A Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Vedan and Brahmana

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Rarbard College Library

FROM THE BEQUEST OF

HENRY WARE WALES, M.D.
Class of 1838

FOR BOOKS OF INTEREST TO THE
SANSKRIT DEPARTMENT

BIBLIOTHEK
INDOGERMANISCHER GRAMMATIKEN

BEARBEITET VON

F. BUOHELER, B. DELBRUOK, K. FOY, H. HUBSCHMANN,
A. LESKIEN, G. MEYER, E. SIEVERS, H. WEBER, W. D. WHITNEY,
E. WINDISOH.

BAND II.

A Sanscrir Grammar, INCLUDING BOTH THE CrassicaL LaNncuaGe, AND
THE Ovper Diacects, or VevA aND Bratmana
ny Witty Dwicur Wuitney.

FOURTH EDITION.
(ANASTATIC REPRINT.)

- + = --~@qmonme --- - --- - --

LEIPZIG,
DRUCK UND VERLAG VON BREITKOPF & HARTEL.
1896 1913)

A

SANSKRIT GRAMMAR,

INCLUDING BOTH THE CLASSICAL LANGUAGE, AND THE
OLDER DIALECTS, OF VEDA AND BRAHMANA.

BY

WILLIAM DWIGHT WIUTNEY,

LATE PROFESSOR OF SANSKRIT AND COMPARATIVE PHILOLOOY IN
VALE COLLEGE, NEW UAVEN.

FOURTH EDITION.

(ANASTATIC REPRINT.)

LEIPZIG:
BREITKOPF AND HARTEL.

BOSTON :
GINN & COMPANY.

1896 (1913).

BAYH 57, 4
3

S J oe,
a KR COL En,
“A . a.)
| DEG if 1915

Ns IBY: va

Wabe fi ve

PREFACE

TO THE First EpIrtion.

It waa in June, 1875, as I chanced to be for a day or
two in Leipzig, that I was unexpectedly invited to prepare
the Sanskrit grammar for the Indo-European series projected
by Messrs. Breitkopf and Hirtel. After some consideration,
and consultation with friends, I accepted the task, and have
since devoted to it what time could be spared from regular
duties, after the satisfaction of engagements earlier formed.
If the delay seems a long one, it was nevertheless unavoid-
able; and I would gladly, in the intcrest of the work itself,
have made it still longer. In every such case, it is necess-
ary to make a compromise between measurably satisfying a
present pressing need, and doing the subject fuller justice
at the cost of more time; and it seemed as if the call for
a Sanskrit grammar on a somewhat different plan from those
already in use — excellent as some of these in many respects
are — was urgent enough to recommend a speedy com-
pletion of the work begun.

The objects had especially in view in the preparation
of this grammar have been the following:

1. To make a presentation of the facts of the language
primarily as they show themselves in use in the literature,
and only sccondarily as they are laid down by the native
grammarians. The earliest European grammars were by the
necessity of the case chiefly founded on their native prede-

vi PRevacr.

cessors; and a traditional method was thus established which
has been perhaps somewhat too closely adhered to, at the
expense of clearness and of proportion, as well as of scien-
tific truth. Accordingly, my attention has not becn directed
toward a profounder study of the grammatical science of the
Hindu schools: their teachings I have been contented to take
as already reported to Western learners in the existing
Western grammars.

2. To include also in the presentation the forms and
constructions of the older language, as exhibited in the Veda
and the Brahmana. Grassmann’s cxcellent Index-Vocabulary
to the Rig-Veda, and my own manuscript onc to the Atharva-
Veda (which I hope soon to be able to make public*), gave
me in full detail the great mass of Vedic material; and this,
with some assistance from pupils and friends, I have sought
to complete, as far as the circumstances permitted, from the
other Vedic texts and from the various works of the Brah-
mana period, both printed and manuscript.

3. To treat the language throughout as an accented one,
omitting nothing of what is known respecting the nature of
the Sanskrit accent, its changes in combination and inficction,
and the tone of individual words — being, in all this, ne-
cessarily dependent especially upon the material presented
by the older accentuated texts.

4. To cast all statements, classifications, and so on,
into a form consistent with the teachings of linguistic science.
In doing this, it has been necessary to discard a few of the
long-used and familiar divisions and terms of Sanskrit gram-
mar — for example, the classification and nomenclature of
“special tenses” and “general tenses” (which is so indefen-
sible that one can only wonder at its having maintained itself
so long), the order and terminology of the conjugation-classes,
the separation in treatment of the facts of internal and ex-

* It was published, as vol. XII. of the Journal of the Amorican
Oriental Society, in 1881.

a
“
Ny

PREFACE vii

ternal cuphonic combination, and the like. But care has been
taken to facilitate the transition from tho old to the new;
and the changes, it is believed, will commend themselves to
unqualified acceptance. It has been sought also to help an
appreciation of the character of the language by putting its
facts as far as possible into a statistical form. In this respect
the native grammar is cspecially deficient and misleading.

Regard has been constantly had to the practical needs
of the learner of the language, and it has been attempted,
by due arrangement and by the use of different sizes of
type, to make the work as usable by one whose object
it is to acquire a knowledge of the classical Sanskrit alouc
as those are in which the carlier forms are not included.
The custom of transliterating all Sanskrit words into Eure-
pean characters, which has become usual in European San-
skrit grammars, is, as a matter of course, retained through-
out; and, because of the difficulty of setting even a small
Sanskrit type with anything but a large European, it is
practiced alone in tho smaller sizcs.

While the treatment of the facts of the language has
thus been made a historical one, within the limits of the
language itself, I have not ventured to make it comparative,
by bringing in the analogous forms and processes of other
related Janguages. To do this, in addition to all that was
attempted beside, would have extended the work, both. in
content and in time of preparation, far beyond the limits
assigned to it. And, having decided to leave out this ele-
ment, I have done so consistently throughout. Explanations
of the origin of forms have also been avoided, for the same
reason and for others, which hardly call for statement.

A grammar is oecessarily in great part founded on its
predecessors, and it would be in vain to attempt an acknowl-
edgment in detail of all the aid reccived from other schol-
ars. I have had at hand always especially the very schol-
arly and reliable bricf summary of Kielhorn, the full and

Vial PREFACE.

excellent work of Monicr Williams, the smaller grammar of
Bopp (a wonder of learning and method for the time when
it was prepared), and the volumes of Benfey and Miller.
As regards the material of the language, no other aid, of
course, has been at all comparable with the great Peters-
burg lexicon of Béhtlingk and Roth, the existence of which
gives by itself a new character to all investigations of the
Sanskrit language. What I have not found there or in the
special collections made by myself or by- others for me, I
have called below “not quotable” — a provisional designa-
tion, necessarily liable to correction in detail by the results
of further researches. For what concerns the verb, its forms
and their classification and uses, I have had, as every one
must have, by far the most aid from Delbritck, in his Alt-
indisches Verbum and his various syntactical contribu-
tions. Former pupils of my own, Professors Avery and
Edgren, have also helped me, in connection with this
subject and with others, in a way and measure that calls for
public acknowledgment. In respect to the important matter
of the declension in the carliest language, I have made great
use of the elaborate paper in the Journ. Am. Or. Soc. (print-
ed contemporaneously with this work, and used by me
almost, but not quite, to the end of the subject) by my
former pupil Prof. Lanman; my treatment of it is founded
ow his. My manifold obligatious to my own teacher, Prof.
Weber of Berlin, also require to be mentioned: among other
things, I owe to him the use of his copics of certain un-
published texts of the Brahmana period, not otherwise access-
ible to me; and he was kind enough to look through with
me my work in its inchoate condition, favoring me with
valuable suggestions. For this last favor I have likewise to
thank Prof. Delbriick — who, moreover, has taken the trouble
to glance over for a like purpose the greater part of the
proof-sheets of the grammar, as they came from the press.
To Dr. L. von Schrider is duc whatever use I have been

—™

PREFACE ix

able to make (unfortunately a very imperfect one) of the im-
portant Maitrayani-Sathita. *

Of the deficiencies of my mork I am, I think, not less
fully aware than any critic of it, even the severest, is likely
to be. Should it be found to answer its intended purpose
well enough to come to another edition, my endeavor will
be to improve and complete it; and I shall be gratcful for
any corrections or suggestions which may aid me in mak-
ing it a more efficient help to the study of the Sanskrit
language and literature.

Gortua, July 1879.
W. OD. W.

PREFACE

TO THE Seconp EDITION.

In preparing a new edition of this grammar, I have
made use of the new material gathered by myself during
the intervening years,** and also of that gathered by others,
so far as it was accessible to me and fitted into my plan;***
and I have had the benefit of kind suggestions from various
quarters — for all of which I desire to return a grateful
acknowledgment. By such help, I have been able not only
to correct and repair certain errors and omissions of the
first edition, but also to speak with more definiteness upon

* Since published in full by him, 188!—U.

** A part of this new matcrial was published by myself in 1885,
as a Supplement to the grammar, under the title “Roots, Verb-Forms,
and Primary Derivatives of the Sanskrit Language”.

*** Especially deserving of mention is Holtzmann’s collection of
material from the Mahabhirate, also published (1884) in tho form of
a Supplement to this work; also Bubtlingk’s similar collection from
the larger balf of the Ramayana.

x PREPACEB.

very inany points relating to the material and usages of
the language.

Iu order not to impair the applicability of the refcren-
ces already made to the work by various authors, its para-
' graphing has been retained unchanged throughout; for in-
creased convenience of further reference, the subdivisions
of paragrapha have been more thoroughly marked, by letters
(uow and then changing a former lettering); and the par-
agraph-numbers have been set at the outer instead of the
inner edge of the upper margin.

My remotencss from the place of publication has for-
hidden me the reading of more than one proof; but the
kindness of Professor Lanman in adding his revision (ac-
companied by other timely suggestions) to mine, and the
care of the printers, will be found, I trust, to have aided
in securing a text disfigured by few errora of the press.

Circumstances beyond my control have delayed for a
year or two the completion of this revision, and have made
it in some parts Icss complete than I should have desired.

New-Haven, Sept. 1888.

W. OD. W.

INTRODUCTION.

Brigr ACCOUNT OF THE [INDIAN LITERATURE...

It scems desirable to give here such a sketch of the
history of Indian literature as shall show the relation to
one another of the different periods and forms of the lan-
guage treated in the following grammar, and the position
of the works there quoted.

The name “Sanskrit” (sarhskrta, 1087 ad, adorned, clab-
orated, perfected), which 1s popularly applied to the whole
ancient and sacred Janguage of India, belongs more properly
only to that dialect which, regulated and established by the
labors of the native grammarians, has led for the last two
thousand years or more an artificial life, like that of the
Latin during most of the same period in Europe, as the
written and spoken means of communication of the learned
and priestly caste; and which even at the present day fills
that office. It is thus distinguished, on the one hand, from
the later and derived dialects — as the Prakrit, forms of
language which have datable monuments from as early as
the third century before Christ, and which are represented
by inscriptions and coins, by the specch of the uneducated
characters in the Sanskrit dramas (sec below), and by a Jinnted
literature; the Pali, a Prakritic dialect which became the sac-
red language of Buddhism in Ceylon and Farther India, and ts

xii INTRODUCTION.

still in service there as such; and yet later and more altered
tongues forming the transition to the languages of modern
India. And, on the other hand, it is distinguished, but
very much less sharply and widely, from the older dialects
or forms of speech presented in the canonical literature,
the Veda and Brahmana.

This fact, of the fixation by learned treatment of an
authorized mode of expression, which should thenceforth be
used according to rule in the intercourse of the educated,
is the cardinal one in Indian linguistic history; and as the
native grammatical literature has determined the form of
the language, so it has also to a large extent determined
the grammatical treatment of the language by Iuropean
scholars.

Much in the history of the learned movement is still
obscurse, and opinions are at yarlance even as to points of
prime consequence. Only the concluding works in the devel-
opment of the gramatical science have been preserved to
us; and though they are evidently the perfected fruits of a
long series of learned labors, the records of the latter are
lost beyond recovery. The time and the place of the ere-
ation of Sanskrit are unknown; and as to its occasion, we
have only our inferences and conjectures to rely upon. It
seems, however, altogether likely that the grammatical sense
of the ancient Hindus was awakened in great measure by
their study of the traditional sacred texts, and by.their com-
parison of its different language with that of contemporary
use. It is certain that the grammatical study of those texts
(g&khas, hit’ly branches), phonetic and other, was zealously
and effectively followed in the Brahmanic schools; this is
attested by our possession of a number of phonetico-gram-
matical treatises, pr&tigakhyas (prati gékh@m Jdelonging to
each several text), each having for subject one principal
Vedic text, and noting all its peculiarities of form; these,
both by the depth and exactness of their own researches
and by the number of authorities which they quote, speak
plainly of a lively scientific activity continued during a long
time. What part, on the other hand, the notice of differ-

INTRODUCTION. xiii

cences between the correct speech of the learned and the
altered dialects of the vulgar may have borne in the same
movement is not easy to determine; but it is not customary
that a Janguage has its proper usages fixed by rule until
the danger is distinctly felt of its undergoing corruption.

The labors of the general school of Sanskrit grammar
reached a climax in the grammarian Panini, whose text-book,
containing the facts of the language cast into the highly
artful and difficult form of about four thousand algebraic-
formula-like rules (in the statement and arrangement of
which brevity alone is had in view, at the cost of distinct-
ness and unambiguousness), became for al] after time the
authoritative, almost sacred, norm of correct speech. Re-
specting his period, nothing really definite and trustworthy
is known; but he is with much probability held to have
lived some time (two to four centuries) before the Christian
era. He has had commentators in abundance, and has under-
gone at their hands some measure of amendment and com-
pletion; but he has not been overthrown or superseded.
The chief and most authoritative commentary on his work
is that called the Mah&bh&shya great comment, by Pa-
tanjali.

A language, even if not a vernacular one which is in
tolerably wide and constant use for writing and speaking,
is, of course, kept in life principally by direct tradition, by
communication from teacher to scholar and the study and
imitation of existing texts, and not by the learning of gram-
matical rules; yet the existence of grammatical authority,
and especially of a single one, deemed infallible and of pre-
scriptive value, could not fail to exert a strong regulative
influence, leading to the avoidance more and more of what
was, even if lingering in use, inconsistent with his teachings,
and also, in the constant reproduction of texts, to the grad-
ual effacement of whatever they might contain that was
unapproved. Thus the whole more modern literature of
India has been Paninized, so to speak, pressed into the
mould prepared by him and his school. What are the
limits of the artificiality of this process is not yet known.

xiv INTRODUCTION.

The attention of special students of the Flindu grammar
(and the subject is so intricate and difficult that the number
is exccedingly small of those who have mastered it suffi-
ciently to have a competent opinion on such general matters)
has been hitherto mainly directed toward determining what
the Sanskrit according to Panini really is, toward explaining
the language from the grammar. And, naturally enough,
in India, or wherever else the leading object is to learn to
speak and write the language correctly — that is, as author-
ized by the grammarians — that 1s the proper course to
pursue. This, however, is not the way really to understand
the language. The time must soon come, or it has come
already, when the endeavor shall be instead to explain the
grammar from the language: to test in all details, so far
as shall be found possible, the reason of Panini’s rules
(which contain not a little that seems problematical, or even
sometimes perverse); to determine what and how much
genuine usage he had everywhere as foundation, and what
traces may be left in the literature of usages possessing an
inherently authorized character, though unratified by him.

By the term “classical” or “later” language, then, as
constantly used below in the graminar, is meant the Tan-
guage of those literary monuinents which are written in con-
formity with the rules of the native grammar: virtually, the
whole proper Sanskrit literature. For although parts of this
are doubtless earlier than Panini, it is impossible to tell
just what parts, or how far they have escaped in their style
the leveling influence of the grammar. The whole, too,
may be called so far an artificial literature as it is written
in a phonetic form (see grammar, 101 8) which never can
have been a truly vernacular and living one. Nearly all of
it is metrical: not poetic works only, but natratives, histories
(so far as anything deserving that name can be said to exist),
and scientific treatises of every variety, are done into verse;
a prose and a prose literature hardly has an existence (the
principal exceptions, aside from the voluminous commen-
tarics, are a few storics, as the Dagakumaracarita and the
Visavadatté). Of linguistic history there is next to nothing

INTRODUCTION. XV

in it all; but only a history of style, and this for the most
part showing a gradual depravation, an increase of artificiality
and an intensification of certain more undesirable features
of the language — such as the use of passive constructions
and of participles instead of verbs, and the substitution of
compounds for sentences.

This being the condition of the later litcrature, it is of
so much the higher consequence that there is an earlier
literature, to which the suspicion of artificiality does not
attach, or attaches at least only in a minimal degree, which
has a truly vernacular character, and abounds in prose as
well as verse.

The results of the very earliest literary productiveness
of the Indian people are the hymns with which, when they
had only crossed the threshold of the country, and when
their geographical horizon was still limited to the river-
basin of the Indus with its tributaries, they praised their
gods, the deified powers of nature, and accompanied the
rites of their comparatively simple worship. At what period
these were made and sung cannot be determined with any
approach to accuracy: it may have been as early as 2000
B.C. They were Jong handed down by oral tradition, pre-
served by the care, and increased by the additions and
imitations, of succeeding generations; the mass was ever
growing, and, with the change of habits and beliefs and
religious practices, was becoming variously applied — sung
in chosen extracts, mixed with other material into liturgies,
adapted with more or less of distortion to help the needs
of a ceremonial which was coming to be of immense elab-
oration and intricacy. And, at some time in the course
of this history, there was made for preservation a great col-
lection of the hymn-material, mainly its oldest and most
genuine part, to the extent of over a thousand hymns and ten
thousand verses, arranged according to traditional authorship
and to subject and length and metre of hymn: this collection
is the Rig-Vedsa Veda of verses (yc) or of Aymns. Other
collections were made also out of the same general mass
of traditional material: doubtless later, although the inter-

;
j
i

xvi INTRODUOTION.

relations of this period are as yet too unclear to allow of
our speaking with entire confidence as to anything concern-
ing them. Thus, the 8Ama-Veda Veda of chants (s&man),
containing only about a sixth as much, its verses nearly all
found in the Rig-Veda also, but appearing here with nume-
rous differences of reading: these were passages put together
for chanting at the soma-sacrifices. Again, collections called
by the comprehensive name of Yajur-Veda Veda of sac-
rificial formulas (yajus): these contained not verses alone,
but also numerous prose utterances, mingled with the former,
in the order in which they were practically’ employed in
the ceremonies; they were strictly liturgical collections. Of
these, there are in existence sevcral texts, which have their
mutual differences: the Vajasaneyi-Samhita (in two slightly
discordant versions, Madhyandina and K&yva), sometimes
also called the White Yajur-Veda; and the various and
considerably differing texts of the Black Yajur-Veda, namely
the Taittirlya-Samhité, the Maitriyani-Samhité, the Kapig-
thala-Samhité, and the Kathaka (the two last not yet pub-
lished). Finally, another historical collection, like the Rig-
Veda, but made up mainly of later and less accepted
material, and called (among other less current names) the
Atharva-Veda Veda of the Atharvans (a legendary priestly
family); it is somewhat more than half as bulky as the Rig-
Veda, and contains a certain amount of material correspond-
ing to that of the latter, and also a number of brief prose
passages. ‘To this last collection is very generally refused
in the orthodox literature the Name of Veda; but for us it
is the most interesting of all, after the Rig-Veda, because
it contains the largest amount of hymn-material (or mantra,
as it is called, in distinction from the prosc bribmana),
and in a language which, though distinctly less antique
than that of the other, is nevertheless truly Vedic. Two
versions of it are extant, one of them in only a single
known manuscript.

A not insignificant body of like material, and of various
period (although doubtless in the main belonging to the
latest time of Veilic productiveness, and in part perhaps

Ia rropucrion xvii

the imitative work of a yet more modern time), is scattered
through the texts to be later described, the Br&hmanas and
the Sitras. To assemble and sift and compare it is now
one of the pressing needs of Vedic study.

The fundamental divisions of the Vedic literature here
mentioned have all had their various schools of sectaries,
each of these with a text of its own, showing some differ-
ences from those of the other schools; but those mentioned
above are all that are now known to be in existence; and
the chance of the discovery of others grows every year
smaller.

The labor of the schools in the conservation of their
sacred texts was extraordinary, and has been crowned with
such success that the text of each school, whatever may
be its differences from those of other schools, is virtually
without various readings, preserved with all its peculiarities
of dialect, and its smallest and most exceptional traits of
phonetic form, pure and unobscured. It is not the place
here to describe the means by which, in addition to the
religious care of the sectaries, this accuracy was secured:
forms of texts, lists of peculiarities and treatises upon them,
and so on. When this kind of care began in the case of
each text, and what of origina] character may have been
effaced before it, or lost in spite of it, cannot be told. But
it is certain that the Vedic records furnish, on the whole,
a wonderfully accurate and trustworthy picture of a form of
ancient Indian language (as well as ancient Indian beliefs
and institutions) which was a natural and undistorted one,
and which goes back a good way behind the classical San-
skrit. Its differences from the latter the following treatise
endeavors to show in detail.

Along with the verses and sacrificial formulas and
phrases in the text of the Black Yajur-Veda are given
long prose sections, in which the ceremonies are described,
their meaning and the reason of the details and the accom-
panying utterances are discussed and explained, illustrative
legends are reported of fabricated, and various speculations,
etymological and other, are indulged in. Such matter comes

xviii INTRODUCTION.

to be called br&hmana (apparently relating to the brahman
ot worship). In the White Yajur-Veda, it is separated into
a work by itself, beside the satbhita or text of verses and
formulas, and is called the Catapatha-Braihmana Brahmana
of a hundred ways. Other similar collections are found, be-
longing to various other schools of Vedic study, and they
bear the common name of Br&hmana, with the name of the
school. or some other distinctive title, prefixed. Thus, the
Aitareya and Kausitaki-Brihmanas, belonging to the schools
of the Rig-Veda, the Paficavitga and Sadvitga-Braihmanas
and other minor works, to the Sama-Veda; the Gopatha-
Braéhmansa, to the Atharva-Veda; and a Jéiminfya- or Tala-
vakara-Bréhmaga, to the Sima-Veda, has recently (Burnell)
been discovered in India; the Taittirlya-Br&hmana is a col-
lection of mingled mantra and br&hmana, like the samhita
of the same name, but supplementary and later. These
works are likewise regarded as canonical by the schools,
and are learned by their sectaries with the same extreme care
which is devoted to the samhit&s, and their condition of
textual preservation is of a kindred excellence. To a cer-
tain extent, there is among them the possession of common
material: a fact the bearings of which are not yet fully
understood.

Notwithstanding the inanity of no small part of their
contents, the Brahmanas are of a high order of interest in
their bearings on the history of Indian institutions; and
philologically they are not less important, since they re-
present a form of language in most respects intermediate
between the classical and that of the Vedas, and offer spe-
cimens on a large scale of a prose style, and of one which
is in the main a natural and freely developed one — the
oldest and most primitive Indo-European ‘prose.

Beside the Brihmanas are sometimes found later ap-
pendices, of a similar character, called Aranyakas ( forest-
sec tions): as the Aitareya-Aranyaka, Taittirlya-Aranyake,
Byhad -Aranyaka, and so on. And from some of these, or
even from the Brahmanas, are extracted the earlicst Upa-
nigads (si/tings, lectures on sacred subjects) — which,

Pa e nad

INTRODUCTION. xlx

however, are continucd and added to down to a compara-
tively modern time. The Upanishads are one of the lines
by which the Brahmana literature passes over into the later
theological literature.

Another line of transition is shown in the Sitras (/ines,
rules). The works thus named are analogous with the
Brahmanas in that they belong to the schools of Vedic
study and are named from them, and that they deal with
the religious ceremonies : treating them, however, in the
way of prescription, not of dogmatic explanation. ‘They,
too, contain some mantra or hymn-material, not found to
occur elsewhere. In part (grfiuta or kalpa-siitras), they take
up the great sacrificial ceremonies, with which the Brah-
manas have to do; in part (gyhya-sOtras), they teach the
minor duties of a pious householder; in some cases (s8&-
may&carika-sitras) they lay down the general obligations of
one whose life is in accordance with prescribed duty. And
out of the last two, or especially the last, come by natural
development the law-books (dharma-gastras), which make .
a conspicuous figure in the later literature: the oldest and
most noted of them being that called by the name of
Manu (an outgrowth, it is believed by many, of the Manava
Vedic school); to which are added that of Yajfievalkya, and
many others.

Respecting the chronology of this development, or the
date of any class of writings, still more of any individual
work, the less that is said the better. All dates given in
Indian literary history are pins set up to be bowled down
again. Every important work has undergone so many more
or less transforming changes before reaching the form in
which it comes to us, that the question of original con-
struction is complicated with that of final redaction. It is
so with the law-book of Manu, just mentioned, which has
well-founded claims to heing regarded as one of the very
oldest works of the proper Sanskrit literature, if not the
oldest (it has been variously assigned, to periods from six
centuries before Christ to four after Christ). It is so, again,
in a still more striking degree, with the great legendary

b*

xx INTRODUCTION.

epic of the Mahabharata. The ground-work of this is
doubtless of very early date; but it has served as a text
into which materials of various character and period have
been inwoven, until it has become a heterogeneous mass,
a kind of cyclopedia for the warrior-caste, hard to separate.
into its constituent parts. The story of Nala, and the phil-
osophical poem Bhagavad-Git&é, are two of the most noted
of its episodes. The Ramayana, the other most famous epic,
is a work of another kind: though also worked over and
more or less altered in its transmission to our time, it is
the production, in the main, of a single author (Valmiki);
and it is generally believed to be in part allegorical, re-
presenting the introduction of Aryan culture and dominion
into Southern India. By its side stand a number of minor
epics, of various authorship and period, as the Raghuvaiga
(ascribed to the dramatist Kalidasa), the M&ghakavya, the
Bhattikavya (the last, written chiefly with the grammatical
intent of illustrating by use as many as possible of the
numerous formations which, though taught by the gram-
marians, find no place in the literature).

The Purinas, a large class of works mostly of immense
extent, are best mentioned in connection with the epics.
They are pseudo-historical and prophetic in character, of
modern date, and of inferior value. Real history finds no
place in Sanskrit literature, nor is there any conscious
historical element in any of the works composing it.

Lyric poetry is represented by many works, some of
which, as the Meghadfita and Gitogovinda, are of no mean
order of merit.

The drama is a still more noteworthy and important
branch. The first indications of dramatical inclination and
capacity on the part of the Hindus are seen in certain
hymns of the Veda, where a mythological or legendary
situation is conceived dramatically, and set forth in the
form of a dialogue — well-known examples are the dialogue
of Sarama and the Panis, that of Yama and his sister Yami,
that of Vasishtha and the rivers, that of Agni and the other
gods — but there are no extant intermediaries between these

INTRODUCTION. xxi

and the standard drama: The beginnings of the latter date
from a period when in actual life the higher and educated
characters uscd Sanskrit, and the lower and uneducated used
the popular dialects derived from it, the Prakrits; and their
dialogue reficcts this condition of things. Then, however
learning (not to call it pedantry) intervened, and stereotyped
the new element; a Prakrit grammar grew up beside the
Sanskrit grammar, according to the rules of which Prakrit
could be made indefinitely on a substrate of Sanskrit; and
none of the existing dramas need to date from the time of
vernacular use of Prakrit, while most or all of them are
undoubtedly much later. Among the dramatic authors,
Kalidasa is incomparably the chief, and his CGakuntala is
distinctly his masterpicce. His date has been a matter of
much inquiry and controversy; it is doubtless some cen-
turies later than our era. The only other work deserving
to be mentioned along with Kalidasa’s is the Mrcchakatiké of
Cudraka, also of questionable period, but believed to be
the oldest of the extant dramas.

A partly dramatic character belongs also to the fable,
in which animals are represented as acting and speaking.
The most noted works in this department are the Pafica-
tantra, which through Persian and Semitic versions has made
its way all over the world, and contributes a considerable
quota to the fable-literature of every European language,
and, partly founded on it, the comparatively recent and
popular Hitopadeca (salutary instruction).

Two of the leading departments of Sanskrit scientific
literature, the legal and the grammatical, have been already
sufficiently noticed; of those remaining, the most important
by far is the philosophical. The beginnings of philosophic-
al speculation are seen already in some of the later hymns
of the Veda, more abundantly in the Brahmagas and Aran-
yakas, and then especially in the Upanishads. The evo-
lution and historic relation of the systems of philosophy,
and the age of their text-books, are matters on which much
obscurity still rests. There arc six systems of primary rank,
and reckoned as orthodox, although really standing in no

xxi INTRODUCTION.

accordance with approved religious doctrines. All of them
seek the same end, the emancipation of the soul from the
necessity of continuing its existence in a succession of
bodies, and its unification with the All-soul; but they
differ in regard to the means by which they seek to attain
this end.

The astronomical science of the Hindus is a reflection
of that of Greece, and its literature is of recent date; but
as mathematicians, in arithmetic and geometry, they have
shown more independence. Their medical science, although
its beginnings go back even to the Veda, in the use of
medicinal plants with accompanying incantations, is of little
account, and its proper literature by no means ancient.

Chap.

HIT.

IV.

CONTENTS.

PREFACE
INTRODUCTION .

. ALPHABET
. System oF SouNDS; PRONUNCIATION

Vowels, 10; Consonants, 13; Quantity, 27; Accent, on,
Ru.es or Burnontc COMBINATION

Introductory, 34; Principicc, 37; Rules of Vowel Com-
bination, 42; Permitted Finals, 49: Deaspiration, 53;
Surd and Sonant Assimilation, 64; Combinations of
Final 6 and r, 56; Conversion of 8 to 9, 61; Con-
version of n to n, 64; Conversion of Dental Mutes to
Linguals and Palatals, 66; Combinations of Final n,
69. Combinations of Final m, 71; the Palatal Mutes
and Sibilant, and h, 72; the Lingual Sibilant, 77;
Extension and Abbreviation, 78; Strengthening and
Weakening Processes, 81; Guna and Vyddhi, 8! ;
Vowel-lengthening, 84; Vowel-lightening, 85; Nasal
Increment, 86; Reduplication, 87.

DECLENSION. . . . . . 1. 1 + ee et ee
Gender, Number, Case, 88; Uses of the Cases, 89;
Endings of Declension, 103; Variation of Stem, 107;
Accent tn Declension, 108.

. NouNs AND ADJECTIVES .

Classification etc., 111; DeclensionI., Stems ina, 112;
Declension I1., Stems in i and u, 116; Declension
IIL, Stems in Long Vowels (4, 1, @): A. Root-words
otc., 124; Stems in Diphthongs, 130; B. Derivative
Stems otc., 131; Declension [V., Stems in x or ar,
137; Deelension V., Stems tn Consonants, 141;
A. Root-stems ete., 143; B. Derivative Stems in as,
is, us, 153; O. Derivative Stems in an, 166: D.
in in, 161; B. in ant or at, 163; F. Perfect Par-
ticiples in vans, 169; G. Comparatives in y&ts or
yas, 172; Comparison, 173.

88—i110

ti1—176

xxiv

Chap.
VI.

VII. PRONOUNS ...... .

VIL.

IX.

XI.

CONTENTS.

NUMERALS . . . . . .
Cardinais, 177; Ordinals ctc., 183,

Personal, 185; Demonstrative, 188: Interrogative,
194; Relative, 196; other Pronouns: Emphatic, In-
definite, 196; Nouns used pronominally, 197;
Pronominal Derivatives, Possessives etc., 197; Ad-
jectives declined pronominally, 199.

CONJUGATION . .

Voice, Tense, Mode, Number, ‘Person, 200; Verbal
Adjectives and Nouns, 203; Secondary Conjugations,
203; Personal Endings, 204: Subjunctive Mode, 209;
Optative, 211; Imperative, 213; Uses of the Modes,
216; Partioiples, 220; Augment, 220; Reduplication,
222; Accent of the Verb, 223.

THE PRESENT-SYSTEM. . . . . «© » © os
General, 227; Conjugations and Conjugation Classca,
228; Root-Class (second or ad-class), 231; Ro-
duplicating Class (third or hu-class), 242; Nasal
Class (seventh or rudh-class), 250; nu and u-Classcs
(fifth and eighth, or au- and tan-classes), .251; na-
Class (ninth or kri-class), 260; a-Class (frst or
bhit-class), 264, Accented @-Class (sixth or tud-
class), 269; ya-Class (fourth or div-class), 271,
Accented y&-Class or Passive Conjugation, 275;
So-called tenth or cur-class, 277; Uses of the Pres-
cnt and Imperfect, 278.

. Tue Perrecr-Sysreu. . tt. .

Perfect Tense, 279; Perfect Participlo, “‘Qu1, Modes
of the Perfect, 292; Pluperfect, 295; Uses of the
Porfect, 296.

Tae AORIST-SYSTEMS . . . . 2
Classification, 297; I. Simple Aorist: 1. Root- Aorist,
299; Passive Aorist 3d sing., 304; 2. the a-Aorist,
305. II. 3. Reduplicated Aorist, 308; III. Sibilant
Aorist, 313; 4. the s-Aorist, 314; 5. tho ig-Aorist,
320; 6. the wig-Aorist, 323; 7. the sa-Aorist, 325;
Preoative, 526; Uses of the Aorist, 328.

XII. Tue Furure-SySTems. .. .« + + © «© ©

I. Tho s-Future, 331; Preterit of the s-Future, Con-
ditional, 334; IH. The Periphrastic Futuro, 335;
Uses of the Futures and Conditional, 337.

Page.
177—185

185—199

200—226

227—278

279-- 2b

297—330

330—339

CONTENTS. XxV

Chap. Page.
XIII. VERRAL ADJECTIVES AND Nouns: Parrici-

PLES, INFINITIVES, GERUNDS ..... =. =. 340—360

Passive Participle in t& or md, 340; Past Active

Participle in tavant, 344; Future Passive Parti-

ciples, Gerundives, 345; Infinitives, 347; Uses of

the Infinitives, 361; Gerunds, 356; Adverbial Gerund

in am, 369.

XIV. DerivATIVE OR SECONDARY CONJUGATION . . 360—391
1. Passive, 361; Il. Intensive, 362; Present-System,
365; Perfect, Aorist, Future, ete., 370; III. Destder-
ative, 372; Present-System, 374; Perfect, Aorist,
Future, ete., 376; IV. Causative, 378; Present-System,
380; Perfect, Aorist, Futare, ctc., 383; V. Denom-
inative, 386.

XV. PERIPHRASTIC AND COMPOUND CONJUUATION 391—403
The Periphrastic Perfect, 392; Participial Periphras-
tic Phrases, 394; Composition with Prepositional
Profixes, 396; Other Verbal Compounds, 400.

XVI. INDECLINABLES. . . 403—417
Adverbs, 403; Prepositions, AIA. Conjunetions, 416:
Interjections, 417.

XVII. Deniva Trion oF DECLINABLE STEMS. . . . 418—-480
A. Primary Derivatives, 420; B. Secondary Deriva-
tives, 464.

XVIII. Formation or Compounp Stems. . . . . - 480—515

Classification, 480; J. Copulative Compounds, 480;
Il. Determinative Compounds, 489; A. Dependent
Componnds, 489; B. Descriptive Compounds, 494;
III. Secondary Adjective Compounds, 601; A. Pos-
seasive Compounds, 501; B. Compounds with Governed
Final Member, 511; Adjective Compounds as Nouns
and as Adverbs, 512; Anomalous Compounds 614;
Stem-finals altered in Composition, fit; Loose
Construction with Compounds, 615.

APPENDIX . . . - 6 2 - 516—520
A. Examples of Various Sanskrit Type, 16; B. Fr.
amplo of Accentuated Text, 518; Synopsis of the
conjugation of roots bhi and ky, 620.

SANSERIT-INDEX. . . . . 1 2. 0 we ew ete ew ww ew HQI—539
GeNFRAL-INDFx. . . ..... 2.2... . 6 « » §40—551

ABBREVIATIONS.

AA. Aitareya-Aranyaka.

AB. Aitareya-Brahmana.

AQS. Acvalayana-Crauta-Sitra.

AGS. Acvaliyana-Grbya-Siitra.

Apast. Apastamba-Satra.

APr. Atharva-Pratigakhya.

AV. Atharva-Veda.

B. or Br. Brahmanas.

BAU. Brhad-Aranyaka-Upanigad.

BbG. Bhagavad-Gita.

BhP. Bhagavata-Purana.

BR. Buhtlingk and Roth (Pcters-
burg Lexicon).

C. Classical Sanskrit.

¢. Gakuntala.

Catr. Catrumjaya-Mahatmyam.

CB. Catapatha-Brabmana.

CUS. Gankhiyana-Crauta-Siitra.

CGS. Cankhdyana-Grbya-Sitra.

ChU. Chaindogya-Upanigad.

CvU. Cvotacvatara-Upaniyad.

DKC. Daga-Kumara-Carita.

KE. Epos (MBhb. and 22.).

GB. Gopatha-Brahmana.

GGS. Gobhiliya-Grhya-Sitra.

I]. [itopadegu.

Har. Harivanca.

JB. Jaiminiya (or Talavakdara) Brah-
mana.

JUB. Jaiminiya - Upanigad- Brah-
mana.

K. Kathaka.

Kap. Kapigthala-Sambita.

KB. Kausgitaki- (or Cankhayana-)
Brahmana.

KBU. Kaugitaki-Brihmana-Upani-
gad.

KOS. Katyayana-Crauta-Sitra.

KS. Kaucika-Siitra.

KSS. Katha-Sarit-Sagara.

KthU. Katha Upanigad.

KU. Kena-Upanigad.

LOS. Latyaéyana-Grauta-Sutra.

M. Manu.

MaiU. Maitri-Upanisad.

MBh. Mahabharata.

MdU. Mundaka-Upanigad.

Mogh. Meghadiuta.

MS. Maitrayani-Samhita.

Naig. Naisadhiya.

Nir. Nirukta.

Pafic. Paficatantra.

PB. Paficavinga- (or T'andya-) Brah-
mana.

PGS. Paraskara-Grhya-Sitru.

PU. Pragna Upanigad.

R. Ramayana.

Ragh. Raghuvatica.

RPr. Rigveda-Pratigakhya.

R't. Raja-‘Tarangint.

RV. Rig-Veda.

S. Sitras.

SB. Sadvinga-Brabmana.

Spr. Indische Spriiche (Bihtlingk).

SV. Sama-Veda.

TA. Taittiriya-Aranyaka.

TB. ‘Taittiriya-Bralmana.

T'Pr. Taittiriya-Pratigakbys.

Tribh. Tribhagyaratna (comp. to
‘PPr.).

TS. Taittiriya-Samhita.

U. Upanigads.

V. Vedas (RV., AV., SV.).

Vas. Vasigtha.

VBS. Varaha-Brhat-Samhita.

Vot. Vetalapaficavingati.

Vikr. Vikramorvagi

VPr. Vajasaneyi-Pratigakhya.

VS. Vajasenoeyi-Saubita.

VS. Kan. da. Kanva-text.

Y. Yajiiavalkya.

— a —

CHAPTER I.

ALPHABET.

1.. THE natives of India write their ancient and sacred
language in a variety of alphabets — generally, in each
part of the country, in the same alphabet which they use
for their own vernacular. The mode of writing, however,
which is employed throughout the heart of Aryan India, or
in Hindustan proper, is alone adopted by European scholars:
it 18 called the devan&gari.

a. This name fe of doubtful origin and value. A more comprehensive
name is n&gari (perhaps, of the city); and deva-ndgari is nagari of
the gods, ot of the Brahmans.

2. Much that relates to the history of the Indian alphabets fs still
obseure. The earilest written monuments of known date in the country are
the inscriptions containing the edicts of Agoka or Piyadasi, of about the
middle of the third century B. C. They are in two different systems of
characters, of which one shows distinct signs of derivation from a Semitic
source, while the other is also probably, though much less evidently, of the
same origin. From the latter, the Lath, or Southern Acoka character (of
Girnar), come the later Indian alphabets, both those of the northern Aryan
languages and those of the southern Dravidian languages. The n&garl,
devandgari, Bengali, Guzeriti, and others, are varieties of its northern
derivatives; and with them are related some of the alphabets of peoples
outside of India — as in Tibet and Farther India — who have adopted Hindu
eulture or roligion.

a. There is reason to believe that writing was first employed in India
for practical purposes — for correspondence and business and the like —
and only by degrees came to be applied also to literary use. The literature,
to a great extent, and the more fally in proportion to its claimed sanctity
and authority, ignores all written record, and assumes to be kept in existence
by oral tradition alone.

Whitnmey, Grammar. 3. ed. , j

3—] 1. ALPHABET. 2

3. Of the devan&gari itself there are minor varicties, depending on
differences of locality or of period, as also of individual hand (see examples
in Weber's catalogue of the Berlin Sanskrit MSS., in Rajendralaia Mitra’s
notices of MSS. in Indian libraries, in the published fac-similes of in-
scriptions, and so on); and these are in some measure reflected in the type
prepared for printing, both in India and in Europe. But a student who
makes himself familiar with one style of printed characters will have little
difficulty with the others, and will soon learn, by practice, to read the manu-
scripts. A few specimens of types other than those used in this work are
given in Appendix A.

@. On account of the difficulty of combining them with the smaller sizes
of our Roman and Italic type, the devan&gari characters are used below only
in connection with the first or largest size. And, in accordance with the
laudable usage of recent grammars, they are, wherever given, also trans-
literated, in Clarendon letters; while the latter alone are used in the other
sizes.

4. The student may be advised to try to familiarize himself from
the start with the devan&gari mode of writing. At the same time,
it is not indispensable that he should do so until, having learned the
principal paradigms, be comes to begin reading and analysing and
parsing; and many will find the latter the more practical, and in the
end equally or more effective, way.

5. The characters of the devan&gari alphabet, and the
European letters which will be used in transliterating them,
are as follows:

short long
1 J a 2 OT a
palatal > 3 i ‘ z i
Vowels: simple ¢ labial >S u ‘SS a
lingual «86+ @ fF ‘+H Ff
dental ° S| } [r 3 J)
diohth { palatal »u @ ce is ‘4 ai
MB VL iabial «= AT oS
Visarga » : b
Anusvara 1% =, = ft or th (see 7360).
surd sard asp. sonant SOR. asp. nasal

guttural w hk w Akh wg ww gh w~GFfi
| palatal 2 Wo = ®H ch J j sh jh =» &
Mutes , lingual © T | =O th »3F gd »G gh al g
| eau sqt we@ th ng d »Y dh ww» Un
lubial »Q p »QG ph »QMb eX bh «aA m

3 Tneory or tis Mope or Writing. (—9

palatal ey
| lingual of r
dental «al
labial e@Qv

palatal «9
Sibliants lingual oW s
dental «WU s
Aspiration eth

a. To these may be added a lingual 1 &, which in some of the

Vedic texts takes the place of 3 qd when occurring between two
vowels (64'.

Somivowels

6. A few other sounds, recognized by the theories of the Hindu
grammarians, but either having no separate characters to represent
them or only very rarely and exceptionally written, will be noticed
below (71 b, c, 230). Such are the guttural and labial breathings, tho
nasal semivowels, and others.

7. The order of arrangement given above is that in
which the sounds are catalogued and described by the native
grammarians;, and it has been adopted by European scholars
as the alphabetic order, for indexes, dictionaries, etc.: to the
Hindus, the idea of an alphabetic arrangement for such
practical uses is wanting.

a. In some works (as the Petersburg lexicon), a visarga which is re-
garded as equivalent to and exchangeable with a sibilant (172) is, though
written as viearga, given the alphabetic place of the sibilant.

8. The theory of the devan&gar!, as of the other Indian
modes of writing, 1s sy]lJabic and consonantal). That is
to say, it regards as the written unit, not the simple sound,
but the syllable (akgara); and further, as the substantial
part of the syllable, the consonant or the consonants which
precede the vowel — this latter being merely implied, or,
if written, being written by a subordinate sign attached to
the consonant.

8. Hence follow these two principles:

A. The forms of the vowel-characters given in the

alphabetical scheme above are used only when the vowel
1¢

9—] I. ALPHABET. 4

forms a syllable by itself, or is not combined with a preceding
consonant: that is, when it is either initial or preceded by
another vowel. In combination with a consonant, other modes
of representation are used.

B. If more consonants than one precede the vowel,
forming with it a single syllable, their characters must be
combined into a single compound character.

a. Native Hindu usage, in manuscripts and inscriptions, treats
the whole material of a sentence alike, not scparating its words from
one another, any more than the syllables of the same word: a final
consonant is combined into one written syllable with the initial vowel
or consonant or consonants of the following word. It never occurred
tu the Hindus to space their words ia any way, even where the mode
of writing admitted such treatment; nor to begin a paragraph on a
new line; nor to write one line of verse under another: everything,
without exception, is written solid by them, filling the wholo page.

b. Thus, the sentence and verse-line ahath rudrebhir vasubhic
carémy aham Aditydir uta vigvadevdih (Rig-Veda X. 125. 1: see
Appendix B) I wander with the Vasus, the Rudras, I with the Adityas
and the All-Gods is thus syllabized: a hath ru dre bhi rva su bhi
gca ré mya ha mA di tyAi ru ta vi gva de v&ib, each syllable end-
ing with a vowel (or a vowel modilicd by the nagal-sign anusvéra,
or having the sigo of a final breathiug, visarga, added: these being
tho only clements that can follow a vowel in the same syllable); and
it is (together with the next line) written in the manuscripts after this

fashion:
ne (are era RUIPTT

Each syllable is written separately, and by many scribes the
successive syllables are parted a little from one another: thus,

~
qe geMaqhaTUsMea
and 80 On.

c. In Western practice, however, it is almost universally customary
to divide paragraphs, to make the lines of verse follow onc another,
and also to separate the words so far as this can bo done without
changing the mode of writing them. See Appendix B, where the verse
here given is so treated.

d@ Further, in works prepared fo. beginners in the language, it
ia not uncommon to make a more complete separation of words by a

5 Writina or Vowe.s. [—10

free use of the vir&ma-sign (11) under final consonants: thus, for
example,

TE PRAT TPIT TE TH TGTAT Ser AeraA:

or even by indicating also the combinations of initial and final vowcls
(126, 127): for example,

at frarrpat on Gerd ey Sat ee aay OTN

e. In transliterating, Western methods of separation of words are
of course to be followed; to do otherwise would be simple pedantry.

10. Under A, it is to be noticed that the modes of
indicating a vowel combined with a preceding consonant
are as follows:

a. The short 4 a has no written sign at all; the con-
sonant-sign itself implies a following 4a, unless some other
vowel-sign is attached to it (or else the virima: 11). Thus,
the consonant-signs as given above in the alphabetic scheme
are rehlly the signs of the syllables ka, kha, etc. etc. (to ha).

b. The long AT & is written by a perpendicular stroke
after the consonant: thus, Fl ka, HT dha, ZT ha.

ce. Short 3 i and long zi are written by a similar stroke,
which for short 1 is placed before the consonant and for
long 1 is placed after it, and in either case is connected with
the consonant by a hook above the upper line: thus, fh ki,
ait ki; PY bhi, ot bbt; fA ni, At nt.

The hook above, turning to the left or to the right, is historically the
essential part of the character, having been originally the whole of it; the
hooks were only later prolonged, so as to reach all the way down beside
the consonant. In the MSS., they almost never have the horizontal stroke
drawn across them above, though this is added in the printed characters:
thus, originally Of ki, at ki; in the MSS., fe, hl; in print, fi, a

ad. The u-sounds, short and long, are written by hooks
attached to the lower end of the consonant-sign: thus, %
ku, FT kQ; Z du, 3 gO. On account of the necessities of
combination, du and dQ are somewhat disguised: thus, ¥,
&; and the forms with { r and @ bh are still more irregular:

thus, Gru, J rQ; F hu, F hd.

1u—j I. ALPHABET. 6

e. The f-vowels, short and long, are written by a sub-
joined hook, single or double, opening toward the right:
thus, fi ky, fi kp; @ dy, | df. In the h-sign, the hooks
are usually attached to the middle: thus, @ hy, @ hf.

As to the combination of ¢ with preceding r, see below, 14d.

f. The }-vowel is written with a reduced form of its
full initial character: thus, fi k}; the corresponding long has
no real occurrence (28a), but would be written with a similar
reduced sign.

g- The diphthongs are written by strokes, single or
double, above the upper line, combined, for @l o and At &u,
with the @-sign after the consonant: thus, % ke, th kai;
ant ko, al kau.

h. In some devandgari manuscripts (as in the Bengali alphabet), the
single stroke above, or one of the double ones, is replaced by s sign like the

&-sigu before the consonant: thus, (oh ke, mi kai; [hl ko, fant kau.

11. A consonant-sign, however, is capable of being made
to signify the consonant-sound alone, without an added vowel,
by having written beneath it a stroke called the virima
(rest, stop): thus, hk. ¢ d, ¥ h.

a. Since, as was pointed out above, the Hindus write the words of a
sentence continuously like one word (Oa, b), the virdma is iu general called
for only when a final consonant occurs before a pause. But it is also oc-
casionally resorted to by scribes, or in print, in order to avoid an awkward
or difficult combination of consonant-signs: thus,

fearzht: lidbhin, FALT teu, TFTA ankeva;

and it is used to make a separation of words in texts prepared for begin-
ners (9d).

12. Under B, it is to be noticed that the consonant
combinations are for the most part not at all difficult to
make or to recognise for one who is familiar with the
simple signs. The characteristic part of a consonant-sign
that is to be added to another is taken (to the exclusion of
the horizontal or of the perpendicular framing-line, or of
both), and they are put together according to convenience,

7 COMBINATIONS OF CONSONANTS. [—14

either side by side, or one above the other; in a few com-
binations either arrangement is allowed. The consonant that
is to be pronounced first is set before the other in the one
order, and above it in the other order.

a. Examples of the side-by-side arrangement are: 10] gga,
st jja, C7] pya, 7 nma, cy ttha, *q bhya, Fh ska, SU! sna,
ca, tka.

b. Examples of the above-and-below arrangement are:
@ kka, @ kva, WY cca, H fija, { dda, WH pta, @ tna,
a tva.

13. In some cases, however, there is more or less ab-
breviation or disguise of the independent form of a con-
sonant-sign in combination. ‘hus,

a. Of & k in ® kta, A kla; and in FT kya etc.

b. Of @ t in F tta;

c. Of Z d in J dga, X dna, ete.;

d. Of 3 m and Y y, when following other consonants:
thus, @ kya, J] kma, 4] fima, 2] fiys, 7] dma, 7 dya,
@1 hma, WW hya, @ chya, G dhya.

e. Of WI ¢, which generally becomes 5| when followed
by a consonant: thus, W gca, WH ons, WY ova, SW cya. The
same change 1s usual when a vowel-sign is added below;
thus, YF gu, A gr.

f. Other combinations, of not quite obvious value, are
Wane, FT lla, € ddha, % dbha, © eta, W stha; and the
compounds of & h: as @ hna, gf hna.

g. In a case or two, no trace of the constituent letters
is recognizable: thus, 7 ksa, J jiia.

14. The semivowel { r, in making combinations with
other consonants, is treated in a wholly peculiar manner,
analogous with that in which the vowels are treated.

a. If pronounced before another consonant or combination
of consonants, it is written above the latter, with a hook

14—] I, ALPHABET. g

opening to the mght (much like the sign of the vowel y,
as written under a consonant: 10e): thus, a rka, wT rga,
@ riva, ta rmya, ce rtena.

b. Then, if a consonant-group thus containing r as
first member is followed by a vowel that has its sign, or a
part of its sign, or its sign of nasality (anusvira: 70, 71),
written above the line, the r-sign is placed furthest to the

right: thus, # rke, 4 rkan, fa rki, at rki, Al rko, ff rkta,

Ea, rkon.

c. If r is pronounced after another consonant, whether
before a vowel or before yet another consonant, it is written
with a straight stroke below, slanting to the left: thus,
W pra, { dhra, W gra, @ sra, < ddhra, @ otra, WW grya,
@ srva, G7 ntrye; and, with modifications of a preceding
consonant-sign like those noted above (18), @ tra, X dra,
W ora, & hra.

d. When f{ r is to be combined with a following @ fy,
it iy the vowel which is written in full, with its initial

character, and the consonant in subordination to it: thus,
is

ar TY.
15. Further combinations, of three, or four, or even

five consonant-signs, are made according to the same rules.
Examples are:

of three consonants, @ ttva, SJ ddhya, <J dvya, 4]
drya, §] dhrya, Ctq{ psva, ZO goya, UW gthya, =e] hvya,;

of four consonants, a ktrya, SI fikeya, SI strya,
ceed temya ;

of five consonants, ced rtsnya.

a. The manuscripts, and the type-fonts as well, differ from one another
more in their management of consonant combinations than in any other respect,
often having pecularities which one needs a little practice to understand. It
is quite useless to give in a grammar the whole series of possible combinations
(some of them excessively rare) which are provided for in any given type-
font, or even iu all. There is nothing which due familiarity with the simple

9 VARIOUS SiGNS. [—i8

signs and with the above rules of combination will not enable the student
readily to analyse and explain.

16. a. A sign called the avagraha (separator) — namely
§ — is occasionally used in the manuscripts, sometimes in
the manner of a hyphen, sometimes as a mark of hiatus,
sometimes to mark the elision of initial 46 after final ¢ ©
or gy 0 (135). In printed texts, especially European, it is
ordinarily applied to the use last mentioned, and to that
alone: thus, @ SAqT te “bruvan, ay sae so ‘bravit, for te
abruvan, so abravit.

b. If the elided initial-vowel is nasal, and has the anu-
svéra-sign (70, 71) written above, this is usually and more
properly transferred to the eliding vowel; but sometimes it
18 written instead over the avagraha-sign: thus, fur so ‘Agumén,
from so ahcuman, either at SV] or at SOUTH.

o. The sign ° is used in place of something that is
omitted, and to be understood from the connection: thus,

ATTA TT Ca} virasenasutas -tam -tene.
NOUN

d. Signs of punctuation are | and l\.

At the end of a verse, a paragraph, or the like, the latter of
them is ordinarily written twice, with the figure of enumeration
between: thus, 10 tt.

17. The numeral figures are
11,2233 94 45,66 07.78 $9 00.
In combination, to express larger numbers, they are
used in precisely the same way as European digits: thus,
V4 25, £30 630, 6000 7000, QTE 1896.

18. The Hindu grammarians call the different sounds, and the
characters representing them, by a kara (maker) added to the sound
of the letter, if a vowel, or to the letter followed by a, if a consonant.
Thus, the sound or character a is called akdra; k is kakdra; and
so on. But the kdra is also omitted, and a, ka. ctc. arc used alune.
The r, however, is not called rak&ra, but only ra, or repha svart:
the sole example of a specific name for an alphabetic clement of its
class. ‘I'he anusvdra and visarga are also known by these names alone.

18—] II. System or Sounps. 10

CHAPTER II.

SYSTEM OF SOUNDS; PRONUNCIATION.
1. Vowels.

19. Tug a, i, and u-vowels. The Sanskrit has these
three earliest and most universal vowels of Indo-European
language, in both short and long form — 4 6 and 4 &,
3 i and z 1,3 u and Sa. They are to be pronounced in
the “Continental” or “Italian” manner — as in far or farther,
pin and pique, pull and rule.

20. The a is the openest vowel, an utterance from the expanded
throat, stands in no relation of kindred with any of the classes of
consonantal sounds, and has no corresponding semivowel. Of the
close vowels i and u, on the other hand, i is palatal, and shades
through its somivowel y into the palatal and guttural consonant-
classes; u is similarly related, through its semivowel v, to the labial
class, as involving in its utterance a narrowing and rounding of
the lips.

a. The Pantnean scheme (commentary to Panini’s grammar 1. 1. 9)
classos @ as guttural, but apparently only in order to give that series as
well as the rest a vowel; no one of the Pritigakhyas puts a into one class
with k otc. Ail these authorities concur in calling the i- and u-vowels
respectively palatal and labial.

21. The short a is not pronounced in India with the full openness
of &, as its corresponding short, but usually as the “neutral vowel”
(English so-called “short u”, of but, son, blood, etc.). This peculiarity
appears very early, being acknowledged by Panini and by two of the
Pritigakhyas (APr. {. 36; VPr. i. 72), which call the utterance sathvryta,
covered up, dimmed. It is wont to be ignored by Western scholars,
except those who have studied in India.

223. The a-vowels are the prevailing vowel-sounds of the language,
being about twice as frequent as all the others (including diphthongs)
taken together. The i-vowels, again, are about twice as numerous
as the u-vowels. And, in each pair, the short vowel is more than
twice (2'/, to 3 times) as common as the long.

11 VOWELS. [—27

a. For more precisc estimates of frequency, of these and of the other
alpbabetic elements, and for the way in which they were obtained, see
below, 75.

28. The y- and }-vowels. To the three simple vowels
already mentioned the Sanskrit adds two others, the y-vowel
and the }-vowel, plainly generated by the abbreviation of
syllables containing respectively a {Tr or a 1 along with
another vowel: the % ¢ coming almost always (see 237, 241-3)
from AY ar or { ra, the Tt } from Wel al.

a. Some of the Hindu grammarians add to the alphabet also a long };
but this is only for the sake of an artificial symmetry, since the sound does
not occur in a single genuine word in the language.

24. The vowel ® y is simply a smooth or untrilled
r-sound, assuming a vocalic office in syllable-making — as,
by a hke abbreviation, it has done also in certain Slavonic
languages. The vowel & } is an /-sound similarly uttered

— like the English /-vowel in such words as able, angle,
addle.

a. The modorn Hindus pronounce these vowels as ri, ri, is (or
even /r:), having long lost the habit and the facility of giving a vowel
value to the pure r- and /-sounds. Their example is widely followed
by European scholars; and hence also the (distorting and altogether
objectionable) transliterations yi, ri, }i. Tbere is no real difficulty in
the way of acquiring and practising the true utterance.

b. Some of the grammarians (see APr. 1. 37, note) attempt to define more
nearly the way in which, in these vowels, a real r- or /-element is combined
with something else.

35. Like their corresponding semivowels, r and 1, these vowels
belong respectively to the general lingual and dental classcs; the
euphonic influence of y and — (188) shows this clearly. ‘They are
so ranked in the Paninean scheme; but the Praticikhyas in general
strangely class them with the jihvamiiliya sounds, our “gutturals” (38).

26. The short r¢ is found in every variety of word and of position,
and is not rare, being just about as frequent as long & Long f is very
much more unusual, occurring only in certain plural cases of noun-
stems in ¢ (371b, d, 375). The } is met with only in some of the
forms and derivatives of a single not very common verbal root (kjp).

27. The diphthongs. Of the four diphthongs, two,
the @ e and Alo, are in great part original Indo-European

27—] II. System or Sounps. 12

sounds. In the Sanskrit, they wear the aspect of being
products of the increment or strengthening of 3 i and 3 u
respectively; and they are called the correspondiny guna
vowels to. the latter (see below, 235 ff.). The other two, z ai
and @¥ Gu, are held to be of peculiar Sanskrit growth; they
are also in general results of another and higher increment
of 3 i and 3 u, to which they are called the corresponding
vrddhi-vowels (below, 235 ff.). But all are likewise some-
times generated by euphonic combination (127); and A o,
especially, is common as result of the alteration of a final

AW as (175).

28. The @ © and Alo are, both in India and in Europe,
usually pronounced as they are transliterated — that ie, as
long e- (English “long @”, or ¢ in they) and o-sounds, without
diphthongal character.

a. Such they apparently already were to the authors of the
Praticgakhyas, which, while ranking them as diphthongs (sarhdhyakgara),
give rules respecting their pronunciation in a» manner implying them
tou be virtually unitary sounds. But their euphonic troatment (131-4)
clearly shows them to have been still at the period when tho euphonic
laws established themselves, as they of course were at their origin,
real diphthongs, ai (a + 3) and au (a+ 4). From them, on the same
evidence, the heavier or vpyddhi diphthongs were distinguished by the
length of their a-element, as as (@ +3) and au (@ + 4).

b. The recognizable distinctness of the two clements in tho veddhi-
diphthongs is noticed by the Prat cakbyas (see APr. 1.40, note); but the
relation of those cleweuts is either defined as equal, or the a is made of
less quantity than the s and uw.

29. The lighter or guna-diphthongs are much more frequent
(6 or 7 times) than the heavier or vyddhi-diphthongs, and the e and
&i than the o and du (a half more). Both pairs urc somewhat more
than half as common as the simple i- and u-vowels.

