
October 2d. Carrying here, we had good water all
the next day. Mere fatigue and great lassitude of body,
most likely, in a good measure, owing to the want of
food, caused us to sleep well. From cautionary motives
our guns, though not uncared for, were considered as
useless, in the way of obtaining food. Several of our
company angled successfully for trout, and a delicious
chub, which we call a fall fish. This place became re
markable to me, as, sometime afterwards, my friends
Gen. Simpson,1 Robert Dixon, and myself were here at
the point of death. This you will find in the sequel.
Carrying a few perches around this precipice, we got
into good water, and then performed a severe day's labor.
October 3d. The evening brought us to our en
campment, on the south side of the river. Angling was
1 Michael Simpson was a native of Paxtang, Penn., born about 1740.
He entered the company of Capt. Matthew Smith, of Paxtang, as second
lieutenant, his commission bearing date June 25, 1775. At the time of the
assault upon Quebec he was, by order of Arnold, in command as lieutenant
at the isle of Orleans. After the termination of the attack on Quebec he
returned with the remnant of the army. On the istof Dec., 1776, he was
appointed captain in Col. Thompson's regiment. He served in the battles of
Trenton, Princeton, Brandywine, and White Plains. Also served in Sullivan's
campaign against the Northern Indians in 1779, but upon the consolidation
of the regiments he was retired in Jan. 1781. After the close of the war he
married, removed to his farm two miles below Harrisburgh on the west side
of the Susquehanna. He died June I, 1813, at the age of 73, and lies in
the grave yard at Paxtang church. The general was possessed of amiable
qualities, was a warm friend, kind, liberal and obliging (Letter from Dr.
Ogle}. His death is mentioned in Drake's Biog. Dictionary as having
occurred 15 June, 1813, aged 80. — M.
Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775. 31
resorted to for food. Sergeant Boyd, observing low
ground on the other side of the river, and an uncommon
coldness in the water, passed over, and in an hour returned
with a dozen trout of extraordinary appearance, long,
broad and thick. The skin was of a very dark hue,
beautifully sprinkled with deep crimson spots. Boyd
had caught these in a large and deep spring-head.1 Con
trasting them with those we caught in the river, they
were evidently of a different species. The river trout
were of a pale ground, with pink spots, and not so flat
or broad.
October 4th. The next day, proceeding onward, we
here and there met with rough water. In the evening
we were told that on the next day we probably should
arrive at the camp of Natanis, an Indian, whom our
commander was instructed to capture or kill. Natanis
was well known to the white inhabitants of the lower
country : they knew from him the geographical position
of his residence. The uninstructed Indian, if he pos
sesses goo*d sense, necessarily from his wanderings as a
hunter, becomes a geographer. This good man (as we
subsequently knew him to be), had been wrongfully
accused to Arnold, as a spy, stationed on this river to
give notice to the British government of any party pass
ing this way into Canada : hence that cruel order. We
landed some miles below where we supposed his house
was. Our canoes were brought upon the shore, and
committed to the care of two of the party. We arrived
at the house of Natanis, after a march, probably of three
miles, over a flat country covered with pines, etc. Ap
proaching on all sides with the utmost circumspection,
we ran quickly to the cabin, our rifles prepared, and in
full belief that we had caught Natanis. Some were
1 This peculiarity of the trout is said to be common in deep water 5 ex
posure to light affecting the color and structure of the fish. This is ven
tured upon the remark of a trout fisherman without having given the subject
investigation. — M.
j 2 Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775.
persuaded, at the distance of two hundred yards from the
place, that they saw the smoke of his fire. But the
bird was flown. He was wiser and more adroit than
his assailants, as you will afterwards learn. The house
was prettily placed on a bank twentv feet high, about
twenty yards from the river, and a grass plat extended
around, at more than shooting distance for a rifle, free
from timber and brushwood. The house, for an Indian
cabi^ was clean and tight, with two doors, one fronting
the river, the other on the opposite side. We found
many articles of Indian fabrication, evidently such as
would not be totally abandoned by the owner : besides,
it was remarked, that the coals on the hearth, from their
appearance, had been burning at least within a week
past. These notions did not allay our apprehensions of
meeting with Indian enemies. The canoes, in the
meantime, having been brought up, we embarked and
proceeded with alacrity.
This afternoon, in a course of some miles, we came
to a stream flowing from the west, or rather the northwest.
As we were going along in uncertainty, partly inclined
to take the westerly stream, one of the party fortunately
saw a strong stake, which had been driven down at the
edge of the water, with a piece of neatly fplded birch-
bark, inserted into a split at the top. The bark, as it
was placed, pointed up the westerly stream, which at its
mouth seemed to contain more water than that of our
true course. Our surprise and attention were much
heightened, when opening the bark, we perceived a very
perfect delineation of the streams above us, with several
marks which must have denoted the hunting camps, or
real abodes of the map maker. There were some lines,
in a direction from the head of one branch to that of
another, which we took to be the course of the paths
which the Indians intended to take that season. This
map we attributed to Natanis ; if not his, to his brother
Sabatis, who, as we afterwards knew, lived about seven
miles up this westerly stream. For when our party,
Campaign against Quebec y 1775. 33
after returning to the twelve mile carrying-place, had
again reascended the river, we were told, by the crew of
one of Morgan's boats, that they had mistaken the
westerly stream as the due route, and had found deserted
cabins at the distance already mentioned, and the property
of the late inhabitants placed in a kind of close cages,
made of birch-bark, in the forks of the trees ; these they
most iniquitously plundered. Venison, corn, kettles,
etc., were the product. Inspecting the map thus acquired,
we pursued our journey fearlessly. Now the river
became narrower and shallower. The strength of each
of us was exerted at poling or paddling the canoes. Some
strict water interfered, but in a few days we came to the
first pond, at the head of the Dead river.
October yth. This first pond, in the course of the
traverse we made, might be about a mile, or a little more,
in diameter. Here, on a small island, scarcely contain
ing one-fourth of an acre, we discovered and ate a
delicious species of cranberry, entirely new to us. It
grew upon a bush from ten to twelve feet high, the stock
of the thickness of the thumb, and the fruit was as large
as a may-duke cherry.1 In the course of one or two
miles, we reached a second pond. Between this pond
and the third, we carried ; the communication, though
not long, was too shallow for our canoes. The carrying-
place was excessively rugged, and in high water formed
a part of the bed of the stream. The country around
us had now become very mountainous and rough.
Several of these mountains seemed to stand on insulated
bases, and one in particular, formed a most beautiful
cone, of an immense height. We rested for the evening.
October 8th. Being near the height of land which
divides the waters of New-England from those of
Canada, which run into the St. Lawrence, the weather
1 This was doubtless the acid fruit of "viburnum oxycoccus, which I found
on the river De Loup, a branch of the Chaudiere, in Sept., 1824 (Pres.
ALLEN, in Me. Hist. Soc. Coll., i, 507). — M.
3 4 Campaign against Quebec ', 1775.
in consequence of the approaching winter, had become
piercingly cold. My wardrobe was scanty and light.
It consisted of a roundabout jacket, of woolen, a pair of
half worn buckskin breeches, two pair of woolen stock
ings (bought at Newburyport), a hat with a feather, a
hunting-shirt, leggings, a pair of moccasins, and a pair of
tolerably good shoes, which had been closely hoarded.
We set out early, yet jovially. We entered a lake
surrounded by high and craggy mountains, and per
pendicular rocks of very considerable altitude, which
about eleven o'clock, A.M., cast us into a dusky shade.
Pulling the paddle, as for life, to keep myself warm,
some trifling observation which fell from me, relative to
the place we were in, such as its resemblance to the
vale of death, which drew the attention of the company :
Getchel, in his dry way, turning toward me, said,
" Johnny, you look like a blue leather whet stone."
The simplicity and oddity of the expression, and the
gravity of his manner, caused great merriment at my
expense ; it was enjoyed on my part, certain that it was
not an expression of disesteem, but affection, for the
man liked me. These minim tales and jejune occur
rences are related to convey to your minds an idea, how
men of true spirit will beard death in every shape, even,
at times, with laughter, to effectuate a point of duty
which is considered as essential to the welfare of their
country. Thus we went on, incessantly laboring, with
out sustenance, until we came, about three o'clock, to
the extreme end of a fifth and the last lake. This day's
voyage might amount to fifteen or twenty miles.1
1 In the fall of 1858 a young man passing up the Dead-river valley and
across the chain of ponds, the head of the river, landing at the Arnold
trails, found by the side of the trail between the Dead-river waters and the
Chaudiere, the remains of an old musket, apparently having been left
standing against a tree, where it had rotted down. The stock was entirely
gone, and the barrel and mountings had fallen down together at the foot
of the tree. It is conjectured that the musket had been left there by one
of Arnold's soldiers, and the barrel is now in the possession of Mr. Co
lumbus Steward, of North Anson, Maine, who says that the Arnold trail
Campaign against Quebec 3 1775. 35
On this lake we obtained a full view of those hills
which were then, and are now, called the height of
land. It made an impression upon us that was really
more chilling than the air which surrounded us. We
hurried ashore, drew out our canoes, and covered them
with leaves and brush-wood. This done, with our arms
in our hands, and our provision in our pockets, we made
a race across the mountain, by an Indian path, easily
ascertainable, until we arrived on the bank of the Chau-
diere river. The distance is about five miles, counting
the rising and descent of the hill as two. This was the
acme of our desires. To discover and know the course
of this river, was the extent of our orders : beyond it, we
had nothing to do. Our chief, wishing to do every
thing a good officer could, to forward the service, asked,
if any one could climb a tree, around the foot of which
we then stood ? It was a pine .of considerable height,
without branches for forty feet •, Robert Cunningham, a
strong athletic man, about twenty-five years old, pre
sented himself. In almost the twinkling of an eye, he
on the divide as it is called, between the head waters of Dead river and the
Chaudiere is still easily followed, and is often passed over by lumbermen
and hunters. The following appeared in the Maire Farmer in 1877 : — M.
" A Centennial Relic. Mr. Sheppard Harville of Lincolnville, has in his
possession a French rifle gun barrel, that he found over thirty years ago,
on Dead river at the foot of Arnold's falls, so called from the fact of its
being on the route that Arnold marched with his army, through the
wilderness to Point Levi, Quebec. It is one of the numerous falls by which
he was obliged to carry his bateaux 5 Skowhig falls, Skowhegan ; Bom—
bazee falls. Norridgewock ; Carratunk falls, Solon ; and Hurricane falls,
near White's ferry, Dead river.
Arnold's falls are a few miles below Flagstaff village, where Arnold
raised his ag. He then sent Sergeant Bigelow and a few chosen men up
on a high mountain, near by, to see if they could discover settlements in
Canada ; hence the name, Mt. Bigelow.
" Mr. Harville then of Solon, Charles Folsom and others of Skowhegan,
Hartly Green and Asa Green of Dead river, were driving logs for Captain
John Wheeler of Skowhegan. Hartly and Asa Green being the boatmen
on the drive near where this gun barrel was found by Mr. Harville.
When discovered by him on the trail near the falls, it was resting against
a rock. The stock had entirely rotted off; and it is supposed to have been
left there by one of Arnold's men one hundred years ago last September."
36 Campaign against Quebec , 1775.
climbed the tree. He fully discerned the meandering
course of the river, as upon a map, and even descried
the lake Chaudiere, at the distance of fourteen or fifteen
miles. The country around and between us and the lake
was flat. Looking westward, he observed a smoke ; in
timating this to us, from the tree where he sat, we
plainly perceived it. Cunningham came down ; the sun
was setting seemingly in a clear sky.
Now our return commenced. It so occurred, that I
was in the rear, next to Getchel, who brought it up.
We ran in single file, and while it was light, it was
observed by me, as we tried to stride into the footsteps
of the leader, that he covered the track with his feet ;
this was no mean duty. It required the courage, the
vigor, and the wisdom, which designates genuine man
hood. Our object was to be concealed from a know
ledge of any one who might communicate our presence
there, to the Canadian government. The race was
urged, and became more rapid by the indications of a
most severe storm of rain ; we had scarcely more than
gotten half way up the hill, when the shower came down
in most tremendous torrents. The night became dark
as pitch ; we groped the way across the ridge, and in
descending, relied on the accuracy of our leader, we
continued with speed. The precipice was very steep ;
a root, a twig, perhaps, caught the buckle of my shoe :
tripped, I came down head foremost, unconscious how
far, but perhaps twenty or thirty feet. How my gun
remained unbroken, it is impossible to say. When I
recovered, it was in my hands. My companions had
outstripped me. Stunned by the fall, feeling for the
path with my feet, my arrival at the canoe-place was
delayed, till ten at night, an hour and more later than my
friends. An erection called a tent, but more correctly
a wigwam, was made in the hurry with forks, and cross-
poles, covered by the branches of fir. It rained inces
santly all that night. If the clothes we wore had been
dry, they would have become wet — so we laid down in
Campaign against Quebec, 1775. 37
all those we had on. Sleep came to my eyes, notwith
standing the drippings of the pelting storm, through the
humble roof.
October Qth. We arose before day. The canoes
were urged suddenly into the water, it still rained hard,
and at daylight we thought of breakfasting. Gracious
God ! what was our fare ? What could we produce for
such a feast ? Rummaging my breeches pockets, I found
a solitary biscuit and an inch of pork. Half of the
biscuit was devoted to the breakfast, and so also by each
person, and that was consumed in the canoes as we
paddled over the lake. The rain had raised the lake,
and consequently the outlets about four feet. We slided
glibly along, over passages where a few days previously
we had carried our canoes. At the outlet of the fourth
lake, counting as we came up, a small duck appeared
within shooting distance. It was a diver, well known
in our country — a thing which we here contemn.
Knowing the value of animal food, in our predicament,
several of us fired at the diver : Jesse Wheeler, however
(who all acknowledged as an excellent shot), struck it
with his ball. A shout of joy arose — the little diver
was safely deposited in our canoe. We went on quickly,
without accident, till the evening, probably traversing a
space of more than forty miles. At night-fall we halted,
weary and without tasting food since morning. Boyd
and Cunningham, who were right-hand men on most
occasions, soon kindled a fire against a fallen tree. An
occurrence this evening took place, which my dear
children you will hardly credit, but which (permit me to
assure you ) is sacredly true ; the company sat them
selves gloomily around this fire. The cooks, according
to routine ( whether our chief or others), picked the duck,
and when picked and gutted, it was brought to the fire
side. Here it became a question how to make the most
of our stock of provisions. Finally it was concluded to
boil the duck in our camp-kettle, together with each
man's bit of pork, distinctively marked by running a
4
3 8 Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775.
small skewer of wood through it, with his particular and
private designation. That the broth thus formed should
be the supper, and the duck on the ensuing morning
should be the breakfast, and which should be distributed
by " whose shall be this." Strange as this tale may ap
pear to you, in these times-, the agreement was religiously
performed. Being young, my appetite was ravenous,
as that of a wolf, but honor bound the stomach tightly.
We rose early and each person selected his bit of
pork, which made but a single mouthful ; there was no
controversy. The diver was parted most fairly, into ten
shares, each one eyeing the integrity of the division.
Lieutenant Steele causing the turning of the back, the
lottery gave me a victory over my respectable friend
Cunningham. His share, was the head and the feet,
mine one of the thighs. Hungry arid miserable as we
were, even this was sport to our thoughtless minds. In
fact, we were sustained by a flattering hope that we
should soon meet our friends, the army.
October loth. Setting out early, by the evening we
made nearly fifty miles. The bit of pork and the rest
of the biscuit became my supper. My colleagues were
similarly situated. The morning sun saw us without
any food. We did not despond. The consolatory idea,
that on that, or the next day, we should certainly join
the army, infused energy into our minds and bodies.
Yet being without food, though we loved each other,
every endearment which binds man to man was, as it
were, forgotten in a profound silence. After a long
day's journey still we were supperless.
i ith. The succeeding morning, starting early, we ran
at a monstrous rate. The waters by additional rains
above, had risen greatly. By ten or eleven o'clock A.M.,
we observed a great smoke before us, which from its
extent, we could ascribe to nothing else, than the en
campment of the army, our friends and fellow soldiers.
After some time the light canoe, several hundred yards
before us (with Steele and Getchel in it), passed between
Campaign against Quebec , 1775. 39
the forks of a tree, which lay rooted in the middle of
the stream, where most likely it had lain for many years.
All its branches had been worn away by the annual fric
tions of the ice or waters, except those which formed
the fork, and those stood directly against the current,
nearly a foot out of water, and ten or more feet apart.
Seeing our friends pass through safely, and being uncon-.
scious that we were worse cr less adventurous watermen
than they were, we risked it. We ran with great ve
locity. My good Irishman steered. By an unlucky
stroke of some one of our paddles (for each of us had
one), but from his situation and power over the vessel it
was fairly attributable to the steersman, the canoe was
thrown a little out of its true course, just as it was en
tering the prongs of the fork. Trifling as this may appear
to you, to us it was the signal of death. One of the
prongs took the right hand side of the canoe, within six
inches of the bow, immediately below the gunwale.
Quick as lightning that side of the canoe was laid open
from stem to stern, and water was gushing in upon us,
which would inevitably have sunk us in a second of time,
but for that interference of Providence, which is atheist-
ically called presence of mind, otherwise a host of men
could not have saved us from a watery grave. Instinct
ively leaning to the left, we sunk the gunwale of that
side down to the water's edge, by which we raised the
broken side an inch and more out of it. Calling loudly
to our companions ahead, they soon saw our distress and
put in, at the great smoke. Carefully and steadily sit
ting, and gently paddling, many hundred yards, we landed
safely. Here was no army, no friends, no food, only a
friendly fire, kindled by ourselves as we ascended the
river ; it had been our camp. The fire we had made
had scarcely more than smoked, but now it had crept
into the turfy soil, and among the roots of trees, and was
spread over half an acre. Our situation was truly hor
rible. When we had examined the broken canoe, and
had rummaged both for the means of mending it, every
40 Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775.
heart seemed dismayed. Our birch-bark and pitch had
been exhausted in former repairs, we were without food,
perhaps one hundred miles from the army, or perhaps
that army had returned to New England. That sensa
tion of the mind called the horrors, seemed to prevail.
Getchel alone was really sedate and reflective. He
ordered the other guide to search for birch bark, whilst
he would look among the pines for turpentine. We fol
lowed the one or the other of these worthies, according
to our inclinations, and soon returned with those desira
ble materials. The cedar root was in plenty under our
feet. Now a difficulty occurred, which had been unfore
seen, and which was seemingly destructive of all hope.
This was the want of fat or oil of every kind, with
which to make the turpentine into pitch. A lucky
thought occurred to the youngest of the company, that
the pork bag lay empty and neglected, in one of the
canoes. The thought and the act of bringing it were
instantaneous. The bag was ripped, and as if it had
been so much gold dust, we scraped from it about a pint
of dirty fat. Getchel now prepared an abundance of
pitch. The cedar root gave us twine. The canoe was
brought up to the fire. We found every rib, except a
few at the extreme points, actually torn from the gun
wale. All hands set to work — two hours afterwards
the canoe was borne to the water.
We embarked, and proceeding cautiously, as we
thought, along the shore (for we dared not yet, with our
craggy vessel, venture into deep water), a snag, standing
up stream, struck through the bottom of the canoe.
This accident happened about five hundred yards from
the fire. We put back with heavy hearts and great
difficulty — our friends followed. It took an hour to
patch the gap. The cup of sorrow was not yet full.
As the men were bearing the wounded canoe to the
water, Sergeant Boyd who paddled in the small canoe,
which was drawn up as usual, taking hold of the bow
raised it waist high (as was right) intending to slide it
Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775. 41
gently into the water — the bank was steep and slippery.
Oh ! my dear children, you cannot conceive the dread
and horror the succeeding part of this scene produced
in our minds : Mr. Boyd's own feet slipped — the canoe
fell from his hands — its own weight falling upon the
cavity formed by the declivity of the bank and the
water — broke it in the center, into two pieces, and which
were held together by nothing but the gunwales. Now
absolute despair for the first time seized me. A thought
came across my mind, that the Almighty had destined
us to die of hunger, in this inhospitable wilderness. The
recollection of my parents, my brothers and sister, and
the clandestine and cruel manner of my deserting them,
drew from me some hidden, yet burning tears, and much
mental contrition. This was unknown, unseen and un
heard of by any, but he who is present everywhere, knows
everything, and sees our inmost thoughts. Getchel
(comparing small things with great, who much resembled
Homer's description of Ulysses, in his person, and whose
staid and sober wisdom and foresight, also bore a like
ness to the talents of that hero), resigned, yet thoughtful
and active, instantly went to work. The canoe was
brought to the fire and placed in a proper posture for the
operation. The lacerated parts were neatly brought
together, and sewed with cedar root. A large ridge of
pitch, as is customary in the construction of this kind of
water craft, was laid over the seam to make it water
tight. Over the seam a patch of strong bark a foot in
width, and of a length sufficient to encircle the bottom
even to the gunwales, was sewed down at the edges and
pitched. Again over the whole of the work, it was
thought prudent to place our pork bag which was well
saturated with liquid fat. It was a full yard wide, and
was laid down in the same manner. This work which
was laborious nearly consumed the rest of the day.
We set out notwithstanding the lateness of the hour,
and would it is likely have gone all night, well knowing
the water below to be good, but for an enlivening occur-
42 Campaign against Quebec , 1775.
rence which soon after happened. Hunger drove us
along at a cautious but rapid rate. The sterility of the
country about had afforded us no game, neither moose,
bear nor wolf: nothing in short, but the diver and a
red pine squirrel which was too small and quick to be
killed by a bullet. These squirrels did not much exceed
in size our striped ground squirrel. About dusk the
lieutenant's canoe, four hundred yards before us, had
within view turned a sharp point of land, when we heard
the crack of a rifle, and presently another and a huzza.
Apprehending an attack from an enemy, we pulled hard
to be enabled to sustain our friends. In a moment or
two, observing them pulling for the north shore which
was steep, we looked up it for the enemy. Good
Heavens ! what a sight ! We saw a moose-deer, falling
on the top of the bank. A cry of exultation seemed to
burst the narrow valley of the river. Steele had struck
the deer in the flank, as it was leaving the water, but it
sprung up the bank with agility. Wheeler, with better
fortune for us all, pierced its heart as it arrived at the top.
Seeing this you can scarcely imagine the celerity of our
movements. We were ashore in a moment. A fire
was kindled, the secondary guide cut off the nose, and
upper lip of the animal, instantly, and had it on the fire.
What a feast ! But we were prudent. We sat up all
night, selecting the fat and the tit-bits — frying, boiling,
roasting, and broiling, but carefully eating little at a time.
Towards morning, we slept a few hours, absolutely care
less of consequences. We knew that we had arrived in
a land where game was plentiful, and where there were
no foes superior to our number, to oppose us.
October 12. We rose after sunrise, and began, ac
cording to practice, to examine and prepare our guns.
Prepared, mine was placed against a tree; my duty, in
course, was of the culinary kind. George Merchant,
my coadjutor, had gone to the river for water. He ran
back, seized his own gun, and intimated that a bull
moose was swimming across the river towards the camp.
Campaign against gtuebec, 1775. 43
We jumped to our arms — it so happened that my station
was rearward. The enormous animal was coming
towards us, and not more than fifty paces off, his head
and horns only above water. The sight was animating.
Wheeler and some others fired at his head, but without
effect. The extreme desire they had to possess so noble
a prey, probably caused 'a tremor of the hand, or that
part of his body was impenetrable to our small balls,
which is most likely. The moose turned and swam to
the opposite bank. Having got to the verge of the
river, his emerging was awaited. My ball struck pre
cisely where it ought to kill. The huge animal rose
the bank by several boggling leaps, but seemed un
knowing which way to run — we thought he would fall.
Wheeler, and some others, getting into the canoes, pur
sued him by his blood half a mile. When Wheeler
returned, he overloaded me with praises for the accuracy
of the shot, and was confident that the deer was killed.
We had no time to spare. We feasted till noon, and in
the intermediate moments, culled the entrails for the fat j
we even broke the bones, and extracted the marrow,
under the full persuasion that food of an oily nature is
one of the strongest mainstays of human life. Of this
principle, if we had a doubt, we were shortly after
wards most irrefragably convinced. We departed from
our camp joyously, untortured by the fear of starving ;
our canoe sunk deep by the weight of our venison.
Running some miles and suddenly doubling a point, we
saw a large grey wolf sitting on his haunches ; he was
fired at, but the distance was too great ; he escaped.
Looking down the river we saw a moose swimming from
the main to an island ; it was soon brought down. It
proved to be young, of about 300 weight. Its ears and
flanks were much torn by the wolf. This prize consti
tuted veal in our larder. The choice parts were deposited
in the canoes, the residue was at the disposal of the wolf.
October I3th, the following morning, embarking early,
after noon we arrived at our first encamping ground on
44 Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775.
the Dead river, in good health and spirits ; though pallid
and weak, for the want of substantial food in due quantity.
By this time the fat and marrow of the animals we
had killed were exhausted, and our stock of salt had been
long since expended. One who has never been deprived
of bread and salt, nor known the absence of oleaginous
substances in his food, cannot make a true estimate of
the invaluable benefits of such ingredients, in the susten-
tation of the bodily frame ; nor of the extremity of our
corporeal debility.
We ascended the bank, which is steep, and about
fourteen feet high, carrying our baggage, arms and
venison, leisurely, by piecemeal. The canoes, as being
too heavy for our strength, were secured below, in the
water, by withes. It was immediately concluded to
preserve our provisions by jerking. This operation is
done by slicing the meat into thin strips. Then driving
four forks into the earth, in a square position, at the re
quired distance perpendicularly, and laying poles from
fork to fork, and poles athwart from pole to pole. A
rack is thus made, about four feet high, on which the
sliced meat is laid, and smoke-fires are made underneath.
This duty was soon performe l. We now began to look
about us, and discuss the subject of our return to the
army, which we had, before this time, persuaded our
selves we should meet at this place. The non-appear
ance of the army and our distress, induced a conclusion
that we were deserted, and abandoned to a disastrous
fate, the inevitable result of which would be, a sinking
into eternity for want of food, for though we might have
killed more deer, the vigor of our bodies was so reduced,
that we were convinced that that kind of food could
not restore us to our wonted energy, and enable us to
perform so rugged and long a march, as that to the
frontiers of Maine. The notion of navigating the river,
was scouted as a fallacy, because we did not possess a
sufficient degree of bodily force to bear the canoes across
the twelve-mile carrying-place. As, in the case of the
Campaign against Quebec , 1775. 45
retreat of the army, we had determined to follow, it be-
can e requisite to finish the jerking, which would take
six days, to make it the more portable for our feeble
ness, and preservable if we should have wet weather on
the march. It was further concluded u That Lieut:
Steele, Getchel and Wheeler, should immediately pro
ceed on foot across the twelve-mile carrying-place, to
meet the army : if they did meet it, that they should
return to us with supplies by the end of three days, but
in all events to return." Having; no doubt of the honor
O
of those gentlemen, the rest of the party remained
cheerfully jerking the meat. Now we experienced the
full extent of a new species of starving. Having neither
bread, nor salt, nor fat of any kind, every day we re
mained here, we became more and more weak and ema
ciated. We had plenty of meat, both fresh and dried,
of which we ate four, five and six times a day, in every
shape we had the means of dressing it. Though we
gorged the stomach, the appetite was unsatiated. Some
thing like a diarrhoea ensued, which contributed to the
imbecility of our bodies. Bear's oil would have made
our venison savory, but such an animal as a bear we
had as yet not seen in all our wanderings. On the
evening of the fourth day, we looked out for our absent
companions with much heartfelt anxiety. They came
not. In the morning of the next day, we consulted
upon the question whether we should follow the army.
A majority voted for staying a few days longer to com
plete the jerking. To show you the great bodily weak
ness we were brought to, it may be proper to relate the
following anecdote as more evincive of the fact, than
any other method whirh might be adopted, to bring it
fully to your minds. Sergeant Boyd (the strongest and
stoutest man of the party and perhaps of the army), and
myself, taking our arms, descended into a canoe, and
passed the river to the mouth of the creek before men
tioned, intending to go to the next pond on the carrying-
place, there to meet, as we hoped, the advance of the
46 Campaign against Quebec , 1775.
army. We staggered along through the plain, falling
every now and then, if our toes but touched a twig or
tuft of grass. Thus going forward, we arrived at the
edge of the moss-bog, which is mentioned as we as
cended the river, and which is one and a half or two
miles from the pond. Here my worthy friend Boyd,
unable to proceed, sunk down upon a log. My seat, in
tears of excruciating grief, was taken beside him, en
deavoring to infuse comfort and courage into his manly
mind — it was in vain. The debility of his body had
disarmed his courageous soul. Every art in my power
was exercised to induce him to pass the bog ; he would
not listen to me on that subject. Melancholy of the
desperate kind oppressed me. Convinced that the army
had retreated, a prognostication resulted in my mind,
that we should all die of mere debility in these wilds.
We sat an hour. At length we agreed to return to our
camp, though it was yet early in the afternoon. Our
companions were pleased to see us, thinking our coming
so soon indicated good news ; but a gloom of despera
tion followed. As a last effort to save our lives, we all
agreed to pass the river the next morning and follow the
army, which we were now assured had returned to
Fort Western. Each one put into his knapsack as much
of our mawkish food, as he could conveniently carry.
October 17. We started early, passed the river, but
from mere inability to carry our canoes, left them behind
us, at the bank of the creek. Marching forward as
fast as our feeble limbs would carry us, when we came
to the log where Boyd had seated himself, we were filled
with extatic joy to observe, on the far side of the bog,
a party of pioneers forming a causeway for the passage
of the army. Our strength redoubled — we passed the
bog with considerable speed. Our wan and haggard
faces and meagre bodies, and the monstrous beards of
my companions, who had neglected to carry a razor with
them, seemed to strike a deep sorrow into the hearts of
the pioneers. They gave us a little of their food, but
Campaign against Quebec^ 1775. 47
what exhilerated us more, was the information that
Major Febiger, with the advanced-guard, lay at the next
pond. We urged forward as fast as we could. Arriv
ing at his fire a little before my company, an incapacity
to stand compelled me to sit. Febiger, in a hurried
manner, asked who we were ? and from whence we
came ? A few words explained the mystery and cause
of our distress. A glistening tear stood in this brave
soldier's eye. As it were with a sudden and involuntary
motion and much tenderness, he handed me his wooden
canteen (which contained the last spirits in the army),
from me it passed to Cunningham, who had just come
up, the most ghastly and way-worn figure in nature,
from him it went round to the rest, who arrived grad
ually, but slowly. The heart of Febiger x seemed over
joyed at the relief he had and could afford us. The
liquor had restored our fainting spirits, but this was not
enough for his generosity to exhibit. He requested us
to take seats around the fire, and wait the boiling of his
kettle, which was well replenished with pork and dump
lings. This was all devoted to our use, accompanied by
an open heartedness and the kindest expressions of interest
for our sufferings, and regard for our perseverance in
our duty as military men. This meal to all of us seemed
a renewal of life. It was accustomed food. Febiger,
ere this time, was unknown to us, but in the process of
events, he acquired our esteem and entire confidence,
as a friend and a real soldier. Our more immediate and
intimate friends were still beyond the pond, but coming
1 Christian Febiger, colonel in the Revolutionary army, born Denmark,
17475 died, Phila. Sept. 20, 1796. He had seen service before en
listing April 28, 1775, and at Bunker's Hill led a portion of Gerrish's
regiment, of which he was adjutant, to the scene of battle in season to do
good service. He served with rrarked ability throughout the war; ac
companied Arnold to Quebec, and was made prisoner in the attack on that
citadel ; was conspicuous at the capture of Stony Point, where he led a
column of attack, and at Yorktown, where he commanded the ad Va.
regiment. From 1789 until his death, he was treasurer of Pensylvania. —
Drake's Biographical Dictionary, 319.
48 Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775.
forward. By-and-by Morgan came, large, a command
ing aspect, and stentorian voice. He wore leggings, and
a cloth in the Indian style. His thighs, which were
exposed to view, appeared to have been lacerated by the
thorns and bushes. He knew our story from Steele and
Wheeler, and greeted us kindly. We now found our
selves at home, in the bosom of a society of brave men,
with whom we were not only willing, but anxious to
meet the brunts of war. This was the twenty-sixth day
we had been absent from the army. In the evening we
resumed our stations in our respective messes. It was
now fully explained to us, why Steele had not brought
us relief. He had met the advance of the army on the
Kennebec side of the carrying-place. Always alert and
indefatigable, when any duty was to be done, the
labors of the men in carrying boats, barrels of flour,
etc., were intolerable, and required the strength and
athletic exertions of the officers, and particularly, such
as Lieut. Steele, to enliven them in their duty. In bear
ing a heavy burden over rugged ground, he fell and
sprained or dislocated his shoulder. Notwithstanding
this accident, he had sent us supplies, but the bearers,
either from cowardice or other cause, never came near
us. Getchel and Wheeler had other duties to attend
to — they were under immediate command. We also
discovered from Steele, that Clifton and M'Konkey,
soon after we left them, had deserted their post, carry
ing all they could on their backs, to meet the army.
The dastardly vices of the latter, prevailing over the
known courage, good sense, and sedate age, of the
former : nothing occurs to me contributory to the fame
of these men afterwards. The first was an invalid, the
latter a caitiff coward. In your scanning the characters
of men, which you will be compel.led to do in
your own defence, in the course of your lives, it
will be a good general rule for you to adopt : that
whether you be in the company of military men, scholars,
men of the law, legislators, etc., etc., in short, persons
Campaign against Quebec ', 1775. 49
of any profession or class, if you find a person very
loquacious, dragging the conversation to himself, and in
a dictatorial way taking the lead; but. more especially if
he talks of his own prowess, deep reading, causes he has
gained, eloquence, etc., etc., but still more so if the party
boasts of wealth or ancestry : in the first instance, with
out hesitation, set such a person down in your memory
as a braggadocio, a mere puffer, until you can inquire
further for a proof to the contrary. There are, to my
knowledge, exceptions to this general rule, but few in
number, particularly in the military class. M'Konkey
was of the puffing sect, and there never was a more
consummate scoundrel and coward.
October i8th. Now we turned our faces towards
the north. Having rejoined our messmates, enjoying
substantial food and warm tents, we soon recruited a
good degree of strength, and our former gayety of temper
and hilarity returned to us. We accompanied the army,
and became a kind of guides in minute matters, for the
paths and carrying places we had sufficiently developed,
for Captain Ayres and his pioneers, by strong blazing
and snagging of bushes, so that he might proceed in per
fect security, in the performance of the duties of his
office. The three companies of riflemen under Morgan
took up our old encamping ground-on the Dead river,
during the afternoon of the following day.1
1 The place on the Kennebec where the carry commenced is now
definitely known to lumbermen and inhabitants of that region 5 indeed
the route to the ponds, and between them and the Dead river is distinctly
marked by a growth of evergreens passing through a growth of hard wood
growth, they having taken the place of the original wood cut by the army
to facilitate the crossing. It is said that some of the bateaux which were
abandoned at the ponds, and sunk there, are occasionally found on the bot
tom. — Letter from Hon. James W. North.
During the survey of the north-eastern boundary in 1844, one of the
engineers traversing the swampy highland observed a hollow sound where
he struck down his Jacob start, he discovered on scraping away J^he moss
an entire bateau, composed of sawed wood which was not indigenous to the
locality, that rendered it more than probable that it was one of Arnold's
bateaux. — Letter of Mr. John F. Anderson. — M.
5
50 Campaign against Quebec^ 1775.
October igth and 2Oth. Here we lay encamped for
several days, waiting the arrival of the rear of the New
England troops : they came up hourly. During our
stay here, it pleased me internally, to observe that Mor
gan adopted certain rules of discipline, absolutely neces
sary to the state v>e were in, but discordant with the
wild and extravagant notions of our private men.1
Powder and ball, particularly the first, to us riflemen,
was of the first consequence. At Cambridge the horns
belonging to the men were filled with an excellent rifle
powder, which, when expended, could not be replaced
in Canada by any powder of an equal quality. The men
1 Morgan was a strict disciplinarian. Permit an anecdote. He had
obtained the command of the rifle corps from Arnold, without any
advertence to the better claim of Hendricks, who, though the youngest
man was of the three captains, in point of rank, by the dates of commis
sions, the superior officer. Hendricks, for the sake of peace in the army,
and of good order, prudently and good naturedly acquiesced in his assump
tion of the command, for Morgan had seen more service in our former wars.
At this place Morgan had given it out in orders, that no one should fire.
One Chamberlaine, a worthless fellow, who did not think it worth while
to draw his bullet, had gone some hundreds of yards into the woods, and
discharged his gun. Lieut. Steele happened ti> be in that quarter at the
time; Steele had but arrived at the fire, where we sat, when Morgan,
who had seen him coming, approached our camp, and seated himself within
our circle. Presently Chamberlaine came, gun in hand, and was passing
our fire, towards that of his mess. Morgan called to the soldier, accused
him as the defaulter \ this the man (an arrant liar ) denied. Morgan
appealed to Steele. Steele admitted he heard the report, but knew not the
party who discharged the gun. Morgan suddenly springing to a pile of
billets, took one, and swore he would knock the accused down unless he
confessed the fact. Instantly, Smith seized another billet, and swore he
would strike Morgan if he struck the man. Morgan knowing the tenure
of his rank, receded. This was the only spirited act I knew of Smith.
Such were the rough-hewn characters which, in a few subsequent years, by
energy of mind and activity of body, bore us safely through the dreadful
storms of the revolution. Morgan was of an impetuous temper, yet withal,
prudent in war, as he was fearless of personal danger. His passions
were quick and easily excited, but they were soon cooled. This observa
tion is applicable to many men of great talents, and to none more than
Morgan.' His severity, at times, has made me shudder, though it was
necessary, yet it would have been a pleasing trait in his character if it had
been less rigid. — Henry.
Campaign against Quebec , 1775. 51
had got into a habit of throwing it away at every trifling
object. Upon our return from the Chaudiere, this cir
cumstance raised disgust in us ; for we had been studi
ously careful of our ammunition, never firing but at
some object which would give us the means of subsist
ence. Though we drew our loads every morning, from
a fear of the dampness of the atmosphere, yet the ball
and powder were never lost. Our bullet screws brought
the first out with ease, and it was recast, the latter was
carefully returned to the horn, where, if moist, it soon
became dry. The principal of Morgan's rules were,
that there should be no straggling from the camp; and
no firing without authoritative permission. Reasonable
as these injunctions were, they were opposed. Being
young and my friend Steele absent, a whisper of appro
bation did not fall from me, which, in my subordinate
station, might have been indelicate. It was left to the
energy of Morgan's mind, and he conquered. During
our resting here, Arnold, accompanied by Steele and
some excellent boatmen, proceeded to the head of the
river. The rifle corps preceded the main body of the
army, both by land and water. The boats, which were
heavily laden with baggage and provisions, took in no
more men than were necessary to navigate them, that is,
three to a boat. The remainder of the army marched
by land, the river being generally the guide.
Here, my dear children, permit me to give you the
genuine character of my friend, General Simpson, whom
you all know personally. He was among my earliest
and best friends. He was then as apparently eccentric,
as he is at this time : there is no obvious difference in
his manners between the two periods. As an officer,
he was always active and keen in the performance of
his duty. Hard was the service ; but his heart was soft
to his friend. Simpson invited his messmate aboard his
boat, being still somewhat feeble from our late privations :
the invitation was gladly accepted.
October 2ist. We embarked. Having Lieut.
52 Campaign against Quebec , 1775.
Simpson for a steersman, and John Tidd and James
Dougherty as boatmen, we went gaily on for that and
the next day : able to lead any boat in the river.
October 22d. On the evening of this second day,
we encamped on a bank eight or nine feet high, at a
place where we had rested when ascending the river the
first time. In the evening a most heavy torrent of rain
fell upon us, which continued all night. Having now a
good tent over our heads, the inconvenience was not much
felt. We slept soundly. Towards morning, we were
awaked by the water which flowed in upon us from the
river. We fled to high ground.
October 23. When morning came the river pre
sented a most frightful aspect : it had risen at least eight
feet, and flowed with terrifying rapidity. None but the
most strong and active boatmen entered the boats, the
army marched on the south side of the river, making
large circuits to avoid the overflowings of the intervale
or bottom lands. This was one of the most fatiguing
marches we had as yet performed, though the distance
was not great in a direct line. But having no path and
being necessitated to climb the steepest hills, and that
without food, for we took none with us, thinking the
boats would be near us all day. In the evening we
arrived at the fall of four feet, which was mentioned
when ascending the river. Alas ! all the boats of the
army were on the opposite side of the river. The pitch
of the fall made a dreadful noise, and the current ran with
immense velocity. We sat down on the bank sorely
pinched by hunger, looking wistfully towards our friends
beyond the torrent, who were in possession of all the
provisions, tents and camp equipage, convinced however,
that the most adventurous boatmen would not dare the
passage, for the sake of accommodating any of us. We
were mistaken. There were two men, and only two,
who had skill and courage to dare it. Need Lieut.