30. The general name given y the Hindu grammariaus to the vowels
is svara tune; the simple vowels are called sam&ndkgara homogeneous
syllable, and the diphthongs are called sarhdhyakgara combination-syliable.
The position of the organs in thelr utterance is defined to be one of openness,
or of non-closure.

a. As to quantity and accent, sec below, 76 4., 80 ff.

13 MUTES. [—36

It. Consonants.

31. The Hindu name for ‘consonant’ is vyafijana manifester.
The consonants are divided by the grammarians into sparga contact
or mute, antahstha, tntermediate or semivowel, and figman spirant.
They will here be taken up and described in this order.

32. Mutes. The mutes, sparga, are so called as involving «
complete closure or contact ‘sparca), and not an approximation only,
of the mouth-organs by which they are produced. They are divided
into five classes or series (varga), according to the organs and parts
of organs by which the contact is made; and each series is composed
of five members, differing according to the accompaniments of the
contact.

33. The five mute-series are called respectively guttural,
palatal, lingual (or cerebral), dental, and Jabial; and they
are arranged in the order as just mentioned, beginning with
the contact made furthest back in the mouth, coming for-
ward from point to point, and ending with the frontmost
contact.

34. In each series there are two surd members, two
sonant, and one nasal (which is also sonant): for example,
in the labial series, 7 p and % ph, J b and J bh, and 7] m.

a. The members are by the Hindu grammarians called respectively first,
second, third, fourth, and last or fifth.

b. The surd consonants are known as aghoga toneless, anid the sonants
as ghogavant facing tone; and the descriptions of the grammarians are in
accordance with these terms. All alike recognise a difference of tone, and not
in any manner a difference of force, whether of contact or of expulsion, as
separating the two great classes in question. That the difference depends on
vivdra opening. or sarhvadra closure (of the glottis). is also recognized
by them.

35. The first and third members of each series are the
ordinary corresponding surd and sonant mutes of European
languages: thus, f k and 1s, qt and gd, Tp and 4 b.

36. Nor is the character of the nasal any more doubtful.
What ym is to TP, and qb, or 7 n to qt and g d, that
is also each other nasal to its own series of mutes: a sonant
expulsion into and through the nose, while the mouth-

organs are in the mute-contact.

36—]} Il. System op Sounps. 14

a. The Hindu grammarians give distinctly this definition. The nasal
(anundsika passing through the nose) sounds are declared to be formed by
mouth and nose together; or their nasality (Anundsikya) to be given them
by unclosure of the nose.

87. The second and fourth of each series are aspirates:
thus, beside the surd mute % k we have the corresponding
surd aspirate @ kh, and beside the sonant 1s, the corres-
ponding sonant aspirate | gh. Of these, the precise char-
acter is more obscure and difficult to determine.

a. That the aspirates, all of them, are real mates or contact sounds, and
not fricatives (like European é and ph and ch, etc.), is beyond question.

b. It is also not doubtful in what way the surd th, for example, differs
from the unaspirated t: such aspirates are found in many Asiatic languages,
and even in some European; they involve the slipping-out of an audible bit
of fiatus or aspiration between the breach of mute-closure and the following
sound, whatever it may be. They are accurately enough represented by the
th ete., with which, in imitation of the Latin treatment of the similar ancient
Greek aspirates, we are accustomed to write them.

co. The sonant aspirates are generally understood and described as made
in s similar way, with a perceptible A-sound after the breaoh of sonant mute-
closure But there are great theoretical difficulties in the way of accepting
this explanation ; and some of the best phonetic observers deny that the modern
Hindu pronunciation is of such a character, and define the element following
the mute as a “glottsl buzz”, rather, or as an emphasized utterance of the
beginning of the succeeding sound. The question is one of grest difficulty,
and upon it the opinions of the highest authorities sre much at variance.
Sonant aspirates are still in use tn Indis, In the pronunciation of the vernacular
as well as of the learned languages.

d. By the Praticikhyas, the aspirates of both classes are called sogman :
which might mean either accompanied by a rush of breath (taking Ggman
in its more etymological sense), or accompanied by a sptrant (below, 69).
And some native authorities define the surd aspirates as made by the combi-
nation of each surd non-aspirate with its own corresponding surd spirant; and
the sonant aspirates, of each sonant non-aspirate with the sonant spirant, the
h-sound (below, 66). But this would make the two classes of aspirates of
quite diverse character, and would also make th the same as ts, th as ¢g, ch
as cg — which is in any measure plausible only of the last. Pénini has no
name for aspirates; the scheme given iu his comment (to i. 1. 9) attributes
to them mahdpréya great expiration, and to the non-aspirates alpapréna
small expiration.

e. It is usual among European scholars to pronounce
both classes of aspirates as the corresponding non-aspirates

15 GUTTURAL AND PALATAL MUTES. [—42

with a following h: for example, 4 th nearly as in English
boathook, G ph as in huphazard, Y dh as in madhouse, 1 bh
as in abhor, and so on. This is (as we have seen above)
strictly accurate only as regards the surd: aspirates.

38. The sonant aspirates are (in the opinion of most), or at least
represent, original Indo-European sounds, while the surd aspirates
are a special Indian development. The former are more than twice
as common as the latter. The unaspirated (non-nasal) mutes are very
much more frequent (5 times) than the aspirates (for the special fre-
quency of bh and original gh, see 50 and 66); and among them the
surds are more numerous (2'/. times) than the sonants. The nasals
(chiefly n and m) are nearly as frequent as the surd non-aspirates.

We take up now the several mute-series.

390. Guttural series: qj k, Akh, 1g, Teh, J fi.
These are the ordinary European { and g-sounds, with their
corresponding aspirates and nasal (the last, like English ng
in singing).

a. The gutturals are defined by the Praticgkhyas as made by contact of
the base of the tongue with the base of the jaw, and they are called, from
the former organ, jihvamialiya tongue-root sounds. The Paninean scheme
describes them simply as made in the throat (kantha). From the euphonic

influence of a k on a following s (below, 180), we may perhaps infer that
in their utterance the tonguo was well drawn back in the mouth.

40. The k is by far the commonest of the guttural series occurring
considerably more often than all the other four taken together. The
nasal, except as standing before one of the others of the same series,
is found only as fina] (after the loss of a following k: 386, 407) in
@ very small number of words, and as product of the assimilation of
final k to a following nasal (161).

41. The Sanskrit guttural series represents only a minority of
Indo-European gutturals; these last have suffered more and more general
corruption than any other class of consonants. By processes of alteration
which began in the Indo-European period, the palatal mutes, the
palatal sibilant ¢, and the aspiration h, have come from gutturals.
See these various sounds below.

42. Palatal series: ¥ ¢, & eh, J j, H jh, WH.

The whole palatal series is dcrivative, being generated by the
corruption of original gutturals. The c comes from an original k —
as does also, by another degrec of alteration, the palatal sibilant ¢
(see below, 64). The j, io like manner. comes from a g: but the

42—] Il. System or Sounps. 16

Sanskrit j includes in itself two degrees of alteration, one correspond-
ing to the alteration of k to oc, the other to that of k to g¢ (see below,
219). The co is somewhat more common than the j (about as four
to three). The aspirate ch is very much less frequent (a tenth of o),
and comes from the original group sk. The sonant aspirate jh is
excessively rare (occurring but once in RV., not once in AV., and
hardly half-a-dosen times in the whole older language); where found,
it is either onomatopoetic or of anomalous or not Indo-European origin.
The nasal, fi, never occurs except immediately before — or, in a
small number of words, also after (901) — one of the others of the
same series.

43. Hence, in the euphonic processes of the language, the
treatment of the palatals is io many respects peculiar. In some
situations, the original unaltered guttural shows itself — or, as
it appears from the point of view of the Sanskrit, the palatal reverts
to ita original guttural. No palatal ever occurs as a final. The j is
differently treated, according as it represents the one or the other
degree of alteration. And co and j§ (except artificially, in the algebraic
rules of the grammarians) do not interchange, as corresponding surd
and sonant.

44. The palatal mutes are by European scholare, as by
the modern Hindus also, pronounced with the compound
sounds of English ch and 7 (in church and judge).

a. Their description by tho old Hindu grammarians, however, gives tho:n
a not less absolutely simple character than belongs to the other mutes. They
are called tdlavya palatal, and declared to be formed against the palate by
the middle of the tongue. They seem to have been, then, brought forward in
the month from the guttural point, and made against the hard palate at a
point not far from the lingual one (below, 46), but with the upper flat surface
of the tongue instead of its point. Such sounds, in all languages, pass casily
into the (English) ch- and j-sounds. The value of the ch as making the
preceding vowel “long by position” (227), and its frequent origination
from t + ¢ (203), lead to the suspicion that it, at least, may have had
this character from the beginning: compare 37 a, above.

45. Lingual series: Zt G th, 34, & gh, Ty. The
lingual mutes are by all the native authorities defined as
uttered with the tip of the tongue turned up and drawn
back into the dome of the palate (somewhat as the usual
English smooth r is pronounced). They are called by the
gtammarians mirdhanya, literally head-svunds, capitals,
cephalics,; which term is in many European grammars

17 LINGUAL AND DENTAL MUTES. [—47

rendered by ‘cerebrals’. In practice, among European
Sanskritists, no attempt is made to distinguish them from
the dentals: ¢ ¢ is pronounced like qatod hke ¢ d, and
so with the rest.

46. The linguals are another non-original series of sounds,
coming mainly froin the phonetic alteration of the next series, the
dentals, but also io part occurring in words that have no traceable
Indo-European connection, and are perhaps derived from the ab-
original languages of India. The tendency to lingualization is a
positive one in the history of the language: dentals easily pass into
linguals under the influence of contiguous or neighbouring lingual
sounds, but not the contrary; and all the sounds of the class become
markedly more frequent in the later literature. The conditions of
their ordinary occurrence are briefly these: 1. g comes from s, much
more rarely from g¢, Jj, kg, in euphonic circumstances stated below
(180, 2318 ff.); 2. a dental mute following § is assimilated to it,
becoming lingual (t, th, 9: 187); 3. n is often changed to n after a
lingual vowel or semivowel or sibilant in the same word (189 ff.);
4. dh, which is of very rare occurrence, comes from assimilation of
n dental after g (198 a) or h (223); 5. ¢ and @ come occasionally
by substitution for some other sound which is not allowed to stand
as final (142, 145-7). When originated in theso ways, the lingual
Iotters may bo regarded as normal; in any other cases of thoir
occurrence, they are cither products of abnormal corruption, or signs
of the non-Indo-European character of the words in which they
appenr.

a. In a certain number of passages numerically examined (below, 75),
the abnormal occurrences of lingual mutes were less than half of the whole
number (74 ont of 169), and most of them (43) were of n: all were found
more freqnent in the later passages. In the Rig-Veda, only {5 words have
an abnormal ¢; only 6, such a th; only f, such a dh; about 20 (including
9 roots, nearly all of which have derivatives) show an abnormal dg, besides
9 that have nd; and 30 (inclnding 1 root) show a n.

b. Taken all together, the linguals are by far the rarest class of
mutes (about 11’ per cent. of the alphabet! — hardly half as frequent
even as the palatals.

47. Dental series: qt, 1th, 7d, dh, 7 n. These
are called by the Hindus also dantya dental, and are
described as formed at the teeth (or at the roots of the
teeth), by the tip of the tongue. They are practically the

equivalents of our European /, d, n.
Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 2

47—] It. System or Sounps. 18

a. But the modern Hindus are sald to pronounce their dentals with the
tip of the tongue thrust well forward against the upper teeth, so that these
sounds get a slight tinge of the quality belonging to the English and Modern
Greek th-sounds. The absence of that quality in the European (especially
the English) dentals ia doubtless the reason why to the ear of a Hindu the
latter appear more analogous with his linguals, and he is apt to use the linguals
in writing European words.

48. The dentals are one of the Indo-European original mute-
classes. In their occurrence in Sanskrit they are just about as frequent
as all the other four classes taken together.

49. Labial series: q p, ® ph, {| b, Y bh, X m.
These sounds are called ogthya /abial by the Hindu gram-
marians also. They are, of course, the equivalents of our
p, 6, m.

60. The numerical relations of the labials are a little peculiar.
Owing to the absence (or almost entire absence) of 5 in Indo-European,
the Sanskrit b also is greatly exceeded in frequency by bh, which
is the most common of all the sonant aspirates, as ph is the least
common of the surd. The nasal m (notwithstanding its frequent
euphonic mutations when final: 312 ff.) occurs just about as often as
all the other four members of the series together.

@. From an early period in the history of the language, but increasingly
lator, b and v oxchange with one another, or fail to be distinguished in the

manuscripts. Thus, tho double root-forms brh and vrh, b&dh and vadh, and
so on. In the Bengal mauuscripts, v is widely written instead of more original b.

61. Semivowels: ay Fl, @v.

a. The name given to this class of sounds by the Hindu grammarians is
antahsthé standing between — either from their character as utterances
intermediate between vowel and consonant, or (more probably) from the
circumstance of their being placed between the mutes and spirants in the
arrangement of the consonants.

b. The semivowels are clearly akin with the several mute series
in their physical character, and they are classified along with those
scrics — though not without some discordances of viow — by the Hindu
grammarians. They are said to be produced with the organs slightly
in contact (igatsprsta', or in imperfect contact (duhsprsta).

62. The { r 1s clearly shown by its influence in the
euphonic processes of the language to be a lingual sound,
or one made with the tip of the tongue turned up into the
dome of the palate. It thus resembles the English smooth r,
and, like this, seems to have been untrilled.

<a

19 SEMIVOWELS. [—55

a. The Paninean schemo reckons r as a lingual. Nono of tho Priticakhyas,
however, does 80; nor are they entirely consistent with one another in its
description. For the most part, they define it as made at “the roots of the
teeth”. This would give it a position like that of the vibrated r; buat no
authority hints at a vibration as belonging to it.

b. In point of frequency, r stands very bigh on the list of con-
sonants; it is nearly equal with v, n, m, and y, and only excceded
by ¢.

68. The 1 1s a sound of dental position, and is so
defined and classed by all the native authorities.

a. The peculiar character of an /-sound, as involving expulsion st the
side of the tongue along with contact at its tip, is not noticed by any Hindu
phonetist.

b. The semivowels r and 1 are very widely interchangeable in Sanskrit,
both in roots and in suffixes, and cvon in profizes: there are fow roots contaln-
ing a 1 which do not show also forms with r; words written with the ono
letter are found in other texts, or in other parts of the same text, written
with the other. In the later periods of the language they are more separated,
and the 1 becomes decidedly more frequent, though always much rarer thay
the r (only as 1 to 7 or 8 or 10).

54. Some of the Vedic texts have another /-sound, written with
a slightly different charaeter (it is given at the end of the alphabet,
Sa!, which is substituted for a lingual d (as also the same followed
by bh for a gh) whon occurring betwocn two vowols. It is, then,
doubtless a lingual 7, one made by breach (at the side of the tongue)
of the lingual instead of the dental mute closure.

a. Examples are: x ile, for $3 ide, dat 72] idya; tos 8
milhuge, for Higa midhuge, bat MGT midhvan. It {s especially in
the Rig-Veda and its auxilfary literature that this substitution is usual.

65. The 7 y in Sanskrit, as in other languages generally,
stands in the closest relationship with the vowel 3 i (short
or long); the two exchange with one another in cases in-
numerable.

a. And in the Veda (as the metre shows) an i is very often to be read
where, in conformity with the rules of the later Sanskrit euphony, a y is
written. Thus, the final i-vowel of a word remains i before an initial vowel;
that of a stem maintains itself unchanged before an ending; and an ending
of derivation — as ya, tya — has i instead of y. Such cases will be noticed
in more detail later. The constancy of the phenomenon tn certain words and
classes of words shows that this was no merely optional interchange. Very
probably, the Sanskrit y had everywhere more of an i-character than belongs
to the corresponding Europsan sound.

2°

66—] II. System or Sounps. 20

66. The y is by ita physical character a palatal utterance; and
it is classed as a palatal semivowel by the Hindu phonetists. It is
one of the most common of Sanskrit sounds.

67. The qv is pronounced as English or French »v
(German w) by the modern Hindus — except when preceded
by a consonant in the same syllable, in which case it has
rather the sound of English 2; and European scholars follow
the same practice (with or without the same exception).

a. By its whole treatment in the cuphony of the language, however,
the v stands related to an u-vowel precisely as y to an s-vowel. It
is, then, a v only according to the original Roman value of that
letter — that ia to say, a w-sound in the English seuse; though (as
was stated above for the y) it may well have been less markedly
separated from u than English w, or more like French ou in ous ete.
But, as the original tw has in most European languages been changed
to v (English), so aleo in India, and that from a very early time: the
Paninean scheme and two of the Pratigakhyas (VPr. and TPr.) distinctly
define the sound as made between the upper teeth aod the lower
lip — which, of course, identifies it with the ordinary modern v-sound.
As a matter of practice, the usual pronunciation need not be surioualy
objected to; yet the student should rot fail to note that the rules of
Sanskrit euphony and the namo of “semivowel” have no application
except to a ew-sound in the English sense: a v-sound (Gerinan te) is
no semivowel, but a spirant, standing on the sawe articulate stage
with the English ¢A-sounds and the /.

68. The v is classed as a labial scmivowel by the Hindu phonet-
ical authorities. It has a somewhat greater frequency than the y.

a. In the Veda, under the same citcumstances as the y (abuve, 56 a),
v is to be coad as a vowel, u.

b. As to the interchange of v and b, sco above, 60a.

59. Spirants. Under the name Ogman (literally heut,
steam, flatus), which is usually and well represented by
spirant, some of the Hindu authorities include all the remain-
ing sounds of the alphabet; others apply the term only to
the three sibilants and the aspiration — to which it will here
also be restricted.

a. The term is not found in the Paninean scheme; by different treatises
the guttural and Jabial breathings, these and the visarga, or all these and
anusvara, are also (in addition to the sibilants and h) called Ggman (sce

21 SiBILANTS. [—62

APr. 1}. 31 note). Tho organs of uttcranco are described as being in the
position of the mute-series to which each spirant belongs respectively, but
unclosed, or unclosed in the middle.

60. The Hs. Of the three erbilants, or surd spirants,
this ie the one of plainest and least questioned character:
it is the ordinary European s — a hiss expelled between
the tongue and the roof of the mouth directly behind the
upper front teeth.

a. It is, then, dental, as it ie classed by all the Hindu authorities.
Notwithstanding the great losses which it suffers in Sanskrit euphony;
by conversion to the other sibilants, to r, to visarga, etc. it is
still very high among the consonants in the order of frequency, or
considerably more common than both the other two sibilants togethcr.

61. The -¥ 8. As to the character of this sibilant, also,
there 18 no ground for real question: it is the one produced
in the lingual position, or with the tip of the tongue
reverted into the dome of the palate. It is, then, a kind of
sh-sound, and by European Sanskritists it is pronounced
as an ordinary sh (French ch, German sch), no attempt
being made (any more than in the case of the other lingual
sounds: 45) to give it its proper lingual quality.

a. Its lingual character is shown by its whole euphonic influence,
and it is described and classed as lingual by all the Hindu author-
itics (the APr. adds, {. 23, that the tonguo in its utterance is trough-
shaped). In its audible quality, it is a sh-sound rather than a s-sound;
and, in the considerable variety of sibilant-utterance, even in the
same community, it may coincide with the sh of some among
ourselves. Yet the general and norma) sh is palatal (see below, 63);
and threrefore the sign g, marked in accordance with the other lin-

gual letters, is the only unexceptionable transliteration for the Hindu
character.

b. In modern pronunciation in India, g is much confounded with kh;
and the manuscripts are apt to cxchange the characters. Some later gram-
matical treations, too, take note of the relationsbip.

62. This sibilant (as was noticed above, 46, and will be more
particularly explained below, 180 ff.) is no original sound, but a
product of the lingualization of s under certain euphonic conditions.
The exceptions are extremely few (9 out of 145 noted occurrences:
75), and of a purely sporadic character. The Rig-Veda has (apart

a

62—] II. System or Sounps. 22

from y sah, 182 b) only twelve words which show a g under other
conditions.

a. The final g of a root has in some cases attained a more independent
value, and docs not revert to s when the euphonic conditions are removed,
but shows anomalous forms (226-6).

63. The 4g. This sibilant is by all the native authorities
classed and described as palatal, nor 1s there anything in
its history or its euphonic treatment to cast doubt on its
character as such. It is, then, made with the flat of the
tongue against the forward part of the palatal arch — that
is to say, it is the usual and normal sh-sound. By European
scholars it ie variously pronounced — more often, perhaps,

as s than as sh.

a. The two sh-sounds, g aud ¢, are made in the same part of the
mouth (the g probably rather further back), but with « different part of
the tongue; and they are doubtless not more unlike than, for example, the
two é-sounds, written ¢ and ¢; and it would be not less proper to pronounce
them both as one sh than to pronounce the linguals and dentals alike. To
neglect the difference of s and ¢ is much less to be approved. The very
near relationship of g and g is attested by their euphonic treatment, which
is to a considerable extent the samo, and by their not infrequent confusion
by the writers of manuscripts.

64. As was mentioned above (41), the ¢, like o, comes from the
corruption of an original k-sound, by loss of mute-contact as well as
forward shift of the point of production. In virtue of this derivation,
it somctimes (though less often than c) “reverts” to k — that is, the
original k appears instead of it (43); while, on the other hand, as a
sh-sound, it is to a certain extent convertible to g. In point of frequoncy,
it slightly exceeds the latter.

65. The remaining spirant, & h, is ordinarily pronounced
like the usual European surd aspiration A.

a. This is not, however, its real character. It is defined by all the native
authorities as not a surd element, but a sonant (or else an utterance inter-
mediate between the two); and ita whole value in the euphony of the language
is that of a sonant: but what is its precise value is very hard to say. The
Pauinean scheme ranks {¢ as guttural, as it does also a: this means nothing,
The Praticgakhyas bring tt into no relation with the guttural class; one of
them quotes the opinion of some authorities that “it bas the samo position
with the boginuing of the following vowel” (TPr. fi. 47) — which so far
identifies it with our h. There is nothing in its euphonic influence to mark
it as retaining any trace of gutturally articulated character. My some of

—_

23 VISARGA. [—¢@9

the native phonetists it is identified with the aspiration of the sonant
arpirates — with the element by which, for cxample, gh differs from g.
This view {ns supported by the derivation of h from the aspirates (next
paragraph), by that of 1 -++ h from dh (54), and by the treatmont of initial
h after a final mate (163).

68. The h, as already noticed, is not an original sound, but
comes in nearly all cascs from an oldcr gh (for the few instances of
its derivation from dh and bh, see below, 223g). It is a vastly
more frequent sound than the unchanged gh (namely, as 7 to 1): more
frequent, indeed, than any of the guttural mutos except k. It appears,
like j (219), to include in itself two stages of corruption of gh: one
corresponding with that of k toc, the other with that of k to ¢;
see hclow, 223, for the roots belonging to the two classes respectively.
Like the other sounds of guttural derivation, it sometimes cxhibits
“reversion” (43) to its original.

67. The : hb, or visarga (visarjaniya, as it is uniformly
called by the Pratigakhyas and by Panini, probably as belong-
ing to the end of a syllable), appears to be merely a surd
breathing, a final A-sound (in the European sense of A),
uttered in the articulating position ot the preceding vowel.

a. One Priticgkhya (TPr. fi. 48) gives just this last description of it.
It is by various authoritles classed with h, or with h and a: all of them
are slike sounds in whose utterance thc mouth-organs have no definite
shaping action.

68. The visarga is not original, but always only a substitute
for final s or r, neither of which is allowed to maintain itself unchanged
(170 ff.). It is a comparatively recent member of the alphabotic
system; the other euphonic changes of final s and r have not passed
through visarga as an intermediate stage. And the Hindn authorities
are considerably discordant with one anothcr as to how far h is a
necessary sibstitute, and how far a permitted one, alternative with
a sibilant, before a following initial surd.

69. Before a surd guttural or labial, respectively, sowe of the
native authorities permit, while others require, conversion of final s
or r into the so-called jihvamiliya and upadhmA&niya spirants. It
may be fairly questioned, perhaps, whetber these two sounds are not
pure grammatical abstractions, dovised (like the long }-vowcl: 33 a)
in order to round out the alphabct to greater symuictry. At any
rate, both manuscripts and printed texts in general make no account
of them. Whatever individual character they may have must be,
it would seem, in the direction of the (German) ch- and /f-sounds.
When written at all, they are wont to be transliterated by xy and ¢.

70—] IL System or Sounps. 24

70. The = anusv&ra, * or mb, is a nasal sound lacking
that closure of the organs which is required to make a
nasal mute or contact-sound (86); in its utterance there is

nasal resonance along with some degree of openness of the
mouth.

71. There is discordance of opinion among both the Hindu phonetists
and their modern European successors respecting the real character of this
element; hence a little detail is necessary here with regard to its occurrence
and their views of it.

a. Cortain nasals in Sanskrit are of servile character, always to be
assimilated to a following consonant, of whatever character that may be.
Such are final m in sentence-combination (213), the penultimate nasal of
a root, and s nasal of increment (265) in general. If one of these nasals
stands before a contact-letter or mute, it becomes a nasal mute correspond-
ing to the latter— that is, a nasal utterance in the same position of the
mouth-organs which gives the succeeding mute. If, on the other haud, the
following consonant does not involve s contact (being a semivowel or spirant),
the nasal element is also without contact: it is a nasal utterance with
unclosed moath-organs. The question is, now, whether this nasal utterance
becomes merely a nasal infection of the preceding vowel, turning it into a
nasal vowel (as in Fronch on, en, un, ete., by reason of a similar loss of
a nasal mute); or whether it is an element of more individual character,
having place between the vowel and the consonant; or, once more, whether
it is sometimes the one thing and sometimes the other. The opinions of
the Pritigakhyas and Panini are briefly as follows:

b. The Atharva-Praticahhyea holds that the result is everywhere a
nasalized vowel, except when n or m 1s assimilated to a following 1; iu
that case, the n or m becomes a nasal 1: that ia, the nasal utterance is
made in the l-position, and has a perceptible l-character.

c. The other Praticakhyas teach a similar conversion into a nasal
counterpart to the scmivuwel, or a tasal semivowol, before y and 1 and v
(uot befure r also). In most of the other cases where the Atharva-Praticakhya
acknowledges a nasal vowel -— namely, before r and the spirants — the others
teach tho intervention after the vowel of a distinct nasal clement, called the
anusvare after-tone.

d. Of the nature of this nasal afterpiece to the vowel no iptelligibly
clear account is given. It is said (RPr.) to be either vowel or consonant;
it is declared (RPr., VPr.) to be made with the noso alone, or (TPr.) to be
uasal like the nasal mutes; it is held by some (RPr.) to be the sonant tone
of the nasal mutes; in its formation, as in that of vowel and spirant, there
is (RPr.) no contact. As to its quantity, see farther on.

e. There are, however, certain cases and classes of cases where these
other authorities aleo acknowledge a nasal yowel. §So, especially, wherever

r

25 ANUSVARA. (—78

a final n is treated (208-9) as if it were ns (its historically older form);
and also in a small number of specified words. They also mention the
doctrine of nasal vowel instead of anusv&ra as held by some (and TPr.
is uncertain and inconsistent in its choice between the one and the other).

f. In Panini, finally, the prevailing doctrine is that of anusvara
everywhere; and it is even allowed in many cases where the Praticikhyas
prescribe only a nasal mute. But a nasal semivowel is also allowed instcad
before » semivowel, and a nasal vowel is allowed in the cases (mentioned
above) where some of the Priticaikhyas require it by exception.

g. It is evidently a fair question whether this discordance and uncertainty
of the Hindu phonctists is owing to a real difference of utterance in different
classes of cases and in different Jocalities, or whether to a different scholastic
analysis of what is really everywhere the same utterance. If anusvadra
is a nasal clement following the vowel, it cannot well be any thing but
eithor a prolongation of the same vowcl-sound with nasality added, or s
nasalized bit cf neutral-vowcel sound (in the lattor case, howover, tho altcring
influence of an i or u-vowel on a following 8 ought to be prevented, which
is not the case: see 183).

72. The assimilated nasal element, whethcr vicwed as nasalized
vowel, nasal semivowel, or independent anusvdra, has the value of
something added, in making a heavy syllable, or length by position (79).

a. The Priticékbyas (VPr., RPr.) give determinations of the quantity
of the anusv&ra combining with « short and with a long vowel respectively
to make a long syllable.

73. a. ‘I'wo different signs, > and °, aro found in the inaauscripts,
indicating the nasal sound here treated of. Usually they are written
above the syllable, and there they seem most naturally to imply a
nasal affection of the vowel of the syllabic, a nasal (anun&sika) vowel.
Ilence some toxts (Séma- and Yajur-Vcdas), when they mean a real
anusv&ra, bring one of the signs down into the ordinary consonant-
place; but the usage is not general. As between the two signs,
some manuscripts ewploy, or tend to employ, the * where a nasalized
,anun&sika) vowel is to be recognizcd, and clsewhere the -:; and this
distinction is consistently observed in many European printed texts;
and the furmer is called the anundsika sigu: but the two are doubt-
leas originally and properly equivalcut.

b. It is a very common custom of the manuscripts to write the
anusvéra-sign for apy nasal following the vowel of a syliable, either
before another consonant or as final (not before a vowel), without
any reference to whether it is to be pronounced as nasal mute, nasal
semivowel, or anusvadra. Some printed texts follow this slovenly and
undesirable habit; but most write a nasal mute whenever it is to be
pronounced — excepting where it is an assimilated m (213).

73—] II. System or SounNps. 26

c. It is convenient also in transliteration to distinguish the as-
similated m by a special sign, mh, from the anusvdra of more indc-
pendent origin, 4; and this method will be followed in the present work.

74. This is the whule system of sounds recognized by the written
character; for certain other transitional sounds, more or less widely
recognized in the theories of the Hindu phonetists, see below, 230.

75. The whole spoken alphabet, then, may be arranged
in the following manner, in order to show, so far as is
possible in a single scheme, the relations and important
classifications of its various members:

a, 4
19-78 6-le
© = P) °
an . * ; %, Vowels
: %
i, i i, F }ou, u
@-05 1-19 “7401 Oh 26h 83
Son. y r l Vv Semivowels
4-3 8-05 Ld 4-08
n i n n m Nasals
ie 4 33 1-03 4-61 4-H
h Anusvara
a
h Aspiration
i
h Visarga
a-3k
Surd | ¢ 8 8 Sibilants
i"? a4 abe
gh gh dh dh bh asp.
‘lo a | 63 a 0-37
Son. g j d d b unasp.
AZ 4 “23 3-83 46
kh = ch th th ph asp. { Mutes
33 “ 0 “38 03
Surd k c t t Pp upasp.
19s 4-26 ir] 6-45 2-46
Gutt. Pal. Ling. Dent. Lab.

a. The figures set under tho characters give the average per-
centage of frequency of each sound, found by counting the number
of times which it occurred in an aggregate of 10,000 sounds of con-
tinous text, in ten different passages, of 1,000 sounds each, selected
from different epochs of the literature: namely, two from the Rig-Veda,
one from the Atharva-Veda, two from different Brahmanas, and one
each from Manu, Bhagavad-Gité, Cakuntali, Hitopadega, and Vasa-
vadatta (J.A.0.S., vol. X., p. cl).

27 QUANTITY. {(—79°

Ul. Quantity of sounds and syllables.

76. The Hindu grammarians take the pains to define the
quantity of a consonant (without distinction among consonants
of different classes) as half that of a short vowel.

771. They also define the quantity of a long (dirgha)
vowel or diphthong as twice that of a short (hrasva) vowel —
making no distinction in this respect between the guna-
and the vyrddhi-diphthongs.

78. Besides these two vowel-quantities, the Hindus
acknowledge a third, called pluta (literally swimming), or
protracted, and having three moras or three times the quantity
of a short vowel. A protracted vowel is marked by a follow-
ing figure 3: thus, 413 &:.

a. The protracted vowels are practically of rare occurrence (in
RV., three cases; in AV., fifteen; in the Brahmana literature, decidedly
more frequent). ‘They arc used in casos of questioning, cspecially of
a balancing between two altcrnatiyes, and also of calling to a distance
or urgently. The protraction is of tho last syllable in a word, or in
a whole phrase; and the protracted syllable has usually the acute tone,
in addition to any other accent the word may have; sometimes it
takes also anusv@ra, or is made nasal.

b. Examples are: adh&éh svid Asi3d upari svid Asist (RV.) eas
it, forsooth, below? was it, forsooth, abore? idam bhiiyds iddsm {ti
(AV.) saying, is this more, or ts that? agna3i patniva3h somam piba
(TS.) O Agni! thou with thy spouse! drink the soma.

c. A diphthong is protracted by prolongation of its first or a-element: |
thus, 6 to 431i, o to &3u.

d. The sign of protraction is also sometimes written as the result of
accentual combination, when so-called kampa occurs: scc below, 87 d.

79. For metrical purposes, syllables (not vowels) are
distinguished by the grammarians as heavy (guru) or hight
(laghu). A syllable is heavy if its vowel is long, or short
and followed by more than one consonant (“long by po-
sition’). Anusv&ra and visarga count as full consonants in

79—] Il. System or Sounvs. 28

making a heavy syllable. The last syllable of a pada (pri-
mary division of a verse) is reckoned as either heavy or
light.

a. The distinction in terms betwecn the difference of long and short in
vowel-sound and that of heavy and light in syllable-construction is valuable,
and should be observed.

iV. Accent.

80. The phenomena of accent are, by the Hindu gram-
marians of all ages alike, described and treated as depend-
ing on a variation of tone or pitch; of any difference of
stress involved, they make no account.

81. The primary tones (svara) or accent-pitches are two:
a higher (ud&tta russed), or acute; and a lower (anuditta
not raised), or grave. A third (called svarita: a term of
doubtful meaning) is always of secondary origin, being (when
not enclitic: see below, 85) the result of actual combination
of an acute vowel and a following grave vowel into one
syllable. It is also uniformly defined as compound in pitch,
a union of higher and lower tone within the limits of a
single syllable. It is thus identical in physical character
with the Greck and Latin circumflex, and fully entitled to
be called by the same name.

82. Strictly, therefore, there is but ono distinction of tone in the
Sauskrit accentual systein, as doscribed by the natiye grammarians
and marked in the writton texts: the acccnted syllablo is raised in tone
above the unaccentcd; whilo then further, in certain cases of the
fusion of an accented and an unaccented element into one syllable,
that syllable retains the compounded tone of both elements.

83. The svarita or circumflex is only rarely found on a pure long
vowel or diphthong, but almost always on a syllable in which a vowel,
short or long, is preceded by a y or v representing an originally acute
i- or u-vowel.

a. In transliteration, in this work, the udatta or acute will be
warked with the ordinary sign of acute, and the svarita or circumflex
(as being a downward slide of the voice forward) with what is usually
called the gravo accent: thus, 4, acute, yA or va, circumflex.

29 ACCENT. [— 85

64. Tho Priticdkhyas distinguish and namo separately the circumflexed
tones arising by different processes of combination: thus, the circumflex is
called

a. Kedipra (quick), when an acute i- or u-vowel (short or long) is
converted into y or v before a dissimilar vowel of grave tone: thus, vy&pta
from vi-a&pta, apsvantér from apsu antér.

b. J&tya (native) or nitya (orn), when the same combination Hes
further back, in the make-up of a stem or form, and so fs constant, or
belongs to the word in all circumstances of its occurrence: thus, kva (froin
kua), svar (star), nyak (nfak), budhnya (budhn{a), kany& (kan{&),
nadyas (nadi-as), tanvé& (tanti-a).

c. The words of both the above classes arc in the Veda, in the great
majority of cases, to be read with restoration of the acutc vowel as a separato
syllable: thus, apsu antar, suar, nadias, etc. In some texts, part of
them are written correspondingly: thus, suvar, tanuvaé, budhniya.

d. Pracligta, when the acute and grave vowels are of such character
that they are fused into a long vowel or diphthong (128 c): thus, divi ’va
(RV. AV. etr.), from divf iva; siidg&ta (TS.), from si-udg&taé; n&i’va
*eniyat (CB.), from n& evd acniyat.

e. Abhinthita, when an initial grave a is absorbed by a final acutc
6 or 6 (136 a): thus, té ‘bruvan, from té abruvan; sd ‘bravit, from
80 abravit.

86. But further, the Hindu grammarians agree in de-
claring the (naturally grave) syllable following an acute,
whether in the same or in another word, to be svarita or
circumflex — unless, indeed, it be itself followed by an
acute or circumflex; in which case it retains its grave
tone. This is called by European scholars the enclitic or
dependent circumflex.

a. Thus, in téna and té ca, the syllable na and word ca are
regarded and marked as circumflex; but in téna té and té ca svar
they are grave.

b. This seems to mean that the voice, which is borne up at the higher
pitch to the end of the acute syllable, does not ordinarily drop to grave
pitch by an instantaneous movement, but descends by a more or less per-
ceptible slide in the course of the following syllable. No Hindu authority
suggests the theory of a middle or intermediate tone for the enclitic, any
more than for the independent circumflex. For the most part, the two are
identificd with one another, in treatment and designation. The enclitic
elrcumflex is likewise divided into a number of sub-varieties, with different
names: they are of too little consequence to be worth reporting.

sée—] II. System oF SOUNDS. 30

86. The essential difference of the two kinds of circumflex is
shown clearly enough by these facts: 1. the independent circumflex
takes the place of the acute as the proper accent of a word, while
the enclitic is the mere shadow following an acute, and following it
in anothcr word precisely as in the same word; 2. the independent
circumflex maintains its character in all situations, while the enclitic
before a following circumflex or acute loses its circumflex character,
and becomes grave; moreover, 3. in many of the systems of marking
accent (below, 88), the two are quite differently indicated.

87. The accentuation is marked in manuscripts only of the older
literature: namely, in the primary Vedic texts, or sarhhitdés, in two
of the Brahmanas (Taittiriya and Catapatha), in tho Taittiriya-Aranyaka,
in certain passages of the Aitareya-Aranyaka, and in the Suparnadhyaya.
There are a number of methods of writing accent, more or leas different
from one another: the one found in manuscripts of the Rig-Veda,
which is most widoly known, and of which most of the others are
only slight modifications, is as follows.

a. The acute syllable is left unmarked; the circumflex, whether
independent or enclitic, has a short perpendicular stroke above; and
the grave next preceding an acute or (indopendent) circumflex has a
short horizontal stroke below. Thus,

ata agnim ; Toft juhoti; ae tanvé; Gi kva.

b. But the introductory grave stroke bclow cannot be given if an
ucute syllable is initial; hencc an unmarked syllable at tho beginning
of a word is to be understood as acute; and hence also, if several
grave syllables precede an acute at the beginning of a sentence, they
must all alike have the grave sign. Thus,

FH: indrah; A to; HSU karigydsi; FETA tuvijacd.

c. All the grave syllables, however, which follow a marked cir-
cumfiex aro left unmarked, until the occurrence of another accented
syllable causes the one which precedes it to tako the preparatory
stroke below. ‘I'bus,

ARYAAIZA, oudfikasashdsk ;
but AEeiATTIA cudfetkasathdrg gavam.

d. If an independent circumflex be followed by an acute (or by
another independent circumflex), a figure 1 is set after the former
circumflexed vowel if it be short, or a figure 3 if it be long, and the
signs of accent are applied as in the following examples:

ACTAVA: apev aintah (from apsu antah);
Transat: rayos vanih (from réyé avaénih).

31 ACCENT. (—89

The rationale of this mode of designation {s not well understood; the
Praticdkhyas give no account of it. In the scholastic utterance of the syllable
so designated is made a peculiar quaver or roulade of the voice, called
kampa or vikampana.

e. The accent-marks are written with rod ink in the manuscripts, being
added after the text is written, and perhaps often by another hand.

68 a. Nearly accordant with this, the Rig-Veda method of designating
accent, are the methods omployed fn the manuscripts of the Atharva-Veda,
of the Vajasaneyi-Sambitd, and of the Tiittiriya-Samhita, Brahmana, and
Aranyaka. Their differences from it are of trifling importance, consisting
mainly in peculiar ways of marking the circumflex that precedes an acute
(87 da). In some mannecripts of the Atharva-Veda, the accent-merks are
dots instead of strokes, and that for the circumflex is made within the |
syllable instead of above it.

b. In most manuscripts of tho Miaitrayani-Samhits, the acute syllablo
itself, besides its surroundings, is markcd—namely, by a perpendicular
stroke above the syllable (like that of the ordinary cireumMex in tho RV.
method). The independent circumficx has a hook beneath the syllable, and
the cirenmficx before an acute (87 d) is denoted simply by a figare 8,
standing before instead of after the circumflexed syllable.

c. The Catapatha-Brihmapa uses only a single accent-sign, the horizontal
stroke beneath the syllable (like the mark for grave in RV.). This ts put
under an acute, or, if two or morc acutes Immediately follow one another,
only onder the preceeding syllable. To mark an independent circumflex, it
is put under the preceding syllable. The meth! ts an imperfoct one, allow-
ing many ambiguities.

d. The Sima-Veda method is the most intricate of all. It has a dozen
different signs, consisting of figures, or of figures and letters combined, all
placed above the syllables, and varying according both to the accentual character
of the syllable and to its snrroundings. Its origin is obscure; if anything
more is indicated by it than by the other simpler systems, the fact has not
been demonstrated.

89. In this work, as everything given in the devanagari characters
is also given in transliteration, it will in general be unnecessary to
mark the accent except in the transliterated form; where, however,
the case is otherwise, there will be adopted the method of marking
only the really accented syllables, the acute and the indepéndent
circumflex: the latter by the usual svarita-sign, the former by a small
u (for ud&tta) above the syllable: thus,

rz {ndra, et] agne, tay evar. THe] nadyas.

a. These being given, everything else which the Hindu theory recog-
nizes as dependent on and accompanying them can readily be understond
as implied.

90—} HI. Sysrem or Sounps. 32

90. The theory of the Sanskrit accent, as here given (a consistent and
intelligible body of phenomena), has been overlaid by the Hindu theorists,
especially of the Pritigskhyas, with a number of added features, of » much
moro questionable character. Thus:

a. The unmarked grave syllables following a circumflex (either at the
end of a sentence, or till the near aproach of another acute) are declared
tu have the same high tone with the (also unmarked) acute, They are
called pracaya or pracita (accumulated: because liable to occur in an
indefinite series of successive syllables).

b. The circumflex, whether independent or enclitic, is declared to begin
on a higher pitch than acute, and to descend to acute pitch in ordinary
cases: the concluding instant of it being brought down to grave pitch,
* however, in the case of an independent circumflex which is immediately
followed by another ascent of the voice to higher pitch, in acute or inde-
pendent circumflex (a kampa syllabic: 87 a).

¢. Pénini gives the ambiguous name of ekacruti-(monotone) to the
pracita syllablcs, and says nothing of tho uplifting of the circumflex to
a higher planc; he teaches, however, a depression bolow the grave pitch for
the marked grave syllable before acute or circumflex, calling it sannatara
(otherwise anudattatara).

91. The system of accentuation as marked in the Vedic texts appears
to have assumed in tho traditional recitation of tho Brahmanic schools
a peculiar and artificial form, in which the designated syllables, grave and
circumflex (equally the enclitic and the indcpendent circumflex), have acquired
a conspicuous value, while the undesignated. the acute, has sunk into in-
significance,

82. The Sanskrit accent taught in the native grammars and
represented by the accentuated texts is essentially a system of word-
accept only. No general attempt is made (any more than in the
Greek system) to define or mark a sentcnce-accent, the effect of the
emphasis and modulation of the sentence in modifying the independent
accent of individual words. The only approach to it is seen in the
treatment of vocatives and personal verb-forma.

a. A vocative is usually without accent except at the beginning
of a sentence: for further details, sec 314.

b. A personal verb-form is usually accentless in an independent-
clause, except when standing at the beginning of the clause: for
further details, seo 501 ff.

93. Certain other words also are, usaally or always, without
accent.

a. The particles ca, va, u, sma, iva, cid, svid, ha, and the Vedic
kam (or k&m), gha, bhala, samaha, im, sim, are always without
accent; also yathaé in RV. (sometimes also elsewhere) in the sense of iva,
at the ond of a pada or verse-division.

“™

33 ACCENT. (—96

b. The same fs truce of certain pronouns and pronominal stems: ma,
me, n&u, nas, tvd, te, vim, vas (491 b), enn (500), tva (603 b),
sama (518 c).

ec. The cases of the pronominal stem @ are sometimes accented and
sometimes accentiess (602).

d. An accentless word is not allowed to stand at the beginning
of a sentence; also not of a p&da or primary division of 2 verse; a
pada is, in all matters relating to accentuation. treated like an in-
dependent sentence.

64. Some words have moro than a single accented syllable.
Such are:

a. Certain dual copulative compounds in the Veda (see 12558), as
mitrdvarund, dydvaprthivi. Also, a few other Vedic compounds (see
1267 d), as bfhaspaéti, tantinapat.

b. In a few cases, the furth:-r compounds and derivatives of such
compounds, as dyAva&prthivivant, bfhaspatipranutta.

c. Infinitive datives in tav&{ (see 972 a), as étaval, Apabhare
taval.

d. A word naturally barytone, but having its final syllable protracted
(sce 78 a).

e. The particle vAvaé (in the Brébmanas).

96. On the place of the accented syllabl« in a Sanskrit
word there is no restriction whatever depending upon either
the number or the quantity of the preceding or following
syllables. The accent rests where the rules of inflection
or derivation or composition place it, without regard to any
thing else.

a. Thus, {ndre, agn&u, {ndrena, agni{nd, agninim, bahicyuta,
anapacyuta, parjanysjinvita, abhimatisdéha, dnabhimla&tavarna,
abhicasticatana, h{ranyavdcimattama, catuccatvarincadakegarn.

96. Since the accent is marked only in the older litera-
ture, and the statements of the grammarians, with the
deduced rules of accentuation, are far from being sufficient
to settle all cases, the place of the stress of voice for a
considerable part of the vocabulary is undetermined. Hence
it is a general habit with European scholars to pronounce

Sanskrit words according to the rules of the Latin accent.
Whitney, (lrammar. 3. ed. 3

87—| Ii. Evrnontc ComMBINATION. 34

97. In this work, the accent of each word and form will in
general be marked, so far as there is authority determining ite place
and character. Where specific words and forms are quoted, they
will only be so far accentuated as they are found with accent in
accentuated texts. .

me me ee ee eee

CHAPTER III.

RULES OF EUPHONIC COMBINATION.

Introductory.

98. The words in Sanskrit, as in the other languages related
with it, are in great part analysable into roots, suffixes of derivation,
and endings of inflection, these last being added mostly to stems
containing suffixes, but also sometimes directly to roots.

a. There are, of course, a certain number of uninflected words —
indeclinables, particles; and also not a few that are incapable of analysis.

89. ‘The Sunskrit, indecd, possesses un exceptionally anglysable
character; its furmative processes are more regular and transparent
than those of any other Indo-European tongue. Hence the prevailing
method of the Hindu native science of grammar, which sets up a
certain body of roots, and prescribes the processes by which these
may be made stems and words, giving the various added elements,
and laying down the rules by which their combination is effected. And
tho same genera’ method is, for like reason, followed also by European
graminarians.

100. ‘The cuphonic-laws, accordingly, which govern the combination
of suffix or of ending with root or stem, possess a high practical im-
portance, and require to be laid down ia preparation for the topics
of declension and conjugation.

101. Morcover, the furmation of compounds, by joining two or
more simple stcins, is cxtremely frequent in Sanskrit; and this kiod
of combination has its own peculiar cuphonic res. And onco moro,
iu the form of the language as handed down to us by its literature,
the words composing # sentonce or paragraph aro adapted to and
combined with one another by nearly the same rules which govern
the making of compounds; so that it is impossiblo to take apart and
understand a Sanskrit sentence without knowing those rules. Heuce

-

35 INTRODUCTORY. (—103

an incroased degroe of practical importance belonging to the subjoct
of euphonic combination.

a. This enphonic interdependence of the words of a sentence is un-
known to any other language in anything like the same degree; and it
cannot but be suspected of being at least in part artificial, implying an
erection {nto necessary and invariable rules of what in the living language
were only optional practices. This is strongly indicated, indeed by the
evidence of the older dialect of the Vedas and of the derived Prakritic
dialects, in both of which some of the rules (cspocially that as to the hiatus:
see 113) are often violated.

102. The roots which aro authenticated by their occurrence in
the literary monuments of the language, earlier and later, number
between eight and nine hundred. About half of these belong fully
to the language throughout its whole history; some (about a hundred
and fifty) are limited to the earlier or pre-classical period; some,
again ‘over a hundred and twenty}, make their first appearance in
the later language.

a. There are in this number roots of very diverse character. Those
occurring only later are, at least in great part, presumably of secondary
origin; and a certain number are even doubtless artificial, used once or
twice because found in the root-lists of the Hindu grammarians (108).
But also of the rest, some are plainly secondary, while others are ques-
tionable; and not a few are variations or differentiated forms of one another.
Thus, there are roota showing respectively ro and 1, as rabh aud labh,
mruce ani mluc, kgar and kgal; roots with and without a strengthening
nasal, as vand and vad, mand and mad; roots in & and in a nasal, as
kh& and khan, g& and gam, j& and jan; roots made by an added &,
as tr& from tr, mn& from man, ps& from bhas, y& from i; roots the
product of redaplication, as jakg from ghas, dudh from dhii; roots with
a final sibilant of formative origin, as bhakg and bhikg from bhsj,
nakg from nag, crus from cru, has from h&; roct-forms held apart by
a well-established discordance of inflection and meaning, which yet are
probably different sides of one root, as kys drag and kyg plough, vid knot
and vid find, vy enclose and vy choose; and so on. In many such cases
it §s donbtful whether we ought to acknowledge two roots or only one; and
no absolute rnle of distinction can be laid down and maintained.

103. The list of roots given by the Hindu grammarians contains
about two thousand roots, without including alt those which students of
the language are compelled to recognize. Considerably more than half of
this number, then, are wunanthenticated by use; and although some of
these may yet come to light, or may have cxisted without Anding their
way into any of the preserved literary documents, it {s certain that most
are fictittheus: made in part for the explanation of words falsely described
as their derivatives, but in the main for unknown and perhaps undiscoverable
reasons.

3*

103—] II. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 36

a. The roots unauthenticated by traceable use will be made no account
of in this grammar — or, if noticed, will be specified as of that character.

104. The forms of the roots as here used will be found to differ
in certain respects from those given by the native grammarians and
adopted by some European works. Thus:

a. Those roots of which the initlal m and 8 are regularly converted
to m and 6 after certain prefixes are by the Hindu grammarians given as
beginning with n and g; no western authority follows this example.

b. The Hindus classify as simple roots a number of derived stems:
reduplicated ones, as didhi, jagr, daridr&; present-stems, as tirnu; and
denominative stems, as avadhir, kum4r, sabha&g, mantr, sdntv, arth,
and the like. These are in European works generally reduced to their
true value.

c. A number of roots ending in an @& which is irregularly treated in
the present-system are written in the Hindu lists with diphthongs—e or
Gi or o; here they will be regarded as &-roots (see 251). The o of such
root-forms, especially, is purely arbitrary; no forms or derivatives made
from the roots justify it.

dad. The roots showing interchangeably y and ir and Ir or ur and
tir (242) are written by the Hindus with y or with ¥, or with both. The
f here also is only formal, intended to mark the roots as liable to certain
modifications, since it nowhere shows itself in any form or derivative. Such
roots will in this work be written with rf.

e. The roots, on the other hand, showing a variation between fF and
ar (rarely ra) as weak and strong forms will be here written with y, as by
the native grammarians, although many European authorities prefer the other
or strong form. So long as we write the unstrengthened vowel in vid and
ci, in mud and bh, and their like, consistency seems to require that we
write i¢ in sj and ky also — in all cases alike, without referonce to what
may have been the 1aore original Indo-European form.

105. In many cascs of roots showing more than one form, the selection
of a representative form is a matter of comparative indifference. To deal
with such cases according to their historical character is the part rather of
an Indo-European comparative grammar than of a Sanskrit grammar, We
must be content to accept as roots what elements seem (to have on the
whole that value in the existing condition of the language.

106. Stems as well as roots have their variations of form (311).
The Hindu grammarians usually give the weaker form as the normal
one, and derive the other from it by « strengthening change; some
European authorities do the same, while others prefer the contrary
method; the choice is of unessential conscquence, and may be deter-
wined in any casey by motives of convenience.

107. We shall accordingly consider first of all, in the present
chapter, the euphonic priociples and laws which govern the combination

37 INTRODUCTORY. {(—109

of the clemonts of words and of words as clements of the sentencc;
then will be takon up the subject of inflection, under the two heads
of declension and conjugation; and an account of the classcs of
uninficcted words will follow.

a. The formation of conjugational stems (tense and mode-stems;
also participles and infinitive) will be taught, as is usual, in connection
with the processes of conjugational infloction; that of uninflocted
words, in connection with tho various classes of thuse words. But
the general subject of derivation, or the formation of declinable stems,
will be taken up by itself later (chap. XVII.); and it will be followed
by an aecount of the formation of compound stems (chap. XVIII).

108. It is by no means to be expected of beginners
in the language that they will attempt to master the rules
of euphonic combination in a body, before going on to learn
the paradigms of inflection. On the contrary, the leading
paradigms of declension may best be learned outright,
without attention, or with only a minimum of attention,
to euphonic rule. In taking up conjugation, however, it
1s practically, as well as theoretically, better to learn the
forms as combinations of stem and ending, with attention
to such laws of combination as apply in the particular cases
concerned. The rules of external combination, governing
the make-up of the sentence out of words, should be
grappled with only when the student is prepared to begin
the reading or the formation of sentences.

Principles of Euphonic Combination.

109. ‘The rules of combination (samdhi putting together’
are in some respects different, according as they apply —

a. to the mternal make-up of a word, by the addition
of derivative and inflectional endings to roots and stems;

b. to the more external putting together of stems to
make compound stems, and the yet looser and more accidental
collocation of words in the sentence;

ec. Hence they are usually divided into rules of internal
combination, and rules of external combination.

110—] IIT. EUPHONIO COMBINATION. 38

110. In both classes of cases, however, the general principles
of combination are the same — and likewise, to a great extent, the
specific rules. The differences depend in part on the occurrence or
non-occurrence of certain combinations in the one class or the other;
in part, on the difference of treatment of the same sound as final of
a root or of an ending, the former being more persistent than the
latter; in part, on the occurrence in external combination of certain
changes which are apparently phonetic but really historical; and, most
frequent and conspicuous of all, on the fact that (167) vowels and
semivowels and nasals exercise a sonantizing influence in external
combination, but not in internal. Hence, to avoid unnecessary repe-
tition as well as the separation of what really belongs together, the
rules for both kinds of combination are given below in connection
with one another.

111. a. Moreover, before case-endings beginning with bh and s
(namely, bhyam, bhis, bhyas, su), the treatment of the finals of stems
is in general the samo as in the combinations of words (pada) with
one another — whence those endings are sometimes called pada-end-
ings, and the cases they form are known as pada-cases.

b. The importance of this distinction is somewhat exaggerated by the
ordinary statement of it. In fact, dh is the only sonant mute initial of an
ending occurring in conjugation, as bh in declension; and the difference
of their treatment is in part owing to the one coming into collision usually
with the final of a root and the other of an ending, and in part to the fact
that dh, es a dental, is more assimilable to palatals and linguals than bh.
A more marked and problematic distinction {s made between su and thc
verbal endings ei, eva, etc., especially after palatal sounds and g.

c. Further, before certain of the suffixes of derivation the final
of a stem is sometimes treated in the same manner as that of a word
in composition.

d. This is especially the case before secondary suffixes having a
markedly distinct office, like the possessive mant and vant, the abstract-
making tva, the suffix of material maya, and.so on; and it is much
more frequent in Che later language than in the carlicr. ‘The cxamples are
sporadic in character, and no rule can be given to cover them: for details,
see the various suffixes, in chap. XVII. In the RV. (as may be mentioned
here) the only examples are vidyunmant (beside garutmant, kakud-
mant, ctc.), pfgadvant (beside datvant, marutvant, ctc.), dhpgadvin
(beside namasvin, ctc.), cagmaé (beside ajma, idhmaé, ctc.), Mynmaya
(beside manasméya, ctc.), and ahamyu, kithyu, gathyu, and ahhoyn,
duvoyu, dskyrdhoyu (beside namasyt, vacasyt, ctc.); and the AV.
adds only sAbovan (IV. sahdévan).

112. The leading rules of internal combination (as already stated:
108) are those which are of most immediate importance to a beginner in
the language, since his first task is to master tho principal paradigms of

39 GENERAL PRINCIPLES. [—117

inflection; the rules of external combination may better ba left untouched
until he comcs to dealing with words in scntences, or to translating. Then,
however, they are indispensable, since the proper form of the words that
compose the sentence is not to be determined without them.

a. The general principles of combination underlying the euphonic
rules, and determining their classification, may be stated as follows:

118. Hliatus. In general, hiatus is forbidden; every
syllable except the initial one of a sentence, or of a word
or phrase not forming part of a sentence, must begin with
a consonant (or with more than one).

a. For details, and for exceptions, see 126 ff.

b. In the earller language, however, hiatus in every position was
abundantly admitted. This appears plainly from the mantras, or metrical
parts of the Voda, whero in innumerable instances y and v are to bo road
at i and u, and, less often, a long vowel fis to be resolved into two vowels,
in order to make good the metre: ec. g., vary&nfm has to be read as
vari-&-na-fm, svagvyam as su-ac-vi-am, and so on. In the Brihmanas,
also, we find tvac, svar, dy&us described as dissyllables, vy&na and
satyam as trisyllables, r&janya as of four syllables, and tho like. See
further 129 e.

114. Deaspiration. An aspirate mute is liable to
lose its aspiration, being allowed to stand unchanged only

before a vowel or semivowel or nasal.

115. Assimilation. ‘The great body of euphonic
changes in Sanskrit, as elsewhere, falls under the general
head of assimilation — which takes place both between
sounds which are so nearly alike that the difference
between them is too insignificant to be worth preserving,
and between those which are so diverse as to be practically
incompatible.

116. In part, assimilation involves the conversion of
one sound to another of the samc series, without change of
articulating position; in part, it involves a change of position,
or transfer to another series.

117. Of changes within the scries, the most frequent and im-
portant occur in the adaptation of surd and sonant sounds to one

re ee Ail. Eveuomic Comsixariox. 40

another, but the nassls and 1 have also im certain cases their special
assimilative influence. Thus:
a. In the two clesses ef nom-nasal mutes and spirants, surd and sonant

arc wholly incompatible; no surd ef cithcr class can either precede or follow
a sonant of either.

b. A muts, surd or sonant, is assimilated by being changed to its
correspondent of the other kind; of the spirants, the surd 8 is the only one
having a sonant correspondent, namely r, to which it is convertible in ex-
ternal combination (164 f7.).

c. The nasals are more frecly combinable: a nasal may either precede
or follow a mute of either kind, or the sonant spirant h; it may also follow
a surd spirant (sibilant); no nasal, however, cver precedes a sibilant in the
interior of a word (it is changed instead to anusv&ra); and in external
combination their concurrence is usually avoided by insertion of a surd mute.

@. A semivowel has still less sonantizing influence; and a vowel least
of all: both are freely preceded and followed by sounds of every other
class, in the interior of a word.

e. Before a sibilant, however, is found, of the semivowels, only r and
very rarely 1. Moreover, in external combination, r is often changed to its
surd correspondent 8.

But

f In coinposition and sentence-collocatiuu, initial vowels and somi-
vowels and nasals also coquire the preceding Mual to be sonant. And

g- Before a nasal and 1, the assimilative process iv sutnctimes carricd
further, by the conversion of a final muto to a nasal or 1 respectively.

118. Of conversions involving a change of articulate position, the

most important are those of dental sounds to lingual, and, less often,
to palatal. Thus:

a. The dental 6 and n are very frequently converted to g and n by
tho assiinilating inNuence of contiguous or neighbouring lingual sounds: the 6,
even by sounds — namely, i- and u-vowels and ke — which have themselves
no Hiugual character.

&. A non-ussal deudal auc us (with « fow oxceptions in caterual
cumbination) made lingual when it comes into collision with a lingual sound.

6. The dental mutes and sibilant are made palatal by a contiguous
palstal.

Kut alec:

d. A wm (not radical) fis assimilated to a following consonant, of
whatover hirind.

e. For certain auomalous cases, see 161,

118. ‘The cuphonic combinations of the palatal wutes, the palatal
sibilant, and tho aspiratiup, as being sounds derived by phonetic
alteration from more original gutturals 423), are made peculiar

41 GENERAL PRINCIPLES. (—124

and complicated by two circumstances: their reversion to a guttural
form (or the appearance of the unaltercd guttural instead of them:
43); and the different treatment of j and h according as they represcnt
one or another degree of alteration — tho ono tending, like c, morc
to the guttural roversion, the other showing, like ¢, a more sibilant
and lingual character.

130. The lingual sibilant 9, also of «derivative character (from
dental 6), shows as radical final peculiar and problematic phenomena
of combination.

121. Extension and abbreviation of conso-
nant-groups. The native grammarians allow. or require
certain extensions, by duplication or insertion, of groups of
consonants. And, on the other hand, abbreviation of cer-
tain other groups is allowed, and found often practised m
the manuscripts.

122. Permitted Finals. The permitted occurrence
of consonants at the end of a word is quite narrowly
restricted. In general, only one consonant is allowed after
the last vowel; and that must be neither the aspiration,
nor a sibilant, nor a semivowel (save rarcly 71), nor an

aspirate mute, nor a sonant mute if not nasal, nor a palatal.

123. Increment and Decrement. Besides these
more or less regular changes accompanying the combination
of the parts that make up words, there is another class of
a different character, not consisting in the mutual adaptations
of the parts, but in strengthening or weakening changes of
the parts themselves.

124. It is impossible to carry through a perfectly systematic
arrangement of the detailed rules of euphonic combination, because
the different varieties of euphonic change more or Icss overlap and
intersect one another. The order observed below will be as follows:

1. Rules of vowel combination, for the avoidance of hiatus.

2. Rules as to permitted finals (since these underlie the further
freatment of final consonants in external cowbination).

3. Rules for loss of aspiration of an aspirate mute.

4. Rules of surd and sonant assimilation, inchiding those for final
s and yr.

124—| IY. EurpHonic CosBination. 4?

5. Rules for the conversion of dental sounds to lingual and
palatal.

6. Rules for the changes of final nasals, including those in which
a former final following the nasal re-appears in combination.

7. Rules regarding the special changes of the derivative sounds
—the palatal mutes and sibilant, the aspiration, and the lingual
sibilant.

8. Rules as to extension und abbreviation of consonant groups.

9. Rules for strengthening and weakening processes.

Everywhere, rules for more sporadic and less classifiable cases
will be given in the most practically convenient connection; and the
Index will render what help is needed toward finding them.

Rules of Vowel Combination.

125. The concurrence of two vowels, or of vowel and
diphthong, without intervening consonant, is forbidden by
the euphony of the later or classical language. It is avoided,
according to the circumstances of the case, either by fusion
of the two concurrent sounds into one, by the reduction of
one of them to a semivowel, dr by development of a semi-
vowel betwcen them.

a. For the not infrequent cases of couposition and scntence-combi-
nation in which the recent loss of a 8 or y or v between vowels leaves
a permanent hiatus, see below, 132 ff, 175-7; for certain final vowels
which arc maintained unchanged in sentence-combination before an Initial
vowel, sec 138.

b. A very few words in their adinittcd written furm show intortor
hiatus; such are thtati stece (perbaps for titasu, Bi.), prdiiga wagon-
pole (for prayuga?), and, in RV., suaté.

c. The texts of the older dialect are written according to the cuphonic
rules of the later language, although in them (see 113 b) the hiatus is
really of frequent occurrence. Hence they are not to be read as written,
but with constantly recurring revorsal of the processes of vowel-combination
which they have been made artificially to undergo. See further 129 6.

d. Also in the later language, hiatus betwccn the two padas or primary
divisions of a metrical line is tolerably frequent, and it is not unknown in
sporadic cases even in the interior of a pada.

e. ‘I'he rules of vowel combination, as regards both the resulting

sound and its accent, are nearly the same in internal and in external
sainchi,

43 Vowrt ComBINATION. [(—127

126. ‘I'wo similar simple vowels, short or long, coalesce,
and form the corresponding long vowel: thus, two a-vowels
(either or both of them short or long) form 41 &; two i-vowels,
z 1; two u-vowels, Ga; and, theoretically, two y-vowels
form % f, but it is questionable whether the case ever
practically occurs. Examples are:

A UAT: sa c& ’prajah (ca -+-aprajah):

“city atl ‘va (ati -+ iva):

Wey siktam (su-uktam);

Tete] rBje “att (rijs + Bett);

aUay: adhiqvarah (adhi-Iovarah);

Tee ery juhipabhyt (juh — upabhrt).

a. \s the above examples indicate, it will be the practice everywhere
in this work, in transliteration (not in the devanfgari text), to separate
independent words; and if an initial vowel of a following word has coalosced
with a final of the preceding, this will be indicated by an apostrophe —

single if the tnitial vowel be the shorter, double if it be the longer, of the
two different initials which In every case of combination yleld the same result.

127. An a-vowel combines with a following i-vowel to
% e; with an u-vowel, to. AY o; with Fy, to WY ar; with
a } (theoretically), to Act al; with @ © or @ Gi, to? Bi; with
Ato or AY Bu, to At Bu. Examples are:

Tre réjendra (r&ja-indra);

fear: hitopadecah (hita-upadegah);

TET : maharsih ‘mahié-rsih);

Wa sai ‘va (si + eva);

IGEDLE rajiigvaryam (raja-fi¢varyam );

FAH: diviukasah (divi-okasah);

has e
aT TT] jvariugadham (jvara-Augadham }.

a. Jn the Vedic texts, the vowel pois ordinarily written unchanged
after the a-vowel, which, if long, is shortened: thus, mahargih instead of
maharsih. The two vowels, however, are usually pronounced as one syllable.

b. When successive words like indra & ihi aro to be combined, the
firet combination, to indr&, is made first, and the result is indre “ ‘hi
(not indrai ~ ‘hi, from indra e hi).

_

128—} II]. Eupuonic ComBINATION. 44

138. As rogards the accent of these vowel combinations, it is
to be noticed that, 1. as a matter of course, the union of acute with
acute yields acute, and that of grave with grave yields grave; that
of circumflex with circumflex cannot occur; 2. a circumnex with
following acute yields acute, the final grave element of the former
being raised to acute pitch; a grave with following acute does the
same, as no upward slide of the voice on a syllable is acknowledged
in the language; but, 3. when the former of the fused elements is
acute and the latter grave, we might expect the resulting syllable
to be in general circumficx, to represent both the original tones.
Panini in fact allows this accent in cvery such case; and in a single
accentuated Biahmana text (CB.), the circumflex is regularly writton.
But tho language shows, on tho whole, an indisposition to allow the
circumflex to rest on cither long vowel or diphthong as its sule basis,
and the acute element is suffered to raisc the other to its own level
of pitch, making the whole syllable acute. The only exception to
this, in most of the texts, is the combination of { and i, which be-
comes i: thus, divi ’va, from divi iva; in the Taittiriya texts alone
such a case follows the general rule, while G and u, instead, make
4: thus, sfidgata from sua-udgata.

129. The i-vowels, the u-vowels, and ® fy, before a
dissimilar vowel or a diphthong, are regularly converted each
into its own corresponding semivowel, @ y or q vor] r.
KExamples are:

TUTE ity Sha (iti + sha);

afaq madhv iva (madhu + iva);

Stead duhitrarthe (duhity-arthe);

Gatd stry asya (stri-+ asya):

at vadhvai (vadht-ai).

a. But in internal combination the i and u-vowels are not seldom
changed instead to iy and uv — and this especially in monosyllables,
or after two consonants, where otherwise a group of consonants

difficult of pronunciation would be the result. The cases will be
noticed below, in explaining inflected forma.

b. A radical i-vowel is converted into y even before i in perfect
tense-inflection: so ninyima (nini-+ ima).

co. In a few sporadic cases, i and u become iy and uv even in word-
composition: c. g., triyavi (tri+avi). viyanga (vi+anga), suvita
(su-+ ita): compare 1204 b, o.

d. Not very seldom, the same word (especially as found in different
loxts of the older language) has more than one form, showing various treatment

45 VOWEL ComBINATION. [—131

of an fi- or u-vowel: o. g. Svar or Bsuvar, tanvé or taniive, budhnya
or budhnfya, rdtryai or ratriyai. For the most part, doubticss, ‘these
are only two ways of writing the same pronunciation, sa-ar, budhnfa,
and soon; and the discordance has no other importance, historical or phonetic.
There is more or less of this differcnce of treatment of an i- or u-eloment
after a consonant {n all periods of the language.

e. In the older language, there {s a marked difference, in respect to
the freqnency of vowel-combination for avoiding hiatus as compared with
that of non-combination and consequent hiatus, between the class of cases
where two vowel-sounds, similar or dissimilar, would coalesce into one (126,
137) and that where an i- or u-vowel would be converted into a semi-
towel. Thus, in word-composition, the ratio of the cases of coalesced vowels
to those of hiatus are in RV. as five to one, in AV. as nineteen to onc,
while the cases of semivowel-conversion are in RV. only one In twelve, in
AV. only one in five; in sentence-combination, the cases of coalescence
are in both RV. and AV. about as seven to one, while those of semivowel-
conversion arc in RV. only one in fifty, in AV. one in five.

f. For certain cases of the loss or assimilation of i and u before y and
v respectively, see 333 a.

130. As regards the accent — here, as in the preceding case
(128, the only combination rcquiriug notice is that of an acute i- or
u- vowel with a following grave: the result is circumflex; and such
cases of circumflex arc many times more frequent than any and all
others. Examples are:

sate vyusti (vi-usti); ST abhyarcati;
nady&éu (nadi-&u};
fae svista (su-ista); Aa] tanvas (tanti-as).
a. Of a similar combination of acute f with following grave, only
single case has been notcd in accented texts: namely, vijfhatr @tat (i. «.

vijfiatf etat: CB. xiv. 6. 81); the arcentuation is in accordance with the
tules for i and u.

131. Of a diphthong, the final i- or u-element is changed
to its corresponding semivowel, 4 y or q v, before any vowel
or diphthong: thus, Ze (really ai: 28 a) becomes a ay,
and 8f o (that is, au: 28a) becomes Aq av; g Bi becomes
ANY Gy, and Aft Bu becomes ATA Gv.

a. No change of accent, of course, occurs herc; cach original
syllable retains its syllabic identity, and licncoe alsv ita own tone.

b. Examples can be given only for internal combination, since in external
combination there are further changes: sce the next paragraph. Thus,

77 naya (ne-a); ATT n&ya (na&i-a);

7] bhava (bho-a); 1 bhava (bhiu-a).

1323—] III. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 46

182. In external combination, we have the important
additional rule that the semivowel resulting from the con-
version of the final element of a diphthong is in general
dropped; and the resulting hiatus is left without further
change.

188. That is to say, a final @ © (the most frequent
case) becomes simply 4 a before an initial vowel (except
Ja: see 185, below), and both then remain unchanged ;

and a final % Gi, in like manner, becomes (everywhere)
a1 é. Thus,

a AUTAT: ta Sgatéh (te -+ dgat&h);

TW JF nagara iha (Cagare -+ iha);

THT Aggie tasma adad&t (tasmai + adadat);

Teron SHA striyé uktam (striydi +-uktam).

a. The later grammarians allow the y in such combinations to be either
retained or droppod; but the uniform practice of the manuscripts, of every
age, in accordanco with the strlet requirement of the Vedic grammar
(Pratigakhyas), is to omit the semivowel and leave the hiatus.

b. The persistence of the hiatus caused by this omission is a plain
indication of the comparatively recent loss of the intervening consonantal
sound.

c. Instances, however, of the avoida.ice of hiatus by combination of the
romaining final vowel with the folowing initial according to the usual rules
are inet with in every period of the language, from the RV. down; but
they are rare and of speradic character. Compare the similar treatment of
the hiatus after a lost final 8, 176-7.

d. For the peculiar treatment of this combination in certain cases by
the MS., see below, 176d.

134. a. The diphthong o (except as phonetic alteration of final
as: see 1765 a) is an unusual final, appearing only in the stem go
(861 c), in the voc. sing. of u-stems (841), in words of which the
final a ia combined with the particle u, as atho, and in a few inter-
jections. In the last two classes it is uncombinable (below, 138 6, f);
the vocatives sometimes retain the v and sometimes loso it (tho
practices of different texts are too different to be briefly stated); go
(in composition only) does not ordinarily lose its final element, but
remains gav or go. A final as becomes a, with following hiatus,
before any vowel save a (for which, see the next paragraph).

AT VOWEL COMBINATION. [—135

b. The qv of AV fiv from FT ain is usually retained:
thus,

alaa tiv eva (tau + eva);

DITA ubhav indrign! (ubh&u + indr&gni).

c. In the older language, however, it is in some texts dropped be-
fore an u-vowel: thus, td ubha&u; in othor texts it is treated Ike Ai, or
loses its u-element before every initial vowel: thus, ta eva, ubha in-
dragni.

135. After final % e or ato, an initial 4 @ disappears.

a. The resulting accent is as if the a were not dropped, but
rather absorbed into the preceding diphthong. having its tone duly
represented in the combination. If, namely, the e or o is grave or
circumflex and the a acute. the former becomes acute; if the e or
o is acute and the a grave, the forincr becomes circtunflex, as usu-
ally in the fusion of an acute and a grave element. If both are
acute or both grave, no change. of course, is seen in the result.
Examples are:

a STAT te ‘bruvan (té abruvan);

i STA so ‘bravit (sah abravit);

fefaqan STi: hinsitavyo ‘gnih (hinsitavyah agnih);
niz=zt Sait yad indro ‘bravit (yad indrah abravit);

UzTAaT SINT ydd r&janyo ‘bravit (ydd rajanysh
abravit).
b. As to the use of the avagraha sign in the case of such an elision,

sec above, 16. In transliteration. the recersed apostrophe, or tough breath-
Ing, will be used in this work to represent it.

ce. This clision or absorption of initial a after final e@ or o. which in
the later language is the invariable rule, fs in the Veda only an occasional
eecurrence. Thus, in the RV.. out of nearly 4500 instances of such an
initial a, it is, as the metre shows, tv be really omitted only about seventy
times; in the AV., less than 300 tines out of about 1600. In neither
work {is there any accordance in respect to the combination in question
between the written and spoken form of the text: in RV., the a is (as
written) elided in more than three quarters of the cases; in AV., in about
two thirds; and in both texts it ts written ina mumnber of instances where
the metre requires its omission,

@. In a few cases, an initial) & is thus elided, especially that of
atinan.

e. To the rules of vowel combination, as above stated, there
are certain exceptions. Some of the wore isulated of these will be

135—] Ill. Ruenonic Compinavion. 48

noticed where they come up in the processes of inflection etc.; a few
require mention here.

136. Io internal combination:

a. The augment a makes with the initial vowel of a root the
combinations ai, du, ar (vypddhi-vowels: 235), instead of e, o, ar
(guna-vowels), as required by 127: thus, dita (a+ ita) dubhnat
(a+ ubhnat), ardhnot (a+ rdhnot).

b. The final o of a stem (12303 a) becomes av bcfore the suffix ya
(originally ia: 12310 a).

c. The tinal vowel of a stem is cften dropped when a secondary suffix
ls added (1208 a).

da. For the weakening and loss of radical vowels, and for certain inser-
tions, see below, 249 ff., 357-8.

137. In external combination:

a. The final a or & of a preposition, with initial y of a root, makes
ar instead of ar: Thus, drchati (A+ ycehati), avarchati (ava + rchati),
upargati (CB.: upa+yegati; but AV. uparganti).

b. Instances aro occasionally met with of a final & or & being lost
entirely before initial e or o: thus, In verb-forms, av’ egyamas AB.,
up’ egatu etc. AV.; in derivatives, as upetavya, upetr; in compounds,
as dagoni, yathetam, and (permissibly) compounds with ogtha (not rare),
otu (not quotable), odana, as adharogtha or adhardusgtha, tilodana
or tildudana; and even in sentonce-combination, as iv’ etayas, agvin’
eva, yath’ ocige (all RV.), tv’ eman and tv’ odman B.; and always
with the exclamation om or omkéara.

c. The form th from fYvah sometimes makes the heavier or vyddhi
(235) diphthongal combination with a preceding a-vowel: thus, praéudhi,
akgauhini (from pra + wdhi. etc.).

138. Certain final vowels, moreover, are uncombinable

(pregrhya), or maintain themselves unchanged before any
following vowel. Thus,

a. ‘Ihe vowels i, @ and e as dual endings, both of declen-
sional and of conjugational forms. Thus, bandhi As&te imau; giri
aérohatam.

b. Tho pronoun ami (nom. pl.: 501); and the Vedic pronominal
forms asme, yugmé, tvé (492 a).

c. A final o made by combination of a final a-vowel with the particle
u (1]223 b): thus, atho, mo, no.

d. A final i of a Vedic lucative case from an i-stom (336 f).

e. A protracted final vowel (78).

f. Tho Mnal, or only, vowel of an intorjection, as aho, he, 4a, i, u.

g@- The older language shows occasional exceptions to these rulos: thus,
a dual I combined with a following i, as nyp&ti *va; an a elided aftor o,
as &tho ‘ai; a locative I turned into s semivowel, as védy asydm.

49 PERMITTED FINALS. [—14]

Permitted Finals.

139, ‘The sounds allowed to occur as finals in Sanskrit
words standing by themselves (not in euphonic combination
with something following) are closely limited, and those
which would etymologically come to occupy such a position
are often variously altered, in general accordance with their
treatment in other circumstances, or are sometimes omitted
altogether.

a. The saricty of consonants that would ever come at the end of either
an inflected form or a derivative stem in the languago is very small: namely,
in forma, only t (or d), n, m, 8; in derivative rtema, only t, d, n, ¥r, 8
(and, in a fow rare words, j). But almost all consonants ovcur as finals
of roots; and every root is liable to be found, alone or as last member of
a compound, in the character of a dcelined stem.

140. All the vowel sounds, both simple and diphthongal,
may be sounded at the end of a word.

a. But neither fF nor ] ever actus'ly cernrs, and yp is rare (only as
neuter sing. of a stem in 7 or ar, or an final of such a stom In composition).

Thus, {ndra, civéyd, akari, nadi, ddtu, caniti, janayitf, agne,
civdyai, vdyo, agnau.

141. Of the non-nasal mutes, only the first in cach series,
the non-aspirate surd, is allowed; the others —surd aspirate,
and both sonants— whenever they would etymologically
occur, are converted into this.

Thus, agnimAét for agnimath, suhyt for suhfd, virut for viridh,
trigtup for trigtubh.

a. In a few roots, when their final (sonant aspirate) thus
loses its aspiration, the original sonant aspiration of the
initial reappears: compare & h, below, 147.

Thus, dagh becomes dhak, budh becomes bhut, and so on.

The roots exhibiting this change are stated below, 155.

b. There was some question among tho Hindu grammarians as to
whether the final mute is to be estimated as of surd or of sonant quality;
but the great weight of authority, and the invariable practice of the manu-
scripts, favor the surd.

Whitnuey, Grammar. 3. ed. 4

142—] Ill. Euruonic ComBInation. 50

142. -The palatals, however, form here (as often else-
where) an exception to the rules for the other mutes. No
palatal is allowed as final. The 4c reverts (43) to its
original & k: thus, Qt vék, ATR ahhomuk. The ® oh
(only quotable in the root WH prach) becomes tt: thus,
Wig prét. The ¥ j either reverts to its original guttural or
becomes @ {, in accordance with its treatment in other com-
binations (219): thus, brag bhigak, Taqig virdit. The G ja
does not occur, but is by the native grammarians declared
convertible to zt.

143. Of the nasals, the Y m and 4 n are extremely
common, especially the former ({ m and 8 are of all final
consonants the most frequent); the WM » is allowed, but is
quite rare; J fi is found (remaining after the loss of a fol-
lowing & k) in a very small number of words (386 b, o,
407 a); oe: never occurs.

a. But the final m of a root is changed to n (compare 212 a,
below): thus, akran from kram, d4gan, ajagan, aganigan from gam,
4nan from nam, aydén from yam, pracgdn from gam; no other cases
are quotable.

144. Of the semivowels, the #1 alone is an admitted
final, and it is very rare. The {Yr is (hike its nearest surd
correspondent, | s: 145) changed as final to visarga. Of

Ty and qv there is no occurrence.

145. Of the sibilants, none may stand unaltered at the
end of a word. The 8 (which of all final consonants
would otherwise be the commonest) is, like Yr, changed to
a breathing, the visarga. The | ¢ either reverts (43) to its
original & k, or, in some roots, is changed to & {, (in accor-
dance with its changes in inflection and derivation: see
below, 218): thus, re dik, but Tag vit. The % ¢ is like-
wise changed to Z {: thus, WAZ prévyt.

a. The change of g to ¢ is of rare occurrence: sce below, 226 d.

51 PERMITTED FINALS. [—150

b. Final radical 8 is sald by the grammarians to be changed to t; but
No sure example of the conversion is quotable: see 168; and compare
555 a.

146. The compound @ kg is prescribed to be treated
as simple Y g (not becoming % k by 160, below). But
the case is a rare one, and its actual treatment in the older

language irregular.

a. In the only RV. cases where the kg has a quasi-radical charactor —
namely anak from anakg, and &4myak from fmyakg — the conversion
ts to k. Also, of forms of the s-aorist (see 890), we have adh&k, asrak,
ardik, etc. (for adhd&kg-t etc.); but also aprat, aydt, av&t, asr&t (for
apra&kg-t cte.). And RV. has twice ay&s from pyaj, and AV. twice sr&s
from Ysfj (wrongly referred by BR. to Ysrans), both 2d sing., where the
personal ending has perhaps crowded out the root-final and tense-sign.

b. The numeral gag str is perhaps bettcr to be regarded as gakg, with
its kg treated as g, according to the acecpted rule.

147. The aspiration & bh is not allowed to maintain
itself, but (like 3] j and | ¢) either reverts to its original
guttural form, appearing as {i k, or is changed to 7 ¢ —
both in accordance with its treatment in inflection: see
below, 222. And, also as in inflection, the original sonant
aspiration of a few roots (given at 155b) reappears when their
final thus becomes deaspirated. Where the & h is from
original &{ dh (228 g), it becomes q t.

148. The visarga and anusvara are nowhere etymolog-
ical finals; the former is only the substitute for an original
final Hs or Tr; the latter occurs as final only so far as
it is a substitute for Ym (213 h).

149. Apart from the vowels, then, the usual finals,
nearly in the order of their frequency, are : b, Ym, 7{n,
Tt Kk, Tp, Zt; those of only sporadic occurrence are
¥ 8, 1, Ma; and, by substitution, = m.

160. In general, only one consonant, of whatever kind,
is allowed to stand at the end of a word; if two or more
would etymologically occur there, the last is dropped, and

again the last, and so on, til] only one remains.
4*

1560—] Ill. Eupgoxic Compmarion. 52

a. Thus, tudants becomes tudant, and this tudan; udafic-s
becomes udahk (143), and this udaf; and achdntst (s-aor., 3d sing.,
of Ychand (800 b)) is in like manner reduced to ach&n.

b. Bat a non-nasal mute, if radical and not suffixal, is retained
after r: thus, irk from arj, vark from yvyj, avart from pvt, amart
from Ymyj, suhért from suhdérd. The case is not a common one.

Gc. For relies of former double finals, preserved by the later language
under the disguise of apparent euphonic combinations, see below, 207 ff.

161. Anomalous conversions of a final mute to one of another class
are occasionally met with. Examples are:

a. Of final t to k: thus, 1. in a few words that have assumed a
special value as particles, as jyOk, t&jak (beside t&éjét), fdhak (beside
fdhat), pfthak, draik; and of kindred character is khddagddnt (TA.);
2. in here and there « verbal form, as sAvigak (AV. and VS. Kin.),
dambhigak (Apast.), avigyak (Pirask.), Shalak (VS. MS.; = dharat);
3. in root-finals or the t added to root-stems (883 e), as -dhrk for -dhrt
(Sutras and later) at the end of compounds, sugruk (TB.), prkgu (SV.);
and 4. we may further note here the anomalous efikgva (AB.; for intsva,
Vidh) and av&ksam (AB.), and the feminines in kni from masculines
in ta (1176 d).

b. Of final d or t to a lingual: thus, pad in Vedie padbh{s,
padgrbhi, pédbiga; upfinddbhyaém ((B.); vy avat (MS. iii. 4. 9;
VYvas shine), and perhaps &p& ’raét (MS.; or praj?).

c. Of k or j to t, in an isolated example or two, as samyét, asrt,
vigvasft (TS. K.), and prayateu (VS. Ts.; AV. -kgu).

d. in Taittiriya texts, of the final of anugtubh and trigtubh to a
guttural: as, anugtuk ca, trigtugbhis, anugtugbhyas.

eo. Of a labial to a dental: in kakud for and beside kakubh; in
sarnsfdbhis (TS.) from Yepp; and in adbhf{s, adbhyds, from ap or
&p (303). Excepting the first, these look like cases of dissimilation; yet
examples of the combination bbh are not vory rare in the oldor language:
thus, kakabbhyam, trigftabbhis, kakubbhangé, anugtub bhf.

f. The forme pratidhugas, -g@ (Taittiriys texts) from pratiddb are
isolated anomalics,

152. for all the processes of external combination —
that is to say, in composition and sentence-collocation —
a stem-final or word-final is in general to be regarded as
having, not its etymological form, but that given it by the
rules as to permitted finals. From this, however, are to be
excepted the s and r: the various transformations of these
sounds have nothing to do with the visarga to which as

53 DEASPIRATION. (—155

finals before a pause they have — doubtless at a com-
paratively recent period of phonetic history — come to be
reduced. Words will everywhere in this work be written
with final s or r instead of h; and the rules of combination
will be stated as for the two more original sounds, and not
for the visarga.

Deaspiration.

153. An aspirate mute is changed to a non-aspirate
before another non-nasal mute or before a sibilant; it stands

unaltered only before a vowel or semivowel or nasal.

a. Such a case can only arise in internal combination, since the
processes of exfernal combination presuppose the reduction of the aspirate
to a non-aspirate surd (169).

b. Practically, sleo, the rules as to changes of aspirates concern
almost only the sonant aspirates, since the surd, being of later development
and rarer occurrence, are hardly ever found in situations that call for their
application.

154. Hence, if such a mute is to be doubled, it is

doubled by prefixing its own corresponding non-aspirate.

a. But in the manaseripts, both Vedic and later, an aspirate mute
Is not seldom found written double — especially, if it be one of rare occur-
rence: for example (RV.), akhkhali, jajhjhati

155. In a few roots, when a final sonant aspirate (]
gh, { dh, >{ bh; also ¥ h, as representing an original q gh)
thus loses its aspiration, the initial sonant consonant (J g

or Z d or & b) becomes aspirate.

a. That fs to say, the original initial aspirate of such roots is restored,
when its presence does not interfere with the euphonio law, of comparatively
recent origin, which (in Sanskrit as in Greek) forbids a root to both begin
and end with an aspirate.

b. The roots which show this peculiar change are:

in gh — dagh;

in h (for original gh)— dah, dih, duh, druh, drfh, guh; and
also grah (in the later desiderative jighpkga);

in dh — bandh, b&dh, budh;

in bh — dabh (but only in the later desiderative dhipsa for which
the older language hae dipsa).

165—| It. Eupuonic ComMBInaTIon. 541

c. The same change appears when the law as to finals causes the loss
of the aspiration at the end of the root: see above, 14].

d. But from dah, duh, druh, and guh are found in the Veda
also forms without the restored initial aspirate: thus, dakgat; adukegat;

dudukga etc.; jugukga; mitradrik.

e. The same anslogy is followed by dadh, the abbreviated substitute
of the present-stems dadh&, from yYdha& (667), in some of the forms of
conjugation: thus, dhatthas from dadh + thas, adhatta from adadh -+-
ta, adhaddhvam from adadh -+dhvam, etc.

f. No case is met with of the throwing back of an aspiration upon
combination with the 2d sing. impv. act. ending dhi: thus, dugdhi,
daddhi (RV.), but dhugdhvam, dhaddhvam.

Surd and Sonant Assimilation.

156. Under this head, there 1s especially one very marked
and important difference between the internal combinations
of a root or stem with suffixes and endings, and the external
combinations of stem with stem in composition and of word
with word in sentence-making: namely —

157. a. In internal combination, the initial vowel or
semivowel or nasal of an ending of inflection or derivation
exercises no altering influence upon a final consonant of the
root or stem to which it 1s added.

b. To this rule there are some exceptions: thus, some of the derivatives
noted at 111d; final d of a root before the participis! suffix na (967 d);
and the forms noted below, 161 b.

ce. In external combination, on the other hand, an initial
sonant of whatever class, even a vowel or semivowel or
nasal, requires the conversion of a final surd to sonant.

d. It has been pointed out above (152) that in the rules of external
combination only admitted finals, along with s and r, need be taken
account of, all others being regarded as reduced to these before combining
with initials.

158. Final vowels, nasals, and =] 1 are nowhere liable
to change in the processes of surd and sonant assimilation.

a. ‘The r, however, has a correspondiog surd in s, to which it is
sometimes changed in external combination, under circumstances that
favor a eurd utterance (178).

55 ASSIMILATION. (—161

159. With the exceptions above stated, the collision
of surd and sonant sounds is avoided in combinations —
and, regularly and usually, by assimilating the final to the
following initial, or by regressive assimilation.

Thus, in internal combination: 4tei, 4tti, atthds, att& (jad +
si etc.); cagdhf, cagdhvdém (yak +- dhictc.);— in external combination,
&bhiid aydm, jydg jiva, gad agitdyah, trigtub dpi, dig-gaja, gad-
aha, archd-dhiima, brhdd-bhanu, ab-ja.

160. If, however, a final sonant aspirate of a root is
followed by qt or @ th of an ending, the assimilation is in
the other direction, or progressive: the combination is made
sonant, and the aspiration of the final (lost according to 168,

above) is transferred to the initial of the ending.

Thus, gh with ¢ or th becomes gdh; dh with the same becomes
ddh, as buddh4 ()ybudh -+ ta), ruddhés (j/rundh -+ thas or tas);
bh with the same becomes bdh, as labdhé& (yYlabh+ta), labdhvi&
(ylabh + tva).

a. Moreover, h, as representing original gh, is treated in the same |
manner: thus, dugdh&, dégdhum from duh —-:nod compare righ’
and lighé from ruh and lih, etc., 329 b.

b. In this combination, as the sonant aspiration is not lost but transferred,
the restoration of the initial aspiration (155) does not take place.

c. In dadh from ydh& (166 e), tho more normal method is followed ;
the dh is made surd, and the initial aspirated: thus, dhatthas, dhattas.
And RV. hes dhaktam instead of dagdham from /dagh; and TA. has
intt&m instead of inddh&m from yidh.

161. Before a nasal in external combination, a final
mute may be simply made sonant, or it may be still further

assimilated, being changed to the nasal of its own class.

Thus, either tad ndmas or tan ndmas, vag me or v4f me, béd
mahén or bén mahin, trigtab nfindm or trigtam nindm.

a. In practice, the conversion into a nasal is almost invariably made
in the manuecripts, as, indeed, it is by the Priticikhyas required and not
permitted merely. Kven by the general grammarians it is required in the
eompound génnavati, and before ma&tr&, and the soffix maya (1225):
thus, vAafimdya, mrnméysa.

b. Even in internal combination, the same assimilation is made in
some of the derivatives noted at 111d, and in the na-participles (957 d).
And a few sporadic instances sre met with even in verb-inflection: thus,

sO, -j Ml. EGPHONIC COMBINATION. 56

stihnoti, stifnuydét (MS.; fo: stighn-), mynnita (LCS.; for mrdn-),
jaDmayana (K8.; for jagm-); these, however (like the double aspirates,
164 a), are duubtless to be rejected as false readings.

162. Before 1, a final t is not merely made sonant, but fully
assimilated, becuming 1: thus, tél labhate, alluptam.

163. Before & h (the case occurs only in external com-
bination), a final mute is made eonant; and then the & h
may either remain unchanged or be converted into the

sonant aspirate corresponding with the former: thus, either

alge tad hi or Ate tad ahi.

a. In practice, the latter method is almost invariably followed; and the
graininarians of the Praticakhya period are nearly unanimous in requiring it.
Tho phonetio difference between the two is very slight.

Examples are: vag ghutah, sdddhotd (gat-+hotd), taddhita
(tat-+hita), anustab bhf.

Combinations of final @ 6 and { r.

164. The euphonic changes of @ 8 and { r are best
considered together, because of the practical relation of
the two sounds, in composition and sentence-collocation,
as corresponding surd and sonant: in a host of cases q 8
becomes ] r in situations requiring or favoring the occur-
rence of a sonant; and, ‘much less often, { r becomes | s
where a surd is required.

a. Iv internal combination, the two are far less exchangeable with
one another: and this class of cases may best be takon up first.

165. Final vr radical or quasi-radical (that is, not belonging to
an ending of dorivatiun) remains unchanged before both surd and sonant
suunds, and oven before su in declonsion: thus, p{pargi, caturtha,
caturgu, pairgu.

166. Final radical s remains before a surd in gencral, and usu-
ally before s, as in gdssi, gdssva, dsuse, Agiggu (the last is also
written Agihgu: 172): but it is lost in Asi (/as+si: 636). Before
a sonant (that is, bh) in declension, it is trcated as in external com-
bination: thus, dgirbhis. Before a sonant (thai ie, dh) in conjugation,
it appears to be dropped, at least after long 4: thus, gddhi, gagddhi,
cakaddhi (the only quotable cases); in edh{ (Yas +dhi: 636) the
root syllable is irregularly altered; but in 2d peras. pl, wade with
dhvam, as adhvam, gadhvam, arddhvam (881 a), vadhvam (jvas

57 FINAL 8 AND YF. (—169

clothe), it is, on account of the equivalonce and interchangoability of
dhv and ddhv (232), impossible to say whether the s in omitted or
converted into d.

a. Final radical s is very rare; RV. (twice, both 2d pers. sing.) treats
&ghas from jghas in the same manner as any ordinary word ending
in as.

b. For certain cases of irregular loss of the s of a root or tense-stem,
sce 233 b-e.

167. In a very few cases, final radical s before s is changed to
t (perhaps by dissimilation): they are, from vas dwell (also sporad-
ically from vas shine, CB., and vas clothe, Har.), the future vateyémi
and aorist &vateam; from yghas, the desiderative stem jighatsa.

a. For t as apparent ending of the 3d sing. in s-verbs, see 556 a.

168. According to the grammarians, the final s of certain other roots,
uaed as noun-stems, becomes ¢ at the end of the word, and before bh and
su: thus, dhvas, dhvadbhis, sradbhyas, sratsu. But gonaine examples
of such change are not quotable.

a. Sporadic cases of a like conversion are found in the Veda: namely,
ma&dbhis and m&dbhyas from mds: ugddbhis from usés; svatevad-
bhyas from svdtavas; svdvadbhis etc. (not quotable) from svavas.
But the actuslity of the conversion here is open to grave doubt; it rather
seems the substitution of a t-stem for a s-stem. The ssme is true of the
change of vans to vat in the declension of perfect participles (458). The
stem anadvah (404), from anas-vah, {fs anomalous and fsolated.

b. In the compounds ducchun& (dus-cun&) and pdérucchepa
(parus-cepa), the final s of the first member is treated as if 3 t (209).

168. As the final consonant of derivative stems and of inflected
forms, both of declension and of conjugation, s is extremely frequent;
and its changes form a subject of first-rate importance in Sanskrit
euphony. The r, on the other hand, is quite rare.

a. The r is found as original final in certain case-forms of stems in
yr or ar (360 ff.); in root-stems in ir and ur from roots in f (383 b);
in a smell namber of other stems, as svar, dhar and tidhar (beside
&han and tidhan: 430), dvdr or dur, and the Vedic vddhar, ugar-,
vacar-, vanar-, orutar-, sapar-, sabar-, athar- (cf. 178c); in a
few particles, as antér, pr&tdr, ptinmar; and in the numeral catur
(482 g).

b. The euphonic treatment of s and r yielding precisely the same
result aftcr all vowels except a and &, there are cortain forms witb regard
to which it is uncertain whether they end in 6 or r, and opinions differ
respecting them. Such are ur (or us) of the gen.-abl. sing. of y-steme
(371 ¢), and us (or ur) of the 3d plur. of verbs (550 c).

170—] LI. Eurnonic Cospination. 98

170. a. The Ws, as already noticed (145), becomes
visarga before a pause.

b. It is retained unchanged only when followed by
qt or | th, the surd mutes of its own class.

c. Before the palatal and lingual surd mutes — 4 c and
® ch, @¢ and @ th—it is assimilated, becoming the sibilant
of either class respectively, namely QJ g¢ or q §.

d. Before the guttural and labial surd mutes — % k and
@ kh, 4 p and G ph — it is also theoretically u»<imilated,
becoming respectively the jihvaémtillya and upadhmaniya
spirants (69); but in practice these breathings arc unknown,

and the conversion is to visarga.

Examples are: to b. tatas te, cakgus te; to c. tatag ca, tasyag
chayaé; p&dag talati; to d. nalah kamam, purugah khanati; yagah
prdpa, vrkgah phalavan.

171. The first three of these rules are almost universal; to the
last one there are numerous exceptions, the sibilant being retained (or,
by 180, converted into g), especially in compounds; but also, in the
Veda, even in sentence cowbination.

a. In the Veda, tho retention of the sibilant in compounds is the general
rulo, the oxceptions to which are detailed in tho Vedic graminars.

b. In the later language, the retention is mainly determined by tho
intimacy or the antiquity and frequency of the combination. Thus, the final
sibilant of a preposition or a word filling the office of s preposition before
a verbal root is wont to be preserved; and that of a stem before a derivative
of ky, before pati, before kalpa and k&ma, and so on. Examples are
namaskara, vacaspati, dyugkama, payaskalpa.

c. The Vedic retention of the sibilant Jn sentence-cullocation Is detailed
in full in the Praticakhyas. The chief classes of cases are: 1. the final of
@ preposition or its like before a verbal form; 2. of a genitive before a
governing noun: as divas putréh, idds padé; 3. of an ablative beforo
pari: as himavatas péri; 4. of other less classifiable cases: as ayaug
pita, trig pitvd, yds patih, paridh{g patati, ete.

172. Before an initial sibilant—Q ¢, ¥ , qs—As
ig either assimilated, becoming the same sibilant, or it is
changed into visarga.

@. The native grammarians are in some measure at variance (see
APr. ii, 40, note) as to which of these changes should be made, and in

59 COMBINATIONS OF FINAL 8. [—176

part they allow cither at pleasure. The urage of the manuscripts fs also
discordant; the conversion to visarga is the prevalont practice, though the
sibilant {se also not infrequently found written, especially tn Soutb-Indian
manuscripts. European editors generally write visarga; but the later
dictionaries and glossaries generally make the alphabetic place of a word the
seme as if the sibilant were read instead.

Examplcs are: manuh svayam or manus svayam; indrah girah
or indrag ciirah; tah sat or tas sat.
173. There are one or two exceptions to these rules:

a. If the initial sibilant has a surd muto after it, the final s may be
dropped altogether — and by some authorities {s required to be so dropped.
Thus, vayava stha or v&yavah stha; catustanim or catuhstandim.
With regard to this potnt the usage of the different manuscripts and editions
is greatly at variance.

b. Before ts, the s is allowed to become visarga, instead of being
retaine:l.

174. Hefore a sonant, either vowel or consonant (ex-
cept { r: see 178), Hs is changed to the sonant [ r—
unless, indeed, it be preceded by 4 a or AT &.

Examples are: devapatir iva, crir iva; manur gacchati, tanfr
apsu; svasfr ajanayat; tayor adrstaka&mah; sarv&ir gunéib; agner
manve.

a. For a fow cason like diid&ga, diin&ca, sce below, 199 d.

b. The exclamation bhos (456) loses {ts s before vowels and sonant
consonants; thus, bho n&igadha (and tho 8 fs sometimes found omitted
also before surds).

c. The endings 44 as and Aq Bs (both of which are
extremely common) follow rules of their own, namely:

175. a. Final 44 as, before any sonant consonant and
before short 4 a, is changed to At o—and the 9 a after
it is lost. |

b. The resulting accentuation, and the fact that the loss of a ts only
occasional In the older language of the Veda, have been pointed out above,
136 a, c.

Examples are: nalo n&éma, brahmanyo vedavit; manobhava;
hantavyo ‘smi; anyonya (anyas + anya), yacortham (yacas +-
artham).

c. Final @q_as before any other vowel than 4 8 loses
its Ys, becoming simple 8; and the hiatus thus occasion-
ed remains.

176—] III. EupHonic ComBINATION. 60

d. That is to say, the o from as is treated as an original e is treated
in the same situation: see 133-3.

Examples are: brhadagva uvdca, Aditya iva, namaikti,
vasyaiati.

176. Exceptions to the rules as to final as are:

a. The nominative masculine pronouns s4s and egds and (Vedic)
syés (405 a, 408 a,b) lose their s before any @onsonant: thus, sa
dadarca he saw, ega purugah this man; but so ‘bravit he said,
puruga egah.

b. Instances are met with, both in the earlier and in the later lan-
guage, of effacement of the histus after slteration of as, by combination
of the remaining final a with the following initial vowel: thus, tato
‘vaca (tatas + uvaca), payosni (payas-++ usni), adhdsana (adhas -+-
Jsana): compare 1336, 177 b. In the Veda, such a combination is
sometimes shown by the metre to be required, though the written text has
the hiatus. But sa in RV. is in the great majority of cases combined with
the following vowel: e. g., a6 d for sé {d, s& ’smai for s& asmii,
s8Q ’gadhih for s& dgadhih; and similar examples are found also in the
other Vedic texts.

co. Other sporadic irregularities in the treatment of final as occur.
Thus, it fs changed to ar instead of o once in RV. in avds, once in SV.
in dvas (RV. Avo), once in MS. in dambhigas; in bhuvas (second of
the trio of sacred utterances bhiis, bhuvas, svar), except in its earliest
occurrences; in a serics of words in a Brahmana passage (TS. K.), viz.
jinvadr, ugrér, bhimar, tvegaér, grutar, bhitdér, and (K. only) pitér;
in janar and mahar; and some of the ar-stems noted at 160 a are perhaps
of kindred character. Qn the other hand, ag is several times changed to o
in RV. before a surd consonant; snd sés twice, and yds once, retains its
final sibilant in a like position.

d. In MS., the foal a left beforc hiatus by alteration of either as
(0) or © (133) is made long ff itself unaccented and if the following initial
vowel is accented: thus, sUra& éti (from stiras + éti), nirupyéta {ndraya
(from -yAte + {nd-), and also kary& éka- (from kdryas, because virtually
karfas); but ddityA {ndrah (from Adityés+{ndrah), eta {tare (from
eté + {tare).

177. Final Tq &s before any sonant, whether vowel or
consonant, loses its Ys, becoming simple §] 8; and a hiatus
thus occasioned remains.

a. The maintenance of the biatus in these cases, as in that of o and
e and Ai (above, 133-4), seems to indicate a recent loss of the intermediate
sound. Opinions aro divided as to what this should have been. Some of
the native grammarians assimilato the case of &s to that of Ai, assuming

61 COMBINATIONS OF FINAL r. {—180

the conversion to &y in both alike— but probably only as a matter of
formal convenience in rule-making.

b. Here, too (as in the similar cases of e and &i and o: 138386,
176 b), there are examples to be found, both earlier and later, of effacement
of the hiatus.

178. Final { r, in general, shows the same form which
qs would show under the same conditions.

a. Thus, it becomes visarga when final, and a sibilant or visarga
before an initial surd mute or sibilant (170): thus, rudati punah,
dvis tat, svac ca, catugcatvarifcat; and (lllc¢,d) pra&tastana,
antastya, catustaya, dhistva; praitah karoti, antahp&ta.

b. But original final r preceded by a or & maintains itself un-
changed before a sonant: thus, punar eti, pr&tarjit, Akar jydtih,
éhaér damn, vardhi.

ec. The r is preserved unchanged even before a surd in a number of
Vedic compounds: thus, aharpdti; svarcanas, svarcaksgas, svarpati,
svargd, svarshti; dhirgdd, dhirgah; ptirpati, varkaryé, acirpada,
punartta; snd in some of these the r is optionally retained in the later
language. The RV. also has A&var tamah once in sentence-combination.

d. On the other hand, final ar of the verb-form A&var is changed to
© before a sonant in several cases in RV. And r is lost, like s, in one
or two cases in the samo text: thus, akg& {nduh, dha evs.

179. A double r is nowhere admitted: if such would occur, either
by retention of an original r or by conversion of s to r, one r is
omitted, and the preceding vowel, if short, is made long by compen-
sation.

Thus, pund ramate, nrpati rAjati, mati rihén, jyotiratha,
darohané. |

a. In some Vedic texts, however, there are instances of ar changed to
o before initial r: thus, svd rohava.

Conversion of as to qs.

160. The dental sibilant 4 = is changed to the lingual
Ye, if immediately preceded by any vowel save 4 6 and
WG, or by Rk or T r— unless the 48 be final, followed
by 7 r.

a. The assimilating influence of the preceding lingual vowels and

semivowel is obvious enough; that of k and the other vowels appears to
be due to a somewhat retracted position of the tongue in the mouth during

180—] III. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. G62

their utterance, causing its tip to resch the roof of the mouth more easily
at a point further back than the dental one.

b. The general Hindu grammer prescribes the same change after a 1
also; but the Praticakhyes give no such rule, and phonetic considerations,
the 1 being a dental sound, are absolutely against it. Actual cases of tho
combination do not occur in the older language, nor have any been pointed
out in the later.

c. The vowels that cause the alteration of s to g may be called
for brevity’s sake “alterant” vowels.

181. Hence, in the interior of a Sanskrit word, the dental s is
not usually found after any vowel save a and 4, but, instead of it
the lingual g. But —

a. A following r prevents the conversion: thus, usra, tisras,
tamisra. And it is but scldom mado in tho forms and derivatives of
a rout containing an r-element (whether r or y), whatever the position
of that elemont: thus, sisarti, sisytam, sarierpé, tistire, parisriat.
To this rule thore aro a fow exceptions, as vigt{r, vigtard, nigtrta,
vigpardhas, gdvigthira, etc. In ajugran the final g of a root is
preserved cven immediately before r.

b. This dissimilating influence of a following r, ss compsred with
the invariable assimilating influence of a preceding r, is peculiar and prob-
lomatical.

c. The recurrence of g§ in successive syllables is sometimes avoided by
leaving the former 8 unchanged: thus, sisakgi, but sigakti; yisisigthas,
but ydsigimahi. Similarly, in certain desiderative formations: see below,
184 e.

d. Other cases are sporadic: RV. has the forms sisice and sisicus
(but sigicatus), and the stems rbisa, kista, bfea, busd, bfsaya; a
single root pis, with its derivative pesuka, is found once in (B.; MS.
has mrsmysd; musala begins to be found in AV.; and such cases
grow more numerous; for purhs and the roots nits and hits, see below,
183 a.

182. On tho other hand (as was pointed out above, 62), the
occurrence of g in Sunskrit words is nearly limited to cases falling
under this rule: others are rather sporadic anomalies — except where
g is the product of g or kg before a dental, as is dragtum, cagte,
tvagtar: see 218, 221. Thus, we find —

a. Four roots, kag, lag, bhag, bh&g, of which the last is common
and {s found as carly as the Brabmanas.

b. Further, in RV., 4ga, kavdga, cagdla, oaga, jalage, pasya,
bagkaya, vagat (for vakgat?), kasthad; and, by anomalous alteration
of original 6, -gah (turdgah etc.), 4gidha, upagtut, and probably ap&stha
and agthivadnt. Such cases grow more common later.

c. Thc nomorsl gag, as already noted (149 b), is more probably gakg.

63 CONVERSION OF 8 TO §. (—185

183. The nasalization of the alterant vowel — or, in other words,
its being followed by anusvdra — does not prevent its altcring effect
upon the sibilant: thus, havinei, pariihei. And the alteration takes
place in the initial s of an onding after the final s of a stem, whether
the latter be regarded as also changed to g or as converted into
visarga: thus, haviggu or havibeu, paruggu or parubsu.

a. Bat the s of puths (394) remsins unchanged, apparently on
aecount of the retained sense of ite value as pums; aleo that of phihs,
because of its value as hins (hinasti etc.); nits (RV. only) is more
questionable.

184. The principal cases of alteration of s in internal combination
are these:

a. In endings, inflectional or derivative, beginning with s — thus,
su; si, se, ava; 8 of sibilant-aorist, future, and desiderative; suffixes
sna, anu, sya, etco.— after a final alterant vowel or consonant of root
or stem, or a union-vowel: thus, juhogi, gege, an&digam, bhavisyami,
guortige, degna, jienu, vikgu, akdrgam.

b. The final s of a stem before an onding or suffix: thus: haviga,
havigas, etc., from havis; cakgugmant, cocigka, m&nuga, manugya,
jyotigtva.

c. Roots having a final sibilant (except ¢) after an alterant vowel are
—with the exception of fictitious ones and pis, nihs, hits — regarded as
ending in 9, not 8; and concerning the treatment of this g in combination,
see below, 325-6.

da. The initial s of a root after a reduplication: thus, sigyade,
sugvapa, sigdsati, cogktiyate, sanisvanat.

e. Excepted is in general an initial radical s in a desiderative stem,
when the desiderative-sign becomes g: thus, sisirgati from psy, sisahkgati
from peafj. And there are other scattering cases, as tresus (perf. from
ytras), ete.

186. But the same change occurs also, on a considerable scale,
in external combination, especially in composition. Thus:

a. Both in verbal forms and in derivatives, the final i or a of a
preposition or other like prefix ordinarily lingualizes the initial s of
the root to which it is prefixed; since such combinations are both of
great frequency and of peculiar intimacy, analogous with those of root
or stem and affix: thus, abhigdc, pratisthd, n{gikta, vigita; anu-
gvadhadm, sugéka; the cases are numberiess.

b. The principal exceptions are in accordance with the principles
already laid down: namely, when the root contains an r-element, and when
a recurrence of the sibilant would take place. Rut there are also others,
of a more irregular character; and the complete account of the treatment
of initial radical s after a prefix wonld be a matter of great detail, and not
worth giving here.

186—) HI. Evenonic ComBInaTION. 64

c. Not infrequently, the initial s, usually altered after a certain
prefix, retains the altered sibilant even sfter an interposed a of augment
or reduplication: thus, aty agth&t, abhy agth&m, pary agasvajat, vy
agahanta, ny agadima, nir agth&payan, abhy asgifican, vy agtabh-
n&t; vi tagthe, vi tagthire.

d. Much more anomalous is the occasional alteration of initial radical
8 after an a-eloment of a prefix. Such cases are ava gtambh (against
ni stambh and prati stambh) and (according to the grammarians) ava
gvan.

186. In other compounds, the final alterant vowel of the first
member not infrequently (especially in the Veda) lingualizes the
initial s of the second: for example, yudhigthira, pitrgvasy, gostha,
agnistomé, anustubh, trigarhdhi, divigdd, paramesthin, abhigend,
pitpgad, purugtuta.

a. A very few cases occur of the same alteration after an a-element:
thus, sagtabh, avagtambha, savyagtifé, ap&gtha, upagtit; also
Yeah, whon its final, by 147, beoomes ¢: thus, satr&g&t (but satra-
sdham).

187. The tinal s of the first member of a compound often be-
comes g after an alterant vowel: thus, the s of a prepositional prefix,
as niggidhvan, dugtéra (for duggtéra), Avigkrta; and, regularly, a
s retained instead of being converted to visarga before a labial or
guttural mute (171 a), as havigpé, jyotigkft; tapuspé.

188. Once more, in tho Veda, the same alteration, both of an initial
and of a final s, is not iufreqnent evon between the words composing a
sentence. The cases are detailed in the Praticakhya belonging to each text,
and are of very various character. Thus:

a. The initial s, especially of particles: as i ga, h{ gma, kém u
gvit;— also of pronouns: as hf gdh;— of verb-forms, especially from
yaq: as h{ gthé, divi stha; — and in other scattering cases: as u gtuhi,
nti sthirdm, tri gadhdstha, 4dhi endh, ndkih gdh, ydjuh gkanndm,
agnih stave. .

b. A final s, oftenest before pronouns (especially toneless ones): as
agnig tva, nfg te, iyus ¢é6, gacig tvdm, sddhig tava; — but also in
other cases, and wherever a final s is preserved, instead of being turned
into visarga, before a guttural or labial (171): as trig putvd, dyug
krnotu, vdstog pétih, dy&usg pitd, vibhig paétat.

Conversion of 7 n to TT 2.

189. The dental nasal 7 n, when immediately followed
by a vowel or by 4 n or 4m or J y or & v, is turned in-
to the lingual (| » if preceded in the same word by the

65 CONVERSION OF n TO Qn. [—191

lingual sibilaut or semivowel or vowels — that ie to say,
by 1s, Tv, or Hr or H fF —: and this, not only if the
altering letter stands immediately before the nasal, but at
whatever distance from the latter it may be found: unless,
indeed, there intervene (a consonant moving the front of
the tongue: namely) a palatal (except 1y); a lingual, or a
dental.

a. We may thus figure to ourselves the rationale of the process: in
the marked proclivity of the language toward lingual utterance, especially
of the nasa), the tip of the tongue, when once revorted into the loose lin-
gual position by the utterance of a non-contact lingual element, tends to
hang there and make its next nasal contact in that position; and does so,
unless the proclivity is satisfied by the utterance of a lingual mute, or the
organ Is thrown ont of adjustment by the utterance of an clement which
causes it to assume a different posture. This fs not the case with the gattur-
els or labials, which do not move the front part of the tungue (and, as the
influence of k on following s shows, the guttural position favors the succes-
sion of a lingual): and the y is too weakly palatal to interfere with the
alteration (ss its next relative, the i-vowel, itself lingualizes a s).

b. This is a rule of constant application; and (2s was pointed
out above, $3) the great majority of occurrencos of no in tho language
arc tho result of it.

190. The rule has force especially —

a. When suffixes, of inflection or derivation, are added to roots or
stems containing one of the altering sounds: thus, rudréna, rudréya&m,
virine, vdrini, vdrini, da&tfni, hérAni, dvégani, krindmi, orndti,
keubhané, ghrnd, karna, vrknaé, rugna, dravina, igdni, purdné,
réknas, cékgana, cikirgam&na, kfpamdna.

b. When the final n of a root or stem comes to be followed, in inflection
er derivation, by such sounds as allow {it to feel the effect of a preceding
altering cause: thus, from ran, rénanti, ranyati, rfrana, ardnigus;
from brahman, brdhmané, bréhm&ni, br&hmané, brahmanya,
brahmanvant.

c. The form pinak (RV.: 2d and 3d sing. impf.), from ppig, ts wholly
anomalous.

191. This rule (like that for the change of s to 9) applies strictly
and especially when the nasal and the cause of its alteration both lie
within the limits of the same integral word; but (also like the other)
it ts extended, within certain limits, to compound words — and even,
in the Veda, to contiguous words in the sentence.

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed.

a

1923—| Ill. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 66

192. Especially, a preposition or similar prefix to a root, if it
contain r or end in euphonic r for s (174), very often lingualizes the
n of a rvot or of its derived stoms and forms. Thus:

a. The initiel n of a root is usually and regularly so altered, in all
forms and derivatives, after pard&, pari, pra, nir (for nis), antar, dur
(for dus): thus, péré naya, pari niyate, pré nudasva; paranutti,
parindma, pranavé, nirnf{j, durpdca. Roots suffering this change are
written with initial nm in the native root-lists. The only exceptions of im-
portance are nrt, nabh, nand, and nag when its g becomes g (as in

prdénasta).
b. The final n of a root is lingualized in some of the forms of an

and han: thus, pra ‘niti, prind, pré hanyate, prahdnana.

G. The class-signe nu and n& are altered after the roots hi and mi:
thus, péri hinomi, pré minanti (but the latter not in the Veda).

d. The ist sing. impv. ending Ani is sometimes altered: thas, pr&
bhavAani.

e. Derivatives by suffixes containing n somotimes have n by influence
of a preposition: thus, praydna.

f. The n of the preposition ni is sometimes altered, like the initial
of a root, after another preposition: thus, pranip&ta, pranidhi.

103. In compound words, an altering cause in one member sometimes
lingualizes a n of the next following member— either its initial or final
n, orn in its inflectional or derivative ending. The exercise of the altering
influence can be seen to depend in part upon the closeness or frequency
of the compound, or its integration by being made the base of a derivative.
Examples are: gramani, trindman, urdnasé; vytrahdnam etc. (but
vrtraghné etc.: 195.a), nrmdénas, drughand; pravahana, nrpana,
pirydna, pitryana; svargéna, durgdni, usrdyémno, tryafgdnam.

104. Finaily, in the Veda, a n (usually initial) is occasionally Mngual-
ized even by an altering sound in another word. The toneless pronouns
nas snd ena- are oftencst thus affected: thus, pari nas, praf{ ‘nan, {ndra
enam; but also the particle n& dike: thus, vdr pA; and a few other
cases, as var nama, pinar naydmasi, agnér Avena. More anomalous,
and porhapa to be rejected as false readings, are such as trin imadn and
akedy Ava and subérn nah (MS.), and vyrgan va (Apast.).

195. a. The immediate combination of a n with a preceding guttural
or labial seems in some cases to hinder the conversion ton: thus, vptraghné
etc., kgubhnati, trpnoti (but in Vede typnu), kgepnu, sugumné.

b. The RV. has the exceptions ugtran&m and réstrandm.

Conversion of dental mutes to linguals and palatals.

196. When a dental mute comes in contact with a
lingual or palatal mute or sibilant, the dental is usually
assimilated, becoming lingual or palatal respectively.

67 DentTAL MuTes TO LINGUALS AND PALATALS. [—199

The casos are tho following:

107. A dental surd mute or nasal, or the dental sibilant, when
immediately preceded by a 9, is everywhere converted imto the cor-
responding lingual.

a. Under this rule, the combinations gt, sth, and gx are very common;
gg is rarely so written, the visarga being put instead of the former sibilant
(172): thus, jydtihgu instead of jydotigau.

b. Much less often, dh is changed to dh after final g of a root or
tense-stem, with loss of the @ or its conversion to d: see 326 c.

C. Those cases in which final § becomes ¢ before su (e. g. dvitsu:
226 b) do not, of course, fall under this rule.

198. In the other (comparatively infrequent) cascs where a dental
is preceded by a lingual in internal combination, the dental (except
of su loc. pl.) becowes lingual. Thus:

a. A n following immediately a mn made such by the rule given at
189, above — or, as it may be expressed, a double as well as a single n
~-{s subject to the lingualization: thus, the participles arnndé, kgunna,
kevinna, chrnna, trnna; and, after prefixes (185 a), niganna, pari-
vinna, viganna, vigsyanna. But TS. has Adhigkanna, and RV. yajuh
gkanndm.

b. Only a very few other instances occur: {tte and a&itta from yid;
gaddghA (also gaddha ond sodha), and gsanndm (gag + n&m: anomalous
gen. pl. of gag: 483). A small number of words follow the same rulo in
external combination: see below, 199.

ec. But ta&dhi (Vedic: Ytad-+dhi) shows lose of the final lingual
after assimilation of the dental, and compensatory lengthening.

d. Some of the cases of abnormal occurrence of d are explained in a
similar way, as resuits of a lingualized and afterward omitted sibilant before
d: thus nid& from nisda, ypid from pisd, Ymrd from mrad. For
words exhibiting a like change in composition, seo below, 199 ¢.

198. In external combination —

a. A final t is directed to bo assimilated to au initial lingual mute:
thus, tat-tikd, tad dayate, tat-thalini, tad dh&ukate: but the case
never occurs in the older language, and very rarely in the Ister. For final
n before a lingual, see 206 b.

b. An initial dental after a final lingual usually remains unchanged:
and su of the loc. pl. folluws the saino rule: thus, sattrincat, dnad
divah, ekardt tvam; gatsu, ratsu.

ec. Execptions arc: a few compounds with gag ser showing doable n
(198 b): namely. gannavati, gannabhi (and one or two others not
quotable); and JB. has gan niramimita.

d. In a few compounds, moreover, there appears a lingnalized dental, with
compensatory lengthening, after a lost lingual sibilant or its representative:

5%

190—)j 1 Ecrecen Commesarice. 65

bamely. 1m certain Vedic compreeés wish dems: dbdibha, dédic, dadhi,
dimaea, dindca (com}are the ses: puroda¢ asi -déca: puras -}
dag): aad. in the laqarzge of every peried, cactam compounds of gag,
with change sf its vowel t2 an sterant gis ity (at in Voghum aad soghum.
294 bj: eddacs, godhé (2+ sadgha 14 qaddhé), gogant.

e. Between final ¢ and inital a the imsesGoe df a t is permitted —
ot, avemmding to tome atthorities, required: thes. gét sahasr&éh or ghtt
sahasrab.