Simpson, on an occasion like this, be named ? he, ac
companied by John Tidd, entered his empty boat.
Campaign against Quebec^ 1775. 53
What skill in boatmanship ! what aptitude with the
paddle was here exhibited. The principal body of the
water ran over the middle of the fall, and created a
foaming and impetuous torrent, in some measure resem
bling, at this particular time, of a very high freshet, that
of the Oswego falls, which has been known to me ere
this. The river was about one hundred and fifty, or two
hundred yards in breadth, counting on the increase of
water by the rains. The force of the central current
naturally formed considerable eddies at each side of the
river, close under the pitch. Simpson now disclosed his
amazing skill. Though there was an eddy, even that
was frightful, he came by its mean nearly under the
pitch, and trying to obtain an exact start, failed. The
stream forced his boat down the river, but he recovered
and brought it up. Now we, who were trembling for
the fate of our friends, and anxious for our own accom
modation, began to fear he might be drawn under the
pitch. Quick, almost in a moment, Simpson was with
us. He called in his loud voice to Robert Dixon, James
Old (a messmate) and myself to enter the boat. We
entered immediately. He pushed off; attempting the
start by favor of the hither eddy, which was the main
thing — we failed. Returning to the shore, we were as
sailed by a numerous band of soldiers, hungry, and
anxious to be with their companions. Simpson told
them he could not carry more with safety, and would
return for them. Henry M'Annaly, a tall Irishman,
who could not from experience comprehend the danger,
jumped into the boat ; he was followed by three or four
other inconsiderate men. The countenance of Simpson
changed, his soul and mine were intimate. "O God,"
said he, "men we shall all die." They would not
recede. Again we approached the pitch ; it was horrible.
The bateau swam deep, almost ungovernable by the
paddle. Attempting again to essay the departure — we
failed. The third trial was made : it succeeded. As
lightning we darted athwart the river. Simpson with his
54 Campaign against Quebec ', 1775.
paddle, governed the stern. The worthy Tidd in the
bow. Dixon and myself, our guns stuck in the railing
of the bateau, but without paddles, sat in the stern next
to Simpson. Mr. Old was in the bow near Tidd.
Henry M'Annaly was adjoining Mr. Old. The other
men sat between the stern and bow. Simpson called to
the men in the bow to lay hold of the birch bushes ;
the boat struck the shore forcibly : they caught hold
M'Annaly in particular ( this was in the tail of the eddy ),
but like children, their holds slipped, at the only spot
where we could have been saved ; for the boat had been
judiciously and safely brought up. Letting go their
holds, the bow came round to the stream, and the stern
struck the shore. Simpson, Dixon, and myself, now
caught the bushes, but being by this time thrown into the
current, the strength of the water made the withes as so
many straws in our hands. The stern again swung
round : the bow came again ashore. Mr. Old, Tidd,
and M'Annaly, and the rest, sprung to the land to save
their lives. Doing this, at our cost, their heels forced
the boat across the current. Though we attempted to
steady it, the boat swagged. In a moment after, at
thirty feet off shore, it being broad side to the current,
turned ; borne under, in spite of all our force, by the
fury of the stream. The boat upsetting, an expression,
as going into the water, fell from me, " Simpson we
are going to heaven." My fall was head -foremost.
Simpson came after me — his heels, at the depth of fifteen
feet or more, were upon my head and neck ; and those
grinding on the gravel. We rose nearly together, your
father first — my friend followed. The art of swimming,
in which, I thought myself an adept, was tried, but it
was a topsy-turvy business. The force of the water
threw me often heels-over-head.
. In the course of this voyage, after a few hundred
yards, Simpson was at my side, but the force of the
stream prevented the exertion of swimming ; yet the
impetuosity of the current kept us up. It drove us
Campaign against Quebec , 1775. 55
toward the other side of the river, against a long ridge
of perpendicular rocks of great extent. Luckily, in the
course of some hundred yards, the current changed, and
brought us perforce to the north side of the river. Float
ing' along with my head just above water — prayers in
sincere penitence having been uttered, a boat's crew of
the eastern men handed me a pole. It was griped as by
the hand of death — but griped the pole remained to me.
The strength of water was such, that the boat would
inevitably have upset, if the boatman had kept his hold.
A glance of the eye informed me that my companion
in misfortune had shared the same fate. Resigned into
the bosom of my Savior, my eyes became closed ; the
death appeared to me a hard one ; sensibility in a great
degree forsook me. Driving with the current some
hundreds of yards more, the most palpable feeling recol
lected, was the striking of my breast against a root or
hard substance. My head came above water. Breathing
ensued ; at the same moment Simpson raised his head
out of the water, his gold laced hat on it, crying " Oh ! "
neither of us could have crept out ; we should have there
died but for the assistance of Edward Cavanaugh, an
Irishman, an excellent soldier, who was designated in
the company by the appellation of Honest Ned. Passing
from the lower part of the river, he happened to come
to the eddy, at the instant of time my breast struck. He
cried out " Lord, Johnny ! is this you ?" and instantly
dragged me out of the water. Simpson immediately
appearing, he did him the same good office. Lying on
the earth perhaps twenty minutes, the water pouring
from me, a messenger from the camp came to rouse us.
Roused we went to it. But all eyes looked out for
Dixon, all hearts were wailing for his loss. It was
known he could not swim, but none of us could recollect
whether he had dropped into the water or had adhered
to the boat. In some time we had the inexpressible
pleasure of Dixon in our company. He had stuck to
the side of the boat, which lodged on a vast pile of drift
56 Campaign against Quebec , 1775.
wood some miles below, and in this way he was saved.
Arriving at the camp our friends had a large fire prepared,
particularly for our accommodation ; heat upon such an
occurrence is most agreeable. My two friends in dis
tress, whose clothing was principally woolen — felt none
of my private disaster. My leather breeches attached
closely and coldly to the skin. Modesty prohibited a
disclosure. The sense of pain or inconvenience which
was observed bv my seniors, caused an inquiry. Imme
diately the breeches were off and stuck upon a pole to
dry. Simpson was so much exhilerated by our escape,
that seated on a stump, he sung Plato in great glee. It
became a favorite with us. During all this time, perhaps
till one or two o'clock, my breeches were in my hand
almost in continued friction. The laugh of the company
was against me, but it was borne stoically.
October 24, the following morning, presented me with
many difficulties ; to be sure my horn, with a pound of
powder, and my pouch, with seventy bullets, were un
harmed by the water, though around my neck in the
course of our swimming. Yet I had lost my knapsack,
my hat, and my most precious rifle. Awaking, the
world appeared to be a wild waste. Disarmed, my insig
nificance pressed strongly on my mind — dishonor seemed
to follow of course. Without the armor of defence, men
and nations are mere automatons, liable to be swayed by
the beck of power and subject to the hand of oppression.
Young as your father was, his soul was oppressed. To
return with the invalids was dreadful, and without arms,
he could not proceed. Comfort came to me in the shape
of Lieutenant, now General Nichols, then of Hendricks.
He had two hats — he presented me one ; but what was
more to my purpose, he, or General Simpson, informed
me that some of the invalids wished to dispose of their
rifles. With the assistance of Nichols and Simpson, a
bargain was struck with a person called William Rey
nolds, or Rannals, of our company ; who was miserably
sick, and returned in the boats. Money was out of the
Campaign against Quebec, 1775. 57
question, an order upon my father, dated at this place,
for the price of twelve dollars was accepted, and after
wards, in due time, paid honorably. This gun was short,
about forty-five balls to the pound, the stock shattered
greatly, and worth about forty shillings. Necessity has
no law. Never did a gun, ill as its appearance was, shoot
with greater certainty, and where the ball touched, from
its size, it was sure to kill. This observation, trifling as
it may seem, ought to induce government to adopt guns
of this size, as to length of barrel, and size of ball.
There are many reasons to enforce this opinion. We
departed from this place without any material occurrence,
and went rapidly forward.
October lyth. Somewhat laughable ensued on this
morning near the first pond, at the head of the river.
The Virginians (though it is not probable that any of
the officers excepting one) had taken up the idea, that
they were our superiors in every military qualification,
and ought to lead. Hendricks, though the oldest com
missioned officer of the rifle companies, was still the
youngest man. For the sake of peace and good order,
he had not assented to, but merely acquiesced in Morgan's
assumption of the command of our corps, as the elder
person. Those men, who were clever and brave, were
just such in that behalf, as we were ourselves : but a
Mr. Heath, who was blind of an eye, a lieutenant of
Morgan's, seemed to think, that all others were in
ferior to those of the ancient dominion. We had a hard
morning's pushing, when coming up to the first pond,
at the head of the Dead-river, we saw Heath before us.
Observing to Simpson, "push him" we went up with
much force ; poor Heath laboring as a slave to keep
his place. Tidd and Dougherty felt my spirit as much,
as Simpson did. At the moment of our passing, for we
went up on the outside of him, towards the middle of
the current, his pole stuck, upon which he gave us a
few hearty curses. Entering the lake, the boat under
my guidance and information, steered directly for the
58 Campaign against Quebec, 1775.
passage to the second lake. Humphreys (Morgan's first
lieutenant) a brave and most amiable man, whom we
highly esteemed, was in a boat far to the left, searching
for a passage. Simpson, at my instance, hailed him to
come on. He answered there was no passage there, al
luding to the place we steered for. Encouraging my
friend to go on, the deception Humphreys lay under was
soon discovered. The creek was soon discovered.
The creek was deep and serpentine, and the country
around, for a considerable distance, a flat. A log
brought down by the last freshet, lay across the stream,
so as to give to a stranger the idea that the mouth of
the creek was merely a nook of the lake. Setting the
log afloat, as was easily done, the boat proceeded.
October 28. Continuing rapidly, for now we had no
carrying, nor marking of trees, there being plenty of
water, the evening was spent at the foot of that mountain
called the Height-of-land.1 This was a day of severe
labor. The navigation of the Chaudiere, being, so far
as our information went, represented to the captains,
Hendricks and Smith, as very dangerous, they, to save
their men, concluded to carry over the hill, but one
boat for each of their companies. This resolution was
easily accomplished. Morgan, on the other hand, de
termined to carry over all his boats. It would have made
your heart ache, to view the intolerable labors his fine
fellows underwent. Some of them, it was said, had the
flesh worn from their shoulders, even to the bone. The
men said it ; but by this time an antipathy against
Morgan, as too strict a disciplinarian had arisen.
October 2Qth. The following day, the army, dis
jointed as was our corps, at least Hendricks's and Smith's,
encamped on the plain, on the bank of the Chaudiere.
1 The Hon. Miles Standish lives on what is termed the Flag Staff
Plantation, at the foot of Mount Bigelow, on Arnold's route, the mountain
on which Maj. Timothy Bigelow planted a flag staff, which gave name to
the mountain and place. — Letter from Hon. James W. North. — M.
Campaign against Quebec ', 1775. 59
Morgan afterwards took his station near us. Here it
first became generally known, that Enos had returned
from the twelve mile carrying-place, with 500 men, a
large stock of provisions, and the medicine chest.1 It
1 The desertion of Enos was known by a portion of the army as early as
the 2,3d. He made an ingenious defence of his retreat, and at the trial the
witnesses being his own officers, who were all in favor of returning, he was
acquitted, but never survived the stigma of having done a disreputable
act. — M.
Head-Quarters, Cambridge, November 30, 1775.
A General Court Martial to sit to-morrow morning, at eleven o'clock,
at Mr. Pomeroy's, in Cambridge, to try Lieutenant-Colonel Enos, for
" quitting his commanding-officer without leave." President, Brigadier-
General Sullivan, with the twelve field-officers next for court-martial duty.
COLONEL ROGER ENOS TO THE PUBLIC.
I esteem it the duty of every man not only to merit a good name, but to
appear in defence of it when unjustly attacked, and, if possible, to clear it
from groundless aspersions. Great numbers, for want of proper informa
tion, or by artful misrepresentations, imbibe unreasonable prejudices against
their fellow men, and form conceptions greatly to their disadvantage, who,
on a full and impartial knowledge of the facts, will essentially alter their
opinions, and applaud those actions which, from misrepresentation, they
were inclined to censure and condemn. As my character, both as an
officer and soldier, hath of late suffered much in the view of many, and as
I value my reputation as high as my life (indeed, I consider it as the
greatest curse that can befall a man to outlive his character), I must beg
leave, through the channel of the press, to exhibit to the world the follow
ing representation of my case ; which I trust will sufficiently clear up my
character, and convince the impartial, that my conduct, instead of the cen
sure, merits the approbation of the public.
At a Court of Inquiry held at Cambridge, on Wednesday, the 2gth day
of November, 1775, by order of his excellency the commander-in-chief
of the forces of the United Colonies, to examine into the conduct of Lieu
tenant-Colonel Enos, for leaving the detachment under Colonel Arnold and
returning home, without permission from his commanding officer, present :
Major-General Lee, president ; Brig. General Greene, Brig. General
Heath, Colonel Nixon, Colonel Stark, Major Durkee, Major Sherburne.
The court are of opinion, after receiving all the information within their
power, that Colonel Enos's misconduct (if he has been guilty of misconduct) is
not of so very heinous a nature as was first supposed, but that it is necessary,
for the satisfaction of the world, and for his own honor, that a court-martial
should be immediately held for his trial.
CHARLES LEE, M.aj. General^ President.
A true copy, from the minutes of said court, compared and examined by
W. TUDOR, Judge Advocate.
60 Campaign against <jhiel>ecyijy$.
damped our spirits much, but our commander conceived
it was better to proceed than return. We were about
a hundred miles from the frontier of Canada, but treble
that distance from that of New-England. Our provisions
Proceedings of a general court-martial of the line held at head-quarters at
CAMBRIDGE, by order of bis Excellency GEORGE WASHINGTON, Esq.y Com-
mander-in-cbief of the Forces of the UNITED COLONIES, DECEMBER I, A.D.
1775-
Brigadier-General Sullivan, president ; Colonel Bridge, Colonel Sergeant,
Colonel Greaton, Lieutenant-Colonel Cleveland, Lieutenant-Colonel Marsh,
Lieutenant-Colonel Reed, Lieutenant- Colonel Brown, Lieutenant-Colonel
Vose, Major Poor, Major Wood, Major Woods, Major Johnson ; W.
Tudor, judge advocate.
The court, being duly sworn, proceeded to the trial of Lieutenant-Colonel
Enos, of the Twenty-Second Regiment, under an arrest for leaving the de
tachment under Colonel Arnold, and returning home, withouc permission
from his commanding officer.
Lieutenant-Colonel Enos, being arraigned on the above charge, says, that
true it is, he did return without permission from Colonel Arnold, his com
manding officer j but the circumstances of the case were such as obliged
him so to do.
Captain Williams. At the great carrying-place, I heard that the men
ahead were in want of provision. About two-thirds across the great
carrying-place, I met Major Bigelow coming back with ninety-five men,
who said they wanted provision ; I dealt out to them a barrel of pork and
one of flour j I delivered Major Bigelow six barrels more of provision. We
proceeded forward, and met several parties returning home, and we had
orders to supply them with provision to reach the English settlements.
When I came up with Colonel Enos, I was informed by Major Bigelow
there had been a council of war, and that it was settled that, for want of
provisions, the whole detachment under Colonel Enos should return. Col
onel Enos proposed to go forward, and let his division return j but as there
was a large number, besides those which belonged properly to our division,
and as we had several invalids to bring back, and were very short of provi
sion (for we had but three days' provision, and were above one hundred
miles from the English settlements), I thought it was absolutely necessary
for Colonel Enos to take the command of the party back, and protested
against his going on to join Colonel Arnold j at the same time, not know
ing that Colonel Enos had any orders from Colonel Arnold to join him.
That division which went on to join Colonel Arnold had not more than
five days' provision. We supplied Colonel Greene's division with most of
their provision, and left ourselves but three days' provision.
Captain McCobb. About fifty miles up the Dead river we held a council
of war, at which I assisted as a member ; and it was agreed that the whole
division under Col. Enos should return, there not being sufficient provision
to carry both divisions through. Colonel Greene's division being some
way ahead, it was found that we should save two days' time by letting that
Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775. ^i
were exhausted. We had no meat of any kind. The
flour which remained, so far as I know, was divided
fairly and equally, among the whole of the troops, the
riflemen shared five pints of ftour per man. During the
division go forward, and time was too precious and provision too scarce to
enter into disputes. It was thought best for the service, that Colonel
Greene's division should proceed, and we left them with about five days'
provision, and returned with three ourselves. Lieutenant-Colonel Enos
was for going forward without his division; but, for the same reasons which
have been mentioned by Captain Williams, I protested against his going on.
Captain Scott confirms all that Captain McCobb deposes, and adds, that
he himself protested against Colonel Enos's going forward 5 that he thought,
and is now confirmed in the opinion, that the presence of Colonel Enos
was very necessary to preserve the harmony and order necessary to
secure the safe retreat of the men who were ordered to return.
Lieutenant Hide. I assisted at the council of war up the Dead river.
We found, by the best computation, that it would take fifteen days to reach
any French inhabitants, and that it would be impossible for both divisions
of Greene's and Enos's to go through, the provision being so short. It was
adjudged that there was about four days' provision for those who went for
ward, and we returned with three. I protested against Colonel Enos's going
on to join Colonel Arnold, his presence being necessary for our safe retreat,
as we had a number of invalids, and a considerable number of men who did
not belong to either of the companies in our division.
Lieutenant Buckmaster confirms what Lieutenant Hide deposes j and
adds, that it was the opinion of all the officers of Colonel Enos's division,
that he should return with his division, as we had one hundred and fifty
men who did not belong to our division, who had only a subaltern to com
mand them, and whom it would have been impossible to manage without
Colonel Enos's presence.
The court being cleared, after mature consideration, are unanimously of
opinion, that Colonel Enos was under a necessity of returning with the
division under his command, and therefore acquit him with honor.
JOHN SULLIVAN, President,
A true copy of the proceedings.
Attest : W. TUDOR, Judge Advocate.
New-York, April 28, 1776.
I hereby certify that I was president of a court-martial, in Cambridge,
when Colonel Enos was tried for leaving Colonel Arnold with the rear
division of the detachment under his command, bound for Quebec ; and,
upon the trial, it clearly appeared to me, as well as to all the other mem
bers of the court, that Colonel Enos was perfectly justifiable in returning
with the division, being clearly proved, by the testimony of witnesses of
undoubted veracity (some of whom I have been personally acquainted with
for a number of years, and know them to be persons of truth), that so
much provision had been sent forward, to support the other divisions, as
6
62 Campaign against Quebec ', 1775.
night and the ensuing morning, the flour was baked into
five cakes per man, under the ashes, in the way of Indian
bread.
October 3Oth. We set forward. The men were
told by the officers " that orders would " not be required
in the march, each one must uput the best foot foremost."
The first day's march was closed by a charming sleep on
fir-branches. The gentlemen of our mess lay together,
covering themselves with the blankets of each one. My
memory does not serve, to say, that any stir was made
by any one, during the night. Happening to be the first
left them so small a quantity that their men were almost famished with
hunger on their return 5 and some would undoubtedly have starved, had
they not, by accident, come across and killed a large moose. Upon their
evidence, there remained no doubt in the mind of myself, or any of the
members, that the return of the division was prudent and reasonable j being
well convinced that they had not provision sufficient to carry them half
way to Quebec, and that their going forward would only have deprived
the other division of a part of theirs, which, as the event has since shown,
was not enough to keep them all from perishing ; we therefore unani
mously acquitted Colonel Enos with honor.
I further certify, that by a strict inquiry into the matter since, from per
sons who were in the divisions that went forward, I am convinced that had
Colonel Enos, with his division, proceeded, it would have been a means of
causing the whole detachment to have perished in the woods, for want of
sustenance.
I further add, that I have been well informed, by person acquainted
with Colonel Enos, that he has ever conducted as a good and faithful officer.
JOHN SULLIVAN.
TO THE IMPARTIAL PUBLIC.
The case of Lieutenant-Colonel Enos having engaged the attention of
many officers of the army, as well as others, and as we are informed he is
much censured by many persons, for returning back from the expedition to
Canada, under the command of Colonel Arnold, by which Colonal Enos's
character greatly suffers, we think it our duty to certify, that some of us,
from our own personal knowledge of the military abilities of Colonel Enos,
and others of us from information, are fully convinced that he is a gentle
man fully acquainted with his duty as an officer, a man of fortitude and
prudence, and, in our opinion, well calculated to sustain, with honor, any
military character ; and, from the fullest inquiry, we are satisfied that
(whatsoever different representations may be made) in returning to camp,
with the division under his command, he is justifiable, and conducted as an
understanding, prudent, faithful officer, and deserves applause rather than
Campaign against Quebec , 1775. 63
who awaked, in the morning, the blanket was suddenly
thrown from my head, but what was my surprise to find
that we had lain under a cover of at least four inches of
snow. We scarcely had risen and had our kettle on the
fire, when our drummer (we had no bugles), John
Shaeffer, came slipshod to our fire, complaining that all
his cakes had been stolen from him. A more wretched
figure was scarcely ever beheld. He was purblind. This
circumstance, though he was my townsman, and ac
quainted with me from my earliest infancy, was yet
unknown to me until this last march, ascending the
censure; and we can safely recommend him as a person worthy to be em
ployed in any military department.
WILLIAM HEATH, Brig.-Gen. JOEL CLARK, Lieut.-Col.
JAMES REED, Colonel. EBENEZER SPROUT, Major.
J. BREWER, Colonel. EBENEZER CLAP, Lieut.-Col.
SAMUEL H. PARSONS, Colonel. SAMUEL PRENTICE, Major.
JOSEPH REED, Colonel. CALVIN SMITH, Major.
JONATHAN NIXON, Colonel. JOSIAH HAYDEN, Major.
CHARLES WEBB, Colonel. JOHN BAILY, Colonel.
DANIEL HITCHCOCK, Colonel. JOHN TYLER, Lieut.-Col.
JOHN STARK, Colonel. THOMAS NIXON, Lieut.-Col.
LEVI WELLS, Major. LOAMMI BALDWIN, Colonel.
SAMUEL WYLLYS, Colonel. JAMES WESSON, Lieut.-Col.
WILLIAM SHEPARD, Lieut.-Col. ISAAC SHERMAN, Major.
ANDREW COLBURN, Major.
Now, let Dr. Smith, of Philadelphia, display the malignity of his heart
in another funeral oration, in attempting to stab my reputation, and render
me infamous in the view of the world. However, I will venture to assert,
that if ill-nature, and a fondness to raise his reputation on the ruin of his
fellow-men, are as discernible in his other political writings as in this oration,
so far as it respects my character, he is one of the most dangerous writers,
and, perhaps, the most consummate villain, that walks on the face of God's
earth. Ignorance of my real character, and of the grounds and reasons of
my conduct in returning from the expedition to Canada, was no warrant
for such indecent freedom as he has used in his malicious, though feeble
attempt to ruin my reputation. He ought to have waited till a true and
impartial history of the facts had enabled him to talk on the subject with
propriety, and not have uttered things at random ; and, for the sake of
furnishing matter for declamation, have undertook, with such violence, to
blacken the character of an innocent man. ROGER ENOS.
New London, May 31, 1776.
64 Campaign against Quebec , 1775.
Dead river, commenced. My station in the line of
march, which was in the single file (or Indian, as it was
then called), was next to the captain ; the drummer
followed. Here it was his defect of sight was most
effectually shown. Smith was lithsome and quick afoot,
as we all were, except poor Shaeffer. In the course of
this toilsome march, without a path, many deep ravines
presented, over these lay many logs, fallen perhaps many
years before. The captain took the log, preferring it to
a descent of twenty or thirty feet into the gulf below,
which at times wasquite abrupt. Following me, Shaeffer
would frequently, drum and all, tumble headlong into the
abyss. His misfortunes in this way, for he was a laugh
ing stock, excited contempt in the soldiers, but in me
compassion.1 Often, he required my aid. On this
1 I cannot exactly recollect the time, but the records of government will
show, that this miserable man was indicted of a burglary and convicted.
His respectable brother, Mr. Jacob ShaefYer of Lancaster ^Penn.), applied
to me to certify in his favor [it was in 1780 or 1781] to the president
and council, who had the power of pardon. The representation was, in
substance similar to the present. This part of our transactions rests in my
memoryj but the impression is so strong, that I cannot forget it. It gave
me great pleasure to imagine, that probably I might again contribute to
the saving the life of a man, which I had actually saved once before. At
that time, by our law, the punishment of burglary was death, and my com
patriot Shaeffer, was under that sentence. My soul was grieved.
In a drunken bout at Philadelphia, he had blindly stumbled into a house,
which he took to be his lodgings. Here detected in one of the chambers,
he was charged as a felon. Gracious God ! upon the superfices of thy
earth, there was never a more unoffending soul. He could scarcely see a
yard before him.
It has amused and pleased me often to hear that he extols me. He is
now industrious.
The fate of James Warner, among others, was really lamentable.
He was young, handsome in appearance, not more than twenty-five
years of age j he was athletic and seemed to surpass in bodily strength.
Yet withal he was a dolt. His wife was beautiful, though coarse in man
ners. The husband on the other hand, was a poor devil, constantly out
of view, or in the background of the pictures.
We heard nothing of them after entering the marsh, and until a month
had elapsed at Quebec. In December, the wife or widow of poor James
Warner, came to our quarters on the Low-grounds, bearing her husband's
Campaign against Quebec ', 1775. ^5
latter occasion, our kettle, boiling a bleary, which was
no other than flour and water, and that without salt, my
solicitations prevailing, the mess gave him a tin cup full
of it. He received from me my third cake. This man,
blind, starving and almost naked, bore his drum (which
was unharmed by all its jostlings) safely to Quebec, when
many other hale men died in the wilderness.
November ist. This morning, breakfasting on our
bleary, we took up the line of march through a flat
and boggy ground. About ten o'clock A.M., we arrived
by a narrow neck of land at a marsh which was appalling.
It was three-fourths of a mile over, and covered by a
rifle, his powder-horn and pouch. She appeared fresh and rosy as ever.
This arose from the religious and gratuitous spirit of the Canadians.
The story Mrs. Jemima Warner told, was extremely affecting, and may
be worth remembering, as it is something like a sample of the whole of
our distresses and intolerable disasters.
The husband was a great eater. His stores of provisions after the par
tition, at the head of the Chaudiere, were in a little time consumed. The
consummate wife ran back from the marsh, and found her beloved hus
band sitting at the foot of a tree, where he said he was determined to die.
The tender-hearted woman attended her ill-fated husband several days,
urging his march forward; he again sat down. Finding all her solicita
tions could not induce him to rise, she left him, having placed all the
bread in her possession between his legs with a canteen of water. She
bore his arms and ammdnition to Quebec, where she recounted the story.
The nephews of Natanis, afterwards at Quebec, confirmed the relation of
this good woman. For when going up, and returning down the river with
our inestimable friend M'Cleland, she urged them, suffused in tears, to take
her husband on board. They were necessarily deaf to her entreaties. Thus
perished this unfortunate man at a period of his age when the bodily powers
are generally in their full perfection. He and many others, who died in
the wilderness, lost their lives by an inconsiderate gluttony. They ate as
much at a meal as ought to have been in our circumstances the provision
of four days, and a march of one hundred miles. Young men without
knowledge or previous experience are very difficult to govern by sage advice,
when the rage of hunger assails.
To conclude this lengthy note, allow me to introduce to you another
instance of human misery, which came under my eye, in this dolorous and
dreadful march. As was before observed in the body of the work " At the
head of the Chaudiere, it was given out by the officers, that order would
not be required from the soldiery in the march, etc." Yet the companies,
being in the most part either fellow-townsmen, or from the same county,
adhered together, bound by that affectionate attachment which is engen-
66 Campaign against Quebec, 1775.
coat of ice, half an inch thick. Here Simpson concluded
to halt a short time for the stragglers or maimed of Hen-
dricks's and Smith's companies to come up. There
were two women attached to those companies, who
arrived before we commenced the march. One was
the wife of Sergeant Grier, a large, virtuous and re
spectable woman. The other was the wife of a private
of our company, a'man who lagged upon every occasion,
These women being arrived, it was presumed that all
our party were up. We were on the point of entering
the marsh, when some one cried out " Warner is not
here." Another said he had u sat down sick under a
dered by the locality of birth, or the habitudes of long and severe services,
in a communion and endurance of hardships and desperate adventures. It
appears to me to be a principle of the human mind, " that the more hard
ships we endure in company of each other, the greater becomes our esteem
and affection for our fellow-sufferers." For myself, this is said from expe
rimented woe and extreme calamity.
We had no path, the river was our guide. One day, either the second
or third of this march, a mountain jutting in a most precipitate form into
the river compelled us to pass the margin of the stream upon a long log,
which had been brought thither by some former freshet. The bark and
limbs of the tree had been worn away by the rubbings of the ice, and the
trunk lay lengthwise along the narrow passage, smooth and slippery, and
gorged the pass. This difficulty had collected here a heterogeneous mass of
the troops, who claimed the right of passage according to the order of
coming to it. The log was to be footed, or the water, of the depth of
three or four feet, must be waded. There was no alternative. An eastern
man, bare-footed, bare-headed, and thinly clad, lean and wretched from
abstinence, with his musket in hand, passed the log immediately before me.
His foot slipped, and he fell several feet into the water. We passed on re
gardless of his fate. Even his immediate friends and comrades, many of
whom were on the log at the same moment, did not deign to lend him an
assisting hand. Death stared us in the face. I gave him a sincere sigh at
parting, for to lose my place in the file, might have been fatal. This piti
able being died in the wilderness. The hard fate of many others might be
recapitulated, but the dreadful tale of incidents, if truly told, would merely
serve to lacerate the heart of pity, and harrow up the feelings of the soul of
benevolence. Tears many years since, have often wetted my cheeks,
when recollecting the disasters of that unfortunate campaign, the memora
ble exit of my dearest friends, and of many worthy fellow-citizens, whose
worth at this time, is embalmed solely in the breasts of their surviving as
sociates. Seven died sheerly from famine $ and many others by disorders
arising from hard service in the wilderness. — Henry.
Campaign against Quebec , 1775. 6 7
tree, a few miles back." His wife begging us to wait a
short time, with tears of affection in her eyes, ran back
to her husband. We tarried an hour. They came not.
Entering the pond (Simpson foremost), and breaking
the ice here and there with the buts of our guns and feet,
as occasion required, we were soon waist deep in the
mud and water. As is generally the case with youths,
it came to my mind, that a better path might be found
than that of the more elderly guide. Attempting this.,
in a trice the water cooling my armpits, made me gladly
return into the file. Now Mrs. Grier had got before
me. My mind was humbled, yet astonished, at the
exertions of this good woman Her clothes more than
waist high, she waded before me to the firm ground.
No one, so long as she was known to us, dared intimate
a disrespectful idea of her. Her husband, who was an
excellent soldier, was on duty in Hendncks's boat, which
had proceeded tothe discharge of the lake with Lieutenant
M'Cleland. Arriving at firm ground, and waiting again
for our companions, we then set off, and in a march of
several miles, over a scrubby and flat plain, arrived at a
river flowing from the east into the Chaud:ere lake.
This we passed in a bateau, which the prudence of
Colonel Arnold had stationed here, for our accommoda
tion ; otherwise we must have swam the stream, which
was wide and deep. In a short time we came to another
river flowing from the same quarter, still deeper and
wider than the former. Here we found a bateau, under
the superintendency of Capt. Dearborn, in which we
passed the river. We skirted the river to its mouth,
then passed along the margin of the lake to the outlet of
Chaudiere, where we encamped with a heterogeneous
mass of the army. It was soon perceived that the
French term Cbaudiere, was most aptly applied to the
river below us. Indeed every part of it, which came
under our view, until we arrived at the first house in
Canada, might well be termed a caldron or boiler, which
is the import of its French name. It is remarkable of
68 Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775.
this river, and which, to me, distinguishes it from all
others I had seen, that for sixty or seventy miles it is a
continued rapid, without any apparent gap or passage,
even for a canoe. Every boat we put into the river was
stove in one part or ether of it. Capt. Morgan lost all
his boats, and the life of a much valued soldier. With
difficulty he saved his own life and the treasure committed
to his care. Arnold, accompanied by Steele, and John
M. Taylor, and a few others, in a boat, were in the
advance of the army. He may have descended in a
boat, it is most likely he did.1
November 2d, in the morning we set off from the
Chaudiere lake, and hungered, as to my own particular,
almost to death. What with the supplies to Shaeffer,
and my own appetite, food of any kind, with me, had
become a nonentity. My own sufferings, in the two
succeeding marches, from particular causes, were more
than ordinarily severe. My moccasins had, many days
since, been worn to shreds and cast aside ; my shoes,
though they had been well sewed and hitherto stuck to
gether, now began to give way, and that in the very
worst part (the upright seam in the heel). For one to
save his life, must keep his station in the rank. The
moment that was lost, as nature and reason dictate, the
following soldier assumed his place. Thus, once thrown
out of the file, the unfortunate wretch must await the
passage of many men, until a chasm, towards the rear,
happened to open for his admission. This explanation
will answer some questions which you might naturally
put. Why did you not sew it ? Why did you not tie
the shoe to your foot ? If there had been awl, and thread,
and strings at command, which there was not, for the
causes above stated, one dared not have done either, as
the probable consequences would ensue u Death by
hunger in a dreary wilderness." For man when thrown
1 June a6th, 1809. John M. Taylor tells me, that they descended by
land. — Henry.
Campaign against Quebec, 1775. 69
out of society is the most helpless of God's creatures.
Hence you may form a conception of the intolerable
labor of the march. Every step taken the heel of the
foot slipped out of the shoe : to recover the position of
the foot in the shoe, and at the same time to stride, was
hard labor, and exhausted my strength to an unbearable
degree. You must remember that this march was not
performed on the level surface of the parade, but over
precipitous hills, deep gullies, and even without the path
of the vagrant savage to guide us. Thus we proceeded
till towards mid-day, the pale and meagre looks of my
companions, tottering on their feeble limbs, correspond
ing with my own. My friend Simpson, who saw my
enfeebled condition and the cause, prevailed with the
men to rest themselves a few minutes. Bark, the only
succedaneum for twine, or leather, in this miserable
country, was immediately procured arid the shoe bound
tightly to the foot. Then marching hastily, in the
course of an hour or more, we came within view of a
tremendous cataract in the river, from twelve to twenty
feet high. The horror this sight gave us, fearing for
the safety of our friends in the boats, was aggravated,
when turning the point of a steep crag, we met those
very friends ; having lost all but their lives, sitting around
a fire on the shore. Oh God ! what were our sensa
tions ! Poor M'Cleland, first lieutenant of Hendricks's,
and for whose accommodation the boat was most par
ticularly carried across the mountain, was lying at the
fire ; he beckoned to us. His voice was not audible ;
placing my ear close to his lips, the word he uttered
scarcely articulate, was, " Farewell." Simpson, who
loved him, gave him half of the pittance of food which
he still possessed ; all I could was — a tear. The short,
but melancholy story of this gentleman, so far as it has
come to my knowledge, may be detailed in a few words.
He had resided on the Juniata at the time he was com
missioned. My knowledge of him commenced in the
camp near Boston. He was endowed with all those
jo Campaign against Quebec > 1775.
qualities which win the affections of men. Open, brave,
sincere and a lover of truth. On the Dead river, the
variable weather brought on a cold which affected his
lungs. The tenderness of his friends conducted him
safely, though much reduced, to the foot of the mountain,
at the head of the Dead river. Hence he was borne in
a litter across the mountain by men. If you had seen
the young, yet venerable Capt. Hendricks bearing his
share of this loved and patriotic burden across the plain
to our camp, it would have raised esteem, if not affection,
towards him. From our camp, M'Cleland was trans
ported, in the boat, to the place where we found him.
The crew, conducting the boat, though worthy men and
well acquainted with such kind of navigation, knew
nothing of this river. They descended, unaware of the
pitch before them, until they had got nearly into the
suck of the falls. Here, luckily, a rock presented, on
which it was so contrived as to cause the boat to lodge.
Now the crew, with great labor and danger, bore their
unfortunate lieutenant to the shore, where we found him.
We passed on, fearful for our own lives. Coming to a
long sandy beach of the Chaudiere, for we sometimes
had such, some men of our company were observed to
dart from the file, and with their nails, tear out of the
sand, roots which they esteemed eatable, and ate them
raw, even without washing. Languid and woe- begone
as your father was, it could not but create a smile to
observe the whole line watching, with Argus eyes, the
motions of a few men who knew the indications in the
sand of those roots. The knowing one sprung, half a
dozen followed, he who grabbed it ate the root instantly.
Though hunger urged, it was far from me to contend in
that way with powerful men, such as those were. Strokes
often occurred.
During this day's march (about I o or 1 1 A.M.) my shoe
having given away again, we came to a fire, where were
some of Captain Thayer or Topham's men. Simpson
was in front ; trudging after, slipshod and tired, I sat
Campaign against: Quebec, 1775. 71
down on the end of a long log, against which the fire
was built, absolutely fainting with hunger and fatigue,
my gun standing between my knees. Seating myself,
that very act gave a cast to the kettle which was placed
partly against the log, in such a way as to spill two-
thirds of its contents. At the moment a large man
sprung to his gun, and pointed it towards me, he threa
tened to shoot. It created no fear ; his life was with
much more certainty in my power. Death would have
been a welcome visitor. Simpson soon made us friends.
Coming to their fire, they gave me a cup of their broth.
A table spoonful was all that was tasted. It had a
greenish hue, and was said to be that of a bear. This
was instantly known to be untrue, from the taste and
smell. It was that of a dog. He was a large black
Newfoundland dog, belonging to Thayer's1 and very fat.
We left these merry fellows, for they were actually such,
maugre all their wants, and marching quickly, towards
evening encamped. We had a good fire, but no food.
To me the world had lost its charms. Gladly would
death have been received as an auspicious herald from
the divinity. My privations in every way were such as
to produce a willingness to die. Without food, without
clothing to keep me warm, without money, and in a
deep and devious wilderness, the idea occurred, and
the means were in my hands, of ending existence. The
God of all goodness inspired other thoughts. One princi
pal cause of change (under the fostering hand of Provi
dence) in my sentiments, was the jovial hilarity of my
friend Simpson. At night, warming our bodies at an
immense fire, our compatriots joined promiscuously
around — to animate the company, he would sing Plato ;
his sonorous voice gave spirit to my heart, and the
morality of the song, consolation to my mind. In truth
the music, though not so correct as that of Handel,
1 Said to have belonged to Dearborn, afterwards Maj. Gen. Henry
Dearborn, of the United States army. — M.
72 Campaign against Quebec, 1775.
added strength and vigor to our nerves. This evening
it was, that some of our companions, whose stomachs
had not received food for the last forty-eight hours,
adopted the notion that leather, though it had been
manufactured, might be made palatable food, and would
gratify the appetite. Observing their discourse, to me
the experiment became a matter of curiosity. They
washed their moccasins of moose-skin, in the first place,
in the river, scraping away the dirt and sand, with great
care. These were brought to the kettle and boiled a
considerable time, under the vague but consolatory
hope that a mucilage would take place. The boiling
over, the poor fellows chewed the leather, but it was
leather still ; not to be macerated. My teeth, though
young and good, succeeded no better. Disconsolate and
weary, we passed the night.
November 3d. We arose early, hunger impelling,
and marched rapidly. After noon, on a point on the
bank of the river, some one pretended he descried the
first house, ten miles off. Not long after another dis
cerned a boat coming towards us, and turning a point of
land, presently all perceived cattle driving up the shore.
These circumstances gave occasion to a feeble huzza
of joy, from those who saw these cheerful and enlivening
sights. We were now treading a wide and stony beach
of the river. Smith, our captain, who at this moment
happened to be in company, elated with the prospect of
a supply of food, in the joy of his heart, perhaps thought
lessly, said to me, " take this Henry." It was gladly
received. Opening the paper, which had been neatly
folded, there appeared a hand's breath and length of
bacon-fat, of an inch thick ; thoughtlessly, it was eaten
greedily, inattentive to all former rule, and thanks to
God, did me no harm. Here it was that for the first
time, Aaron Burr, a most amiable youth of twenty,
came to my view. He then was a cadet. It will re
quire a most cogent evidence to convince my mind,
that he ever intended any ill to his country of late years,
Campaign against Quebec , 1775. 73
by his various speculations. Though differing in politi
cal opinion from him, no reason has as yet been laid before
me, to induce a belief that he was traitorous to his
country. However, take this as the wayward ideas of a
person totally excluded from a knowledge of the secrets
of the cabinet ; who was somewhat attentive to its
operations, so far as newspaper information can elucidate.
We marched as hastily as our wearied and feeble
limbs could admit, hoping soon to share in something
like an abysinian feast. The curvatures of the river
had deceived us in the calculation of distance. It was
many hours ere we came to the place of slaughter. We
found a fire, but no provision, except a small quantity
of oaten meal, resembling in grit, our chopped rye.
Simpson warmed some of this in water, and ate with
gout. To me it was nauseous ; this may have been
owing to the luncheon from Smith's hoard. The French
men told us, that those who preceded, had devoured the
very entrails of the cattle. One of the eastern men, as
we came to the fire, was gorging the last bit of the colon,
half rinsed, half broiled. It may be said, he ate with
pleasure, as he' tore it as a hungry dog would tear a
haunch of meat. We soon encamped for the night,
cheered by the hope of succor.
November 4th. About two o'clock, P.M., we arrived
at a large stream coming from the east, which we ran
through, though more than mi'd-deep. This was the
most chilling bath we had hitherto received ; the weather
was raw and cold. It was the ijth, and the harshest
of my birthdays. Within a few hundred yards of the
river, stood the first house in Canada ; we approached
it in ecstacy, sure of being relieved from death by the
means of famine. Many of our compatriots were un
aware of that death which arises from sudden repletion.
The active spirit of Arnold, with such able assistants as
John M. Taylor and Steele, had laid in a great stock of
provisions. The men were furious, voracious, and insa
tiable. Three starvations had taught me wisdom. My
7
74 Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775.
friends took my advice. But, notwithstanding the irre
fragable arguments the officers used to insure modera
tion, the men were outrageous upon the subject ; they
had no comprehension of such reasoning. A Pennsyl-
vanian German of our company, a good and orderly
soldier, who, from my affection towards him, I watched
like another Doctor Pedro Positive ; yet all representa
tion and reasoning on my part, had no influence. Boiled
beef, hot bread, potatoes, boiled and roasted, were gor
mandized without stint. He seemed to defy death, for
the mere enjoyment of present gratification, and died
two days after. Many of the men sickened. If not
much mistaken, we lost three of our company by their
imprudence on this occasion. The immediate extension
of the stomach by food after a lengthy fast, operates a
more sudden extinction of life, than the total absence of
aliment. At this place we, for the first time, had the
pleasure of seeing the worthy and respectable Indian,
Natanis, and his brother Sabatis, with some others of
their tribe, the Abenaquis. Lieutenant Steele told us
that when he first arrived, Natanis came to him, in an
abrupt but friendly manner, and gave him a cordial shake
by the hand, intimating a previous personal knowledge
of him. When we came, he approached Cunningham,
Boyd, and myself, and shook hands in the way of an
old acquaintance. We now learned from him, that on
the evening when we first encamped on the Dead river
(September 29th) in our first ascension, he lay within
view of our camp, and so continued daily and nightly to
attend our voyage, until the path presented which led
directly into Canada. This he took ; to the question,
" Why did you not speak to your friends ? He readily
answered, and truly, u You would have killed me."
This was most likely, as our prejudices against him had
been most strongly excited, and we had no limit in our
orders, as to this devoted person. He, his brother Saba
tis, and seventeen other Indians, the nephews and friends
of Natanis, marched with us to Quebec. In the attack
Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775. 75
of that place, on the morning of the first of January
following, Natanis received a musket ball through his
wrist. He adopted a chirurgery which seemed extraor
dinary at the time, and quite new, but which now seems
to me to be that of nature itself. He drew a pledget of
linen quite through the wound, the ends of which hung
down on each side of the arm. He was taken prisoner,
but General Carleton discharged him immediately with
strong tokens of commiseration. This is the first instance
in the course of our revolutionary war, of the employ
ment of Indians in actual warfare against our enemies.
To be sure it was the act of a junior commander, un
warranted, so far as has come to my knowledge, by the
orders of his superiors ; yet it seemed to authorize, in a
small degree, upon the part of our opponents, that horri
ble system of aggression which in a short time ensued,
and astonished and disgusted the civilized world.
November 5th. Hunger, which neither knows go
vernance or restraint, being now gratified, we turned our
attention towards our friends, who were still in the wil
derness. Smith and Simpson (for recollection does not
serve to say how my friends Hendricks and Nichols
were employed, but it was certainly in doing good),
always active, procured two young Indians, nephews of
Natanis, " Sweet fellows," as Simpson called them, to
proceed on the following morning to the great fall, for
the person of the invaluable M'Cleland. Before we
started, it gave me pleasure to see these youths, excited
by the reward obtained, pushing their birch-bark canoe
against the strict current of the river. It seemed like
an egg-shell to bound over the surface of the waves of
every opposing ripple. To end at once this dolorous
part of our story ; the young men, in despite of every
impediment from the waters, and the solicitations of the
starved wanderers in the rear, for food, hurried on to the
fall, and on the evening of the third day, brought our
dying friend to the first house. The following day he
died, and his corpse received a due respect from the
76 Campaign against Quebec , 1775.
inhabitants of the vicinage. We were informed of this
a month after. This real Catholicism towards the re
mains of one we loved, made a deep and wide breach
upon my early prejudices, which since that period has
caused no regret ; but has induced a more extended and
paternal view of mankind, unbounded by sect or opinion.
November 6th. This morning we marched in strag
gling parties, through a flat and rich country, sprinkled,
it might be said, decorated, by many low houses, all
white washed, which appeared to be the warm abodes
of a contented people. Every now and then, a chapel
came in sight ; but more frequently the rude, but pious
imitations of the sufferings of our Savior, and the
image of the virgin. These things created surprise, at
least, in my mind, for where I thought there could be
little other than barbarity, we found civilized men, in a
comfortable state, enjoying all the benefits arising from
the institutions of civil society. The river, along which
the road ran, in this day's march, became in the most
part our guide. It now flowed in a deep and almost
sightless current, where my opportunities gave me a
view. Our abstemiousness, was still adhered to. About
noon of the next day, we arrived at the quarters of
Arnold, a station he had taken for the purpose of halt
ing and embodying the whole of our emaciated and
straggling troops. We were now perhaps thirty miles
from point Levi ; which is on the St. Lawrence, and
nearly opposite to Quebec. Now our mess had " friends
at court." Arnold, since we left the twelve-mile carry
ing place, the last time, had, deservedly, taken Steele as
a guide, into his mess ; and he had become a kind of
aid-de-camp — he was, to say no more, a confidential
man. John M. Taylor, keen and bold as an Irish grey
hound, was of our company, being a ready penman and
excellent accountant. He was at once exalted, by the
shrewd and discerning eye of Arnold, to the offices of
purveyor and commissary. We had no distinctions of
office, scarcely any of rank, in those days. Our squad,
Campaign against Quebec, 1775. 77
in consequence, came boldly up to head-quarters, though
we came not now into their presence. Steele, who was
in waiting, pointed to the slaughter-house, a hundred
yards distant. Thither we went, determined to indulge.
Here we found our friend Taylor, worried almost to
death, in dealing out the sustenance of life to others.
Without hyperbole or circumlocution, he gave us as
many pounds of beef-steaks as we chose to carry. Pro
ceeding to the next house, a mile below, some one of
the party became cook. Good bread and potatoes, with
the accompaniment of beef steak, produced a savory
meal. Believing myself out of danger from any extra
ordinary indulgence of appetite, the due quantity was
exceeded, and yet, believe me, it was not more than an
anchorite might religiously take. We soon became
sensible of this act of imprudence. The march of the
afternoon was a dull and heavy one. A fever attacked
me. I became, according to my feelings, the most
miserable of human beings. Determined not to lag be
hind, my eyes, at times, could scarcely discern the way,
nor my legs do their office. We did not march far this
afternoon. In this high latitude, a winter's day is very
short and fleeting. The evening brought me no com
fort, though we slept warmly in a farm house.
November yth. The army now formed into more
regular and compact order ; in the morning pretty
early we proceeded. About noon my disorder had in
creased so intolerably, that I could not put a foot forward.
Seating myself upon a log at the way side, the troops
passed on. In the rear came Arnold on horseback. He
knew my name and character, and, good naturedly, in
quired after my health. Being informed, he dismounted,
ran down to the river side, and hailed the owner of the
house, which stood opposite across the water. The
good Canadian, in his canoe, quickly arrived. Deposit
ing my gun and accoutrements in the hands of one of our
men, who attended upon me, and had been disarmed by
losing his rifle in some one of the wreckings above, and
7 8 Campaign against Quebec •, 1775.
Arnold putting two silver dollars into my hands, the
Frenchman carried me to his house. Going to bed with
a high fever upon me I lay all this and the following day
without tasting food. That bad been the cause of the
disease, its absence became the cure.
November loth. The morning of the third day
brought me health. The mistress of the house, who
had been very attentive and kind, asked me to breakfast.
This humble, but generous meal, consisted of a bowl of
milk, for the guest, with excellent bread. The fare of
the family was this same bread, garlic, and salt — I had
observed, that this was the usual morning's diet, for I
lay in the stove-room, where the family ate and slept.
This worthy family was composed of seven persons ;.
the parents in the prime of life, and five charming,
ruddy children, all neatly and warmly clothed in woolen,
apparently of their own manufacture. You might
suppose, from the manner of their living, that these
persons were poor. No such thing. They were in
good circumstances. Their house, barn, stabling, etc.,
were warm and comfortable, and their diet such as
is universal among the French peasantry of Canada.
Proffering my two dollars to this honest man, he rejected
them with something like disdain in his countenance,
intimating to me that he had merely obeyed the dictates
of religion and humanity. Tears filled my eyes when I
took my leave of these amiable people. But they had
not even yet done enough for me. The father insisted
on attending me to the ferry some miles off, where the
river takes a turn almost due north, to meet the St. Law
rence. Here my worthy host procured me a passage
scott free, observing to me my money might be required
before the army could be overtaken. Landing on the
north bank of the river, the way could not be mistaken,
the track of the army had strongly marked the route.
To me it was a most gloomy and solitary march. Not
a soul was to be seen in the course of ten miles. Being
without arms, and in an unknown country, my inconse-
Campaign against Quebec , 1775. 79
quence, and futileness lay heavy on my spirits. Here
and there was a farm-house, but the inhabitants were
either closely housed or absent from their homes. After
noon, arriving at the quarters of our company, my gun
and accoutrements were reclaimed with ardor, and a
solemn resolution never to part with them again, unless
it happened by the compulsion of the foe. The house,
which the company possessed, lay some hundreds of
paces from head-quarters, but within view. Morgan's
quarters were nearer. Where Hendricks made his lodg
ment is not now recollected, but it was at no great
distance.
November nth, on the following day, our guns in
order, a scene opened, which then and now seems to me
to have exhibited us in a disreputable point of view j it
evinced, at least, the necessity of a staid and sober con
duct of the officer, as well as a strict subordination and
obedience of the private. A hurried and boisterous re
port came from head-quarters, that the British were
landing to our left at a mill, about a mile off. Each one
grasped his arms. Morgan and the Indians, who lay
nearest to the commander's quarters, were foremost.
The running was severe. The lagging Indians, and
a variety of the three companies were intermingled.
Coming to the brow of the precipice, but still unseen,
we perceived a boat landing, which came from a frigate
lying in the stream a mile below. The boat came
ashore. A youth sprung from it. The tide ebbing, the
boatswain thought it better to obtain a deeper landing-
place, nearer the mill, and drew off. Morgan, appre
hensive of a discovery of our presence, fired at the boat's
crew. A volley ensued without harm, probably because
of the great space betweeen us. They pulled off shore,
until beyond the range of our guns, leaving the midship
man to our mercy. The hapless youth, confounded,
unknowing what to do, plunged into the river, hoping to
regain his boat. His friends flying from him, he waded,
he swam, yet could not reach the boat. At the distance,
8o Campaign against Quebec ', 1775.
perhaps of one hundred and fifty yards, nothing but his
head above water, a shooting-match took place, and
believe me, the balls of Morgan, Simpson, Humphreys,
and others, played around, and within a few inches of
his head. Even after a lapse of thirty years, it gives me
pain to recollect that my gun was discharged at him.
Such, however, was the savage ferocity engendered, in
those ungracious times, by a devolution of the ministry
of the mother-country from the true line of conduct
towards her colonies.
M'Kensie (the name of the young man), seeing that
his boat's crew had deserted him, showed a desire to sur
render, by approaching the shore. The firing ceased.
But a still more disgusting occurrence than the preced
ing, followed. The lad, coming towards the shore,
evidently intending to submit, Sabatis, the Indian, the
brother of Natanis, sprung forward, scalping knife in
hand, seemingly intending to end the strife at a single
blow. The humanity of Morgan and Humphreys,
towards a succumbent foe, was excited. One or the
other of them, it is not now recollected which, in par
ticular, by his agility and amazing powers of body, was
enabled to precede the Indian by several yards. This
contest of athleticism was observed from the shore, where
we were, with great interest. Morgan brought the boy
(for he was really such), to land, and afterwards esteemed
him, for he merited the good will of a hero. Wet and
hungry, we returned to quarters. Running along the
shore with our prey, the Hunter, sloop of war, having
warped up for the purpose, pelted us all the way with
ball and grape shot. It was no easy matter to ascend
the bank, which was steep and craggy. Our prisoner
was prudently loquacious, and very genteel. He had
left the sloop, of which he was a midshipman, upon com
mand, to procure spars and oars, which lay in the mill.
He had ordered off" the boat to procure a better landing,
when our imprudent fire drove his people from him. He
was the brother of Captain M'Kensie of the Pearl fri-
Campaign against Quebec, 1775. 81
gate. In 1777, the young M'Kensie was again taken.
I saw him at Lancaster (Pennsylvania), active, lively,
and facetious as ever. During our stay at Point Levi,
Colonel Arnold was busily engaged. Being now dis
covered, it became us to pass the St. Lawrence as soon
as possible. The main difficulty consisted in the pro
curement of boats or canoes. Those kinds of craft on
this part of the river had, previously to our arrival, been
secured by the vigilance of government, which it is
likely had some intimation of an inroad in the direction
we came. Twenty-five canoes, chiefly of birch bark,
were with difficulty procured. The command of these
was conferred upon Lieutenant Steele, who selected the
steersmen, of whom it came to me to be one. The
passage, if practicable, must be made in the night, and
that in the most silent manner, at a time the tide served.
Between the hours of ten and eleven o'clock, on the
night of the J3th of November, the troops paraded on
the beach, near the mill before mentioned, without noise
or bustle. One cargo was despatched — then a second :
upon making the traverse a third time, an accident
happened to my friend Steele, which you can scarcely
credit. Being at a considerable distance behind with his
canoe, I could not, at its occurring, observe the trans
action, nor share in the danger, though my life would
have been willingly risked for his, and yet the relation of
this fact is most unquestionably true. These frequent
asseverations may appear somewhat awkward, and to
blur the detail of our story ; but our sufferings were so
extraordinary in their kinds, and so aggravated by the
nature of the severe services we underwent, that now-a-
days it will require a faith almost approaching to credulity,
to convince the mind of their truth. Steele steered a
birch-bark canoe, the weight, and it is likely the awkward
ness of the men, when about the middle of the river
(which at this place is fully two miles wide), burst the
canoe. The men who were in it, swam to, or were
taken up, by the canoes nearest to them. It was other-
82 Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775.
wise with Steele. He was the last to get to a canoe
under the management of the worthy Wheeler: but it
was full of men. There could be no admittance. The
steersman advised, and Steele was compelled from neces
sity, to throw his arms over the stern — Wheeler, seating
himself upon them, so as to hold him securely, for it
was a bleak and numbing night. Thus, in this manner
was this worthy and adventurous officer floated to the
shore at Wolf's cove. Here there was an uninhabited
house. A fire had been lighted in it, by some of our
people, who first landed. It became a pole-star to us in
the rear, we steered for it. Landing about half an hour
after Steele, we found him at the fire, seemingly chilled
to the heart ; but he was a man not to be dispirited by
slight matters. Friction soon restored him to his usual
animation. The moon, now about three o'clock, shone
brightly, and the tide run out rapidly, so that the passing
of the rest of the troops, about one hundred and fifty in
number, this night was given up. This circumstance,
of the absence of so large a part of our force, was known
but to few. They joined us on the following night. It
had been the intention of our chief to storm the town
this night ; but the deficiency of our scaling ladders,
many of which were left beyond the river, now repressed
that design.
November I4th. The troops easily ascended the hill,
by a good road cut in it slantingly. This was not the
case in 1759, when the immortal Wolf mounted here,
it was then a steep declivity, enfiladed by a host of
savages, but was surmounted by the eager and gallant
spirit of our nation.
November I5th. Arriving on the brow of the pre
cipice, we found ourselves on the plains of Abraham, so
deservedly famous in story. The morning was cold,
and we were thinly clad. While an adventurous party
despatched by Arnold, under the command of one of
Morgan's lieutenants, were examining the walls of the
city, we were pacing the plains to and fro, in silence,
Campaign against ghiebec, 1775. ^3
to keep ourselves warm. The winter had set in — a
cold north-wester blew, with uncommon keenness. By
the time the reconnoitering party returned, daylight was
not very distant. The party found every thing towards
the city, in a state of perfect quietness. This report
was delivered, in my presence, to Morgan, however the
contrary may have been represented since. Not even
the cry of "All's well," was uttered, was a part of their
report, yet we heard that cry from the walls, even where
we were ; but this in a direct line, was nearer to us than
the voices opposite to the party. This was the happy
moment, but with our small and disjointed force, what
could be done ? There was scarcely more than three
hundred and fifty men, willing and determined to be
sure, but too few to assail a fortress, such as Quebec is.
If that had been known this night, which was evidenced
in a few days by the fugitives from the city, Arnold
would most assuredly have hazarded an attack. St.
John's gate, which opens on Abraham's plains, and is a
most important station, was unbarred, nay, unclosed:
nothing but a single cannon under the care of a drowsy
watch, was there as a defence ; we were not a mile
distant, and might have entered unknown, and even
unseen. These are uncertain opinions, resting on the
vague reports of the moment, which might have been
true, or untrue. My memory is, however, fresh in the
recollection of the heart-burnings this failure caused
among us. Providence, for wise purposes, would have
it otherwise. Near daylight, requiring rest and refresh
ment, the troops moved a mile, to a farm-house of
Lieutenant Governor CaldwelPs. This was a great pile
of wooden buildings, with numerous outhouses, which
testified the agricultural spirit and taste of the owner.
He, good soul, was then snug in Quebec. Those who
came first, fared well, and as luck would have it, we
were of the number: all within and without the house,
became a prey. Adversity had destroyed in our minds,
every decorous or delicate sensation. Guards were
84 Campaign against Quebec ', 1775.
stationed next the city. Wrapped in my blanket^ fear
less of events, casting my person on the floor of an ele
gant parlor, I slept sweetly and soundly, till two in the
afternoon, and then was roused solely by a cry, that the
enemy was advancing. We flew to arms, and rather in
a hurried manner run towards the city, which was nearly
two miles from us. We saw no enemy. It turned out
that a Mr. Ogden, a cadet from Jersey, a large and
handsome young man in favor with Arnold, had been
authorized to place the sentinels that day. He did place
them, most stupidly. George Merchant, of Morgan's,
a man who would at any time, give him fair play, have
sold his life dearly, he stationed in a thicket, within view
of the enemy ; at the time of placing him, when at his
post, he was out of sight of the garrison ; but the mis
chief was (though be could not be seen), be could see
no one approach ; he was taken absolutely unaware of
danger. A sergeant of the seventh, who, from the
manner of the thing, must have been clever, accom
panied by a few privates, slily creeping through the
streets of the suburbs of St. John, and then undercover
of the bushes, sprung upon the devoted Merchant, even
before he had time to cock his rifle. Merchant was a
tall and handsome Virginian. In a few days, he, hunt
ing shirt and all, was sent to England, probably as a
finished specimen of the riflemen of the colonies. The
government there very liberally, sent him home in the
following year.
The capture of Merchant grieved us, and brought us
within a few hundred yards of the city. Arnold had the
boldness, you might say the audacity, or still more cor
rectly, the folly, to draw us up in a line, in front and
opposite to the wall of the city. The parapet was lined
by hundreds of gaping citizens and soldiers, whom our
guns could not harm, because of the distance. They
gave us a huzza ! We returned it, and remained a con
siderable time huzzaing, and spending our powder against
the walls, for we harmed no one. Some of our men to
Campaign against Quebec •, 1775. 85
the right, under the cover of something like ancient
ditches and hillocks, crept forward within two hundred
yards of the works, but their firing was disregarded by
the enemy as farcical. Febiger, who was a real and
well instructed soldier, and engineer, did advance singly
within a hundred paces, and pored with the eye of an
adept. During all this, as my station in the line hap
pened to be on a mound, a few feet higher than the com
mon level of the plain, it was perceptible through the em
brasures that there was a vast bustle within. In some
minutes a thirty- six pounder was let loose upon us ; but
sp ill was the gun pointed, that the ball fell short, or
passed high over our heads. Another, and another
succeeded — to these salutes, we gave them all we could,
another and another huzza. It must be confessed, that
this ridiculous affair gave me a contemptible opinion of
Arnold. This notion was by no means singular. Morgan,
Febiger and other officers, who had seen service, did
not hesitate to speak of it in that point of view. How
ever, Arnold had a vain desire to gratify, of which we
were then ignorant. He was well known at Quebec.
Formerly, he had traded from this port to the West
Indies, most particularly in the article of horses. Hence,
he was despised by the principal people. The epithet
Horse jockey was freely and universally bestowed upon
him, by the British. Having now obtained power, he
became anxious to display it in the faces of those, who
had formerly despised and contemned him. The vener
able Carleton, an Irishman of a most amiable and mild
character, Colonel Maclean, a Scotchman, old in war
fare, would not, in any shape, communicate with him.
If Montgomery had originally been our commander,
matters might have been more civilly conducted. This
particularity in relating a most trivial and disgusting
occurrence, arises from a desire to set before you a cau
tionary rule, which it will be prudent for you to observe
in your historical reading. " Do not believe an author,
unless the story he relates be probable, accompanied by
8
86 Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775.
such circumstances as might reasonably attend the trans
action, unless he is corroborated by others, who speak
on that subject." Many of our wisest men, within the
colonies, wrote and spoke of this bravading, as a matter
of moment, and with much applause. Even some of
our historians (Gordon), have given it celebrity. But a
more silly and boastful British historian (Amwell), says
there was a dreadful cannonade, by which many of the
rebels were destroyed. The truth is, that this day not
a drop of blood was shed, but that of Governor Cald-
well's horned cattle, hogs and poultry, which run plenti
fully. After this victory in huzzaing, which was boys*
play, and suited me to a hair, we returned to quarters to
partake of the good things of this world.
November 15, the next day, a scene of a different
kind opened, which let us into the true character of
Arnold. In the wilderness, the men had been stinted
to a pint of flour by the day. This scanty allowance of
flour had been continued since we had come into this
plentiful country. Morgan, Hendricks and Smith
waited upon the commander in chief, to represent the
grievance and obtain redress. Altercation and warm lan
guage took place. Smith, with his usual loquacity, told
us that Morgan seemed, at one time, upon the point of
striking Arnold. We fared the better for this interview.
November 16, on the following day, the rifle com
panies removed further from the city. About half a
mile from CaldwelPs house, our company obtained ex
cellent quarters, in the house of a French gentleman,
who seemed wealthy. He was pleasing in bis manners,
but the rudeness our ungovernable men exhibited, created
in him an apparent disgust towards us. Here we re
mained near a week. During that time, we had con
stant and severe duty to perform. There was a large
building on the low grounds, near the river St. Charles,
which was occupied by a most respectable society of
ladies as a nunnery. In the front of this house, at the
distance of fifty yards, there was a spacious log building,
Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775. 87
which seemed to be a school house, occupied by the
priesthood attendant on the nunnery. This house we
took possession of, as a guard-house, under an idea, as
it stood directly between the town and the nunnery,
which contained some precious deposits, that they had not
had time to remove, that the enemy would not fire in
this direction. The conjecture was just.
November 16. In the afternoon a distressing occur
rence took place here, notwithstanding our vicinity to
this holy place. Towards the evening the guard was
relieved. Lieut. Simpson commanded it. This guard
was composed of two-and-twenty fine fellows, of our
company. When the relief-guard came, a Frenchman,
of a most villainous appearance, both as to person and
visage, came to our lieutenant, with a written order
*rom Colonel Arnold, commanding him to accom
pany the bearer, who would be our guide across
the river St. Charles, to obtain some cattle feeding
beyond it, on the account of government. The order
in the first instance, because of its preposterousness,
was doubted, but, upon a little reflection, obeyed.
Knowing the danger, our worthy lieutenant also knew
the best and only means of executing the enterprise.
The call u come on lads," was uttered, We ran with
speed from the guard-house some hundreds of yards, over
the plain to the mouth of the St. Charles, where the
ferry is. Near the ferry there was a large wind-mill,
and near it stood a small house resembling a cooper's
shop. Two carts of a large size were passing the ferry
heavily laden with the household-stuff, and women and
children of the townsmen flying from the suburbs of St.
Roque, contiguous to palace-gate, to avoid the terrible
and fatal effects of war. The carts were already in a
large scow, or flat-bottomed boat, and the ferrymen,
seeing us coming, were tugging hard at the ferry-rope,
to get off the boat, which was aground, before we should
arrive. It was no small matter, in exertion, to outdo
people of our agility. Simpson, with his usual good
88 Campaign against Quebec ', 1775.
humor, urged the race, from a hope that the garrison
would not fire upon us, when in the boat with their fly
ing townsmen, The weight of our bodies and arms put
the boat aground in good earnest. Simpson vociferously
urging the men to free the boat, directing them to place
their guns in my arms, standing on the bow. He ordered
me to watch the flashes of the cannon I of the city near
palace gate. Jumping into the water mid-deep, all but
Sergeant Dixon and myself, they were pushing, pulling,
and with handspikes attempting to float the scow. One
of the carts stood between Dixon and myself — he was
tugging at the ferry rope. Presently a shot was called,
it went wide of the boat, its mark. The exertions of
the party were redoubled. Keeping an eye upon the
town, the sun about setting, in a clear sky, the view was
beautiful indeed, but somewhat terrific. Battlements
like these had been unknown to me. Our boat lay like
a rock in the water, and was a target at point blank shot,
about three-fourths of a mile from palace gate, which
issues into St. Roque. I would have adored all the saints
in the calendar, if honor and their worships would have
permitted the transportation of my person a few perches
from the spot where it then stood, by the austere com
mand of duty. It was plainly observable that many
persons were engaged in preparing the guns for another
discharge. Our brave men were straining every nerve
to obtain success. " A shot," was all that could be
said, when a thirty-six pound ball, touching the lower
edge of the nob of the cart-wheel, descending a little,
took the leg of my patriotic friend below the knee, and
carried away the bones of that part entirely. u Oh !
Simpson," he cried, " I am gone." Simpson, whose
heart was tender and kind, leaped into the boat : calling
to the men, the person of Dixon was borne to the wind-
1 This was a ridiculous practice, universally adopted in the camp near
Boston, and was now pursued at this place. It is merely designative of the
raw soldier. Such indications of fear should now a-days be severely repri
manded. — Henry.
Campaign against Quebec , 1775. 8 9
mill. Now a roar of triumph was heard from the city,
accompanied by some tolerably well directed shots. The
unfortunate was borne at a slow and solemn pace to the
guard-house, the enemy, every now and then, sending
us his majesty's compliments, in the shape of a twenty-
four or thirty-six pound ball. When the procession came
into a line with the town, the guard-house and nunnery,
the firing ceased. At the time we were most busily en
gaged with Dixon, at the windmill, the vile Frenchman,
aghast and horror stricken, fled from us to the city. If
his desertion had been noticed in time, his fate had been
sealed, but the rascal was unobserved till he had run
several hundred yards along the beach of the bay of St.
Charles. He turned out to be a spy, purposely sent by
government to decoy and entrap us, and he succeeded
but too easily with the vigilant Arnold. Dixon was now
carried on a litter to the house of an English gentleman,
about a mile off. An amputation took place — a tetanus
followed, which, about nine o'clock of the ensuing day,
ended in the dissolution of this honorable citizen and
soldier. There are many reasons for detailing this affair
so minutely to you. Among these are, to impress upon
your minds an idea of the manners and spirit of those
times : our means and rude methods of warfare : but
more particularly for the purpose of introducing to your
observation an anecdote of Dixon, which is characteristic
of the ideas and feelings then entertained by the gene
rality of his countrymen. Before we left our native
homes, tea had, as it were, become an abomination even
to the ladies. The taxation of it by the parliament of
England, with design to draw from us a trifling revenue,
was made the pretence with the great body of the people,
for our opposition to government. The true ground,
however, with the politically wise, was, that that law
annihilated our rights as Englishmen. It is an axiom of
the common law of our glorious ancestors, that taxation
and representation must go hand in hand. This rule
was now violated. Hence it was, that no one, male or
90 Campaign against Quebec , 1775.
female, knowing their rights, if possessed of the least
spark of patriotism, would deign to taste of that delight
ful beverage. The lady of the house, though not one
who approved of our principles of action, was very at
tentive to our wounded companion : she presented him
a bowl of tea; u No madam," said he, "it is the ruin
of my country."
November lyth, uttering this noble sentiment, this
invaluable citizen died, sincerely lamented by every one
who had the opportunity of knowing his virtues. Dixon
was a gentleman of good property and education, though
no more than the first sergeant of our company. His
estate lay in West Hanover township, in the county of
Lancaster (now in Daufhin). He was an agriculturist,
which, in the vagueness and uncertainty of our language,
is called a farmer. In fact he was a freeholder, the pos
sessor of an excellent tract of land, accompanied by all
those agreeables which render the cultivator of the earth,
in Pennsylvania, the most independent, and, with pru
dent economy, the most happy of human beings. The
following morning, Simpson was the first to give me an
account of Dixon's death, which affected us much ; his
corpse received the usual military honors. Duty com
pelled my absence elsewhere. The blood of Dixon was
the first oblation made upon the altar of Liberty at Que
bec, and Merchant was the first prisoner. The latter
was a brave and determined soldier, fitted for subordinate
station ; the former was intuitively a captain. The city
and vicinity occupied the attention of the commander
nearly a week.
November i8th. Not being fully in the secret, it
does^ not become me to recount the causes of our retreat
to Point Aux Tremble. We did, however, make this
retrograde movement, rather in a slovenly style, accom
panied, probably, by the maledictions of the clergy and
nobility, but attended by the regrets of a host of well-
wishers among the peasantry. Point Aux Tremble is at
the distance of twenty, or more, miles from Quebec.
Campaign against Quebec, 1775. 91
The route thither, though in a severe winter, was in
teresting. The woods were leafless, except as to those
trees of the fir-kind ; but numerous neat and handsomely
situated farm houses and many beautiful landscapes were
presented, and enlivened our march along this majestic
stream. At Detroit, which is supposed to be little short
of nine hundred miles from Quebec — even there, it is
no contemptible river, but here the immense volume of
its waters, strikes the mind of the stranger with astonish
ment and rapture. Our Susquehanna, which, from its
grandeur, attracts the European eye, stands in a low
grade when compared with the St. Lawrence. Ascend
ing the river at a distance of ten or fifteen miles, we ob
served the rapid passage, down stream, of a boat, and
soon afterwards of a ship, one or other of which con
tained the person of Sir Guy Carleton. That it was the
governor of the province, flying from Montgomery, who
had by this time captured Montreal, we were informed
by a special kind of messenger, which was no other than
the report of the cannon, by way of feu-de-joie, upon
his arrival at the capital. Water, in regard to the com
munication of sound, is nearly as good a conductor as
metals are, for the transmission of the electric fluid.
Though near to the place of our destination, we could
mark with precision the report of every gun. Point
Aux Tremble, at this time, had assumed the appearance
of a straggling village. There was a spacious chapel,
where the ceremonies of the Roman Catholic religion
were performed, with a pomp not seen in our churches
but by a fervency and zeal apparently very pious, which
became a severe and additional stroke at early prejudices.
Quarters were obtained in the village and farm houses,
dispersed over a space of some miles, up and down the
river. We enjoyed as much comfort as tight houses,
warm fires, and our scantiness of clothing would admit.
Provisions were in plenty, and particularly beef, which,
though small in bulk, was of an excellent flavor. Being
in a few days, as it were, domesticated in a respectable
92 Campaign against Quebec , 1775.
farmer's house, we now had leisure to observe the
economy of the family. Every crevice through which
cold air could penetrate, was carefully pasted with strips
of paper of every color. To permit the cold air to in
trude is not the only evil which results ; but the smallest
interstice with the air, also admits an almost impalpable
snow, which is very inconvenient, particularly at night,
when the winds blow most sharply. A stove of iron
stood a small sp; ce from the wall of the kitchen chimney,
but in such a way that it might be encompassed by the
family or the guests. This stove was kept continually
hot both by day and by night. Over the stove there is a
rack so constructed as to serve for the drying of wet
clothes, moccasins, etc., etc. When these people slaughter
their beasts for winter use, they cut up the meat into small
pieces, such as a half pound, two pounds, etc., according
to the number of the family. In the evening before
bedtime, the females of the house prepare the dinner of
the following day. It may be particularly described, as
it was done in our view for a number of days together,
and during the time was never varied. This was the
manner: a piece of pork or beef, or a portion of each
kind, together with a sufficiency of cabbage, potatoes
and turnips, seasoned with salt, and an adequate quantity
of water, were put into a neat tin kettle with a close
lid. The kettle thus replenished, was placed on the
stove in the room where we all slept, and there it sim
mered till the time of rising, when it was taken to a
small fire in the kitchen, where a stewing continued till
near noon, when they dined. The contents were turned
into a large basin. Each person had a plate, no knife
was used, except one to cut the bread, but a five or six
pronged fork answered the purposes of a spoon. The
meat required no cutting, as it was reduced to a mucilage,
or at least to shreds. This, you may say, is trifling in
formation, and unworthy of your notice ; according to
my mind, it is important to all of us, to know the habits,
manners, and means of existence of that class of society,
Campaign against Quebec , 1775. 93
which, in all nations, composes the bulk and strength of
the body politic. Our dinner followed in a few hours.
The manner of our cookery excited astonishment in our
hosts. As much beef was consumed at a single meal,
as would have served this family for a week. Remember,
however, that the mess consisted of persons who were
entitled to double and treble rations. Two rosy-cheeked
daughters of the house, soon contrived the means and
obtained the surplus. This circumstance, most proba
bly, made us agreeable to the family, for we had nothing
else to bestow. The snow had now fallen in abundance,
and enlivened the country. Sleighs and sleds were pass
ing in every direction. The farmers began to supply
themselves with a full stock of winter's fuel from the
forest. No fowls were visible about the house ; a few
were kept alive for breeding in the ensuing summer, in
a close and warm coop in the upper story of the barn.
The rest of the fowls, intended for the market or winter's
use, had been slaughtered, early in autumn, at setting
in of the frost, and were hung up in the feathers in the
garret. Thence they were taken as wanted. Towards
March they become unsavory, but in no way tainted.
We became acquainted with this kind of economy, but
upon a much larger scale afterwards, when in a state of
affliction and sorrow. The roads in this part of Canada
are kept in excellent order. The corvee of European
France is maintained by the government in full effect,
as to its principles, but far less rigid in its practice.
The roads in low grounds, were ditched on the sides
and curved towards the centre. Every forty or fifty
yards on each side of the road, throughout the extent of
it, young pines w?re stuck in the ground, to mark the
central and safest passage. It is a law, that the land
holder, whenever a snow falls, whether by day or night,
when it ceases, shall with his horses and cariole, retrace
the road, formed on the preceding snow, throughout the
extent of his grounds. This is a laborious duty, but it was
discernible that it was performed with punctuality, if
94 Campaign against Quebec ', 1775.
not pleasure. In December, January and February,
when the snow lays from three to five feet deep over the
surface, there is no traveling in this country, but by ways
thus formed, or upon snow shoes.
December I. General Montgomery, who was
anxiously expected, arrived. Arnold's corps was
paraded in the front of the chapel. It was lowering and
cold, but the appearance of the general here, gave us
warmth and animation. He was well limbed, tall and
handsome, though his face was much pockmarked. His
air and manner designated the real soldier. He made
us a short, but energetic and elegant speech, the burden
of which was, an applause of our spirit in passing the
wilderness j a hope our perseverance in that spirit would
continue ; and a promise of warm clothing ; the latter
was a most comfortable assurance. A few huzzas from
our freezing bodies were returned to this address of the
gallant hero. Now new life was infused into the whole
of the corps.
December 2d. The next day we retraced the route
from Quebec. A snow had fallen during the night, and
continued falling. To march on this snow, was a most
fatiguing business. By this time, we had generally
furnished ourselves with seal-skin moccasins, which
are large, and, according to the usage of the country,
stuffed with hay or leaves, to keep the feet dry and
warm. Every step taken in the dry snow, the moccasin
having no raised heel to support the position of the foot,
it slipped back, and thus produced great weariness. On
this march the use of the snow-shoe was very obvious,
but we were destitute of that article. The evening
brought up the riflemen at an extensive house, in the
parish of St. Foix, about three miles from Quebec. It
was inhabited by tenants. We took possession of a
front parlor on the left, Morgan one upon the right,
Hendricks, a back apartment, and the soldiery in the
upper parts of the house, and some warm out-buildings.
December 3d. Morgan, not finding himself comforta-
Campaign against Quebec > 1775. 95
ble, moved a short space nearer to the city. Here, in
low and pretty country houses, he and his men were
neatly accommodated. It seemed to me, that the Cana
dians in the vicinage of Quebec lived as comfortably,
in'general, as the generality of the Pennsylvanians did,
at that time, in the county of Lancaster. It may readily
occur to you, that some restriction ought to cramp this
latitude of expression ; take it, however, as a description
of our sensations, entertained in our minds by the con
veniences we now enjoyed, in opposition to our late
privations. We had just arrived from a dreary and in
hospitable wild, half-starved and thinly clothed, in aland
of plenty, where we had full rations and warm quarters,
consequently, our present feelings contrasted with former
sufferings, might have appreciated in too high a degree,
the happiness of the Canadian. What is now said,
ought not to be taken in anywise as an allusion to the
political rights, but be confined solely to the apparen^
prosperity and economy of families
December I2th. We remained about ten days at
these quarters. The tours of duty, to Arnold's party,
were peculiarly severe. The officers and men still wore
nothing else than the remains of the summer clothing,
which, being on their back, had escaped destruction in
the disasters of the wilderness. The snow lay three feet
deep over the face of the whole country, and there was
an addition to it almost daily. Many impediments
occurred, to delay the transportation oi the clothing,
which General Montgomery had procured for us at
Montreal. Our miserable state, contrary to our prin
ciples, excited an illicit desire to be apparreled more
comfortably. This desire would probably have lain dor
mant, but for a scoundrel Canadian, who in all likelihood
was an enemy of Lieutenant Governor Cromie's. One
morning having returned from a cold night's duty, near
palace gate, the fellow addressed Simpson, who was the
only officer in quarters, and communicated the informa
tion : " That about two miles up the St. Lawrence, lay
96 Campaign against Quebec <> 1775.
a country seat of Governor Cromie's, stocked with many
things we wanted, and he would be our guide." Ca-
rioles were immediately procured. The house, a neat
box, was romantically situated on the steep bank of the
river, not very distant from a chapel. Though in the
midst of winter, the spot displayed the elegant taste and
abundant wealth of the owner. It must be a most de
lightful summer residence, in the months of July and
August, when the heat of this northern climate seems
greater to sensation, than that of our country, in the
same season. The house was closed ; knocking, the
hall door was opened to us by an Irishwoman, who, of
the fair sex, was the largest and most brawny that ever
came under my notice. She was the stewardess of the
house. Our questions were answered with an apparent
affability and frankness. She introduced us into the
kitchen, a large apartment, well filled with those articles
which good livers think necessary to the happy enjoy
ment of life. Here we observed five or six Canadian
servants, huddled into a corner of the kitchen, trembling
with fear. Our prying eyes soon discovered a trap
door leading into the cellar. In the country houses of
Canada, because of the frigidity of the climate, the cel
lars are usually under a warm room, and are principally in
tended for the preservation of vegetables. The cavity
in this instance, abounded with a great variety of eata
bles, of which we were not in the immediate want.