200. The cases of assimilation of a dental to a coatiguous palatal
ocear almost only in external combination, aad before an initial palatal.
There is but one case of internal combination, namely :

201. A 4 n coming to follow a palatal mute in internal
combination is itself made palatal.

Thus, ydcna ‘the only instance after cj, yajha, jajhé, ajhate,
réjha, rajii.

202. a. A final q t before an initial palatal mute is
assimilated to it, becoming 4c before qc or © ch, and qj
before ¥ j (G jh does not occur;.

Thus, uc carati, etac chattram, vidyuj jiyate; yadtayadjjana,
vidyujjihva, brbacchandas, saccarita.

b. A final {n is assimilated before ¥ j, becoming 3 a.

c. All the grammarians, of every periud, require this assimilation of
n to §; but it is more often neglected, or only occasionally made, in the
manuscripts.

d. For n before a surd palatal, see below, 206.

203. Before the palatal sibilant 4 ¢, both q t and 7 n
are assimilated, becoming respectively Go and oh A; and
then the following {| g may be, and in practice almost
always 18, converted to © ch.

Thus, vedavic chirah (-vit ci-), tac chrutvé, hrcohaya (hrt +
caya); brhai chegah or gegah, svapaii chete or gete.

a. Some authorities regard the conversion of ¢ to ch after ¢ or n as
everywhere obligatory, others as only optional; some except, peremptorily
or optionally, a ¢ followed by a mute. And some require the same con-
version after every mute save m, rcading also vipat chutudri, dnat

chuci, anugtup charadi, guk chuci. The manuscripts generally write
ch, instead of och, as result of the combination of € and g.

b. In the MS., ¢ and ¢ are anomalously combined into fi g: e. g.
tai catam, et&vaficds.

69 COMBINATIONS OF FINAL Nn. [—207

Combinations of final qn.

204. Final radical n is assimilated in internal combination to x
following sibilant, becoming anusvdra.

Thus, véhsi, vAhsva, vansat, mansydte, jighdnsati.

a. According to the grammarians, it is treated before bh and su in
declension as in external combination. But the cases are, at best, excess-
ively rare, and RV. has réneu and vaneu (the only Vedic examples).

b. Final n of a derivative suffix is regularly and usually dropped before
a consonant in inflection and composition-— in composition, even before a
vowel; and a radical n occasionally follows the samo rule: see 421 a, 439,
1203 c, 637.

c. For assimilation of n to a preceding palatal, see 201.

Thus remaining cases are those of external combination.

205. a. The assimilation of n in cxternal coinbination to a follow-
ing sonant palatal aod the palntal sibilant ¢ have been already treated
(202 b, 203).

b. The n is also declared to be assimilated (becoming n) before
a sonant lingual (qd, dh, n), but the case rarely if over occurs.

206. An is also assimilated to a following initial 1, becoming
tike m: 313d) a nasal 1.

a. Tho manuscripts to a great extent disregard this rule, Icaving the
noanchanged, but also they in part attempt to follow it — and that, ofither
by writing tho assimilated m (as the assimilated m, 2139 f, and just as
reasonably) with the anusvdra-sign, or else by doubling the 1 and putting
a sign of nasality above; the latter, however, {fs inexact, and a better way
would be to separate the two 1's, writing the first with virama and a nasal
sign above. Thus (from trin lok&n):

~ ~ ~
manuscripts ST or TEATTATA better Ate STATA.
“ nN N ~

The sccond of these methods is the one oftenest followed {n printed texts.

207. Before the lingual and dental sibilants, g and s, final n
remains unchanged; but a t may also be inserted between the nasal
and the sibilant: thus. tén gat or tant sat; mahan sdén or ma-
hadnt san.

a. According to most of the grammarians of the Praticakhyas (not RPr.),
the insertion of the ¢ in such cases is a necessary one. In the manuscripts
it is very frequently made, but not uniformly. It is probably a purcly
phonetic phenomenon, a transition-sound to casc the double change of sonant
to surd and nasal to non-nasal utterance — althongh the not infrequent
eases in which final o stands for original nt (as bharan, abharan,
agnim&n) may have aided to establish it as a rule. Its analogy with the
conversion of n ¢ into fich (203) is palpable.

206—) IIL Eorsonic Compinartion. 70

206. Before the surd palatal, lingual, and dental mutes, there is
inserted after final n a sibilant of each of those classes respectively,
before which the n becomes anusvira: thus, dev&ig¢ ca, bhvaig
chidyate, kumérats trin, abharahs tatah, dadhafdc (425 c) carum.

a. This rule, which in the classical language has established itself in
the form here given, as a phonetic rule of unvarying application, really
involves a historic survival. The large majority of cases of fnal n in the
language (not far from three quarters) are for original ns; and the retention
of the sibilant in such cases, when once its historical ground bad been forgotten,
was extended by analogy to all others.

b. Practically, the rule applies only to n before o and t, since cases
involving the other initials occur either not at all, or only with extrema
rarity (the Veda does not present an example of any of them). In the Veds,
the insertion is uot always made, and the different texts have with regard
to it different usages, which are fully explained in their Praticakhyas; in
general, it is less frequent in the older texts. When the ¢ does not appear
between n and o, the n is of course assimilated, becoming fh (203).

200. The same retention of original final s after « nasal, and
consequent treatment of (apparent) final 4n, in, in, fn as if they were
dhs, ids, ids, ths (long nasalized vowel with final s}, shows itecif
also in other Vedic furs of combination, which, for the sake of unity,
may be briefly stated here together:

a. Final Gn becomes af (nasalized &) before a following vowel: that
is to say, Ghe, with naral vowol, Is treated fike ag, with puro vowel (177):
thus, devéh 6’ha, upabaddh&s ibé, mahas asi. This is an extremely
common case, especially in RV. Once or twice, the s appears as h before
p: thus, svatavéhh payuh.

b. In like manner, 6 is treated after nasal I, U, F as it would be after
those vowels when pure, becoming r before a sonaut sound (174), and
(much more rarely) -h before a surd (170): thus, ragminr iva, sintar
yuvanytiir ut, nfar abh{; nfah patram (and nfs p-, MS.).

co. RV. has once -ih before y. MS. usually has at instead of dh.

210. The nasals n, n, , occurring as finals after a short vowel,
are doubied before any initial vowel: thus, pratyafii ud egi, udyd4nn
Adityéh, ds4nn-igu.

a. This is also to be regarded as a historical survival, the second
tasal being an assimilation of an original consonant following the first. It
is always written in the manuscripts, although the Vedic metre seems to
show that the duplication was sometimes omitted. The RV. has the com-
pound vrganacva.

211. The nasals & and n before w sibilant are allowed to in-
sert respectively k and ¢t—as n (207) inserts t: thus, pratyéik
sdémah.

71 CoMDINATIONS OF FINAL m. [—313

Combinations of final Tm.

212. Final radical 4] m, in internal combination, ie as-
similated to a following mute or spirant — in the latter case,
becoming snusv&ra; in the former, becoming the nasal of
the same class with the mute.

a. Refore m or v (as when final: 143 4), it is changed to n: thus,
from Ygam come 4ganma, aganmahi, ganvahi, jaganvénhs (which
appear to be the only quotable cases). According to the grammariane, the
same change is made in the inflection of root-stems befure bh and su: thus,
pracganbhis, pragdnsu (from pracém: pra+ cam). No derived noun-
stem ends in m. .

b. The CB. and KYS. have kAmvant and gdmvant.

213. Final 7m in external combination is a servile sound,
being assimilated to any following consonant. ‘Thus:

a. It remains unchanged only before a vowel or a labial mute.

b. But also, by an anomalous exception, before r of the root r&j in
samraj and its derivatives samrajfil and s&mrajya.

ec. Before a mute of any other class than labial, it becomes tho
nasal of that class.

d. Before tho semivowels y, 1, v it becomes, according to the
Hindu grammarians, a nasal semivowel, the nasal counterpart of each
respectively (see 71).

e. Before r, a sibilant, or h, it becomes anusv&ra (see 71).

f. The manuscripts and the editions in general make no attempt to
distinguish the nasal tones produced by the assimilation of m before a follow-
ing semivowel from that before a spirant.

g- Bot if h be immediately followed by another consonant (which can
only be a nasal or semivowel), the m fs allowed to be assimilated to that
following consonant. This is because the h has no position of the mouth-
organs peculiar to itself, but is uttered in the position of the next sound.
The Praticdkhyas do not take any notice of the case.

h. Cases are met with in the Veda where a final m appears to be
dropped before a vowel, the final and initial vowels being then combined
into one. The pada-text then generally gives a wrong interpretation. Thus,
sazhvaénano "bhayamhkaraém (KV. viii. 1. 2; pada-text: -nand ubh-;
SV. -nanam).

i. It has been pointed out above (73) that the assimilated m is
generally represented in texts by the anusvdra-sign, and that in this
work it is transliterated by rhb (instead of a nasal mute or 4).

214—] LIL. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 72

The palatal mutes and sibilant, and & h.

214. These sounds show in some situations a reversion (43)
to the original gutturals from which they are derived. The treat-
ment of j and h, also, is different, according as they represent the
one or the other of two different degrees of alteration from their
originals.

215. The palatals and h are the least stable of alphabetic sounds,
undergoing, in virtue of their derivative character, alteration in many
cases where other similar sounds are retained.

216. ‘Thus, in derivation, even befure vowels, semivowels, and
nasals, reversion to guttural form is by no means rare. The cases
are the following:

a. Boforc a of suffix a, final c becomes k in ahkaé, qvafika, arké,
paka, vaékaé, guka, parka, marka, vfka, pratika etc, reka, séka,
moka, rok&, ¢gdka, toké, mroké, vraskaé;— tinal j beromes g in
tyaga, bhaga, bhagé, ydga, afiga, bhangé, safiga, svaiga, rhga,
tufiga, yunhga, varga, marga, mrg4, varga, sarga, nega, vega, bhoga,
yugaé, yoga, loga, roga; — tinal h becomes gh in aghé, maghé, argha,
dirgha (and draghiyas, draghistha), degha, meghd, ogha, dogha,
drégha, mogha; and in dugbana and mégham&na. In neka (jynij)
we have further an anumalous substitution of a surd for the final sonant of
the root.

b. Iu another series of derivatives with a, the altered sound appears:
examples are aja, yaja, gucd, goca, vrajé, vevijdé, yuja, arja, déha.

c. Bofore the suffixes as ani ana, the guttural only rarely appears:
namely, in Afkas, dkas, rékas, cékas, bhargas, and in rogana; also
in Abhogaya.

d. Before an i-vowel, the altered sound appears (except in &bhogi,
égiyahs, tigité, moki, sphigi): thus, ajf, tujf, raci, gdci, vivioci,
rocignu.

e. Before u, the guttural reappears, as a rule (the cases are few): thus,
anku, vahka, reku, bhfgu, marguka, raghut (and raghiyahs).

f. Before n, the examples of reversion are few, except of j (becoming
@) before the participial ending na (957): thus, réknas, vagnu (with
the final also made sonant); and participles bhagné, rugné, etc.; and
apparently prgna from ypre.

g- Before m (of ma, man, mant, min), the guttural generally
appears: thus, rukmé, tigmé, yugma, fgma (with sonant change); tak-
mén, vdkman, sdkman, yugmaén; rakmant; rgmin and vigmin
(with sonant change): — but &4jman, ojman, bhujmén.

h. Before y, the altered sound is used: thus, pacya, yajya, yajyu,
yujya, bhujyu. Such cases as bhogya, yogya, negya, okya are doubt-
less secondary derivatives from bhoga etc.

13 (‘OMBINATIONS OF FINAL PALATALS. {—218

f. Before a, the cases aro fow, and the usage apparently divided: thus,
takra, sakra, vakra, qukra, vigra, ugrd, tugra, mrgra, vaéfikri;
but. véjra and pajra(?).

j. Before v (of the suffixes va, van, vin, etc., and partiripial vane)
the zuttural is regniarly preserved: thus, rkvAé, pakva, vdkva; vdkvan,
fkvan, rikvan, cukvan, mrgvan, tugvan, yugvan; fkvant, pfk-
vant; vagvin, vagvana, vagvanu (with farther sonant change); vivak-
vans, ririkvans, vivikvans, rurukvans, gugukvans; cucukvana,
gugukvaéni: also before the union-vowel { in okivahs (RV., once). Au
exception is yaéjvan.

k. The reversion of h in derivation is comparatively rare. The final
j which is analogous with ¢ (219) shows much less proclivity to reversion
than that which corresponds with c.

1. A like reversion shows itself also to somo extent In conjugational
sten-formation and inflection. Thus, the {fnitlal radical becomes guttural
after the reduplication in the present or perfect or desidcrative or intensive
stems, of in derivatives, of the roots ci, cit, ji, hi, han, and in jaguri ( yjy):
and han becomes ghn on the elizion of a (403, 637). The RV. has
vivakmi from pvac and vavakre from pvaiic; and SV. has sasrgmahe
(RV. -syj-). And before ran ete. of 3d pl. mid. we have g for radical j
in asfgran, asrgram, asasygram (all in UV.).

217. Final qc of a root or stem, if followed in internal
combination by any other sound than a vowel or semivowel
or nasal, reverts (43) to its original guttural value, and shows
everywhere the same form which a Tk would show in the
same situation.

Thus, vakti, uvaktha, vaksi, vaksyami, vagdhi; vagbh{s,
vaksu; uktaé, uktha, vaktar.

a. And, as final ¢ becomes k (above 143), the samc rule applies
also tu c in external combination: thus, vak ca, vag api, vaft me.

Examples of c¢ remaining uncbanged in inflection arc: ucy&dte,
riricré, vac{, mumucmihe.

218. Final 91 ¢ reverts to its orginal % k, in internal
combination, only before the 4 8 of a verbal stem or ending
(whence, by 180, a ks); before q t and 7 th, it everywhere
beconies 18 (whence,. by 197, © st and Y sth); before q dh,
4 bh, and q su of the loc. pl., as when final (146), it

regularly becomes the lingual mute (% § oF z qd).

‘Thus, avikeata, vekgyami; vasti, vista, didegtu; dididdhi,
vidbhis.

218—}) III. Eupuonic COMBINATION. 14

a. But a few roots exhibit the reversion of final ¢ to k before
bh and su, and also when final (145): they are dig, drg, sprg, and
optionally nag; and vig has io V. always vikgu, loc. pl., but vit,
vidbhfs, etc. Examples are diksarhcita, drgbhis, hrdispfk, n4k
(or nat).

Examples of g remaining unchanged before vowels etc. are: vigi,
vivigyads, avicran, agnomi, vacmi, ugmési.

b. A g remains irregularly unchanged before p in the compound vigpati.

219. Final qj is in one set of words treated like 7 oc,

and in another set like { ¢.

Thus, from yuj: ayukthdis, dyukta, yufikté, yukti, ydktra,
yoksyaémi, yukgi; yungdhi, dyugdhvam, yugbhis.

Again, from myj etc.: Ampkgat, srakgyami; marsti, mystd,
stati, rdgtré; myddgh{, mpddhvdm, radbhis, ratau, rat.

a. To the former or yuj-class belong (as shown by their quotable
forms) about twenty roots and radical stems: namely, bhaj, saj, tyaj (not
V.), raj color, svaj, majj, nij, tij, vij, 1 and 2 bhuj, yuj, ruj, vri,
aij, bhafij, cifj; tirj, sraj, bhigdj, asyj;— also, stems formed with
the suffixes aj and ij (383. IV), as trgnaj, vanij; and rtvij, though
containing the root yaj.

b. To the. latter or myj-class belong only about one third as many:
namely, yaj, bhrajj, vraj, raj, bhraj, myj, syj.

c. A considerable number of j-roots are not placed in circumstances
to exhibit the distinction; but such roots are in part assignable to one or
the other class on the evidence of the related languages. The distinction
appears, namely, only when the j occurs as final, or is followed, either in
inflection or in derivation, by a dental mute (t, th, dh), or, in noun-
inflection, by bh or su. In derivation (above, 216) we find a @ some-
times from the myj-class: thus, madrga, sarga, etc.; and (216,1) before
Vedic mid. endings, sasygmahe, asygran, etc. (beside sasyjrire) —
while from the yuj-class occur only yuyujre, ayujran, bubhujrire,
with j. And MS. has vigvasfk from pasryj.

220. Final ch falls under the rules of combination almost only
in the root prach, in which it is treated as if it were ¢ (prag being,
indeed, its nore original form): thus, prakeydmi, prata, and also the
derivative pragné. As final and in noun-inflection (before bh and su),
it is changed to the lingual mute: thus, pradvivaka.

a. Marta is called the participle of miirch, and a gerund mirtvé
is given to the same root. They (with mtirti) must doubtless come from a
simpler form of the root,

b. Of jh there is no occurrence: the grammarians require it to
be treated like o.

715 COMBINATIONS OF FINAL kg, h. (—2238

231. The compound kg is not infrequent as final of » root (gener-
ally of demonstrably secondary origin), or of a tense-stem (s-aorist:
see below, 878 ff.); and, in the not very frequent cases of its internal
combination, it is treated as if a single sound, following the rules
for g: thus cakge (cakg-+se), cAkgva; caste, dcasta, asrdstam,
&erata, tvdstar. As to its treatment when fival, sec 146.

a. Thus, we are taught by the grammarians to make such forms as
gorat, goradbhis, gordtsu (from goraks); and wo actually have gat,
sadbhis, satsu from gaks or gag (146 b). For jagdha etc. from yjaks,
see 233 f.

b. In the single anomalous root vrage, the compound go is said to
follow the rules for simple ¢. From it arc quotable the futur: vrakgyéti,
the gcrunds vyg¢va (AV.) and vrktvi (RV.), and the participle (957 c)
vrkna. Its c reverts to k in the derivative vraska.

222. ‘The roots in final @% h, like those in 7] j, fall into
two classes, exhibiting a similar diversity of treatment, ap-

pearing in the same kinds of combination.

a. In the one class, as duh, we have : reversion of h (as of e}
to a guttural form, and its treatment as if it were still its original gh:
thus, 4dhuksam, dhoksydmi; dugdham, dugdha; adhok, dhuk,
dhugbhis, dhukgu.

b. In the other class. as ruh and sah, we have n guttural re-
version (as of ¢) only before s in verb-formation and derivation: thus,
arukgat, rokgyami, sdéksiya, sakgdni. As final. in external combi-
nation, and in nown-inilection beture bh and su. the h ‘like ¢) becomes
x lingual mute: thue, turagsdt, prtandgad ayodhy&éh, turaisddbhie,
turdsdtsu. But before a dental mute ‘t, th, dh) in verb-inflection
und in derivation, its cuphonic effect is peculiarly complicated:
it turns the dental into a lingual jas would ¢.: but it also makes
it sonant and aspirate (xs woull dh: see 160): and further, it
disappears itself. and the preceding vowel. if short, is lengthened:
thus, from ruh with ta comes riidha, from leh with ti comes ledhi,
from guh with tar comes gidhar, from meh with tum comes médhum,
from lih with tas or thas comes lidhas. from lih with dhvam comes
lidhvam, etc.

c. This is as if we had to assume as transition sound a sonant aspirate
lingual sibilant gh, with the euphonic cffects of a lingual and of a sonant
aspirate (160), itsel€ disappearing under tho law of the existing language
which admits no sonant sibilant.

223. The roots of the two classes. as shown by thei forms found
in use, are:

a. of the first or duh-class: dah, dih, duh, druh, muh, snih
(and the final of ugnih is similarly treated);

323— | IH. EupHONIC COMBINATION. 716

b. of the second or ruh-class: vah, sah, mih, rib or lih, guh,
ruh, drih, trih, brh, bath, sprh (?).

c. But muh forms also (not in RV.) the participle midgha and agent-
noun mudhar, as well as mugdhé and mugdhar; and druh and snih
are allowed by the grammarians to do likewise: such forms as driidgha and
snigha, however, have not been met with in use.

d. From roots of the ruh-class we find also in the Veda the forms
gartaéruk, nom. sing., and pranadhfk aid dadhfk; and hence puruspfk
(the only occurzence) docs not certainly prove Yseprfh to be of the duh-
class.

e. A number of other h-roots are not proved by their occurring forms
to belong to either class; they, too, are with more or less confidence assigned
to the one ur the other by comparison with the related languages.

f. In derivation, before certain suffixes (216), we-have gh instead of
h from verbs of either class.

g. The root nah comes from original dh instead of gh, and its reversion
is accordingly to a dental mute: thus, natsyami, naddh&é, up&énddbhis,
upanadyuga, anupdnatka. So also the rovt grah comes from (early
Vedic) grabh, and shows labials in many forms and derivatives (though
it is assimilated to other h-roots in the desiderative stem jighrkga). In
like manner, h is used for dh in some of the forms and detivatives of
Yaha put; and further analogous facts are the stem kakuhé beside
kakubha, the double imperative ending dhi and hi, and the dative
médhyam beside tabhyam (491).

224. Irregularities of combination are:

a. The vowel ¢ is not lengthened after the loss of the h-element: thus,
adrdha, trdha, brdhé (the only cases; and in the Veda their first syllable
has metrical value as heavy or long).

b. The roots vah and sah change their vowel to o instead of leng-
thening it: thus, vodh4m, vodham, vodhar, sédghum. But from sah
in the older language forma with & are more frequent: thus, sédha, 4gadgha
(also later), sadhar. ‘The root trhh changes the vowel of its class-sign
na into e instead of lengthening it: thus, trnedhi, trnédhu, atrpet
(the grammarians teach also trnehmi and trnekgi: but no such forme are
quotable, and, if ever actually in use, they must have been made by false
analogy with the others).

c. These anomalous vowel-changes seem to stand in connection with
the fact that the cases showing them are the only ones where other than
an alteranut vowel (180) comes before the lingualized sibilant representative
of the h. Compare gddaca etc.

G. Apparently by dissimilation, the Mnal of vah iu the anomalous
eompound anadvah is changed to d instead of d: see 404.

77 COMBINATIONS OF FINAL 8. [—226

The lingual sibilant 7 8.

225. Since the lingual sibilant. in its nsual and normal occurren-
ces, is (182) the product of lingualization of s after certain altcrant
sounds, we might expect final radical g, when (in rare cases) it comes
to stand where a g cannot maintain itself, to revert to its original,
and be treated as as would be treated under the same circumstances.
That, however, is true only in a very few instances.

a. Namely, in the prefix dus (evidently identical with Ydus); in
sajtia (adverbially used case-form from Yjug); in (RV.) vives and avives,
from vig; in afyes (RV.), from 71g; and in Agfs, from cig as second-
ary form of Ygas. All these, except tho first two, arc more or less open
to question.

226. In general, final lingual 18, In internal combination,

is treated in the same manner as palatal @ ¢. Thus:

a. Befure t and th it remains unchanged, and the Iatter are as-
similated: e. g. dvigtas, dvisthas, dvéstum.
This is a common an. perfectly natural combination.

b. Before dh, bh, and su, as also in external combination (145),
i¢ becomnes a lingual mnte; and dh is nade lingual (by 188) after it:
e.g. pinddhi, viddhi, vividdhi, dviddhvam, dvidbh{s, dvited;
bhinnavitka.

e. So also the dh of dhvam sas ending of Qt pl. mid. becomes dh
after final 9 of a tense-stem, whothcr the g be regarded as Jost or as con-
verted to d before it (the manuscripts write simply gdhv, not ddhv; but
this is ambiguous: see 232). Thus, afters of s-aorist stems (881 a), asto-
dhvam, avrdhvam, cyodhvam (tho only quotable cases), from astog +
dhvam etc.; but aradhvam from ar&és-+dhvam. Further, after tho g
of ig-aocrist stems (901 a), dindhidhvam, artidhvam, ajanidhvam,
vepidhvam (the only quotable cases), from ajanig+dhvam etc. Yet
again, in the precative (924), as bhavisidhvam, if, as is probable
(unfortunately, no cxample of this person is quotable from any part of the
Htrraturo), the precative-sign 8 (8) is to be regardcd as present in the form.
According, however, to the Hindu grammarians, the use of dh or of dh in
the ig-aorist and precative depends on whether the fi of ig or of igi is or
is not “preceded by a semisowel or h° — which both in itsclf appears
senseless and is opposed to the evidence of all the quotablo forms. Moreover,
the same authorities prescribe the change of dh to gh, under the same
restriction as to circumstances, in the perf. mid. ending dhve also: in this
ease, too, withont any conceivable reason; and no example of dhve in the
QW pl. perf. has been pointed out in the literature.

dG. The conversion of § to ¢ (or @) as final and before bh and su is
parallel with the like conversion of ¢, and of j and h in the myj and ruh

226—] Il. Eupwonic ComMBINATION. 718

classes of roots, and perhaps with the occasional change of s to t (167-8).
It is a very infrequent case, occurring (save as it may be assumed in the
case of gag) only once in RV. and once in AV. (-dvit and -pruf), although
thosu texts have more than 40 roots with final g; in the Brahmanas,
inoreover, have been noticed further only -prut and vit (CB.), and -olit
(K.). From pittg, RV. has the anomalous form pinak (2d and 34d sing.,
fur pinag-s and pinasg-t).

e. Beforo s in internal combination (except su of loc. pl.) it be-
comes k: thus, dvékgi, dvekgydmi, 4dvikgam.

f. This change is of anomalous phonetic character, and difficult of
vxplapation. It is also practically of very rare occurrence. The only RV.
examples (apart from pinak, above) are vivekgi, from vig, and the
desid. stem ririkga from prig; AV. has only dvikgat and dvikgata,
and the desid. stem giglikga from pglig. Other examples are quotable
from YVkyg and pig and vig (CB. etc.), and gig (CB.); and they are by
the Hindu grammarians prescribed to be formed from about half-s-dozen
other roots.

Extension and Abbreviation.

227. As a general rule, ch is not allowed by the grammarians
to stand in that form after a vowel, but is to be doubled, becoming
ooh (which the manuscripts sometimes write chch).

a. The various authorities disagree with one another in detail as to
this duplication, According to Panini, ch is doubled within a word after
olther a long or a short vowel; and, as initial, necessarily after a short and
after the particles & and m@, and optionally everywhere aftor a long. In
RV., initial oh is doubled after a long vowel of & only, and certain special
cases after a short vowel are excepted. For the required usage in the other
Vedio texta, see their several Praticakhyas. The Kathake writes for original
oh (not ch from combination of t or n with ¢: 203) after a vowel
everywhere ¢ch. The manuscripts in general write simple ch.

b. Opinions are still at variance as te how far this duplication has
an etymological ground, and how far it is ouly an acknowledgment of the
fact that ch makes a heavy syllable even after a short vowel (makes
“position”: 79). As the duplication is accepted and followed by most
Kurupean scholars, it will be also adopted in this work in words and sen-
tences (not iu roots and stems).

228. After r, any consonant (save a spirant before a vowel) is
by tho grammarians either allowed or required to be doubled (an
vspirate, by prefixing the corresponding non-aspirate: 164).

Thus:
ah arka, or Ta arkka; mara karya, or MICO karyya;

c
QW artha, or Aca arttha; ate dirgha, or ary dirggha.

79 EXTENSION AND ABBREVIATION. [—231

a. Some of the authorities Include, along with r, also h or 1 or v, or
more than one of them, fn this rule.

b. A doubled consonant after r is very common in manuscripts and
inscriptions, as also in native text-editions and in the earlier editions pre-
pared by European scholars —in later ones, the duplication is universally
omitted.

c. On the other hand, the manuscripts often write a single consonant
after r where a donble one is etymologically required: thus, k&rtikeya,
vartika, for k&rttikeya, varttika.

2320. The first consonant of a group — whether interior, or Initial
after a vowel of a preceding word —is by the grammarfans either allowed
or required to be doubled.

a. This duplication fs allowed by Panini and required by the Praticadkhyas
—in both, with mention of authorities who deny it altogether. For certain
exceptions, see the Praticgakhyas; the meaning of tho whole matter is too
obscure to justify the giving of details here.

230. Other cases of cxtension of consopant-groups. required by
sume of the grammatical authorities, are the following:

a. Between a non-nasal and a nasal mute, the insertion of so-called
yamas (frins), or nasal counterparts, fs taught by the Praticakhyas (and
assumed in Panini’s comiocntary): see APr. 1. 99, note.

b. Between h and a following nasal mute the Pratigakhyas teach the
insertion of a nagal sound called nadsikya: see APr. i. 100, note.

c. Between r ant ao following consonan¢ the Praticakhyas teach the
Insertion of a svarabhakti or vorel-fragment: see Abr. 1. 101-2, note.

d. Some authorities assume this insertion only before a spirant; the
others regard it a3 twice as long befure a spirant as before any other con-
sonant—-namely, a half or s quarter mora before the former, a quarter or
an eighth before the latter. One (VPr.) admits it after 1 as well as r. It
is variously described as a fragment of the vowel a or of F (or J).

e. The RPr. puts a svarabhakti also between a sonant consonant
and a following mute or spirant; and APr. {introduces an element called
sphotana (distinguisher) between a guttural and a preceding mute of
another class.

f. For one or two other cases of yet moro doubtful value, see the
Praticakhyas. ,

231. After a nonsal, the fornicr of two non-nasal mutes may
be dropped, whether homogencous only with the nasal, or with both:
thus, gunhdh{ for yufigdh{, yundhvam for yufigdhvam, &ahtam for
anktam, pant{ for pankt{, chintam ‘or chinttém, bhinthé for
bhintthaé, indhé for inddhé.

a. The abbreviation, allowed by Panini, is required by APr. (the
other Priticakbyas take no notice of it). It is the more usual practice of
the manuscripts, though the full group is alsu often written.

232—] If. EupHonic ComMbINATION. 80

233. In general, a doublo consonant (including an aspirate which
is doubled by the prefixion of a non-aspirate) in combination with any
other consonant is by the manuscripts written as simple.

a. That is to say, the ordinary usage of the manuscripts makes no
difference between those groups in which a phonetic duplication is allowed
by the rules given above (228, 228) and those in which the duplication
is etymological. As every tv after a vowel may also be properly written
ttv, so dattva and tattwA may be, and almost invariably are, written as
datva and tatvé. As kArtana is also properly karttana, so karttika
(from kpytti) is written as kartika. So in inflection, we have always, for
example, majfia etc., not majjha, from majjan. Even in composition
and sentence-collocation the same abbreviations are madc: thus, hpdyoté
for hyddyota; chindty asya for chinatty asya. Hoence it is impossible
to determine by the evidence of written usage whether we should regard
adhvam or &ddhvam (from yas), advidhvam or adviddhvam (from
Ydvig), as the true form of a second person plural.

233. a. Instances are sometimes met with of apparent loss (perhaps
aftcr conversion to a semivowel) of i or u before y or v respectively. Thus,
in the Brahmanas, ta and n& with following vaf etc. often make tvaf,
nvaf (also tvavaé, anva{); and other examples from the older language
are anvart- (anu-+/vart); paryan, paryanti, paryaéyat, pary&ina
(pari -+ yan, ctc.); abbyarti (abhi-+iyarti); antaryat (antar + iya&t);
cAérv&c, caérvaka, carvadana (cdru + vide, etc.); kyant for kfyant;
dvyoga (dvi-+ yoga); anva, anvadsana (anu -+véA, etc.); probably
vytnoti for vi yunoti (RV.), urvaégi (uru-vaci), gfigvari for gicu-vari
(RV.); vyama (vi-+yama); and the late svarna for suvarna. More
anomalous abbreviations are the common trca (tri-+yea); and dvrca
(dvi-+-roa: S.), and trent (tri+ enti: Apast.).

Forther, certain cases of the loss of a sibilant require notice. Thus:

b. According to the Hindu grammarians, the s of s-aorist stems is
lost after a short vowel in the 2d and 3d sing. middle: thus, adithds
and adita (ist sing. adigi), akyrthas and akyta (ist sing. akrgi). It
is, however, probable that such cases are to be explained in a different
manner: see 834 a.

ec. The s between two mutes is lust in all combinations of the
roots sthaé and stambh with the prefix ud: thus, ut thus, dtthita,
ut thadpaya, uttabdha, etc.

d. The same omission is now and then made io other similar cases:
thus cit kambhanena (for skambh-: RV.); tasmat tute (for stute)
and puroruk tuta (for stuta: K.); the compounds ykthaé (pk-+stha:
PB.) and utphulifiga; the derivative utphdla (/sphal). On the other
hand, we have vidyut stanayanti (RV.), utsthala, kakutstha, etc.

@. So also the tense-sign of the s-aorist is lost after a final consonant
of a root before the initial consonant of an ending: thus, ach&ntta (and

81 ABBREVIATION OF CONSONANT-GROUPS. [—235

for this, by 231, ach&nta) for achdntsta, capta for cipsta, t&’ptam
for t&pstam, abhdkta for abhd&ksta, amd&uktam for amdukstam.
These are the only quotable cases: compare 883.

f. A final s of root or tense-stem is in a few instances lust after a
sonant sspirate, and the combination of mutes is thon mado as if no sibilant
had ever intervened. Thus, from the root ghas, with omission of the
vowel and then of the final sibilant, we have the form gdha (for ghs-ta:
8d sing. mid.), the participle gdha (in agdh&d), and the derivative gdhi
(for ghs-ti; in s4-gdhi); and further, from the reduplicated form of the
same root, or Yjakg, we have jagdha, jagdhum, jagdhvd, jagdhi (from
jaghs-ta ete.); also, in like manner, from baps, redupliication of bhas, the
form babdh&m (for babhs-t&m). According to the Hindu grammerians,
the same utter loss of the aorist-sign s takes place after a final sonant
aspirato of a root before an ending beginning with t or th: thus, from
yradh, s-acrist stem ar&uts act. and aruts mid., come the active dual
and plural persons arfuddham and arféuddh&m and araduddha, and the
middie singular persons aruddh&s and aruddha. None of the active
forme, however, have been found quotable from the literature, ancient or
modern; and the middle forms admit also of a different explanation: see

634, 883.

Strengthening and Weakening Processes.

234. Under this head, we take up first the changes that affect
vowels, and then thoso thut affect consonants — adding for convenienco'’s
sake, in each case, a brief notico of tho vowol and consonant elements
that have come to bear the apparent office of connectives.

Guna and Vrddhi.

235. The so-called guya- and vyddhi-changes are the moet
regular and frequent of vowel-changes, being of constant
occurrence both in inflection and in derivation.

a. A guya-vowel (guya secondary quality) differs from
the corresponding simple vowel by a prefixed avlement
which is combined with the other according to the usual
rules; a vyddhi-vowel (vyddhi growth, increment), by the
further prefixion of a to the guna-vowel. Thus, of 3 i or
z 1 the corresponding gune is (a-++-i=) % e; the correspond-
ing vyddhi is (ate=)? &i. But in all gunating processes
4] a remains unchanged — or, as it is sometimes expressed,

Whitney, Grammar. 8. ed. 6

22D j Ab Bi PSowiC ( UMBINATION. b2

Ga is ite own gups; WG, of course, remains unchanged
for both gupgs and vrddhi.

follows:
simple vowel si it ath rf 4}
gana a a e ° ar al
vrddhi é ai i020 so&r

tb. Im eecondary derivatives requiring wyddhi ef the frst syilable
(1204), the o of go (SSlc) is strengthened to gim: thes, giumata,
gadugthika.

B37. The historical relations ef the membess ef esch veowol-cories are
atill matters ef some difference of opinion. From the special peint of view
of the Samehrit, the simple vewels wear the aspect ef being im general the
original or fundamental enes, and the others ef being products ef their
iacrement or streagthening, im two several degrees — sp that the rules ef
under specified cooditions. But ¢ hes leng been se clearly seem te come
by abbreviation or weakening from an ecarliez ar (er ra) thet many Enrepesn
gtamwmariane have preferred to treat the gupa-forms eas the ecrigipal and
tho othor as the derivative Thas, for example. instead ef assuming costain
tuota to be bhp and wedh, and making from them bharati ead vardhati,
and bhyta aad wrddha, by the samo relies which from bhi and ni aad
f@um bDudh aad cit ferm Dhavati sad nayati, bodhati sad cotati,
bhutea aud nita, buddha sad citta — they assume bhar aad wardh to
be tho route, and give the rules ef formstu-n for them im reverse. Im this
work, aa already stated (104), the ¢-form is preferred.

22a. ‘The guna-incremest is an Iado-Earopean phenomenoa, and
in lu wany cases seem to occur in connection with an accent on the
iuctoasod ayllable. I¢ is found —

a. lu root-ayllables: either in inflection, as dwégti from pdvig,
ddhuat (rum yduh; or ia derivation, as dvéga, déhas, dvégtum,
vddydikuan,

VY. lu furmative elements: cither conjugatiohbal class-sigus, as
tauduad from tanu; or suffixes of derivation, in inflection or ia further
luctvatiuw, as matdye from mat{, bhdndvas from bhéna, pitéram
waa ite i pitdr), hantavya from haéntu.

WAR ‘Vho veddhi-increment is specifically Indian, and its oceur-
vuuve te tyaa NeQueut aad regular. It is found —

83 GuNA AND VRDDHI. [—242

a. In root and suffix-syllabics, instead of guna: thus, stauti
from yetu, sdkhdyam from sd4khi, andigam from ynl, 4ka&rgam
and kardyati and kAryaé from ykr (or kar), d&étdram from ‘dat (or
datér).

b. Especially often, in initial syllables in secondary derivation:
thus, m&nasé from mdénas, v&aidyuté from vidyut, bhdumé from
bhiimi, p&rthiva from prthivi (1204).

But —

240. The guna-increment does not usually take place in a heavy
syllable ending with a consonant: that is to say, the rules prescribing
guna in processes of derivation and inflection do not apply to a short
vowel which is “long by position”, nor to a long vowel unless it be
final: thus, cétati from ycit, but nindati from pnind; ndyati from
yni, but jivati from yJiv.

a. The vrddhi-increment is not Mable to this restriction.

b. Exceptions to the rule are occasionally met with: thus, ehé, ehas
from Yih; heddy&mi, hédas, etc., from phid; coga ete. from Yotg;
odhate etc. from pith consider; and especially, from roots in Iv: didéva
devigyati, dévana, etc., from /div; tigtheva from pathiv; srevéyami,
srévuka, from yYeriv — on account of which it is, doubtless, that these
roots are written with iv (div etc.) by the Hindu grammarians, although
they nowhere show a short i, in either verb-forms or derivatives.

c. A few cases occur of prolongation instead of increment: thus

dfigdyati from ydug, gtthati from jguh.

The changes of yr (more original ar or ra) are so various as to
call for further description.

241. The increments of r are somptimes ra and r&, instead of
ar and dr: vamely, especially, where by such reversal a difficult com-
bination of consonants is avoided: thus, from ydyo, draksy&mi and
édréksam; but also prtha and prath, prch and prach, krpd and
ékrapista.

2423. In a number of roots (about a dozen quotable ones) ending
in r (for more original ar), the yr changes both with ar, and moro
irregularly, in a part of the forms, with ir— or also with ur (espe-
cially after a labial, in pr, my, vy, sporadically in others): which ir
and ur, agaio, are liable to prolongation iuto Ir and fir. Thus, for
example, from ty (or tar), we have tarati, titarti, tat&ra, at&rigam,
by regular processes; but also tirati, tiryati, tirtvd&, -tirya, tirna,
and even (V.) turyaéma, tutury&t, tarturfna. The treatment of such
roots has to be described in speaking of each formation.

a. For the purpose of artificially indicating this pecullarity of treatment,
such roots are by the Hindu grammarians written with long f, or with both
r and Ff: no Ff actually appears anywhere among their forms.

6*

4so— | Ail. KUPHONIC CUMBINATIOD. 84

Ha is its own guna; Al 6, of course, i. - op 1 gr swallow,
for both guna and vrddhi.
= or 4H, 1 me dic,
asé. The series of corresponding

follows: _s_ wat wee from other
simple vowel a& iit uu i £« -yaiteindn ond spiir-
guna a a e
vrddhi a ai aam f other syllables

a. There is nowhere any occurrence of 4, a. 2 §ggm@, from ru; in
either guna or vyddhi-change; nor does '
vrddhi. “Theoretically, fF would have the
vrAdhi of } would be 4l. nl

b. In secondary derivatives requirit::. -
(1204), the o of go (3610) is strengther- =F = aad a, since the
géugthika. . sm x sudmet analogy with
=~. eet, aad r is made
237. The historical relations of the . . =~ arse: 300%). Length-
still matters of some difference of opinio:. _ _.wa:/: -aamge than increment,
of the Sanskrit, the simple vowels wear , ; -c-aammi eut in connection
original or fundamental ones, and the _. .smemm a few only will be
{increment or strengthening, in two se:
formation direct a, i, u, F, } to be: _ ~smamiy Sable to prolongation
under specified conditions. But y bas _.

Wcmaruns bee Peters ten | = =e MD a

the othor as the derivative. Thus, ior a pamenal endings: namely,
ume wien bh and s (302).

roots to be bhy and vrdh, and maa - (sea).

and bhyta and wyddha, by the ssa-~™

from budh and cit form bhave __..— <oseue by a vowel of the time

bhita and nita, buddha and ci «ae “mem. Certain instances

be the roots, and give the rales «° _ quid 160d, 888 b). Porbape

work, as already stated (104 .e), t.. ang am ene & dhanins (438) are

238. The guya-incremwen:
is in many cases seen to ocr: ape wenins of 8 compound is often
increased syllable. It is fou. . ~wagumamn of ual a, and before v,
a wey ‘Variety. Examples are:

a. In root-syllables: eit... -«~<—™
déhmi from yduh; or {v _ mitment, sadanisdd, gati-

dégdhum. agit mayem, virddh, tuvimaghé,
b. In formative eclege wai Semave, purdivien.
tanémi from tanu; or suf: an, wn 28 weed — generally a, mach

derivation, as matéye ico" egy niet wf ene prolonged. Usually
from pit¢ (ur pitér), han: _ ~<a * mm mused by the metre, but some-

ee fe details, see the various
289. The vpddhi-ip, yee |
rence is less frequent ani we:

VOWEL-LENGTHENING. {[-—250

namoly, &tha, 4dha, evd, utd, gh, ha, thd, iva,
igd, Kila, &tr&, ydtra, tated, katré, anydtra, ubbay-
ha, Apa, pré; ati, ni, yAdi, nahi, abhi, vi; 0, tt,

as: especially instr. sing., as end, tén&, yéns, svéns,
y gen. sing., as asy&, harinhsy&. Cases besides these
i, vegabhd, hariyojand (vor.); tanvi (loc.); and urti
purt.

Ww ending in a, in great number and variety: thus (nearly
relr comparative frequency), 2d sing. impv. aet., as piba,
iharéy&;— 2d pl. act. in ta and tha, as stha, atta,
+ Gyputs, anadata, nayatha, jivayath& (and ono or
vigtand, hantand); — {et pl. ect. in ma, as vidma,
n&, ruhem&, vanuy&m&, cakym&, marmyjmi
fd, in sva, as yukgvh, idigvé, dadhigvi, vahasva;
ig. perf. act., a8 ved&, viveg&, jagrabha; 24 sing. perf.
‘2d pl. perf, act., anaji, cakr&. Of verb-forms ending
sing. imp. act.: thus, kydhi, kpnuhi, keidhi, grudht,
ul, @idihi, jaht.

may be added the gerund in ya (993 a), as abhigtirya,

Vowel-lightening.

249. The altoration of short a to an f- or u-vowel in the formative
processes of the language, except in y or ar roots (as explained above};
is a sporadic phenomenon only.

960, But the lightening of a long & especially to an i-vowel
{as also its loss), is a frequent process; no other vowel is so un-
stable.

®. Of the cless-sign n& (of the kri-class of verbs: 7177), the
& ts in weak forms changed to I, and before vowel-endings dropped alto-
gether. The final & of certain roots is treated in the same manner: thur,
mA, ha, etc. (662-6). And from some roots, A- and ¥- or i-forms so
Interchange that it is difficult to classify them or to determine the true
character of the root

b, Radical & is weakened to the semblance of the union-rowel i in
certain verbal forms: as perfect dadima from /d& etc. (704k); aorist
adhith&s from Vdh& cte. (834 8); present jahimas from W/h& ete, (665).

©. Radical & Is shortened to the semblance of stem-a in a number
reduplicated forms, as tigtha, piba, dada, ot
few aorists, as Ahvam, Akhyam, ctc.: see 847.

d. Radical & sometimes becomes @, expecially before y: as stheyasam,
deya.

261 -] Ill. Eupyonic ComBInaTION. 86

B61. Certain &-roots, because of their peculiar exchanges with i and
i-forma, especially in forming the present stem, are given by the Hindu
gremiarians ag roots ending in @ or Ai oro. Thus, from 2 dh& suck (dhe)
come tho present dhéyati and participle and gerand dhité, dhitwd; the
other forius are made from dh&, as dadhus, adh&t, dhasyati, dhatave,
dhapayati. From 2 g& sing (gai) come the present gayati, the parti-
ciple and gerund gité and gitv&, and passive giydte, and the other forms
irom g@ From 3d& cué (do) come the present dyéti and participle dita
og Gimaé, and the other forms from d& The irregularities of these roots
will be treated below, under the various formations (see especially 761 di f.).

25Q. By a process of abbreviation essentially akin with that of ar or
va to F, the wa (usually initial) of a number of roots becomes u, and the
ya of a much smaller number becomes i, in certain verbal forms and deriv-
atives. Thus, from vac come uvdca, ucydsam, uktwaé, ukté, uktf,
ubthé& oto.; from yaj come iydja, ijyasam, igtvd, istd, {gti, otc. Seo
beluw, uader the various formations.

a. ‘to this change is given by European grammarians the name of
awhpreadérena, dy adaptation of a term used in the native grammar.

252. A abort a, of root or ending, is not infrequently lost between
oumuananta iz a weakened syllable: thus, in verb-forms, ghnadnti, 4paptam,
lmganda, jajdas, Ajfiata; in noun-forms, rajfie, r&jii.

wBd. Union-vowoels. All the simple vowels come to assame in
voles odned the aspect of union-vowels, or insertions between root er stem
and ondsug of tu@ection or of derivation.

w ‘Chat character belongs oftenest to i, which is very widely used:
\. bawae the @ of aorist and future and desiderative stems, as in &jivigam,
viguamad, jAliviedmi; 2. in tense-inflection, especially perfect, as jiji-
VAs. vecasomally also present, as Aniti, rédditi; 3. in derivation, as
Wyss ReAMitum, janitf, rocigna, etc. etc.

\. bog i tv used sometimes instead of short: thus, dgrahigam,
qiahiguaais braviti, viivaditi; taritf, savitf; it is also often intro-
lar uit bale @ aud ¢ of the 24d and 3d sing. of verbs: thus, dsis, dsit.

we Uwi dehatle respecting these, and the more irregular and sporadic
i rsiwavea vi Ww and @-vowels in the same character, see below.

Nasal Increment.

wae Ward ia roots and in endings, a distinction of stronger and
wwe «eae fe very often made by the presence or absence of a
nasal vavweat, & Basal mute or auusviara, before a following con-
wnawe We genetal, the stronger form is doubtless the more original;
Bue iw eee reewnt condition of the language, the nasal has come in
mIval Weaeere (eee, and to some extent also to be used, as an
worn aly etrengthening element, introduced under certain conditions
vw Waveattve awd infective processes.

87 NASAL INCREMENT. [—260

a. Kxamples are, of roots: ac and afit, grath and granth, vid
and vind, dag and dang, eras and srahe, drh and drhh: of endings,
bhérantam and bhératé, mdnasi and man&ahsi.

256. A final n, whether of stem or of root, is less stable than any
other consonant, where a weaker form is called for: thus, from r&jan we
have réj& and rA&jabhis, and in composition r&ja; from dhanin, dhanf
and dhanibhis and dhdni; from Yhan we have hath& and haté, etc.
A final radical m is sometimes treated in the same way: thus, from /Ygam,
gah{, gatam, gatd, gati.

257. Inserted n. On the other hand, the nasal n has come to be
used with great— and, in the later history of the language, with increasing
— frequency as a union-consonant, inserted between vowels: thus, from agn{,
agnind and agninaém; from médhu, médhunas, médhun!i, mdédhoni;
from civd, givéna, givdni, civdnadm.

258. Inserted y. a. After final & of a root, a y is often found as
apparently a mere union-consonant before another vowel: thus, in inflection,
adh&yi etc. (844), gfydyati eto. (1042), civdy&s etc. (363.c), ghyati
ete. (76le); further, in derivation, -g&ya, -y&yam, d&yaka ete.;
-ethadyika; p&yéna, -géyana; dhiyas, -hayas; sthAyin etc. (many
cases); -hitéyin, -tatadyin; sthaéyuka.

b. Other more sporadic cases of inserted y— such. as that in the
pronoun-forms ayam, iyam, vayam, yiiyam, svayam; and in optative
inflection before an ending teginning with a vowel (666) — will be point-
ed out below in their connection.

Reduplication.

258. Reduplication of a root (originating doubtless in its com-
plete repetition) has come to be a method of radical increment or
strengthening in various formative processes: namely,

a. in present-stem formation (648 ff.): as d&éda&mi, bibharmi;

b. in perfect-stem formation, almost universally (782 ff.): as taténa,
dadh&u, cakdra, riréca, lulopa;

c. in aorist-stem formation (856 f.): as 4didharam, dcucyavam ;

d. in intensive and desiderative-stem formation, throughout(1000ff.,
1026 ff.): as jafghanti, johaviti, marmrjyéte; p{pésati, jigh&hsati;

e. in the formation of derivative noun-stems (11436): as paépri,
carcara, sdsah{, cikitu, malimluca.

f. Roles for the treatment of the reduplication in these several cases
will be gwen in the proper connection below.

260. As, by reason of the strengthening and weakening changes
indicated above, the same root or stem not seldom exhibits, in the
processes of inflection and derivation, varieties of stronger and weaker
form, the distinction and description of these varieties forms an im-
portant part of the subjects hereafter to be treated.

261—] IV. DEOLENSION. 88

CHAPTER IV.

DECLENSION.

261. The general subject of declension includes nouns, adjectives,
and pronouns, all of which are inflected in essentially the same manner.
But while the correspondence of nouns and adjectives is so close that
they cannot well be separated in treatment (chap. V.), the pronouns,
which exhibit many pecularities, will be best dealt with in « separate
chapter (VII); and the words designating number, or numerals, also
form a class peculiar enough to require to be presented by them-
selves (chap. VI.).

262. Declensional forms show primarily case and num-
ber; but they also indicate gender — since, though the
distinctions of gender arc made partly in the stem itself,
they also appear, to no inconsiderable extent, in the changes
of inflection.

268. Gender. The genders are three, namely mascu-
line, feminine, and neuter, as in the other older Indo-Euro-
pean languages; and they follow in general the same laws
of distribution as, for example, in Greek and Latin.

a. The only words which show no sign of gender-distinction are the
personal pronouns of the first and second person (401), and the namerels
above four (483).

264. Number. The numbers are three — singular, dual,
and plural.

a. A few words are used only in the plural: as d&ris wife, Apas water;
tho numeral dva éwo, is dval only; and, as in other languages, many words
are, by the nature of their use, found to occur only in the singular.

265. As to the uses of the numbers, it needs only to be remarked
that the dual is (with only very rure and sporadic exceptions) used
strictly in all cases where two objects are logically iudicated, whether
directly or by combination of two iudividuals: thus, givé te dyd-
vaprthivi ubhé stam may heaven and earth both be propitious to thes!
ddivash ca m&nugamh ca hot&réu vetvd having chosen both the divine
and the human sacrificers; pathor devay&nasya pityydnasya ca of
the two paths leading respectively to the gods and to the Futhers.

89 CASES. [(—268

a. The dual is usod alone (without dva two) properly when the
duality of the objects Indicated is well understood; thus, agvin&u the tro
Agvins ; {ndrasya hari Indra’s two hays; but tasya dvav agvaéu stah
he has two horses. But now and then the dus] stands alone pregnantly:
thus, vedarh ved&u veddn v& one Veda or two or more than tico;
ekagagte gate two hundred and sixty-one.

266. Case. The cases are (including the vocative) eight:
npminative, accusative, instrumental, dative, ablative, gen-
itive, locative, and vocative.

a. The order in which they are here mentioned {fs that*established for
them by the Hindu grammerians, and accepted from thesd by Western
scholars. The Hindu names of the cases are founded on this order: the
nominative is called pratham4 first, the accusative dvitiy& second, the
genitive gagthi sixth (sc. vibhakti division, i. e. case), ete. The object
sought in the arrangement is simply to set next to one another those cases
which are to a greatcr or luse extont, in one or another number, fdentical
in form; and, putting the nominative first, as leading case, there fs no
other order by which that object could be attained. The vocative is not
considered and named by the native grammeariane as a case like the rest;
in this work, it will be given in the singular (where alone it is ever dis-
tinguished from the nominative otherwise than by accent) at the end of the
series of cases.

A compendious statement of the uses of the cases is given in
the following paragraphs:

2367. Uses of the Nominative. The nominative is the case
of the subject of the sentence, and of any word qualifying the sub-
ject, whether attributively, in apposition, or as predicate.

268. One or two peculiar constructions call for notice:

a. A predicate nominative, instead of an objective predicate in the
accusative, is used with middle verb-forms that signify regarding or calling
one’s self: thus, somath manyate papiv&n (RV.) he thinks he has been
drinking soma; 8& manyeta pur&navit (AV.) he may regard himself as
wise in ancient things; durgad v& Aharté ’vocath&h (MS.) thou hast
claimed to be a savior out of trouble; {ndro br&hmano bruavanah
(TS.) Indra pretending to bea Brahman, katthase satyavadi(R.) thou
boastest thyself truthful. Similarly with the phrase rfipath ky: thus,
krgnd riipdémh krtvd (TS.) taking on a black form (i. e. making shape
for himself as one that ts black).

b. A word made by iti (1102) logically predirare to an object is
ordinarily nominative: thus, svargo lok& {ti yarh vAdanti (AV.) that
they call the hearenly world, tam agnigtoma ity Acakgate (AB.) «3
they style agnigtoma; vidarbharaéjatanayémh damayanti ’ti viddhi
mm (MBh.) know me for tre Vidarbha-king's daughter, Damayanti by

268—] IV. DECLENSION. 90

name. Both constructions are combined in ajiazh hi bdlam ity éhub
pite "ty eva tu mantradam (M.) for to an ignorant man they give the
name of ‘child’, but that of ‘father’ to one who tmparts the sacred texts.

c. A nominative, instead of a second vocative, is sometimes added to
a vocative by ca and: thus, {ndrag ca sémamm pibatam brhaspate
(RV.) together with Indra, do ye two drink the soma, O Brhaspati! wigve
dev& yajamanag ca sidaté (TS.) O ye All-Gods, and the sacrifcer,
take seats!

269. Uses of the accusative. The accusative is especially
the case of the direct object of a transitive verb, and of any word
qualifying that object, as attribute or appositive or objective predi-
cate. The construction of the verb is shared, of course, by its par-
ticiples and iufinitives; but also, in Sanskrit, by a number of other
derivatives, having a more or less participial or infinitival character,
and even sometimes by nouns and adjectives. A few prepositions
are accompanied by the accusative. As less direct object, or goal
of motion or action, the accusative is construed especially with verbs
of approach and address. It is found used more adverbially as ad-
junct of place or time or manner; and a host of adverbs are accus-
ative cases in form. Two accusatives are often found as objects of
the same verb.

270. The use of the accusative as direct object of a transitive verb
and of its infilnitives and participles hardly needs illustration; an example
or two are: agnim ide I praise Agni; ndmo bharantah bringing
homage; bhtiyo d&tum arhasi thou shouldst give more. Of predicate
words qualifying the object, an example is tam ugréth krnomi téth
brahmanam (RV.) him I make formidable, him a priest.

271. Of verbal derivatives having so far a participial character that
they share the construction of the verb, the variety is considerable: thus —

a. Derivatives in a from desiderative stems (1038) have wholly the
character of present participles: thus, damayantim abhipsavah (MBhb.)
desiring to win Damayanti; didrkgur janakdtmajim (R.) destring to
see Janaka's daughter. Rarely, also, the verbal uoun in & from such a root:
thus, svargam abhikd&fikgayd (R.) with desire of paradise.

b. So-callud primary derivatives in im have the same character: thus,
mah kAmin) (AV.) doving me; enam abhibhd&gin! (MBh.) addressing
Aim. von tho obviously secondary garbhin has in CB. the same cou-
struction: thus, sdrvani bhatani garbhy abhavat he became pregnant
with ald beings.

OG. Derivatives in aka, in the later language: as, bhavantam abhi-
vadakah (MBb.) intemding to salute you; mithildm avarodhakab (R.)
besreging Afsthild.

d. Nouns in tar, very frequently in the older language, and as peri-
phrastio future forme (9428 4.) in the later: thus, hénté yd vetraéth

9! Uses or THE ACCUSATIVE. [273

sdnito ’t& vajamh ddt&é maghdni (NV.) who slayeth the dragon, winneth
booty, bestoweth largesacs; tdu hi ’darh sarvath hart&r&éu (JB.) for
they seize on this universe; tyakt&rah sarhyuge prAnan (MBb.) risking
life in battle.

e. The root itself, in the older language, used with the value of a
present participle at the end of a compound: thus, ydth yajfiash paribhiir
&ai (RV.) what offering thou surroundest (protectest); &him apéh pari-
etham (RV.) the dragon confining the waters. Also a supcriative of a
root-stem (468, 471): thus, tvazh vasu devayaté vanigthah (RV.) thou
art chief winner of wealth for the pious; t& somath somapatamA (RV.)
they two are the greatest drinkers of soma.

f. The derivative in i from the (especially the reduplicated) root, in
the older language: thus, babhr{r vdéjrazn papfh sémath dadir gah
(RV.) bearing the thunderbolt, drinking the soma, bestowing kine; yajfiam
&tanih (RV.) extending the sacrifice.

g. Dorisatives in uka, very frequontly in the Rrahmana language:
thus, vatsdne ca ghatuko vfkah (AV.) and the wolf destroys his calves;
véduko vaso bhavati (TS.) he twins a garment; kAmuk& enath striyo
bhavanti (MS.) the women fall in love with him.

h. Other cases are more sporadic: thus, derivatives in a, as {ndro
dygh& cid Arujah (RV.) Indra breaks up even what ts fast; nai ‘vd
*rhah p&itrkam riktham (M.) by no means entitled to his father's
estate; — in atnu, as vidu cid drujatnubhih (RV.) with the breakers
of whatever ts strong;-——in atha, as yajéthadya devin (RV.) to make
offering to the gods; —-in ana, as tath nivdrane (Mbh.) #8 restraining
him; svam&nsam iva bhojane’(R.) as if in eating one’s own flesh; —
in ani, as samatsu turvdnih .prtanytin (RV.) overcoming foes in
combats; — in ti, as n& tath dhiirt{h (RV.) there ts no injuring him; —
in van, as Apacciddaghva ’nnam bhavati (MS.) he does not come
short of food,— in enu, as sthiraé cin namayignavah (KV.) bowing
even firm things.

2723. Examples of an accusative with an ordinary noun or adjective
are only occasional: such words as anuvrata faithful to, pratiripa
corresponding to, abhidhrgnu daring fo cope with, pratydific opposite
to, may be regarded as taking an accusative in virtue of the preposition they
contain; also Anuka, as anuk& deva vérunam (MS.) the gods are tnferior
fo Varuna. RV. has tam antarvatih pregnant itth him; and AV. has
math kdmena through loving me.

373. The direct constrnction of cases with prepositions is compara-
tleely restricted in Sanskrit (1IBSM.). With the accusative are oftenest
found prati, opposite t, in reference to, etc.; also anu after, in the course
of, antar or antera between; rarely ati across; abhi against, to; an:
others (1128). Case-forms which have assumed a prepositional value ara
also often, uscd with the accusative: as antarena, uttarena, dakginena,
avarena, firdhvam, rte.