The men entered it. Firkin after firkin of butter, lard,
tallow, beef, pork, fresh and salt, all became a prey.
While the men were rummaging below, the lieutenant
descended to cause more despatch. My duty was to
remain at the end of the trap door, with my back to the
wall, and rifle cocked, as a sentry, keeping a strict eye
on the servants. My good Irishwoman frequently
beckoned to me to descend ; her drift was to catch us all
in the trap. Luckily she was comprehended. The
cellar and kitchen being thoroughly gutted, and the spoil
borne to the carriages, the party dispersed into other
Campaign against Quebec •, 1775. 97
apartments. Here was elegancy. The walls and par
titions were beautifully papered and decorated, with
large engravings, maps, etc., etc., of the most celebrated
artists. A noble view of the city of Philadelphia, upon
a large scale, taken from the neighborhood of Cooper's
ferry, drew my attention, and raised some compunctive
ideas •, but war and the sciences always stand at arms
length in the contests of mankind. The latter must
succumb in the tumult. Our attention was much more
attracted by the costly feather beds, counterpanes, and
charming rose-blankets, which the house afforded. Of
these there was good store, and we left not a jot behind
us. The nooks and crevices in the carioles were filled
with smaller articles ; several dozens of admirably
finished case-knives and forks ; even a set of desert knives
obtained the notice of our cupidity. Articles of lesser
moment, not a thousandth part so useful, did not escape
the all-grasping hands of the soldiery. In a back apart
ment there stood a mahogany couch, or settee in a
highly finished style. The woodwork of the couch was
raised on all sides by cushioning, and lastly, covered by
a rich figured silk. This to us was lumber, besides our
carioles were full. However, we grabbled the mattrass
and pallets, all equally elegant as the couch. Having, as
we thought, divested his excellency of all the articles of
prime necessity, we departed, ostensibly and even audibly
accompanied by the pious blessings of the stewardess
for our moderation. No doubt she had her mental re
servations ; on such business as this, we regarded neither.
Near the chapel we met a party of Morgan's men com
ing to do that which we had already done. The officer
appeared chagrined when he saw the extent of our plunder.
He went on, and finally ransacked the house, and yet a
little more, the stables. The joy of our men, among
whom the plunder was distributed in nearly equal portions,
was extravagant. Now an operation of the human mind,
which often takes place in society, and is every day dis
cernible by persons of observation, became clearly
9
98 Campaign against Quebec ', 1775.
obvious. " Let a man once, with impunity, desert the
strict rule of right, all subsequent aggression is not only
increased in atrocity, but is done without qualm of con
science." Though our company was composed prin
cipally of freeholders, or the sons of such, bred at home
under the strictures of religion and morality, yet when
the reins of decorum were loosed, and the honorable
feeling weakened, it became impossible to administer
restraint. The person of a tory, or his property, became
fair game, and this at the denunciation of some base
domestic villain.
December I3th. On this morning the same auda
cious scoundrel again returned. By leading to the first
affair, and his intercourse with the privates, he had so
wormed himself into their good graces that nothing
would do but a system of marauding upon our supposed
enemies, the tories. In this new expedition, which
was further than the former, the officers thought it pru
dent to accompany the men, in truth, to keep order
and repress their ardency. We arrived at a farm said to
belong to Gov. Cromie or some other inhabitant of
Quebec. The farm house, though low, being but one
story, was capacious, and tolerably neat. The barn
built of logs, with a threshing-floor in the center, was
from seventy to eighty feet in length. The tenant, his
wife, and children, shuddered upon our approach. As
surances that they should be unharmed, relieved their
fears. The tenant pointed out to us the horned-cattle,
pigs and poultry of his landlord. These we shot down
without mercy, or drove before us to our quarters.
Thus we obtained a tolerable load for our caravan, which
consisted of five or six carioles.
With this disreputable exploit, marauding ceased.
A returning sense of decency and order, emanating from
ourselves, produced a species of contrition. It is a
solemn truth that we plundered none but those who
were notoriously tories, and then within the walls of
Quebec. The clergy, the nobles, and the peasantry,
Campaign against Quebec ', 1775. 99
were respected and protected, especially the latter, with
whom, to use a trite expression, we fraternized. The
minuteness of this description of occurrences, of a trivial,
yet disgraceful nature, is made the more strongly to
impress your minds with the horrors attendant on civil
wars. This species of war, more than any other, not
only affects the great and the wealthy, but it intrudes
itself into, and devastates the cottage. This the Ame
rican people know, from the many melancholy scenes
which succeeded the period spoken of.
Gracious and Almighty God ! the shield and protector
of the good, as well as thou art the scourge of the base
and wicked nation, avert from my country this the most
terrible of thy modes of temporal vengeance.
December I5th. In a short time, the rifle companies
moved and occupied good quarters on the low grounds,
near St. Charles river, and about two miles from Quebec.
Our clothing was still of the flimsy kind, before noted,
but our hearts were light, even to merriment. Indi
vidually, from our own funds, we supplied ourselves
with arm-gloves, and renewed our moccasins. This was
about the middle of December. During all this time,
our daily duty was laborious in various ways, and every
other night we mounted guard at St. Roque. A guard
house ere this, had been established at this place, in a
very large stone house, which, though strong, being
exposed to the enemy's fire, was soon battered about
our ears, the distance scarcely more than three hundred
yards. That position was changed for one more secure.
A house which had been a tavern, was adopted in its
stead. This house was peculiarly situated. It was
comparatively small with the former in its dimensions,
but the walls were strong, and the ceilings bomb-proof.
It stood under the hill, so as to be out of the range of
the shot from the ramparts contiguous to palace gate,
which were elevated far above us. Simpson would say,
Jack, let us have a shot at those fellows. Even at
noon-day, we would creep along close to the houses,
loo Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775.
which ranged under the hiil, but close in with it, till we
came within forty yards of palace gate. Here was a
smith-shop, formed of logs, through the crevices of
which we would fire, at an angle of seventy, at the
sentries above us. Many of them were killed, and it
was said, several officers. This was dishonorable war,
though authorized by the practices of those times. The
distance from this guard-house to palace gate, may be
three hundred and fifty yards. The hill, at the back of
the house, seemed to make an angle of sixty or seventy
degrees. This activity continued from the walls of the
city, and around it by the lower town (where it is greatest),
for many miles up the St. Lawrence and St. Charles, and
forms the basis of Abraham's plains. It was about that
time the York artillerists, under Captain Lamb, had con
structed a battery on the Plains, at the distance of six
hundred or seven hundred yards from the fortress. The
earth was too difficult for the intrenching tools to pierce,
the only method left was to raise a battery composed of
ice and snow. The snow was made into ice by the
addition of water. The work was done in the night
time. Five or six nine-pounders, and a howitzer were
placed in it ; it was scarcely completed, and our guns
had opened on the city, before it was pierced through
and through, by the weightier metal of the enemy.
Several lives were lost on the first and second day. Yet
the experiment was persisted in, till a single ball, piercing
the battery, killed and wounded three persons. In the
quarters last mentioned, we enjoyed some pleasant days.
The winter in Canada, as with us, is the season of good
humor and joy.
December i8th, iQth. Upon a secession from the
out-post, or other military employments, we were agreea
bly received in the farm houses around. Our engage
ments near palace gate, still continued to be of the
arduous kind ; our numbers being few, every second
watch was performed by the same persons who had
made the guard the last but one. Between the guard-
Campaign against Quebec •, 1,775. *>i.oi
house, and the extreme end of the suburbs of St. Roque,
which may be half a mile from the ramparts, there was
a rising ground in the main street fairly in view of the
enemy, and whilst we relieved in daylight, was raked
even by grape shot. Some good men were lost here.
This circumstance changed the time of relief, to nine
o'clock in the evening. The rifle men were principally
employed as guards at this dangerous station. It is but
fair and honest to relate to you an anecdote concerning
myself, which will convey to your minds some notion
of that affection of the head or heart, which the military
call a panic terror. Being one of the guard and having
been relieved as a sentry, about twelve or one o'clock
at night, upon returning to the guard house, in a dozing
state, I cast myself on a bench next the back wall —
young, my sleeps were deep and heavy ; my youth
obtained this grace from Simpson, the officer who com
manded ; about three o'clock I was roused by a horri
ble noise. The enemy, in casting their shells, usually
began in the evening, and threw but a few, towards
morning they became more alert. Our station being
out of sight, it was so managed as to throw the shells on
the side of the hill, directly back of us, so as they would
trundle down against the wall of the guard house. This
had frequently occurred before, but was not minded.
A thirteen inch shell, thus thrown, came immediately
opposite the place where my head lay ; to be sure the
three feet wall was between us. The bursting report
was tremendous, but it was heard in a profound sleep.
Starting instantly, though unconscious of the cause, and
running probably fifty yards, through untrod snow, three
feet deep, to a coal house, a place quite unknown to me
before, it was ten or fifteen minutes before the extreme
cold restored that kind of sensibility which enabled me
to know my real situation. Knowing nothing of the
cause, the probable effect, nor anything of the conse
quences which might follow from this involuntary exer
tion, it seemed to me to be a species of the panic which
.i:c2 ' Campaign against Quebec , 1775.
has been known to affect whole armies. The circum
stance here related, caused a laugh against me ; but it
was soon discovered that those of the soldiery, though
wide awake, were as much panic stricken as myself.
The laugh rebounded upon them. During this period
we had many bitter nights. To give you some idea of
a Canada winter, allow me to relate an occurrence
which is literally genuine.
December 24th. One night, at the time of relief, a
confidential person came from Colonel Arnold, accom
panied by an Irish gentleman named Craig, directing
the relieved guard to escort him to his own house, which
stood between twenty and thirty paces from palace
gate. Craig was a merchant of considerable wealth, and
what was more, an excellent whig. He was expelled
from his habitation because of his whigism, and took
refuge in Arnold's quarters. Montgomery, by this time,
had furnished us with personal clothing suitable to the
climate, but there were a thousand other things wanting
for comfortable accommodation. Many of these Mr.
Craig possessed, and Arnold's luxurious cupidity desired.
Craig's house was an extensive building, three stories
high, with back buildings of an equal height, running
far in the rear along the foot of the hill. This last
building consisted of stores which, as well as the house,
was of brick work. We came to the back part of the
house silently, and with the utmost caution. Mr. Craig
by a slight knock brought a trusty old negro to the
door, who was the sole guardian of the house. The
objects of Mr. Craig were frying pans, skillets, and a
great variety of other articles of ironmongery, together
with cloths, flannels, linens, etc., etc., etc. The
party with Craig entered the house. As a man of con
fidence and as a sentry, it became my business to watch
the palace gate. There was a clear moonlight, but it
was exceedingly bleak. My place of observation was
under a brick arch, over which were stores of Mr. Craig,
perhaps less than eighty feet from palace gate. My
Campaign against Quebec y 1775. IO3
gloves were good and well lined with fur, and my moc
casins of the best kind, well stuffed. Unseen, continu
ally pacing the width of the arch, my companions
seemed to employ too much time. Some Frenchmen,
of Colonel Livingston's regiment, without our know-
Iedge1 had been below palace gate marauding. Repass-
ing the house we were at, like so many hell hounds,
they set up a yelling and horrid din, which not only
scared our party, but alarmed the garrison itself. My
companions in the house (apprehensive of a sally from
palace gate), fled, carrying all they could. Though I
heard the noise, the flight of my friends was unseen, as
they emerged from the cellars. The noise and bustle
created by the Canadians attracted the attention of the
enemy. Large and small shells were thrown in every
direction, wherever a noise was heard in St. Roque.
Having on a fine white blanket coat, and turning my cap,
or bonnet rouge, inside out, the inside being white, made
me, as it were, invisible in the snow. Under the arch
the conversation of the sentries, as it were, almost over
my head, was very distinguishable. In this cold region,
many reasons operate to induce the placing two sentries
at the same post — they enliven each other by convers
ing, and it prevents the fatal effects which follow from
standing still in one position. P'ifteen minutes, at this
time, was the term of the sentries standing. The time
of my standing under the arch seemed to be several
hours, yet honor and duty required perseverance. At
length, being wearied out, going to the back door of the
house and knocking, no whisper could be heard within,
the old negro was soundly asleep in his bomb-proof
shell. At this moment those Canadians ran past the
gateway again, with their usual noisy jabber ; to me, in
my deserted state, it seemed a sally of the enemy.
There was no outlet but by the way we came, which
seemed hazardous. Running gun in hand into a large
enclosure, which was a garden of Mr. Craig's, here was
a new dilemma. There was no escape but by return-
IO4 Campaign against Quebec ', 1775.
ing to the house or climbing a palisade twenty feet high.
The latter was preferred ; but my rifle was left within
the enclosure, as no means could be fallen upon to get
it over the stockade. The guard house was soon
reached. One of the sergeants kindly returned with
me to assist in bringing over my gun. It was grasped
in ecstasy. Alas ! the determination never to part with
it again, but with life, was futile. While in the enclo
sure, going from and returning to it, we were assailed
with grape-shot and shells, not by any means aimed at
us, for the enemy knew not that we were there, but was
intended to disperse those vociferous and vile Canadians,
and it had the effect. They were as cowardly as noisy.
The cohorn shells were handsomely managed. They
usually burst at fifteen or twenty feet from the earth, so
as to scatter their destructive effects more widely. Again
coming to the guard house, my immediate friends all
gone, I ran thence to our quarters, about two miles, with
great speed. This was about three o'clock in the morn
ing. Coming to quarters, my feet and hands were
numbed, without ever having, during those many dreary
hours, been sensible of the cold. It was soon discovered
that they were frozen. Pulling off my leggings, etc.,
and immerging my feet and legs knee deep in the snow
at the door, rubbing with my hands a few minutes, soon
caused a recirculation of the blood ; the hands were re
stored by the act. For fifteen, and even twenty years
afterwards, the intolerable effects of that night's frost
were most sensibly felt. The soles of my feet, particu
larly the prominences, were severely frostbitten and
much inflamed ; so it was as to my hands. But it was
very remarkable that these subsequent annual painings
uniformly attacked me in the same month of the year
in which the cause occurred.
On the night of the 2Oth, or 2ist of December, a
snow-storm, driving fiercely from the north-east, induced
the noble Montgomery to order an attack on the fortress.
Our force, altogether, did not amount to more than
Campaign against Quebec •, 1775. 105
eleven hundred men, and many of these, by contrivances
of their own, were in the hospital, which, by this time,
was transferred to the nunnery. The storm abated —
the moon shone, and we retired to repose, truly unwill
ingly. We had caught our commander's spirit, who
was anxious, after the capture of Chamblee, St. Johns
and Montreal, to add Quebec, as a prime trophy to the
laurels already won. Captain Smith, * the head of our
mess, as captain, had been invited to General Mont
gomery's council of officers (none under that grade
being called) ; like most of uninstructed men he was
talkative, and what is much worse, in military affairs,
very communicative. I believe blushing followed the
intelligence he gave me : the idea of impropriety of con
duct in him, deeply impressed my mind. The whole
plan of the attack on the two following days was known
to the meanest man in the army. How it was disclosed,
is uncertain, unless by the fatuity of the captains. One
Singleton, a sergeant in the troops which accompanied
Montgomery, deserted from the guard at the suburbs of
St. Johns, and disclosed to our foes the purport of our
1 Colonel Matthew Smith of Paxtang, who commanded the company in
which young Henry served in the Quebec campaign, was one of the war
eagles of the revolution. He was a native of Lancaster county, now Dau
phin, born about 1730. He took a warm interest in the affair at Conestoga
and Lancaster in 1763-4, and was delegated by the Paxtang Boys to make
a proper representation to the provincial assembly who were bent on per
secuting that band of heroes. He enlisted his company in June, 1775, anc^
with Hendricks was the first south of the Hudson river to reach the be
leaguered city of Boston after the battle of Bunker hill. At the time of the
attack upon Quebec, Captain Smith was on detached duty, and not with
his company. He was, however, taken prisoner, released on parole and
exchanged the latter part of the year 1776, and subsequently promoted to
major. He served as a member of the supreme executive council of
Pa., in 1778-9, and was for a brief period vice-president of the state.
Early in 1780 he was appointed -prothonotary of Northumberland county.
He died at Milton, July 21, 1794, and was buried at Warren Run burying
ground six miles distant. Col. Smith was a fine looking man, had the air
of a soldier, and was as ardent a patriot as ever breathed. Judge Henry,
on account of Capt. Smith's rigid discipline, took a dislike to him, and in
his narrative shows it prominently. — Dr. Wm. H. Egle.
106 Campaign against Quebec ', 1775.
schemes ; his desertion caused much anxiety. The
general prudently gave out that it was by command, he
would return soon with intelligence. This was believed
generally. The latter information came to my know
ledge some months afterwards, when a prisoner. The
relation of Smith to me is perfect on my memory.
Youths seldom forget their juvenile impressions. It was
this : " That we, of Arnold's corps, accompanied by
Captain Lang's York artillerists, should assail the lower
town, on the side of St. Roque : General Montgomery
was to attack the lower town by the way of Cape Dia
mond, which is on the margin of the St. Lawrence. A
false attack was to be made eastwardly of St. John's
gate. When Montgomery and Arnold conjoined in the
lower town, then the priests, the women and the child
ren, were to be gathered and intermingled with the
troops and an assault be made on the upper town."
Visionary as this mode of attack was, from what ensued,
it is sincerely my belief that Smith was correct in his
information, as to the plan suggested by the general.
In those turbulent times, men of gallantry, such as
Montgomery, were imperiously necessitated, to keep
up their own fame and the spirits of the people, to pro
pose and to hazard measures, even to the confines of
imprudence. There was another circumstance which
induced our brave and worthy general to adopt active
and dangerous means of conquest. Many of the New
England troops had been engaged on very short enlist
ments, some of which were to expire on the first of
January, 1776. The patriotism of the summer of
seventy-five, seemed almost extinguished in the winter
of seventy-six. The patriotic officers made every exer
tion to induce enlistments but to no purpose. We, of
the rifle corps, readily assented to remain with the gene
ral, though he should be deserted by the eastern men,
yet this example had no manner of influence on the
generality. The majority were either farmers or sailors,
and some had wives and children at home. These, and
Campaign against Quebec > 1775. 107
other reasons, perhaps the austerity of the winter, and
the harshness of the service, caused an obstinacy of mind
which would not submit to patriotic representation.
Besides the smallpox, * which had been introduced into
our cantonments by the indecorous, yet fascinating arts
of the enemy, had already begun its ravages. This
temper of the men was well known to the general.
It was not until the night of the thirty-first of
December, 1775, that such kind of weather ensued as
was considered favorable for the assault. The forepart
of the night was admirably enlightened by a luminous
moon. Many of us, officers as well as privates, had
dispersed in various directions among the farm and tip
pling houses of the vicinity. We well knew the signal
for rallying. This was no other than a snow-storm.
About twelve o'clock P.M., the heaven was overcast.
We repaired to quarters. By two o'clock we were
accoutred and began our march. The storm was out
rageous, and the cold wind extremely biting. In this
northern country the snow is blown horizontally into
the faces of travelers on most occasions — this was our
case.
January ist. When we came to Craig's house, near
palace gate, a horrible roar of cannon took place, and a
ringing of all the bells of the city, which are very numer
ous, and of all sizes. Arnold, heading the forlorn hope,
advanced, perhaps, one hundred yards before the main
body. After these, followed Lamb's artillerists. Mor
gan's company led in the secondary part of the column
of infantry. Smith's followed, headed by Steele, the
captain, from particular causes, being absent. Hen-
drick's company succeeded, and the eastern men, so far
as known to me, followed in due order. The snow was
1 In relation to the small-pox, the circumstance about to be related, is
most assuredly true, as it is known to me of my own particular knowledge.
A number of women loaded with the infection of the small-pox, came into
our cantonments. — Henry.
io8 Campaign against Quebec , 1775.
deeper than in the fields, because of the nature of the
ground. The path made by Arnold, Lamb and Morgan,
was almost imperceptible, because of the falling snow ;
covering the locks of our guns with the lappets of our
coats, holding down our heads (for it was impossible to
bear up our faces against the imperious storm of wind
and SLOW), we ran along the foot of the hill in single
file. Along the first of our run, from palace gate, for
several hundred paces, there stood a range of insulated
buildings, which seemed to be store-houses ; we passed
these quickly in single file, pretty wide apart. The
interstices were from thirty to fifty yards. In these
intervals we received a tremendous fire of musketry
from the ramparts above us. Here we lost some brave
men, when powerless to return the salutes we received,
as the enemy was covered by his impregnable defences.
They were even sightless to us, we could see nothing
but the blaze from the muzzles of their muskets.
A number of vessels of various sizes lay along the
beach, moored by their hawsers or cables to the houses.
Pacing after my leader, Lieutenant Steele, at a great rate,
one of those ropes took me under the chin, and cast me
headlong down a declivity of at least fifteen feet. The
place appeared to be either a dry dock, or a sawpit. My
descent was terrible ; gun and all was involved in a great
depth of snow. Most unluckily, however, one of my
knees received a violent contusion on a piece of scraggy
ice, which was covered by the snow. On like occasions,
we can scarce expect, in the hurry of attack, that our
intimates should attend to any other than their own
concerns. Mine went from me, regardless of my fate.
Scrabbling out of the cavity, without assistance, divesting
my person and gun of the snow, and limping into the
line, it was attempted to assume a station, and preserve
it. These were none of my friends — they knew me
not. We had not gone twenty yards, in my hobbling
gait, before I was thrown out, and compelled to await
the arrival of a chasm in the line, where a new place
Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775. 109
might be obtained. Men in affairs such as this, seem
in the main to lose the compassionate feeling, and are
averse from being dislodged from their original stations.
We proceeded rapidly, exposed to a long line of fire from
the garrison, for now we were unprotected by any build
ings. The fire had slackened in a small degree. The
enemy had been partly called off to resist the general,
and strengthen the party opposed to Arnold in our front.
Now we saw Colonel Arnold returning, wounded in the
leg, and supported by two gentlemen, a Parson Spring was
one, and in my belief, a Mr. Ogden the other. Arnold
called to the troops, in a cheering voice, as we passed,
urging us forward, yet it was observable among the
soldiery, with whom it was my misfortune to be now
placed, that the colonel's retiring damped their spirits.
A cant term, " We are sold," was repeatedly heard in
many parts throughout the line. Thus proceeding en
filaded by an animated but lessened fire, we came to the
first barrier, where Arnold had been wounded in the
onset. This contest had lasted but a few minutes, and
was somewhat severe, but the energy of our men pre
vailed. The embrasures were entered when the enemy
were discharging their guns. The guard, consisting of
thirty persons, were either taken or fled, leaving their
arms behind them. At this time it was discovered that
our guns were useless, because of the dampness. The
snow, which lodged in our fleecy coats, was melted by
the warmth of our bodies. Thence came that disaster.
Many of the party, knowing the circumstance, threw
aside their own, and seized the British arms. These
were not only elegant, but were such as befitted the
hand of a real soldier. It was said that ten thousand
stand of such arms had been received from England, in
the previous summer for arming the Canadian militia.
Those people were Icath to bear them in opposition to
our rights. From the first barrier to the second, there
was a circular course along the sides of houses, and
partly through a street, probably of three hundred yards,
10
no Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775.
or more. This second barrier was erected across and
near the mouth of a narrow street, adjacent to the foot
of the hill, which opened into a larger, leading soon into
the main body of the lower town. Here it was, that
the most serious contention took place ; this became the
bone of strife. The admirable Montgomery, by this
time (though it was unknown to us), was no more ; yet,
we expected momentarily, to join him. The firing on
that side of the fortress ceased, his division fell under the
command of a Colonel Campbell, of the New York line,
a worthless chief, who retreated without making an effort,
in pursuance of the general's original plans. The inevit
able consequence, was, that the whole of the forces on
that side of the city, and those who were opposed to the
dastardly persons employed to make the false attacks,
embodied and came down to oppose our division. Here
was sharp shooting. We were on the disadvantageous
side of the barrier, for such a purpose. Confined in a
narrow street hardly more than twenty feet wide, and
on the lower ground, scarcely a ball, well aimed or
otherwise, but must take effect upon us. Morgan,
Hendricks, Steele, Humphreys, and a crowd of every
class of the army, had gathered into the narrow pass,
attempting to surmount the barrier, which was about
twelve or more feet high, and so strongly constructed,
that nothing but artillery could effectuate its destruction.
There was a construction, fifteen or twenty yards within
the barrier, upon a rising ground, the cannon of which
much overtopped the height of the barrier, hence, we
were assailed, by grape shot in abundance. This erection
we called the platform. Again, within the barrier, and
close in to it, were two ranges of musketeers, armed with
musket and bayonet, ready to receive those who might
venture the dangerous leap. Add to all this, that the
enemy occupied the upper chambers of the houses, in
the interior of the barrier, on both sides of the street,
from the windows of which we became fair marks.
The enemy, having the advantage of the ground in front,
Campaign against Quebec, 1775. in
a vast superiority of numbers, dry and better arms, gave
them an irresistible power, in so narrow a space. Hum
phrey's, upon a mound, which was speedily erected,
attended by many brave men, attempted to scale the
barrier, but was compelled to retreat, by the formidable
phalanx of bayonets within, and the weight of fire from
the platform and the buildings. Morgan, brave to
temerity, stormed and raged, Hendricks, Steele, Nichols,
Humphreys, equally brave, were sedate, though under a
tremendous fire. The platform, which was within our
view, was evacuated by the accuracy of our fire, and few
persons dared venture there again. Now it was, that
the necessity of the occupancy of the houses, on our side
of the barrier, became apparent. Orders were given by
Morgan, to that effect. We entered — this was near
daylight. The houses were a shelter, from which we
could fire with much accuracy. Yet, even here, some
valuable lives were lost. Hendricks,1 when aiming his
rifle at some prominent person, died by a straggling ball,
through his heart. He staggered a few feet backwards,
1 The second company from Pennsylvania was commanded by Captain
William Hendricks, a native of Cumberland county, born two miles west
of the Susquehanna river at what was long known as Tobias Hendrick's place,
and latterly as Oyster's point. He was killed at Quebec January i, 1776,
and buried in the same enclosure with General Montgomery, on the south
side. The Rev. Dr. Smith, in his oration on the death of the gallant officer
last named, makes this allusion to the former : " I must not, however,
omit the name of the brave Captain Hendricks, who commanded one of the
Pennsylvania Rifle companies and was known to me from his infancy.
He was, indeed, prodigal of his life and counted danger out of his tour of
duty. The command of the guard belonged to him on the morning of the
attack ; but he solicited and obtained leave to take a more conspicuous part j
and having led his men through the barrier, where his commanding officer,
General Arnold was wounded, he long sustained the fire of the garrison with
unshaken firmness, till at last, receiving a shot in his breast, he immediately
expired. These particulars were certified by Gen. Thompson and Col.
Magaw, his commanders in the Pennsylvania Rifle Regiment, and they give
me this further character of him in their letter : 'No fatigues of duty ever
discouraged him ; he paid the strictest attention to his company and was
ambitious that they should excel in discipline, sobiiety and order. His social
and domestic virtues you are well acquainted with.' " — Dr. W. H. Eglc.
112 Campaign against ghie bee, 1775.
and fell upon a bed, where he instantly expired. He
was an ornament of our little society. The amiable
Humphreys died by a like kind of wound, but it was in
the street, before we entered the buildings. Many other
brave men fell at this place, among these were Lieutenant
Cooper, of Connecticut, and perhaps fifty or sixty non
commissioned officers, and privates. The wounded
were numerous, and many of them dangerously so.
Captain Lamb, of the York artillerists, had nearly one
half of his face carried away by a grape or canister shot.
My friend Steele lost three of his fingers, as he was
presenting his gun to fire ; Captain Hubbard and Lieutenant
Fisdle, were also among the wounded. When we reflect
upon the whole of the dangers at this barricade, and the
formidable force that came to " annoy us, it is a matter
of surprise, that so many should escape death and
wounding, as did."1 All hope of success having vanished,
a retreat was contemplated, but hesitation, uncertainty,
and a lassitude of mind, which generally takes place in
the affairs of men, when we fail in a project, upon which
we have attached much expectation, now followed. That
moment was foolishly lost, when such a movement might
have been made with tolerable success. Captain Laws,
at the head of two hundred men, issuing from palace gate,
most fairly and handsomely cooped us up. Many of the
men, aware of the consequences, and all our Indians and
Canadians (except Natanis and another), escaped across
the ice which covered the bay of St. Charles, before the
arrival of Captain Laws. This was a dangerous and
desperate adventure, but worth while the undertaking, in
avoidance of our subsequent sufferings. Its desperate-
Of the other company officers Lt. John McClellan, who resided on the
Juniata died on the march to Quebec. Lt. Francis Nichols was captured
at Quebec ; after the war he was commissioned brigadier general in the
Pennsylvania forces. Dr. Thomas Gibson of Carlisle was also captured. He
died at Valley Forge in the memorable winter of 1778. — Ibid.
xSee General Nichols's letter. — Henry.
Campaign against Quebec , 1775. 113
ness consisted in running two miles across shoal ice,
thrown up by the high tides of this latitude — and its
danger, in the meeting with air holes, deceptively covered
by the bed of snow.
Speaking circumspectly, yet it must be admitted con-
jecturally, it seems to me, that in the whole of the
attack of commissioned officers, we had six killed, five
wounded, and of non-commissioned and privates, at least
one hundred and fifty killed, and fifty or sixty wounded.
Of the enemy, many were killed and many more
wounded, comparatively, than on our side, taking into
view the disadvantages we labored under ; and that but
two occasions happened when we could return their fire,
that is, at the first and second barriers. Neither the
American account of this affair, as published by congress,
nor that of Sir Guy Carleton, admit the loss of either
side to be so great as it really was, in my estimation.
It seems to be an universal practice among belligerents
of all nations, to lessen the number of the slain of the
side of the party which reports the event, and to increase
it on the part of the enemy. Having had pretty good
opportunities of forming a just opinion on the subject, it
is hoped that gentlemen who have thought or written
differently, will not disdain to listen to my argument.
As to the British, on the platform they were fair objects
to us. They were soon driven thence by the acuteness
of our shooting, which in our apprehension must have
destroyed many. Perhaps there never was a body of
men associated, who better understood the use and
manner of employing a rifle, than our corps, which by
this time of the attack, had their guns in good order.
When we took possession of the houses, we had a
greater range. Our opportunities to kill were enlarged.
Within one hundred yards every man must die. The
British, however, were at home — they could easily drag
their dead out of sight, and bear their wounded to the
hospital. It was the reverse with us. Captain Prentis,
who commanded the provost guards, would tell me of
H4 Campaign against Quebec, 1775.
seven or eight killed, and fifteen or twenty wounded.
Opposed to this, the sentries (who were generally
Irishmen that guarded us with much simplicity, if not
honesty), frequently admitted of forty or fifty killed, and
many more wounded. The latter assertions accorded
with my opinion. The reasons for this belief are these :
when the dead, on the following days, were transported
on the carioles, passed our habitation for deposition in
the dead house we observed many bodies of which
none of us had any knowledge ; and again when our
wounded were returned to us from the hospital, they
uniformly spoke of being surrounded there, in its many
chambers, by many of the wounded of the enemy. To
the great honor of General Carleton they were all,
whether friends or enemies, treated with like attention
and humanity. The reason why the wounded of our
side bore so small a proportion to the dead, seems to be
this : in the long course we ran from palace gate to the
first barrier, we lost many men who were killed out
right, but many more died, who were merely wounded,
yet in such a manner as in a milder region to make the
case a curable one. A blow from a ball so large as that
of a musket, staggers a man, whether the wound be in
the arm, leg, or elsewhere ; if in staggering he falls, he
comes down into a deep bed of snow, from which a hale
man finds it very difficult to extricate himself. Five or
ten minutes struggling in such a bed, benumbs the
strongest man, as frequent experience has taught me j
if the party be wounded, though but slightly, twenty or
thirty minutes will kill him, not because of the severity
of the wound, but by the intensity of the frost. These
are my opinions, grounded on a tolerably distinct and
accurate knowledge of particular cases which occurred
in the first part of the attack, and a variety of inform
ation obtained afterwards from individual sufferers, who
were persons of credibility, rescued from death by the
humane activity of Governor Carleton. About nine
o'clock, A.M., it was apparent to all of us that we must
Campaign against gtuebec, 1775. IIS
surrender. It was done. On this occasion, my friend
General F. Nichols, by his own native spirit, persever
ance and determined bravery, obtained an honorable
distinction, and acknowledgment from a brave and dis
tinguished enemy. It enhances his merit and the boon
(when we reflect that that enemy was no other than
General Carleton), an ornament such as would grace
any nation, whether in the worst or best of times. Some
privates came to Lieutenant Nichols, and demanded his
sword ; the requisition was peremptorily denied, though
there was great risk in the refusal. He retained his
sword till meeting with Captain Endesly of the enemy,
to whom it was surrendered ; but with the exaction of
a promise that it should be returned when he, the cap
tive, should be released. In the August following,
before our embarkation for New York, Captain Endesly
waited on Lieutenant Nichols, and in the presence of
all the American officers, redelivered the sword, under
the assurance that it was by the permission and com
mand of General Carleton. This trait in the character
of Carleton adds to the celebrity of his derivation, and
manner of thinking, and casts into a dark ground the
characters of most of the principal British officers, par
ticularly the Scotch, who had much influence in those
days and bore towards us an intemperate hatred.
The commissioned officers, and some of the cadets
were conducted to the seminary, a respectable building.
It became my lot, in one way or other, to be lost in the
crowd, and to be associated with the non-commissioned
officers, in the company of some of whom ardent and
perilous duties had been undergone. These men are
by no means to be lessened in character, by contrasting
them with the levies made in Europe, or those made
since that time in our own country. Many of our
sergeants, and even of our privates, were, with good
educations, substantial freeholders in our own country.
Upon a former occasion you were told the story of the
respectable Dixon. He possessed (if sordid wealth
1 1 6 Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775.
makes the man), two-fold the riches of his captain ; and
if it be permitted me to decide upon the characters of
men, five-fold his understanding, activity and spirit.
Amiable Dixon ! Many of these men, in the progress of
the bloody scenes which ensued, became props of our
glorious cause, in defence of our sacred liberties. All
could be named. Let a few suffice. Thomas Boyd,
so often spoken of in the wilderness for his good humor,
his activity and the intensity of his sufferings ; struggled
gloriously for his life as a captain, and died a dreadful
death by the hands of the savages in 1779, in the expedi
tion conducted by General Sullivan against the Six-nation
Indians.1 Charles Porterfield, who lost his life in the
1 The death of my friend Boyd was to me as a thunderbolt} painful in
an excessive degree ; many a tear has since been shed to his manes. In
the autumn of 1779, ne commanded a company of rifle-men of the first
Pennsylvania regiment. When Sullivan had penetrated into the Seneca
country, in the neighborhood of the Genesee river, Boyd, as my inform
ation is from various gentlemen, was ordered with a band of twenty choice
men, before daylight to make an excursion towards an Indian village, on
the river Genesee (which flows north into Lake Ontario), at a distance of
eight miles, for the purpose of making discoveries. In his return, arriving
at a rising ground, a knoll, he heard a. rustling of the leaves in his front :
an enemy was suspected j he gathered his men around him, each taking
his tree. The enemy was sightless to Boyd and his party, yet the approach
around him was sensible to every one. Boyd, not knowing the number of
his assailants, it is said, considered them as a small body of observation.
This party of Indians, probably one thousand, encompassed Boyd and his
men, gradually : a defence worthy of the character of Boyd took place.
Every man he had was killed, except three, who broke through the Indians,
and brought the doleful tidings to our camp. Boyd was taken, and carried
alive to the Indiantown, where he was tortured after their savage custom,
and his body mangled in the most horrible manner. General Simpson,
who was then with the army, assures me that on the following day, when
the troops arrived at the town, in the wigwams, they found a number of
fresh scalps stretched in the usual manner on small hoops, and painted.
The head of Boyd lay in one of the cabins, newly dissevered. His scalp
was still moist and hooped and painted. Simpson knew it by its long
brown and silky hair : it is now preserved as a relic of our friend. An
officer (Captain A. Henderson), lately, in describing this unequal but
arduous fight, upon the part of Boyd, told me, " that the hands of the dead
men, in many instances, were fast closed upon the hair of Indians."
To give you a more perfect idea of the brutality of savage torture, and of
heart-rending sensations, I can do no better than to lay before you the
Campaign against Quebec , 1775. 117
battle of Camden, when in the station of a colonel.
Joseph Aston, of Lamb's, who served his country
throughout the war, and was promoted to a majority.
Doctor Thomas Gibson, of Hendricks', who died in the
performance of his duty, at the Valley Forge, in the
winter of 1778. Robert Cunningham, a wealthy free
holder of Smith's, who here imbibed the seeds of that
disorder, which, at too early an age, hurried him to the
grave. He was a younger brother of that excellent
letter of the Honorable Thomas Campbell, of the senate, who himself has
been a martyr in our cause. He saw the corpse of the unfortunate Boyd
on the following day, and interred it. Since the death of Colonel Craw
ford we know nothing like the present martyrdom, in the cause of liberty }
and it is to be hoped, from the prudence and strength of the federal go
vernment, nothing of the kind will again occur in our future wars with the
aborigines of our country.
" SENATE CHAMBER, LANCASTER,
"January 30^, 1809.
"SiR,
" Captain Lieutenant Thomas Boyd, belonging to the riflemen of the
state of Pennsylvania, was most inhumanly murdered by the Indians. His
death occurred on the I3th day of September, 1779, at tne Genesee Castle,
on General Sullivan's expedition to the northwestward, against the Six-
nation Indians."
" He was sent on the night of the lath of September, from the camp,
near a lake called ' Conesus,' with a party of men, consisting of twenty
soldiers, five volunteers and an Indian chief, named Han-Jost, belonging
to the Oneida nation : in all twenty-seven in number. They were sent by
General Sullivan to reconnoitre an Indian town, supposed to be about
six miles distant from the camp. On the morning of the I2th of September,
the army took up the line of march before sunrise, but marching a short
distance, was obliged to halt, till the pioneers made a bridge over a morass,
otherwise the cannon could not have been brought up. The town that
Captain Boyd was taken to, was evacuated by all except two Indians, one
was on horseback, the other was leading a cow. James Elliot and Timothy
Murphy were sent to stop them, they both discharged their guns at the
same time, the one that led the cow was killed, the other, though severely
wounded, escaped. Boyd returning slowly, expecting to meet the army, saw
an Indian start up and run off. It was with great difficulty that Boyd
stopped the men from pursuit, at the request of Han-Jost, who said the Indian
was only a runner, sent to draw them into an ambuscade. Eighteen of the
soldiers were killed, and Han-Jost the Oneida chief, was made a greater
sacrifice than any of the white men who fell or were taken at that place.
"Captain Boyd and Michael Parker were made prisoners, and taken to
the Genesee Castle, and there most inhumanly murdered. Boyd's head
n8 Campaign against Quebec, 1775.
citizen, and frequent representative of the people of the
county of Lancaster, James Cunningham. In short,
many others might be mentioned in the general, as worthy
and well informed as their superiors, without in anywise,
imputing to the latter, in so saying, the slightest degree
of disparagement. This will always be the case, when
the great body of a nation rises in its strength to defend
its rights. Those who understand the point in question,
in a national dispute, and are most strongly impressed
was taken off and totally skinned, his right eye was taken out, as also his
tongue. His right foot, from the ball of the heel to the toes, was laid
open as if with a knife. He was cut open across the bottom of his belly,
.and his bowels were taken out, and a very long knife was sticking in be
tween his shoulders, descending to the vital parts. This seems to have
been the coup de grace.
" General Simpson and myself, were sent to see the corpse of Boyd in
terred. I spread a blanket on the ground beside him, we then turned the
corpse over on it. I took the head of the deceased, and put it as near the
neck as possible. I procured a needle and thread from one of the tailors,
and sewed the corpse up as well as I could. As to the head of Michael
Parker, it could not be found. All the flesh was cut out from his shoulders
downward, and otherwise his body was most inhumanly mangled.
" We interred the corpses of both, near the Genesee Castle, in separate
graves, on the I4th day of September, 1779.
" I am Sir,
Your humble servant
THOMAS CAMPBELL.
Late a captain of the four tb
Pennsylvania regim&nt"
" To the Hon. John Jos. Henry."
Though we have no account from an eye witness, of the barbarous manner
in which Capcain Boyd was tortured, yet we may conceive from the ap
pearance of his body, that the most malignant and hellish pains were ex
ercised upon it. The being emboweled, conveys an idea of a known mode
of Indian torment : the fixing an end of the entrails to the stake, and
compelling the prisoner by fire and blows to run till the conglomerated
mass is expended. Upon the subject of these tortures, look at Dr.
COL DEN'S History of the Mohawks, and Judge SMITH'S History of Necw York.
Colonel Campbell is of opinion, that the wound along the sole of Captain
Boyd's foot, was made before the savages brought him to their (castle) or
village. His reason is, that the wound was filled with bits of rotten
branches of wood, and small pieces of leaves. The conjecture may be
true, as Indian punishment, at its acme, is to give the greatest degree of
pain. — Henry.
Campaign against Quebec, 1775. JI9
»with its importance, will be the first to arm. This has.
been, and ever will be, the disposition of men in all
ages, past or to come, whenever their privileges are
invaded. Offices of prime importance cannot be ob
tained by all. Men of talents, of genius and courage
must step into subordinate stations. Socrates, Alcibiades
and Demosthenes fought in the ranks.
God in his great goodness grant, in the future
vicissitudes of the world, that our countrymen, whenever
their essential rights shall be attacked, will divest them
selves of all party prejudice, and devote their lives and
properties in defence of the sacred liberties of their
country, without any view to emolument, but that which
springs from glorious and honorable actions. Pardon
me for frequent digression, upon this subject particularly,
as my whole soul was bound up in our cause, you must
forgive me. The real apology is, we were, all of us,
enthusiastic whigs.
When under guard, in the morning of the first of
January, Colonel M'Dougal, a Scotch gentleman, near
noon, came to review us ; his person was known to me
at Detroit, as an intimate of an uncle, three years before
this time. The colonel was naturally polite and kind-
hearted. When it came to my turn to be examined, as
to name, place of birth, etc., besides making the proper
answers to his inquiries, I was emboldened to declare
that he was known to me. He seemed surprised, but
not displeased ; a request was immediately added " that
he would order me to be transferred to the quarters of
the officers." uNo, my dear boy," said he, "you had
better remain where you are ; the officers, as you are in
rebellion, may be sent to England, and there be tried
for treason." The advice of this venerable veteran
made an impression on my mind, which was then agitated
by a thousand vagrant thoughts, and involved in doubt
and uncertainty as to our destination. We then well
I2O Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775.
knew of the voyage of Colonel Ethan Allen to England,
and the manner of it j1 and that of George Merchant,
1 Of the treatment of Ethan Allen, at the time spoken of, we know
nothing but from report, which we then thought well. grounded, and the
truth of which, at this day, there is no reason to doubt. He was a man
of much peculiarity of character. Large, powerful of body, a most ferocious
temper (fearing neither God nor man), of a most daring courage, and a
perti'nacity of disposition, which was unconquerable, and very astonishing
in all his undertakings : withal he had the art of making himself beloved,
and revered by all his followers. When he was taken in the Isle of
Montreal, in 1775, the government found it necessary to confine him in a
cage, as one would a wild beast, and thus aboard ship, he was transported
to Quebec. What his treatment was during this voyage to England, is
unknown to me.
This, however, i-j known, that for many years he was a prisoner in Eng
land, returning from his captivity to America, he brought with him a
manuscript, which he afterwards entitled The Oracle of Reason. My
beloved children, it is the farthest from my thought to confine your know
ledge to narrow bounds ; when you dip into scriptural history, dip deep, do
not skim the surface of the subject, as many fools have done of late days.
Upon a thorough inquiry, your hearts will be animated by a conviction
that there came a Saviour to redeem you from eternal perdition, and to
provide for you an eternal salvation and state of happiness.
That book was most certainly the composition of Ethan Allen. He was
very illiterate j he did not know the orthography of our language. The
extent of his learning, probably bounded by some historic chronicles, and
a few other books of little account, did not go beyond the scriptures. The
gentleman who gave me the above information, was an elegant scholar, bred
at Harvard college. Going to New York in thesummer of 1786, a friend,
from mere curiosity, requested me to purchase the book for him. Being
detained at New York six weeks by business, I frequently looked into the
detestable volume. The argument if so diabolical a work can be said to
contain argument, was in general arranged, and conducted in the same
manner as the Age of Reason, but in a coarser, and yet a more energetic
language, than that of the latter work. On my return to Philadelphia, in
a conversation with the Vermontese gentleman, who was still there, Ethan
Allen's Bible, became a topic of discourse. He gave me this curious an
ecdote which he averred upon his honor to be true. A young gentleman,
either a scholar of Harvard or Yale college, had come into Vermont, and
there taught a school. Allen labored under the want of an amanuensis
and transcriber of knowledge and learning. The scholar, to increase his
emoluments, became such. Allen attended him daily, standing, staff in hand,
at the back of the young man's chair. " Sir," he would say to Allen, " this
word is misspelled." " Amend it." Again, " this word is misplaced, the
sense is incorrect," etc. Allen, who was most profane, would swear (some
times raising his staff) " By G** sir, you shall insert it j you shall not alter
it." Thus the Oracle of Reason came into the world j which, of all books,
Campaign against Quebec^ 1775. 121
our fellow soldier, but the consequences were unknown.
It became my determination to take the fatherly advice
is the most bluntly vicious, as regards the well-being of society j the salva
tion of souls j and the happiness of those who have faith in the redemption
by the blood of our Saviour. But that which is very remarkable, is, that
long after the publication of Allen's book, which had fallen into oblivion,
even with its readers, that vile reprobate, Thomas Paine, loaded with every
crime which stains and dishonors the Christian and the gentleman (in ad
dition to his shameful practices in life, Paine, as an author, superadded
plagiarism), niched from Ethan Allen the great body of his deistical and
atheistical opinions, which from the time of Celsus, down to the age of
Chubb, Tindal and others, have been so often refuted by men of the utmost
respectability of character and fame. When we reflect upon the vicissitudes
of this world, its immense revolutions in temporal affairs, the awful perse
cutions which occurred in early times, the collisions of opinion and party
rage, in the article of religious belief; and the vast body of martyrs who
devoted their lives in support of their faith, ivc must believe that there is
something more than ordinary ; something really divine in the system of
our religion, springing from God himself. In the last ages, we know of
many of both sexes, of the soundest and best instructed minds, whom it is
almost needless to name, unless it be merely for the purpose of opposing
their virtues and characters to persons of a different mode of thinking.
All of them possessed a firm and solid credence in the celestial origin of
our holy faith, and some of them sealed their creed with their blood.
When such men suffer because of principle, some reliance should be placed
on their good sense and knowledge. The terms enthusiasm and madness,
have been too often coupled, as conveying the same idea. George Fox,
Captain Meade, and William Penn, have been called enthusiastic madmen,
but we now know that they acted through the course of the religious parts
of their lives, from a conviction of the principles of the gospel, being
genuine and absolutely true. However, on this subject, but a few names
need be repeated to convey to your minds its importance and solemnity.
Many of the greatest men, as it concerns worldly things, were Christians.
John Huss, Jerome of Prague, Martin Luther, John Calvin, Cranmer,
Hooker, Tillotson, of the clergy ; of the laity, Sir Thomas Moore, Sir
Matthew Hale, Spangenberg, Mosheim, Joseph Addison, Richard Steele,
Lord Henry Littleton, Soame Jenyns, and thousands of others, all men of
profound learning, have testified by their lives and writings, a reliance on
the merits of the redemption by the blood of Christ Jesus. But when we
find those men supported and reinforced by two of the strongest minded
men that ever lived, Sir Isaac Newton and John Locke, who can doubt ?
When we contrast their opinions with those of Hobbs, Chubb, Henry St.
John, Voltaire, J. J. Rousseau, Beringer, the great Frederick of Prussia,
or Mr. Gibbon, how deeply do the last not sink, by the weight of reason
and argument ? Allen and Paine are paltry wretches, mere scribblers, if
classed with the men last named. Those were beautiful writers, whose
languaee fascinates, but corrupts the vouth^ul mind, these are dull plodders,
11
122 Campaign against Quebec, 1775.
of Colonel M'Dougal, for it was really delivered in the
parental style, and to adhere to it. He brought one of
who knew not the principles of their mother tongue ; but it is perhaps
from the circumstance of illiterateness, that Allen and Paine have attacked
Christianity in so gross and indecorous a manner. The maniac Paine, when
confined in the prison, Conciergerie, at Paris, seems to boast "that he kept
no bible." This may be true. But the expression shows that his proper
place, instead of a common jail, should have been a mad-house.
It shows, however, a vanity of mind beyond the bearing of men of under
standing. Indeed he was inflated by a supercilious pride, and an imaginary
importance, which made his society undesirable. He was one of that class
of men who, with a small spice of learning, in company, domineered as
if he had been a Johnson. He was almost unbearable to many men, who
patronized him because of the good effect of his works during the revolu
tion. To give you a few instances ; the late David Rittenhouse, Esq.,
one of the most amiable, most ingenious and best of men, treasurer of the
state, George Bryan, Esq., the vice-president of the council, a man of great
reading and much good sense, Jonathan Sergeant, the attorney general of
Pennsylvania, whose oratorical powers could scarcely be surpassed, and
your grand-father, and many other gentlemen of character, during the course
of the years '77, '78 and '79, were in habits of intimacy with him, but his
dogmatic disposition and obstinacy of mind, frequently caused great disgust.
Again, Colonel Samuel John Attlee, an excellent patriot, and a man of
note among us, both in the military and civil capacities of a citizen, gave
this anecdote to me, a few months after the occurrence happened. Though
all the gentlemen present, approved of the writings of Paine, as they con
cerned our political state, for they were all of them to a man, good whigs,
yet they abhorred him, because of his personal aberrations from virtue, and
the decencies of social life. A Mr. Mease of Philadelphia, who was clothier
general, had invited a number of gentlemen of the army, then in the city,
to dine with him. Among whom were Colonel Attlee, Colonel Francis
Johnson, General Nichols, and many members of the legislature of whom
there was Matthias Slough of Lancaster. You may readily suppose, that
the excellent wine of Mr. Mease exhilerated the company. When return
ing to their lodgings, Colonel Attlee observed Paine coming towards them
down Market-street. There comes " Common Sense," says Attlee to the
company. " Damn him," says Slough, "I shall common sense him." As
he approached the party, they took the wall. Mr. Slough tripped him,
and threw him on his back into a gutter, which at that time was very
offensive and filthy.
This is told, to communicate a trait to you, in the character of Thomas
Paine, who did some good, but avast deal of harm to mankind, "that the
very people who were most benefited by his literary labors, hated him."
The company I have spoken of, were all men of eminence in the state ;
men who staked their all on the issue of the revolution. The writings of
Paine as concerns «j, are many of them handsomely worded, have pith and
much strength or argumentj and are in general correct, yet his domestic
Campaign against Quebec > 1775. I23
his sons, whom I had formerly known, to see me on the
following day. About mid-dav we were escorted to a
life and manners were so very incorrect, that a disgust, which was perhaps
right, destroyed every favorable personal feeling towards him. His in
delicacy was intolerable. His numbers of Common Sense, the Crisis, and
some other of his fugitive pieces, every American who recollects those
" trying times," must acknowledge to have been extremely beneficial to
our cause. This has often been admitted by our Generals Washington,
Gates, Greene, etc., but he was compensated, and had the secretaryship
for foreign affairs. Like all men of bad principles, he betrayed his trust,
and a virtuous congress displaced him, yet the different states more than
remunerated him for all his writings.
So it is, that that man who was without virtue, a disturber of society,
an ill husband, an unworthy citizen, cloaked by every vice, would now by
his Age of Reason, which he stole from the ignorant Ethan Allen,
who was as iniquitous as himself, destroy the peace of mind, and all the
hope of happiness in futurity, of those who rely on the redemption of their
souls by the blood of Christ 5 and that, without substituting, or even sug
gesting, any other manner of faith, tending to quiet the minds of sinners.
I knew Paine well, and that personally, for he lodged in the house of my
father, during the time that Generals Howe and Clinton were in Philadel
phia. His host often regretted the entertainment he gave him. His
manners were in opposition and hostile to the observances of the proprieties
and due ordinances of social life. Many who approved of his political
writings abominated his detestable mode of living and acting.
[I am justified in using these expressions, by an occurrence in 1794,
with my own mother. She was a woman of strong understanding, and of
unfeigned and rigid belief in the truths of gospel-history, yet a dispassionate,
placid and mild religionist. Her heart was so free from thinking ill of any
one, that of a truth of her it might be said " she knew no guile." One
day going to a bookseller's in Lancaster, I met with an extract in the shape
of a pamphlet of Doctor Joseph Priestley's History of the Corruption of
Christianity. Never having seen any of that gentleman's polemic works,
it was purchased. My mother as usual came in in the evening, to sit and
converse with my family. I was reading the pamphlet. " What have you
got ? " " A work of Doctor Priestley's on religion." I was then at the
chapter of the "Doctrine of the Atonement of Christ," for the sins of the
world. The title of the chapter excited the attention of my mother.
Before she came in the passage had been partly perused, and she eagerly
asked me " to read the whole of it to her." I began, but had scarcely pro
ceeded through two or three pages, when she rapped the book from my
hands, and threw it into the fire, where it was most deservedly burned.
Smilingly, I said "mother, why do you destroy my book?" The reply was
with an observable degree of anger : " Because your book would destroy my
happiness, in this and the world to come ! I know that I have a Savior,
who redeemed me, whose blood was shed upon the cross for me : of this,
I am convinced. Your book goes to make me doubt of the merits of the
124 Campaign against Qiiebec, 1775.
ruinous monastery of the order of St. Francis, called the
Reguliers. It was an immense quadrangular building,
sufferings of that Savior. The book would deprive me of the only staff
upon which my hope of salvation rests, and gives me none other, upon
which I can lean." These notions of my beloved mother, which accorded
fully with my own, on that topic, were submitted to with a juvenile frank
ness which pleased her, and of all the world I knew none whom I so
much wished to oblige, as that dear, amiable and instructive mother. My
father had been a mechanic of much respectability, and great skill.
During the war usually called " Braddock's war," and afterwards in Forbes's
campaign (in 1758), he was at the head of the armory, which in those
days was no mean station, and required talents of a superior grade.
Afterwards, having made a tolerable fortune, he entered into trade, but
his inclinations led him into chemical experiments. His evenings and
mornings were devoted to the laboratory. This gave rise to my mother's
acquaintance with Mr. Priestley, as an experimental philosopher. For the
instruction of his children, my father would discourse upon the subjects of
science and particularly of chemistry, which was his favorite theme, and in
which the names of Franklin and Priestley were sure to stand foremost.
My beloved parent's manner showed me that she was stung to the quick.
-My apology to her, had the desired effect, as her curiosity and mine
sprung from similar motives, " a desire to know the religious opinions of a
man of whom we had had superlative ideas," because of his acquirements
in many other branches of knowledge.
The position wished to be proved to you, by this relation which is true,
is " that for the sake of public and private comfort and genial happiness, it
is better not to disturb the devout mind by fanciful and newfangled schemes
of belief, and that those should be open only to the eyes of the learned."
My mother was a person of extensive reading j her religious tenets and
faith were solely grounded on the scriptures of the Old and New Testa
ments, as these, in her mind, were considered as clearly correct, but
nevertheless she was fearful of a disturbance of her mind by the quirks
and quibbles of deistical scribblers. Therefore to interfere with her
devotional principles, in so rude and heterodox a manner, tended to derange
her charming mind, and devastate those elegant maxims of Christian belief,
which the excellency of her maternal education had infused into her heart ;
in short, to destroy that firmness with which she relied on the merits and
sufferings of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ.
Such men as Hobbs, Chubb, etc., seem not to have reflected on the
dreadful ills and calamities their writings would create, if their books came
into general circulation. If they did reflect, posterity ought to consider
them to have been the tigers and hyenas of human society, opposed to the
well being of the human race. Voltaire and John James Rousseau, in my
humble opinion, intended well to the people of France, but when speaking
of those gentlemen, we should recollect that they, as well as the virtuous
and celebrated Montesquieu, were the subjects of a prince who might, if he
pleased, be despotic : but that which was still worse, was, that the people
Campaign against g)ue bee, 1775. I25
containing, within its interior bounds, half an acre or
more, of an area, which seemed to be like a garden or
were abandoned to the control of a theological aristocracy — bigoted,
wealthy, imperious and scandalously subjected to vices, in many instances,
greater than those of laymen, insomuch that in the reign of Louis XIV,
because of the infamous lives, and the oppressions of all classes of the
nation by the clergy, there was scarcely a gentleman in the kingdom, who
was not deistically inclined. For when the ministers of a religion of so
high sanctity, as that of our Holy Faith, demean themselves in a manner
which evinces to laymen their want of confidence in the religion (which
they had been consecrated to propagate and enforce), by an unholy life and
conduct, particularly in their cruel exactions from devotees; in the latter
instance, of enormous fees, and various demands of tithes of a most
exorbitant nature, which from time to time, they wickedly usurped.
Hence, it arose that Montesqueiu, Voltaire, Diderot, Rousseau, and
hundreds of others, of the learned men of France (considering the state of
that government), formed a phalanx of historic knowledge, genuine
reasoning, true wit, and an inexhaustible fund of humor, which slurred
their opponents to such a degree, as in the minds of the generality 0? Europe
gave them a deserved victory even over the government, which supported
the theocracy, with its vast power. It also, most probably, came from
thence, that those men under the clerical persecutions raised against them
( for many were confined in the dungeons), in the heat of controversy,
emitted opinions and ideas inconsistent with our pure, simple and holy
religion, according to the Augsburg creed, which we know has been adopted,
either in the whole or in parr, by all the reformed churches. In polemic
disputes, and perhaps more particularly in those which happened in
monarchies, there is an acrimony and irascibility of temper, inflaming the
minds of men generally, greater than is the case in democracies. The
cause seems to be, that in monarchies the priesthood becomes a machine
of government, in democracies it is the vehicle by which the people
simply adore God.
Those controversies, between the so styled philosophers of France and
the clergy, were conducted with such hatred and obloquy towards each
other, that they elicited sparks which enkindled that nation in a dreadful
flame of internal destruction ; and the brand has not only communicated
itself to all Europe, but in general to the world at large. Since the time
of Julius Caesar, nothing has occurred equal in barbarity, irruption, bloodshed,
murder, by public or domestic treason, as that which has happened in
Europe, since the year 1789. Gracious and omnipotent God, restore the
peace of the world ! ! !]
Such is the man who, upon his slight intercourse with the American
people, pluming himself with the well-earned celebrity of his political pieces,
that now presumes to become a reformer of our morals, our religious opin
ions and thinkings on Divine subjects. He himself a reprobate, cloaked by
every vice, would dictate to a great and independent Christian people, their
formulary of belief. Such insolence and presumption was never before
126 Campaign against Quebec , 1775.
shrubbery. The monks, priests or what not, who in
habited the house, must have been few in number, as
witnessed unless it was in the instance of Mahomet, or in those of the im
postures (such as Sabbati Sevi), who frequently as Messias, appeared to de
ceive the remnant of the Jewish people. Paine with all his other vices had
a foible injurious to our country. To keep up the spirits of the people it
was requisite that there should be a series of patriotic publications. Paine
was the most indolent of men ; if he was inspired by a muse, the
goddess most certainly made him but few visits. The office of secretary
of foreign affairs, was conferred upon him, because of the merit of his
Common Sense, or what are called the Crisis, under the signature to
Common Sense. It was to him personally a sinecure. He never went
to York (Penn.), where congress then sat, but occasionally, and stayed but
a day or two. His true employment was that of a political writer. In
the summer and winter of 1777, and 1778, he was an inmate of my
father's house, as were the late David Rittenhouse, the state-treasurer, and
John Hart, a member of the then executive council.
Paine would walk of a morning until twelve o'clock ; come in and make
an inordinate dinner. The rising from table was between two and three
o'clock. He would then retire to his bed-chamber, wrap a blanket around
him, and in a large arm-chair, take a nap, of two or three hours — rise and
walk. These walks, and his indolence, surprised my parents 5 they knew
him as the author of Common Sense, who had written patriotically, and
in those writings, promulged some moral and religious ideas, which induced
them to believe he was an orthodox Christian. Indeed Paine, during the
revolution, was careful to emit no irreligious dogmas, or any of his late dia
bolic ideas ; if he had, the good sense of the American people, their virtue,
and unfeigned worship of the Deity, would have, in those days, banished
him from their country. Your grandfather's feelings a few months before
his death (which occurred on the I5th of December, 1786), when speak
ing of the unbeliever (Paine), were truly poignant; for now the wretch's
true character had began to open on the world. He lamented with tears
that he had ever admitted him into his house, or had a personal acquaint
ance and intercourse with him. He was, from conviction, a sincere Christ
ian, converted by the scriptures; of a strong mind, and of a most tender
conscience.
Do not permit anything now said, to induce you to undervalue the saga
city of my father, for he was wise ; but of so benevolent a mind, that in
the common affairs of life he held a principle in morality as true, which
is by no mean generally received ; to wit, " That we should consider every
one as possessing probity, until we discover him to be otherwise." Other
gentlemen think differently. However, it may well be maintained that
the side my father took on this topic, which I have often heard argued,
accords with the true spirit of the gospel, the other side is stoicism. From
these last observations, you will readily perceive how easy it was to impose
on my father. This is the reason for his entertaining Paine. I have said
that Paine was in indolent. Take this as an instance ; the Crisis, No. V,
ampaign against gtuevec, 1775. 127
for my part, not more than half a dozen of distinct faces
came into my view while we staid here. We entered
by the ground floor (that is by the cellar), the building
on that side being built on the declination of the hill,
which in this part of the city is very uneven. The
apartments on our right, as we entered, seemed to be
filled with governmental stores, and of provisions of all
kinds. They made us ascend a large staircase into an
upper story, where we were complimented with two
sides, or rather a part of each of the two sides of the
quadrangle. The whole building would have accomo-
dated four thousand men. Monkish spirit must have
is but a short political essay, to be sure of great skill in the composition, of
much eloquent invective, strong reasoning, some historic anecdote, and a
fund of ridicule which fitted the passions of the times. But recollect
that this piece, to Paine, was a labor of three months in the inditing. It
was written in my father's house. Mr. Rittenhouse inhabited the front
room, in the upper story, where was the library. There he kept the
office of the treasury of Pennsylvania. The room of Mr. Hart and Paine,
was to the left hand as you come to the stair-head entering the library.
When my wound in 1778 was so far mended, that hobbling on crutches,
or by creeping up stairs (as you may have seen me of late years do), my
greatest recreation in my distressed state of mind was to get into the cham
ber of Mr. Rittenhouse where the books were. There, his conversation,
(for he was most affable), enlivened my mind, and the books would so
amuse it, that it became calm, and some desperate resolutions were dis
solved. While that excellent man was employing his hours in the duties
of his office, for the benefit of the people, Paine would be snoring away his
precious time in his easy chair, regardless of those injunctions imposed upon
him by congress, in relation to his political compositions. His remissness,
indolence or vacuity of thought, caused great heart-burning among many
primary characters in those days. I have heard the late George Bryan,
Esq., then vice-president of the council, speak of his gross neglects with
remarkable harshness. I would sometimes go into Paine's room, and sit
with him. His Crisis, No. V, lay on his table, dusted ; to-day three or
four lines would be added, in the course of a week, a dozen more, and so
on. No. V, is dated aist March, 1778, but it was not published until some
months after that date, and it was generally thought by good whigs, that
it had been too long delayed. For my own part, I was so passionately en
gaged at heart, in the principles of our cause, that Paine's manner of living
and acting, gave me a high disgust towards him. No idea could enter my
mind, that any one in that noble struggle could be idle or disengaged. As
to myself, my sensations were such, that the example of a Decius might
have been renewed. — Henry.
128 Campaign against Quebec^ 1775.
been in high vogue, when so great a pile could be erected
merely from the alms of the people, and that too, for so
egregiously absurd a purpose. The ranges of the rooms,
though extensive in the length of the galleries, were
small in their size, being scarcely more than ten by
twelve or fourteen feet. The galleries were about twelve
feet wide ; many rooms were comfortable, others were
dilapidated. Ten or a dozen of our poor fellows were
compressed into one of these small rooms. So much
the better, as it served to keep them the warmer. Boyd,
Cunningham and a few of our intimates, took possession
of a room near a laree stove. The first week we slept
most uncomfortably. Gracious God ! what did we not
suffer.
It was now that we fully learnt the destinies of our
dear and revered general and his companions in death.
But allow me before the detail of that sad story, to give
you an anecdote. The merchants of Quebec, like those
of England and our country, are a spirited and generous
sect in society ; they applied to Governor Carleton, and
obtained leave to make us a " New Year's gift." This
turned out to be no other than a large butt of porter, at
tended by a proporti nate quantity of bread and cheese.
It was a present which exhilerated our hearts and drew
from us much thankfulness. We shared more than a
pint per man.
General Montgomery had marched at the precise time
stipulated, and had arrived at his destined place of attack,
nearly about the time we attacked the first barrier. He
was not one that would loiter. Colonel Campbell,1 of
the New- York troops, a large good-looking man, who
was second in command of that party, and was deemed
a veteran, accompanied the army to the assault ; his
station was rearward, General Montgomery with his
aids, were at the point of the column.
1 This was not my friend Col. Thomas Campbell of York (Penn.). He
was fighting the battles of our country at Boston. — Henry.
Campaign against Quebec , 1775.
It is impossible to give you a fair and complete idea
of the nature and situation of the place solely with the
pen, the pencil is required. As by the special per
mission of government, obtained by the good offices of
Captain Prentis, in the summer following, Boyd, a few
others and myself reviewed the causes of our disaster,
it is therefore in my power, so far as my abilities will
permit, to give you a tolerable notion of the spot. Cape
Diamond nearly resembles the great jutting rock which
is in the narrows at Hunter's falls, on the Susquehanna.
The rock, at the latter place, shoots out as steeply as
that at Quebec, but by no mean forms so great an angle
on the margin of the river ; but is more craggy. There
is a stronger and more obvious difference in the com
parison. When you surmount the hill at St. Charles,
or the St. Lawrence side, which, to the eye are equally
high and steep, you find on Abraham's plains, and upon
an extensive champaign country. The birds-eye view
around Quebec bears a striking conformity to the sites
of Northumberland and Pittsburg, in Pennsylvania ; but
the former is on a more gigantic scale, and each of the
latter want the steepness and craggyness of the back
ground, and a depth of rivers. This detail is to instruct
you in the geographical situation of Quebec, and for the
sole purpose of explaining the manner of General Mont
gomery's death, and the reasons of our failure. From
Wolf's cove there is a good beach down to, and around
u Cape Diamond." The bulwarks of the city came to
the edge of the hill above that place. Thence down
the side of the precipice slantingly to the brink of the
river there was a stockade of strong posts, fifteen or
twenty feet high, knit together by a stout railing at
bottom and top with pins. This was no mean defence,
and was at the distance of one hundred yards from the
point of the rock. Within this palisade, and at a few
yards from the very point itself, there was a like palisade,
though it did not run so high up the hill. Again, within
Cape Diamond, and probably at a distance of fifty yards,
Campaign against Quebec , 1775.
there stood a block-house, which seemed to take up the
space between the foot of the hill and the precipitous
bank of the river leaving a cart way or passage on each
side of it. When heights and distances are spoken of
you must recollect that the description of Cape Diamond
and its vicinity is merely that of the eye, made as it were
running, under the inspection of an officer. The review
of the ground our army had acted upon was accorded us
as a particular favor. Even to have stepped the spaces in
a formal manner would have been dishonorable if not a
species of treason. A block-house if well constructed,
is an admirable method of defence which in the process
of the war to our cost was fully experienced. In the
instance now before us (though the house was not built
upon the most approved principles), yet it was a formida
ble object. It was a square of perhaps forty or fifty
feet. The large logs neatly squared were tightly bound
together by dove-tail work. If not much mistaken the
lower story contained loop-holes for musketry, so narrow
that those within could not be harmed from without.
The upper story had four or more port holes for cannon
of a large calibre. These guns were charged with grape
or canister shot, and were pointed with exactness towards
the avenue at Cape Diamond. The hero Montgomery
came. The drowsy or drunken guard did not hear the
sawing of the posts of the first palisade. Here, if not
very erroneous, four posts were sawed and thrown aside
so as to admit four men abreast. The column entered
with a manly fortitude. Montgomery, accompanied by
his aids, M'Pherson and Cheeseman, advanced in front.
Arriving at the second palisade, the general with his own
bands sawed down two of the pickets, in such a manner
as to admit two men abreast. These sawed pickets
were close under the hill and but a few yards from the
very point of the rock out of the view and fire of the
enemy from the block-house. Until our troops advanced
to the point, no harm could ensue but by stones thrown
from above. Even now, there had been but an imper-
Campaign against £)ue bee, 1775. 131
feet discovery of the advancing of an enemy, and that
only by the intoxicated guard. The guard fled, the
general advanced a few paces. A drunken sailor re
turned to his gun, swearing he would not forsake it while
undischarged. This fact is related from the testimony
of the guard on the morning of our capture, some of
those sailors being our guard. Applying the match, this
single discharge deprived us of our excellent commander.1
Examining the spot, the officer who escorted us, pro
fessing to be one of those who first came to the place,
after the death of the general, showed the position in
which the general's body was found. It lay two paces,
from the brink of the river, on the back, the arms ex
tended — Cheeseman lay on the left, and M'Pherson on
the right, in a triangular position. Two other brave
men lay near them. The ground above described, was
visited by an inquisitive eye, so that you may rely with
some implicitness on the truth of the picture. As all
danger from without had vanished, the government had
not only permitted the mutilated palisades to remain,
without renewing the enclosure, but the very sticks,
sawed by the hand of our commander, still lay strewed
about the spot.
Colonel Campbell, appalled by the death of the gene
ral, retreated a little way from Cape Diamond, out of
the reach of the cannon of the block house, and pre-
tendedly called a council of officers, who, it was said,
justified his receding from the attack. If rushing on, as
military duty required, and a brave man would have done,
the block-house might have been occupied by a small
number, and was unassailable from without, but by can
non. From the block-house to the centre of the lower
town, where we were, there was no obstacle to impede
a force so powerful as that under Colonel Campbell.
1 1 have related this as I received it — from my own knowledge, I can
say nothing — I leave to the world to determine the credibility the story is
entitled to. — Hznry.
132 Campaign against Quebec y 1775.
Cowardice, or a want of good will towards our cause,
left us to our miserable fate. A junction, though we
might not conquer the fortress, would enable us to make
an honorable retreat, though with the loss of many valu
able lives. Campbell, who was ever after considered as
a poltroon in grain, retreated, leaving the bodies of the
general, M'Pherson and Cheeseman, to be devoured by
the dogs. The disgust caused among us, as to Camp
bell, was so great as to create the unchristian wish that
he might be hanged. In that desultory period, though
he was tried, he was acquitted ; that was also the case
of Colonel Enos, who deserted us on the Kennebec.
There never were two men more worthy of punishment
of the most exemplary kind.
On the third or fourth of January, being as it were
domesticated in the sergeant's mess, in the reguliers, a
file of men headed by an officer, called to conduct me
to the seminary. Adhering to the advice of Colonel
M'Dougal, the invitation was declined, though the hero
Morgan had solicited this grace from Governor Carleton,
and had sent me a kind and pressing message. My rea
sons, which were explained to Morgan, in addition to
the one already given, operated forcibly on my mind.
Having lost all my clothes in the wilderness, except
those on my back, and those acquired by the provident
and gratuitous spirit of General Montgomery, having
remained at our quarters, and become a prey to the
women and invalids of the army ; nothing remained
fitting me to appear in company anywhere. Additionally,
it had become a resolution, when leaving Lancaster, as
my absence would go near to break the hearts of my
parents, never to break upon my worthy father's purse.
Dire necessity compelled me to rescind this resolution
in part, in the wilderness, but that circumstance made
me the more determined to adhere to the resolve after
wards. Again, my intimate friends were not in the
seminary. Steele was in the hospital, and Simpson, by
previous command, on the charm-ng Isle of Orleans,
'Campaign against Quebec, 1775. 133
which, from its fruitfulness had become, as it were, our
store-house.1 Add to all these reasons ; it could not
be said of the gentlemen in the seminary "they are my
intimates," except as to Captain Morgan, and Lieutenant
F. Nichols of Hendrick's. Besides mv leather small-
1 In former times, as now, lying was in vogue, but methinks within the
last thirty years there has been vast improvements in the art. Receive
information of two instances, which were somewhat remarkable in those
days. Simpson, one of the most spirited and active of officers — always
alert — always on duty, was traduced and vilified for a want of courage, be
cause he was not taken a prisoner at (Quebec. This small canton (Paxton),
was bursting with the falsehoods propagated on this subject. On the other
hand. Captain M. Smith, our commander, was applauded for his immense
bravery shown in the attack of that place, when in fact, he was on the
isle of Orleans, many miles distant from the city. Simpson had been
commanded to that place by a regular order f; om Colonel Arnold. Captain
Smith skulked thither illicitly. Here is a fac-simile, as to orthography of
Arnold's order to Lieut. Simpson, which I took from the original now in
his possession. On my part, it seems to be a duty to make it known to
you in justification of an excellent patriot, one of my friends from early
youth.
" LIEUT SIMPSON,
"SiR : — You are to proceed to Orleans, and take charge of the men there,
and keep all provisions from going to town ; you will be assiduous in gain
ing the esteem of the inhabitants, who are now complaining that they have
been treated in a rigorous manner j for provisions or assistance you receive
from them, you will pay them the value, or give orders on me for the
same. I make no doubt but you will endeavor to cultivate the friend
ship of the people as far as is consistent with your duty. You will be care
ful to keep y< ur men under strict discipline, and not suffer them to have
too much liquor. I am told there has been open house kept there. You
will use as much economy as is consistent with our circumstances.
" I am, Sir, Your humble servant,
" B. ARNOLD, Col."
" December 29, 1775."
[This rigor was administered by a William Cross, our third lieutenant,
with as free a hand as he was lax in his principles of morality. Cross was
a handsome little Irishman, always neatly dressed, and commanded a detach
ment of about twenty men. The Canadian gentlemen who came as agents
from the islanders on this occasion, stated that Cross had extorted from
them their wines and other liquors, and all kinds of provisions, which he
lavished on worthless people j making no compensation for his exactions.
This was rigor indeed ! for the people of the isle were our friends. In
short, this unworthy officer kept " open house," and had a short, but a
luxurious and merry reign over that charming spot. He was not with us
at the attack of the city, but gaily danced his way to quarters.]
12
134 Campaign against Quebec ', 1775.
clothes, all in fritters, had been cast away, and a savage
covering adopted, until more auspicious times came. But
even now, an idea of escape and vengeance inflamed the
breasts of many, and we were here in a much superior
situation for such a purpose, than that of the seminary.
More of this hereafter. All these facts and circum
stances, induced an evasion of the friendly solicitation
of the kind-hearted Morgan.
On the third day of our capture, the generous Carle-
ton despatched a flag to Arnold, to obtain what trifling
baggage we had left at our quarters ; mine was either
forgotten, or miserable as it was, had been plundered ;
but as good luck would have it, the knapsack of one
Alexander Nelson of our company, who was killed when
running to the first barrier, was disclaimed by all of our
men. Your father in consequence, laid violent hands
upon the spoil. It furnished Boyd and myself, with a
large, but course blue blanket, called a stroud and
a drummer's regimental coat. The blanket became a
real comfort, the coat an article of barter. It was on
this day that my heart was ready to burst with grief, at
viewing the funeral of our beloved general. Carleton
had, in our former wars with the French, been the friend
and fellow-soldier of Montgomery . Though political opin
ion, perhaps ambition or interest, had thrown these
worthies on different sides of the great question, yet the
former could not but honor the remains of his quondam
friend. About noon, the procession passed our quarters.
It was most solemn. The coffin covered with a pall,
surmounted by transverse swords — was borne by men.
Smith wrote, but Simpson acted. A letter from Smith to a worthy and
patriotic clergyman, the Rev. Mr. Elder, of Paxton, which was filled with
bombast and trash, and stuffed with the most flagrant untruths ; that he
was in the " midst of the battle, covered by smoke j bullets of all sizes
playing around him, etc, etc.," every word of which was fabulous. This
person was among the last of those savage men who murdered the inno
cent and unoffending Indians in the jail of the town we now live in. They
have all died miserably; but a few remaining to relate the anecdote of the
occurrence of that horrible massacre. — Henry.
Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775. 135
The regular troops, particularly that fine body of men,
the seventh regiment, with reversed arms, and scarfs on
the left elbow, accompanied the corpse to the grave.
The funerals of the other officers, both friends and
enemies, were performed this day. From many of us
it drew tears of affection for the defunct, and speaking
for myself, tears of greeting and thankfulness, towards
General Carleton. The soldiery and inhabitants ap
peared affected by the loss of this invaluable man, though
he was their enemy. If such men as Washington,
Carleton and Montgomery, had had the entire direction
of theadverse war, the contention in the event might have
happily terminated to the advantage of both sections of
the nation. M'Pherson, Cheeseman, Hendricks, Humph
reys, were all dignified by the manner of burial.
On the same, or the following day, we were com
pelled (if we would look), to a more disgusting and
torturing sight. Many carioles, repeatedly one after the
others, passed our dwelling loaded with the dead, whether
of the assailants or of the garrison, to a place, emphat
ically called the dead-house. Here the bodies were
heaped in monstrous piles. The horror of the sight to
us southern men, principally consisted in seeing our com
panions borne to interment uncoffined, and in the very
clothes they had worn in battle ; their limbs distorted in
various directions, such as would ensue in the moment
of death. Many of our friends and acquaintances were
apparent. Poor Nelson lay on the top of half a dozen
other bodies — his arms extended beyond his head, as if
in the act of prayer, and one knee crooked and raised,
seemingly, when he last gasped in the agonies of death.
Curse on these civil wars which extinguish the sociabili
ties of mankind, and annihilate the strength of nations.
A flood of tears was consequent. Though Montgomery
was beloved because of his manliness of soul, heroic
bravery and suavity of manners ; Hendricks and Hum
phreys, for the same admirable qualities, and especially
for the endurances we underwent in conjunction, which
136 Campaign against Quebec •, 1775.
enforced many a tear ; still my unhappy and lost brethren,
though in humble station, with whom that dreadful wild
was penetrated, and from whom cam; many attentions
towards me, forced melancholy sensations. From
what is said relative to the dead-house you might con
clude that General Carleton was inhumane or hard
hearted. No such thing. In this northern latitude, at
this season of the year, according to my feelings (we
had no thermometer), the weather was so cold, as usually
to be many degrees below zero. A wound, if mortal,
on even otherwise, casts the party wounded in the snow ,•
if death should follow, it throws the sufferer into various
attitudes, which was assumed in the extreme pain accom
panying death. The moment death takes place, the
frost fixes the limbs in whatever situation they may then
happen to be, and which cannot be reduced to decent
order, until they are thawed. In this state, the bodies
of the slain are deposited in the dead-house hard as
ice. At this season of the year, the earth is frozen from
two to five feet deep, impenetrable to the best pick-axe,
in the hands of the stoutest man. Hence you may per
ceive a justification of the dead-home. It is no new
observation, that " climates form the manners and habit
udes of the people."
January 4th, on the next day, we were visited by
Colonel Maclean, an old man, attended by other officers,
for a peculiar purpose, that is, to ascertain who among
us were born in Europe. We had many Irishmen, and
some Englishmen. The question was put to each ;
those who admitted a British birth, were told they must
serve his majesty in Colonel Maclean's regiment, a new
corps, called the emigrants. Our poor fellows, under
the fearful penalty of being carried to Britain, there to be
tried for treason, were compelled by necessity, and many
of them did enlist. Two of them, very brave men, Ed
ward Cavenaugh and Timothy Conner, deserve to be
named, because of a particular occurrence which hap
pened shortly afterwards. These two men, among
Campaign against Quebec > 1775. 137
others, called upon me for my advice how to act. Being,
at that time, neither a lawyer nor a casuist, they had my
opinion according to the dictates of nature, and some
slight reading. That is, that they should enlist, for a
constrained oath, as theirs would be, could not be bind
ing on the conscience : and by all means to join our
army as soon as practicable. They enlisted under the
notion that the oath was non-obligatory, and a hope of
a speedy return to their sweet-hearts and wives. Allow
me here to recount, by anticipation, the residue of the
adventures of " honest Ned." It is due to him, for he
saved my life, and that of Simpson, on the Dead river.