374—] DECLENSION. 92

274. The accusative is very often found also as object of verbs which
in the related languages are not transitive.

a. It stands especially as the goal of motion, with verbs of going,
bringing, sending, and the like: thus, vidarbhin agaman (MBb.) they
went to Vidarbha; divath yayuh (MBh.) they went to heaven; vanagul-
man dhd&vantah (MBh.) running to woods and bushes; apd d{vam ud
vahanti (AV.) they carry up waters to the sky; devin yaje (AV.) I
make offering to the gods.

b. With verbs meaning go, this is an extremely common construction ;
and the use of such a verb with an abstract noun makes peculiar phrases
of becoming: thus, samataém eti he goes to equality (i. 0. becomes equal);
sa gacched badhyatéam mama (MbBh.) he shall become liable to be slain
by me; sa paficatvam adgatah (H.) he was resolved into the five elements
(underwent dissolution, died).

c. Verbs of speaking follow the same rule: thus, tam abravit he
said tohim;, praékrogad uccadir ndigadham (MBh.) she cried out loudly
to the Nishadhan; yas tvo ’v&ca (AV.) who spoke to thee.

da. The assumption of an accusative object is exceptionally easy in
Sanskrit, and such an object is often taken by a verb or phrase which is
strictly of intransitive character: thus, sAhasa pra ‘sy anyan (RV.) in
might thou excellest (lit. art ahead) others; devaé va{ brahma shim
avadanta (MS.) the gods were discussing (lit. were talking together)
~brahman; antaér va{ m& yajiiad yanti (MS.) surely they are cutting
me off (lit. are going between) from the offering: tath sdth babhiiva
(QB.) Ae had intercourse with her.

376. Examples of the cognate accusative, or accusative of implied
object, are not infrequent: thus, tapas tapyamahe (AV.) we do penance;
té hai ’tdm edhatam edhidth cakrire ((B.) they prospered with that
prosperity; ugitvA sukhavadsam (R.) abiding happily.

376. The accusative is often used in more adverbial constructions.
Thus:

a. Occasionally, to denote measure of space: thus, yojanagatarh
gantum (MBh.) to go a hundred leagues; gad ucchrito yojandni (MBh.)
six leagues high.

b. Much more often, to denote measure or duration of time: thus, a&
saihvatsardm ardhv6d ‘tigthat (AV.) he stood a year upright; tisrd
ratrir dikgitah sy&t (TS.) Jet Aim be consecrated three nights; gatva
trin ahoratraén (MbBh.) Aaving traveled three complete days.

c. Sometimes, to denote the point of space, or, oftener, of time: thus,
ydm asya digath désyuh syat ((B.) whatever region his enemy may
be sn; ténai ‘tach ratrith saha” jag&éma ((B.) he arrived that night.
with him; ima&th rajanith vyugtam (MBhb.) this current night.

d. Very often, to denote manner or accompanying circumstance.
Thus, the neuter accusative of innumerablo adjectives, simple or compound

93 USES OF THE ACCUSATIVE. [279

(1111), is used adverbially, while certain kinds of compounds are thus
used to such an cxtcnt that the Hindu grammarians have made of them a
special adverbial class (1313).

e. Special cases. are occasionally met with: thus, brahmacéryam
uvisa (C(B.) he kept a term of studentship; phalath pacyante (MS.) they
ripen their fruit; gith divyadhvam (MS., 8.) gamble for a cove.

2377. The accusative is, of course, freely used with other cases to limit
the same verb, as tho sense requires. And whenever it is usabic with a
verb in two different constructions, the verb may take two accusatives. one
in each construction: and such combinations are quite frequent in Sanskrit.
Thus, with verbs of appealing, asking, having recourse: as, apO y&éc&mi
bhegajam (RV.) I ask the waters for medicine; tv&am ahath satyam
icch&mi (I.) I desire truth from thee; tvith vayath garanath gat&éh
(MIBh.) we have resorted to thee for succor; — with verbs of bringing,
sending, following, imparting, saying: as, gurutvath nararh nayanti (H.)
they bring a man to respectahility; sit& c& ’nvetu mam vanam (R.)
und let Sita accompany me to the forest; supégasam ma ’va syjanty
&stam (RV.) they let me go home well adorned, tam idam abravit (MBh.)
this he said to her ; — and in other less common cases: ae, vp kgath pakvdém
phalamh dhiinuhi (RV.) shake ripe fruit from the tree; tdth vigdm
evi "dhok (AV.) poison he milked from her; jitv& rijyath nalam
(MBh.) having won the kingdom from Nala; 4mugnitah panith géh (RV.)
ye robbed the Pani of the kine; dragtum icch&évah putram paccimadar-
ganam (k.) we wish to see our son for the last time.

a. A causative form of a transitive verb regularly admits two accu-
sative objects: thus, devAnh ucatah p&yayé havih (RV.) make the eager
gods drink the oblation; Ogadhir evé phaélamh gr&hayati (MS.) he makes
the plants bear fruit; vanijo d&épayet kar&n (M.) he should cause the
merchants to pay taxes. But such a causative sometimes takes an instru-
mental instead of a second accusative: sce 382 b.

378. Uses of the Instrumental. The instrumental is orig-
inally the wsth-case: it denotes adjacency, accompaniment, sssociation
— passing over into the expression of means and instrument by the
same transfer of meaning which appears in the English prepositions
with and by.

@. Nearly all the uses of the case are readily dedacible from this
fundamental meaning, and show nothing anomalous or difficult.

279. The instrumental is often used to signify accompaniment: thus,
agn{r devébhir & gamat (RV.) may Agni come hither along with the
gods; marudbhi rudram huvema (RV.) we would call Rudra with the
Maruts; dv&parena sah&yena kva yadsyasi (Mf&h.) whither tilt thou
go, with Drapara for companion? kathayan néigadhena (MBh.) talking
with the Nishadhan. But the relation of simple accompaniment is more
often helped to plaincr expression by prepositions (saha ctc.: 384).

28u— | LV. DECLENSION. 4

280. The instrumental of means or instrument or agent is yet more
frequent: thus, bhadréth k4érnebhih gpnuyfima (RV.) may we hear
with our ears what ts propitious; gastrena nidhanam (MBh.) death by
the sword; kecit padbhydmh hat&é gajdib (MBb.) some were slain by the
elephants with their feet; pythak panibhy&th darbhatarunakidir
navanitend *hgugthopakanigthikaébhy&m akgini djya (AGS.) anoint-
ing their eyes with fresh butter, by help of the bunches of darbha-grass,
with the thumb and ring-finger, using the two hands successively. And
this passes easily over into the expression of occasion or reason (for which

the ablative is more frequent): thus, kppay& through pity; tena satyena
tn virtue of that truth.

281. Of special applications, the following may be noticed:

a. Accordance, equality, likeness, and the like: thus, samézh jydétib
siiryena (AV.) a brightness equal with the sun; yegim ahath na
pa&darajasé tulyah (MBhb.) ¢o the dust of whose feet I am not equal.

b. Price (by which obtalned): thus, dagA4bhih krinéti dhentbhih
(RV.) he buys with ten kine; gavath gatasahasrena diyat&th cabalié
mama (R.) let Cabala be given me for a hundred thousand cows; sa te
‘kgahrdayauh d&té rajé ‘gvahrdayena vAi (MBh.) the king will give
thee the secret sctence of dice tn return for that of horses.

c. Medium, and hence also space or distance or road, traversed: thus,
udné n& névam anayanta (RV.) they brought (him) as it were a ship
by water; 6 "hd y&tarh path{bhir devaydndih (RV.) come hither by
god-traveled paths; jagmur vih&yasé (MBh.) they went off through
the air.

d. Time passed through, or by the lapse of which anything is brought
about: thas, vidarbhin y&tum icchimy ek&hn& (MBh.) I wish to go
to Vidarbha tn the course of one day; te ca kdlena mahat&é yAuvanam
pratipedire (R.) and they tn a long time attained adolescence, tatra
kAlena jdyante mdnav& dirghajivinah (M.) there tn time are born
men long-lived. This use of the instrumental borders upon that of the
locative and ablative. .

@. The part of the budy on (or by) which anything is borne is usually
expressed by the instrumental: as, kukkurah skandheno ‘hyate (H.)
@ dog ts carried on the shoulder; and this construction is extended to such
cases as tulayaé krtam (H.) put on (i.e. so as to be carried by) a balance.

f. Not infrequent are sach phrases as bahund&d kim praldpena (R.)
what as the use of (i.e. ts gained hy) much talking? ko nu me jivitenad
*rthah (MBhb.) what object ts: life to me? nirujas tu kim dugadhdih
(H.) but what has a well man to do with medicines?

g@. An instrumental of accumpaniment is occasiunally used almost or
quite with the valuc of an instrumental absolute: thus, na tvay& “tra
maya ’vasthitena k& ‘pi cinté ka&ry& (Pafic.) with me at hand, thou
need'st feel no anzicty whatever on this point.

95 USES OF THE INSTRUMENTAL. [—28e

282. a. The construction of a passive verb (or participle) with an
instrumental of the agent is common from the earliest period, and becomes
decidedly more so later, the passive participle with instrumental taking to
no amal extent the place of an activo verb with its subject. Thus, yaména
dattéh (RV.) given by Fama; feibhir fdyah (RV.) to be praised by
sages; vyfdhena jalath vistirnam (I1.) by the hunter a net [was| spread;
tac chrutvé jaradgavecno ’ktam (H.) Jaradgava, hearing this, said;
may& gantavyam (H.) J shall go. A predicate to the instrumental subject
of such a construction is, of courso, also in the instrumental: thus, adhun&
tav& ‘nucarena may& sarvathaé bhavitavyam (H.) henceforth I shall
always be thy companion; avahitéir bhavitavyath bhavadbhih (Vikr.)
you must be attentive.

b. A causative verb sometimes takes an instrumental instead of an
accusative as second object: thus, tath ¢qvabhih kh&dayed r&j& (M.)
the king should have her devoured by dogs; t& vdrunen& ’gr&hayat
(MS.) he caused Varuna to seize them.

383. Many instrumental constructions are such as call in translation
for other prepositions than with or by; yet the trno instrumental relation fs
usually to be traced, especially if the etymological sense of the words be
earefully considered.

a. More anomalously, however, the instrumental is used interchangeably
with the ablative with words signifying separation: thus, vatedf{r viyutah
(RV.) separated from their calves; m& 'hdm Atmané vi r&dhigi (AV.)
let me not be severed from the breath of life; sa tay& vyayujyata
(MBh.) he eoas parted from her; p&pmén&i val ’nath vi punanti (MS.)
they cleanse him from evil (compare English parled with). The samo
meaning may be given to the case even when accompanied by saha with:
thus, bhartr&é saha viyogah (MBh.) separation from her husband.

284. The prepositions taking the instrumental (1197) are those sig-
oifying with and the like: thas, saha, with the adverbial words containing
sa as an element, as sikam, s&rdham, saratham ;— and, in general,
a word compounded with sa, sam, saha takes an instrumental as its regular
and natural complement. But also the preposition vind wsthout takes
sometimes the instrumental (ef. 383 a).

285. Uses of the Dative. The dative is the case of the
indirect object—or that toward or in the direction of or in order
to or for which anything is or is done (either intransitively or to a
direct object).

a. In more physical connections, the uses of the dative approach those
of the accusative (the more proper to-case), and the two are sometimes
interchangeable; but the gencral value of the dative as the torrard- or for-
ease is almost everywhere distinctly to be traced.

286. Thus, the dative is used with —

@. Words signifying give, share out, assign, and the like: thas, yO na
dad&ti sakhye (RV.) who gives not toa friend; yacoh& ’smai ca4rma
(RV.) bestore upon him protection.

2486—| LV. DECLENSION. 96

b. Words signifying show, announce, declare, and the like: thus,
dhanur dargaya rfémiya (R.) show the bow to Rama; avir ebhyo
abhavat astiryah (RV.) the sun was manifested to them; ytuparnath
bhimaya pratyavedayan (MBh.) they announced Rituparna to Bhima;
tebhyah pratijidya (MBh.) having promised to them.

c. Words signifying give attention, have a regard or feeling, aspire,
aud the like: thus, nivegdya mano dadhuh (MBh.) they set their minds
upon encamping; ma&té ’va putrébhyo myda (AV.) be gracious as a
mother to her sons; kim asmdébhyath bynige (RV.) why art thou angry
at us? kémaya sprhayaty Atm& (Spr.) the soud longs for love.

d. Words signifying please, sust, conduce, and the like: thus, yadyad
rocate viprebhyah (M.) whatever ts pleasing to Brahmans; tad
&nantydya kalpate (KU.) that makes for immortality.

e. Words signifying inclination, obsisance, and the like: thas, maéhyazh
namantdém pradigag cAtasrah (RV.) let the four quarters bow themse!ves
to me; devebhyo namaskrtya (MBh.) having paid homage to the gods.

f. Words signifying hurling or casting: as yéna diddge dsyasi (AV.)
with which thou hurlest at the smpuous.

g- In some of these constructions the genitive and locative are also
used: see helow.

287. In its more distinotive sense, as signifying for, for the beneftt
of, with reference to, and the like, the dative is used freely, and in 3
great variety of constructions. And this use passes over into that of the
dative of end or purpose, which is extremely common. Thus, {gurh kyx-
vanad dsandya (AV.) making an arrow for hurling; gphnimi te séu-
bhagatvaya hdstam (RV.) J take thy hand in order to happiness; rigtréya
mahyamh badhyat&éth sapAdtmebhyah pardbhive (AV.) be s bound
on in order to royalty for me, sn order to destruction for my enemies.

a. Such a dative is much used predicatively (and oftenest with the
copula omitted), In the sense of makes for, tends toward; also ts wtended
for, and so must; or is liable fo, and so can. Thus, upsdego mirkhéparh
prakop&ya na cgdntaye (H.) good counsel (tends) to the exasperation,
not the conciliation, of fools; sa ca tasy&h sathtogfiya n& *bhavat (H.)
and he was not to her satisfaction; sugop& asi n& ddbhaya (RV.) ‘thou
art a good herdsman, not one for cheating (i. ©. not to be cheated).

b. These uses of the dative are in the older language especially illus-
trated by the dative infinitives, for which see 982.

288. The dative is not used with prepositions (1124).
289. Uses of the Ablative. The ablative is the from-case

in the various senses of that preposition; it is used to express removal,
separation, distinction, issue, and the like.

200. The ablativo is used where expulsion, removal, distinotion, re-
lease dofense, and other kindred relations are expressed: thus, té sedhanti
patho vfkam (AV.) they drive away the wolf from the path; ma pra

97 Uses oF THE ABLATIVE. [— 202

gama pathdh (RV.) may we not go aay from the path; oti va ega
yajiamukhat (MS.) he verily goes away from the face of the sacrifice;
Sré asmAd astu hetih (AV.) Jar from us be your missile; p&tazh no
vfkat (RV.) save ys from the wolf; dstabhnAd dydm avasrésah (RV.)
he kept (lit. made firm) the sky from falling.

201. The ablative is used where procedure or issue from something
as from a source or starting-point is signified: thus, qukra krsnfd aja-
nigtn (RV.) the bright one has been born from the black one; lobh&t kro-
dhah prabhavati (MBh.) passion arises from greed; v&tat te prandm
avidam (AV.) I have won thy life-breath from the wind; yé pracy& dicd
abhidasanty asmiin (AV.) tho attack us from the eastern quarter; tac
chrutv& sakhiganat (MBh.) having heard that from the troop of friends ;
vayur antarikead abhagata (MBh.) the wind spoke from the sky.

@. Hence also, procedure as from a cause or occasion is signified by
the ablative: this is especially frequent in the later language, and in tech-
nical phraseology is a standing construction; it borders on instrumental
constructions. Thus, vajrasya cugnad dadf&ra (RV.) from (by reason
of) the fury of the thunderbolt he burst asunder; yasya dandabhayat
serve dharmam anurudhyanti (MBh.) from fear of tchose rod ali are
eonstant to duty; akaéramicritatvad ekfrasya (Tribh.) because e@ con-
tains an element of a.

b. Very rerely, an ablative has the sense of after: thus, agacchann
ehoratrat tirtham (MBh.) they went to the shrine “fter a whole day;
takardt sak&re takdérena (APr.) after ¢, before 8, 13 tnserted t

293. One or two spocial applications of the ablative construction are
to be noticed:

a. The ablative with words implying fear (terrified recoi! from): thus,
tasyé jatdyah sdrvam abibhet (AV.) everything was afraid of her at
her birth; yasmad réjanta kystayah (RV.) at tchom mortals tremble;
yugmad bhiya (RV.) through fear of you; yasm&n no dvijate lokah
(BhG.) of tchom the world ts not afraid.

b. The ablative of comparison (distinction f-om): thus, pré ririce
diva {ndrah prthivyah (RV.) Indra is greater than the heaven and the
earth. With a comparative, or other word used in a kindred way, the abla-
tive is the regular and almost constant construction: thus, svAdéh svadi-
yah (RV.) sweeter than the sweet; kith tasm&d duhkhataram (MBhb.)
what ts more painful than that? ko mitr&éd anyah (H.) who else than a
friend; g& avynithaé mat (AB.) thou hast chosen the kine rather than me;
ajfiebhyo granthinah gresthaé granthibhyo dhérino vgr&h (M.)
possessors of texts are hetter than ignorant men; rememberers are better
than possessors; tad anydtra tvan n{ dadhmasi (AV.) we set this
down elsetchere (away) from thee; pirv& vigvasméd bhuvanat (RV.)
earlier than all beings.

Cc. Occasionally, a probably possessive genitive is used with the com-
parative; or an instrumental (a8 in a comparison of equality): thus,

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. ri

s02—] IV. DECLENSION. 9

na *sati dhanyataro mama (K.) there ts no one more fortunale Wen I
(i. e my superior in fortune); putrath mama pranair gariyasam
(MBb.) @ son dearer than my life.

da. Occasioually, an ablative is used iustead of a partitive genitive.
thus, mithundéd ekamh jagh&na (R.) be slew one out of the par;
tebhya ekam (KSS.) one of them.

203. The abletive is used with a yariety of ‘prepositions and words
sharing a propositional character (1128); but all these have rather an ad-
verbial value, as strengthening or defining the from-rxelation, than any
proper governing force. We may notice here:

a. In the Veda, Adhi and pari are much used as dirccting and stsongth-
ening adjuncts with the ablative: as, jato himévatas pari (AV.) born
from the Himalaya (forth); samudrad Adhi jajfiige (AV.) thos art
born from the ocean; cérantath pari tasthugah (KY.) moving fourth
from that which stands fast.

b. Also pura (and purds), in the sense of forward jrom, end hence
before: as, pura jarasah (RV.) before old aye: and hence also, with
words of protcction and the like, from: a3 gagamanah pura nidéeh
(RV.) securing from ill-will. ‘

c. Also a, in the sense of hither from, all the way from: os, Wrailad
Anu gugyatu (AV.) det i dry completely up from the root; tiwned A
nadyé nama stha (AV.) since that time ye are called rivers. Bat on:
ally, and especially in the later language, the measurement Gt intesval
impliol in a is reversed’ in direction, and the construction means ale 4:
way to, until: as yati girfbhya & samudrat (KV.) yoing from re
mountains to the ocean; & ’ay& yajihdsyo ’dfcah (VS.) until the cou! af
this sucrifice; & godagaét (M.) ésll the serteenth year; a praduuat (;, )
until her marriage.

204. Uses of the Genitive. a. The proper value cf the
genitive is adjectival; it belongs to aud qualifies a noun, desizuaii ys
somothing relating to the latter in 2 manner which theo uature cf the
case, or the connection, defines more nearly. Other genitive cen-
structions, with adjective or verb or preposition, appear to aria: ot
of this, by a more or less distinctly traceable connection.

b. The use of the genitive bas become much extended, eyp.-
cially in the later language, by attribution of a anvun-churacter to the
adjective, and by pregnant verbal construction, so that it often bears
the aspect of being a substitute for other cases— us dative, instru-
mental, ablative, locative.

296. The genitive in its normal adjective construction with a noun
or pronoun is classifiable iuto the usual varietics: as, genitive of possession
or appurtenance, including the complement of implied relstion — this Is,
as elsewhere, the commonest of all; the so-called partitive genitive: the
subjective and objective genitives; and so on. Genitives of apposition or

99 USES OF THE GENITIVE. [—297

eytivalenen (city af Rome), and of charartert-tle (man of honor), do not
ocenr, aml hardly that ¢f material (house of wood). Kxamples are: {ndra-
sya vajrah Jndra's thunderbolt; pit& putréndm father of sons; putrah
pituh son of the father; pituh kAmah putrasya the father's love of the
son; ke nah ihich of us; gatath d&ésinim a hundred female slaves.

a. The cxpression of possession etc. on the part of prononns is male
almvst cntfrely by the genitive case, and not by a derived possessive ad-
jective (616).

b. Exceptional cscs like nagarasya margah the road lo the city
(f. le chemin de Paris), yasy& "hath diita ipsitah (MBh.) as messenger
to whom I am wanted, ate occasionally met with.

296. The genttive fs dependent on an adjective:

a. A so-called partitive genitive with a superlative, or another word
of similar substantival vstue: thus, greg¢harh viranadm hest of heroes:
virudhim viryavati (AV.) of plants the mighty (mightiest) one.

b. Very often, by a transfer of the possessive genitive from noun to
adjective, the adjective being treated as if it had nonn-valuc: thns, tasya
samah or anurfipal or sadrgah resembling him (i. ¢. his like); tasya
priya dear to him (his dear one); tasy& ’viditam tnknown to him (his
unknown thing); havyag carganinam (RV.) to he sacrificed to by mortals
(their ohject of sacrifice); ipsito naran&rindm (MBh.) desired of men
and women (their ohject of desire); yasya kasya prasiitah (H.) of
whomsaoevcr horn (his son); hantavyo ‘emi na te (MR) 7 an not to
he slain of thee; kim arthindmh vaficayitavyam asti (11) why should
there be a deceiving of suppliants?

c. In part, by a construction similar to that of verbs which fake a
gcnitive object: thas, abhiji® rfjadharmanadm (R.) wderstanding the
duties of a King.

397. The genitive as object of a verb is:

a. A possessive genitive of the recipient, by pregnant constreetion,
with verbs signifying give, unpart, communicate, and the like: thas, varan
pradéy& ‘sya (MBh.) having bestowed gifts upon him (made them his by
hestmeal); rajio niveditam (I!.) it was made knawcn to the king (made
his by knowledge); yad anyasya pratijiaya punar anyasya diyate
(M.) that after being promised fo one she is given to another. This con-
struc fon, by which the genitive becomes snbstitute for a dative or lccative,
ahononds in the later language, and {3s extended somctimes to problematic
and difficult cases.

b. A (in most cases, probably) partitive genitive, aa a tes? complete
cr loss absolute object than an acensative: thus, with verbs meaning partake
(eat, drink, cte.), 16 piba sutdsya (AV.) drink (of) the soma, madhvah
payaya (RV.) cause fo drink the sweet draught, — with verbs meaning
impart (of the thing imparted) cte., as daddta no amftasya (RV.) Arstow
upon us immortality; — with verbs meaning enjoy, he satisfied or filled

i*

206—] IV. DECLENSION. 100

with: as, m&tsy 4ndhasah (RV) do thou enjoy the juice; Ajyasya
pirayanti (S.) they All with butter; — with verbs meaning perceive, note,
care fur, regard with feeling of various kinds: as, vabigthasya stuvata
indro agrot (RV.) Indra listened to Vastshtha who was praising him;
yathd mama emérat (AV.) that he may think of me; tasya cukopsa
(MBh.) Ae was angry at him.

0. A genitive of more doubtful character, with verbs meaning rule or
have authority: as, tv4m igige vasindm (RV.) thou art lord of good
things; yath& "hém egamh virdjdni (AV.) that I may rule over them;
katham mptyuh prebhavati vedacdéstravidim (M.) how has death
power over those who know the Vedas and treatises?

da. A genitive, inatead of an ablative, is sometimes found used with a
verb of receiving of any kind (hearing included), and with one of fearing:
thue, yo r&jiah pratigghna&ti lubdhasya (M.) whoever accepts a gift
from a greedy king; gpgu me (MBh.) learn from me; bibhimas tava
(MBb.) we are afraid of thes.

208. A genitive in its usual possessive sense is often found as predi-
cate, aud not seldum with the copula omittod: thus, yéthd ‘so méma
kévalah (AV.) that thou mayest be wholly mine; sarvih sampattayas
tasya sarhtugtarzh yasya mdnasam (H.) ali good forlunes are his who
hus u contented mind; — as objetive predicate, bhartuh putram vijé-
nanti (M.) Gey recognise a son as the husband's.

200. a. The prepositional constructions of the gc nitive (1130) are for
thy must part with such prepositions as are really noun-casus and have the
governmeut of such: thus, agre, arthe, krte, and the like; also with
other prepositional words which, in the general looseness of use of the
gouitive, have become assimilated to these. A few more real prepositions
tako the genitive: either asually, like upéri abore, or occasionally, like
adhas, antar, ati.

b. A genitive is occasionally used in the older language with an
adverb, either of place or of time: thus, yatra kva ca kurukgetrasya
(CB.) in whatever part of Kurukshetra; yatra ta bhiimer jdyeta (MS.)
on what spud of earth he may be born; idanim éhnah (RKV.) af this
time of the day, yaayd ratryébh praétah (MS.) on the morn of what
night; dvih sathvatsarasya (K.) fwice a year. Such expression as the
laet occur also later.

300. a. The genitive is very little used adverbially; a few genitives
vf time occur in the older language: as, aktos by night, vastos by day;
aud there are found later such cases as kasya cit kdlasya (C) after «
coréusn Gime; tatah kdlasya mahatah prayaydu (R.) then after a long
time he went forth.

b. A genitive, originally of possession, passing over into one of general
concerhment, comes in the later language (the construction is unknown
eatlier) to be used aSeolutely, with am agreeing participle, or quite rarely

101 Uses OF THE LOCATIVE. {—302

an adjective. Form such cases an the following — pacyato bakamirkha-
sya nakuladir bhaksgitah suta&h (I!.) of the foolish heron, while he
lnoked on, the yung ircre caten hy the tchneumons, ot gato ‘rdharatrah
kath&éh kathayato mama (KSS.) half my night was passed wn telling
storics, or kartavyasya karmanah kgipram akriyamdnasya k&lah
pibati tadrasam (H.) of a tcork needing to be done but left undone time
quickly drinks up tts essence — come into currency, by increasing indepen-
dence of the genitive, such other cases as: divanh jag&ma munindimh
pacyatdib tada (R.) he went then to heaven, the ascetics lookiny on; evath
ldlapatas tasya devadiitas tad& "bhyetya v&kyam &ha (MBhb.) az he
thus lamented, a divine messenger coming addressed him; iti vadina ev&
*eya dhenur Avavrte van&t (Ragh.) while he thus spoke, the cow came from
the forest. Tho genitive always indicates a living actor, and the participle is
usually one of seeing or hearing or uttering, especially the former. The con-
struction Is said by the Hindu grammarians to convey an implication of disregard
or despite; and such is often to be recognized in it, though not prevallingly.

301. Uses of the Locative. a. The locative is properly the
sn-case, the case expressing situation or location; but its sphere of
use has been somewhat extended, so as to touch and overlap the
boundaries of other cases, for which it seems to be a substitate.

b. Unimportant variations of the sense of in are those of amid
Or among, on, and at. Of course, also, situation in time as well as
place is indicated by the case; and it is applicd to yet Icss physical
relations, to sphere of action and feeling and knowledge, to state of
things, to accompanying circumstance; and out of this last grows the
frequent use of the locative as the case absolute.

ce. Moreover, by a pregnant construction, the locative is used
to denote the place of rest or cessation of action or motion (into or
on to instead of in or on; German in with accusative inatead of dative:
coimpare English there for thither).

308. a. The locative of situation in space hardly neods illustration.
An example or two are: yé devd divi stha (AV.) which of you gods
are in heaven; na devegu na yakgegu tidrk (MBh.) not among gods
or Yakshas ts such a one; parvatasya prethé (RV.) on the ridge of the
mountain; vidathe santu devah (RV.) may the gods be at the assembly ;
dacgame pade (MBh.) at the tenth step.

b. The locative of time indicates the point of time at which anything
takes place: thus, asyA ugdso vyustda (RV.) at the shining forth of
this datcn; etasminn dva kale (MBb.) at just thal time; dv&dace varge
(MBh.) s0 the twelfth year. That the aceusative is occasionally used in
this sense, instead of the locative, was pointed out above (276 c).

c. The person with whom, instead of the piace at which, one is or
remains ts put in the locative: thus, tiethanty asmin pacavah (MS.)
animals abide with him; gur&u vasan (M.) living at a teacher's; and,
pregnantly, tavat tvayi bhavigyA&mi (MBh.) so long will I cleave to thee.

303—! IY. DECLENSION. 102

303. The locative of sphere or condition or circamstat:ce is of ve-y
frequent use: thus, made Ahim {ndro jaghdna (RV.) in fury Indra slew
the dragon; mitrésya sumat&u sydma (RV.) may te be in the facor
of Mitra; te vacane ratam (MBh ) delighted in thy weres.

a. This construction is, on the one hand, generalized into an expres-
sion for in the matter or case of, or toith reference tv, respecting, and
takes in the later language a very wide range, touching upon genicive and
dative constructions: thus, 6 *mdth bhaja grame dcvegu gégu (AV.) be
generous to him in retainers, in horses, in cuttle; tam it sakhitva imahe
(BV.) him we beg for friendship; up&yo ‘yah maya drysta Anayane
tava (MBh.) ¢his means was devised by me for (with reference to) bringing
thee hither; satitve kdranaih striy&h (Il.) the cause of (in the cause of)
a@ woman's chastity; na gakto ‘bhavan nivdrane (MBh.) he was not
capable of preventing.

b. On the other hand, the expression by the lorative of a condition of
things in which anything takes place, or of a conditioning or accompanying
circumstance, passes over into a well-msrked absolute construction, which is
kuiown even in the earliest stage of the language, but becomes more frequent
later. Transitional examples are: hdve tvA siira idite have ma-
dhydéthdine divah (RV.) I call to thee at the arisen sun (when the sun
hus risen), I call ut midtime of the day; aparaddhe kyte ‘pi oa na me
kopah (MBb.) and even in case of an offence committed, there is na
unger on my part.

c. The normal condition of the absolute cunstruction is with a pasti-
ciple accompanying the noun; thus, stirné barhigi samidhané agn&éa
(RV.) when the barhis is strewcn und the fire kindled; kéle gubhe prapte
(MBb.) a propitious time having arrived; avasannaéyam ratrav ast&cala-
ciddévalambini candramasi (H.) the night having druwn to a close,
and the moon resting on the summyt of the western mountain.

d. But the noun may be wanting, or may be replaced by an adverbial
substitute (as evam, tathd, iti): thus, vargati when st rains; [stirye|
astamite after sunset; ddityasya dfgcyamane (S.) while there is seen
(sume part] of the sun; ity ardhokte (()) with these words hulf ultered;
asmaébhih samanujihate (MBb.) st being fully assented to by us; evam
ukte kalindé (MBh.) tt being thus spoken by Kali; tathaé ‘nugthite (li.)
st betng thus accomplished. So likewise the participle may be wanting (a
copula sati or the like having tu be supplied): thas, diire bhaye the cause
of fear being remote; while, on the other hand, the participle sati etc. is
sometimes redundantly added to the other participle: thus, tatha kpte sati
tt being thus done.

@. Tho locative is frequently used adverbially or prepositionally (1116):
thus, -arthe or -kyte tn the matter of, for the sake of, agre ena front
of; yte without; samipe neur.

304. The pregnant construction by which the locative comes to ex-
press the goal or object of motion or action or feeling exercised {s not

103 Usts oF tie LOCATIVE. | — 307

uncommon from the cariiest time. Pt is by no means to be sharply distta-
guished from the ordinary construction; the two pass into one another, with
a doubtful territory between. It occurs:

na. Especially with verbs, 18 of arriving, sending, placing, communi-
cating, bestowing, and many others, in eituations where an accusative or
a dative (or a genitive, 2397 a) might be lovked for, and exchangeable with
them: thus, 8& {d devégu gacchati (RV.) that, truly, goes to (to be amonq)
the gods; tmarh no yajham amftegu dhehi (RV.) set (his offering of
aurs anong the immortals; ya aésificanti rdsam ogadhigu (AV.) irho
pour im the juice into the plants (or, the juice that is in the plants); m&
prayacche “cvare dhanam (f1.) do not offer trealth to a lord; papata
mediny&m (MBh.) he fell to (so as to be upon) the earth; skandhe
kyptva (tC) puti:iig mm the shoulder; saragrutya pfirvam asmf&su (MBh.)
having before promised us.

b. Often also with nouns and adjertives in similar constructions (the
Instances not alwis3 easy to separate from those of the locative meaning
with reference do: above, 303 a): thus, day& sarvabhiitegu compaseson
foward all creatures; anurigath naigadhe (MBb.) affection for the
Nishadhan; rajd samyag vyettah sadk tvayi (MBhb.) the king has always
heharel properly toward thee.

SOR. Tho prepositions construed with the locative (1126) stand to it
only in the relation of adverbial elerocnts strengthening and directing its
meaning.

306. Declensional forms are made by the addition of
endings to the stem, or base of inflection.

a. ‘I'he stem itself, however, in many words and classes
of words, is liable to variation, especially assuming a stronger
form in some cases and a weaker in others.

b. And between stem and ending are sometimes inserted
connecting elements (or what, in the recorded condition of

the language, have the aspect of being such).

c. Respecting all these points, the details of treatment, as exhibited
by cach class of words or by single words, will be given in the following
chapters. Here, however, it is desirable also to present a brief general view
vf them.

307. Endings: Singular. a. In the nominative, the usual
mase. and fem. ending is s — which, however, is wanting in derivative
& and i-steins; it is also euphonically lost (1650) by consunant-stems.
Neuters in general hnve no ending, but show in this case the bare
stem; a-stems alone add m (as in the accus. masc.). Among the
pronouns, am is a frequent masc. and fem. nom. ending (and is found
even iv du. and pl); and veuters show a form in d.

307—} IV. DECLENSION. 104

b. In tho accusative, m or am is the masc. and fem. onding
—am being added after a consonant and ry, and after I and @ in the
radical division, and m elsewhore after vowels. The neuter accusative
is like the nominative.

c. The instrumental ending for all goudors alike is & With
final i- and u-vowels, the 4 is variously combined, and in the older
language it is sometimes lost by contraction with them. Stems in a
make the case end in ena (sometimes en& in V.), and those ia & make
it end in ay&; but instances occur, in the early language, of immediate
addition of & to both a and 4.

d. The dative ending is in general e; and with it likewise the
modes of combination of i and u final are various (and disappearance
by contraction not unknown in the oldest language). The a-stems
are quite irregular in this case, making it ond in &ya — excopted is
the pronominal element -sma, which combines (apparently) with e to
-emAi. In tho personal pronouns is found bhyam (or hyam).

e. A fuller ending Ai (like gen.-abl. 4s and loc. dm: see below)
belongs to feminine stems only. It is taken (with interposed y) by
the great class of those in derivative 4; also by those in derivative f,
and (as reckoned in the later language) in derivative &. And later
it is allowed to be taken by feminine stems in radical I and &, and—
even by those in i and u: these last have it in the earlivst language
in only exceptional instances. For the substitution of ai for abl.-gen.
as, see below, h.

f. The ablative has a special ending, d (or t), only in a-stems,
masc. and neut., the a being lengthened before it (except in the per-
sonal pronouns of ist and 2d person, which have the same ending
at in the pl., and even, in the old language, in the dual). Everywhere
else, the ablative is identical with the genitive.

g- The genitive of a-stems (and of one pronominal u-stom,
amu) adds sya. Elsewhere, the usual abl.-gen. ending is as; bat ite
irregularities of treatment in combination with a stem-final are con-
siderable. With i and u, it is either Cirectly added (only ia the old
language), added with interposed n, or fused to es and os respect-
ively. With y (or ar) it yields ur (or us: 169 b).

h. The fuller &s is takhon by feminine stems precisely as ai is
taken in the dative: see above. But in the language of the Brab-
manas and Sitras, the dative-ending ai is regularly and commonly used
inatexd of 4s, both of ablative and of genitive. See 365 d.

i. The locative ending is i in consonant- and fy- and a-stems
(fusing with a to e in the latter). The i- and u-stems (unless the
final vowel is saved by aa interposed n) make the case end in &u;
but the Veda has some relics or traces of the older forms (ay-i (?)
and av-i) out of which this appears to have sprung. Vedic locatives

105 CASE-ENDINGS. [—309

from t-stoms end also in & and ¥. Tho pronominal clomont -sma
makes the locative -smin. Stems fn an in the older language often
lose the i, and use the bare stem as locative.

j. The ending &m is the locative correspondent to dat. Ai and
abl.-gen. ds, and is taken under the same circumstances: see above.

k. The vocative (unless by accent: 314) is distinguished from
the nominative only in the singular, and not quite always there. In
a-stems, it is the unaltered stem, and so also in most consonant-stems;
but neuters in an and in may drop the n; ard the oldest language
has sometimes a vocative in s from stems in nt and hs. Stems in r
change this to ar. In masc. and fem. i- and u-stems, tho case ends
respectively in e and o; in neuters, in the same or in i and u. Stems
in & change & to e; derivative I and & are shortened; radical steins
in long vowels use the nominative form.

308. Dual. a. The dual bas—except so far as the vocative
is sometimes distinguished from nominative and accusative by a dif-
ference of accent: 314 — only three case-forms: one for pom., accus.,
and voc.; one for instr., dat., and abl.; and one for gen. and loc.

b. But the pronouns of ist and 2d person in the older language
distinguish five dun! cases: see 402 b.

c. The masc. and fem. ending for nom.-accus.-voc. is in the
later language usually &u; but instead of this the Veda has pre-
vailingly & Stems in & make the case end in e. Stems in i and u,
mase. and fem., lengthon those vowels; and derivative I in tho Veda
remains regularly unchanged, though later it adds Gu. The neuter
ending is only 1; with final a this combines to e.

d. The universal ending for the instr.-dat.-abl. is bhydm.
before which final a is made long. In the Veda, it is often to be
read as two syllables, bhiam.

e. ‘The universal ending of gen.-loc. is os; before this, a and
& alike becowe e (ai).

308. Plural. a. In the nominative, the general masculine
and feminine ending js as. The old language, however, often makes
the case in dsas instead of &s from a-stems, and iu a few examples
also from &-stems. From derivative i-stems, Is instead of yas is the
regular and usual Vedic forw. Pronominal a-stems make the masc.
nom. in e.

b. The neuter ending (which is accusative also) is in general i;
and before this the final of a stem is apt to be strengthened, by
prolongation of a vowel, or by insertion of a nasal, or by both. But
in tho Veda the hence resulting forms in Gni, ini, dni are frequently
abbreviated by loss of the ni, and sometimes by further shortening
of the preceding vowel.

a eS eS &~

me **

‘V. DRCLENSION. 106

_2e..°¢ cUsding is alav as in consonant-stems and
simu i t- amd G-stems and in the old language
_.. +tmwa .2 saart vowels lengthen those vowels and
cme . uf o@ Of which abundant traces remain),
ese & 2 ite Reuter, this case is like the nominative.
.. awsomeai. the case-ending ia cverywhere bhis
-yweee .a We later language the case always ends
a asauer <ither in dis or the more regular ebhis
. ,-sawasaa PoUBUUDS; and the pronominal stem a {601}

= =e

.
~ oi,

waa aviative have in the plural the same form,
yaa -u Veda often bhias!, before which only a
Suc the two personal pronouns distinguish
». wg << ske ablative the singular ending jas above
. « w wdive the peculiar bhyam (almost never iu
acs cy satead also into the singular.

:+u, he universal ending is 4m; which ‘except
Peer ud ua, and in a few scattering Vedic in-
‘wae su'ulg an inserted consonant, 6 in tho pro-
. weewtere, before n, a skort vowel is length-
wouce @ Tu the Veda, it is frequently to be
ew cendateg, a5 a-am
. .uttag is Su, Without any exceptions, and the

> at oO @ to e.
a tu the dual, differs from the nominative

> oa

mba ase

- @ ee “ot

~~ vauead atheme of endings, as recognized by
- aetsesitas and conveniently to be assumed as

sysstus ueaeriptions', is this:

Wages. Dual. Ploral.
a wmf oo. wf, op.
. a aul as
. Medd aus as i
a bhya4m bhis
; 2 vbhy am bhyas
_ roy bhyam bhyas
. res os am
t Os Bu

« scape & QR DY She CONSUNAaNntal stews aud by the rad-
ww, Boivuwa;, by uther yowel-stems, with wore or
rarasivig and medificatious. The cndipgs which
ccm ow ge ctnareken raoge, thruugh stems of all classes,
~ www ect) dval, and bhis, bhyas, am, aud su of the

a6 .

107 STRONG AND WEAK Sres. (—312

311. Variation of Stem. a. By far the most im-
portant matter under this head is the distinction made in
large classes of words (chiefly those ending in consonants)
between strong and weak stem-forms —a distinction stand-
ing in evident connection with the phenomena of accent.
In the nom. and accus. sing. and du. and the nom. pl.
the five cases whose endings are never accented: 316 8),
the stem often has a stronger or fuller form than in the
rest: thus, for example (424), {IIF1] rajin-am, Tare réjin-
Su, {HFT rajin-as, against {TAT r&ji-& and TPL rija-
bhis; or (450 b) TET] mahant-am and (447) Age adant-
am agaiost Weel mahat-& and 71 adat-8. These five,
therefore, are called the cases with strong stem, or, briefly,
the strong cases; and the rest are called the cases with
weak stem, or the weak cases. And the weak cases,
again, are in somo classes of words to he distinguished into
cases of weakest stem, or weakest cases, and cases of
middle stem, or middle cases: the former having endings
beginning with a vowel (instr., dat., abl.-gen., and loc. sing. ;
gen.-loc. du.; acc. and gen. pl.}; the latter, with a consonant
(instr.-dat.-abl. du.; instr., dat.-abl., and loc. pl.).

b. The class of strong cases, as above defined, belongs
only to masculine and feminine stems. In neuter inflection,
the only strong cases are the nom.-acc. pl.; while, in those
stems that make a distinction of weakest and middle form,
the nom.-acc. du. belongs to the weakest class, and the nom.-
ace. sing. to the middle: thus, for example, compare (408)
wats pratydiic-i, nom.-acc. pl. neut., and Wea praty-
aiic-as, nom. pl. masc.; Wetit pratic-i, nom.-acc. du. neut.,
and APT pratic-os, gen.-loc. du.,; Wh pratyék, nom.-
acc. sing. neut., and WMP pratyag-bhis, instr. pl.

312. Other variations concern chiefly the final vowel of a st-m, and
may be mainly left to be pointed out in detail below. Of consequence

312—] IV. DECLENSION. 108

enough to mention here is only the guna-strengthening of a final i or u,
which in the later language is always made before as of nom. pl. and e
of dat. sing. in masc. and fem.; in the Veda, it does not always take place;
nor is it forbidden in dat. sing. neut. also; and it is seen sometimes in
loc. sing. Final y has guya-strongthening in loc. sing.

313. Insertions between Stem and Ending. After vowel-stems,
an added n often makes its appearance before an ending. The appendage
is of least questionable origin in nom.-acc. pl. neut., where the interchange
in the old language of the forms of a- and i-stems with those of an- and
in-stems is pretty complete; and the u-stems follow their analogy. Else-
where, it ie most widely and firmly established in the gen. pl., where in
the great mass of cases, and from the earlicst period, the ending is virtu-
ally n&m after a vowel. In the i- and u-stems of the later language, the
instr. sing. of masc. and neut. is separated by its presence from the fem.,
and it is in the other weakest cases made « usual distinction of neuter forms
from masculine; but the aspsct of the matter in the Veda is very diferent:
there the appearance of the n is everywhere sporadic; the neuter shows no
special inclination to take it, and it is not excluded even from the femi-
nine. In tho ending ena from a-steme (later invariable, earlier predomi-
nating) its presence appears to have worked the most considerable trans-
formation of original shape.

a. The place of n before gen. pl. Am is taken by so in pronominal
a- and &-stems.

b. The y after & before the endings Ai, As, and &m is most probably
att insertion, such as fs made eluewhere (258).

Accent in Declension.

314. a. As a rule without exception, the vocative, if accented
at all, is accented on the first syllable.

b. And in the Veda (the case is a rare one), whonever a syllable written
as one is to be pronounced as two by restoration of a semivowel to vowel
form, the first elemont only has the vocative accent, and the syllable as
written is circumflex (83-4): thus, dyads (i. ec. diAus) when dissyllabic,
but dy&as when monosyllabic; jydke when for jfake.

c. But the vocative is accented only when it stands at the be-
ginning of a sentence —or, in verse, at the beginning also of a
metrical division or pada; elsewhere it is accentless or enclitic: thus,
4gne yéth yajiiath paribhtir Asi (RV.) O -Agni! whatever offering
thou protectest; but upa tv& ’gna 6 ’masi (RV.) unto thee, Agni, we
come.

ad. A word, or more than one word, qualifying a vocative — usnally
an adjective or appositive noun, but sometimes a dependent noun in the
gonitive (very rarely in any other case) — constitutes, so far as accent is

109 ACCENT. [—316

concerned, a unity with tho vocative: thus (all tho examples from RV.),
at the beginning of a pada, with first syllable of the combination accented,
{ndra bra&tah O brother Indra! réjan soma O king Soma! yavistha
dita most youthful messenger! hétar yavietha sukrato most youthful
skilled offerer! Grjo napat sahasvan mighty son of strength! —in the
interior of a pada, without acce:t, somasa indra girvanah the somas,
O song-loving Indra! t&év agvin& bhadrahast& supani ye, O algvins
of propitious and beautiful hands! & rajin& maha rtasya goph hither,
ye fico kingly guardians of great order!

e. On the other hand, two or more indcpendent or codrdinate vocatives
at the beginning of a pada are regularly and uoually both accented: thus,
pitar matah O father! O mother! agna {ndra véruna mitra dévah
Agni! Indra! Varuna! Mitra! gods! gatamiitte cadtakrato thou of
a hundred aids! of a hundred arts! vasigtha gukra didivah paivaka
heat, bright, shining, cleansing one! Urjo nap&ad bhadracoce son of
strength, propwiously bright one! But the texts offer occasional irregular
exceptions both to this and to the preceding rule.

f. For brevity, the vocative dual and plural will be given in the par-
adigims below along with the nominative, without taking the trouble to
sperify in cach instance that, if tho latter be accented cls: where than on
the first syllable, the accent of the vocative is different.

3156. As regards the other cases, rules for cl.ange of accent in
declension have to do only with monosyllables and with stems of
wore than onc syllablo which are accented ou the final; for, if a stem
be accented on the penult, or any other syllable further back — as
is sarpant, vari, bhagavant, sumadnas, sahdsravaja — the accent
reuiains upon that syllable through the whole inficction (except in the
vocative, as explained in the preceding paragraph’.

a. The only exceptions arc a few numeral stems: see 483.

316. Stems accented on the final (including monosy!lables) are
subject to variation of acccnt in declensiun chictly in virtue of the
fact that some of the endings have, while others have not, or have
in less degree, a tendency themselves to take the accent. Thus:

a. The endings of the nominative and accusative singular and dual
and of the nominative plural (that is to say, of the strong cases’ 311) bave
no tendency to take the accent away from the stem, and are therefore only
accented when a final ,owel of the stem aud the vowel of the ending are
blended together into a single vowel or dipht! ong. Thus, from datta come
dattau (= datta + du) and dattés (= datt& + as); bat from nadi come
nadyaa (= nadI } du) and nadyas (= nadi -+}- as).

b. All the other endings sumctimes take the accent; but those beginning
with a vowel (i. ec. of the weakest cases: 311) do so more readily than
thoso beginning with a consonant (i. e. of the middle cases: 311). Thus,
from n&éus come ndva and naubh{is; from mahaént. howcver, come
mahata but mahddbhis.

mace 110

~ 2s’ Je thus stated:

2. acic stems, the accent falls
-.2 ¥' Auut distinction of middle

--. ac, .’¥im, ndugi; vacl, vagbhis,

a3 e. as accent thronghout: thus.

»:.w. 360, 361 ¢, d, 3723,

ea oc cect Oftener accelted then
= fo &lier uation,

.@ «= -wusunants, only a few phift

aus “weakest (not the middle

. wis tom tudant, tudata ani
Bw -o ead sai tudatsu.

_ <se.4 participles, as mahata
, vee. ace 203 S¥Mabie charorter by
ais. vardare, damndés (trum majjar

wea oe dee the dil-rent declensions.

wes shew on banged acca:

see Cm Ge Ce emMed shore vawels
oe ce ww ul ot it cetaing its) syMahi-
— aesaga oT. 2 datta; agnind and aguaye
casa penis, abd so uu Otherwise
ae oohe 8 <.h.r the nal aod the ex!
> . eitiaia. dhendu, aguin, dhenis,

=

wot we lacavd into u semivowel befere
oem ome, DAahvos, efe

eed. ba tk aed BF Gay. aud a
te wet > patated by Oo tious

1s Beas 8
ey Atta on WV ete Jer.vative
navel p Ze a ~obd ed s . .
. bet VGEVIGADI off ace 1.
. 2
. of ee sees) Sap TADaD, dasacam.

mst. se al Clb oes Petar the

’ eats S$ oan. tee ees ANS tu th. cider
° ee Sr a, re re ek
; ear ew SE a Lt 2. ew SESF
. Pe er eee

an. toi

111 CLASSIFICATION. [—323

CHAPTER V.

NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES.

321. a. ‘lite accordance in inflection of substantive
anda adjective stems is so complete that the two cannot be
separated in treatment from one another.

b. They may be classified, for convenience of deserip-
fhan, as follows:
[. Stems in a;

If Stems au 2 i and Zou;

[1}. Stems in AT &, i, and GO: namely, A. radical-
etcms (and a fewothers inflected ike then; B. derivative stems:

[Vo Stems ou Foy (or WY ar);

\. Stems 'n consonants.

ec. Phere i nething absolute ia Chis etassifieation wa anercement;
it fs merely believe to be opow to as few objeciions os any ether. No
wepersl agreciuent bar been reached among ceholare as te the aunber and
vider of Saaskrit dectensions, ‘The stems fio a are here treatee thest beeaue
ot the great prevomiance et the las.

322. ‘Uh division-line beQwees oobacumtive aed apgestive. alwass
mouncertain cae he early Inde-Baropean lenguase, io ese wore
wavering im Saeskrit diam elsewhere ‘Chere ars, hawever, in all) the
deelensionsa as tisided above — unleas we except the sts in op or
nro -owendy whieh are distinetl) vdiectives: and, in peacral they
are inflected precisely like noun-stems of the seiue faals ony. among
consonant-atsiie, thers are certain sub-clisses of adjective otems with
peculiarities of jagection to which there ts amung vonas nothipg cor-
responding, But there are also two considerable classea of artiective-
compounds, requiring special notice: namely -

223. Compound adiectives having as final member a bare vechal
root, with tie value of a present participle (383 a Mf: thua, BuU-dpg eed!
eelang, pra-badh foredomeing; a-drdh vot hatiag, vedo-vidl beda
Rmoicing. vytrasain Vitra-slaytag; upastha-sad sing om sme dap
Lvery root is liable to be used iu this way, and such compowds are
net infrequent in cllages of the hingintge: see chapter on Compounds,

below 1268 .

77?

323—] V. NOUNS AND ADJEUTIVES. 112

a. This class is essentially only a special class of compound adjectives,
since in the earliest Veda the simple a3 well as the compounded root was
sometimes used adjectively. But the compounded root was from the beginning
much more often so used, and the later the more exclusively, so thet
practically the class is a separate and important one.

324. Compound adjectives having a noun as final member, but
obtaining an adjective sense secondarily, by having the idea of
possession added, and being inflected as adjectives in the three gen-
ders (1203 1.). Thus, prajéka&émé desire of progeny, whence the ad-
jective prajakama, meaning des.rous (i. e. having desire) of progeny;
sabhdrya (sa-+ bhary&) having one’s wife along; and so on.

a. In a few cases, also, the final noun is syntactically object of the
preceding member (1309-10): thus, atimatra smmoderate (ati mitram
beyond measure); yavaydddvegas driving away enemies.

325. Hence, under each declension, we have to notice how a
root or a noun-stem of that declension is inflected when final member
of an adjective compound.

a. As to accent, it needs only to be remarked here that a root-
word ending a compound has the accent, but (820) loses the peca-
Marity of monosyllabic accentuation, and does not throw the tone
forward upon the ending (except afic in certain old forms: 410).

Declension I.
Stems (masculine and neuter) in @ a.

326. a. This declension contains the majority of all the
declined stems of the language.

b. Its endings deviate more widely than any others
from the normal.

$37. Endings: Singular. a. The nom. masc. bas the normal
onding 8.

b. The acc. (masc. and neut.) adds m (not am); and this form has
the office also of nom. neuter.

c. The instr. changes a to ena uniformly in the later language; and
even in the oldest Vedic this is the predominant ending (in RV., cight
ninths of all cases). Its final is in Vedic verse frequently made long (en&).
But the normal ending & — thus, yajiid, suhdv&, mahitvé (for yajfiéna
otc.) — is also not rare in the Veda.

d. The dat. has dya (as if by adding aya to a), alike in all ages
of the language.

e. The abl. bas t (or doubtless d: it is impossible from the evi-
dence of the Sanskrit to tell which i8 the original form of the ending),

113 DEciension J., a-8TEMS. [329

before which a is madc long: this ending is found in no other noun-
declension, and elsewhere only in the personal pronouns (of all numbers).

f. The gen. bas sya added to the final a; and this ending is also
Hmited to a-stems (with the single exception of the pronoun amusgya:
5601). Its final a is in qnly three cases made long in the Veda; and its
y is vocalized (asia) almost as rarely.

g- The loc. ends in © (as if by combining the normal ending i with
the final of the stem), without exception.

h. The voce. is the bare stem.

328. Dual. a. The dual endings in general are the normal ones.

b. The nom., acc., and voc. masc. end in the later language always in
&u. In the Veds, however, the usual ending is simple & (in RV., in
seven eighths of the occurrences). The same cases in the neut. end in e,
which appears to be the resolt of fasion of the stem-final with the normal
ending I.

ec. The instr., dat., and abl. have bhy&m (in only one or two Vedic
instances resolved into bhidém), with the stem-final lengthened to & before it.

d. The gen. and loc. have a y inserted after the stem-final before os
(or as if the a had been changed to @). In one or two (doubtful) Vedic
instances (as also in the pronominal forms enos and yos), o&8 is substituted
for the final a.

329. Plural. a. The nom. masc. has in the later language the
normal ending as combined with the final a to &s. But in the Veda the
ending &sas instead is frequent (one third of the occurrences in RV., but
only ono twenty-fifth in the peculiar parts of AV.).

b. The aco. mase. ends in &n (for carlier @ns, of which abandant
traces are left in the Veda, and, under the disgu‘se of apperent euphonic
combination, even in the later language: see above, 206 ff.).

c. The nom. and acc. neut. have in the later language always the
ending Ani (like the an-stems: see 4231; or else with n, as in the gen.
pl., before normal 1). But in the Veda this ending alternates with simple
& (which in RV. fs to Ani: as three to two, in point of frequency; in AV.,
as three to four).

d. The instr. ends later always in Ais; but in the Veda is found
abundantly the more normal form ebhis (in RV., nearly as frequent as dis;
in AV., only one fifth as frequent).

e. The dat. and ab). bave bhyas as ending, with e instead of the
final a before it (as in the Vedic instr. ebhis, the loc. pl., the gen. loc.
du. (?], and the instr. sing.). The resolution into ebhias is not infrequent
in the Veda.

f. The gen. ends in An&m, the final a being lengthened and having
N inserted before the normal ending. The & of the ending is not seldom
(in less than half the instances) to be read as two syllables, aam: opinions
are divided as to whether the resolution {fs historical or metrical only. A

Whitsey, Grammar. 3. ed. 8

329—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 114
very small number (half-a-dozen) of examples of simple &m as ending
instead of An&m oceur in RV.

g- The loo. ends in egsu—that is to say, with the normal ending,
before which the stem-final is changed to e (with consequent change of 8
to g: 180).

h. Of accent, in this declension, nothing requires to be said; the
syllable accented in the stem retains its own accent throughout.

3380. Examples of declension. As examples of the
inflection of a-stems may be taken 4] kaima m. love;
aa devé m. god; BIE asya n. mouth.

Singular:
N. RUT eae aay
ka&mas devds &syam
A RTL Ecos ATE
kamam devam dsyam
1. aA eat ATEHA
kdimena devéna &syeéna
D. HVAT ‘eal area
kamiya devaya dsydya
Ab. eae
kaémat devat asyat
G. HRUTCT ATEAET
kamasya devdsya jsyasya
L. aaret a ATea
kame devé Asyé
Vv. ATA TET
kama déva dsya
Daal:
nav. a w sm
kimau devau Asyé
1D.Ab. ATP ATL aU
kamaébhy4m devaébhyam asydbhyim
GL. AUT OL: SUL §
kémayos devayos syayos
Plaral:
NV. TATE Care ATE
kamis devas dsyani

115 DECLENSION I., a-STEMS. [—332

A ATTFT Bec! FITETTTEA

~

kdman devan fsy&ni
an Fece aT
kdmA&is devalis Kayais
D.Ab. REPU, ua ATE OA
kAdmebhyas devébbyas &syébhyas
G8. RATAN, Tar ATEUTAT
kémA&nim devénim asyindim
LATA CY aTeay
kamegu devésu Asyéqu

Examples of the peculiar Vedio forms are:

a. Sing.: instr. ravathend, yajfid (such genitive forms as dAqvasifi
are purely sporadic).

b. Du.: nom. ete. masc. dev&; gen.-loc. pastyds (stem pastya).

c. Pl.: nom.-voc. mase. devdsas; neut. yugé; instr. devébhis; gen.
caréthim, devénaam.

331. Among nouns, there are no irregularities in this declension.
For irregular numeral bases in a (or an), see 483-4. For the irreg-
ularities of provominal stéms {on a, which are more or less fully
shared also by a few adjectives of pronominal kindred, see the chapter
on Pronouns (4965 ff).

Adjectives.

333. Original adjectives in a are an exceedingly large class, tho
great majority of all adjectives. There is, however, no such thing as
a feminine stem in a; for the feminine, the a is changed to & — or
often, though far less often, to 1; and its declension is then like that
of sen& or devi (364). An example of the complete declension of an
adjective a-stem in the three genders will be given below (368).

a. Whether a masc.-neut. stem in a shall form its feminine in & or
in f fs a question to be determined in great part only by actual usage, and
not by grammatical rule. Certain important classes of words, however, can
be pointed out which take the less common ending { for the feminine: thus,
1. the (very numerous) secondary derivatives in a with vpddhi of the first
syllable (12304): e. g. Amitr&é -tri, mdnuga -si, pAvamand -ni, p&ur-
pamaésd -af; 2. primary derivatives in ana with accent on the radical syllable
(1150): e. g. cddana -ni, sarhgrdhana -yi, subhdgathkérana -nI;
3. primary derivatives in a, with strengthening of the radical syllable,
having a quasi-participlal meaning: e. g. divakard -ri, avakrémé -mif,

ge

332—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 116

rathav&hé -hi (but there are many exceptiona); 4. secondary derivatives
in maya (1226) and tana (1245 e): ©. g. ayasmaéya -y!; adyatana
-ni; 5. most ordinal numerals (487 h): ©. g. paficamdé -mf, navadacé
-ci, trihgattama -mi. Not a few words make the feminine in either &
or {: e. g. kévalA or -li, ugra or -ri, p&p& or -pfi, r&m& or -mf; but
ordinarily only one of these is accepted as regular.

333. There are no verbal roots ending in a. But a is sometimes
substituted for the final 4 of a root (and, rarely, for final an), and it
is then inflected like an ordinary adjective in a (see below, 364).

3384. a. A noun ending in a, when occurring as final member of
an adjective compound, is inflected like an original adjective in a,
making its feminine likewise in & or i (367).

b. For the most part, an adjective compound having a noun in a as
final member makes its feminine in &. But there are numerous exceptions,
certain nouns taking, usually or always, I instead. Some of the commonest
of these are as follows: akga eye (ce. g. lohitaksi, dvyakgi, gavidkgi),
parna leaf (ce. g. tilaparni, saptaparni; but ekaparnaé), mukha face
(e. g. kygnamukhi, durmukhi; but trimukhd ctc.), afiga limb, body
(e. g. anavadyaiigi, sarvdigi; but caturang’ etc.), keca hair (e. ¢.
sukeci, muktakegi or -c&, etc.), karna ear (ec. g. mah&karni; but
gokarné etc.), udara belly (e. g. lambodari), mila root (ce. g. pafi-
camali; but oftener gatamilA etc.). The very great majority of such
nouns (as the examples indicate) signify parts of the body.

c. On the other hand, a feminine noun ending in derivative &
shortens its final to a to form a masculine and neuter base: see 867 o.

a. In frequent cases, nouns of consonant ending are, as finals of com-
pounds, tranaferred to the a-declension by an edded suffix a (12008 a) or
ka (1223).