Towards the end of January, Cavenaugh and Conner
happened to compose a part of the same guard at palace
gate, where the walls are from thirty to forty feet high,
independently of the declivity of the hill. Cavenaugh
was stationed as a sentry in conjunction with one of the
British party. Conner had procured a bottle of rum ;
coming to the station, he drank himself, and presented
the bottle to the British sentry. While the latter was
in the act of drinking, Cavenaugh gave him a push with
the butt of his musket, which stunned and brought him
to the earth. Taking his arms, they sprung over the
wall into a bed of snow, perhaps twenty-five feet deep.
This averment concerning the depth of the snow, may
appear problematical, as we know nothing like it in our
climate. Form no definitive opinion until you have
heard the reasons why it does happen. As you may re
collect several instances in this memoir, where the
asperity of a Quebec winter is intimated, and a descrip
tion of its effects attempted — such as frequent snow
storms and fierce winds. In the month of January,
particularly, when the snow has increased to a depth of
seven feet over the face of the country, notwithstanding
the shining of the sun, the cold is so great, that those
winds drive the snow daily against the high ramparts of
the city, where it forms a compact mass — the last
stratum being light and dry, as the finest sand, which
138 Campaign against gfuebec,, 1775.
may be whirled by the wind. Cavenaugh and Conner
leaped mid-deep into such a soft bed. Their disadvan
tage consisted in sinking too deep ; the height of the
leap, plunging them deeper than ordinary walking would
do, made it difficult for them to extricate themselves.
The relief guard came in time to give them a volley, as
they were scampering away. Thanks to God, my worthy
Irishmen escaped unharmed, though as they passed
through St. Roque, they were complimented by several
discharges of cannister and grape shot. This was the
first notice we had of the escape of our daring friends.
We heard next morning, all the minutiae from those who
guarded us. Cavenaugh is still alive — is laborious, and
has a large family of children, who are respectable in
their way. You cannot conceive the joyousness of my
heart, when hearing of him in my peregrinations a few
years since, in the mountainous parts of York county.
The pittance then spared him, it is hoped, will make you
never the poorer. The assembly of Pennsylvania have
granted him a pension for which that honorable body
have my most fervent blessings. Old age and decrepi
tude, by the extremity of our sufferings, is brought upon
us long before the ordinary allotments of nature. We
served our country faithfully, and at this late day it is
really pleasant to observe the spirit of the public, inclined
to compensate the veterans of 1775 and 1776. So much
for my preserver " honest Ned," which epithet he still
bears among his neighbors, by whom, bating a venial
vice, he is esteemed. Timothy Conner, on the con
trary, possessing the art of acquiring wealth, married,
had a competency, but lost it subsequently by his vices,
which bore a strong affinity to gross criminality.
By the middle of January, we were settled down into
a state something like household order : those who could
economize, fared tolerably well, though they could have
used more. Our daily provision consisted of a biscuit
made of a coarse meal, from something like our chopped
rye ; very often chaff or straw, half an inch in length,
Campaign against Quebec , 1775. 139
was found in this species of bread. A biscuit of the
size of a cake of gingerbread, now sold with us for a
cent, was the daily allowance of this article ; half a pound
of pork, or three-quarters of a pound of beef, though
these were much salted, even so as to be uncomforta
ble — they were of Irish preparation, perhaps for the
sea-service: a competent allowance of butter, originally
fine, yet now rancid ; candles, molasses, and even
vinegar : this last article, so long as it could be afforded
us, was a preservative from the disorders which un
wittingly we were imbibing daily. Knowing the diffi
culties under which the garrison lay — foes at the gates,
and an uncertainty of succor ; the governor was thought
of by me, with similar allowances, that ought to be
made to our own generals, in circumstances of such
pinching necessity. From all information attainable on
our part, we were as well treated as those of the garrison,
who lived on the same kinds of food, except as to liquor,
which deprivation was more beneficial than injurious to
our men It is grateful to my heart, now to remember
and repeat, the benevolent sensations this mildness and
humanity created in my mind, towards the virtuous, the
amiable and venerable Carleton. He was a genuine
representative of the gentility of the Irish nation, which
is so deservedly famous for the production of real heroes,
patriotic statesmen, and a generosity and suavity of
manners. He was of great candor, uprightness and
honor, and full of the spirit of philanthropy, which marks
the real gentleman. He made us several visits, in all
of which he seemed merely to have a solicitude for our
welfare, without any sinister view, such as a seduction
from our principles, etc. That he granted us every
accommodation his trying situation authorized, there
can be no doubt. Shortly after the time now spoken of,
we were conducted to the Dauphin jail. Before we quit
the Reguliers, admit me to state to you something more,
relating to our manner of living there. My youthful
appetite required and demanded a greater quantity of
140 Campaign against Quebec > 1775.
food than we then enjoyed. We wanted spoons, not
only in our own mess, but throughout the whole corps.
There was no money among us to purchase such an
implement, and if there had been, and opportunity had
offered, it is likely the jealousy of government would
have deprived us of them, if formed of metal of any
kind.
One day being at the unloading a cord of wood, a
birch stick, the only piece of hard wood in the load, was
eagerly laid hold of, and borne to the mess-room ; from
this, a wooden spoon was soon formed for my own use.
Lobscouse made a part of our diurnal food. This term,
though vulgar, conveys to one, who, when hungry, has
tasted the dish, some agreeable ideas. Among soldiers
and sailors, it is esteemed equal to the olla podrida
of the Spaniards, and nearly so to the speck and oyer I
of the Germans ; it is certainly more nourishing than
what the latter call water soup, and even meal
soup. We put our vile biscuit into a tin vessel, with
a sufficient quantity of water, and permitted it to stew
on the stove, until there was a perfect mucilage, some
thin slices of bacon fat (the reserve of the last meal),
were then added ; or some of the skimmings of the
boilers, but most usually the rancid butter (which was
thus made palatable) : when these substances were well
incorporated with the biscuit; a few spoon-fulls of
molasses finished the dish. This was the ordinary
breakfast, and a good one, when we could spoon it into
our mouths. My spoon therefore, was an article in great
demand, and of prime necessity. The production of one
spoon, created a desire for more ; they were manu
factured in abundance, by the means of two knives —
a great and a small, but always disposed of for biscuit.
Spoons were made as large as small ladles, some with a
deer at full stretch, a hound pursuing — an Indian
sitting — a beaver — and twenty other devices were in-
1 Spek en eijeren, ham and eggs, or eggs and bacon. — M.
Campaign against Quebec > 1775. 141
vented, and tolerably well carved. Some came to five
biscuits, some to ten, and one in particular at twenty,
which my friends thought worthy of the acceptance of
the governor, but care was taken not to present it.
Boyd and Cunningham carefully furnished the wood.
Thus we could exist pretty well on our slender diet.
But we had other resources, which were by no means
neglected. Henry Crone, a well bred young man,
descended from a worthy and respectable family of York
county, Pennsylvania, much my senior, but who was
known to me during his apprenticeship at Lancaster, had
dissipated a good fortune at the gaming-tables ; he was
a sergeant of Hendricks'. Miserable as was our predica
ment, the demon of play had intruded itself among us,
though there was neither money nor clothing but that
upon our backs, and our daily provisions to sport with.
The play was for biscuit, and most usually at a game
called all-fours, in which Crone was a real adept.
He was a droll dog, and much inclined to play with and
beat the Yankees, as he termed them. ^ Many mornings,
being compelled by the inclemency of the season to
leave our uncomfortable beds, pacing the avenues in front
of our cells for exercise and warmth, drawing aside the
curtain of the gambling room door, which was no other
than a thread-bare blanket, Crone was seen and heard,
with bleared eyes and a vociferous voice, after a night's
sitting, contending for a biscuit, with as much spirit and
heat, as most probably he had done in former times for
fiftv or a hundred dollars. The passion of gaming, is
almost an inexplicable trait in the human character, the
poor, the rich, the savage and the civilized, are equally
its devotees. The greatest and the least are alike
subject to its fascinations. Crone, poor dog, was one
of the devoted.
Montgomery, in his care for Arnold's party, besides
an excellent blanket coat, had assigned to each man a
new red regimental coat of the seventh, or some other
regiment, stationed in the upper country. This clothing
142 Campaign against SHiebec^ 1775.
had been seized at Montreal. Crone, in the division, had
fared well. He had obtained a large superfine broad
cloth coat, such as is worn by the sergeant-major of the
British army, which u fitted him like a shirt." He was
so totally devoid of care, that he never once applied to
the tailors of the army, who were employed by the pub
lic, to fit the coat to his back, and to sew it regularly.
What was still more laughable, he had no pockets to
this coat, unless you may call the flannel such, which
interiorly lined the lappets, and bore the appearance of
large bags dangling about his heels. Crone was facetious
and clever ; he had an affection for me. Often about
daylight he would come to my blanket and waken me, and
shake the lappets of his coat. He would say tc Damme
Jack, here's something for you," and would force upon
me ten, fifteen, and several times, even thirty biscuits.
With all his vices he bore a great share of my esteem,
for the goodness of his heart. When ill-luck occurred,
there was a refunding on my part, but it seldom hap
pened. Our other resource was William M'Coy, a
sergeant of Hendricks' an excellent clerk, who came
into favor of the governor, by giving to Major Murray,
of the garrison, a genuine copy of his journal of the route
through the wilderness into Canada. He was a sedate
and sensible man. He was installed clerk of the
kitchen, and put me much in mind of Gil Bias' clerk.
The cook, whom M'Coy patronized was a very Boni
face in accomplishments and a Sancho Panza in rotundity.
He was of Thayer's or Dearborn's company. Believe
me that these two men were courted by our hungry
wights among the soldiery, with as much eagerness and
solicitude, and often sycophancy, as would have been
the case had they been the ministers of a great state.
What could you suppose to be the object of such ser
vility ? To explain — the boiling utensils were two
very large coppers. A boiling of pork, produced a great
quantity of liquid fat, which the men called slush. The
skimmings constituted the importance of the cook, who
Campaign against Quebec > 1775. 143
made a profit from it by selling it to certain tradesmen
of the city. A half pint of this slush was a good succe-
daneum for better food, to a mess of six stout men.
It, with the molasses, formed an excellent lobscouse.
Oleaginous matter, next to bread, is, however, the
great support of the animal functions, and even su
perior to bread, to sustain life, and gratify the palate.
Here you see the real ground of the causes of distinctions
in society. The cook possessing this perquisite, com
manded his applicants for additional food, with an un
warrantable austerity. As to our mess, it was strong in
habits of intimacy with M'Coy, who was one of us. The
cook was far below our notice. Friend M'Coy gave
us every advantage our melancholy situation afforded
him. This minute information is given to you, to in
spire you with a disgust towards war of any kind. As
to my sons, if the liberties of our country ever be invaded,
it is humbly hoped, under the protecting hand of Provi
dence, that they will always be ready and active to rally
round the standard of Freedom, the principles of which
we derived from our forefathers, whose blood freely
flowed in its defence.
Coming to the Dauphin jai!, escorted by the military,
we found it well accommodated for our lodgment.
There were four rooms below, and as many above
stairs, all capacious and well supplied with berths or
bulks, in the common method of barracks. Our com
pany taking the right our precedency in the procession
gave us, assumed the possession of a room in the third
story, which was in truth the very best. Morgan's
took a room immediately below us ; Hendrick's one
adjoining ; but remember that at this time we were re
duced most lamentably by killed, wounded and missing.
Many were in the hospital. Out of sixty-five who
came on Abraham's plains in November, we had
scarcely more than thirty left with us in prison. The
fire of the enemy and disease had so thinned us. Mor
gan's gallant men fared worse. Like the eastern people
144 Campaign against Quebec > 1775.
before and at that period, they detested the introduction
of the small-pox into their country by inoculation. Now
they were its victims. Less than twenty-five of the
privates of that company regained their native homes.
They were originally as elegant a body of men as ever
came within my view.1 To use the style of my friend
Simpson, "they were beautiful boys, who knew how to
handle and aim the rifle." Indeed many of them, adroit
young men, courageous and thorough going, became
the subjects of death by that virulent disease, both with
out and within the city. We of Pennsylvania had no
fears from that source. This disease had visited us in
youth, either naturally or by inoculation. This observ
ation which is a serious one, should convey to your
minds the immensity of the discovery of the inoculation
of the kine pock, by Doctor Jenner. The discovery of
the causes of lightning, its dreadful effects, the means of
avoiding its power by the celebrated Franklin, our
countryman, is (as it concerns the happiness of man,
speaking diffidently), perhaps inferior in importance to
that of Jenner. The Jennerian discovery tends to save
the lives of millions, the Franklinian of hundreds. But
all lovers of natural philosophy are compellable to ac
knowledge that the identity of the electric fluid, obtained
artificially, with that of the clouds, has given a wider
scope to human thought than the recency of the Jenner
ian discovery has as yet afforded. There can be little
doubt, that in a succession of years, some gigantic gen
iuses of the medical profession, will improve and extend
the benefits of the happy disclosure.
At the Dauphin jail our notions of escape were
1 In the spring of the year 1776, our army was reduced by decease of
men, or debilitation of body, so that they could not act effectively, and in
the eyes of the world, a disreputable retreat took place, which it was not
then quite prudent to explain. Now it may be safely asserted, that great
numbers of the soldiers inoculated themselves for the small-pox, by lacerat
ing under the finger nails, by means of pins or needles, either to obtain an
avoidance of duty, or to get over that horrible disorder in an easy and
speedy way. — Henry.
Campaign against Quebec > 1775. 145
strengthened. The prison may be three huudred yards
from St. John's gate, the interval at that time was free
from buildings. From without the building appeared
formidable. The courtyard was very contracted for so
large a house, and was encompassed by a strong stone
wall at least twenty feet high. The windows and doors
were seemingly by their bars impenetrable. But what
cannot men of true spirit effect when made the subjects
of oppression ? Opposite to the jail, across the street
leading to St. John's gate, at a distance of forty yards
there stood a house which became the station of the
guard who superintended us. In the first of our im
prisonment we were attended by the regular troops, or
sailors, who were embodied by government as soldiers,
but now the guard (as our force without had made a firm
stand), was replaced by the militia, who were the most
inert and despicable of military men. The sentries were
stationed on the outside of the jail ; we had no witnesses
of our conduct within, except the captain of the provost,
who did not pry with a suspicious eye. He was a gen
erous and open-hearted enemy — had no guile himself,
nor imputed it to others. The principal defence on this
side of the city, as it regarded our attempt at evasion, lay
at and near St. John's gate. The guard here was most
usually composed of thirty men of the regular troops or
sailors. They would have given us a hustle but of a
certainty we should have overpowered them by the force
of numbers as stout and as able bodied men as themselves
whose courage was not to be questioned, though there
was a great difference in the nature of our respective
arms. Having examined the jail carefully, its imbecility
to restrain us was apparent. It was an old French
building in the Bastile style. The walls of stone, and
more than three feet thick, were impenetrable by any
of our means. Upon examining the bars of the windows,
which were originally ill-constructed, many were found
so much corroded as to move up and down in the sockets.
These could be taken out. The mildness of Governor
13
146 Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775.
Carleton's reign seemed not to require a strict inspection
into places of this kind. About this time a selected
council was called, of which your father had the honor
to be one, and was chiefly composed of the sergeants.
The present Major Joseph Aston, of Lamb's artillerists,
then a sergeant-major had the presidency. Our dis
coveries were disclosed, the means of escape considered,
and a consultation of the men recommended. This was
done, and there was not a dissentient voice. At the
stair head there was a small room lighted by a small
window ; the door was locked. Peeping through the
keyhole large iron hoops were discovered ; the spring of
the lock kindly gave way to our efforts, the room was
ransacked ; and as neatly closed. The room furnished
us with a large number of strong iron-hoops, two and
three inches broad, and a considerable quantity of other
iron, of different shapes and sizes deposited there as
lumber. From the first of these articles we formed a
rough, but weighty species of sword with a wooden
handle, a blow from which, in the hands of one of our
stout men would have brought down one of the stoutest
of the enemy. The residue of the iron was applied to
formation of spear-heads. These were affixed to splits
of fir- plank, about ten feet in length, which had formed
in part, the bottoms of the lower berths. These weapons,
it is true, were of the coarsest make, yet in the hands of
men determined to sacrifice their lives for freedom, they
would have had a considerable sway. Our long knives,
which many of us secreted when captured, also became
spear-points. These weapons were concealed under the
lower range of berths, which were raised a foot from the
floor. The planks were neatly raised, the nails were
extracted, and the nail-head with a part of its shank,
placed in its former position. Over these lay our
blankets and bundles. It was a standing rule to have
two sentries constantly on the watch, one at each end of
the interior of the jail. Their duty consisted in giving
a signal of the approach of the officers of the garrison,
Campaign against Quebec ', 1775. 147
who were in the habit of visiting us daily, as there were
shoemakers and tailors among us, who worked cheaper
than those of the city, merely for the purpose of bettering
their condition. There was policy in this watchfulness.
When the signal was given the inner doors were thrown
open, those appointed for the purpose laid upon the berth
which hid our arms, as if in a drowsy state. The officers
were accosted with assumed confidence, and much com
plaisance. The council met daily, sometimes in small
squads, and when anything of much consequence was
to be considered in larger ; but at all times secretly, or
at least not obviously as a council, from a fear of traitors,
or some indiscretion of the young men. Our arrange
ments, so far as my judgment could discern, were judicious.
Aston was to act as general, M'Coy and some others
became colonels. Boyd and others of the most spirit
became majors, captains, lieutenants, etc. That which
cheered me much was that the council assigned me a
first lieutenancy under my friend Boyd, whose vigor and
courage .were unquestionable.
The plan of the escape was thus: Aston, who was
an excellent engineer, was to have the particular superin-
tendency of Lamb's company, which to a man was well
informed in their duty, active and spirited. These were
to be increased to a band of one hundred and fifty men,
whose duty it was to attack the guard at St. John's gate.
The attack of the guard opposite the jail was assigned to
the discretion of Boyd, Cunningham and myself; the
council generously giving us the authority of a first
selection of twenty two persons, from the whole body
of our men. The residue of our force was so disposed
of as to act as a body of reserve to Aston, under the
command of M'Coy, and another smaller body was
reserved to support Boyd, particularly by way of setting
fire to the jail, the guard house, and the buildings in its
neighborhood, to amuse or employ the enemy, while we
were running to St. John's gate. It was expected we
could arrive there by the time Aston and his party
148 Campaign against Quebec > 1775.
would be victorious. Our particular duty was of the
desperate kind, something of the nature of the cc forlorn
hope." Nothing but the virtue and bravery of our
comrades could ensure the safety of our lives ; for if
they should arrive at St. John's- gate, and discomfit the
guard, and if then seeking safety by flight, they would
leave us to the mercy of an enraged enemy, who would
sacrifice us to their fury. But there has been too much
precipitation in the relation. Previously to the last
observations, besides being told of our force, our weapons,
and our military plans, you should have been informed
also, of the real site of the jail, of its internal structure,
from which the sally was to be made. The Dauphin
jail is built on a plain, pretty much declined towards the
street. It follows that the front of the lower story,
that is the cellars, was oil a level with the street. The
back ground was ten or twelve feet higher. In the
cellar, near the foot of the stairway, there was a plente
ous fountain of water, which supplied the house. The
conduits leading from the spring, by the severity of the
weather, were impeded by ice, so that the water, In great
quantity remained in the cellar, which with the additional
carelessness of our people, who cast the rinsing of their
buckets on the floor of the apartment, formed a bed of
ice a foot thick, and very firm and solid. This cellar
had a door newly made of strong pine plank, five feet
in width, which opened inwards, the sill was level with
the street. The door was hung upon H hinges of a
large size, fixed on the inside, exposed to our view and
operations. But what was still more absurd, the door
was hasped within and secured by a large pad lock.
Close inspection and thoughtfulness had made the mem
bers of the council, by the means they enjoyed, perfect
masters of those hinges and the lock; they would not
have stood a second of time. The principal obstacle
was the ice which was raised fully a foot against the
door. Even this would have given way to our ingenuity.
The whole of our plan was well laid, and thoroughly
Campaign against ghiebec, 1775. 149
digested. That door was to be our sally port. Boyd
preceding with our division, Aston and M'Coy following,
they turning rapidly to the left for St. John's gate. The
dislocation of the iron bars of the windows, was to
ensue : all those which could be removed being known,
were to become issues for our bravest men. Every
man knew his station. It is an old and a trite observ
ation, that it is a difficult thing to describe a battle, so as
to give a clear idea of all the causes and effects of each
movement, without overloading and confusing the pic
ture. The same may be said of a conspiracy such as
ours. Going through the entry from the front door
into the jail yard, near the back door but still within the
prison, there are two cavities opposite to each other,
strongly walled and arched. We called them the black
holes. On the outside of the building in the vard, these
cavities assumed the forms of banks, ten or eleven feet
high, and as wide ; and well sodded. With some address
and agility a sprightly man could surpass either of them.
The wall above those banks was probably ten feet
higher. In the daytime we often climbed up the wall,
by means of its interstices, from which the mortar had
fallen in the course of time, to take a peep at the city,
merely putting our eyes above the level of the top of it.
A Mr. Martin, a hardy, daring and active young man,
of Lamb's company, I think a sergeant, proposed to
bear intelligence of our projects, to the American com
mander without the walls. His plan was approved. A
time for irruption was named, though the day was not
particularized. The signals to invite the advance of our
army to St. John's gate, were the burning of the houses,
and the firing of the guns of the ramparts towards the
city. As yet, we were unprepared to move. This ex
pedition of Martin's was profoundly a secret among those
of the council, from a fear that some bungler might at
tempt the same path, fail, and by his being taken, unveil
our plots. Permit me a short episode on the escape of
Martin. It was singularly adventurous, and the neatness
150 Campaign against Quebec , 1775.
of its execution renders it worthy of remark. I had the
pleasure of hearing it recounted, in more happy times, at
New York. Martin was dressed in warm clothing,
with good gloves ; a white cap, shirt and overalls were
prepared for him. He appeared in the jail yard among
the prisoners, in his daily dress. The time of locking
up, and calling the roll generally happened about sun
down. It was the business of the captain of the provost,
who was accompanied by a file of men. The prisoners,
instigated by those in the secret, employed themselves
out of doors, until late in the evening, in play, as if to
keep their bodies warm. It was a blowing and dreary
evening, which was purposely chosen. At locking up,
those in the secret lagged behind, tardily, pushing the
uninformed before, yet so slowly, as effectually to crowd
the gangway ; Martin remaining in the rear. . The ope
ration took place at the clanging of the lock of the great
front door. This measure was imagined and effected
on purpose to procure to Martin a sufficiency of leisure
to get to his hiding place, which was no other than a nook
formed by the projection of the door way, and on the
top of one of the banks before spoken of. Here he had
time to put on his cap, shirt, etc. The officer who ex
amined the yard, could not perceive him, unless he went
out of the door, several paces to the left, and most pro
bably, not even then, for Martin would be covered in
the snow, and imperceptible. Happily the officer went
no further than the threshold, and made but a slight sur
vey of the yard. This account, so far, is derived from
my own knowledge ; what follows, is from Martin him
self. u Martin tarried there until seven or eight o'clock.
The dilemma he was in, could only be surpassed in im
minence of danger, by his extreme activity, skill and
courage. There were four sentries stationed around the
jail — two at each corner in front, and the like number
at the corners of the yard in the rear. Those sentries,
though relieved every quarter of an hour, were soon
driven into the sentry boxes, by the cold and keenness
Campaign against Quebec, 1775. I5I
of the whistling winds. If they had paced the spaces
allotted them by duty, the escape of Martin must have
been impossible. Watching the true time, -he slipped
down the wall into the deep snow underneath unobserved.
Hence, he made a sudden excursion to the left of St.
John's gate, at a part of the wall where he well knew
no sentry was placed. Leaping the wall, into the snow,
he received the fire of a distant sentry. Martin was un
harmed. The soldier fired, as it were, at a phantom,
for when Martin's body came into contact with the
snow it was undiscernible — the desired information
was given j" but of this, we could merely make surmises
until the May following. That which is very remark
able is, that the absence of Martin was unknown to go
vernment, until the explosion of our plot.
Our next solicitude was the acquisition of powder.
This article could be obtained but by sheer address and
shrewd management. But we had to do with men who
were not of the military cast. We began first to enter
into familiarity with the sentries, joking with them and
pretending to learn French from them. The guard,
usually of Canadians, consisted of many old men, and
young boys, who were very lt coming." A few small
gun-carriages were constructed, not more than six
inches in length, and mounted with cannon, or howit
zers, which were made of many folds of paper, and
were bound tightly around with thread. These were
shown to the sentries from time to time, and a little
powder was requested, with which to charge them. Our
berths formed an angle of the room. The upper berths,
as well as the lower, had a ledge of several inches in
height, in which embrasures were formed with the
knife. Two parties were raised in opposition to each
other, each of which took possession of one side of the
angle. The blaze and report, which was nearly as great
and as loud as that of small pistols, created much laughter
and merriment. This sport, the child of a seeming folly,
served us as a pretence and justification for soliciting
152 Campaign against Quebec , 1775.
powder. The apparent joy prevailing among us pleased
the Canadians, both old and young, and did not alarm
the government. We obtained many cartridges in the
course of a few weeks, two-thirds of which came to the
hands of Aston and his corps, for the purpose of manu
facturing matches, etc., etc. Fire arms .of any kind
could not, by any finesse, be procured. The commerce
of cartridges, accompanied by a suavity and deference
of manners towards our young friends, procured us
many quarters of pounds of powder, which they bought
secretly out of funds, some of which were procured in
a ludicrous way. We had many sick in the hospital,
for when any one appeared to be disordered in the least
degree, he was hurried to the infirmary, when cured,
he was returned to us. Some of the men went so far
as to feign sickness to get to that place, where they
lived in a more sumptuous style than that of the jail.
The frequent removals caused the propagation of a re
port that the prison was unhealthy. Many pious matrons
came to see us, and never empty handed. Some
elderly nuns, of respectable families, were of the number,
and generally brought money, truly not great in quantity,
but not the less acceptable to the sick and convalescent,
as these alms procured them some slight comforts, such
as tea, etc. These were the religious and humane col
lections of the sisterhood, and mostly consisted of the
smallest change. There was a beautiful countenanced
youth, Thomas Gibson, first sergeant of Hendricks,
who had studied physic at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, allied
to me by affinity, who had, probably from a knowledge
he had of his profession, sustained his health hitherto ;
his cheeks were blooming as roses. He was one of the
council. As young men, we cared little about the
means, so that we obtained the end, which was powder.
We lived above stairs, and never shared in the gratuities
of the ladies, which were rapaciously awaited at the
entrance of the prison. Gibson and myself were
standing at a window near the great door, and opposite
Campaign against Quebec, 1775. 153
to M'Coy's room, a neat little box which had been
knocked up for his purposes. Looking into the street,
a lady with a thick vail, was observed to take the path
through the snow to our habitation. " Zounds, Gibson,
there's a nun," was scarcely expressed, before he was
hurried into M'Coy's apartment and put to bed, though
dressed. Several of us waited respectfully at the door,
till the officer of the guard unlocked it. The nun
entered — she seemed, from her manners, to be genteel
and respectable. We were most sedulous in our atten
tions to the lady, and so prevailed, as to induce her to
come into M'Coy's room. Here lay Gibson, covered
to the chin with the bed-clothes, nothing exposed but
his beautiful hair and red cheeks, the latter indicating a
high fever. It was well the lady was no physician.
The nun crossing herself, and whispering a pater-noster,
poured the contents of her little purse into the hand of
the patient, which he held gently, without the blanketing,
and left us. What should the donation be, but twenty-
four coppers, equal at that time to two shillings of our
money. The latter circumstance added much to the
humor, and extreme merriment of the transaction. This
money was solely appropriated for powder. Thus,
careless of every thing but the means of escaping, we
enjoyed many merry, and even happy hours. Aston,
who was provident of time, by the middle of March
(I have no note of the precise period), had all his matters
of arrangement in good order.
The council assigned a day for the irruption. As we
dared not touch the door in the cellar, from a fear of
discovery by inspection (and it was examined almost
daily), it was determined to postpone the unloosing the
hinges and lock, which were under our command, until
the moment of escape. It became a main question how
to remove the ice at the foot of the door. Here lay the
great difficulty, as it was universally agreed that the door
must be dragged down suddenly, so that we might march
over it. Remember also, that a sentry was posted not
154 Campaign against Quebec ', 1775.
more than from fifteen to twenty feet from the outside
of the door. Many propositions were made in council,
how to effect the removal of the body of ice without
exposure to detection. One was lightly to pick it away
with hatchets, a few of which had been secretly retained
by the prisoners, and brought into the jail. To this,
there were several insuperable objections ; the softest
stroke of the lightest tomahawk upon the ice would be
heard by a sentry so near ; or an unlucky stroke might
touch the door which would resound and inevitably cause
a discovery. Others proposed to wear away the ice by
boiling water ; two most obvious objections lay here ;
the steam would search for a vent through the crevices
of the door and window, and develop our measures ;
besides the extreme cold would have congealed the hot
water the moment it fell, so as to add to our difficulties.
Another idea was suggested that was " with knives to cut
the door across on the surface of the ice ;" to this plan
there was a fatal exception, the ice had risen on the lower
cross-piece of the door nearly an inch, so that we must
cut through the cross-piece lengthwise, and through the
thick plank crosswise. Though this labor might have
been accomplished by industry and perseverance, yet the
time it would necessarily take would cause a discovery
by the searchers. The last and only method to avoid
discovery was adopted. This was to embody sixteen or
eighteen of the most prudent men who knew the value
of silence, who should, two and two, relieve each other,
and with our long knives gently pare away the ice next
the sill of the door, so as to make a groove of four or
six inches wide, parallel with, and deep as the sill. The
persons were named and appointed to this service. Now
the capability of the execution of our plot, infused com
fort and joy into all hearts. It was intended immediately
after locking up, on the night of the irruption, that those
prudent men, should descend into the vault by pairs, and
by incessant labor have the work finished by three
o'clock in the morning, when the sally should be made.
Campaign against Quebec > 1775. *55
We had carefully noticed from the walls of the jail, and
the ridge of the house where there is a trap-door, the
placing of the guards, the numbers and stationing of the
sentries. We were safe therefore, in the measures we
had taken for the attack of the guard of St. John's gate.
Our own guard was perfectly scrutinized. The oppor
tunities were of the most commodious kind. The guard
house was directly in our front, where we could see and
be seen. Their windows had no shutters. They had
lights all the night through ; we, the better to observe
them, kept none. This latter circumstance, enabled us
distinctly to see that the arms with fixed bayonets were
placed in the right hand corner of the room, as we would
enter from the stairhead, and that the guard towards
morning to a man were lying asleep on the floor. The
sentries as they were relieved, did the like. This
guard, as was before said, in ordinary consisted of thirty
persons. Boyd's party, from a perfect knowledge of
their method of conducting, esteemed it no great hardi
ness to undertake the overwhelming them. Subsequently
our danger must appear. The nights were piercingly
cold — the sentries soon housed themselves in their
boxes. As the sally, to succeed, mast be most silent and
quick, it was hoped to quiet all of them before any alarm
could spread. Besides Boyd's division (the first rank of
which, were to despatch the nearest sentry by the spear),
others of the succeeding corps, were assigned to assail
the rest of the sentries, immediately around the prison.
The getting up the stairs of our guard-house so quickly
as to create no alarm was not only feasible, but in my mind
(with the force delegated to us), of absolute certainty of
success. The front door was always open by night and
by day, we knew the precise number of steps the stairs
contained. An agile man would mount at three strides.
A light was continually in the passage. Entering the
room and turning to the right the arms in the corner
were ours. The bayonet, from necessity, would become
the lot of the guard. In this part of the enterprise pro-
156 Campaign against Quebec •, 1775.
found silence was all important ; the section was to rely
on the spear and tomahawk. Aston on the other hand,
being victorious at St. John's gate, was instantly to turn
the cannon upon the city ; his fuses, portfire, etc., were
prepared and ready as substitutes for those of the enemy,
if they were extinguished or taken from the guns. It
was known to us, that all the cannon of the ramparts
were charged and primed, and boxes of ammunition and
piles of balls in the vicinity of each gun, it was calculated
that the execution of the business of our section, might
be effected in at least fifteen minutes, together with the
firing of the houses. Then running to support Aston
and if he was victorious, to maintain our position on the
walls, under a hope of the arrival of the American army
from without. In that event St. John's gate, as a first
measure, was to be opened. But if Aston should un
fortunately be beaten (which was most improbable,) then
we were to fly in all directions, and make the adven
turous leap. It was supposed that in the latter case the
hurry and bustle created by so sudden, unforseen and
daring an attack, would throw the garrison into conster
nation and disorder, to so great a degree, as to admit the
escape of many. Sluggards might expect to be massacred.
The particularity of the foregoing details are purposely
made to impress on your minds a single truth : u That
the best imagined schemes and thoroughly digested de
signs, whether in military or civil life, may be defeated
by a thoughtless boy, the interference of an idiot or a
treacherous knave." Two lads from Connecticut or
Massachusetts, whose names are now lost to my memory,
prisoners with us, but who had no manner of connection
or intercourse with the chiefs, nor knew the minute, yet
essential parts of the measures of the council, but pro
bably having overheard a whisper of the time and
manner of the evasion ; those young men, without con
sultation, without authority from their superiors, in the
thoughtless ardor of their minds, on the eve of the sally,
descended into the cellar, and with hatchets, picked at
Campaign against ghee bee, 1775. 157
the ice at the door-sill. The operation was heard. The
sentry threatened to fire. The guard was instantly
alarmed and immediately doubled, and all our long
labored schemes and well digested plans, annihilated in
a moment. You cannot form an adequate idea of the
pangs we endured. My heart was nearly broken by the
excess of surprise and burning anger, to be thus fatuit-
ously deprived of the gladdening hope of a speedy return
to our friends and country. It became us, however, to
put the best face upon it. It was suddenly resolved by
the chiefs to kill the person who should disclose the
general plot, and to wait upon the officers on the ensu
ing morning, with our usual attentions. When morn
ing came, it found us afoot. About sunrise, the
formidable inquisition took place. Major Murray, Cap
tain Prentis, the officer of the guard, and a dozen mus
keteers came, — we awaited their approach undismayed.
They accosted us very coolly. The cellar was visited,
and the work of those fools was apparent. Reascend-
ing, we could assure the gentlemen that this effort to
escape, was without the knowledge of any of us. Thisr
to be sure, was said in the Jesuitical style, but those who
made the assertion, did not then know either the persons
or the names of the silly adventurers. The officers and
the guard were departing, fully persuaded that it was no
more than the attempt of one or two persons to escape.
Major Murray was the last to recede. An Englishman
of whom we knew not that he was a deserter from our
enemies at Boston, had posted himself close to the right
jamb of the door, which was more than half opened for
the passage of the major. Those of us who were de
termined to execute our last night's resolution, armed
with our long knives, had formed a half circle around
the door, without observing the intrusion and presence
of the deserter. Major Murray was standing on the
threshold, speaking in a kindly manner to us, when the
villain sprung past the major, even jostling him. The
spring he made, was so sudden and so entirely unsus-
14
158 Campaign against Quebec > 1775.
pected, that he screened himself from our just vengeance.
Touching Major Murray's shoulder, "Sir," says he, " I
have something to disclose." The guards encompassed
the traitor, and hurried him away to the governor's
palace. We instantaneously perceived the extent and
consequences of this disaster. The prisoners immedi
ately destroyed such of the arms as were too bulky
to hide, if destructible, and secreted the rest. In an
hour or two, a file of men with an officer, demanded
Boyd, Cunningham and others, represented by the vile
informer, as lukewarm in the plot. They were escorted
to the governor's council. Here they found that the
wretch had evidenced all our proceedings minutely,
naming every one who was prominent. Our worthy
compatriots were examined on oath, and as men of honor
could not conceal the truth. The questions of the
council (furnished by the informer), did not admit of
equivocation or evasion, if the examinants had been so
inclined, and besides all tergiversation, when the outline
was marked, was nugatory. They boldly admitted and
justified the attempt. We did not fare the worse in our
provisions nor in the estimation of our enemy. Return
ing to the jail, my dear Boyd shed the tears of excruciat
ing anguish in my bosom, deploring our adverse fate.
We had vowed to each other to be free or die, and to be
thus foolishly baulked caused the most heart rending
grief. Towards two o'clock P.M. were seen several heavy
cart loads, consisting of long and weighty irons, such as
bilboes, foot-hobbles and hand-cuffs, arrive. The pri
soners were ordered to their rooms. The ironing began
below stairs with Morgan's company. Here the bilboes
were expended. If not much mistaken, ten or twelve
persons were secured, each by a foot to a bar twelve
feet long, and two inches in diameter. The heavy bolts
were exhausted in the story below us. When they
came to our range of rooms, they turned to the left, in
stead of coming to the right where we were. By the
time the officers came to us, even the handcuffs were
Campaign against Quebec y 1775. 159
nearly out. Each of us was obliged to take to his berth,
which contained five men each. When they had
shackled those of the lower berths, they commenced at
one the most distant from ours. Slipping in the rear of
my companions, bent down in apparent trepidation, the
blacksmith ironed my messmates, and then called to me
to descend and submit to his office. Coming — u Never
mind that lad," said my friend Captain Prentis. They
had but three or four pair of handcuffs left, which were
clapped on the elderly and robust. Besides M'Coy, our
Boniface the cook, Doctor Gibson, two others and my
self, who were unhampered, all the rest were, in appear
ance, tightly and firmly secured. Though M'Coy and
Boniface were adepts at insurrection, yet their services
were of too much importance to government to be dis
pensed with. The others of the unfettered remained
so from the exhaustion of the shackles. A new species
of interesting occurrences, mingled with much fun and
sportive humor, now occurred, which was succeeded by
a series of horrible anguish. The doors were scarcely
closed, before we began to assay the unshackling.
Those who had small hands, by compressing the palms,
could easily divest the irons from their wrist. Of these
there were many, who became the assistants of their
friends, whose hands were larger. Here there was a
necessity for ingenuity. Knives notched as saws, were
the principal means. The head of the rivet, at the end
of the bar, was sawed off, it was lengthened and a screw
formed upon it, to cap which a false head was made,
either of iron or of lead, resembling as much as possible
the true head. Again new rivets were formed, from
the iron we had preserved in our secret hoards, from the
vigilance of the searchers. These new rivets being
made to bear a strong likeness to the old, were then cut
into two parts — one part was driven into the bolt tightly,
became stationary, the other part was movable. It
behoved the wearer of the manacle to look to it, that he
did not lose the loose part, and when the searchers
160 Campaign against Quebec , 1775.
came to examine, that it should stand firm in the orifice.
Some poor fellow, perhaps from, a defect of ingenuity,
the hardness of the iron, or the want of the requisite
tools, could not discharge the bilboes. This was par
ticularly the melancholy predicament of three of Mor
gan's men, whose heels were too long to slip through
the iron, which encompassed the small of the leg. It
was truly painful to see three persons attached to a
monstrous bar, the weight of which was above their
strength to carry. It added to the poignancy of their
sufferings, in such frigid weather, that their colleagues
at the bar, having shorter heels, could withdraw the foot
and perambulate the jail ; where their companions left
them, there they must remain, seated on the floor, unless
some kind hands assisted them to remove.
There was a droll dog from the eastward who was
doubly unfortunate ; in the attack of the city he had
received a spent ball in the pit of the stomach, which
had nearly ended him ; now it became his lot to have an
immense foot bolt fastened to his leg, without a com
panion to bear him company and cheer his lonely hours.
This victim of persecution and sorrow would sometimes
come among us in the yard, bearing up his bolt, slung
by a cord hitched over his shoulder. Nothing could
damp his spirits. He talked, laughed and sung inces
santly. Some others besides those, were similarly
situated. Those who were so lucky as to have light
hand cuffs, bore them about with them. The greatest
danger of discovery arose from those who could free
themselves from the heavy irons. The usual visitations
were increased from twice to thrice a day, in the first
and last the smith searched the bolts of each person.
But there were other intrusions intermediately, by offi
cers evidently despatched by the suspicions of govern
ment, for the purpose of discovery. To counteract
these new measures of caution and jealousy, we were
well prepared. Sentries, on our part, were regularly
stationed at certain windows of the jail, to descry the
Campaign against Quebec •, 1775. l & l
approach of any one in the garb of an officer. The
view from these windows was pretty extensive down two
of the streets, particularly that leading to the palace.
Notwithstanding every caution to avoid detection, yet
the clang of the lock of the great door, was upon some
occasions the only warning given us of the impending
danger. The scamperings at those times were truly
diverting, and having always escaped discovery, gave us
much amusement. The clanking of the fetters followed,
and was terrible ; such as the imagination forms in child
hood, of the condition of the souls in Tartarus ; even
this was sport. Happily our real situation was never
known to any of the government officers ; unless the
good blacksmith (a worthy Irishman, of a feeling heart),
might be called such, and he was silent.