Declension I.
Stems (of all genders) in 3 i and 3 u.

335. The stems in 3 i and 3 u are inflected in so close
accordance with one another that they cannot be divided
into two separate declensions. They are of all the three
genders, and tolerably numerous—those in 3 i more
numerous than those in 3 u, especially in the feminine

(there are more neuters in 3 u than in § i).

a. The endings of this declension also (differ frequently and
widely from the normal, and the irregularities in the older language
are numerous. :

$17 DECLENSION II., i- AND U-STEMS. [-836

336. Endinuga: Singular. a. Tho nom, masc, and fom, adds to the
stem the normal ending 8. The nom. and acc. neut. is the bare stem,
without ending. In the Veda, the final u of a few neuters is lengthened
(248 b): thus, urfi, purt.

b. The acc. masc. and fem. adds m to the stem. Vedic forms in iam
and uam, and, with n, inam and unam, are excessively rare, and doubtful.

c. The instr. fem. in the later language takes the normal ending &
simply, while the masc. and nent. insert n before it, making in&@ and und.
But in the Veda, forms in y& and v& (or iA and uA) are not infrequent
in masc. and neut. also; while in& is found, very rarcly, as a fem. ending.
Moreover, fem. y& is often (in two thirds of the occurrences) contracted to
J: and this fs even sometimes shortened to 1. An adverbial instr. in uya
from half-a-dozen stems in wu occurs.

d. The dat. masc, and fem. gunates the final of the stem before th:
ending @. making aye and ave. These are the prevailing endings in the
Veda likexise; but the more normal ye and ve (or ue) also occur; and
the fem. has in this case, as in the Instr., sometimes the form 1 for je.
In the later Janguage, the neuter is required in this, as in all the other
weakest cagcs, to insert n before the normal cnding: but In the Veda such
forms are only sporadic; and the neut. dat. has also the forms aye, ve,
ave, like the other genders.

e. The ebl. and gen. masc. and fem. have regularly, both earlior and
later, the ending s with gunated vowel before it: thus, es, o8; and in the
Veda, the neut. forms the cases in the same way; although unas, required
later, is also not Infrequent (inas does not occur). But the normal forms
yas (or ias) and vas (or uas) are also frequent in both masc. and neuter.
As mase. ending, unas occurs twice in RV. The anomalous didy6t (so TS. ;
in the corresponding passages, vidyot VS., didy&ut K., didivads MS.)
is of doubtful character.

f. Tha loc. masc. and fom. has for regular ending in the later lan-
gnase Au, replacing both finals, i and u. And this fs in the Voda also the
must frequent ending; but, boside it, the i-stems fourm (about half as often
in RV.) their loc. in &: thua, agna; and tbis fs found once even in the
neuter, The RV. has a number of cxzamples of masc. and neut. locatives
in avi (the normal ending and the uw gunated before it) from u-stems ;
and certain doubtful traces of a corresponding ayi from i-stems. Half-a-
dozen locatives in 1 (regarded by the Vedic grammarians as pragrphya or
uncombinable: 138d) are made from i-stems. The later language makes
the neuter locatives in ini and uni; but the former never occnrs in ths
oldest texts, and the latter only very rarely.

g. The later grammar allows the dat., abl.-gen., and loc. fem. to be
form d at will with the fuller fem. terminations of long-vowel stems, namely
&i, 1s (for which, in Brahmana etc., Ai is substitated: 307h), dm. Such
furs are quite rare in the oldest language even from i-stems (less than
40 ceenerences altogether in RV.; three times as many in AV.); and from
U-etems they are almost unknown (five in RV. and AV.).

s3e—] V. Nouns 4np ADJECTIVES. 118

h. The voc. gunates the final of the stem, in masc. and fem., alike
in the earlier and in the later language. In the neut., it is later allowed
to be either of the same form or the unaltered stem; and this was probably
the usage in the older time also; not instances enough are quotable to
determine the question (AV. has u onee, and VS. o once).

337. Daal. a. The later and earlier language agree in making the
nom.-acc.-voc. masc. and fem. by lengthening the final of the stem. The
same cases in the neuter (according to the rule given above) end later in
ini and uni, bat these endings are nearly unknown in the Veda (as, indeed,
the cases are of only rare occurrence): AV. has ini twice (RV. perhaps
once); VS. has uni once; RV. has ul from one u-stem, and I, once short-
ened to i, from one or two i-stems.

b. The unvarying ending of iostr.-dat.-abl., in all genders, is bhy&m
added to the unchanged stem.

c. The gen.-loc. of all ages add os to the stem in masc. and fom.;
in neut., the leter language interposes, as elsewhere in the weakest cases,
an; probably in the earlier Vedic the form would he like that of the other
genders; but the only occurrence noted is one unos in AV.

338. Plural. a. The nom.-voc. masc. and fem. adds the normal end-
ing as to the gunated stem-final, making ayas and avas. The exceptions
in the Veda are very few: one word (ari) has ias in both genders, and a
few feminines have Is (like I-stems); a very few u-stems have uas. The
neat. nom.-acc. ends later in ini and fini (like Ani from a: 889.0); but the
Veda has i and i (about equally frequent) mach oftener than Ini; and &
and (more usually) u, more than half as often as fini.

b. The accus. masc. ends in In and fin, for older Ins and fins, of
which plain traces remain in the Veda in nearly half the instances of occur-
rence, and even not iofrequently in the later language, in the guise of
phonetic combination (208 ff.). The accus. fem. ends in Is and fis. Bat both
masc. and fem. forms in ias and uas are found sparingly in the Veds.

GC. The instr. of all genders adds bhis to the stem.

d. The dat.-sbl. of all genders sdds bhyas (in V., almost never bhias)
to the stem.

e. The gen. of all genders is made alike in Infm and fin&m (of
which the & is not seldom, in the Veda, to be resolved into aam). Stems
with accented final in the later language may, and in the earlier always
do, throw forward the accent upon the ending.

f. The loc. of all genders adds su (as gu: 160) to the stem-final.

g- The accent is in accordance with the general rules already
laid down, and there are no irregularities cailing fur special notice.

339. Examples of declension. As models of i-stems
may be taken @ff] agni m. fre; Mf géti f. gait; any
vari n. water.

DBCLENSION II., i- AND U-8STEMS.

119
Singular:
N. ane
agnis
A. cli §
agnim
I. ATTAT
agning
D. aT
) agnaye
Ab. G cr
agnés
L. ait
agnau
v. AT
aégne
Dual:
N.A.V. iit
agni
1.D. Ab. ATP UT
agn{bhyam
G.L. TON
agnyos
Plural:
N. V. elt Lt
agndéyas
A. Ty
agnin
1. Tap TA
agnibhis
D.Av, ADU
agnibhyas
0. AAT
agniném
L. ATT
agnigu

afer

gatis

eT

nN

g4tim
Tea
gatya
Naa, Wea

gataye, gdtyai

TA, CUT

~
gatibhis

~N

gatibhyas

[—880 |

ay

viri

anf

vari
antgan
viérina
att
virine
arian
virinas
arigtin

vérini

att, art

vari, vire

arrfqatt
virint

anf

véribhyam

aif
vérini
arin
vérini
arithra

1
véribhis

arto aa,

varibhyas

aT

vérinaém

anity

virigu

340—|

V. NOUNS AND ADJROTIVRS. 120

840. In order to mark more plainly the absence in Vedic language of
some of the forms which are common later, all the forms of Vedic occurrence
are added below, and in the order of their frequency.

a. Singular.
b. Ace.:

above.

c. Instr.:

Nom. agn{s eto., as above.
masc. agnim, yayfam, Orm{nam(?); fem. and neut. as

masc. agnin&, rayy& and firmid; fem. dcitti, atid,

matyd, suvrkt{, dhds{n&; neut. wanting.
d. Dat.; masc, agndye; fem. tujdye, ati, turya{; neut. guoaye.

e. Gen.-abl.:
bhiimids; neut. bhiires.

f. Loc.: maesc. agn&éu, agnd, &jéyi(?); fem. agat&u, udita, dhé-

masc. agnés, &vyas, arias; fom. ddites, hetyfs and

nas&tayi(?), védi, bhfimy&m; neut. apraté, saptéragmau.
above (neut. wanting).

Nom.-aco.-voc.: masc. hari; fem. yuvati; neut. guci,
mAhi, harfoi(?).

g. Voc.: as
h. Dual.

i. Instr.-dat.-abl.:
j. Gen.-lec.:
k. Plural.

Nom.:

gaol, bhtiri, bhtirini.
1. Accus.: meso. agnin; fem. kgitis, gacayas(?).

m. Instr., dat.-abl., and loc. :

as above.
masc. harios; fem. yuvatyés and jdmidés; veut. wanting.
masc. agnéyas; fem. matéyas, bhtimis; neut.

as above.

n. Gen.: mase. fem. kavindm, fsinaam etc. (neut. wanting).
841. As models of u-stems may be taken {JW gdétru m.
enemy ; ay dhenu f. cow; 7Y mddhu n. honey.

N.

Ab. G.

I.

Singular:

alee R

g4trus

va

g4trum
Wau

~~
gétrunad
Wa
gatrave
TATA
gatros

gay

g4trau

~n

WAT
gatro

oye ae

dhenus médhu
Dae AY
dhenum maédhu
erat FLAT
dhenva maédhun&

a
dhenadve, dhenvéf mdédhune
Sarg, Oar AAA,
dhenés, dhenvés médhunas

at, Far UTA

dhen&u, dhenvaém médhuni
at FRY, FAT

dadhéno mAdhu, madho

421 DECLENSION II., i- AND U-STEMS. (343—
Deal:
NAV. OF Ww mrt
c™ oN ~
gatri dhenti madhuni
1D.Ab, STUNT FP Ur PUT
cétrubhyaém dhenubhyaém madhubhy4ém
ho ~ ~
GL. BAT aay TAY
N ‘N 2 ON
catrvos dhenvdés madhunos
Piural:
N.v. oTaaA Ora Ty
Le rane
catravas dhenavas madhiini
A. TAA Bees TITY
oNN oN ~
cétriin dhentis madhini
1 arab TH AAPL, TPT
cdtrubhis dhenubhis médhubhis
Dab, TD PIT PAL
cAtrubhyas dhenubhyas madhubhyas
6 TUT ORL TT
gatrindm dhenainam madhanan
1. TAY na TIT
catrugu dhentsgu madhugu

342. The forms of Vedic occurrence are given bere for the u-stems
in the same manner as for the i-stems above.

a. Singular. Nom.: masc. and fem. as above; nent. urt, urti.

b. Accus.: mase. ketum, &4bhiruam, sucetunam(’); fem. dhenum.

c. Instr.: masc. ketund, pacv& and kr&tu&; fem. &dhenud and
panvd, Aquyd; neut. madhund, médhva.

d. Dat.: masc, ketAave, cieve; fem. gdrave, {gvai; nevt. pacve(’),
urdve, mAdhune.

e. Abl.-gen.: masc. manyos, pitvds, cfrunas; fem. s{ndhos, {avas;
neut. médhvas and madhuas, médhos, madhunas.

f. Loc.: mase. piraéu, siindvi; fem. e{ndhadu, rajjvam; nent.
sdindu, sdnavi, séno, sdnuni.

g@. Voc.: as above.

h. Dual.
januni.

i. Instr.-dat.-abl.: as above.

j. Gen.-loc.: as above (but vos or uos).

k. Plural. Nom.: masc. pbhavas, mdadhuas and madhvas: fem.
dhendvas, catakratvas; neut. purtini, purt, purti.

Nom.-acc.-voc.: mase. and fem. as above: nent. urvi,

342—] V. NOUNS AND ADJSCTIVES. 122

1, Accus.: mase. yttin, pagvas; fom. {gis, madhvas.
m. Instr., dat.-abl., and loc.: a8 abovo; also gen. (but with the reso-
lution inaam in part).

343. Irregular declension. There are no irregular u-steme,
and only a very few i-stems.

a. Sakhi m. friend has for the five strong cases a peculiarly
strengthened base (vriddhied), namely saékhdy, which in the nom.
sing. is reduced to s&kha (without ending), and in the other cases
takes the normal endings. The instr. and dat. sing. have the normal
endings simply, without inserted n or guna; the abl.-gen. sing. adds
us; and the loc. sing. adds Su: the rest is like agn{. Thus:

Sing. e&khad, sdkh&yam, sdkhy&, sdkhye, sdkhyus, sékhy&u,
sdkhe; Du. s4khay&u, sdkhibhyd4m, sdkhyos; P). sAkhadyas, sékhin,
etc. eto.

b. The Veda has usually sAkhAy& du., and often resolves the y to i,
in s&khidé, sdkhius, etc. The compounds ere usually declined like the
simple word, uoless (1815 b) sakha be substituted.

©. There is a corresponding fem., sakbi (declined like devi: 864);
but the forms of sakhi are also sometimes found used with feminine value.

d. P&éti m. is declined regularly in composition, and when it has
the meaning lord, master; when uncompounded and when meaning
husband, it is inflected like sdkhi in the instr., dat., abl.-gen., and
loc. sing., forming patyad, pdtye, patyus, pdty&u. There are occasional
instances of confusiun of the two classes of forms.

e. For pati as final wember of a posscasive compound is regalarly
and usually substituted patni in the fom.: thus, jivapatni having a living
husband; d&sapatni having a barbarian for master.

f. Jéni f. wife has the gen. sing. janyus in the Veda.

g. Arf eager, greedy, hostile has in the Veda aryds in pl. nom. and
accus., masc. and fem. Its accas. sing. is arim or aryém.

h. Vf bird has in RV. the nom. vés (beside vis). In the plural it
accents vibhis, vibhyas, but vindm.

i. The stems &kgi eye, Asthi bone, dddhi curds, and sdkthi thigh,
are defective, their forms exchanging with and complementing forms from
stems in &n (akgAn ctc.): see the stems in an, below (431).

j. The stem pathf{ road is ased to make up part of the inflection of
phuothan: see below, 4338.

k. Kroégtu m. jackal lacks the strong cases, for which the correspond-
ing forms of krogtf are substituted.

Adjectives.

344. Original adjective stems in i are few; those in u are much
more numerous (many derivative verb-stems forming a participial

123 DECLENSION II., i- AND u-STEMS. [—346

adjective in u). Their inflection is like that of nouns, and has been
included in the rules given above. In those weak cases, however —
namely, the dat., abl.-gen., and loc. sing., and the gen.-loc. dual —
in which neuter nouns differ from masculines in the later language
by an inserted n (we have scen above that this difference does not
exist in the Veda), the neuter adjective is allowed to take either
form. The stem {3 the same for masculine and neuter, and generally
(and allowably always) for feminine also.

a. There are a few instances of a feminine noun in I standing (some-
times with changed accent) beside a masculine in i: thus, kr{mi m., krimi
f.; shkhi (343 a) m., sakhf f.; dundubh{ m., dundubhi f.; dhani
m., dhuni f.; gakani m., gakuni or -ni f. In the later language, espe-
cially, there is a very frequent interchange of i and I as finals of the same
stem. No edjective in i makes a regular feminine in I.

b. With stems in u the case is quite different. While the feminine
may, and in part does, end in u, like the masculine and neuter, a spe-
cial feminine-stem is often made by lengthening the u to 0, or also by
adding I; and for some stems a feminine fs formed into two of these three
ways, or even in all the three: thus, kArfi, -dipsti, gunodhyti, oarignti,
vacasyti; -anvi, urvi, gurvi, pirvi (with prolongation of u before r:
compare 245b), bahvi, prabhvi, raghvi, sédhvi, svadvi; — prtha
and prthvi, vibhti and vibhvi, mpdu and mrdvf, laghu and laghvi,
vaésu and vasvi; babhra and babhrti, bibhated and bibhateti, bhiré
and bhirfi;— tant and tanti end tanvi, phalgd and phalgti and
phalgviI, médhu and madhfi and mddhvi. There are also some femi-
nine noun-stems in fh standing (usually with changed eccent) beside mas-—
colines in u: thus, dgru m., agriif.; k4dru m., kadrti f.; guggulu
m., guggulti f.; jatu m., jatti f.; pfdiku m., prdakti f.

845. Roots ending in i or u (or r: 376 b) regularly add a t when
used as root-words or as root-finals of compounds; and hence there
are no adjectives of the root-class in this declension.

a. Yet, in the Veda, a few words ending in a short radical u are
declined as if this were suffixal: thus, 4smrtadhru, sugtu; and the AV.
has prtan&j{ (once). Roots in & sometimes also shorten & to u: thus,
prabha, vibhu, etc. (854); go (361 e) becomes gu in composition; and
re perhaps becomes ri (361 e); while roote in & sometimes apparently
weaken & to i (in -dhi from pydh& etc.: 1155).

346. Compound adjectives having nouns of this declension as
final member are inflected in general like original adjectives of the
same endings.

a. But in such compounds ea final i or u is sometimes lengthened to
form « feminine stem: thus, sucroni, svayoni or -ni, -g&trayagti or
-ti; v&mora or -ru, durhanfi or -nu, varatanfi, m&tpbandht; and
RV. has Acicvi from ofigu.

347—) V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 124

Declension Ill.
Stems in long vowels: 4] &, z I, S& @.

347. The stems ending in long vowels fall into two
well-marked classes or divisions: A. monosyllabic stems —
mostly bare roots —and their compounds, with a compar-
atively small number of others inflected like them; B. de-
Tivative feminine stems in QT & and i 1, with a small num-
ber in SG G which in the later language have come to be
inflected like them. The latter division is by far the larger
and more important, since most feminine adjectives, and
considerable classes of feminine nouns, ending in J & or
Z {, belong to it.

A. Root-words, and those inflected like them.

348. The inflection of these stems is by the normal
endings throughout, or in the manner of consonant-stems
(with = am, not 7 m, in the accus. sing.); peculiarities
like those of the other vowel-declensions are wanting. The
simple words are, as nouns, with few exceptions feminine;
as adjectives (rarely), and in adjective compounds, they are
alike in masculine and feminine forms. They may, for con-
venience of description, be divided into the following sub-
classes:

1. Root-words. or monosyllables having the aspact of such. Those
in @ aro so rare that it ie hardly possible to make up a whole scheme
of forms iu actual use; those in i and & are more numerous, but still
very few.

2. Compounds having such words, or other roots with long final
vowels, as last member.

3. Polysyllabic words, of various origin aud character, including
in the Veda many which later are trausferred to other declensions.

4. As an appendix tuo this class we may most conveniently
describe the half-dozen stems, mostly of regular inflection, ending iu
diphthongs.

125 DECLENSION III., a-, I-, AND &-8TEMB. [--351

349. Monosyllabic stems. Before the ondings beginning with
vowels, final 1 is changed to iy and & to uv; while final & is droppcd
altogethcr, except in the strong cases, and in the acc. pl., which is
like the nominative (according to the graromarians, & is lost here also:
no instances of the occurrence of such a form appear to be quotable).
Stems in { and @ are in the later language allowed to take optionally
the fuller endings &i, 4s, 4m in the singular (dat., ab!.-gen., loc.); but
no such forms are ever met with in the Veda (except bhiyaf (?], RV.,
once). Before am of gen. pl., n may or may not be inserted; in the
Veda it is regularly inserted, with a single exception (dhiydm, once).
The vocative is like the nominative in the singular as well as the
other numbers; but instances of its occurrence in uncompounded sten s
are not found in the Veda, and must be extremely rare everywhere.
The earlier Vedic dual ending is & instead of Au.

360. To the i- and f-stems the rules for monosyllabic accent
apply: the accent is thrown forward upon the endinge in all the weak
cases except the accus. pl., which is like the nom. But the &-stems
appear (the instances are extremely few) to keep the accent upon the
stem throughout.

361. Examples of declension. As models of mon-
osyllabic inflection we may take a j& f. progeny; ut ahi f.

thought; and 1 bhi f. earth.

a. The first of theso fs rather arbitrarily extended from tho four cascs
which actually occur; of tho loc. sing. and gen.-loc. du., no Vedic exampics
from &-stems are found.

Singolar:
N. Sted ain Se
N N oN
jas dhis bhtis
“A, THT ray nL
jdm dhiyam bhivam
1, aT feat al
ja dhiya bhuvad
D. at faa, Ta a, ey
je dhiyé, dhiya{ bhuvé, bhuval
Av.G. | TAL Ta, fn AA, TAT
jas dhiyas, dhiyds bhuvés,bhuvas
L Ty fata, Paar Ya, TAT
ji dhiy{, dhiydm bhuvi, bhuvém
Vv sa uta
~\ ~ ON
jas dhis bhts

V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES.

UT

Plaral:

SUS

jas

Se] TA? )
jas, jas
SU: i
jabhis
Ste?
jabhyas

TAT] AT?)

janam, jam

are

jasu

dhfyas
rao
dhiyas

ci

dhibh{s

baa

4S
dhibhyis

rao, GATT

dhiyém, dhindm

uty

dhiga

wal

a]
bhiuviau

pigali§
bhiibhydm

aT

bhuvés

44

_~ ON

bhivas

au

bhivas

ee, 9
bhabhi{s

ra

thabhyés

rE TL

126

bhuvém, bhinéim

17

ONS

bhiiga

352. Monosyllabic stems in composition. When the nouns
above described occur as final member of a compound, or when any
root in & or I or @ is found in a like position, the inflection of an

G&-stem is as above.

But {- and ii-stems follow a divided usage: the

final vowel before a vowel-ending is either converted into a short
vowel and semiyowel (iy or uv, as above) or into a semivowel simply
(y or v). The accent is nowhere thrown forward upon the endings;
and therefore, when I and & become y and v, the resulting syllable
is circumflex (88-4).

Thus:

Mase. and fem. Singular:

N. V.

repr

-dhis
-dh{fyam -dhyam
-dhf{ya -dhy&
-dhiye -dhyé
-dhfyas -dhyas
-dhfyi -dhyi

-bhivam
-bhuva
-bhive
-bhivas
-bbiuvi

-bhtis

-bhvi

-bhvam
-bhva
-bhvé
-bhvas

127 DECLENSION III, 4-, I-, AND O-8TBMS. [—354

Dual:
N.A.V. -dhfya&u -dhyau -bhivadu._ -bh v4ua
1. D. Ab. -dhibhyam -bhtibhyam
Ga. L -dhiyos -dhyds -bhivos -bhvds
Plural :
N.A.V. -dhfyas -dhyas -bhivas -bhvas
I. -dhibhis -bhtibhis
D. Ab. -dhibhyas -bhiibhyas
-dh{yam -bhivam
G. {“anfeam -dhyim (endwen -bhvim
L. -dhigu -bhtigu

a. As to the admiosibility of the fuller endings Si, &s, and &m in the
singular (feminine), grammatical authorities are somewhat st variance; but
they are never found in the Veda, and have been omitted from the above
echeme as probably unreal.

b. If two consonants precede the final I or fi, the dissyllabic forme,
with iy and uv, are regularly written; after one consonant, the usage is
varying. The grammerians prescribe iy and uv when the monosyliable stem
has more the cheracter of a noun, and y and v when it is more purely a
verbal root with participial value. No such distinction, however, is to be seen
in the Vede— where, moreover, the difference of the two forms is only
gtaphic, since the y&- and v&-forms and the rest are always to be read as
dissyllabic: 1& or 1& and uA or G&, and 60 on.

oc. As to neuter stems for such adjectives, see 367.

353. A few further Vedic irregularities or peculiarities may be briefly
noticed.

a. Of the &-stems, the forms in &s, &m, & (du.) are sometimes to
be read as dissyllables, aas, aam, aa. The dative of the stem used as
infinitive is Af (es if d+ 0): thus, prakhy&{, pratimal, paradal.

b. Irfegular transfer of the accent to the ending in compounds {s seen
in a case or two: thus, avadyabhiyd (RV.), adhid (AV.).

354. But compounds of the class above described are not in-
frequently transferred to other modes of inflection: the & shortened
to a for a masculine (and neuter) stem, or declined like a stem of
the derivative &-class (below, 364) as fominine; the I and fi short-
ened to i and u, and inflected as of the second declension.

a. Thus, compound stems in -ga, -ja, -da, -stha, -bhu, and others, are
found even in the Veds, and become frequent later (being made from all, or
nearly all, the roots in &); and sporadic cases from yet others occur: for example,
ortapin, vayodha{s and ratnadhébhis, dhanas&is (all RV.); and,
from 1 and & compounds, vegacris (TS.), d4hrayas (RV.), ganaqribhis
(RV.), karmanies (C(B.) end rtanfbhyas (RV.) and senan{bhyas (V8.)
and graéman{bhis (TB.), supun& (AV.), gitibhréve (TS8.).

b. Still more numerous are the feminines in & which have lost their

354—} V. NoUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 128

root-declension: examples are prajé (of which the further compounds in
part bave root-forms), svadha, graddaha, pratima, and others.

c. Then, in the later language, a few feminines in I are made from
the stems in a shortened from &: thus, gopi, gogthi, pannagi, pafkaji,
bhujagi, bhujarhgi, surdpi.

355. Polysyllabic Stems. Stems of this division (A) of more
than one syllable are very rare indeed in the later language, and by
no means common in the earlier. The Rig-Veda, however, presents
a not inconsiderable body of them; and as the class nearly dies out
later, by the disuse of its stems or their transter to other modes of
declension, it may be best described on a Vedic basis.

a. Of stems in &, masculines, half-a-dozen occur in the Veda: pdntha,
ménth&, and ypbhukga are otherwise viewed by the later grammer: see
below, 433-4; ugdn& (nom. pr.) has the anomalous nom sing. ugdn&
(and loc. as well as dat. ugdne); mahé great is found only in accus. sing.
and abundantly in composition; @t& frame has only &t&su not derivable
from ata.

b. Of stems in i, over seventy are found in the Veda, nearly all
feminines, and all accented on the final. Half of the feminines are forined
from masculines with change of accent: thus, kaly&ni (m. kalydna),
purugi (m. puruga); others show no change of accent: thus, yami (m.
yamA); others still have no corresponding mesculines: thus, nadf, lakemf,
siirmi. The masculines are about ten in number: for example, rathi,
pravi, stari, ahi, apathi.

oc. Of stems in &, the number is smaller: these, too, are nearly all
feminines, and all accented on the final. The majority of them are the
feminine adjectives in & to masculines in fi or u (above, 844 b): thus,
caranyl, carigni, jighatefi, madhfi. A few are nouns in &, with
change of accent: thus, agrti (4gru), prdakii (pfd&ku), gvagrii (gvé-
cura); or without change, as nyt. And a few have no corresponding
masculines: thus, tant, vadhii, cami. The masculines are only. two or
three: namely, prigt, kpkadaoti, makgti(?); and their forms are of the
utmost rarity.

856. The mode of decleasion of these words may be illustrated
by the following examples: rathi m. charioteer; nadi f. stream; tant
f. body.

a. No one of the selected examples occars in all the forms; forms for
which no example at all is quotable are put in brackets. No loc. sing. from
any i-stem occurs, to determine what the form would be. The stem nadi
is selected as example partly in order to emphasize the difference between
the earlier language and the leter in regard to the words of this division :
nadi is later the model of derivative inflection.

129 DECLENSION III., RADICAL &-, I-, AND Q-STEMS. [—358

Singular:

N. rathis nadis tantis

A. rath{am nad{am taniam

I. rath{a nadia tanua

D, rath{e nad{e tante

Ab. G rath{as nadias tantas

L. bee. segs tanui

Vv. réthi (7) naédi tanu

Dual:

N. A. Y. rath{a nadia tanua

1D. Ab. [rathibhy4m] nadibhyim [tantibhyam]
G. L. [rath{os] nad{os tantos
Plural:

N. A. rath{as nad{ias tantas

1. [rathibhis] nadibhis tantibhis

D. Ab. (rathibhyas] nadibhyas tantibhyas
G. rathinagm nadinam tantindm

L. [rathigu] nadigu tantigu

b. The cases — nadiam, tantam, etc. — are written above accord-
ing to their true phonetic form, slmost invariably belonging to them in
the Veda; in the written text, of course, the stem-final is made a semi-
vowel, and the resulting syllable is circumflexed: thus, nady&am, tan-
vam, etc.; only, as usual, after two consonants the resolved forms iy and
uv ere written instead; and also where the combination yv would other-
wise result: thus, cakri{y&, [agriva&i,] and mitrfyuivas. The RV. really
reads staryam etc. twice, and tanvas etc. four times; and such con-
tractions are more often made in the AV. The ending & of the nom.-acc.-voc.
du. fe the equivalent of the Iater Bu. The nom. sing. in s from I-stems
is found in the older language about sixty times, from over thirty stems.

357. Irregularities of form, properly so called, are very few in this
division: cami as loc. sing. (instead of camvi, occurs a few times; and
there {s another doubtful case or two of the same kind; the final ff is re-
garded as pragrhya or uncombinable (138); tanui is lengthened to tanvi
in e passage or two; -yuvas is once or twice abbreviated to -ytis.

358. The process of transfer to the other form of i- and t-declension
(below, 362 ff.), which has nearly oxtinguished this category of words in
the later language, has its beginnings in the Veda; but in RV. they are
excessively scanty: namely, ditidm, loc. sing., once, and gvacrudm, do.,
once, and dravitnuAd, instr. sing., with two or three other deubtfnl cases,
In the Atharvan, we find the acc. sing. kuhtim, tantim, vadhtim; the
instr. sing. palAli& and one or two others; the det. sing. vadhval, gva-
grua{, agruvAi; the abl.-gen. sing. panarbhuvas, prd&kuds, cvagruas;
aud the loc. sing. tanud&ém (with anomalous accent). Accusatives plaral in
Is and iis are nowhere met witb.

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 9

359 —| V. Nouxs Anp ADJECTIVES. 130

359. Adjective compounds from these words are very few; those which
occur are declined like the simple stems: thus, hfranyav&gis and sahds-
rastaris, Ataptataniis and sdrvataniis. all nom. sing. masculine.

Stems ending in diphthongs.

360. There are certain monosyllabic stems ending in diphthongs,
which are too few and too diverse in inflection to make a declension
of, aud which may be most appropriately disposed of here, in cou-
nection with the stems in i and a, with which they have most affinity.
They are:

a. steins in fu: n&a and glau;

b. stems in ai: raf;

c. stems in o: gd and dyo (or dyu, dfv).

361. a. The stem nau f. ship is entircly regular, taking the
pormal cndinga throuzhout, and following the rules for monosyllabic
accentuation (8317) — except that the accus. pl. is said (it does nut
appear to occur in accented texta) to bo like the nom. Thus: n&us,
navani, nava, nave, navas, navi; naviu, ndubhyam, nadvos; navas,
navas, naubhis, ndubhyds, névam, ndugi. Tho stem glad m. ball
is apparently inflected in the same way; but few of its forms have
been wet with in use.

b. ‘ho stem raf f. (or m.) wealth might be better described as
ré with a w.ion-consonant y (258) interposed before vowel endings,
and is regularly inflected as such, with normal cndiugs and mono-
syllabic uccent. ‘Thus: ras, rdyam, raya, rayé, rayde, ray{; rdiydu,
rabhyam, raéyés; rayas, rayas, rabh{s, rdbhyas, raydm, résu. But
ju the Veda the accus. pl. is cither raéyds or réyas; for accus. sing.
and pl. are also used the briefer forms rim ‘RV. once: rayam does
not occur in V.) and ras (SV., once); and the gen.-sing. is sometimes
anowalously accented rayas.

e. ‘The stem gO m. or f. budi or cow is much more irregular. In
the strong cases, except accus. sing., it is strengthened to gau, form-
ing (like nad: géds, givdu, gavas. In accus. sing. and pl. it has
(like raf) the brict forms gam and gas. ‘The abl.-gen. sing. is gos
(as if from gu’. ‘The rest is regularly made from go, with the normal
endings, but with accent always remaining irregularly upon the stem:
thus, gava, gave, gavi, gavos, gavim; gdbhyadm, gobhis, gébhyas,
gogu. In the Veda, another form of the gen. pl. is géndnon; the nom.
ete. du. is jas in all other such cascs) also gava; and gam, gés, and
giis wre not infrequently to be pronounced as dissyllables. As ace.
pl. is found a few times gdivas

d. The stem dyo f. (but in V. usually m.) shy, day is yet moro
anowalous. having beside it a simpler stem dyu. which becomes div
before a vowel-ending. ‘The native grammarians treat the two as

{31 DECLENSION IILi., DipiTinoNnGAL STEMS. (—362

independent. words, but it is more convenient to put them together.
‘Tho stem dyo is inflected precisely like g6, as above described. ‘The
complete declension is as follows (with forms not actually met with
in nse bracketed):

Singolar. Dual. Plural.
Meee. avd (divau) dydvau eae dytin ae

divé [dydéva] dy ubhis [dydbhis]
Ben oven [dyabhyam dyobhyam] [dyubhyas dydbhyas]
tnte erie Veaiesn toon) ‘(Sim ren

ec. The dat. sing. dyave is not found in the early language. Both
d{vas and divas oceur as aceus, pl. in V. As nom. etc. du., dydva is,
as usual, the regular Vedic form: once occurs dyavi («u.), as if a neuter
form; and dy&us is found once uscd as ablative. The cases dyfus, dyam
and dyitn (once) are read in V. sometimes as dissyllables; and the first
as accented vocative thon becomes dydus (i. ce. dffus: sce 314 b).

f. Adjectise compounds having a diphthongal stem as final member
are not numerous, and tend to shorten the diphthong to a vowel. Thus,
fom ndu we have bhinnanu, from go, scverel words like Agu, saptagu,
sugu, bahugu (f. -gti TB.); aud, correspondingly, r&i seems to be reduced
to ri in brhadraye and yrdhédrayas (RV.). In derivation, go maintains
its full form in gotra, agotaé, -gava (f. -gavi), etc.; as first member of
a compound, it ts variously treated: thus, gdvacir, gavigti (but gadcir,
gaigti K.), etc.; goagvé or go‘qva, gorjika, goopaca, etc. In certain
compounds, also, dyu or dyo takes an anomalous form: thus, dydurd&
(K.), dy&urloka (('B.), dyfiusarhcita (AV.). In revdnt (unless this is
for rayivant) radi becomes re. KV. has &dhrig&évas from adhrigu (of
questionable {inport); and AV. has ghrtastdvas, apparently accus. pl. of
ghrtasta or -sto.

B. Derivativo stems in 4, f, @.

362. To this division belong all the & and 1-stems which
have not been specified above as belonging to the other or
root-word division; and also, in the later language, most
of the I and O-stems of the other division, by transfer to

a more predominant mode of inflection. Thus:

1. a. The great mass of derivative feminine &-stems, substantive
and adjective.

b. The inflection of these stems has maintained itself with little change
through the whele history of the language, being almost precisely the same
ir the Vedas as Inter.

Q*

362—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 132

=

2. oc. The great mase of derivative fominine i-stems.

da. This class is without exception in the later language. In the earlier,
it suffers the exception pointed out above (355 b): that feminines mad:
with change of accent follow this mode of deciension only when the accent

°

is not on the 1: thus, tavigi, péarugni, pdélikni, rohini.

e. The i-stems of this division in general are regarded eas made by
contraction of an earlier ending in y&. Their inflection has become in the
later language somowhat mixed with that of the other division, and so far
diferent from the Vodic inflection: see below, 363 g.

f. Very few derivative stems in I are recognized by the grammarians
as declined like the root-division; the Vedic words of that class are, if
retained in use, transferred to this mode of inflection.

g. A very small number of masculine i-stems (half-a-dozen) are in the
Veda declined as of the derivative division: they are a few rare propre
Names, matali ete.; and ragtri and siri (only one case each).

3. h. ‘The ti-stems are few in number, and are transfers from the
other division, assimilated in inflection to the great class of derivative
i-stems (except that they retain the ending s of the nom. sing.).

363. Endings. The points of distinction between this and the other
division are as follows:

a. In nom. sing. the usual s-ending is wanting: except in the O-stcims
and a very few i-stems — namely, lakgmi, tari, tantri, tandri —- which
have preserved the ending of the other division.

b. ‘She accus. sing. and pl. add simply m and 6 respectively.

c. The dat., abl.-geu., and loc. sing. take always tho fuller ending»
&@i, as, &m; and these are separated from tho final of the A-stems by an
interposed y. In Brahmana etc., Ai is generally substituted for ds (307 h).

d. Before the endings & of instr. sing. and os of gen.-loc. du., the final
of a&-stems is treated as if changed to e; but in the Veda, the instr. cud-
ing @ very often (in uearly half the occurrences) blends with the fiual to a.
The ya of i-stems is in a few Vedic examples contracted to i, and cven
to i. A loc. sing. in 1 occurs a few times.

e. In all the weakest cases above mentioned, the accent of an i- or
fi-stem having acute final is thrown forward upon the ending. In the
remaining case of the same class, the gen. pl, a nm is always iuterposed
between stem and ending, and the accent remains upon the former (in KV.,
however, it is usually thrown forward upon the ending, as in i and u-stems).

f. In voc. sing., final & becomes e; final { and @ are shortened.

g- In nom.-ace.-voc. du. and nom. pl. appears in i (and &)-stems a
marked difforence between the earlier and later language, the latter burrow-
ing the forms of the other division, The du. ending au is unknown in
RV., and very rare in AV.; the Vedic ending is I (a corresponding dual
of t-stems dves not occur). The regular later pl. ending as has only a

133

DeEcLENSION I[]., DERIVATIVE &-, i-, AND U-STEMS. [—364
doubtful exampla oft two in RV., and a very small numbor to AV.; the
caso there (and it is onc of very frequent occurrencc) adds @ simply; and
though yas-forms occur in the Brihmanas, along with is-forms, both are
used rather indifferently as nom. and accus. (as, indecd, they sometimes
interchange also in the epics). Of A-stems, the du. nom. etc. ends in e,
both earlicr and later; in pl., of course, s-forms are indistinguisbable from
as-forms. The RV. has a few cxamples of Asas for &s.

h. The remaining cases call for no remark.

As models of the
inflection of derivative stems ending in long vowels, we
may take HAT sén& f. army; FFU kanya f. girl; THR devi

364. Examples of declension.

f. goddess; I vadbti f. tcomun.

Singular:
N ~

N. Ta Tat zat re
séna kanya devi vadhtis

A. FATY wrUTy Bei

N N\ ~N aN

senam kanyam devim vadhtim

I. au TUM za TAN
senaya kanyaya devya vadhva

b. ry arava aet aA
sénadyai kanyayAai devyal vadhval
a z aA

Ab. G. Ta hua oo Us Pals
sénadyas kanyayas devyas vadhvas
~ ~

L. COU i 1 eo a
séna&yam kanyfy&m devydim vadhvdam

v. wr 2 Ts ava Te
sene kanye dévi vadhu
Dual:

Kay 7 wi mh UR
sene kanye devyau vadhvau

Lp.ad. FARIA apy ADIL TPT
sénabhydm kanya&bhyim devibhyé4m vadhtibhya4m
NON ~ ~ ON

G.I WANT aoe = 35 Se 1s

~ N ~ NX

sénayos kanyayos devyés vadhvos

V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES.

364—] 134
Plural:

N. V. TATA Tle? 1G © goad oie
sénas kanyas devyas vadhvas

A. TAT TUTE coin TUE
sénas kanyas devis vadhiis
nN ~ - ~: > _

L war aN aR PTA
senabhis kanyabhis devibhis vadhiibhis
z sar sap: rt

Dab PAPUA APU PUA TTA
sénadbhyas kanyabhyas devibbyas vadhtbhyas

6 Farm erm EAA
senandm kanyaénam devinam vadhtinaém

L. arg hale cag THT
séndésu kanydsu devigu vadhiigu

a. in the Veda vadhu is a stem belonging to the «ther division (like
tani, above, 356).

365. Examples of Vedie furms are:

a G@-stems: instr. sing. manigaéa (this simpler form is especially com-
mon frum stems in t& and ia); nom. pl. vagasas (about twenty examples);
accus. pl. aramhgamasas (a case or two). Half the bhyas-cases arc to
be read as Dhias; the &m of gen. pl. is a few times to be resolved into
aam; aud the & and &m of nom. accus. sing. arc, very rately, to be
treated in the same manner.

b. i-stems: instr. sing. gami, cami; loc. gauri: nom. cte. du. devi;
nom. pl. devis; gen. pl. bahvinam. The final of the stem is to be read
as a Vowel (net y) frequently, but not in the majority of instances: thus,
devia, devias, deviam, rddasios.

c. The sporadic instances of transfor between this Jisision and the
preceding have been already sufilciently noticed.

d. Of the regular substitution made in the Brahmana language (307 h,
336 g, 363 c) of the dat. sing. ending ai for the gen.-abl. ending &s, fo
all classes of words admitting the latter ending, a few examplcs may bo given
bere: abhibhutyai rupam (AB.) a sign of overpoweriuy; trigtubhag
ca jagatyai ca {AB.) of the metres trigtubh and jugati; viico daéivyai
ca ménusyai ca (AA.) of speech, both divine und human: striyai payah
(AB.) woman's milk; dhenvaf va etad rétah (TB.) thut, forsuuth, ts the
seed of tha cow; jirnayai tvacah (KB.) cf dead shin: jyuyasi ydjyayal
(AB.) supertor to the yajya; asydi divo ‘sindd antarilkgdt (VUS.) from
this heaven, from this atmosphere. The same suistisucion is made anes in
the AY.: thus, svapantv asydi jhaadtayah let her relatives sleep.

135 DECLENSION, III. DERIVATIVE &-, 1-, AND O-8TEMS. [—368

366. ‘The noun atri f. ronan (probably contracted from atitrd gene-
ratriz), follows » mixed declension: thus, stri, atriyam or strim, atriyd,
atriyaf, striyds, striydm, str{; striydu, stribhydm, striyés; striyas,
striyas or stris, stribh{s, stribhyds, strinim, strigi (but the accus-
atives strim and stris are not found in the older language, and the voce.
stri is not quotable). The accentuation is that of a root-word; the forms
(conspicuously the nom. sing.) are those of the other or derivative division.

Adjectives.

367. a. The occurrence of original adjectives in long final vowels,
and of compounds having as final member a stem of the first division,
bas been sufficiently treated above, so far as masculine and feminine
forms are concerned. To form a neuter stem in cumposition, the rule
of the later language is that the final long vowel be shortened; and
the stem s made is to be infected like an adjective in i or u (339,
341, 344).

b. Such ueater forms ese very rare, and In the chide: language almost
unknown. (f neuters from I-stems have been noted in the Veda only
harierfyam, acc. sing. (a masc. form), and suddhfas, gen. sing. (same
as mase. and fem.); from f-stems, only a few examples, and from stem-
forms which might be masc. and fem. also: thus, vibhu, subha, ete. (nom.-
acc. sing.: cowpare 354): supudA and mayobhuva, instr. sing.; and
may 9obhui, acc. pl. (compare pur: 349k); from A-stems occur only half-
a-dozen examples of a nom. sing. in As, Ike the masc. and fem. form.

ce. Cumpounds having nouns of the second division as final
member are common only from derivatives in &; and these shortcn
the final to a in both masculine and neuter: thus, from a not and
praj& progeny come the masc. and ucut. stem apraja, fom. apraja
childless. Such compounds with nouns in I and @ aro said to be in-
flected in masc. and fen). like the simple words (only with in and fin
in acc. pl. masc.); but the examples given by the grammarians are
fictitious.

d. Stems with sbortened final are occasionally met with: thus, eka-
patni, &ttalakegmi; and such adverbs (neut. sing. accus.) as upabhaimi,
abhyujjayini. The stem stri is directed to be shortened to stri for all
genders.

368. It is convenient to give a complete paradigm,
for all genders, of an adjective-stem in Q a. We take for
the purpose 414 p&pé evt/, of which the feminine is usu-
ally made in 91 & in the later language, but in 3 I in the
older.

368—-|

V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES.

qa

~

papam
QiTary

\
paépam
qn
papena
qraTa
papaya
papat.
Qaey
papdasya
qm
pape
qm
papa

mn

qia
pape
Tara
papabhyam
Nn
qa

papayos

are

papais

Singular:
ni.
N qa
a
papas
A.
i.
D.
Ab.
Ci.
L.
Vv.
Dual:
eS
N.A.V. Qyat
papau
I. D. Ab.
G.I
Plural:
N OTaTt
.
papas
A.
5
papan
I.
D. Ab.

area
papéblyas

f.

qTat
papa

qa

~
papam
QUT
papaya
papayai
MII &
papayas
OTT IT
papayas
papayaim
qT
pape

na
pape
oiensvis &

papabhyam

~

aaa Te,

paipayos

qd

Lad
papas
1
papas
qMairta
if

papabhis

allel ta CG
papabhyas

136

papyaéu
. ~N
papibhyaém

on

Tae

an

papydés

“1
papyas

arate

~
papis

-~

papibhis

Tata

’ ~
papibhyas

137 DEcLENSION IV., f-STEMS. |—-371

a. AV IFTET TAT UTI
paipdnim paipanim papinim

L. oTay qTaTy arity
papésu papdsu papisu

Declension IV.
Stems in % y (or AT ar).

369. This declension is a comparatively limited one,
being almost entirely composed of derivative nouns formed
with the suffix q tr (or FT tar), which makes masculine
nomina agentis (used also participially), and a few nouns of

relationship.

a. But it includes also a few nouns of relationship not made
with that suffix: namely devf m., svasp and nan&ndy f.; aud. besides
these, nf m., stf (iu V.) m., usf (in V.) f., savyagthy m., and the
fominine numerals tisy and catasy (for which, sce 482¢,g). ‘lhe
feminines in tr are only m&tf, duhitf, and yAtry.

b. The inflection of these stems is quite closely analogous with
that of stems in i and u (second declension); its pecniiarity, as
compared with them, consists mainly in the treatmont of the stem
itself, which has a double form, fuller in the strong cases, briefer in
the weak ones.

370. Forms of the Stem. In the weak cases (excepting the
loc. sing.) the stem-final is y, which in the weakest cases, or before
a vowel-cnding, is changed regularly to r (128). Bunt as regards the
strong cases, the stems of this declension fall into two classes: in
one of them — which is very much the larger, containing all the
nomina agentis, and also the nouns of relationship napty and svasr,
and the irregular words stf and savyasthr — the y is vriddhied, or
becomes &r; in the other, containing most of the nouns of relationship,
with nf and usf, the yr is gunated, or changed toar. Ip both classes,
the loc. sing. has ar as stem-finai.

371. Endings. These are in general the normal, but with the
ollowing exceptions:

a. The nom. sing. (masc. and fem.) ends always in & (for original ars
or &rs). The voc. sing. ends in ar.

b. The accus. sing. adds am to the (strengthened) stem; the accos.
pl. has (like i- and u-stems) n as mase. ending and s as fem. ending, with
the y lengthened before them.

371—] V. NouNS AND ADJECTIVES. 1:38

c. The abl.-gen, sing. changes f tu ur (or us: 168 b).

d. The gen. pl. (as in i and u-stems) inserts n before fim, and
lengthens the stem-tinal befure it. But the y¢ of nf may also remain shurt.

e. The above are the rules of the later language. The older preseuts
certain deviations trom them. Thus:

f. The ending in nom.-acc.-voc. du. is (as universally in the Veda)
regularly @ instead of &u (only ten du-forms in RY.).

g. Thei of lec. sing. is lengthened to I in a few words: thus, kartari.

h. In the gen. pl., the RV. has once svaésrdm, without inserted n;
and nardm instead of nynam is frequent.

i. Other irregularities of nf are the sing. dat. naére, geu. ndras, and
loc. nari. Tho Veda writes always npn&m in gen. pl., but its ¢ is in a
majority of cases metrically long.

j. The stem usf £. dun has the voc. sing. ugar, the gen. sing. usras;
and the accus. pl. also usrds, and loc. sing. usram (which is metrically
trisyllabic: uspan), as if in analogy with I and t-stems. Once occurs
usri in loc. sing., but it is to be read as if the regular trisyllabiec form,
ugari (ter the exchange of 8 and g, seo 181 a).

k. Frum ety} come only tiuras (apparently) and stfbhis.

1. In the gea.-loc. du., the vr is almost always tu be read as a -epa-
rate syllable, y, before the ending os: thus, pitros, ctce. On the contrary,
nanadndari is once tou be read nananari.

m. Fur neuter furms, sve below, 3756.

372. Accent. Phe aceentuation follows closely the cules for
i- and u-stews: if on the final of the stem, it continues, as acute, on
the corresponding syllable throughout, except in the gen. pl., where
it may be (and in the Veda always is) thrown forward upon the
ending; where, in the weakest cases, r becomes r, the ending has the
accent. The two monosyllabic stems, nf and stf, du not show the
wonusyllabic accent: thus (besidcs the forms already given above),
nfbhis, nfsu.

873. Examples of declension. As models of this
ode of inflection, we may take from the first class (with
aTY ar in the strong furms) the stems 71q dtr m. gicer
aud Ede] svasy f. sister; from the second class ‘with @J ar
in the stroug forms), the stem Tae pitr m. father.

Singular:
N, ciel tel] TIeTI
data svasa pita
A. TATA = oN ar

datdram evasdram pitaram

139

Ab. G.

L.

DECLENSION IY., y¢-STEMS.

£323
e a

.
:

4

2s
f

-
<5

2

E

TPO
datrbhyam
~
TAT
datros

Plural:

datfbhis
4 t ish
adatfbhyas

re

da&tfndm

aT

datfgu

svasariu
rare ary
svaoypbhyam

~

Fqaly

N
svaésros

svashras

ra

svasys
PT
svasrbhis
tae

G ~
svasrbhyas

\
svasfndm

Fay

svdsreu

(—873

faay
pitarau

seo §

pitfbhydm
ran

pitros

-~

pitaras

Pre
pitrn
ln
pitfrbhis
fara

& ~
pitfbhyas

€ ‘“
pit¢ndim
ib a af

pitfgu

a. The feminine stem ATT m&tf, mother, is inflected pre-

cisely like ae pitr, excepting that its accusative plural is

ATTA_mBtfs.

373—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 140

b. The poculiar Vedic furms have been sufflcicntly instanced abuve;
the only ones of other than sporadic occurrence being the nom. etc. du.
datara, svasdra, pitard, and the gen. pl. of ny, naram.

c. The num. pl. forms pitaras and ma@taras etc. are founc used also

us accus. in the epics.

374. The stem krogtf wm. jackal (lit'ly howler) substitutes in the
middle cases the corresponding forms of krégtu (343 k).

375. Neuter forms. ‘the grammarians prescribe a complete

neuter declension also for bases in ty, precisely accordant with that
of vari or médhu (above, 339, 341). Thus, for cxample:

Sing. Du. Plur.
N. A. dhat7 dhatfni dhatfni
I. dhatrpna ahatfbhyam dhatfbhis
G. dhatfnas dhatfnos dhatfnam
V. dhatr, dhatar dhatrni dhatyni.

a. The weakest cases, however {as of i- and u-stems used ad-
jectively: 344), are allowed also to be formed like tho corresponding
wasculine cases: thus, dhatra ete.

b. No such neuter forms chance to occur in the Veda, but they begin
to appear in the Brahmanas, under influence of tho common tendency
(compare Germ. Retler, Retterin; Fr. menteur, menteuse) to give this
nomen agentis a more adjective character inaking it correspond in gonder
with the noun which it) (oppositively) qualifies. Thus, we have in
TB. bhartf and janayitp, qualifying antarikgam; and bhartrni and
janayitrni, yualifying ndkgatrani; as, in M., grahitrni, qualifying
indriyani.

ec. When a feminine noun is to be qualified in like manner, the usual
feminine derivative in I is employed: thus, in TB., bhartryas and bhar-
tryéu, janayitryas and janayitryau, qualifying @pas aud ahoratré;
and such instances are not uncommon.

d. The RV. shows the same tendency very curiously once in the accus.
pl. matfn, instead of matfs, in apposition with masculine nouns (RY,
x. 36.2).

e. Other neuter furms in RV. are sthatur gon. sing., dhmataéri luc.
ning.; and for the nom. sing., instead of -ty, a few more or less doubtful
cases, Sthatar, sthatur, dhartéri.

Adjectives.

376. a. ‘There are no original adjectives of this declension: fur
the quaesi-adjectival character of the nouns composing it, seo above
(875b;. ‘The feminine stew is made by the suffix 1: thus, datri, dhatri.

b. Roots ending in y (like those in i and u: 345) add a t to make
a declinable stem, when occurring as tinal member of a compound:

144 DECLENSION V., CONSONANT-STEMS. (—379

thus, karmakrt (yky), vajrabhft (ybhr), balihft (yh). From somo
r-rvots, also, aro made stems iu ir and ur: seo below, 383 a, b.

c. Nouns in y as finals of adjective compounds aro inflected in
the same manner as when simple, in the masculine and feminine; in
the neuter, they would doubtless have the peculiar neuter endings in
nom.-acc.-voc. of all numbers.

d. But TS. has once tvAtpitaras, nom. pl., having thee for father.

Declension V.
Stems ending in Consonants.

377. All stems ending in consonants may properly be
classed together, as forming a single comprehensive declen-
sion: since, though some of them exhibit peculiarities of
inflection, these have to do almost exclusively with the stem
itself, and not with the declensional endings.

378. In this declension, masculines and feminines of
the same final are inflected alike; and neuters are peculiar
(as usually in the other declensions) only in the nom.-acc.-
voc. of all numbers. .

a. The majority of consonantal stems, however, are not
inflected in the feminine, but form a special feminine deriv-
ative stem In 1 (never in AT &), by adding that ending to
the weak form of the masculine.

b. Exceptions sre in general the stems of divisions A and B—
nawely, the radical stems etc, and those in as and is and us. For
special cases, see below.

379. Variations, as between stronger and weaker forms,
are very general among consonantal stems: either of two
degrees (strong and weak), or of three (strong, middle, and
weakest): see above, 311.

a. The peculiar neuter forms, according to the usual
rule (311 b), are made in the plural from the strong stem, in
singular and dual from the weak — or, when the gradation
is threefold, in singular from the middle stem, in dual from
the weakest.

370—- | V. Nouns AND ADJECTIVES. 142

b. As in the case of stems coding in short vowcls .asydni,
varini, madhani, diatrni, étc.), a nasal sometimes appeara in the
special neuter plural cases which is found nowhere clse in inflection.
Thus, from the stems in as, is, us, the nom.-acc.-yuc. pl. in -dasi,
-Idgi, -tidgi are very common at every period. According to the
grammarians, the radical stems ete. (division A) are treated in the
same way; but examples of such neuters are of cxtreme rarity in the
language; no Vedic text offers one, and in the Brahmanas aud Sutras
huve been noted only -hunti (AD. vii. 2. 3', -vpnti (PB. xvi. 2. 7 et alo,
-bhanji (KB. xxvii. 7), -bhfnti (CB. viii. 1. 33, and -yuiiji (LCS. ii. 1.5 ;
while in the later language is found here and there a case, like
-crunti (Ragh.), -ptiigi (Cig.); it may be questioned whether they are
not later analogical formations.

380. ‘The endings are throughout those given above (310)
as the “normal”.

a. By the general law as to finals 150), the s of the nom. sing.
wasc. and fein. is always lost; and irregularities of treatment of the
final of the stew in this case are not infrequent.

b. The gen. and abl. sing. are never distinguished in form from
one another —- nor are, by ending, the nom. and accus. pl.: but these
sometimes differ in stem-form, or in accent, or in both.

381. Change in the place of the accent ia limited to monosylabie
stems and the participles in ant (accented on the final:. For details,
seo below, under divisions A and E.

a. But a few of the compounds of the root ane or ac show an irregulas
shift of accent in the oldest language: see below, 410.

382. a. For convenience and clearness of presentation,
it will be well to separate from the general mass of conson-
antal stems certain special classes which show kindred pe-
culiariues of inflection, and may be best described together.
Thus:

B. Derivative stems in as, is, us;

C. Derivative stems in an (an, man, van;

D. Derivative stems in in (in, min, vin; ;

E. Derivative stems in ant (unt, mant, vant,;

F. Perfect achive participles in vans;

G. Comparatives in yanhs or yas.

b. ‘There remain, then, to constitute division A, espe-

cially radical stems, or those identical in’ form with roots,

113 DecLENSION V., CONSONANTAL ROOT-STEMS. |} —383

together with a comparatively small number of others which
are inflected like these.
They will be tnken up in the order thus indicated.

A. Root-stems, and those inflected like them.

383. The stems of this division may be classified as
follows:

I. a. Root-stems, having in them no demonstrable element added
to 2 root: thus, fe verse, gir song, pad foot, dig direction, m&h (V.)
great.

b. Such stems, however, are not always precisely identical in form
with the rcot:'thus, vAe from fYvac, sréj from jsyj, mtig from p’mug,
vri¢ from }/vrace(?), ag from j/vas shine; — from rovts in final ¢ come
stems in ir and ur: thus, gir, a-cfr, st{r; jar, tur, dhar, par, mur,
stur, sphur; and psur from ppsar.

c. With these may be ranked the stems with reduplicated root, as
cik{t, yaviyudh, vanivan, sasyad.

ad. Words of this division tm uncomponnded use are tolerably freqnent
in the older language: thus, {in RV. are found more than a hun:lred of them;
in AV., about sixty; but in the claseival Sanskrit the power of using any
root at will in this way is lost, and the examplos are comparatively few.
In all periods, however, the adjective use as final of a compound is tory
common (sce below, 401).

e. As to the infinitive use of various cases of the root-noun, sce 971.

II. f. Stems made by the addition of t to a final short vowel of
a root.

g. No proper root-stem ends in a short vowel, although there are (364)
examples of transfer of sach to short-vowel-declensions; but {i or u or ¢
adds a t to moke a declinable form: thus, -j{t, -crut, -kft. Roots In fy,
however, as has just been seen (b), also make stems in ir or ur.

h. As regards the frequency and use of these words, the same is true
as was stated above respecting root-stems. The Veda offers cxamples of
nearly thirty such formations, a few of them (mit, rit, stat, hrut, vft,
ard dyut if this is taken from dyu) in independent use. Of roots in y,
t is added by ky, dhy, dhvy, bhr, vy, sy, spy, hy, and hvy. The roots
g@& (or gam) and han also make -ga&t and -hét by addition of the ¢ to
an abbreviated form in a (thus, adhvagét, dyugat, dvigat, navagat,
and samhat).

Hl. i. Monosyllabic (also x few apparently reduplicated) stems
not certainly connectible with any verbal root in the language, but
having the aspect of root-stems, as containing no traceable suffix

we, Y deste 4939 ADJECTIVER 144

Iiete, hyhe whin, phth real, h~d heart, ap and wir water. dwhr deer,
Ai ninth, etbelichs nih akGA summi.

) ‘thst, on Natty euch words ase found im the older language. apd
wee Ub hans sontlnue be beter une, while others have been transferred to
Nemo Mernbew of hee be tonto oF have: berome extinct.

be, Hissnom snerss or bone clearly derivative, but made with suftixes
of one eo vet Isolated oecurrence. ‘Thus:

( Aentvativew (Vp Som pec positions with the soffiz vat: arvdwat,
val, wihvAl, mivAt, puravat, pravdt, sathvdt; — 2. derivatives (V.)
Nn UE (qu-thagea abbtaviated from tAti), in a few isolated forms: thus,
wpnrAlal, davAtat, vekaAtat, wutyatat, sarvatdt; —3. other deriva-
Hywa dif ytooudedt hy vaclouw vowels: thus, dagaét, vehat, vahat, sravat,
HHYAL, VawlAty nAapat; tagit, divit, yosft, rohit, sarft, harit;
vamevidys VAbGE, QAkyt; and the numerals for 30, 40, 50, tritgat eto.
(en), % atwme tn ad: thus, Gypyad, dhrgad, bhaséd, vandd,
Qaida, mamdet, 0. atone in J proceded by various vowels: thus, tpandj,
Wyell, Manual, bbtgds; ugd. vani, bhurfj, ninfj(?); aspj;—6. a
Wee dette oti ta sibilant apparontly formative: thus, jhas, -das,
Voted veda, teledg, | 8 tommant of unclassidable cases, such as vigthp,
viyay, KAYPEN, CuNddh, teldh, prkegddh, raghat(?), sarégh, visrah,
Veeuith, hava,

Wed Wowder Che root atens are regalarly feminine as nomen
weenaey aul tiassaliag aa coos cyeads (which is probably only a
a bayantive tae ot tl th adie dive value: Below, €00. But the femi-
wae vt Wate ohamciaa ada avader. is often also wed concretely:
von Neale © a teat A. wee mas Rucweny, camuly. ald siso
Verse dwt casceny GR CRaddectag oa the masealize value. And
Astey Va ANY Waaeimes Seve a anapeany owaeete meaning. Throagh
te wath devise ds anessaliage ace aac han paseerves than the
Woaaetiactage, ee b Che ue Nes fame woah

a& UA oe ee ee Lok no ,oew ~aint), dam, wir,
AN WR ey RR meee Da Ae 0m ffi gay bb: meetueel
a aC Sos _ ho Ate suileagces FRREE,
weeks Cais hd

MAN ce eed wont sce tacma Che Geueeoe
oa a re 1S a aS ed FS = antgisl’s Thad ather ‘eu

er RO Cr Oe es wri c.f

.
ee we A Na ek ee a Gage Jit ludt. lene aia,
. te. evs PoaN
MAR ee ee SE Ok OB lahat ei.

. exw a & a Yo @ ae a ates. van Bee.

e
a8 . Tees SO ve Cr a) es pe.

145 DECLENSION V., CONSONANTAL STEMS. [—360

stem yuj, sometimes, in tho oldcr language: thus, nom. sing. yu (for
yuk), accus. yufijam, do. yufijd (but also yajam and yujd); —
3. The stem -dyc, as final of a compound in the older Janguage; but only
in the nom. sing. masc., and not always: thus, any&dffi, Iidffi, kidffi,
tadff, etédrfh, sadffi and pratieadffi: but aleo Iidfk, tadfk, svardfk,
ete.;— 4. For path and purhas, which substitute more extended stems,
and for dant, see below, 304—8.

387. The vowcl a is longthened in strong cascs as follows:

1. Of tae roots vac, sac, sap, nabh, cas, in a few instances (V.),
at the end of compounds; — 2. Of the roots vah and sah, but frregularly;
see below, 403—5; — 3. Of ap tcater (seo 393); also in its compound
rityap; — 4. Of pad foot: in the compounds of this word, in the later
language, the same lengthening {s made in the middle cases also; and in
RV. and AV. the nom. sing. neut. is both -pat and -p&t, while RV. has
once -pade, and padbhis and patsu occur in the Brahmanas; —- 6. Of
nas nose (? n&s& nom. du. fem., RV., once); —6. Sporadic cases (V.)
are: y&j(?), voc. sing.; pa&thds and -r&pas, accus. pl.; vdnivdnas,
nom. pl. Tho strengthened forms bh&j and r&j are constant, through all
classes of cases.

388. Other modes of differentiation, by elision of a or contraction
of the syllable containing it, appear in a few stems:

1. In -han: see below, 402;— 2. In kgam (V.), along with pro-
longation of a: thus, kgAma du., kgdmas p!l.; kgamA instr. sing., kgAmi
loc. sing., kgmas abl. sing.; — 3. In dvar, contracted (V.) to dur in weak
cases (but with some confusion of the two classes); —4. In svar, which
becomes, in RV., stir in weak cases; later it is indeclinable.

389. The endings are as stated above (3880).

a. Respecting their combination with the final of tho stem, as
well as the treatment of the latter when it occurs st the end of the
word, the rules of euphonic combination (chap. III.) are to be con-
sulted; they require much more constant and various application here
than anywhere else in declension.

b. Attention may be called to a few exceptional cases of combination
(V.): mAdbhis and madbhyds from m&s month; the wholly anomalous
padbhfs (RV. and VS.: AV. has always padbh{s) from p&d; and sar&¢
and saradbhyas corresponding to a nom. pl. sardghas (instead of sardhas:
322). Dan is apparently for dam, by 143a.

c. According to the grammarians, nenter stems, unless they end in a
nasal or a semivowel, take in nom.-acec.-voc. pl. a strengthening nasal before
the final consonant. Bat no such cases from neuter noun-stems appear ever
to have been met with in usc; and as regards adjective stems ending in a
root, see above, 37O0b.

Whitney, Grammar 3. ed. 10

390—] V. NouNS AND ADJECTIVES. 146

300. Monosyllabic stems have the rogular accent of such, throw-
ing the tone forward upon the endings in the weak cases.

a. But the accusative plural has its normal accentuation as a
weak case, upon the ending, in only a minority (hardly more than a
third) of the stems: namely in datas, pathd4s, padads, nidds, apds,
ugds, jidsds, purhs4s, m&sdés, mahds; and sometimes in viacds,
srucas, hrutdés, sridhdAs, kgap4s, vipds, durds, igés, dvigds, druhas
(besido wdcas otc.).

b. Exceptional instances, in which a weak case has the tone on the
stem, ocour as follows: s&d&, nddbhyas, tén& (also tan&) and tane,
badhe (infin.), rane and réhsu, vaisu, svani, vipas, kgdmi, stird
and stiras (but siiré), dnhhas, and vénas and bfhas (in vdnaspéti,
bfhaspéti). On the other hand, a strong case is accented on the ending
in mahés, nom. pl., and ka&s&m (AV.: perhaps a false reading). And
progé, instr. sing., is accented as if prég were a simple stem, instead of
pra-{g. Vimpdhah is of doubtful character. For the sometimes anomalous
accentuation of stems in ac or afic, see 410.

$01. Examples of inflexion. As an example of
normal monosyllabic inflection, we may take the stem-
ara_vic f. voice (from Yafq_vac, with constant prolongation);
of inflection with strong and weak stem, gq pdd m. foot;
of polysyllabic inflection, FRA_marut m. wind or wind-god;
of a monosyllabic root-stem in composition, Taae_trivit
three-fold, in the neuter. Thus:

Singular;

N.Y. ah alls & TET aN
vak pat marut trivét

A aT OA erik taaq
vacam padam mariutam trivft

I arat azT TET Taga
vaca pada maruta trivfta

D ara at TT Trad
vaoé padé marite trvfte

Av.G. ATA 4: ARTA Taaq
vicds pacds maritas trivftas

147 DECLENSION V., CONSONANTAL STEMS. [—391

Dual:
N.A.V. ara ata TEM Prat
vacau padau marutau trivfti

LD.Ab TUT
vigbhyém padbhydm marudbhy&m trivfdbhyam

va&ocds pados marutos trivftos
Plural:
NV. ARTA it: RTA Taare
vaocas padas marutas trivfnti
A. ATTA 4s TET trate
vacis, vAcas pdédas marutas trivfnti
1. TOT Es: §
vagbhis padbh{s marudbhis _ trivfdbhis

DAd «=6ATMUA RT rt ME LOL:

1
vagbhyas padbhyas marudbhyas trivfdbhyas

G. Sibi § eae rpaTy FATAL

vaicdim ‘padim marutam triv¢tam
L. ara art TEA faa
vakau patsa marutsu trivftesu

By way of illustration of the leading methods of treatment of
n stem-final, at the end of the word and in combination with case-
endings, characteristic case-forms of a few more stems are here added.
Thus:

a. Stems in Jj: yuj-class (210 a, 142), bhigAj physician: bhigdk,
bhigdjam, bhigdgbhis, bhigdkgu; — myj-clasa (210 b, 142), samraj
universal ruler: samrat, samrajam, samrddbhis, samratsu.

b. Stems in dh: -vfdh increasing: -vft, -vfdham, -vfdbhis,
-vfteu; -budh (155) waking: -bhut, -budham, -bhudbhis, -bhutsu.

c. Stems in bh: -stubh praising: -stup, -etibham, -stubbhis,
-stupsu.

d. Stems in ¢: dfg (218 a, 146) direction: dik, d{gam, digbh{s,
dikgu; — vig (218, 145) the people: vit, vigam, vidbhf{s, vitsu (V.
viksu: 218 a).

e. Stems in g (826 b, 146): dvig enemy: dvit, dvigam, dvidbhi{s,
dviteu.

f. Stems in h: duh-class (232-3a, 155b, 147), -duh milking,

10°

381—}) V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 148

yielding: -dhuk, -duham, -dhigbhis, -dhikgu; — ruh-class (283 b,
147), -lih licking: -lit, -liham, -lidbhis, -litsu.

g. Stems in m (143 a, 212: only pracdn, nom. sing., quotable):
-cAm quieting: -gan, -gamam, -ganbhis, -gansu.

802. The root-stems in ir and ur (383 b) lengthen their vowel
when the final r is followed by another consonant (245 b), and also
in the nom. sing. (where the case-ending s is lost).

a. Thus, from gir f. song come gir (gih), gfram, giré ete.;
girAu, girbhydm, giréds; gfras, girbh{s, girbhyds, giram, gired
(165); und, in like manner, from pur f. stronghold come ptir (pth),
param, pura, otc.; purau, pirbhyam, purds; paras, pirbh{s, pir-
bhy4s, purdm, pirsu.

b. There aro no roots in is (except the excessively rare pis) or in
us; but from the root cas with its & weakened to i (250) comes the
noun &gf{s f. blessing, which is inflected like gir: thus, cis (&cith),
Agigam, Ag{gd, etc.; acigdu, Acgirbhydm, Ag{gos; Ag{gas, Agirbhis,
Agirbhyas, Agisam, iivihgu. And sajiis together is apparently a stcreo-
typed nominative of like formation from the root jug. Tho form agtaprit
(TS.), from the root-stem prug, is isolated and anomalous.

co. These stems in ir, ur, is show a like prolongation of vowel also
{n composition and derivation: thus, girvana, piirbh{d, dhirgata,
dhistva, doirda, dcgirvant, eto. (but also girvan, girvanas).

dad. The native gramipar sets up a class of quasi-radical stems like
jJigamis desiring to go, made from the desiderative conjugation-stem (1027),
and prescribes for it a dcclonsion like that of acf{s: thus, Jigamis, jiga-
migd, jigamirbhis, jigamihgu, ctc. Such a class appears to be a mere
figment of the grammarians, since no example of it has been found gquotablo
from the literature, either carlier or later, and since there is, in fact, no
more a desiderative stem jigamis than a causative stem gamay.

893. The stem 4p f. water is inflected only in the plural, and
with dissimilation of its final before bh to d (161): thus, apas,
apds, adbhis, adbhy4s, apam, apsi.

a. But RV. has the sing. instr. apa and gen. apds. In the earlier
language (especially AV.), and even in the epics, the nom. and accus. pl.
forms are occasionally confused in use, apas being employed as accus.,
and apds as nowinative.

b. Besides the stem ap, case-forms of this word are sometimes used
in composition and derivation: thus, for example, abja, d&podevata,
&pomaya, apsumant.

304. ‘The stem purrs im. man is vory irregular, substituting
paumadns in the strong cases, and losing its s (nocessarily) before
initial bh of a cusc-ending, and likewise (by analogy with this, or
by an abbreviation akin with that noticed at 231) io the loc. plural.
The vocative is (iu accordance with that of the somewhat similarly

149 DECLENSION V., CONSONANTAL STEMS. [—398

inflected porfect participles: see 462 a) puman in the lator language,
but pumas in the earlier. Thus: puim&n, pim&hsam, pursed,
pursé, puthsds, purhef, poman; pamdéhsdu, pumbhydm, purhsds;
pumAanhsas, puths4s, pumbh{s, pumbhyas, purhsdim, purest.

a. The accentuation of the weak forms, it will be noticed, is that of
a true monosyllabic stem. The forms with bh-endings nowhere occur in the
older languago, nor do they appear to have been cited from the later.
Instances of the confusion of strong and weak forms aro occasionally met
with. As to the retention of 8 anlingualized in the weakest cases (whence
necessarily follows that in the loc. pl.), see 183 a.

b. This stem appears under a cousiderable variety of forms in com-
position and derivation: thus, as purhs in purgcalf, puimstva, purs-
vant, -puzheka, etc.; as pum in purhvatsea, pumriipa, purmvat,
pumartha, etc.; as purhsa in purhsavant; — at the end of a compound,
either with its full inflection, as in stripurhs etce.; or as puresa, in
stripumhsa, mah&purhsa; or as puma in stripuma (TS. TA.).

396. The stem path m. road is defective in declension, forming
only the weakest cases, while the strong are made from pantha or
pénthan, and the middle from path{: see under an-stems, below, 433.

306. The stem dant m. tooth is perhaps of participial origin, and
has, like a participle, the forms dant and d&t, strong and weak:
thus (V.), dan, déntam, dat&, etc.; datas acc. pl. eto. But in the
middle cases it has the monosyllabic and not the participial accent:
thus, dadbh{s, dadbhyds. In nom. pl. occurs also -datas instead
of -dantas. By the grammarians, tho strong cases of this word unre
required to be made from danta.

397. A number of other words of this division are defective,
making part of their inficction from stems of a different form.

a. Thus, hfd heart, mats or mas pn. meat, mas m. month, n&s
f. nose, nig f. night (not found in tho older language), pft f. army, are
said by the grammarians to lack the nom. of all numbers and the accus.
sing. and du. (the neuters, of course, the acc. pl. also), making them
respectively from hfdaya, mahed, masa, nasikd, nic& pftand. But
the usage inthe older language is not entirely in accordance with this
requirement: thus, we find mas flesh accus. sing. ; mas month nom. sing.;
and nasa nostrils du. From pft occurs only the loc. pl. prtst and (RV.,
once) the same case with double ending, prtsugu.

398. On the other hand, certain stems of this division, allowed
by the grammarians a full inflection, are used to fill up the deficien-
cies of those of another form.

a. Thus, dsyj vo. blood, gdkyt n. ordure, yakrt n. liver, dés n.
(also m.) fore-arm, have beside them defective stems in &n: sec below,
432. Of none of them, however, is anything but tho nom.-sce. sing. found
in the older language, and other cases later are but very scantily represented.

398—] V. Nouns AND ADJETIVES. 150

b. Of As n. mouth, and ad water, only a case or two are found, in
the older language, beside Asd4n and Asya, and uddn and Gdaka (433).

390. Some of the alternative stems mentioned above are instances of
transition from the consonant to a vowel declension: thus, ddénta, masa.
A number of other similar cases occur, sporadically in the older language,
more commonly in the later. Such are -pAda, -mA&da, -d&ca, bhréjé,
vigtapa, dvara and dura, pura, dhura, -dycga, naésd, nidd, kefpa,
ksapa, acd, and perhaps a few others.

a. A few irregular stems will find a more proper place under the head
of Adjectives.

Adjectives.

400. Original adjectives having the root-form are comparatively
rare even in the oldest language.

a. About a dozen are quotable from the RV., for the most part only
in a few scattering cases. But mah great is common in RV., though it
dies out rapidly later, It makes a derivative feminine stem, mahi, which
continues in use, as meaning earth eto.

401. But compound adjectives, having a root as final member,
with the value of a presont participle, aro abundant in every period
of the language.

a. Possossive adjective compounds, also, of the same form, are
not very rare: examples are yatdsruc with offered bowl; stiryatvac
sun-skinned; cAtugpad four-footed; suhdrd kind-hearted, friendly;
rityap (i. o. ritf-ap) having streaming waters; sabdsradvar furnished
worth a thousand doors.

b. The inflection of such compounds is like that of the simple root-
stems, mascullne and feminine being throughout the same, and the neuter
varying only in the nom.-acc.-voc. of all numbers. But special. neuter forms
are of rare occurrenoc, and masc.-fem. are somotimes used instead.

o. Only rarely is a derivative feminine stem in I formed: in the older
language, only from the compounds with ao or afc (407 f.), those with
han (402), those with pad, as ékapadi, dvipdédi, and with dant, as
vfgadati, and mahi, Amuci (AV.), upasadi (?(B).

Irregularities of inflection appear in tho following:

402. The root han siuy, as final of a compound, is inflected
somewhat like a derivative noun in an (below, 420 ff.), becoming ha
in the nom. sing., and losing its n in the middle cases and its a iu
the weakest cases but only optionally in the loc. sing.). Further, when
the vowel is lost, h in contact with following n reverts to its orig-
inal gh. ‘Thus:

151 DECLENSION V., CONSONANTAL STEMS. [—404

Singular. Dual. Ploral.
N. vrtrahd vrtrahanas
A. vrtrahanam \ rtrahénan vrtraghnas
I. vrtraghna vrtrahébhis
NS vrtraghné vrtrah4bhya4m \ vrtrah&bhyas
G. \vrtraghnds traghnés vrtraghndm
L. vrtraghni{, -hani \vr “6 vrtrahésu
Vv. vftrahan vftrahanadu vftrahanas.

a. As to'the change of n to y, eee 193, 106.

b. A feminine is made by adding I to, as usual, the stem-form shown
in the weakest cases: thus, vrtraghni.

c. An accus. pl. -hénas (like the nom.) also occurs. Vrtrahdébhis
(RV., once) is the only middle case-form quotable from the older language.
Transitions to the a-declension begin already in the Veda: thus, to -ha
(RV. AV.), -ghnaé (RV.), -hana.

403. The root vah carry at the end of a compound is said by
the grammarians to be lengthened to v&h in both the strong and
middle cases, and contractcd in tha weakest cases to th, which with
& preceding a-vowel becomes &u (137 ¢): thus, from havyavah sacri-
fice-bearing (epithet of Agni), havyavat, havyavéham, havyauha,
etc.; havyavah&éu, havyavddbhyaém, havydthos; havyaviahas,
havyauhas, havydvadbhis, ete. And ¢qvetavdb (not quotable) is
said to be further irregular in making the nom. sing. in v&s and the
vocative in vas or vas.

a. In the earlier language, only strong forms of compounds with vah
have been found to occur: namely. -vat, -vaham, -vahau or -vaha, and
-vahas. But feminines in i, from the weakest stem — as turyduhi,
dityauhi, pasthauhi — are met with in the Braibmanas. TS. has the
irregular nom. sing. pasthavat.

404. Of very irregular formation and inflection is one common
compound of vah, namely anadvah (anas-++vah burden-bearing or
cart-draicing, i. ¢. ox). Its stem-form in the strong cascs is anadvih,
in the weakest anaduh, and in the middle anadud (pcrbaps by dis-
similation from anadgud'. Moreover, its nom. and voc. sing. are made
in v€n and van (as if from a vant-stem). Thus:

Singular. Dual. Plural.
N, anadvan anadvahas
A. anadvaham \anadvéhau anaduhas
I. anaduha anadudbhis
a aneaee feredianartn \anagidbbyas
G. i] anaduhas Jane duhos anaduham
L.. anadguhi anadutsu
v. anadvan anadvaéhéAu anadvahas

‘wd oi ADJRCTIVRS. 152?

— ——rheiee- «er -¢ (ne only middle case-form quetable
_ oe .L -vaageamaa ahowing the middle stem — as
item - co 2st with in Brahmanas etc.
~<a, eens 2 (of very infrequent occurrea: +)
wengvedi (K. MS.).
~o .-ssuceem tam 19 the Veda a double irregulanr: -
. .-0£ ai Acvowel — as also in its single cc-
_weue -,eease (RV., twath g&t)— while it some
wa cn s -£ Ucvowel; and its a is cither prolongad
a -citag stud weak cases. The quotable forms
_. ~semaan vs ~anRam, -eaha, -sahe or -shhe, -gahas
_ a, - an oy is -eahas or -séhas.
~ .smpay } yal make offering) a certain priest or
. mah 19 oem the nom. and voc. sing. avayas,
_ mw» it avayas.
. va. > avayda, f. (RV. and AV., each once).
ok es SE Tp ya conciliate, avayas is very
= ‘ssn ise the same meaning. But sadhamas
_ ww . 6% (ace) show a similar apparent substitution
_ ~:eeug + tur long @ for a Anal rvot-consonant
wweeen usv the alleged gvetavas (above, 403).

"= ““Wiike.

: -

_. «ach abe or ac. The root ac or ane
.. ‘se svpuaditions and other words, a consid-
_. 2. -aeu sijuctives, of quite irregular formation
naan " yatcia it almost loses its character of root,
<a -* aueav ation.
wan, qwenrves have only two stem-forms: a strong
_, wen soi, in BOM. sing. masc.), and a weak in
. ~~. oa wae :@e@ middle in ac a weakest stem in o,
~~ estate with a preceding i or u into i or i.
_ ze 8 aowe Dy adding i*to the stem-form used in
aS vetwatud like then.
ques Wditiva we may take praiic forward, east,
ew tegvadkd yuing apart.

‘« .

~

7 So

a: ek Mya pratyak vigvan vigvak
weak wcetyadvam pratyak vigvaiicam vigvak
eee pratica vigiicé
- praticé vigiice
_ praticas vigiticas
_— pratici vigiici

. wets cwetyadvau pratici vigvaiicéu vigici

yeas. vigicos

153 DECLENSION V., CONSONANTAL STEMS. (—412

Pheoral:

N. Vv. prdaficas prajici pratydficas pratyéfici vigvaficas vigvafici
A pricas prf&fici praticas pratydfici visicas vigvafici
1. pragbhis pratyagbhis visvagbhis

D. Ab. pragbhyas pratyagbhyas vigvagbhyas

a. pracaim praticam vigiicam

L. praksu pratyékeu vigvaksu

a. The feminine stems are praci, pratici, vigiici, respectively.

b. No examplo of the middle forms excepting the nom. etc. sing.
nent. (and this generally used as adverb) is found either in RV. or AV.
In the same texts is lacking the nom. etc. pl. neut. In fiel; but of this a
number of examples occur in the Brahmanas: thus, priéfiol, pratyéfici,
arvafici, samyanci, sadhryafici, anvafici.

409. a. Like prafic are inflected ap&fic, &vaiic, parafic, arvafic,
adharfaic, and others of rare occurrence.

b. Like pratyaific are inflected nyafic (i. e. nfafic), samydfic
(sam +anc, with irregularly inserted i, and udafic (weakest stem
dic: ud-+anc, with i inserted in weakest cases only, with a few
other rare stems.

ce. Like vigvaiic is inflected anvafic, also three or four others of
which only isolated forms occur.

d. Still more irregular is tirydiic, of which the weakest stem is
tiracc ‘tiras+ac: the other stems are made from tir-+ afic or ac,
with the inserted 1).

410. The a-centnation of these words is Irregular, as regards both
the stems themsclves and their inflected forms. Somotimes the one element
has the tone and sometimes the other, without any apparent reason for the
difference. If the compound {is accented on the final syllable, the accent
is shifted in RV. to the ending in the weakest cases provided their stem
shuws the contraction to I or i: thus, praca, arvica, adharidcas, but
praticaé, aniichs, samici. But AV. and later texts usually keep the
accent upon the stem: thus, pratici, samici, antici (RV. bas praticim
once). Tho shift of accent to the endings, and even in polysyllabic stems,
is against all usual analogy.

B. Derivative stems in as, is, us.

411. The stems of this division are prevailingly neuter;
but there are also a few masculines, and one or two
feminines.

412. The stems in WTT as are quite numerous, and
mostly inade with the suffix @A_as (a small number also

412—) NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 14

with @q_tas and 7q nas, and some are obscure); the others
are few, and almost all made with the suffixes 74 is and
AA_us.

418. Their inflection is almost entirely regular. But
masculine and feminine stems in 4@_as lengthen the vowel
of the ending in nom. sing.; and the nom.-acc.-voc. pl. neut.
make the same prolongation (of 4 a or 3 i or 3 u) before
the inserted nasal (anusvira).

414. Examples of declension. As examples we
may take AT ménas n. mind; ATH Afigiras m. Angtras;
Fas § havis n. vblation.

Singular: :
N. TA aTaTTA eta
manas angirds havis
A. TEL AST etarq_
manas angirasam havis
1 TT aracen Shea
manasa angirasa haviga
b. Tra Arata eteara
manase aiigirase havige
Aba. AAA BETTIS §
ménasas Angirasas havipas
ee afaqfia waft
manasi Angirasi havisi
v. ans Clay: § FOE i
manas diigiras havis
Dual:
N. A.V. Fat ATSTAY afaat
manasi dfigiraeaiu havigi

1. D. Ab, TAU AT STUNT

ménobhyém 4fngirobhyam havirbhyim

G.L. aaa aT ETAT

~n

ménasos digirasos havigos

155 DECLENSION V., STEMS IN as, is, us. [(—416
Ploral:

N.A. Vv. SPTTfA ATT watts
maénéinsi dfigirasas havingi

1 TPT | r
ménobhis éfigirobhis havirbhis

D. Av. APU AaeUr = VP UA_
manobhyas &figirobhyas havirbhyas

q. TAT AT STAR etaraTy_
ménasim afigirasim havisam

L. TA ATCA Tay
manahsu dfigirabsu havibgu

In hke manner, aa_cdksus n. eye forms aa cékgusi,
WePUM_cékeurbhy&m, arate céketinsi, and so on.

416. Vedic ete. Irregularities. a. In the older language, the
endings -asam (acc. sing.) and -asas (generally nom.-acc. pl.; once or
twice gen.-abl. sing.) of stems in ag are not infrequently contracted to -Am,
-As—ec.g. acam, vedham ; surddhas, 4nafg&s — and out of such forms
grow, both earlier and later, substitute-etems in &, as acd, jaré, medhi.
So from other forms grow stems in @ and in asa, which exchange more or
Jess with those in as throngh the whole history of the language.

b. More scattoring irregularities may be mentioned, as follows: 1. The
usual masc. and fem. du. ending in & instead of &u;— 2. ugds f. dawn
often prolongs its a in the other strong cases, as in the nom. sing.: thus,
usdsam, ugdsd, ugdsas (and once in a weak case, ugdsas); and in its
instr. pl. occurs once (RV.) ugédbhis instead of ugébhis;— 3. from
tocds is once (RV.) found a similar dual, tocas&; —4. from svavas
and svdtavas occur in RV. a nom. sing. masc. in van, ae if from a stem
in vant; and in the Briahmanas is found the dat.-abl. pl. of like formation
svatavadbhyas.

c. The stems in is and us also show transitions to stems in i and
u, and in iga and uga. From janus is once (RV.) made tho nom. sing.
jantis, after the manner of an as-stem (of. also Janirvasas CB.).

416. The grammarians regard ucdnas m. as regular stem-form of the
proper name noticed abgve (366 a), but give it the irregular nom. uganda
and the voc. uganas or ucgand& or ucganan. Forms from the as-stem,
even nom., are sometimes met with in the later literature.

n. As to forms from as-stems to 4han or har and tidhan or idhar,
sce below, 430.

417—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 156

Adjectives.

417. a. A few nenter nouns in as with accent on the radical
syllable have corresponding adjectives or appellatives in 4s, with
accent on the ending: thus, for example, &pas work, apds active;
taras quickness, taras quick; ydégas glory, yacgés glorious. A few
other similar adjectives — as tavas mighty, vedhds pious — are without
corresponding nouns.

b. Original adjectives in is do not occur (as to alleged desider-
ative adjectives in is; sce 382d). But in us are found as many ad-
jectives as nouns (about ten of each class}; and in several instances
adjective and noun stand side by side, without difference of accent
such as appears in the stems in as: e. g. tapus heat and hot; vapus
wonder and wonderful.

418. Adjective compounds having nouns of this division as final
member are very common: thus, sumanas favorably minded; dirgh-
ayus long-lived; gukrAcgocis having brilliant brightness. The stem-
form is the same for all gondors, and each gender is inflected in the
usual manner, the stems in as making their nom. sing. masc. and
fem. in &s (like Afigiras, above). Thus, from sumdénas, the nom.
and accus. are as follows:

Singular. Dual. Plural.
10. f. n. md. f. n. mf. n.
N. summands -nas

\ guménasau ‘nasi sumdénasas -nédasi
A. sumdénasam -nas

and the other cases (save the vocative) aro alike in all genders.

a. In Veda and Brahmana, the neut. nom. sing. is in a considerable
number of instances made in &s, like the other genders.

b. From dirghayus, in like manner:

N. dirghayus \ _ P

A. dirghdyugam -yus dirghayugfiu -yugi dirghayugas -ydnsi

I. dirghayusa dirghayurbhy4m dirghdyurbhis
etc. etc. eto.

419. The stem anehds unrivalled (defined as meaning éime in the
later language) forms the nom. sing. masc. and fem. aneha.

C. Derivative stems in an.

420. The stems of this division are thoge made by the
three suffixes 4 an, 4-1 man, and 4] van, together with
a few of more questionable etymology which are inflected
like them. They are almost exclusively masculine and
neuter.

421. The stem has a triple form. In the strong cases

157 DECLENSION V., STEMS IN an. [—424

of the masculine, the vowcl of the ending is prolonged to
1 &; in the weakest cases it is in general struck out
altogether; in the middle cases, or before a case-ending
beginning with a consonant, the final 4n is dropped. The
4 n is also lost in the nom. sing. of both genders (leaving
41 & as final in the masculine, 4 a in the neuter’.

a. The peculiar cases of the neuter follow the usual
analogy (811 b): the nom.-acc.-voc. pl. have the lengthening
to 4] 8, as strong cases} the nom.-acc.-voc. du., as weakest
cases, have the loss of 4 a— but this only optionally, not
necessarily.

b. In the loc. sing., also, the a may be either rejected or retained
(compare the corresponding usage with r-stems: 373). And after the
m or v of man or van, when these are preceded by another con-
sonant, the a is always retained, to avoid a too great accumulation
of consonants

422. The vocative sing. is in masculines the pure stem;
in neuters, either this or like the nominative. ‘The rest of
the inflection requires no description.

423. As to accent, it needs only to be remarked that when, in
the weakest cases, av acute 4 of the suffix is lost, the tone is thrown
forward upon the ending.

424. Examples of declension. As such may be
taken TEP rajan m. king; ATCT Stmdn m. soul, self,
AVF niman n. name. Thus:

Singular:
N. BL ATCA qT
raja atma nama
A. ib lals § TCA ATT
rajdnam &tmdnam nama
I. RL ATICAAT UTTTT
rajfia atman& namna&
D. TH: TCA art

rajfie &tméne namne

424—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 158

Ab.G. = UNA AICATE AH

rajias &tmanas ndmnas
L. Tita, Tat || aca AT, ATATT
rajii, rajani &tmaéni némni, nimani
rajan dtman naman, néma
Dual:
N.A.V. TISITAal ATCATAT Ae, Ait
rajanau &tmanéu némn!, ndmani
1. D. Ab. Usa clita te s
rajabhyam &atmébhy4m namabhyam
GL. UTRTA TCA ATA
rajfios atmaénos ndmnos
Plural:
N, Ust ATCA WANNA
rajanas &tmdnas namani
A. TTA 9 ATTA
rajinias atmanas namani
I TPT ACARI BLL: §
rajabhis atmébhis namabhis
D. Ab. (soe Aca a Taq
rajubhyas atmabhyas namabhyas
qa. TIT ATCT ATT TTT
rajnam &tménam namnam
rajasu &tméésu namasu

a. The weakest cases of miirdhdn m. head, would be accented
mirdhnd, mirdhné, mirdhnés, mirdhnés (ace. pl.), mairdhndm,
etc.; and so iu all similar cases (loc. sing., mairdhn{ or mardhéni).

426. Vedic Irregularities, a. Hore, as elsewhore, the ending of
the nom.-acc.-voc. du. masc. {s usually & instead of du.

b. The briofer form (with ejected a) of the loc. sing,, and of the neut.
nom.-ace.-voc. du., is quite unusual in the older language. RV. writes
once gataddvni, but it is to be read gataddvani; and similar cases occur
in AV. (but also several times -mni). In the Brihmanas, too, such forms
as GhAmani and sAimani are very much more common than such as ahni
and lomnlL

159 DECLENSION V., STEMS IN an. ([—428

ec. Rot throughout both Veda and Brahmana, an abbreviated form of
the loc. sirg., with the ending i omitted, or identical with the stem, is of
considerably more frequent occurrence than the regular form: thus, mir-
dhan, karman, &4dhvan, beside mifirdhAéni etc. The mn has all the
usual combinations of a final n: e. g. mfirdhann asya, miirdhant sa,
mirdhans tvA.

d. In the nom.-acc. pl. neut., also, an abbreviated form is common,
ending in & or (twice as often) a, instead of Ani: thos, brahma and
brahmé, beside brAhm&ni: compare the similar series of endings from
a-stems, 329 o.

e. From a few stems in man is made an abbreviated instr. sing., with
loss of m as well as of a: thus, mahind, prathind, varind, da&nd,
pren&, bhiind, for mahimna etc. And draghma and ragmé (RV.,
each once) are perhaps for draghmén4, racmana.

f. Other of the weakest oases than the loc. sing. are sometimes found
with the a of the suffix retained: thus, for example, bhtimand, ddmane,
yimanas, uksénas (accus. pl.), ctc. In the infinitive datives (870d)
— trdmane, vidmane, d&vdne, etc. — the a always remains. About as
numerous are the instances in which the a, omitted in the written form
of the text, is, as the metre shows, to be restored in reading.

g. The voc. sing. in vas, which is the usual Vedic form from stems
in vant (below, 454 b) is found also from a few in van, perhaps by a
transfer to the vant-declension: thus, rtdvas, evaydvas, khidvas (?),
prataritvas, ma&taricvas, vibhavas.

h. For words of which the a is not made long in the strong cases,
see the next paragraph.

426. A few stems do not make the regular lengthening of a in
the strong cases (except the nom. sing.). Thus:

a. The names of divinities, piigan, aryaman: thus, pigd, plisé-
pam, pisna, etc.

b. In the Veda, ukgdn, dul] (but also ukgdnam); ydgan maiden;
vfgan virile, bull (but vfganam and vfganas aro also met with); tman,
abbreviation of &tman; and two or three other scattering forms: anarvé-
nam, jémana&. And in a number of additional instances, the Vedic motré
seems to demand a where & is written.

427. The stems cvdn m. dog and yuvan young have in the
weakest cases the contracted form gun and ytin (with retention of
the accent); in the strong and middle cases they sre regular. Thus,
qv4, cvdnam, guna, gune, etc., gvAbhy&m, gvaébhis, etc.; yuva,
yuvdnam, ytind, yavabhis, etc.

a. In dual, RV. has once ytinS for yuv&na.

428. The stem maghadvan generous (later, almost exclusively a
name of Indra) is contracted in the weakest cases to maghén: thus,
maghava, maghévaénam, maghonad, mechéne, etc.

428—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 160

a. The RV. has once the weak form maghdénas in nom. pl.

b. Parallel with this is found the stem maghavant (division B);
and from the latter alone in the older language are made the middle cases:
thus, maghavadbhis, maghavatsu, etc. (not maghavabhis etc.).

429. a. Stems in a, ma, va, parallel with those in an, man, van,
and doubtless in many cases derived from them through transitional forms,
are frequent in both the earlier and the later language, particularly as final
members of compounds.

b. A uumber of an-stoms are more or less defective, making a
part of their forms from other stems. Thus:

430. a. The stem dhan n. day is in the later language used
only in the strong and weakest cases, the middle (with the nom.
sing., which usually follows their analogy) coming from déhar or déhas:
namely, ahar nom.-acc. sing., ahobhyim, Ahobhis, etc. (PB. has
aharbhis); but ahn4 etc., 4hni or dhani (or dhan', ahni or dhani,
&hani (and, in V., aha).

b. In the oldest language, the middle cases Ahabhis, d&habhyas,
&hasu also occur.

c. In composition, only ahar or ahas is uscd as preceding member;
as final member, ahar, ahas, ahan, or the derivatives aha, ahna.

- d. The stem tidhan n. udder exchanges in like manner, in the old
language, with tidhar and tidhas, but has become leter an ag-stem only
(except in the fom. idhni of adjective compounds): thus, tidhar or fidhas,
tidhnas, tidhan or idhani, idhabhis, tidhahsu. As derivatives from
it are made both idhanya and tidhasya.

431. The neuter stems akgan eye, asth&n bone, dadhdn curds,
sakthan ¢high, form in the later language only the weakest cases,
akgna, asthné, dadhnas, sakthn{ or sakthdni, and so on; the rest
of the inficction is made from stems in i, dkgi etc.: see above,
343 i.

a. In the oldor languago, other cascs from the an-stems occur: thus,
akegani, akgdbhis, and akgasu; asthani, asthabhis, and asthaébhyas;
sakthani.

432. The neuter steins asan blood, yakan liver, gakaén ordure,
asan mouth, udan water, dogan fore-arm, yugdn broth, are required
to wake their nom.-ace.-voc. in all numbers from tho parallel stems
asrj, yakyt, gdkrt, asyd, udaka (in vldcr language udaké), dds,.
yusga, which are fully inflected.

a. Earlier occurs also the dual dogani.

433. ‘The stem panthan m. road is reckoned in the later language
as making the complete set of strong cases, with the irregularity that
the nom.-voc. sing. adds a s. Theo corresponding middle cases are
wade from path{, and the weakest from path. Thus:

161 DECLENSION Y., DeRIvATIVE STEMS IN an. [(—438

from pinthan —. pAnthas, pAnthinam; pdnthan&u; pAdnthanas;

from path{— path{bhyaim ; path{bhis, pathibhyas, path{gu;

from path — pathd, pathé, pathds, path{; pathés; pathds or
péthas (accus.), pathdm.

a. In the oldest language (RV.), however, the strong stem ifs only
péntha: thus, pdnth&s, nom. sing.; panth&m, acc. sing.; panth&e,
nom. pl.; and even in AV., paénth&nam and pdnth&nas are rare com-
pared with the others. From path{ occur also the nom. p). pathayas and
gen. pl. pathindm. RV. has once p&thds, acc. p!., with long 4.

434. The stems manthan m. stirring-stick, and ybhukgdén m., an
epithet of Indra, are given by the grammarians the same inflection with
pénthan; but only a few cases have been found in use, In V. occur from
the former the acc. sing. m&nthAm, and gen. pl. mathindm (like the
corresponding cases from paénthan); from the latter, the nom. sing. rbhu-
kgds and voc. pl. rbhukgAs, like the corresponding Vedic forms of panthan ;
but also the acc. sing. rbhukg&nam and nom. pl. rbhuksanas, which
are after quite another model.

Adjectives.

436. Original adjective stems in an are almost exclusively those
made with the suffix van, as yajvan sacrificing, sutvan pressing the
soma, jitvan conquering. The stem is masc. and neut. only (but
sporadic cases of its use as fem. occur in RV.); the corresponding
fem. stem is mado in vari: thus, yéjvari, j{tvari.

436. Adjective compounds having a noun in an as final mem-
bor are inflected after the model of noun-stems; and the masculine
forms are sometimes used also as feminine; but usually a special
feminine is made by adding I to the weakest form of the masculine
stem: thus, somarajfii, kilAlodhni, ékamiirdhni, durndmni.

437. But (as was pointed out above: 420 a) nouns in an occurring
as final members of compounds often substitute a stem in a for that in
an: thus, -r&ja, -janma, -adhva, -aha; their feminine is in & Occa-
sional exchanges of stems in van and in vant also occur: thus, vivasvan
and vivadsvant.

a. The remaining divisions of the consonantal deciension are
made up of adjective stems only.

D. Derivative stems (adjective) in in.

438. The stems of this division are those formed with
the suffixes ¥T_in, Fr_min, and far] vin. They are mas-
Whitney, Grammar. 8. ed. 11

488—) V. NouNs AND ADJECTIVES. , 162

culine and neuter only; the corresponding feminine is made
by adding z T.

a. The stems in in are very numerous, since almost any noun
io a in the language may form a possessive derivative adjoctive with
this suffix: thus, bala strength, balfn m. n. balini f. possessing strength,
strong. Stems in vin (1232), however, are very few, and those ia
min (12381) atill fewer.

439. Their inflection is quite regular, except that they
lose their final Yn in the middle cases (before an initial
consonant of the ending), and also in the nom. sing., where
the masculine lengthens the 3 i by way of compensation.
The voc. sing. is in the masculine the bare stem; in the
neuter, either this or like the nominative.

a. In all these respects, it will be noticed, the in-declension
agrees with the an-declension; but it differs from the latter in never
losing the vowel of the ending.

440. Example of inflection. As such may be taken
afer] balin strong. Thus:

Singular. Dual. Pleral.
Nowe afar |
bai ta | a af afer waite
A. STA ata balindu balfni bal{neas balini
bal{nam bali
1 arn atatra
balinad balibhis
D ata ater uy
baline balibhyaim alaie lt §
ab ; balibhyas
| afar
G balinas ~
| _. TT
t beliném
afar | balinos ary
balini _ baliga
VO SRF SET at a ar OR aati

163 DECLENBION V., DERIVATIVE STEMS IN in. [—444

a. ‘Tho derived fominine stem in ini is inflected, of course, like
any other feminine in derivative I (864).

441. a. There are no irregularities in the inflection of ih-stems,
in either the earlier language or the later — except the uaual Vedic
dual ending in & instead of &u.

b. Stems in in exchange with stems in i throughout the whole his-
tory of the language, those of the one class being developed out of those
of the other often through transitional forms. In a much smaller number
of cases, stems in in are expanded to stems in ina: e. g. gdkindé (RV.),
gugmina (B.), barhina, bhajina.

E. Derivative stems (adjective) in ant (or at).

442. These stems fall into two sub-divisions: 1. those
made by the suffix ant (or Hq_st), being, with a very
few exceptions, active participles, present and future;
2. those made by the possessive suffixes Ae{_ ment and
qe_vant (or Fe mat and 4q vat). They are masculine and
neuter only; the corresponding feminine is made by ad-
ding ; I.

1. Participles in ant or at.

443. The stem has in general a double form, a stronger
and a weaker, ending respectively in {ent and ‘i_at.
The former is taken in the strong cases of the masculine,
with, as usual, the nom.-acc.-voc. pl. neuter; the latter is
taken by all the remaining cases.

a. But, in accordance with the rule for the formation of the feminine
stem (below, 449), the future participles, and the prescnt participles of
verbs of the tud-class or accented &-class (752), and of verbs of the ad-
class or root-class ending in &, are by the grammarians allowed to make
the nom.-acc.-voc. du. neut. from either the stronger or the weaker stem ;
and the present participles from all other present-stems ending in a are
required to make the same from the strong stem. *

444. ‘Those verbs, liowever, which in the 3d pl. pres.
active lose 7 n of the usual ending fal nti (550 b), lose it
also in the present participle, and have no distinction of

strong and weak stem.
11°

444—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 164

a. Such are the verbs forming their present-stem by reduaplication
without added @: namely, those of the reduplicating or hu-class (656) and
the intensives (1012): thus, from yhu, present-stem juhu, participle-
stem juhvat; inutensive-stem johu, intensive participle-stem jdéhvat.
Further, the participles of roots apparently containing a contracted redupli-
cation: namely, cdkgat, dagat, ddsat, gdsat, sdgcat; the aorist parti-
ciple dhdékgat, and vagh&ét(?). Vavydhant (RV., once), which has the n
notwithstanding its reduplication, comes, like the desiderative participles
(1038), from a stem in a: compare vAvydhdnta, vavydhdsva.

b. Even these verbs are allowed by the grammarians to make the
nom.~acc.-voc. pi. neut. in anti.

445. The inflection of these stems is quite regular. The
nom. sing. masc. comes to end in {an by the regular
(150) loss of the two final consonants from the etymological
form rq_ants. The vocative of each gender is like the
nominative.

446. Stoms acconted on tho final syllablo throw tho sccent

forward upon the case-ending in the weakest cases (aot in the middle
also).

a. In the dual neut. (as in the feminine stem) from such participles,
the accent is Anti if the n is retained, ati if it is lost.

447. Examples of declension. As such may serve
A_bhdvant being, AQt_addnt eating, FAA_jubvat sacri-
freing. Thus:

Singular:

oink SG CO, Sa CO UUs SO

bhaévan bhévat addn adat jihvat juhvat

AeA Re FST

bhévantam bhavat addntam adat juhvatam jubvat

L aT a TAT
bhavata adata jahvata
D. Tad Aa TAA
bhavate adaté jabvate
Ab. G. Aaa ACTA
bhaévatas adatas jahvatas

L. Tate acta

bhévati adut{ jabvati

SS

-

a eo ®

165 DEcLENSION V., DERIVATIVE STEMS IN ant. (—448

Vv. FT IT ofa ais
bhévan bhaévat ddan adat jahvat
Dual:

N.A.V. era} Tati AA At yaar Taeft

bhaévantéu bhévanti addntau adati jahvatau jahvaty

1.D.Ab.
bhavadbhya4m adaddbhyam jahvadbhyam
GL. Fee ea 8
bhaévatos adatés jahvatos
Plural:

Nv. RR ai 0 aoe
bhévantes bhdvanti addntes adénti juhvatas juhvati

A RMR ovat sam oaeft gat

bhavatas bhdvanti adatés adénti juhvatas jahvati

bhavadbhis adddbhis jahvadbhis
D. Ab. IATA

bhévadbhyas adadbhyas jahvadbhyas
G. AAT FLATT :

bhévatain . adatém jahvatam
A ae TAY

bhavateu aditen — jahvateu

a. The fature participle bhavigyant may form in nom. ete. dual
neater either bhavigydénti or bhavigyati; tudant, cither tudaéntz or
tudati; ydnt (yy&), elther yantt or yati. And jahvat, in nom. ete.
plaral neuter, may make also jahvanti (beside juhvati, as given in
the paradigm above).

b. But these strong forms (ss well as bhdvanti, .du., and its like
from present-stems in unaccented &) are quite contrary to general analogy,
and of somewhat doubtful character. No example of them is quotable,
either from the older or from the later language. The cases concerned,
indeed, would be everywhere of rare occurrence.

448. The Vedic derivations from the model as above given are few.
The dual ending &u is only one sixth as common as &. Anomalous accent
Is seen in a case or two: acodate, rathirayétam, and vighddbhis (if
this fs s participle). The only instance in V. of Bom. ete. pl. neut. ts
ednti, with lengthoned & (compare the forms {n Snti, below, 451 a, 454.0);
one or two examples in anti are quotable from B.

444—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 164

a. Such are the verbs forming their present-stem by reduplication
without added a: namely, those of the reduplicating or hu-clase (656) and
the intensives (1019): thas, from phu, present-stem juhu, participle-
stem juhvat; intensive-stem johu, intensive participle-stem jdohvat.
Further, the participles of roots apparently containing a contracted redupli-
cation: namely, chkgat, dagat, ddsat, ofisat, sdgcat; the sorist parti-
ciple dhdkgat, and vagh&ét(?). Vavydhant (RV., once), which has the n
notwithstanding its reduplication, comes, like the desiderative participles
(1032), from a stem in a: compare v&vypdhanta, vavyrdhdésva.

b. Even these verbs are allowed by the grammarians to make the
nom.-acc.-voc. pl. neat. in anti.

445. The inflection of these stems is quite regular. The
nom. sing. masc. comes to end in {en by the regular
(150) loss of the two final consonants from the etymological
form rq ants. The vocative of each gender is like the
nominative.

446. Stoms accontud on tho final syllablo throw tho accent

forward upon the case-ending in the weakest cases (not in the middle
also).

a. In the dual neut. (as in the feminine stem) from such participles,
the accent is Anti if the n is retained, ati if it is lost.

447. Examples of declension. As such may serve
WaA_bhavant bewng, AQe_adant eating, REG juhvat sacrt-
fieing. Thus:
Singular:

NT eA Fa

bhaévan bhévat adan adat jihvat jahvat

Oe OO CRE GL LA

Le
bhévantam bhavat addntam ad&ét jahvatam jubvat

I. TTT AAT {AAT
bhaévata adataé jahvata
D. aa aca TaA
bhavate adaté juhvate
Ab. @. aT ets TAT
bhavatas adatas jahvatas
L. rate ATS Talat
bhévati adut{ jahvati

a

165 DECLENSION V., DERIVATIVE STEMS IN ant. [—448

v. | OFF rT RAL. TAT

N ‘\
bhaévan bhaévat ddan ddat jauhvat
Dual:

N.A.V. ety att ATA Ae yaa Sul

bhadvantéu bhévanti addntéu adati jdhvatiu juhvatl

LD.Ab, YAPRITT ALENT TRI

bhaévadbhy4m adédbhy&m jauhvadbhy4m
G.L. AeA eo
bhavatos adatés jahvatos
Plural :

Nv. Ma WaT TAN aT, RTA

bhaévantas bhdvanti addntas addnti jahvatas jahvati

A Ra Oram 0a efa a auf

bhaévatas bhavanti adatas adanti jihvatas juhvati

1 FATEH BTR Tare

bhévadbhis adddbhis jahvadbhis
D. Ab. TATA ACeTe HES §

bhavadbhyas ad&édbhyas jauhvadbhyas
G. FATTY aT

bhévat&ém adatém jauhvatam

bhavateu adéteu — jahvateu

a. The future participle bhavigy4nt may form in nom. eto. dual
neuter either bhavigyénti or bhavisyati; tuddént, cither tuddnti or
tudati; yant (jyy&), either yanti or yatf. And juhvat, in nom. ete.
plural neuter, may make also juhvanti (beside juhvati, as given in
the paradigm above).

b. But these strong forms (as well as bhdvanti, .du., and its like
from present-stems in unsccented a) are quite contrary to genoral analogy,
and of somewhat doubtful character. No example of them is quotable,
either from the older or from the later language. The cases concerned,
indeed, would be everywhere of rare occurrence.

448. The Vedic derivations from the model as above given are few.
The dual ending &u is only one sixth as common as & Anomalous accent
is seen in a case or two: acoda&te, rathirSyét&am, and vighddbhis (if
this ts a participle). The only instance in V. of nom. etc. pl. neut. is
ednti, with lengthoned & (compare the forms tn nti, below, 451 a, 4646);
one or two examples in anti are quotable from B.

449—] V. Nouns aNnD ADJEOTIVES. 166

449. The feminine participle-stem, as already stated,
is made by adding i I to either the strong or the weak
stem-form of the masc.-neut. The rules as to which of the
two forms shall be taken are the same with those given
above respecting the nom. etc. dual neuter; namely:

a. Participles from tense-stems ending in unaccented a add I to
the strong stem-form, or make their feminine in anti.

b. Such are the bhi or unaccented a-class and the div or ya-class of
present-stems (chap. IX.), and the desideratives and causatives (chap. XIV.):
thus, from Ybhi (stem bhava), bhdvanti; from ydiv (stem divya),
divyanti; from bubhiiga and bh&véya (desid. and caus. of ybho),
bubhigant! and bh&vdyanti.

o. Exceptions to this rule arc now and then met with, even from the
earliest period. Thus, RV. hes jérati, and AV. the desiderative sighsat!;
in B. occur vadati, gooati, trpyati, and in S. farther tigttiat!, and the
causative namayati; while in the epics and later such cases (including
dosideratives and causatives) are more numorous (about Afty are quotable),
though still only sporadic.

d. Participles from tense-stems in accented 4 may add the femin-
ino-sign either to the strong or to the woak stom-form, or may mako
their feminines in anti or in ati (with accent as here noted). |

e. Such are the present-stems of the tud or accented d-class (751 ff.),
the s-futures (832 ff.), and the denominatives (10563 f7.): thus, from p/tud
(stem tudé), tudanti or tudati; from bhavigya (fat. of /bhfi), bha-
vigydnti or bhavigyati; from devayA (denom. of dev&), devayént!
or devayati.

f. The forms in Anti from this class are the prevailing ones. No
future fem. participle in ati is quotable from the older language. From
pres.-stems in & are found there rhijati and sificati (RV.), tudati and
pinvati (AV.). From denominatives, devayati (RV.), durasyatf ond
gatriyati (AV.). In BbP. occurs dhakgyatl.

g Verbs of the ad or root-class (611 .) ending in & are given
by the grammarians the same option as regards the feminine of the present
participle: thus, from py, yAnti or yati. The older language affords no
example of the former, so far as noted.

h. From other tense-stems than those already specified — that
is to say, from the remaining classes of present-stems and from the
intensives — the fominino is formed in ati (or, If the stem be other-
wise accepted than on the final, in ati) only.

i. Thus, adati from Yad; juhvati from Yhu; yuijati from yyuj;

sunvati from Ysu; kurvat! from yk; krinati from ykri; dédigati
from dédig (intens. of )dig).

167 DECLENSION V., Derivative SrsMs 1N ant. (—458

j. Feminine stems of thin olass are occasionally (but the case is mach
less frequent than its oppositc: above, c) found with the nasal: thus,
yanti (AV., once), undaénti (QB.; but probably from the secondary &-stem),
gsthnanti (8.), and, in the epics and later, such forms as bruvanti,
rudanti, cinvanti, kurvanti, jJdnanti, mugnantL

4560. A few words are participial in form and inflection, though
not in meaning. Thus:

a. brhént (often written vphdnt) great; it is inflected like a
participle (with brhati and brhanti in du. and pl. neut.).

b. mahant great; inflected like a participle, but with the irreg-
ularity that the a of the ending is lengthened in the strong forms:
thus, mahdén, mah&ntam; mahdnt&u (neut. mahatf); mahdntas,
mahinti: instr. mahat& ete.

c. pfgant speckled, and (in Veda only) ragant shining.

d. jagat movable, lively (in the later language, as neuter noun, world),
a reduplicated formation from gam go; ita nom. etc. neut. pl. is allowed
by the grammarians to be only jdganti.

e. phaént small (only once, in RV., rhaté).

f. All these form their feminine in atl only: thus, brhati,
mahati, pfgati and ragati (contrary to the rule for participles),
jégati.

g. For dant tooth, which is perhaps of participial origin, see above,
396.

451. The pronominal adjectives fyant and kfyant are Inflected
like adjectives in mant and vant, having (459) {yan and kfyin as
nom. maso. sing., fyati and kfyati as nom. etc. du. neut. and as,
feminine stems, and fyanti and kfyanti as nom. etc. plur. neut.

a. But the neut. pl. {Fanti and the loc. sing.(?) kiy&ti are found
in RV.

2. Possessives in mant and vant.

452. The adjectives formed by these two suffixes are
inflected precisely alike, and very nearly like the participles
in He_ant. From the latter they differ only by lengthening
the 4a in the nom. sing. masc.

a. The voc. siog. is in an, like that of the participle (in the
later Ignguage, namely: for that of the oldest, see below, 464 b).
The neut. nom. etc. are in the dual only ati (or &tf), and fn the plural
anti (or 4ntd).

b. The feminine is always made from the weak stem: thus mati,
vati (or mati, wdti). Onc or two cases of ni instead of ¥ are. met
with: thus, antérvatni (B. and later), pativatni (C.).

452—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 168

o. The accent, however, is never thrown forward (as in the
participle) upon the case-ending or the feminine ending.

453. To illustrate the inflection of such stems, it will
be sufficient to give a part of the forms of Q57% pagumént
possessing cattle, and Dae bhdgavant fortunate, blessed.
Thus:

Singuler:
m, nh. mm a.
pagumén pagumat bhégavan bhégavat
A. OTT TAT OTA
pagumantam pagumét bhégavantam bhagavat
1. TAT AAT
pagumata hhégavatA
otc. ete.
v. nicl & nie lal § TTT aaa G &
pécuman pacsumat bhégavan bhégavat
Dual:
N.A.V. ODYTet DTA TTA
pagumantaéu paguméti bhaégavantéu bhaégavati
etc. etc,
Plural:
NV. OOPTAT_ Mat wzreata

hhdgavantes bhégavanti
Tare

pagumantas paguménti

A AAA

pacumatas pacuménti bhaégavatas bhdgavanti
I.
pagumadbhis bhaégavadbhis
7 etc. eto.

454. Vodio Irregularities.
Au) is the greatly prevailing ending.

b. In voc. sing. masc., the ending in the oldest language (RV.) is
almost always in as instead of an (as in the perfect participle: below,
462 a): thus, adrivas, harivas, bhinumas, havigmas. Such vocatives
in RY. occur more than a hundred times, while not a single unquestionablo
instance of one in an is to be found. In the other Vedio texts, vocatives
in as are extremely rare (but bhagavas and its contraction bhagos are
met with, even in the later language); and in their production of RV.

@, In dual masc. nom. ote, & (for

169 DECLENSION V., DERIVATIVE STEMS IN ant. (—458

pasragen tho as is usnally changed toan. It was pointed out above (426 g)
that tho RV. makes tho voc. in as also apparently from a few an-stoms.

c. In RV., the nom. ete. pl. neut., in the only two instances that
occur, ends in Anti instesd of anti: thus, ghrtavanti, pacumanti.
No such forme have been noted elsewhere in the older language: the SV.
reals anti in its version of the corresponding passages, and a few exam-
ples of the same ending are quotable from the Bribmanas: thus, tévanti,
etdvanti, yAvanti, ghrtavanti, pravanti, rtumanti, yugmanti. Com-
pare 448, 461.

d. In a féw (eight or ten) more or less doubtful cases, a confusion
of strong and weak forms of stem is made; they are too purely sporadic to
require reporting. The same is true of a case or two where a masculine
form appears to be used with a feminine noun.

455. The stem drvant running, steed, has the nom. sing. arvé,
from 4rvan; and in the older language also the voc. arvan and accus.
aérvanam.

456. Besides the participle bhévant, there is another stem bha-
vant, frequently used in respectful address as substitute for the
pronoun of the second person (but construed, of course, with a verb
in the third person), which is formed with the suffix want, and so
declined, having in the nom. sing. bhaéw&n; and the contracted form
bhoe of its old-style vocative bhavas is a common exclamation of
address: you, sir! Its origin has been variously explained; but it is
doubtless a contraction of bhdégavant.

457. The pronominal adjectives tdvant, etdvant, ydvant, and the
Vedic fvant, madvant, tvdvant, etc., are inflected like ordinary derivatives
from nouns.

F. Perfect Participles in vans.

458. The active participles of the perfect tense-system
are quite peculiar as regards the modifications of their stem.
In the strong cases, including the nom.-acc.-voc. pl. neut.,
the form of their suffix is @fq_w&ihs, which becomes, by
regular process (150), vin in the nom. sing., and which 1s
shortened to 44% van in the voc. sing. In the weakest
cases, the suffix is contracted into 3Q_ug. In the middle
cases, including the nom.-acc.-voc. neut. sing., it 18 changed

to dq vat.
“\

a. A union-vowel i, if present in the strong and middle cases,
disappears in the weakest, before ug.

460—]

V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES.

170

459. The forms as thus described are masculine and

neuter only; the corresponding feminine is made by adding
z I to the weakest form of stem, ending thus in Sut gl.

460. Tho accent is always upon the suffix, whatever be its form.

461. Examples of inflection. To show the inflection
of these participles, we may take the stems faata_vidvias
knowing (which has irregular loss of the usual reduplication
and of the perfect meaning) from fag vid, and afeaata
tasthivaéhs Aaving stood from yal stha.

Singular:

Db. GB.
faa area
vidvan vidvat

faaq

q
vidvaisam vidvat

faxar

vidugaé
fase

viduge

vidigas

fasta

vidugi

is LO

vidvan vidvat
Dual:
raatat fase

vidvdhsiu = vidugi

vidvadbhyaim

~n

vidugos

afeaaten

tasthivdisiu = tasthusi

tasthivadbhy&im

TREN

tasthugos

171 DECLENSION V., PARTICIPLES IN v&is. [—<62

Plural:

nv. Prete | faethe «fewer afeeretfi

vidvdnsas vidvdisi tasthivdieas tasthivdasi

A. fgoq feat | ae arfeerertft

vidugas vidvadasi tasthugas tasthivdnsi
I faretay ateratcet
vidvadbhis tasthivddbhis
D. rE rs31: § aera
vidvaédbhyas tasthivadbhyas
Ab. G. fazer TTT
vidagam tasthugam
L. rary ateraca
vidvaétsu tasthivdteu

a. The feminine stems of these two participles are fazat

vidug! and Aeqat tasthusl.

b. Other examples of the different stems arc:

from ykr — cakyvanhs, cakrvat, cakrig, cakrist!;

from yni —ninivdis, ninivat, ninyds, ninydsi;

from ybhii— babhividas, babhivat, babhfivis, babhivusl;
from ytan — tenivanes, tenivdt, tents, tenusi.