Towards the middle of April the scurvy, which we had
been imbibing during the winter, now made its appear
ance in its most virulent and deadly forms, preceded and
accompanied by a violent diarrhoea. Many of those
who were first affected were taken to the hospital. But
the disease soon became general among us. We were
attended several times by Doctor Maybin, the physician-
general, who, by his tender attentions, and amiable man
ners, won our affections : he recommended a cleansing
of the stomach, by ipecacuanha and mild cathartics,
such as rhubarb, together with due exercise. Those
who were young, active and sensible of the doctor's
salutary advice, kept afoot, and practiced every kind of
athletic sport we could devise. On the contrary, those
who were supinely indolent, and adhered to their blankets,
became objects of real commiseration — their limbs con
tracted, as one of mine is now ; large blue and even
black blotches appeared on their bodies and limbs — the
gums became black — the morbid flesh fell away — the
teeth loosened, and in several instances fell out. Our minds
were now really depressed. That hilarity and fun which
supported our spirits in the greatest misfortunes, gave
way to wailings, groanings and death. I know, from
1 62 Campaign against Quebec > 1775.
dire experience, that when the body suffers pain, the
mind, for the time, is deprived of all its exhilarations —
in short, almost of the power of thinking. The elbow
joints, the hips, the knees and ancles were most severely
pained. It was soon observed (though the doctor's
mate attended us almost daily, and very carefully), there
was little or no mitigation of our diseases, except that
the diarrhoea, which was derived from another cause
than that which produced the scurvy, was somewhat
abated ; and that our remedy lay elsewhere in the materia
medica which was beyond the grasp of the physician. The
diarrhoea came from the nature of the water we used
daily. In the month of April the snows begin to melt,
not by the heat of the sun, but most probably by the
warmth of the earth beneath the snows. The ground,
saturated with the snow-water, naturally increased the
fountain-head in the cellar. Literally, we drank the
melted 'snow. The scurvy had another origin. The
diet — salt pork, infamous biscuit — damp and close con
finement in a narrow space, together with the severity
of the climate, were the true causes, of the scurvy.
There was no doubt in any reflective mind among us,
but that the virtuous and beneficent Carleton, taking
into view his perilous predicament, did every thing for
us, which an honest man and a good Christian could.
An observation may be made in this place with pro
priety, that is, that in the climates of all high southern
or northern regions, the soil is very rich and prolific.
This beneficial operation of nature, is, in all likelihood at
tributable to the nitrous qualities which the snow deposits.
Of the fact that nitre is the principal ingredient which
causes fertility in the earth, no man of observation can
at this day reasonably doubt. The earth is replete of
it. Wherever earth and shade unite, it is engendered
and becomes apparent. This idea is proved by the cir
cumstance that nitre may be procured from caves, the
earth of cellars, outhouses, and even from common earth,
if kept under cover. During the late revolution, when
Campaign against Quebec ', 1775. 163
powder was so necessary, we every where experienced
the ^ood effects of this mineralogical discovery ; it gives
me pleasure to say that it is most fairly ascribable to our
German ancestors. The snows which usually fall in
Canada about the middle of November, and generally
cover the ground until the end of April, in my opinion,
fill the soil with those vegetative salts, which forward
the growth of plants. This idea was evinced to me by
my vague and inconsiderate mind, from observations
then made, and which were more firmly established by
assurances from Captain Prentis, that muck or manure,
which we employ in southern climates, is there never
used. In that country, the moment the ground is freed
from snow, the grass and every species of plant, spring
forward in the most luxuriant manner. Captain Prentis,
besides the continuation of his care and friendship to
Gibson and myself, did not restrain his generosity to
individuals, but procured for us a permission from go
vernment, to send out an old Irishman, of the New
York line, an excellent catholic, to collect for us vege
table food. The first specimen of this good old man's
attention and industry, was the production of a large
basket-full of the ordinary blue grass of our country ;
this grass, by those who got at it, was devoured
ravenously at the basket, if so happy as to be able
to come near it. Scurvy grass, in many varieties,
eschalots, small onions, onion-tops and garlic, suc
ceeded, and were welcomed by all of us for several
months afterwards. This voracious appetite for vege
tables, seems to be an incident always concurring in that
terrible disease, the scurvy ; nature seems to instil into
the patient, a desire of such food, and of acids, which are
the only specific, with a due attention to cleanliness,
hitherto discovered, that do eradicate the stamina of the
disease. From my contracted knowledge, it is imper
ceptible that there is any material discrepancy between
the sea-scurvy and the land-scurvy of high southern and
northern latitudes. The descriptions given by Robins
164 Campaign against Quebec ', 1775.
(or if you please, the Rev. Mr. Walter), and other voy
agers, of the causes, the symptoms and the effects of
that disorder, seem to concur in everv particular with
our various experience at Quebec. Recollect it is not
a physician who speaks.1
About the time above spoke of Governor Carleton
directed that we should be supplied with fresh beef.
This was no other than that which had been brought
into the city when we lay at Aux-Tremble, in the
foregoing autumn, and in aid of the stores of the garri
son. It had lain in a frozen state during the winter,
without salting, but now as warm weather was approach
ing, it began to thaw and was liberally disposed of to
the garrison and prisoners. The beef was sweet,
though here and there a little blueish, like the mould of
stale bread, very tender, but somewhat mawkish. It
was palatable and nutritive to men afflicted as we were.
This beef, connected with vegetables, soon animated us
with an idea of returning health and vigor ; yet, though
it mitigated the pains we endured, it did not totally ex
pel the scurvy.
The seventh of May arrived. Two ships came to
the aid of the garrison, beating through a body of ice,
which perhaps was impervious to any other than the in
trepid sailor. This relief of men and stores, created
great joy in the town. Our army began their disorderly
retreat. My friend Simpson, with his party, were
much misused, from a neglect of giving him information
of the intended flight of our army. Some few of the
men under his authority, straggled and were taken in the
retreat. They came to inhabit our house. Now, for
the first time, we heard an account of the occurrences
during the winter's blockade, which to us, though of
1 The late Captain Thomas Boyd, the strongest and largest man among
us, when coming to the air, frequently fainted ; one Rothrock, of Morgan's,
had so fetid a breath that it was disgusting to enter the room he inhabited ;
one of Lamb's company lost his gums and some of his teeth, all were loose,
of which I am certain as his mouth was examined by me. — Henry.
Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775. 165
trivial import, were immensely interesting. The sally
of this day, produced to the prisoners additional comfort.
Though the troops took a severe revenge upon our
friends without, by burning and destroying their pro
perties. The next day, more ships and troops arrived ;
a pursuit took place, the effect of which was of no con
sequence, except so far as it tended to expel the colonial
troops from Canada. To the prisoners, this retreat had
pleasing consequences ; fresh bread, beef newly slaugh
tered, and a superabundance of vegetables, was a salu
tary diet to our reduced and scorbutic bodies. Still
freedom, that greatest of blessings, and exercise were re
quired to bring back to us genuine health. About this
time an incident occurred, which threw us into ecstasy,
as it relieved our minds and faculties from a most tortur
ing piece of preservative duty ; this was no other than
an authoritative divestment of the irons. One day,
perhaps the fifteenth or eighteenth of May, Colonel Mac
lean, attended by Major Carleton, a younger brother of
the general's, Major Maibaum,1 a German officer, both
of whom had just arrived from Europe, together with
Captain Prentis, and other officers, entered the jail about
mid-day. The prisoners paraded in the jail-yard com
pletely ironed. Captain Prentis, by the direction of
1 This gentleman was six feet and four or five inches high and as well pro
portioned. His disposition was a kindly one. He spoke his own language
admirably, and French fluently, but no English. Knowing from his mili
tary dress and manners, that he was a German, I was induced to address
him in that language. He appeared astonished, yet pleased at hearing his
own tongue from an American lad, inquired concerning Pennsylvania, our
way to Quebec, etc., but seemed apprehensive of the jealousy of the English
officials, who did not understand us. The Baron Knyphausen wanted an
interpreter. Captain Prentis, who was really my friend, made me the pro
position, as from the Baron, and used various arguments to induce a com
pliance, all of which were spurned. In 1778 or 1779, I had again the
pleasure of seeing the major at Lancaster, in the company of my father,
but he was then a prisoner. — Henry.
This is supposed to have been Major Juste Christoph von Maibom, who
was taken prisoner at Bennington, and died at Wolfenbuttel, duchy of
Brunswick, in Germany, 17 Feb., 1804. — M..
1 66 Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775.
Colonel Maclean, pointed out to the other officers :
" This is general such-a-one, — that is colonel such-a-
one," and in this manner proceeded to name all the
leading characters. Happening to be very near the
amiable, it might be said, admirable Major Carleton,
he was overheard to say, " Colonel, ambition is laudable ;
cannot the irons of these men be struck off?" This
the colonel ordered to be done immediately. Our
kind-hearted blacksmith was not distant : he came and
the officers remained to see some of the largest bolts
divested, and then left us. " Come, come, gentlemen,"
said the blacksmith, " you can put off your irons." In
a minute, the vast pile lay before him. Being now at
full bodily liberty, we completed a ball court, which had
been originally formed, as it were, by stealth. Here a
singular phenomenon which attends the scurvy, dis
covered itself. The venerable and respectable Maybin
had recommended to us exercise, not only as a mean of
cure, but as a preventive of the scorbutic humors operat
ing. Four of the most active would engage at a game
of fives. Having played some games in continuation, if
a party incautiously sat down, he was seized by the
most violent pains in the hips and knees, which incapa
citated him from play for many hours, and from rising
from the earth, where the patient had seated himself.
These pains taught us to keep afoot all day, and even to
eat our food in an erect posture. Going to bed in the
evening, after a hard day's play, those sensations of
pain upon lying down, immediately attacked us. The
pain would continue half an hour, and often longer.
My own experience will authorize me to say two hours.
In the morning, we rose free from pain, and the routine
of play and fatigue ensued, but always attended by the
same effects, particularly to the stubborn and incautious,
who would not adhere to the wholesome advice of Doctor
Maybin. Those who were inactive, retained those ex
cruciating pains to the last, together with their distorted,
bloated, and blackened limbs. Upon our return from
Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775. 167
Canada, in the autumn of 1776, I saw five or six of my
crippled compatriots hobbling through the streets of
Lancaster on their way home. It cost a tear — all that
could be given. By the month of August, the active
were relieved from those pains.
Towards the end of May, Governor Carleton ordered
each of the prisoners a linen shirt. This gift, to me,
was most agreeable, as linen next the skin, for some
months past, was unfelt, and few persons who have not
felt the extremity of such endurances as ours, can form
a full conception of the gratification we enjoyed. Having
had but one shirt on at the time of our capture, it was
soon destroyed by the wearing, and the repeated washings
it required. Delicacy forbids a dilation upon the cause
and effects. You would laugh at the description of one
of our washing parties. Rising early, the prime object
was to make a strong ley of wood ashes, of which we
had plenty, into which the linen was plunged, and con
cocted for an hour or more, under a hope of putting an
end to certain vagrants, of a genera with which most of
us are acquainted. During the boiling, the votaries of
cleanliness, cloaked in a blanket, or blanket coat, watched
the ebullitions of the kettle. The boiling done, the
linen was borne to the yard, where each one washed his
own, and watched it during the drying, almost in a state
of nature. Captain Prentis, pitying my sad condition,
pressed upon me often to accept from him, money to
purchase a suit of clothes, and he would trust to the
honor and integrity of my father for payment, whose
character he knew. Adhering to my first determination,
this polite and generous proposal of my amiable and de
serving friend was as often, yet most thankfully declined,
maugre the advice of my bosom friends Boyd and
Cunningham to the contrary. He however forced upon
me a half Johannes. This small sum was applied to the
solace of my heart. In the first place, to an article still
more necessary than a shirt. The residue was expended
upon matters which cheered the hearts of my messmates,
1 68 Campaign against Quebec, 1775.
whom I dearly loved ; cheese, sugar, tea, coffee, etc.,
spirits was detested, as we knew it to be a poison to
scorbutic persons. What pleased me much more, and
Sve me pure delight, was the following occurrence :
f my own accord, no one knowing of the intention,
the good old Irishman was delegated to purchase three
or four pounds of tobacco. It was secretly brought,
and as secretly borne to our room. A pound was pro
duced and fairly parted among our tobacco chewers.
You cannot conceive theirjoy. When the first paroxysm
was over, the remainder was disposed of in the same
way. The thankfulness of those brave, but destitute
men, arose towards me, nearly to adoration. You will
ask why ? Hear the reason. From your small knowlege
of mankind, you can have little conception of the force
habit has on the human race. One who chews, smokes
or snuffs tobacco, is as little able to abstain from that
enjoyment, as you would be, if compelled to refrain from
your usual meals. This particular is spoken of, to
persuade you by no mean to use tobacco in any shape.
It is a poison, of the most inveterate kind, which like
opium, arsenic, and several other medicaments, may be
applied to healthful purposes, yet, if employed in an
extreme degree, produces instantaneous death. These
ideas are not visionary, but are supportable by the authority
of some of the best physicians. You are at full liberty
to put your own constructions upon these observations.
But to return to my fellow-prisoners.
In the wilderness where the army soon run out the
article of tobacco, the men had many valuable succeda-
neums. The barks of the different kinds of firs, the
cedar, the red willow,1 and the leaves of many astrm.-
1 Red willow (Salix purpurea). This shrub, which is a native of the-
United States, is spread throughout our climates. The outer bark of a deep
red color, peels in a very thin scale, the inner is scraped off with a knife,
and is dried either in the sun or over the fire. The scent when burning,
is delightful. To increase the flavor, the Indians pluck the current year's-
branches of the upland sumach, and dry it in bunches over the smoke of
Campaign against ghtevec, 1775. 169
gent or bitter plants supplied the place ; but within the
bare walls of our jail there was no substitute for this
dear and inebriating vegetable. Thus was all my money
expended and much to my satisfaction and to the heart
felt pleasure of my brave and worthy companions, whose
sufferings in certain points, were greater than my own.
The table of the virtuous and generous Prentis had
often furnished me liberally with wholesome viands.
With convalescency, though pennyless, we again became
merry and lighthearted.
In the beginning of August we were told by Captain
Premis, that the governor had concluded to send us by
sea to New York upon parole for the purpose of being
exchanged ; that the transports which had brought the
late reinforcements from Europe, were cleansing and
preparing for the voyage. Now there was exultation.
On the seventh of August we subscribed our written
a fire. A half" part of red-willow bark, added to as much of the dryed
sumach forms the killiknick. Those ingredients added to a third part of
leaf tobacco, and the mass rubbed finely together in the palm of the hand,
makes that delicious fume, so fascinating to the red, and also to the white
men. Care must be taken by the consumer, not to use the swamp sumach
(Rbus vernix^for the upland (Rbus glabrum) as the former is most poison
ous, and resembles the latter, in the bark and leaf so much, that an in
curious eye might be deceived. The difference to a stranger may be
distinctively marked by observing that the bunch of berries of the upland
sumach, is a cone closely attached to each other, and when ripe of a reddish
color. The berries of the swamp sumach hang loosely pendant, from a
lengthy foot-stalk, and when ripe, are of a greenish-gray : at least I never
saw the berry in any other state. The unhappy person who would em
ploy the swamp sumach in smoking, would forfeit his eyesight. This truth
I had from Natanis in Canada, and it has since, many years ago, been con
firmed to me by the celebrated Seneca, The Cornplanter. You know
the experience of our own family, when clearing the swamp, as to the
deleterious qualities of the wood as fuel : your mother suffered greatly
from its poisonous vapors. The moose-deer prefer the red-willow as food j
we most frequently observed them in its neighborhood. The vanilla of
South America, has been applied by the Spanish manufactors of tobacco,
in various ways : it is strange, that we have never assayed the killikinick. —
Henry.
15
170 Campaign against Quebec^ 1775.
paroles.1 Captain Prentis procured me permission from
government with a few friends to traverse the city. An
officer of the garrison attended us. Our first desire
was to see the grave of our general, and those of his
aids, as well as those of the beloved Hendricks and
Humphreys. The graves were within a small place of
interment, neatly walled with stone. The coffins of
Montgomery, Cheeseman and M'Pherson, were well
arranged side by side. Those of Hendricks, Humphreys,
Cooper, etc., were arranged on the south side of the
inclosure, but as the burials of these heroes took place
in a dreary winter, and the earth impenetrable, there was
but little soil on the coffins, the snow and ice which had
been the principal covering being now dissolved, the
foot of the general's coffin was exposed to the air and
view. The coffin was well formed of fir plank. Cap
tain Prentis assured me that the graves should be
deepened and the bodies duly deposited ; for he also
knew Montgomery as a fellow soldier, and lamented his
untimely fate. Thence we proceeded past the citadel,
along the ramparts to Cape Diamond, descended the
declivity slantingly, and examined the stockades and
block house. It is this little tour which enabled me to
describe to you the site and defences of that formidable
pass. Proceeding thence through a part of the lower
town, we came to a narrow street which led us to an
immense stair way, one of the ascents into the upper
town. Ascending here we came to the main passage,
which curvatured down the hill into the lower town,
1 It will perhaps be proper to give you an idea of the parole exacted at
that time. " We whose names are hereunder written, do solemnly promise
and engage, to his Excellency General Carleton, not to say or do any thing
against his majesty's person or government 5 and to repair, whenever re
quired so to do by his excellency, or any of his majesty's commanders in
chief in America, doth please to direct, in testimony of which, we have
hereunto set our hands this day at Quebec. August yth, 1776.
J. J. H. &c."
I received the original paper in 1778, in consequence of an exchange of
the St. John's prisoners for us. — Henry.
Campaign against Quebec > 1775. 171
and which was to lead us in our supposed attack upon
the upper town ; this we pursued and came to the place
of the second barrier, which had been lately demolished.
The houses on both sides of the street in which we had
taken our stand, were now in ruins, having been burnt
by the garrison as were the suburbs of St. Roque and
St. Johns. This was done to render them unfit for the
shelter of future assailants. Thus it is that war destroys
the wealth and robs the individual of happiness. We
had no time to make observations but such as could be
done in passing hastily. Returning to the upper town
by the principal and winding road, we were strongly im
pressed with the opinion that if our whole force, as was
intended, had formed a junction in the lower town, that
it was utterly impracticable, either from our numbers or
our means, to mount by a road such as this was. Sup
pose it not to have been barricaded and enfiladed by
cannon, it must be assailed by the bayonet, of which
weapon we had very few and the enemy was fully sup
plied. But when we reflect that across the road at the
centre of the arc of each curve there was a barricade,
and cannon placed to rake the intervals between the
different barricades, the difficulties of the ascent, which
is very steep, would be increased even to insurmounta
bility. The road is very narrow and lined next the hill
by a stupendous precipice ; on the other hand there were
some houses romantically perched on the side of the
declivity, and some rocks. The declivity of itself was
an excellent defence if the besieged could maintain the
position in front, for in a short time, in so confined a
space, the assailants must either die, retreat, or be thrown
down the hill from the road. But suppose all these
defences overcome, and we had arrived at the brow of
the hill at the entrance of the upper town, here a still
more formidable obstacle presented itself than those
which could be formed by art in the lower parts of the
road. At this place there is a hollow way, which in the
hurry we were in and the slight view we dared take, ap-
1 72 Campaign against Quebec, 1775.
peared as if cut out of the solid rock, of a depth of thirty
or forty feet. Athwart this way there was a strong
stockade of a height nearly equal with the perpendicular
sides of the way or gulley. From the surface above we
might have been stoned to death by the defenders of the
fortress without a probability of their receiving harm
from us below, though ever so well armed. But the
stockade itself, from its structure and abundant strength,
would have resisted a force manifold our numbers, and
much better supplied and accoutred. From these observ
ations (those of an uninstructed youth to be sure),
there was no hesitation in telling my intimate friends,
then and since, that the scheme of the conquest of the
upper town was visionary and groundless ; not the result
of our dear general's reflections, but forced upon him by
the nature and necessities of the times and his disagree
able predicament. If a coalition of our forces in the
lower town had taken effect, the general would then
most probably have developed his latent and real plans.
The reasons given in council may have been promul
gated merely to induce a more spirited exertion upon
the part of the officers and soldiery, who were not in the
secret, to excite a factitious valor. Getting into serious
action and warmed by the opposition of the enemy, the
troops might have been induced to persevere in any
apparently sudden design of the general. The cupidity
of the soldiers had been played upon. This latter fact
is known to me of my own particular knowledge. Some
weeks before the attack the soldiers in their common
conversations, spoke of the conquest of the city as a
certainty ; and exultingly of the plunder they should
win by their bravery. It was not my business to con
tradict, but to urge them on. Perhaps the setting fire
to the lower town on the side of Cape Diamond, con
sidering the prevailing wind which was at southeast,
but afterwards changed to north and northwest, such a
design might have been effected. The shipping also
ice-bound, numerous and valuable, moored around the
Campaign against Quebec , 1775. 173
point, would have been consumable. All this destruc
tion would have been a victory of no mean kind ; but
adding eclat to the known gallantry and prowess of the
general. The Almighty willed that we should never
know the pith or marrow of his projects ; whatever they
were, my mind is assured that they were considerately
and well designed. He was not a man to act incau
tiously and without motive, and too honest and brave
to adopt a sinister part. No doubt we could have
escaped by the way of St. Roque, protected by the
smoke of the conflagration, and the terror and bustle
which would consequently be created in the town.
Though this pass is too narrow for the operation of a
large body of men in an extended front, still we should
have been too numerous (under the circumstances sup
posed), for the enemy to afford a force issuing from
palace gate, adequate to oppose us. In the next instance
if we should happen to be so very fortunate in such a
retreat, as to bat the foes, they must retreat into the city
by the way of palace gate, and we should have entered
pell-mell, and should thus have achieved the possession
of that important place, the upper town, which was the
primary view and last hope of the general and the army.
These were the crude notions of a youth formed upon
the spot, but in a maturation of thirty years, are still
retained.
The general did not want for information. Many
persons, male and female (unnecessary mouths), were
expelled the city, to wander for subsistence among their
friends in the country. His own knowledge of Quebec,
where he had served, would enable him by interrogation
to extort from those emigrants a full stock of inform
ation of all the new defences erected by Governor Carleton
since. Consequently, knowing the practicability of
Cape Diamond {Aunce de mere, which must be provin
cial, and I do not understand), as an entrance to the
lower town (but a most dangerous one), and that ol
St. Roque, with which and its barriers, he was particularfy
174 Campaign against Quebec, 1775.
acquainted, from his own, and the observations of others ;
if so, he would most assuredly be informed of the defens
ive obstructions on the slope of the hill, and the encloy-
ment of the troops, which would in consequence attend ;
and he would also know that this place, to the garrison,
would be a perfect Thermopylae-, impassable by ten times
our numbers, if we had been veterans and were better
furnished. From these reasons, there was an induce
ment for my mind, at all times since the attack, to
conclude that it was never General Montgomery's real
design to conquer the upper town, by an invasion from
the lower town, but his hidden and true plan was, by a
consolidation of our whole force, to burn the lower
town, and the shipping, and to retreat by the way of
palace gate and St. Roque. If a sally was made at
palace gate, the event, as was observed before, might
be fatal to the enemy. The comprehensive mind of
Montgomery would not only appreciate to the full ex
tent the peculiar advantages of the enemy, but estimate
to its true value the means he possessed, and the merits
of his own army. Presuming the colonists to be suc
cessful in the lower town, where there was much
wealth, and the avaricious among us be in some degree
gratified, it would have created a spirit of hope and en
terprise in the men, tending to induce them to remain
with us. Afterwards, combining our whole force, with
the reinforcements we had a prospect of receiving, an
attack upon the upper town might have succeeded. In
a word the destruction of the lower town, in my appre
hension, should be considered merely as preparatory to
a general assailment of the upper town, notwithstanding
all that has been said in the memoirs of those days. A
contrary opinion went abroad " that the general, if he
had lived, by this assault would have conquered Quebec."
No idea could be more fallacious. It was politically
right to keep up that opinion among the people in those
trying times^but its accomplishment, with our accompani
ment of men and defective arms, was ideal. Our walk
Campaign against Quebec, 1775. 175
from the great gate and palisade, was considerable, ere
we reached our detestable dwelling ; as we had enjoyed
a few hours of fleeting liberty, the locking-up became
the more horrible to our feelings. The next day,
however, we had the ineffable pleasure of marching in
a body to the water side, and embarked on board five
transports. On the following day a new joy was in
store for me. General William Thompson (of whom
it might well be said, u this is a man "), who had com
manded our regiment at Prospect hill, as its colonel: he
had been taken prisoner at the Three rivers, with several
other officers, in the preceding month of June. He was
now aboard of our little fleet, destined to New York.
Thompson came to our ship, to visit the miserable
remnant of a part of his gallant corps. The general had
a special message to me, from my father, with whom he,
was intimate. Coming through Lancaster in his way
to his command in Canada, he was authorized by my
father, if he saw me in that country, to furnish me with
money. The good man proffered me four half-johannes,
one only was accepted. What was nearer and dearer to
my heart, was the information that my parents, relatives
and friends were well. That money was applied to the
use of my messmates, in the way of sea-stores. Permis
sion being obtained, Boyd and myself went ashore ; our
purchases consisted of a very large Cheshire cheese,
coffee, tea and sugar, together with a large roll of tobacco
for the men. Again pennyless, jollity and mirth did
not forsake us.
We sailed on the tenth of August, convoyed by the
Pearl frigate, Captain M'Kenzie. Passing the delight
ful island of Orleans, much in shore, we observed the
farmers reaping their wheat, which, as we run along, we
could observe the haum, in many instances, was green
towards the foot of the stalk. From this circumstance
it was concluded, that frequently, particularly in cold or
wet seasons the grain must be kiln-dried, as it is done in
the north of England, and in Scotland, before it is housed
176 Campaign against Quebec ', 1775.
and threshed, The wheat, though sown between the
fifteenth and twentieth of May, and probably sometimes
earlier or later, is weighty, and produces a very fine
white flour. The voyage down the river, except a few
boisterous days, was pleasant. We had some noble
views, interspersed here and there with something like
villages, chapels, and farm-houses. Afterwards, we had
in prospect a bleak and dreary coast and country, whose
craggedness inspired disagreeable sensations. The great
est curiosities were the seals, whose history and manners
were then known to me, but whose living form excited
attention, as they were creeping up or basking on the
rocks. The porpoises, perfectly white, in vast droves
played before and around us, and drew my attention and
surprise, as none but the black southern porpoise had
before come under nry view. To become a naturalist,
bit is necessary a man should travel ; it was many years
before books could persuade me of the existence of a
green-haired monkey ; but these were diminutive objects
indeed in nature's scale, of comparative imagery, when
contrasted with the immense river Cadaracqua, or as it is
now called St. Lawrence, second to no river in the
world, unless it be the La Plata, of South America.
Making this observation, you must understand me to in
clude within it, the Lake Superior, and the waters which
feed that lake. Off Gaspy Point, where we soon
arrived, in a due north line, across the island of Anti-
costa, the river is about ninety miles wide. Steering
with favorable weather, the island of St. Johns came in
view ; passing it, and the Gut of Canceaux, experienc
ing some stormy weather upon the ocean, and a few
difficulties, we happily arrived at New York on the
eleventh of September, 1776, and anchored three miles
south of Governor's island. Now it was, for the
first time, that we heard of the dilemma in which our
country stood.
The battle of Long Island, on the twenty-seventh of
August, had been unsuccessfully fought by our troops,
Campaign against Quebec •, 1775. lll
many of whom were prisoners. In such hurrying times,
intercourses between hostile armies in the way of nego
tiation upon any point, are effected with difficulty. We
had waited patiently several weeks, to be disembarked
on our own friendly shore ; yet tantalized every day
with reports that to-morrow we should be put on shore ;
some, and in a little while all, began to fear it was the
intention of General Howe to detain us as prisoners in
opposition to the good will of Sir Guy Carleton. This
notion had so strongly impressed the minds of my friend
Doctor Thomas Gibson, and a young man called John
Blair, of Hendricks, that they determined to escape
from the ship. They were, both of them, athletic and
able bodied men, and most adroit. Gibson planned the
manner of escape ; its ingeniousness, hazard, boldness
of execution and eventual success, received the applause
of all, but was disapproved, upon the principle that it
trenched upon their honor, and would impede our release.
The story is this : Gibson and Blair, in the evening,
dressed in shirts and trowsers, were upon the main deck
with their customary flapped hats on their heads. Gib
son gave me a squeeze of the hand in token of farewell ;
he was greeted kindly, for he was the brother of my
soul. He and his companion went to the forecastle,
where there were two large New Foundland dogs, each
of which had his party, or rather his partizans among
the crew. These, the adventurers hissed at each other.
The dogs being engaged with their usual fury, attracted
the attention of the sailors and many of the prisoners ;
they took this opportunity of stripping and letting them
selves down at the bow into the water. Leaning over
the sides of the ship, in company of some friends in the
secret, and unregardful of the dogs, we awaited the
management of the flight. The last lighted cloud ap
peared low in the west. Something extraordinary passed
along the side, a foolish fellow asked, " what is that ?"
" a wave, you fool — a mere deception of sight," was
answered. It was the head of Gibson, covered by his
iy8 Campaign against Quebec > 1775.
large black hat. Within a few yards of Gibson came
Blair, but with a smaller hat, he was obvious ; his white
skin discovered him, but luckily the attention of the
ignoramus was engaged another way. These daring
men swam to the barge at the stern, entered it, and
slipped the rope. They had rowed a thousand yards
before the boat was missed. The other boats of our
ship, and of those near us, were despatched after the
runaways ; it was too late, the fugitives had too much of
a start to be easily overtaken. They landed (having
rowed about five miles), 'naked, in our own country,
somewhere in the vicinity of Bergen-neck, and bartered
the boat for some ordinary clothing. They waited on
General Washington, who disapproved of their demeanor.
A short time after the foregoing occurrence, a most
beautiful and luminous, but baleful sight occurred to us,
that is, the city of New York on fire. One night
(Sept. 22), the watch on deck gave a loud notice of this
disaster. Running upon deck we could perceive a light,
which at the distance we were from it (four miles), was
apparently of the size of the flame of a candle. This
light to me, appeared to be the burning of an old and
noted tavern, called the Fighting Cock (where, ere this
I had lodged), to the east of the battery, and near the
wharf. The wind was southwardly, and blew a fresh
gale the flames at this place, because of the wind, in
creased rapidly. In a moment we saw another light at
a great distance from the first, up the North river. The
latter light seemed to be an original, distinct and new
formed fire, near a celebrated tavern in the Broadway
called White Hall. Our anxiety for the fate of so fine
a city, caused much solicitude, as we harbored suspicions
that the enemy had fired it. The flames were fanned
by the briskness of the breeze, and drove the destructive
effects of the element on all sides. When the fire reached
the spire of a large steeple, south of the tavern, which
was attached to a large church, the effect upon the eye
was astonishingly grand. If we could have divested
Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775. 179
ourselves of the knowledge that it was the property of
our fellow-citizens which was consuming, the view might
have been esteemed sublime, if not pleasing. The deck
of our ship for many hours was lighted as at noon day.
In the commencement of the conflagration we observed
many boats putting off from the fleet, rowing speedily
towards the city ; our boat was of the number. This
circumstance repelled the idea that our enemies were
the incendiaries, for indeed they professedly went in aid
of the inhabitants. The boat returned about daylight,
and from the relation of the officer and the crew, we
clearly discerned that the burning of New York was the
act of some mad-cap Americans. The sailors told us
in their blunt manner, that they had seen one American
hanging by the heels dead, having a bayonet wound
through his breast. They named him by his Christian
and surname, which they saw imprinted on his arm ; they
averred he was caught in the fact of firing the houses.
They told us, also, that they had seen one person who
was taken in the fact, tossed into the fire, and that
several who were stealing, and suspected as incendiaries,
were bayonetted. Summary justice is at no time laud
able, but in this instance it may have been correct. If
the Greeks could have been resisted at Persepolis, every
soul of them ought to have been massacred. The testi
mony we received from the sailors, my own view of the
distinct beginnings of the fire, in various spots, remote
from each other, and the manner of its spreading, im
pressed my mind with the belief that the burning of the
city was the doings of the most low and vile of persons,
for the purposes, not only of thieving, but of devastation.
This seemed, too, the general sense, not only of the
British, but that of the prisoners then aboard the trans
ports. Laying directly south of the city, and in a range
with Broadway, we had a fair and full view of the whole
process. The persons in the ships nearer to the town
than we were, uniformly held the same opinion. It was
not until some years afterwards, that a doubt was created ;
180 Campaign against Quebec ^ 1775.
but for the honor of our country and its good name, an
ascription was made of the firing of the city, to acci
dental circumstances. It may be well, that a nation, in
the heat and turbulence of war, should endeavor to pro
mote its interests, by the propagating reports of its own
innocency and prowess, and accusing its enemy of fla
grant enormity and dastardliness (as was done in this
particular case), but when peace comes, let us in God's
name do justice to them and ourselves. Baseness and
villainy are the growth of all climes, and of all nations.
Without the most numerous, and the most cogent tes
timony, as the fact occurred within my own view, the
eloquence of Cicero could not convince me that the
firing was accidental. Some time after the burning of
the city, we understood that we were to be embarked in
shallops, and landed at Elizabethtown point.
The intelligence caused a sparkling in every eye.
On the next day about noon, we were in the boats ;
adverse winds retarded us. It was ten or eleven at
night, before we landed ; the moon shone beautifully,
Morgan stood in the bow of the boat ; making a spring
not easily surpassed, and falling on the earth, as it were
to grasp it — cried " Oh my country." We that were
near him pursued his example. Now a race commenced
which in quickness, could scarcely be exceeded, and
soon brought us to Elizabethtown. Here, those of us
who were drowsy, spent an uneasy night. Being un
expected guests, and the town full of troops, no quarters
were provided for us. Joy rendered beds useless, we
did not close our eyes till daylight. Singing, dancing,
the Indian halloo, in short, every species of vociferous-
ness was adopted by the men, and many of the most
respectable sergeants, to express their extreme pleasure.
A stranger coming among them, would have pronounced
them mad, or at last intoxicated ; though since noon,
neither food nor liquor had passed our lips ; thus the
passions may at times have an influence on the human
frame, as inebriating as wine or any other liquor. The
Campaign against Quebec , 1775. 181
morning brought us plenty, in the form of rations of
beef and bread. Hunger allayed, my only desire was
to proceed homewards. Money was wanting. How to
obtain it in a place where all my friends and acquaintances
were alike poor and destitute, gave me great anxiety and
pain. Walking up the street very melancholy, unknow
ing what to do, I observed a wagon built in the Lancaster
county fashion (which at that time was peculiar in Jer
sey), unloading stores for the troops come or coming.
The owner seeing me, grasping my hand with fervor,
told me every one believed me to be dead. Telling
him our story in a compendious manner, the good old
man, without solicitation, presented me two silver dollars
to be repaid at Lancaster. They were gladly received.1
My heart became easy. The next day, in company
with the late Colonel Febiger and the present General
Nichols, and some other gentlemen, we procured a light
return wagon which gave us a cast as far as Princeton,
Here we had the pleasure of conversing with Dr. With-
erspoon, who was the first that informed us of a reso
lution of congress to augment the army. It gave u
pleasure, as we had devoted ourselves individually, tc
the service of our country. The next day, if not in
correct, we proceeded on foot, no carriage of any kind
being procurable. Night brought us up at a farm-house
somewhere near Bristol. The owner was one of us, that
is, a genuine whig. He requested us to tarry all night,
which we declined. He presented us a supper that was
gratefully received. Hearing our story, he was much
affected. We then tried to prevail on him to take us to
Philadelphia in his light wagon. It was objected that it
stood loaded with hay in the barn floor ; his sons were
asleep or abroad. We removed these objections by
unloading the hay while this good citizen prepared the
1 Who do you think this was ? Why Stephen Lutz, of Lancaster —
poor but industrious. I have thanked him a thousand times since, and
have had the pleasure of obliging him. — Henry.
16
1 82 Campaign against Quebec •, 1775.
horses. Mounting, we arrived at the Harp and Crown
about two o'clock in the morning. To us it was most
agreeable that we passed through the streets of Philadel
phia in the night time, as our clothing was not only
threadbare but shabby. Here we had friends and funds.
A gentleman advanced me a sum sufficient to enable me
to exchange my leggins and moccasins, for a pair of
stockings and shoes, and to bear my expenses home. A
day and a half brought me to the arms of my beloved
parents.
At Philadelphia, I waited upon a cousin of my mother's,
Mr. Owen Biddle, then a member of the council of
safety, who informed me that while in captivity, he had
procured me a lieutenancy. My heart was otherwise
engaged. Morgan the hero ! had promised and obtained
forme, a captaincy in the Virginia line. Following the
fortunes of that bold and judicious commander, my name
might have been emblazoned in the rolls of patriotic
fame. But alas ! in the course of eight weeks after my
return from captivity, a slight cold, caught when skating
on the ice of the Susquehanna, or in pursuing the wild-
turkey among the Kittatinny hills, put an end to all my
visionary schemes of ambition. This cause renewed
that abominable disorder, the scurvy (which I had sup
posed was expelled from my system), accompanied by
every morbid symptom, which had been so often observed
at Quebec, attendant upon others. The medical men
of all classes, being engaged in the army, that species
of assistance was unattainable, in the degree requisite;
lameness, as you now observe it, was the consequence.
Would to God ! my extreme sufferings had then ended
a life, which since has been a tissue of labor, pain, and
misery.
THE END.
APPENDIX.
The following letters written from Canada respecting
the Invasion of that Province by Arnold and Mont
gomery, are taken from the Pennsylvania Journal and
Weekly Advertiser, Jan. 3, 1776.
Extract of a Letter from an officer under Col. Arnold^ dated at Point aux
Tremble (in Canada], Nov. 21, 1775. •
" The last letter I wrote you was from the Dead river, Oct. 24, which 'tis
probable you have never received. At that time our difficulties seemed to
increase. We had a very rapid river to encounter with our boats, and a
thick wilderness for those that marched by land ; many places, some miles
in length, of cedar swamp, hills, etc., but all these were tolerable while our
provisions were plenty. At the head of Chaudiere lake, which is an hun
dred and some miles from the Canadian settlements, every man received
his allowance of flour, and there was exactly four pints to each. Meat
there was none. Upon this small supply we were obliged to push as we
valued our lives, and did not know but we should have a powerful army to
encounter. Then I first experienced the real advantage of health, being
able to keep pace with the foremost, and reached the inhabitants, though
in a very weak, half starved condition. Some dogs that had followed us
were killed and eat, even the intestines, skin, etc. Many eat their shoes,
shot pouches, etc., and some never reached the settlements ; I believe no
men ever went through more or greater hardships. Col. Enos, who com
manded the fourth or last division of our little army, called a council o'
war at his entrance into the Dead river, and he with his whole party, cor
sisting of three companies, returned back 5 this first caused our distress, a.
chief of our provision was in the rear under his care. From the last Eng
lish inhabitants in the province of Maine, to the Canadian settlements, we
were thirty-two days marching, and never saw any human being but those
of our party, neither do I think it was ever passed, except by Indians and
wild beasts. We were at least one month too late for this northern cli
mate, as we suffered much from rains, cold, snow, etc., but our joy upon
our arrival among the Canadians is inexpressible, and their kindness and
hospitality soon made amends for all our fatigue, though I am sensible it
will never be forgotten. From the first inhabitants up Chaudiere river, to
Quebec, is called ninety miles. We were not permitted to tarry at any
place, but marched on as fast as our strength would permit to Point Levi,
184 Appendix.
which is on the river St. Lawrence directly opposite to Quebec, where we
found a number of armed vessels, from whom we were frequently compli
mented with salutes of their cannon.
" The country we last passed through was very thick settled, though
every where you see marks of oppression. The people are poor and illiterate
and appear to have no other end in view than keeping their souls and bodies
together, and preparing for the next world, being exceedingly devout. We
tarried at Point Levi near a week, during which time we were busy in pre
paring to cross the river, being obliged to purchase birch canoes twenty
miles distant and carry them by land, the regulars at Quebec having burnt
all near them as soon as they heard of our coming. The men of war lay
in such a manner as they supposed would prevent our attempt, but on
Monday the i 3th inst., every thing was ready for our embarkation, and at
nine o'clock in the evening, being very dark, the first division set off, and
we passed between the Hunter of fourteen guns and Quebec, and landed
safely at Point de Pezo. The boats were immediately sent back and con
tinued passing till near daybreak, while the men on this side marched up
the hill, at the same place the immortal Wolfe formerly did, and imme
diately formed. The place we marched up is called Wolfe's Cove, and
were you to see the hill, you would think it morally impossible for any
thing mortal to get heavy artillery up it. I forgot to inform you that
Wolfe had intrenched himself very strongly at Point Levi, the remains of
which are very evident, though defaced and much filled up. Near day
break the guard boat belonging to the man of war was passing from the
Hunter to the Lizard, a frigate of twenty-eight guns, at the time some of
our boats were crossing, which made us uneasy, and as the guard boat came
near the shore we hailed her, and then fired upon her, and could distinctly
hear them cry out they were wounded ; they pushed off, and the whole
garrison was immediately alarmed. After waiting some little time till all
our men were over (except a guard stationed at Point Levi), we marched
across the plains of Abraham, and at daybreak took possession of some
houses, one mile and an half from Quebec ; after fixing a strong guard we
retired, but were alarmed by their seizing one of our sentinels, whom they
carried off. Our army was immediately marched off towards the walls.
They fired some heavy shot at us, but without any execution ; and our men
as usual at Cambridge, picked up a number of them, gave them three
hearty cheers and retired to their quarters. On Tuesday they made an
attempt for a second sentinel, but were unsuccessful. Our little army im
mediately turned out, and we took possession of a nunnery in the suburbs
within point blank shot, and fixed a strong guard there; they kept up a
pretty heavy fire, but fortunately no person received the least injury. We
had now in a great measure cut off all communications between the city
and country, and I believe they began to feel we were not the most agreea
ble neighbors. On Wednesday we had two alarms and expected they would
have turned out and ventured a battle, but it vanished with the roaring of
their cannon. On Thursday evening, as a party were crossing St. Charles
river (for Quebec stands on a point between St. Lawrence and St. Charles),
one of our men, a Pennsylvanian, and a noble soldier was wounded by a
cannon ball in the leg, which was cut off as soon as possible, but he had lost
Appendix. 185
so much blood before the doctor could see him that he expired next morning.
We buried him on the plains of Abraham. A noble grave for a soldier,
and which his past conduct, since he has been in this department, really
merited. Little or nothing material passed on Saturday. On Sunday
evening, about seven o'clock, every man received orders to parade at Head
Quarters at three o'clock in the morning, with his pack on his back. The
boats were dispatched across the river and our guard brought from Point
Levi. At the appointed hour we assembled and received orders to retreat.
We set off, and in our march passed three different armed vessels, and as
the road is on the shore we expected at least a broadside, ut they passed
us in peace, and upon their arrival at Quebec, we heard the discharge of a
number of cannon, from which we concluded Carleton was on board one
of them, or that 'twas for joy of our raising the seige. We marched eight
leagues that day, and the colonel found it absolutely necessary to halt here,
till he could provide the men with shoes or moccasins, many of them being
almost barefoot ; it was the first time I ever wore moccasins on a march,
and I assure you from the roughness of the road (it being very hard) I could
not, in my opinion, if my life had depended upon it, have marched ten miles
next day. It has ever been our fortune from first marching from Cambridge,
whenever we were much depressed, fatigued, etc., to hear some agreeable news
that would immediately invigorate us, and enable us to proceed with tolera
ble cheerfulness. At this place we heard the agreeable news of Montreal
being in our possession, that Governor Carleton made his escape in a birch
canoe, and that he was actually in the ship that passed by here yesterday.
In short everything once more seems to conspire in our favor. Gent
Montgomery is on his march for Quebec, and we halt here till he comes
up, when we shall return to Quebec again, though whether it will be in our
possession this winter or not is uncertain. We hear they are driving in all
the cattle, etc., which will enable them to stand a long seige. In this
part of the world 'tis time for men to think of winter quarters rather than
attacking fortified towns ; however we are Americans and American soldiers*
I have not an objection to visiting the plains of Abraham once more, and
'tis probable shall have good quarters even in Quebec ; at any rate I go with
pleasure and sincerely believe every man in our army would rather return
and is only sorry that our situation rendered it impossible for us to stay
longer before Quebec. Our commander is a gentleman worthy the trust
reposed in him 5 a man, I believe, of invincible courage ; a man of great
prudence ; ever serene ; he defies the greatest danger to affect him, or diffi
culties to alter his temper 5 in fine you will ever see him the intrepid hero,
and the unruffled Christian.
" Thus have I endeavored to give you a short sketch of our past and
present situation 5 I could wish my abilities could have placed it in a more
correct light before you j in my present abode it was entirely out of my
power, and it was not a little time before I could procure even thus much
paper, which is the leaf of a book, a gentleman had for his journal. In
better times expect better fare. Quebec, as I mentioned, stands upon a
point, between St. Lawrence and St. Charles rivers, the latter not navigable,
except for ferry boats, it consists of the upper and lower town, the latter is
immediately on the point or water's edge, and consists of a large number of
1 86 Appendix.
houses built thick 5 the upper town is upon the hill, which is prodigiously
high 5 the town is surrounded on the country part by a wall, from twenty-
five to thirty feet high ; there are, I think, three gates (though I am not
certain), St. John's, Port Lewis, and St. Roque's. On each side the river
St. Lawrence, from Quebec to Point aux Tremble (cur present camp), the
hills, or rather banks, are very high, not much less in general than fifty
felt 5 many places close upon the river; in some places there is a rich piece,
of level meadow, perhaps the distance of half a mile from the bank to the
river. The whole from here to Quebec, is thickly inhabited, which I am
informed is the case to Montreal. The houses are many of them genteel,
rather than otherwise, though in general the inhabitants live very low, and
in their dress, manners, stoves, etc., exactly resemble our Germans. Since
I left Newbury Port till our march last Sunday, I do not recollect that I
have seen an oak tree 5 I venture to say I have not. In the province of
Maine, such part as we came through and Canada, has abounded chiefly
with evergreens, such as fir, hemlock, spruce, cedar, pine, birch, maple, etc.;
last Sunday I was happy in seeing a few oaks and an apple orchard. The
inhabitants few or none speak English. How long we may stay here is
uncertain — till our reinforcement arrives, 'tis probable, unless they should
venture to attack us from Quebec. Be it as it will I am content, and can
remove from place to place with as much resignation as almost any one,
having been taught by this campaign to consider no place as my home for
more than an hour or a day."
Extract of a letter from a volunteer ivitb Col. Arnold to his friend in this
city, dated Point aux Tremble, 21 miles from Quebec, November 21, 1775.
" We arrived before Quebec the I5th inst., after a severe march of about
600 miles ; when we left Cambridge we were eleven hundred strong ; about
halfway Colonel Enos got frightened, and with three companies, and the
sick, which together was about one-half of our number, and the greatest
part of the provision, turned back ! May shame and guilt go with him,
and wherever he seeks a shelter may the hand of justice shut the door against
him ; perhaps I have said too much, but a man that has suffered by him,
can hardly refrain speaking. We were about two months on our march,
thirty-two days of which we did not see a house, and at short allowance,
six days of which we were at half a pound of pork and half a pound of
flour per man a day, after which for four days we had only half a pound of
flour per day, our pork being gone; two days of which we lost ourselves,
marched forty miles, and were but ten miles on our way; our whole stores
was then divided, and it was about four pints of flour per man ; a small
allowance for men near one hundred miles from any habitation, or prospect
of a supply. After having traveled fifty or sixty miles on this scanty allow
ance we came to a river, which we were told was only eight miles from
the inhabited parts, here I sat down, baked and eat my last morsel of bread;
but, think what was my distress, when I found, after crossing the river,
that I had thirty miles to travel before I could expect the least mouthful ;
however my dread was soon removed by the return of Col. Arnold, who,
with a small party had made a forced march, and returned to us with some
cattle he had purchased of the inhabitants ; on these we made a voracious
meal, and renewed our march with new courage to Point Levi — from
Appendix. 187
•thence we were transported in birch canoes to the plains of Abraham, and
from thence retreated to this place to wait for Gen. Montgomery, who, we
are told, by express this day, will be with us soon."
Extract of a Letter from Point aux Tremble, dated Dec. I, 1775-
" An incessant hurry of business since my arrival in Canada, has deprived
me of the pleasure of writing before. This serves to give you a short sketch
-of our tour, the fatigue and hazard of which is beyond description ; a future
day may possibly present you with the particulars. The I5th Sept. left
Cambridge, same night arrived at Newburyport iSth embarked and sailed}
1 9th thick weather and a gale of wind, which divided the fleet ; 2Oth ar
rived in Kennebec river, 2ist reached Fort Western ; 2,£th to 29th one
division marched off each day, with forty-five days provisions; from 2gth
to the 8th Oct. the whole detachment were daily up to their waists in
water, hauling up the batteaux against the rapid stream, to Norridgewock,
fifty miles from Fort Western; from the gth to the i6th not a minute
was lost in gaining the Dead river about fifty miles ; from i6th to 27th we
ascended to Lake Me;antic or Chaudiere pond, distance eighty-three miles;
28th Col. Arnold embarked with seventeen men in five bateaux, being
resolved to proceed on to the French inhabitants, and send back provisions
to the detachment, who are near out, and must inevitably suffer without a
supply ; at ten we passed over the lake thirteen miles long and entered the
Chaudiere river, which we descended about ten m>les in two hours, amazingly
rocky, rapid and dangerouo, when we had the misfortune of oversetting and
staving three bateaux and lost all their baggage, provisions, etc., and with
difficulty saved the men This disaster, though unfortunate at first view
we must think a very happy circumstance to the whole, and kind interposition
of providence, for had we proceeded half a mile further, we must have gone
over a prodigious fall which we were not apprised of, and all inevitably
perished ; here we divided the little provisions left, and Col. Arnold pro
ceeded on with two bateaux and five men with all possible expedition, and
on the 3Oth at night, he arrived at the first inhabitants, upwards of eighty
miles from the lake, where he was kindly received, and the next morning
early sent off a supply of fresh provisions to the rear detachment by the
Canadians and savages, about forty of the latter having joined us ; by the
8th the whole arrived except two or three left behind sick ; the loth we
reached Point Levi, seventy-five miles from Sartigan (the first inhabitants),
waited until the I3th for the rear to c:me up and employed the carpenters
in making ladders and collecting canoes, those on Point Levi being all
destroyed to prevent our crossing ; having collected about thirty we em
barked at nine p. M. and at four A. M. carried over at several times five
hundred men without being discovered. Thus in about eight weeks we
completed a march of near six hundred miles not to be paralleled in history ;
the men having with the greatest fortitude and perseverance hauled their
bateaux up rapid streams, being obliged to wade almost the whole way, near
one hundred and eighty miles, carried them on their shoulders near forty miles
over hills, swamps and bogs almost impenetrable, and to their knees in mire,
being often obliged to cross three or four times with their baggage. Short
of provisions, part of the detachment disheartened and gone back; famine
i88 Appendix.
staring us in the face and an enemy's country, and uncertainty ahead j not
withstanding all these obstacles the officers and men inspired and fired with
the love of liberty and their country, pushed on with a fortitude superior
to every obstacle. Most of them had not one day's provision for a week.
Thus I have given you a short, but imperfect sketch of our march. The
night we crossed the St. Lawrence, found it impossible to get our ladders over,
and the enemy being apprised of our coming we found it impracticable to
attack them without too great a risk ; we therefore invested the town and
cutofftheir communication with the country. We continued in this situation
until the 2,oth, having often attempted to draw out the garrison in vain ;
on a strict scrutiny into our ammunition found many of our cartridges (which
to appearance were good) unserviceable, and not ten rounds apiece for the
men who were almost naked, barefooted and much fatigued, and as the
garrison was daily increasing and near double our number, we thought it
prudent to retire to this place and wait the arrival of General Montgomery
with artillery, clothing, ere., who to our great joy this morning joined us.
We propose immediately investing the town, and make no doubt in a few
days to bring Carleton to terms."
Camp before Quebec, near the General Hospital, Dec. 6.
"I wrote you the zist ult. which I make no doubt you have received.
I then gave you some particulars of our march, proceedings, etc., since
which Gen. Montgomery has joined us with artillery, and about 3000
men ; and yesterday we arrived here from Point aux Tremble, and are
making preparation to attack the enemy, who are in close garrison, but
cannot hold out long, as from the best account they are very much divided
amongst themselves, and a prodigious panic has seized them all. Carleton,
we are told, is determined to hold out to the very last, as his only hope, for
he can expect nothing but punishment from the ministry, whom he has
most egregiously deceived, in regard to the inhabitants of this country. All
his friends, or rather his courtiers, say, he could not have taken more ef
fectual measures than he has, to ruin the country.
"The 22,d ult. he issued a most extraordinary proclamation, strictly order
ing all who refuse to take up arms and defend the garrison, to depart the
town and district within four days, with their wives and children, under
pain of being treated as rebels or spies. In consequence of which a great
number of the principal inhabitants came out with their families, but were
obliged to leave all their property behind, except some wearing apparel, and
a little household furniture, etc. I inclose you a copy of the proclamation.
Among the corps who came with Gen. Montgomery, is your worthy friend
Captain Lamb, whom I had the pleasure of seeing a few days ago at Point
aux Tremble. Our men are in high spirits, being now well clothed with
the regimentals destined for the yth and a6th regiments, who were taken
prisoners at St. John's. This is a circumstance which, I believe, the
like never before happened to British troops, as two regiments of them to
be made prisoners at one time. Providence smiles on us in a most remark
able manner. The Canadians say, ' Surely God is with his people, or they
could never have done what they have done.' They are all astonished at
our march through the wilderness which they say was impossible, and
Appendix. 189
would not believe our coming, until they had ocular demonstration of it.
We are at a great loss for intelligence from the army at Cambridge and
other quarters, having had no certain accounts of their movements, nor
the least syllable of news since we left Newbury. I am astonished a
regular communication has not been opened between Montreal and the
colonies, hope you will pay a little attention publicly to it, more especially
as there are some scoundrels who, with impunity, open the letters directed
to the officers in our army, and I suppose they continue the like infamous
practice with the letters which are sent to our friends and acquaintance.
The genera] is now absent sending oft" an express, by whom I send this. I
hope the next time I write you, it will be from Quebec, for if the insulting
foe does not surrender shortly, I believe it is the general's intention to carry
the town by storm."
ROLL OF CAPT. MATTHEW SMITH'S COMPANY.
On leaving Paxtang this company mustered eighty-seven (Sy) men. Of
this number notwithstanding our researches the names of only fifty-one (51)
can be ascertained with certainty. No papers of Smith, Steel, Simpson or
Cross, are known to exist. Of Capt. Hendricks's company raised near the
same locality, on the west side of the Susquehanna, scarcely a dozen names
have been rescued from oblivion. Both companies were of the flower of
the country, brave, ardent and patriotic — and nowise daunted by the
sufferings of the Arnold campaign — of those who returned nearly all
returned to the service :
CAPTAIN.
Matthew Smith, Paxtang.
IST LIEUTENANT.
Archibald Steel, Donegal.
• 20 LIEUTENANT.
Michael Simpson, Paxtang, commanded in the assault.
30 LIEUTENANT.
William Cross, Hanover
SERGEANTS.
Boyd, Thomas, Derry, subsequently Capt.-Lieut, 1st Pa.
Cunningham, Robert, Londonderry, d. at Lancaster, of disease contracted
in prison, soon after.
Dixon, Robert, killed in front of Quebec, Nov. 17, 1775. Belonged to
West Hanover.
PRIVATES.
Ayres, John, Upper Paxtang.
Binnagle, Curtis, Londonderry.
Bollinger, Emanuel, Paxtang.
Black, James, Hanover.
Black, John, Upper Paxtang.
1 90 Appendix.
Cavenaugh, Edward, resided in York county, subsequently, " Honest
Ned " of Judge Henry.
Carbach, Peter, Paxtang. After return enlisted in Capt. John Paul
Schott's Co., March 12, 1777. Discharged at Lancaster, in 1783. Re
sided in Dearborn Co., Ind., in 1830.
Connor, Timothy, Bethel.
Crouch, James, Paxtang 5 afterwards a colonel.
Cochran, Samuel, Paxtang 5 afterwards captain of the militia, 1781.
Crow, Henry, died in Derry.
Dougherty, James, Londonderry, captured at Quebec and put in irons
eight weeks. Subsequently enlisted I2th Pa.
Dixon, Richard, Dixon's Ford.
Dean, Samuel, served one year, then appointed Lieut, in Col. Harts'
regiment, Flying camp. Subsequently 1st Lieut, nth Pa.
Egle, Adam, Lebanon; wagon-master at Cambridge, Col. Thompson's
regiment.
Elder, John, Paxtang.
Feely, Timothy, Dixon's Ford.
Griffith, John, Harris's Ferry.
Harris, David, Harris's Ferry; subsequently Capt. Pa. Line.
Harris, John, Harris's Ferry ; killed at Quebec.
Henry, John Joseph, Lancaster.
Kennedy, John, Hanover.
Marshall, Laurence, Hanover.
M'Granagan, Charles, Londonderry.
Merchant, George, Donegal.
M'Enally, Henry, Londonderry.
M'Konkey, John, Hanover.
Mellen, Atchison, Paxtang; resided in Lycoming county in 1813.
Nelson [Nilson], Alexander, Derry; killed in front of Quebec, Jan.
I, 1776,
Old, James, Derry.
Porterfield, Charles, Hanover.
Ryan, John, Derry.
Simpson, William, Paxtang; wounded August 27, 1775; brother of
Michael Simpson.
Sparrow, William, Derry.
Shaeffer, John (drummer) ; resided in Lancaster in 1809.
Smith, Samuel, Paxtang.
Taylor, Henry, Paxtang; captured Dec. 31, 1773, returned Nov. 10,1776.
Todd [Tidd] John, Hanover.
Teeder, Michael, Hanover; subsequently enlisted 5th Pa.
Warner, James ; died in the wilderness near Chaudiere lake. — Henry,
p. 198.
Waun, Michael, Derry ; died at the crossing of the Chaudiere.
Weaver, Martin, Upper Paxtang.
Weirick, Valentine, Hanover; resided in Dauphin Co., 1813.
Wheeler, [uncertain] from Paxtang. — Letter from Dr. W. H.
Egle.
INDEX,
Abenakis, 74.
Abraham, plains of, 82, 184, 187.
Acorns as food, ai.
Advance party, 13.
Age of Reason, 120.
Agry's point, 13.
Alcibiades fought in the ranks, 119.
Allen, Ethan, voyage to England,
1 20.
American Archives, a.
Ammeguntick pond, 2.
Ammunition bad and scanty, 188 j
economy of, 51.
Amwell, historian, 86.
Anderson, John F., letter from, 49.
Appendix, 183.
Arms of the forces, II
Army, pioneers return to, 46 5 re
treat of, 165.
Arnold characterized, 12 ; heads
forlorn hope, 107 5 wounded,
109 ; his vanity before Quebec,
85, 86 5 letter from, 133; re
turn of, 1865 to penetrate into
Canada, i ; instructions to, 2.
Arnold's falls, 35.
Arrow and spear heads, place of
manufacture, 18.
Aston, Joseph, 1175 major, 146,
147, 149.
Atlee, Col. Samuel, 122.
Ayres, capt., pioneer, 49.
Ayres, John, 189.
Baily, John, col., 63.
Baldwin, Loammi, col., 63.
Balsam fir, 25, 26.
Bateaux lost, 1875 relics of found,
495 repaired, 19 ; taken, 135
account of, 13.
Bears not seen, 45.
Beaver tails for food, 21.
Biddle, Owen, 182.
Bigelow, major, 68, 60.
Bingham purchase, 22.
Binnagle, Curtis, 189.
Black, James, 189 ; John, 189.
Blair, John, escape of, 177.
Bleary, its consistence defined, 65
Block house, i 30.
Boats lost in the Chaudiere, 68 j re
moved from Point Levi, 81.
Fog meadows, 24, 25.
Bollinger, Emanuel, 189.
Bombazee tails, 85.
Bonnet rouge, 103.
Boyd, Thomas, 14, 24, 37, 40, 45
46, 128, 147, 164, 175, 189;
his fate, 1 16, 117.
Braddocke's expedition, iv.
Brewer, J. col., 60.
Bridge, col., 60.
Bristol, 181.
Brown, It. col., 60.
Buckmaster, lieut., testimony of, 61.
Bunker's hill, 47.
Burr, Aaron, soldier in the army, 7a.
Cadaracgua, or St. Lawrence, 176.
Caldwell, lt.gov., his house, 83,86.
Cambridge, army encamped at, I j
head quarters at, 60 j march to
commence from, 3, 6 ; march
from, 185, 186, 187.
Campbell, col., retreat of, no,
128, 131.
Campbell, Thos., 117, 118.
Canada winter, 1025 balsam, 26 j
the first house reached, 72.
Canadian houses, 765 fare, 78}
hospitality, 78 ; settlements,
183.
192
Index.
Canadians encourage invasion, i ;
to be protected from insult and
injury, 2 ; their real sentiments
to be discovered, 3.
Canoe snagged, 39 ; how repaired,
40.
Canoes, as constructed by the
Indians, 27, 28 5 bark, purchas
ed, 184, 187 ; birch bark, their
burden and how managed, 15 ;
constructed, 187.
Cape Diamond, 170, 172 ; described,
129.
Carbach, Peter, 190.
Carleton, an Irishman, 85; arrival
at Quebec, 91, 1855 his orders,
1 88; releases Natanis, 75;
generosity of, 134, 135; mild
ness of his reign, 146 ; his ac
count of loss,l 1 3 ; his humanity,
114, 115; to be diverted from
St. Johns, i.
Cartridges, commerce in, 152.
Carratunk falls, 35.
Carrying place, first, 16 ; others, i.
2, 22.
Cataract in the Chaudiere, 69.
Cattle sent to the rescue, 72.
Cavanaugh, Edward, 55, 136, 137,
138, 190.
Cedar-root cordage, 40 ; swamp,
183
Centennial relic, 35, 36.
Chamberlaine, disobeys orders, 50.
Chambers, col. Stephen, viii, xiii.
Chatham's son to be treated with
respect, 4.
Chaudiere, definition of, 67 ; lake,
described, 36; head of, 183,
187 ; river, distance of, 183 ;
navigation dangerous, 58 ; head
of, 2; arrival at, 35, 36;
source discovered, 7.
Cheeseman, killed, 131, J34)
coffin of, 170.
Cheshire cheese, 175.
Clap, Ebeneser, It. col., 63.
Clark, Joel, It. col., 63.
Cleveland, It. col., 60.
Clifton, James, 14; angler, 235
deserted, 48.
Clothing furnished by Montgomery,
102 ; received, 188.
Coats furnished by Montgomery,
141.
Cochran, Samuel, 190.
Colborn's ship yard, 13.
Colburn, Andrew, major, 63.
Conibas Indians, 19.
Connecticut volunteers, II.
Connor, Timothy, 136, 190.
Cooper, lieut., killed, 112.
Coppermine river, 15.
Cornplanter, the Seneca, 169.
Costume of the companies, II.
Craig, Mr., 102.
Crawford, col ,117.
Cromie, lieut. gov., 95 5 his country
residence, 96 ; the house rifled,
97 ; his farm house sacked, 98.
Crone, Henry, 141, 142.
Cross, It. William, 133, 189.
Crouch, James, n, 190.
Crow, Henry, 190.
Cunningham, Robert, 14, 35, 37,
38, 47, 117, 189, 128, 147.
Cushnoc, i 6.
Dauphin jail, 139, 143, I44j its
imbecility, 145, 148.
Dead-house, 135, 136.
Dead river, 183, 187; its course,
22 ; encampment on, 24; head
of, 33; army reaches, 49 ; name
misapplied, 29 ; return to
44-
Dean, Samuel, 190.
Dearborn, capt., 67 ; gen., II.
Death from repletion, 74.
Deer, habits of, 16.
Demosthenes fought in the ranks,
119.
Derry, soldiers from, II
DeVerney, Hugh, iii.
Dinner, mode of preparing, 92 j
mode of serving, 92.
Disastrous pass, 66.
Discipline to be enforced, 3.
Index.
193
Dixon, amiable, Robert, 53, 55,
115,116; wounded, 88 died,
89 ; first oblation on the altar
of liberty in Quebec, 90 ;
killed, 189.
Dixon, Richard, n, 190.
Doe Run, iii.
Dog broth, 71.
Dogs eaten, 183.
Dougherty, James, 52, 190.
Drake's Biog. Dictionary, 47.
Duck shot, 37 ; divided, 38.
Durkee, major, 59.
Egle, Adam, 190; Dr. W. H.,
190.
Elder, John, 190; Rev. Mr., 134.
Elizabethtown point, 180.
Elk, i 6.
Emigrant corps, 136.
Endesly, capt., 115.
Enos, second in command, 10 5
his desertion known, 7, 59,
132, 183, 1 86; trial of,
59 ; proceedings of court
martial, 60 j acquitted, 61 ;
his address to the public, 59 ;
exults over Dr. Smith, 63.
Enlistments declined, 106.
Escape, planned by prisoners, 147,
153 ; frustrated, 156.
Evergreens, abundance of 186.
Exchange of prisoners announced,
169.
Expedition marched, 12; took
different routes, note 1 2 ; object
and force of, 10, 13.
Famine, death from, 66.
Fatigue of the march, 187.
Febiger, Christian, 12, 1815 sketch
of, 47 ; reconnoiters the city,
85-.
Feely, Timothy, 190.
Fighting cock tavern, 178.
Fir branches, bed on, 62.
First inhabitants reached, 187.
Fisdle, lieut., wounded, 112.
Flagstaff village, 35.
17
Flint rock wrought by Indians, 18.
Force, Peter, 2.
Forest, change of growth, 49.
Fort Halifax, arrival at, 1 6.
Fort Western, 15, 187; arrival at,
'3-
Fortress, attack on ordered, 104.
Fowls, how managed, 93.
Fox, migrations of, 17.
Franklin, his discovery of electricity,
144.
French spy, 87, 89.
Freshet impedes the march, 52.
Frost, effect of on the dead, 136.
Frozen limbs, effect of, 104.
Game, scarcity of, 42.
Gardiner, Hanson's history of, 13.
Garrison alarmed, 184.
Gaspy point, 176.
Gelelemend, v.
Getchel, 40, 41, 45; Jeremiah,
guide, 15, 185 at fault, 22;
ingenious construction of, 26.
Gibson, Dr. Thos., captured, 112;
escape of, 177; died 117.
Gibson, gen., at Logstown, 21.
Gibson, George, vi.
Gibson, John vi.
Gibson, John Bannister, vi.
Gluttony, death from, 65.
Gordon, historian, 86.
Governor's island, 176.
Greaton, col., 60.
Greene, brig, gen., 59 ; characterized,
12.
Greene's division, provisioned, 60,
61.
Green's brigade, 6, 10.
Grier, Mrs., her endurance, 66, 67.
Griffith, John, 190.
Guard house, 99.
Gun barrel found, 35.
Hamilton, /\. B., n.
Hamilton, James, iv.
Hand, general, 14.
Han-Jost, 117.
Harp and Crown, tavern, 182.
i94
Index,
Harris, Biog. Hist. Lancaster, 14.
Harris, David, 190.
Harris, John, n, 190.
Harrisburgh, founder of, n.
Harrison, capt., 16.
Harville, Sheppard, 25.
Hayden, Josiah, major, 63.
Hearne's Journey, 15.
Heath, lieut., 57.
Heath, brig. gen. Wm., 59, 63.
Height of land, 2; discovered, 355
arrival at, 58.
Hendricks, capt. Wm., vii, u ;
characterized, 12 j superseded
by Morgan, 50, 57 ; at the
attack, no, 111 ; killed, in,
135} sketch of, nij grave
of, 1705 his company, 189.
Henry, Anne, v.
Henry, Anne Mary, x.
Henry, John, vi.
Henry, John Joseph, u, 1905
memoir of, iii, xij his nar
rative, 6, 7, 8, 9 ; pioneer,
190; as first lieut., 147.
Henry, Benj. West, x.
Henry, William, iii, iv, xi.
Hide, lieut,, testimony of 61.
Hitchcock, Daniel, col., 63.
Home, John, guide, 15.
Hospital, sick in, 152.
Howe, general, 177.
Hubbard, capt., wounded, 112.
Hubley, John, xiii.
Huguenots, iii.
Humphreys, lieut., 58 j at the
attack, 110, in; killed, 112,
135 ; grave of, 170.
Hunter, sloop of war, 89 ; vessel,
184.
Hunter's falls, 129.
Imprisonment, pains of, 166.
Indian bread, 62; file, 64; imple
ments of birch, 27.
Indians encourage invasion, I ; first
employed by Am. army, 75.
Inhabitants devout, 284 ; fly from
war, 87.
Invaders clad in sheet iron, n.
Invasion, letters respecting, 183.
Irons applied to prisoners, 159 j
struck off, 1 66.
Isle of Orleans, 133.
ail, its structure, etc., 148.
enner, Dr., his discovery, 144.
erking flesh, how performed, 44.
ohnson, major, 60.
ournals of the expedition, 6.
Kennebec river, I, 3, 187 ; navigable
for sloops, etc., I j arrival at,
1 3 ; carry on, 49.
Kennedy, John, 190.
Killed at Quebec, number of, 113.
Killikinxk in tobacco, 169.
King's store to be secured, 4.
Koquethaquehton, v.
Ladders constructed, 187, 188.
Lake Megantic, 187.
Lamb, captain, 100; arrival of, 188 j
wounded, 112.
Lamb's artillerists, 146.
Lancaster, Penn.,iii; volunteers, u.
Law reports, viii.
Laws, captain, 112.
Leather as food, 72.
Lee, Charles, maj. gen., pres. court
martial, 59.
Livingston's regiment, 103.
Lizzard frigate, 184.
Lobscouse, 140, 143.
Log driving, 35.
Logan. Mengwe chief, vi.
Logstown, vi, 21.
Long Island, battle of, 176.
Losses by the war, 143.
Lutz, Stephen, 181.
Maclean, col., 85, 136.
Maibom, major, 165.
Maine wilderness, i ; last inhabit
ants, 183.
Map of bark, 33.
Marshall, Lawrence, 190.
Marsh, It. col., 60.
Index.
95
Marshall's Diary, vii.
Martin, Mr., his escape, 149, 151.
Massachusetts, Hist. Soc. collections,
6 ; volunteers, 1 1,
Maybin, doctor, 161, 166.
M'Cleland, 65 ; account of, 69 j
died, 75.
McClure, Robert, n.
McCobb, capt., testimony of, 60.
McCoy, Wm., to act as colonel,
142, 143, '47, '49-
M'Dougal, col., 119, 122.
M'Enally, Henry, 53, 190.
McGranagan, Charles, 190.
M'Kenzie, capt., 1755 captured,
80, 8 1.
McKonkey, John, 15, 19, 23, 48,
49, 190.
McPherson, killed, 131, 134;
coffin of, 170.
Mease, clothier general, 122.
Meigs, major, 12; his narrative, 6,
'3-
Mellen, Atchison, 190.
Melvin, his narrative, 6.
Mengwe chief, vi.
Merchant, George, 14, 42, 84,
1905 sent to England, 120.
Merchants, generous gift to prisoners,
128.
Midshipman captured, 79.
Moccasins provided, 185; failure of,
68 5 as food, 72 5 seal-skin,
94-
Montgomery expected, 185, 187,
1885 arrived, 94; plan of at
tack, 1065 killed, no; place
of his death, 120, 134; loss of,
8; funeral of, 134; coffin of,
170.
Montreal taken, 185,
Moose deer, appearance of, 16:
horns found, 20 5 favorite food
of, 20 ; prefer red willow, 1 69 ;
shot, 42.
Moravians, iv, v.
Morgan, Daniel, 10, 182; anecdote
of, 50; his discipline, 51, 58 ;
supersedes Hendricks, 57 j
Morgan at the attack, no, uij
characterized, 12 ; described,
48 ; his riflemen, 49 : anecdote
of,5O ; his discipline, 5 1 ; super
sedes Hendricks, 57.
Morgan's force thinned, 143.
Moss bog, 46; plateaus of, 24, 25.
Mount Bigelow, 35, 58.
Murray, major, 157 ; his journal of
the route to Quebec, 142.
Narratives of the expedition, 6, 7.
Natanis, 74, 169; wounded, 75;
captured, 1125 his cabin, 20,
3»» 32-
Natural history, systems of, 17.
Nelson (Nilson) Alexander, 190;
killed, 134.
Newburyport, 186, 187; inquiries
to be made at, 3 ; expedition
arrived at, 13.
New England Hist, and Gen. Regis
ter, 6.
New Hampshire, volunteers from n.
New Years gift, 128.
New York, arrival of prisoners at,
176 $ fire in, 178
Nichols, lieut., 56, 181; at the
attack, 1115 captured, 112
115.
Nixon, col., 59, 63.
Norridgewock, i, 187 ; arrival at,
18, 19, 21.
North Auson, Maine, 34.
North's History of Augusta, 16, 22.
North, James W., letter from, 49,
58.
Oaks not seen, 186.
Octorara meeting house, iii.
Ogden, a Jersey cadet, 84, 109.
Olds, James, 53, 190.
Oracle of Reason, 120.
Orleans, isle of, 133.
Oswego falls, 53.
Payne, Thomas, 122.
Palace gate,-ioi, 102.
Panic, effects of, 101.
196
Index.
Parker, Michael, murdered, 117.
Parole of prisoners, 170.
Parsons, Samuel H., col., 63.
Port Lewis, 1 8 6.
Paxtang, 105, 189; massacre, v.
Paxton volunteers, II.
Peasantry, comfortably housed, 95.
Penn, Juliana, vii.
Pennsylvania Hist. Soc. Bulletin,
6; immigrants to, iv ; Journal
and Weekly Advertiser, 183.
Pioneers return to the army, 46.
Plato, song of, 56.
Plunder prohibited, 3.
Point aux Tremble, 90, 183, 186,
187, 188.
Point de Pezo, 184.
Point Levi, 35, 76, 183, 184, 186,
187.
Poor, major, 60.
Porpoises, 176.
Porter, Wm. A., ix.
Porterfield, Charles, 190; killed,
116.
Powder, economy of, 50.
Prentice, Samuel, major, 63.
Prentis, captain, 129, 157, 165,
169,170; account of loss, 113.
Prisoners, conspiracy among, 147;
ironed, 158; embark, 175;
to be treated with humanity, 4.
Provision exhausted, 36, 183, 186;
full value to be paid for, 4 ;
how divided, 23 ; scanty, 29,
6 1 ; taken by pioneer force, 15 ;
in prison, 138.
Quebec, Arnold to capture, I ;
distance to, I ; capture of, the
object of the expedition, 7 ;
attacked, 107 ; described, 129.
185; houses taken possession
of, 184; its defences; 172;
quietness of, 82.
Rale, killed, 19.
Rank not to be contended for, 4.
Redbank, Greene at, 12.
Red willow, 168.
Reed, James, col., 63 j Joseph, col.,
60, 63.
Reguliers, monastery, 124. 132.
Reindeer, 20.
Relics of the expedition, 34, 35.
Religious notions to be respected, 4.
Retreat ordered, 185, 187; time
for lost, 112.
Reynolds, Wm., 56.
Rhode Island volunteers, n j Hist.
Soc. Collections, 7.
Rifle corps, precedence of, 51.
Riflemen in the expedition, 10; re
turned to Quebec, 94 ; took up
quarters, 99 ; share of pro
visions, 61.
Roads, how constructed, 93 j how
opened in winter, 93.
Roeser, Matthew, iv.
Route, plan of, i.
Roxbury, rifle company at, 6.
Ryan, John, 190.
Sabatis, 32, 74, 80.
Sartigan, 187.
Savages used by the army, u.
Scaling ladders deficient, 82.
SchaerFer, John, 190.
Schatt, capt. John Paul, 190.
Schuyler, gen., consulted on the
propriety of the expedition, i ;
to act in concert with, 4.
Scott, capt., testimony of, 61.
Screw auger, invention of, xi.
Scurvy, xii ; appearance of, 161 ; its
origin, 162; effects of, 164;
recurrence of, 182; grass, 163.
Sebasticook river, 16.
Senter, his narrative, 6.
Sentries picked off, 100.
Sergeant, col., 60.
Shaeffer, John, drummer, 63.
Shepard, Wm., It. col., 63.
Sherburne, major, 59.
Sherman, Isaac, major, 63.
Shirts of linen provided, 167.
Shitz, Francis, murder of, ix.
Shoemakara among the pioneers.-
147.,
Index.
197
Shoes eaten, 183.
Simpson, Michael, 8, n, 75 ; lieut.,
189; sketch of, 30; gen.,
characteristics of, 51.
Simpson, Wm., 190.
Singleton, serjeant, 105.
Six Nations, 116.
Skowhegan, 35.
Skowhig falls, 35.
Sleighing, 93.
Slough, lieut,, vi.
Slush, sought for, 143.
Small pox introduced by women,
107 ; inoculation for, 144.
Smith, Aubrey H., x.
Smith, Calvin, major, 63.
Smith, Dr. of Philad., 63.
Smith, Matthew, vii, 1 1 ; captain,
75' l89-
Smith's company, 1 1 ; roll of,
189.
Smith, col., sketch of, 105.
Smith, Samuel, 190.
Smith, Thomas, x.
Snow, great depth of, 137; effects
of falling in, 114 ; utility of to
vegetation, 164; shoes, 94.
Snowed under, 63.
Socrates fought in the ranks,
119.
Soldiers wounded, 185.
Sparrow, Wm ., 190.
Spears formed of berths, 146.
Spoons, manufacture of, 140.
Spring, parson, 109.
Sprout, Ebenezer, major, 63.
Squirrels, 42; habits of, 18.
St. Charles river, 184.
St. Foix, parish of, 94.
St. Francis Indians, 4.
St. John's gate, 145, 186; gate un
barred, 83.
St. Johns, island of, 176; prisoners
taken at, 188.
St. Lawrence, its majesty, 91 ; pass
age of, 184, 188.
St. Roque, 171, 173, 174, 186.
Standish, Miles, 58.
Stark, John, col., 59, 63.
Steele, Archibald, u, 765 sketch
of, 145 lieut., 45, 189; hi»
adventure, 8 1, 82 j pioneer of
the advance, 14, 68 ; alter
cation with Morgan, 50 ; at
the attack, no, in; wounded,
112,; pioneer detachment of, 7.
Steinbock, habits of, 17.
Steward, Columbus, on the Arnold
trail, 34.
Stone, Edwin M., 7.
Stony point, attack on, 47.
Stove, Canadian, 92.
Stroud blanket, 134.
Sullivan, brig, gen., 60, 61, 6a ;
his expedition, 116.
Sumach, poisonous, 169.
Swords made of hoop iron, 146.
Taconick falls, I.
Tailors among the prisoners, 147.
Taylor, Henry, 190; John M., 68,
76.
Tea abandoned, 89.
Teeder, Michael, 190.
Thayer, his narrative, 6, 7, 13.
Thompson, gen. Wm., 175.
Ticonic, how situated, 16.
Tidd, John, 14, 52 (see Todd).
Timber region, 25.
Tobacco introduced, 168 ; its poison
ous effects, 1 68.
Todd (Tidd), John, 190.
Tory, definition of, 16, 1 8.
Transports, sailed, 13.
Trees of the forest, 1 8 6.
Troops, arrival of, 165.
Trout fishing, 23, 30, 31.
Tudor, W., judge advocate, 59, 60.
Tyler, John, It. col., 63.
Vose, It. col., 60.
Virginia, riflemen from, u.
Virginians affect superiority, 57.
Volunteers, whence from, in.
Ware's narrative, 6.
Warner, James, 64, 190; perished
65.
198
Index.
Warner, Mrs. Jemima, 65.
Washington, letter to congress, i j
instructions to Arnold, a ;
address to the people of Canada,
5 5 general order, 6.
Waun, Michael, 190.
Weaver, Martin, 190.
Webb, Charles, col., 63.
Weirich, Valentine, 190.
Wells, Levi, major, 65.
Wesson, James, It. col., 63.
West Hanover, Pa., 90.
Wheeler, Jesse, 14, 37, 43, 45, 82,
190.
White Hall tavern, 178.
White's ferry, 35.
Wilderness, time passed in, 183.
Williams, capt., testimony of, 60.
Winsor, Justin, 6.
Winter, the season of good humor,
100.
Wolf, grey, 43.
Wolf's cove, 82, 129, 184; place
of landing, 184.
Women that followed the army, 66.
Wood, major, 60.
Wounded, number of, 1-13, 114.
Wyllys, Samuel, col., 63.
York artillerists, 100.
Yorktown, Fcbiger at, 47.
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