462. a. In the oldest language (RV.), the vocative sing. maso. (like
that of vant and mant-setems: above, 464 b) has the ending vas Instead
of van: thus, cikitvas (changed to -van in a parallel passage of AV.),
titirvas, didivas, midhvas.

b. Forms from the middle stem, in wat, are extremely rare earlier:
only three (tatanv&t and vavytvat, neut. sing., and jaigrvAdbhis, instr.
pl.), are foand in RV., and not one in AV. And in the Veda the weakest
stem (not, as later, the middle one) {s made the basis of comparison and
derivation: thus, vidugtara, aAd&custara, midhugtama, midhugmant.

c. An example or two of the use of the weak stem-form for cases
regularly made from the strong are found in RV.: they arc cakrugam,
acc, sing., and &bibhyugas, nom. pl.; emugaém, by its accent (unless an
error), js rather from a derivative stem emugdé; and CB. has progugam.
Similer instances, especially from vidvdhs, are now and then met with
lator (see BR., under vidvans).

d. The AV. has once bhaktiv&fsas, as if a participlal form from a
noun; bat K. and TB. give in the corresponding passage bhaktivdnas,
cakhvdhsam (RV., once) is of doubtful character; okivdhsA (RV., once)
shows a reversion to guttural form of the final of puc, elsewhere unknown.

463—] V. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 172

G. Comperatives in y&is or yas.

463. The comparative adjectives of primary formation
(below, 467) have a double form of stem for masculine and
neuter: a stronger, ending in Qft_y&as (usually sate ty&is),
in the strong cases, and a weaker, in @4_yas (or Tae tyss),
in the weak cases (there being no distinction of middle and
weakest). The voc. sing. masc. ends in 4 yan (but for
the older language see below, 466 a).

a. The feminine is made by adding 1 to the weak
masc.-neut. stem.

464. As models of inflection, it will be sufficient to
give a part of the forms of WUA_gréyas better, and of
T{tAA_gériyas heavier. Thus:

Stngular :
N. Rar ots TI meta
gréyan gréyas gériyin gériyas
A. wot Ute matey Ata
créyaénsam oréyas gariydisam géariyas
1. RUAN Teta
gréyasaé gaériyash
etc. etc.
v. OG WA TO TCO,
gréyan gréyas gariyan gériyas
Dual:
NAV. Sater ware matey = tare
gréyahsau qréyasi gariyéhediu gariyasi
etc, etc. ete. ete.
~ Plural:

NV. ated waita matey = atta

5
gréydhsas gréyahai gériyaisas§ gériydisi

A. War waite tra matte

gréyasas gréyahsi gariyasas gériya&isi
1. Wahra i
gréyobhis gariyobhis

ete, etc.

173 COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES. (—467

a. ‘The feminine stems of these adjectives are Watt
gréyas! and mytaet gariyasl.

465. a. The Vedic voc. masc. (as in the two preceding divisions:
454 b, 462 a) is in yas instead of yan: thus, ojiyas, jydyas (RV.: no
examples elsewhere have been noted).

b. No cxample of a middle case occurs in RV. or AV.

c. In the later language are found a very few apparent examples of
atrong cases madc from the weaker stem-form: thus, kaniyasam anil
yaviyasam acc. masc., kaniyas&u du.,.yaviyasas nom. pi.

Comparison.

466. Derivative adjective stems having a comparative
and superlative meaning — or often also (and more origin-
ally) a merely intensive value — are made either directly
from roots (by primary derivation), or from other derivative
or compound stems (by secondary derivation).

a. The subject of comparison belongs more properly to the chapter of
derivation; but tt stands in such near relation to inflection that it is, in
accordance with the usual custom in grammars, conventently and suitably
enongh treated briefly here.

467. The suffixes of primary derivation are IF yas
(or It ysis) for the comparative and 30 igtha for the
superlative. The root before them is accented, and usually
strengthened by gunating, if capable of 1t— or, in some
cases, by nasalization or prolongation. They are much more
frequently and freely used in the oldest language than
later; in the classical Sanskrit, only a limited number of
such comparatives and superlatives are accepted in use; and
these attach themselves in meaning for the most part to
other adjectives from the same root, which seem to be
their corresponding positives; but in part also they are
artificially connected with other words, unrelated with them
in derivation.

a. Thus, from Ykgip Aur} come kgépiyas and kgépigtha, which
belong in meaning to kgiprAé quick; from pvp encompass come vari-
yas and v&ristha, which belong to urd broad; while, for example,

467—] V. Nouns AND ADJEOTIVES. 174

kAniyas and kdénigtha are attached by the grammariaos to yavan
young, or Alpa small; and vérsiyas and vdrgigtha to vrddhé old.

468. From Veda and Brahmana together, considerably more than
a hundred instances of this primary formation in Iyas and igtha (io
mahy cases only one of the pair actually occurring) are to be quoted.

a. About half of these (in RV., the decided majority) belong, in
meaning as in form, to the bare root in its adjective value, as used espe-
clally at the end of compounds, but sometimes also independently: thus,
from Ytap burn comes tépigtha excessively burning; from Yyaj offer come
yajiyas and yéjigtha better and best (or very well) sacrificing; from Yyudh
Jight comes yodhiyas fighting better; — in a few instances, the simple
root is also found used as corresponding positive: thus, ji Aasty, rapid
with javiyas and javigtha.

b. In a little class of instances (eight), the root has a preposition
prefixed, which then takes the accent: thus, Agamigtha especially coming
hither; vicayigtha best clearing away; — in a couple of cases (Agrami-
gtha, dpardvapistha, dstheyas), the negative particle is prefixed; —
in a single word (g4mbhavigtha), an element of another kind.

c. The words of this formation sometimes take an accusative object
(see 371 @).

d. But even in the oldest language appears not infrequently the
same attachment in meaning to a derivative adjective which (as point-
ed out above) ia usual in the later speech.

©. Besides the examples that occur also later, others are met with like
vdrigtha choicest (v4ra choice), barhigtha greatest (bphdnt great),
Ogigtha quickest (6gam quickly), and so on. Probably by analogy with
these, like formations are in a few cases made from the apparently radical
syllables of words which have no otherwise traceable root in the language:
thus, kradhiyas and kradhigtha (K.) from kypdhu, sthdviyas and
sthévigtha from sthirdé, cdciyas (RV.) from géovant, aniyas (AV.)
and dnigtha (TS.) from anu; and soon. And yet again, in a few excep-
tional cases, the sufSxes Iyas and istha are applied to stems which are
themselves palpably derivative: thus, Agigtha from Aqh (RV.: only case),
tikgniyas (AV.) from tikgnd4, bréhmiyas and brdhmigtha (TS. etc.)
from bréhman, dharmigtha (TA.) from dharman, drédhigta (TA.:
instead of dérhigtha) from dpgha, raéghiyas (TS.) from raghu. These
are beginnings, ‘not followed up later, of the extension of the formation to
unlimited use.

f. In nd&viyas or ndvyas and névigtha, from ndva new, and in

sanyas from sdéna old (all RV.), we have also formations unconnected
with verbal roots.

469. The stems in igtha are inflected like ordinary adjeotives

io a, and make their feminines in &; those in iyas have a peculiar
declension which has been described above (468 ff,).

175 COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES. [—471

470. Of pecularities and irregularities of formation, tho follow-
fog may be noticed:

a. The suffix Iyas has in a few instances the briefer form yas, gener-
ally as alternative with the other: thus, taviyas and tdévyas, ndviyas
and na&vyas, vasiyas and vasyas, pdniyas and pdnyas; and eo from
rabh and sah; s&nyas occurs alone. From bhit come bhiiyas and
bhtiyigtha, beside which RV. has also bhéviyas.

b. Of roots in &, tho final blends with the initial of the suffix to e:
thus, sthéyas, dhéstha, yégtha; buat such forms aro in the Veda gener-
ally to be resolved, as dhdigtha, yaéigtha. The root jfy& forms jyéstha,
bat jyfyas (like bhiiyas).

c. The two roots in I, pri and gri, form préyas and prégtha and
créyas and créstha.

d. From the root of rju come, without strengthening, fjlyas and
fjietha; but in the older languago also, more regalarly, rdjiyas and
réjietha.

471. The suffixes of secondary derivation are A{ tara
and qq tama. They are of almost unrestricted application,
being added to adjectives of every form, simple and com-
pound, ending in vowels or in consonants — and this from
the earliest period of the language until the latest. The
accent of the primitive remains (with rare exceptions) un-
changed; and that form of stem is generally taken which
appears before an imitial consonant of a case-ending (weak
or middle form).

a. Examples (of older as well as later occurronco) sare: from
vowel-stems, priydtara, vdhnitama, rathftara and rathitama (RV,),
chrutara, potftama, sarmhraktatara;— from consonant-stems, gAth-
tama, céovattama, mrdayAttama, tavastara and tavastama, tuvig-
tama, vépuetara, tapasvitara, yacasvitama, bhdgavattara, hira-
nyavacimattama;— from compounds, ratnadhatama, abhibhiitara,
sukfttara, pirbh{ttama, bhiiyisthabhdktamsa, bhiriddvattara,
gucivratatama, strikAmatama.

b. But in the Veda the final n of a stem is regularly retained: thus,
madintara and mad{ntama, vrgdntama; and a few stoms even add a
nasal: thas, surabhintara, ray{ntama, madhintama. In a case or
two, the strong stem of a present participle is taken: thus, vradhanttama,
shhanttama; and, of a perfect participle, the weakest stem: thas, vidug-
tara, midhusgtama. A feminine final i is shortened: thus, devitamaé
(RV.), tejasvinitamd (h.).

ise,

471—] V. Nouns AND ADJECTIVES. 176

c. In the older language, the words of this formation are not much
more frequent than those of the otber: thus, in RV. the stems in tara
and tama are to those in fyas and igtha as three to two; in AV., only
as six to five: but later the former win a great preponderance.

472. These comparatives and superlatives are inflected like
ordinary adjectives in a, forming their feminine in &.

473. a. That (especially in the Veda) some stems which are
nouns rather than adjectives form derivatives of comparison is natural
cnough, considering the unccrtain nature of the division-line between
substantive and adjective value. Thus, we have virdtara, virdtama,
vahnitama, matftama, nftama, marittama, and so on.

b. The suffixes tara and tama also make forms of comparison
from some of the pronominal roots, as ka, ya, i (see below, 620);
and from cortain of the prepositions, as ud; and tho advorbially used
accusative (older, neuter, -taram; later, fominine, -taraém) of a cuw-
parative in tara from a proposition is omployed to make a curres-
pouding comparative to the preposition itself (below, 11198); while
-tardm and -tamam make degrocs of comparisun from a few ad-
verbs: thus, nataram, natamdém, kathamhtarém, kutdstaram,
nddhatamam, nicaistaram, ote.

co. By a wholly barbarous combination, Muding no warrant {tn the
earlier and more genuine usages of the language, the suffixes of comparison
in their adverbial feminine form, -taram and tamdm, are later allowed
to be added to personal forms of verbs: thus, sidatetar&m (R.: the only
case noted in the epics) ts more despondent, vyathayatitarim disturbs
more, alabhatatarém obtained in a higher degree, hasigyatitarim wid
laugh more. No examples of this use of -tam&m are quotable.

d. The suffixes of secondary comparison are not infrequently added
to those of primary, forming double comparatives and superlatives: thus,
gariyastara, oregthatara and grégthatama, pipiyastara, p&pigtha-
tara and -tama, bhiiyastaram, etc.

e. The use of tama as ordinal suffix is noted below (487f); with
this value, it is accented on the final, and makes its feminine in 1:
thus, gatatamaé m. n., gatatam! f., hundredth.

474. From a few words, mostly prepositions, degrees of com-
parison are made by the briefer suffixes ra and ma: thus, 4dhara
and adhamé, apara and apamé, 4vara and avamé, apara and
upama, Antara, dntama, paramé, madhyamé, caramé4, antima,
&dima, pagcima. And ma is also used to make ordinals (below, 487).

am

177 NUMERALS. [—475

CHAPTER VI.

NUMERALS.
476. The simple cardinal numerals for the first ten
numbers (which are the foundation of the whole class),
with their derivatives, the tens, and with some of the higher

members of the decimal series, are as follows:

i VED 10 qa 100 Wey
éka daca gata

28 20 fasta 1000 Wea
dvé vihgati sahésra

3 fa 30 Fa 10,000 ae? (a
tri tringat ayuta

4 FAT 40 100,000 fet
catar catvaérincat lake

6 AY 50 1,000,000 wad
pafica paficaicdt praytta

6 ak 60 ate 10,000,000 salle
gag gagti kdoti

7 WH 70 wate 108 waz
sapté saptat{ arbud&é

s TP 80 soft 109 AeTAT
agté acit{ mahérbuda

9 Wa 90 vata 1010 aa
néva navat{ kharvé

10 23 100 Sey 101 fea
daca gata nikharva

a. The accent sapté and agt& is that belonging to these words in all
accentuated texts; according to the grammarians, they are s&pta and dgta
in the later language. See below, 483.

b. The serics of decima! numbers may be carried still further;
but there are great differences among the different authorities with

Whiteney, Grammar. 3. ed. 12

476—| VI. NUMERALS. 178

regaril to their names; and there is more or less of discordanco cven
from ayuta on.

ec. Thus, in the TS. and MS. we find ayuta, niyuta, prayuta,
arbuda, nyarbuda, samudraé, madhya, danta, pardrdhé; K. reverses
the order of niyuta and prayuta, and inserts badva after nyarbuda
(reading nyarbudha): these are probably the oldest recorded series.

d. In modern time, the only numbers in practical use above thousand
are lakga (lac or lukh) and koti (crore); and an Indian sum is wont to
be pointed thus: 123,415,67,890, tu signify 123 crores, 45 lukhs, 67 thou-
sand, ctyht hundred and ninety.

e. As to the alleged stcin-forms pafican etc., sec below, 484. As
to the form gakg instead of gag, see above, 146 b. The stem dva appears
in composition and derivation also as dv& and dvi; catur in composition
is accented cétur. The older form of agta is agt&: see below, 483.
Forms in -gat and -cati for the tens are occasionally interchanged: e. g.
vihgat (MBh. R.), tridgati (AB.), paficdgati (KT.).

f. The other numbers are expressed by the various composition
wid syntactical combination of those given above. Thus:

476. The odd numbers between the even tens are made by
prefixing the (accented) unit to the ten to which its value is to be
added: but with various irregularities. Thus:

a. eka in I1 becomes eka, but is elsewhere unchanged;

b. dva becomes everywhere dv&; but in 42-72 and in 92 it is
interchangeable with dvi, and in 82 dvi alonc is used;

c. for tri is substituted its nom. pl. masc. trdyas; but tri itself is
also allowed in 43-73 and in 93, and in 83 tri alone is used;

d. gag becomes go in 16, and makes the initial d of daga lingual
(199 d); elsewhere its final undergoes the regular conversion (226 b, 198 b)
tu ¢ or d or n; and in 96 the n of navati is assimilated to it (100 c);

e. agta becomes agta (483) in 18-38, and haa either form in the
succeeding combinations.

f. Thus:
11 ékadaga 31 ékatrifcat 61 ékagagti 81 ékaciti
12 dvadaca 32 dvdtrincat 62 dvdgast! 32 dvyagiti
dvigagti
a ted ; trdyahgasti
13 trayodaga 33 trayastrihcat 63 trigagti 68 tryaciti

14 chturdaga 31 catustrifgat 64 catuhgagti ° 51 cdturaciti

1S paficadaga 45 pancatriigat 45 paéficagagti s5 pafc&citi

16 godaga 36 gattrincat 66 gdtgasti 86 gédaciti

17 saptadaga 37 saptdtrincat 67 aapthgagti 47 saptdgiti

16 agtddaca 3% agtatrincat oo {nateaentt $3 agtdoiti
agtagagti

ty navadaga 3» naévatringat 69 navagagti sv navAaciti

179 Opp NuMBERS. [—a78

g. The numbers 21-29 are made like those for 317-39, tho nambers
41-49, 51-59, 71-79, and 91-99 are made like those for 61-69.

h. The forms made with dv& and trayas are more usual than those
with dvi and tri, which are hardly to be quoted from the older litcrature
(V. and Br.). The forms made with agt& (Instead of agta) are almost ex-
clusively used in the older literature (483), and are not infrequent in the
later.

477. Tho above aro the normal expressions for the odd num-
bers. But equivalent substitutes for them are also variously made.
Thus:

a. By use of the adjectives tina deficient and adhikea redundant, in
composition with lesser nambers which are to be subtracted or added, and
either independently qualifying or (more usually) in composition with larger
numbers which arc to be increased or diminished by the others: thus,
tryfinagagtih sirty deficient by three (i. 0. 57); agt&dhikanavatih
ninety increased by eight (i. c. 98); ek&dhikath catam a hundred in-
creased by one (i. e. 101); paficonarmh catam 100 less 6 (i.e. 95). For
the nines, especially, such substitutes as ekonavincatih 20 less 1, or 19,
are pot uncommon; and later the eka J Is left off, and finavincati etc.
have the same value.

b. A case-form of a smaller number, generally éka one is connected
by n& not with a larger number from which it is to be deducted: thus.
ékayA n& tridcdt (CB. PB. KB.) not thirty by one (29); dvaébhyam
n& "egitim ((8.) not eighty by two (78); paicabhir n& catvadri catdni
(CB.) not four hundred by five (395); ékasman né pafichcét (in ordinal)
49 (TS.); é6kasyAi (abl. fem.: 307 h) na paficdgdt 49 (TS.); most often,
ékdn (ic. ék&t, irregular abl. for ékasma&t) n& vihcatih 19; ékAn na
catém 99. This last form is admitted also in the later language; the
others are found in the Brihmanas.

c. Instances of multiplication by a prefixed number are occasionally
met with: thus, trigapt& thrice seren; trinavé thrice nine; tridacd
thrice ten.

d. Of course, the numbers to bo added together may be oxpressed by
independent words, with connecting and: thus, néva ca navatig ca, or
néva navatic ca ninety and nine; dv&i ca vitgatig ca two and
twenty. But the connective is also (at least, in the older language) not
seldom omitted: thus, navatir néva 99; trincétarh trin 33; agitir
agtéu 88.

478. The samo methods are also variously used for forming the
odd numbers above 100. Thus:
a. The added number is prefixed to the other, and tekes tho accent:
for example, ékAcatam 101; agtacatam 108; trihtgdcchatam 130:
astAvincatigatam 125; catuhsahasram (RV.: unless the accent is
wrong) 1004; acitisahasram 1080.
12°

478—] VI. NUMERALS. 180

b. Or, the number to be added is compounded with adhika redundant,
and the compound is either made to qualify the other number or is further
compounded with it: thus, pahic&dhikarh gatam or paficddhikacatam
105. Of course, tina deficient (aa also other words equivalent to tina or
adhika) may be used in the same way: thus, paficonarh gatam 95,
gagtih paficavarjita 55; gatam abhyadhikam gagtitah 160.

c. Syntactical combinations are made at convenience: for example déca

gatath oa 110; gatam ékaih ca 101.

478. Another usual method (beginning in the Brahmanas) of
forming the odd numbers above 100 is to qualify the larger number
by an adjective derived from the smaller, and identical with the
briefer ordinal (below, 488): thus, dvidacgéth gatém, 112 (litly a
hundred of a 12-sort, or characterised by 12); catugcatvarifgath catam
144; gatgagtdth gatam 166.

480. To multiply one number by another, among the higher or
the lower denominations, the simplest and lIcast ambiguous imethod
is to make of the multiplied number a dual or plural, qualified by
the other as any ordinary noun would be; and this method is a com-
mon one in all ages of the language. For example: pdiica paficé-
gatas five fifties (250); nava navatéyas nine nineties (810); acitibhis
tistbhis with three eighties (240); pdiica catani jive hundreds; trini
sahasrani three thousands; gagtiin sahasradni 6v,000; daga ca sahas-
rany agtdu ca gatdni 10,800: and, combined with addition, -trini
gatani trayastriigatarh ca 333; sahasre dve paficonam gatam eva
ca 2095.

a. In an exceptional case or two, the ordinal form appears to take
the place of the cardinal as multiplicand in a like combination: thus, gat-
tringfig ca caturah (RV.) 36><4 (lit. four of the thirty-six kind);
tridr ek&dagdn (RV.) or traya ekddag&sah ((CS. viii. 21. 1) 11><3.

b. By a peculiar and wholly illogical constraction, such a combination
as trini gagtigatani, which ought to signify 480 (3><100 + 60), is repeat-
edly used in the Brahmanas to mean 360 (3><100+ 60); so also dvé
catustringé gaté 234 (not 268); dv&gagtani trini gat&ni 362; and
other like cases. And even K. has trayah catacgataérdhaéh 350.

481. But the two factors, multiplier and multiplied, are also,
and in later usage moro generally, combiued into a compound jaccented
on the final); and this is then treated as an adjective, qualifying the
numbered noun; or else its neuter or feminine (in i) singulur is used
substantively: thus, dagacet&s 1000; gatgat&ih pada&tibhih (MBh.)
with 600 foot-soldiers; trayastrihcat tricatéh gatsahasréh (AV.) 6333;
dvigatdm or dvicati 200; agt&dagacati 130v.

a. In the ususl absence of accentuation, there arises sometimes a
question as to how a compound number shall be understood: whether agta-
gatam, fo: example, is agtdcatam 108 or agtagatém 3800, and the like.

181 INFLECTION. [—ase

482. Inflection. The inflection of the cardinal numerals
is in many respects irregular. Gender is distinguished only
by the first four.

8. Eka one is declined after the manner of » pronominal adjec-
tive (like sérva, below, 524); its plural is used in the sense of some,
certain ones. Its dual does not occur.

b. Occasional forma of the ordinary declonsion are met with: thus, éke
(loc. sing.), 6ka&t (477 b).

c. In the late literature, eka is used in the sense of a certain
or cven sometimes almost of a, as an indefinite article. Thus, eko
vy&ghrah (I1.) a certain tiger; ekasmin dine on a certain day; haste
dandam ekam Adaya (H.) taking a stick in his hand.

d. Dva two is dual only, and is entirely regular: thus, N. A. V.
dv&u (dvé, Veda) m., dvé f. n.; I. D. Ab. dvabhyam; G. L. dvayos.

e. Tri three is in masc. and neut. nearly regular, like an ordinary
stem in i; but the genitive is as if from tray& (only in the later
language: the regular trindm occurs once in RV.). For the feminine
it has the peculiar stem tisf, which is inflected in general like an
r-stom; but the nom. and accus. are alike, and show no strongthening
of the y; and the y is not prolonged in the gen. (excepting in the
Veda). Thus:

m. n. f.
N tréyas trini tisrés
A trin trini tisras
L tribh{e tisfbhis
D. Ab. tribhyas tisfbhyas
G trayanim tisrpdm
L trigu tistgu

f. The Veda has the abbreviated neut. nom. and accus. tri. Tho
accentnation tisrbhis, tisrbhydés, tisfn&m, and tiered is said to be
also allowed in the later language. The stem tisy occurs in composition
in tispdhanvaé (B.) a bow with three arrows

g. Catur four has catvér (the more original form) in the strong
cases; iu the fem. it substitutes the stom cdétasy, apparently akin
with tisf, and inflected like it (but with anomalous change of accent,
like that in the higher numbers: seo below, 483). Thus:

m. n. f.
catvaras catvéari cétasras

N.

A. caturas catviri catasras

I. caturbhis catasfbhis
D. Ab. caturbhyas catasfbhyas
G. caturndm cataspndm
1. caturgu catasfgu.

482—] VI. NUMERALS. 182

h. The use of n before 4m of the gen. mase. and neut. after a Anal
consonant of the stem is (as in gag: below, 483) a striking irregularity.
The more regular gen. fem. catasfn&m also sometimes occurs. In the
later language, the accentuation of the final syllable instead of the penult
is said to be allowed in instr., dat.-abl., and loc.

483. The numbers from 5 to 19 have no distinction of gender,
nor any generic character. They are inflected, somewhat irregularly,
us plurals, save in the nom.-acc., where they have no proper plural
form, but show the bare stem instead. Of gdg (as of catur), n&m
is the gen. ending, with mutual assimilation (106 b) of stem-final and
initial. of the termination. Agta (as accented in the older language)
has an alternative fuller form, agt&, which is almost exclusively used
in the older literature (V. and B.), both in inflection and in compo-
sition (but some compounds with asta are found as carly as the AV.);
its nom.-acc. is agté (usual later: found in RY. once, and in AV-.',
or agté (RV.), or agtad (most usual in RV.; also in AV., B., and
later).

a. The accent is in many respects peculiar. In all the accented texts,
the stress of voicyu lics on the penult before the endings bhis, bhyas, and
su, from the steus in a, whatever be the accent of the stem: thus, pafi-
cabhis from péfica, navadbhyas from nava, dacdsu from ddga, nava-
dagébhis from névadaga, ekddagébhyas from ékAdaga, dvddacgisu
from dvddaga (according to the grammarians, either the penult or the
tinal is accented in these forms in the later language). In the gen. pl.,
tho accent fs on the ending (as in that of i-, u-, and y-stems): thus, pan-
cadagénam, saptadag&nam. ‘Tho cases of gag, and those made frum
the stem-form agta&, have the accent throughout upon the ending.

b. Examples of the inflection of these words are as follows:

N. A. paiica gat agtau agté

I. paicébhis gadbhis astabhis agtabhis
Db. Ab. paticabhyas gadbhyds agtabhyd4s astabhyas
G. paficAnam ganndim agta4ném

L. paficasu gateu agtasu astésu.

c. Sapta (in the later language sapta, as Agta for asta) and ndva
and daga, with the compounds of daga (11-19), are declined like pAfica,
and with the same shift of accent (or with alternative shift to.the endings,
as pointed out above).

484. ‘The Hindu grammarians give to the stems for 5 and 7-19 a
final n: thus, pafican, saptan, agtan, navan, dagan, and ek&dacan
etc. This, however, has nothing to do with the demonstrably original final
nasal of 7, 9, and 10 (compare septem, novem, decem; seven, nine,
ten); it is only owing to the fact that, starting from such a atem-form,
their inficction is made to assume a more regular aspect, the nom.-acc.
having the form of a neut. sing. in an, and the inetr., dat.-abl., and loc.
tha¢ of a neut. or masc. pl. in an: compare nama, namabhis, niéma-

i
a

183 INFLECTION. [—4€87

bhyas, nimasu -— the gen. alone boing, rather, like that of an a-stems
compare dacAnim with SndrAndéin and nimndém or AtmAniim. No trace
whatover of a final n is found anywhere in the language, in inflection or
derivation or composition, from any. of these words (though CB, has twico
dacathdac{n, for the usual dacadacin).

485. a. Tho tens, vihgat{ and trihgat etoc., with their compounds,
aro declined regularly, as feminine stems of the same endings, and in
all numbers.

b. Gata and sahdsra aro declined regularly, us neuter (or, rarely,
in tho later language, as masculine) stems of the same final, in all
numbers.

c. The like is true of the higher numbers — which have, indeed,
no propor numeral character, but nre ordinary nouns.

486. Construction. As regards their construction with the
nouns enumerated by them —

a. The words for 1 to /8 are in the main used adjectively,
agreeing in case, and, if they distinguish gender, in gender also, with
the nouns: thus, dagdbhir vird{h toith ten heroes; yé devd divy
ékaddaca sthaé (AV.) that eleven gods of you are in heaven; pafichsu
jamegu among the five tribes; catasfbhir girbh{h toith four songs.
Rarely occur such combinations as daca kalacg&n&m (RV.) ten pitchers,
rtin&rh sat ‘R.) stx seasons.

b. The numerals above 19 are construed usually as nonus, cither
taking the numbered’ noun as a dependent genitive, or standing in
the singular in apposition with it: thus, gatazh d&sih or gatath
d&sin&m a hundred slaves or a hundred of slaves; vihcatyé haéribhib
rith tecenty bays; gagtyath cardteu in 60 autumns; gaténa pic&ih
with a hundred fetters; catath sahdsram ayttath nyarbudath ja-
ghana cakroé dasyiindm (AV.) the mighty [Indra] slew a hundred, a
thousand, a myriad, a hundred million, of demons. Occasionally they
are put in the plural, as if used more adjectively: thus, paficigad-
bhir ban&ih with fifty arrows.

c. In the older Ianguage, the numerals for 56 and upward are
sometimes used in the nom.-acc. form (or as if indeclinably) with
vther cases also: thus, pafica kygt{gu among the five races; saptd
rgina&th of seven bards; sahdsram fgibhih with a thousand bards;
gatath pOrbhih with a hundred strongholds. Sporadic instances of a
like kind are also met with later.

487. Ordinals. Of the olasses of derivative words |
coming from the original or cardinal numerals, the ordin-
als are by far the most important; and the mode of their
formation may best be explained here.

487—] VI. NUMERALS. 184

Some of the first ordinals are irrogularly mado: thus,

a. éka / forms no ordinal; instead is used prathamé (i. ¢. pra-
tama foremost); adya (irom Adi beginning) appears first in the Sitras,
and adima much later;

b. from dvd 2, and tr{ 3, come dvitiya and trtiye (secondarily,
through dvita and abbreviated trita. ;

c. catur 4, gag 6, and sapté 7, tuke the ending tha: thus,
caturtha, gasthé, saptatha; but for fourth are used also turiya and
turya, and saptatha belongs to the older language only; paficatha,
for fifth, is excessively rare;

d. the numerals for 5 and 7 usually, and for 8, 9, 10, add ma,
forming paficama, saptaméa, agtama, navamé, dagamé;

e. for 11th to 19th, the forms are eka&dac&, dvddagé, and so
on (the same with the cardinals, except change of accent); but ek&-
dagama etc. occasionally occur also;

f. for the tens and intervening odd nambers from 20 onward,
the ordinal has a double form — one made by adding the full (super-
lative) cnding tama to tho cardinal: thus, vihgatitama, triigattamé,
acititama, ctc.; the other, shorter, in a, with abbreviation of the
cardinal: thus, vinga 20th; trihgd 30th; catvdritgd 40th; paficiigh
50th; gagtd 60th; saptata 70th; acita 80th; navaté duth; and so
likewise ekavitgd 2ist; catustrihgd 34th; agticatvirihgé s&th;
dvadpaficécd 52d; ekagagté dist; and ekadnnaviitcé and tinaviigdé
and ekonavingdé /9th;—-and so on. Of these two forms, the latter
and bricfer is by far the more common, the other being not quotable
from the Veda, and extremely rarely from the Brahmanas. From 50th
on, the briefer form is allowed by the grammarians only to the odd
numbers, made up of tens and units; but it is sometimes met with,
even in the later language, from the simple ten.

g- Of the higher numbers, gat& and sahasra form gatatamé and
sahasratamé; but their compounds have also the simpler form: thus,
ekacaté or ekacgatatama /01st.

h. Of the ordinals, prathamé (und ddya), dvitiya, trtiya, and
turiya (with tarya) form their feminine in &; alt the rest make it
in i.

488. The ordinals, as in other languages, have other than ordinal
offices to All; and in Sanskrit ospecially they aro genoral adjectives to the
cardinals, with a considerable variety of meanings, as fractionals, as signi-
fying composed of so many parts or so-many-fold, or containing so many,
or (as was secn above, 478) haring so many added.

a. In a fractional sense, the grammarians direct that their accont be
shifted to the first syllable: thus, dvitiya Aalf; tftiya third part; cdtur-
tha quarter; and so on. But in accented texts only tétiya third, and
céturtha (CB.) and turiya quarter, are found so treated; for Aulf occurs

185 NUMERAL DERIVATIVES. [—401

only ardhAé; and caturtha (M8. ote.). paficenmé, and so on, arn accented
as in thelr ordinal use.

488. There are other numoral dorivatives: thus —

a. multiplicative adverbs, as dvis twice, tris thrice, catus four
times ;

b. adverbs with the suffixes dh& (1104) and gas (1106): for
example, ekadhd in one way, gatadh& in a hundred ways; ekagas

one by one, gatagas by hundreds;
c. collectives, as dvitaya or dvayé a pair, ddgataya or dacét

a decade;

d. adjectives like dvika composed of to, paficaka consisting of
fice or fires;
and so on; bnt their treatment belongs rather to the dictionary, or
to the chapter on derivation.

CHAPTER VIL.

PRONOUNS.

490. THR pronouns differ from the great mass of nouns
and adjectives chiefly in that they come by derivation from
another and a very limited set of roots, the so-called pro-
nominal or demonstrative roots. But they have also many
and marked peculiarities of inflection— some of which,
however, find analogies in a few adjectives; and such ad-
jectives will accordingly be described at the end of this
chapter.

Personal Pronouns.

491. The pronouns of the first and second persons are
the most irregular and peculiar of all, being made up of
fragments coming from various roots and combinations of
roots. They have no distinction of gender.

491—|

VII. Pronouns.

186

a. Their inflection in the later language is a follows

D.

Ab.

Gi.

Siugular:

G. L,

and A.D.G.,

Plural:

ist pers.

ACH

~N

aham

A, Al
mam, ma
aT
maya
a,

mahyam, me

TT

.
mat

~

WH, A
mama, me
10

mayi

TAT ATT
avabhyam
~

ATA

~N

avayos

at

néu

alld C

vayam
ACA, al
asmén, nas
CTP
asmabhis

TORU, TA,

asmabhyan), nas

‘2d pers.

aq

~
tvam

ary, al
tvam, tva
clay
tvaya

Puy, a

tubhyam, te

ad

tvat
aa a
tava, te

ata

tvayi

yr

yuvam

Tat-ary

~~? ~N
yuvabhyém
Taare

~~ ~N
yuvayos

ary

vam

PULA

yiiyam

Gary, TH

yugman, vas

TTP TE

yugmabhis
qaqa, A
we) NOUN

yusmabbhyam, vas

187 PERSONAL PRONOUNS. [-- 403

asméat yusmat
G. ACA, TA TAT, ay
asmdkam, nas yugmiakam, vas
L. EAT be
asmasu yugmasu

b. The bricfer second forms for accus., dat., and gen., in all
numbers, are accentless; and hence thcy arc not allowed to stand at
the beginning of a sentence, or elscwhere where any omphasis is Jaid.

c. But they may be qualified by accented adjuncts, as adjectives: e. g.
te jayatah of thee tchen a conqueror, vo vrtabhyah Sor you that were
confined, nas tribhyéb to us three (all RY.).

d. The ablative mat is accenticss in one or two AV. passages.

403. Forms of the oldor language. All tho forms given
nbove are found also in the older language; which, however, has also
others that afterward disappear from usc.

a. Thus, we find a fow times the iustr. sing. tvd (only RV.: like
manigd& for manigdy&); further, tho loc. or dat. sing. mé (only VS.)
and tvé, and the dat. or loc. pl. asmé (which is by far the commonest
of these e-forms) and yugmeé: their final e is uncombinable (or pra-
grhya: 138b). The VS. makes twice the ace. pl. fem. yugmas (as it
yusman were too distinctively a masculine form). The datives tn bhyam
are In a number of cases written, and in yet othors to bo read as [f written,
with bhya. with loss of the final nasal; and in a rare instance or two we
have in like manner asmaka and yugmaka in the gen. plural. The usual
resolutions of semisowel to vowel are made, and are especially frequent in
the forms of the second person (tuém for tvam etc.).

b. But the duals, above all, wear a very differont aspect earlier. In
Veda and Briahmana and Sutra the nominatives arc (with occasional
exceptions) Avam and yuvdém, and only the aceusatives Av&m and yuvdém
(but in RV. the dual forms of ist pers. chance not to occur, unless in
vdm(?], once, for &vAém); the instr. in RV. is either yuvébhyAm (occurs
also once in AQS.) or yuvabhydém; an abl. yuv&t appears once in RV.,
and &v&t twice in TS.; the gen.-loc. is in RV. (only) yuvés instead of
yuvayos. Thus we have here a distinction (elsewhere unknown) of five
different dual cases, by endings in part accordant with those of the other
two numbers.

493. Peculiar endings. The ending am, appearing in the nom.
sing. and pl. (and Vedic du.) of these pronouns, will be found often.
though only fo sing., among the other pronouns. The bhyam (vr hyam)
of dat. sing. and pl. le met with only here; {ts relationship with the
bhy&m, bbyas, bhis of the ordinary declension is palpable. The ¢ (or

493—] VII. Pronouns. 188

da) of the abl., though here preceded by a short vowel, is doubticss the
same with that of the a-dcclension of nouns and adjectives. That the nom.,
dat., and abl. endings should be the same in sing. and pl. (and in part
in the earlier du. also), only the stem to which they are added being dif-
ferent, is unparalleled elsewhere in the language. The clement sma appear-
ing in the plural forms will be found frequent in the inflection of the
singular in other pronominal words: in fact, the compound stem asma
which underlies tho plural of aham seeus to be the same that furnishes
part of the singular forms of ayam (6501), and its value of we to be a
specialisation of the meaning these persons. The genitives singular, mama
and tava, have no analogies elsewhere; the derivation from them of the
adjectives mAmaka and tdévaka (below, 516b) suggests the possibility
of their being themselves stereotyped stems. The gen. pl., asm&kam and
yugmakam, are certainly of this character: namely, neuter sing. caseforms
of the adjective stems asma&ka and yugmdka, other cases of which aro
found in the Veda.

494. Stem-forms. To the Ilindu grawmarians, the stems of
the personal pronouns are mad and asmad, and tvad and yugmad,
because these are forms used to a certain extent, and allowed to be
indefinitely used, in derivation and composition (like tad, kad, etc.:
see below, under the other pronouns). Words are thus formed from
them even in the older language — namely, mAétkyta and mdtsakhi
and asmatsakhi (RV.), tvaddyoni and mattds (AV.), tvatpity and
tvadvivacana (I'S.), tvA&tprasita and tvaddevatya and yuvad-
devatya and yugmaddevatya (CB.), asmaddevatya (PB.); but much
wore pumerous arc those that show the proper « .~ in a, or with
the a lengthened to &: thus, mdvant; asmatré, a .adrah, etc.;
tvéyata, tvdvant, tvadatta, tvan{d, tvdvasu, tvdhata, otc.; yug-
mddatta, yugmésgita, etc.; yuvdvant, yuvdku, yuvddhita, yuvé-
datta, yuvanita, etc. And the later language also has a few words
made in the same way, as madrg.

a. The Vedas have certain more irregular combinations, with complete
forma: thus, tvathkame, tvAmdhuti, mathpacyé, mamasatyé, asmé-
hiti, ahampirvé, ahamuttaré, ahathyu, ahamesana.

b. From the stems of the grammarians come also the derivative
adjéctives madiya, tvadiya, asmadiya yugmadiya, having a pos-
sessive value: see below, 516 a.

c. For sva and svaydm, see below, 5138.

Demonstrative Pronouns.

495. The simplest demonstrative, @ ta, which answers
also the purpose of a personal pronoun of the third person,
may be taken as model of a mode of declension usual in.

~e

189 DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS. [496

# many pronouns and pronominal adjectives that it is
fairly to be called the genera] pronominal declension.

a. But this root has also the special irregularity that in the
nom. sing. masc. and fem. it has sds (for whose peculiar euphonic
treatment see 17@a,b) and ad, instead of tas and t& (compare (ir.
6, 7, t6, and Goth. sa, so, thata). Thus:

Singular:
m. n. f.
N a & a a
sas tat rr.4
A Sif ad ary
tam tat tam
I aa erat
téna tayé
D ae
tasmAij tasyAi
Ab. Gisalis & eae
tasmat tasy&s
G atd ears
tdsya tasy&s
L ater Tea
tasmin tasyaim
Dual:
N. A.V. at a a
tau té té
1. D. Ab. qarary ar
tabhydm] tabhyam
G. L. arate ot
tayos tayos
Plural:
N. a ata ava
té tani tas
A aL ata Te
tén téni tas
1, aA ATP TA

496—] VIL Pronouns. 190

i, Ab, PUA SL &
tébhyas tabhyas

G. aqary TARY
tégam tasim

: a ay
tégu tasu

b. The Vedas show no other frregalarities of inflection than those
which belong to all stems in a and &: namely, tén& sometimes; usually
td for tad, du.; often ta for tani, pl. neut.; usually tébhis for tafs,
instr. pl.; and the ordinary resolutions. The RV. bas one more case-form
from the root sa, namely sd4smin (occurring nearly half as often as tds-
min); and ChU. has once sasmat.

496. The peculiarities of the general pronominal declension, it
will be noticed, are these:

a. In the singular, the use of t (properly d) as ending of nom.-ace.
nheut.; the combination of another element sma with the root in mase. and
neut. dat., abl., and loc., and of sy in fem. dat. abi.-gen., and loc.; and
the masc. and neut. loc. ending in, which is restricted to this declension
(except in the anomalous yadfqmin, RV., once). The substitution in B.
of Ai for as as fem. ending (307h) was illustrated at 365d.

b. Tho dual fs precisely that of noun-stems in a and &.

c. ln the plural, the irregularitics are limited to té for tas in nom.
masce., aud the insertion of & instead of n before Am of the gen., the stem-
final being treated before it in the same manner as before su of the loe.

497. The stem of this pronoun is by the grammarians given
ag tad; and from that form come, in fact, the derivative adjective
tadiya, with tattvdé, tadvat, tanmaya; and numerous compounds,
such as tacchila, tajjfia, tatkara, tadanantara, tanmitra, etc.
These compounds are not rare even in the Veda: so tadanna, tadvid,
tadvaca, etc. But derivatives from the true root ta are also mauy:
especially adverbs, as tatas, tatra, tatha, tadd; the adjectives ta-
vant and tati; and the compound tadf¢ etc.

498. Though the demonstrative rout ta is prevallingly of the
third person, it is also freely used, both in tho earlier language and
in the later, as qualifying the pronouns of the first and second person,
giving emphasis to them: thus, sd ‘ham, this J, or I here; o& or aa
tvam thou there; te vayam, we here; tasya mama of me here, tasminhs
tvayi sx thee there, and so on.

499. ‘I'wo other demoustrative stems appear to contain ta as
au clement; and both, like the simple ta, substitute sa in the nom.
siug. masc. and fem.

191 DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS. (—501

an. The one, tya, is tolorably common (although only a third
of its possible forms occur) iu RV., but raro in AV., and almost
unknown later, its nom. sing., in the three genders, is syds, syi,
tydt, and it makes the accusatives tya4m, ty&m, tyAt, and goes on
through the remaining cases in the same manner as ta. It has in
RV. the instr. fem. tyA (for tydya'. Instead of syd as nom. sing.
fem. is also found ty&a.

b. The other is the usual demonstrative of nearer position, thts
here, and is in frequent use through all periods of tho language.
It prefixes e to the simple root, forming tho nominatives egas, esd,
etat — and so on through the whole inflection.

c. The stem tya has neither compounds nor derivatives. But
from eta are formed both, in the same manner as from the simple
ta, only much less numerous: thus, etaddé (CB.), etadartha, etc..
from the so-called stem etad; and et&dfg and etdvant from eta.
And ega, like sa (498), is used to qualify pronouns of the fst and
2d persons: ec. g. es& "ham, ete vayam.

600. There is a defective pronominal stem, ena, which is accent-
less, and hence used only in situations where no cmphasis falls upon
it. It does not occur elscwhere than in the accusative of all numbers,
the instr. sing., and the gen.-loc. dual: thus.

m. n, f.
Sing. A. enam enat en&ém
I. enena cnaya
Du. A. enadu ene ene
G.L. enayos enayos
Pl. A. enan enani enas

a. The RV. has enos instead of enayos, and in one or two instances
accents a form: thus, enam, enas(?). AB. uses enat also as nom. neut.

b. As ona is always used substantively, it has more nearly than ta
the value of « third personal pronoun, unemphatic. Apparent examples
of fits adjectival use hcre and there met with are doubtless the result of
confusion with eta (489 b).

c. This stem forms neither derivatives nor compounds.

601. ‘The declension of two other demonstratives is so
irregalarly made up that they have to be given in full. The
onc, AT aydm etc., is used as a more indefinite demon-
strative, this or that; the other, AM as&u etc., signifies
especially the remoter relation, yon ur yonder.

a. They are as follows:

501—]

Singular:
Mm, Q.
NAO
ayam idam
A
imam idam
I A
anéna
D ACH
asmal{
Ab TAT
asmat
G. ACT
asya
l lc
asmin
Dual:
N.A at
im4a imé
1. D. Ab. AO
abhyd4m
G.L ATA
andyos
Plural:
~
Nn OF
imé imiani
A wr ty

VII. Pronouns, 192
f. m. n, f.
sd i
iya4m asda) 0 sl adés—s asda
al § aT a FT
imdm amim ad4s amtim
mT 7 | aA
anaya amuna amuyaé
ara ay aa
asya{ amigméi amugyii
s. ‘ .
asyas amugm&ét amiusyds
ee TUT
asyds amugya amteyas
CAT
asyam amagmin amasydim
a oy
imé amt
pay
amtibhyaém
ara,
amuyos
aid at a A
imds ami =s-_s amitini amilis
all § TR a
imas amtin amtini amtis
i IPT
abhis amibhis amtibhis
APTA PAPO ELT,
abhyas amibhyas amtibhyas
aa ila GA Ls |
asim amigdm amtigdm
aT iil ack
asa amigu amitigu

ee

193 DEMONSTRATIVES. [—503

b. The aamn forma ato anand In tho older language, without vartation,
crcopt that (as usual) im& occurs for im&G and imani, and amli for
amtini; amuy& when used adverbially is accented on the final, amuyéa;
asdu (with accent, of course, on the first, As&u, or without accent, asdu:
314) is used also as vocative; ami, too, occurs as vocative.

502. a. The former of these two pronouns, aydm etc., plainly shows
itself to be pieced together from a number of defective stems. The majority
of forms come from the root a, with which, as in the ordinary pronominal
declension, ema (f. sy) is combined in the singular. All these forms from
a have the peculiarity that in their substantive use they are either accanted,
as in the paradigm, or accentless (like ena and the second forms from |
aham and tvim). The remaining forms are always accented. From an&
come, with entire regularity, anéna, andy&, andyos. The strong cascs
in dual and plural, and in part in singular, come not less regularly from a
stem im&. And ayam, fyd4m, idam are evidently to be referred to a
simple root 1 (id&m being apparently a double form: id, like tad ete.,
witn ending am).

b. The Veda has from the root a also the Instrumentals en& and ayd&
(used in general adverblially), and the gen. loc. du. ayos; from ima,
im4&sya occurs once in RV., imasmAi in AA., and im&is and imegu
later. The RV. has in a small number of instances the irregular accen-
tuation AsmAi, asya, abhis.

c. In analogy with the other pronouns, id4m is by the graw-
marians regarded as representative stom of this pronominal declen-
sion; and it is actually found so treated in a very swall number of
compounds (idammaya and idaémripa are of Brahinana age). \s
regards the actual stems, ana furnishes nothing further; from ima
comes only the adverb imétha (RV., once); but a and 1 furnish a
number of derivatives, mostly adverbial: thus, for example, dtas,
&tra, &tha, ad-dhA (?); ités, {a (Vedic particle), id&, ihd, ftara, im
(Vedic particle), idfce, perhaps evé and evam, and others.

608. The other pronoun, as&u eto, has amu for its leading stem,
which tn the singular takes in combination, like the a-stems, the element
ema (f. sy), and which shifts to amI in part of the maso. and neut.
plural. In part, too, like an adjective u-stem, it Jengthens its final In the
feminine. The gen. sing. amugya is tbe only example in the language
ef the ending sya added to any other than an a-stem. The nom. pl. ami
is unique in form; its I ts (like that of a dual) pragrhya, vr exompt
from combination with a following vowel (198b). As&Q and adda are
also without analogies as regards their ondings.

a. The grammarians, as usual, treat adds as representative stem
of the declension, and it is found in this character in an extremely
small number of words, as adomiila; adomAéya is of Brahmana age.
The CB. has also asfundman. But most of the derivatives, as of

Whitney Grammar. 8. ed. 13

503—] VII. Pronouns. 194

the cases, come from amu: thus, amttas, amitra, amathé, amudié,
amtrhi, amuvdt, amuka.

b. In the older langaage occurs the root twa (accentless), moaning
one, many a one; it is oftenest found repeated, as one and another. It
follows the ordinary pronominal declension. From it is made the (also
accentless) adverb tvad&nim (MS.).

©. Fragments of another demonstrative root or two are met with: thus,
&mas he occurs in a formule in AV. and in Brihmanas etc.; avés as
gen.-loc. dual is found in RV.; the particle u points to a root u.

intorrogative Pronoun.

604. The characteristic part of the interrogative pro-
nominal root is & k; it has the three forms % ka, fai ki,
fj ku; but the whole declensional inflection is from % ka,
excepting the nom.-aco. sing. neut., which is from ff ki,
and has the anomalous form ferry] kim (not elsewhere known
in the language from a neuter i-stem). The nom. and
acous. sing., then, are as follows:

m. n, f.

Na aT

kis 38=«6kim_—Sesi

en OG 1 8
kam kim kim

and the rest of the declension is precisely like that of
ta (above, 4098).

a. The Veda has its usual variations, k& and kébhis for kfini and
kafs. It aleo bas, along with kfm, the pronominally reguler neuter kéd;
and kam (or kam) is a frequent particle. The mase. form kis, corres-

ponding to kim, occurs as a stereotyped casé in the combinations nAkis
and

65605. The grammarians treat kim as ropresentative stem of the
interrogative pronoun; and it is in fact so used in a not large number
of words, of which a few —kimmaya, kithkaré, kithkimyéd, k{th-
devata, kishgila, and the peculiar kizhya — go back even to the
Veda and Brihmana. Jn closer analogy with the other pronouns, the
form kad, a couple of times in the Veda (katpayé, kA4dartha), and
not infrequently later, is found as first member of compounds. Then,
from the real rootse ka, ki, ku are made many derivatives; and
from ki and ku, especially the latter, many compounds: thus, kati,

195 RBLATIVES. {—609

kathd, katham, kadéa, katard, katama, kArhi; kfyant, kidfc; kutas,
kutra, kaha, kva, kucaré, kukarman, kumantrin, ctc.

606. Various forms of this pronoun, as kad, kim, and ku (and
rarely, ko), at the beginning of compounds, have passed from an
interrogative meaning, through an exclamatory, to the value of pre-
fixes signifying an unusual quality — either something admirable, or,
oftener, sométhing contemptible. This use begins in the Veda, but
becomes much more common in later time.

607. The jnterrogative pronoun, as in other languages, turns
readily in its independent use also to an exclamutory meaning.
Moreover, it is by varions added particles converted to an indefinite
meaning: thus, by ca, cand, cid, api, v&, either alone or with the
relative ya (below, 511) prefixed: thus, kAg can& any one; n& k6
‘pi not any one; yaini kdni cit whatsoever; yatamadt kataméo ca
wchatever one. Occasionally, the interrogative by itself acquires a
similar value.

Relative Pronoun.

608. The root of the relative pronoun is W ya, which
from the earliest period of the language has lost all trace
of the demonstrative meaning originally (doubtless) belonging
to it, and is used as relative only.

609. It is inflected with entire regularity according to
the usual pronominal declension: thus,

Singnlar. Dual. Plural.
m. t. f. m. 1. f. m. n. f
N. Uf ma am g ofa am
~N ~\ “N

yas yat ya | aT a oa yé yani yids

h yé é
A WL TA oy | yan ye yo OT OT aT
yam ynat yam yan yani vas
. iF om ar vu A
IRATE ~
yénn yaya i Le yale yabhie
yabhy&ém ~
TR 023 | ata PUA vita
yasmai yasyai yébhyas ydbhyas
ete. ete, ete. etc. etc.

a. The Veda shows its usual variations of these forme: yh for y&u
and for yaoi, and gébhis fur yais: yos for yayos also occurs once;
yénd, with prolonged final, is in RV. twice as common ax yéna. Reso-

13°

509—] VII. Pronouns. 196

lutions occur in yAdbhias, and yégaam and ydsaam. The conjunction
yat is an ablative form according to the ordinary declension.

510. The use of yét as representative stem begins very early:
we have yatkdéma in the Veda, and yatkaérf{n, yaddevatya in the
Brahmana; later it grows more general. From the proper root come
also a considerable series of derivatives: ydatas, yati, yAdtra, yétha,
yad&é, yadi, yérhi, yavant, yataré, yatamaé; and the compound
yadfg.

511. The combination of ya with ka to make an indefinite
pronoun has been noticed above (507). Its own repetition — us
yad-yat — gives it sometimes a like meaning, won through the dis-
tributive.

612. One or two marked peculiarites in the Sanskrit use of the
relative may be here briefly noticed:

a. A very decided preference for putting tho relative clause befure
that to which it relates: thus, yAh sunvaté4bh sdkh& tdsmé {ndraya
gayata (RV.) who is the friend of the soma-presser, to that Indra sing ye;
yéth yajiam paribhiir dai a4 {d devégu gacchati (KV.) what offering
thou protectest, that in truth yoeth to the gods; yé trigaptah pariyanti
bala tégith dadhatu me (AV.) what thrice seven go about, their strength
muy he assign to me; asia yd adharad gyhas tétra santv ardyyab
(AV.) what house ts yonder tn the depth, there let the wstches be; sahh
yan me Asti téna (TB.) along with that which ts mine; hahs&indth
vacanam yat tu tan m&zh dahati (MBh.) but what the words of the
swans were, that burns me; sarvasya locanath gistraih yasya n& ‘sty
andha eva sah (L.) who does not possess learning, the eye of everything,
blind tndeed is he. The other arrangement, though frequent enough, is
notably less usual.

b. A frequent conversion of the subject or object of a verb by an
added relative into a substantive clause: thus, mé *mArzh pra "pat p&a-
rugeyo yadho yah (AV.) may there not reack him a human deadly
weapon (lit'ly, what is such a weapon); pari yo p&hi yad dhé4nam
(AV.) protect of us what wealth [there ss]; ap&m&rgo ‘pa mirgtu
ksetriydih gapadthag ca yah (AV.) may the cleansing plant cleanse
away the disease and the curse; pugkarena hytath rajyathh yao of
‘nyad vasu kirhcana (MBh.) by Pushkara was taken away the kingdom
and whatever other property [there was).

Other Pronouns: Emphatic, Indefinite.

513. a. The isolated and uninflected pronominal word
tau svayam (from the root sve) signifies self, own self.
By its form it appears to be a nom, sing., and it is often-

Ye

197 PRONOMINAL DERIVATIVES. (—516

est used as nominative, but along with words of all persons
and numbers; and not seldom it represents other cases also.

b. Svayam ie also uscd as a stem in composition: thus, sva-
yamjdé, svayambhil. But sva itself (usually adjective: below, 516e)
has the same value in composition; and even its inflected forms are
(in the older language very rarely) used as reflexive pronoun.

co. In RV. alone are found a few cxamples of two indefinite
pronouns, sama (accentless) any, every, and sim& every, all.

Nouns used pronominally.

514. a. The nown a&tman soul is widely employed, in the sin-
gilar (extremely rarely in other numbers), as reflexive pronoun of all
three persons.

b. The noun tanti Jody is cmployod in the same manner (but tn all
numbers) in the Veda.

ce. The adjective bhavant, f. bhavati, is used (as already pointed
out: 466) in respectful address as substitute for the pronoun of
the second person. Its construction with the verb is in accordance
with its true character, as a word of the third person.

Pronominal Derivatives.

615. From pronominal roots and stems, as well as from
the larger class of roots and ftom noun-stems, are formed
by the ordinary suffixes of adjective derivation certain words
and classes of words, which have thus’ the character of pro-
minal adjectives.

Some of the more important of these may be briefly noticed here.

616. Possessives. a. From the representative stems mad etc.
are formed the sdjectives madiya, asmadiya, tvadiya, yusmadiya,
tadiya, and etadiya, which are used In a possessive sense: relating
to me, mine, nnd 60 On.

b. Other possessives are mAmak& (also mdmaka, RY.) and
tavakdé, from the genitives mama and tava. And RV. has once
makina.

c. An analogous derivative from the genitive amugya ie Amugyd-
yana (AV. etc.) descendant of such and such a one.

d. It was pointed out above (403) that the “genitives” asmaékam
and yugmdkam are really stereotyped cases of possessive adjectives.

516—} VII. Pronouns. 198

e. Corresponding to svaydém (613) is the possessive svi, meaning
oven, as relating to all persons and numbers. The RV. has once the
corresponding simple possessive of the second person, tvd thy.

f. For the use of sva as reflexive pronoun, see above, 5613b.
g- All these words form their femtnines in @.

h. Other derivatives of a like value have no claim to be mentioned
here. But (excepting sva) tho possessives are so rarcly used as to make
but a small figure in the language, which prefers generally to indicate the
possessive relation by the genitive case of the pronoun itself.

5617. By the enffix vant are formed from the pronominal roots,
with prolongation of their final vowels, the adjectives mdvant, tva-
vant, yugmivunt, yuvdvant, tavant, etdvant, ydvant, meaning of
my sort, like me, etc. Of these, however, only the last three are in
use in the later language, in the sense of fantus and quantus. They
are inflected like other adjective stems in vant, making their femi-
nines in vati (469).

a. Words of similar meaning from the roots i and ki are fyant
and kfyant, inflected in the same manner: sec above, 461.

518. The pronominal roota show a like prolongation of vowel
in combination with the root dyg see, look, and its derivatives -drga
and (quite rarely) dykga: thus, m&dyg, -drga; tvadro, -drga; yug-
madyq, -drga; tddfc, -dfca, -dykga; etddfg, -dfga, -dfékga; yAdfo,
-dfga; Idfc, -dfga, -dfkga; kidfc, -drga, -dykga. ‘They mean of my
sort, like or resembling me, and the like, and t&drg and the following
are uot uncommon, with the sense of falts and gualis. The forma in
dyq are unvaried for gender; those in droga (and dykga?) have fe-
minines in 1

619. From ta, ka, ya come tati so many, kati how many? yati
ae many. They have a quasi-numeral character, and are inflected
(like the numerals péfica etc.: above, 488) only in the plural, and
with the bare stem as nom. and accus.: thus, N.A. tati; I. etc. taéti-
bhis, tdtibhyas, tatinadm, taétigu.

620. From ya (in V. and B.) and ka come the comperatives and
superlatives yatardé and yatamé, and katard and katamé; aad from
i, the comparative {tara. For their inflection, sce below, 623.

521. Derivatives with the suffix ka, sometimes conveying a
diminutive or a contemptuous meaning, are made from certain of the
pronominal roots and stems (and may, according to the grammarians,
be made from them all): thus, from ta, takdm, takét, takile; from
ea, scaké; from ya, yakés, yaké, yaké; from as&t, asak&éh; from
amu, amuka.

a. For the numerous and frequently used adverbs fermed frem pro-
nominal roots, eco Adverbs (below, 1007 €.).

199 ADJECTIVES DBOLINBD PRONOMINALLY. [—526

Adjectives declined pronominally.

622. A number of adjectives— some of them coming
from pronominal] roots, others more or less analogous with
pronouns in use — are inflected, in part or wholly, accord-
ing to the pronominal declension (like q ta, 495), with
feminine stems in & Thus:

523. The comparatives and superlatives from pronominal roots
—namely, kataré and katam4, yataré and yatamé, and {tara;
also any&é other, and its comparative anyataré — are declined like
ta throughout.

a. But even from these words forms made according to thé adjective
declension are sporadically met with (e.g. itarfy&m K.).

b. Anya takes occasionally the form anyat in composition: thus,
anyatka&ma, anyatethd&na.

624. Other words are so inflected except in the nom.-ace.-voc.
sing. neut., where they have the ordinary adjective form am, instead
of the provominal at (ad). Such are sdrva all, vigqva all, every,
éka one.

a. These, also, arc not without exception, at least in the earlier
language (e.g. vigvaya, vigvat, vigve RV.; éka loc. sing., AV.).

525. Yet other words follow the same model usually, or in some
of their significations, or optionally; but ia other senses, or without
known rule, lapse into the adjective inflection.

a. Such sre the comparatives and superlatives from prepositions! stems:
&dhara and adhamé, Antara and d4ntama, 4para and apamé, dvara
and avamé, Uttara and uttamd, apara and upamé. Of these, pro-
nominal forms are decidedly more numerous from the comparatives than
from tho supertativos.

b. Further. the superlatives (without corresponding comperatives)
paramé, caramA, madhyamé; and also anyatama (whoee positive and
comparative helong to the class first mentioned : 523). .

co. Farther, the words para distant, other; pttrva prior, east; ddkgina
right, south; pagcima behind, western; ubhadya (f. ubhdy! or ubhayi)
of both kinds or parties; néma the one, half; and the possessive svi.

626. Occasional forms of the pronominal declension are met with from
nomeral adjectives: «. g. prathamAsyis, trtiyasyam; and from other
words having an indefinite numeral character: thus, dlpa few; ardh& Aalf;
kévala all; dvitaya of the two kinds; bihya outside — and others. RV.
has once samAndsma&t.

527— | VILL. ConsuGation. 200

CHAPTER VII.

CONJUGATION.

627. THe subject of conjugation or verbal inflection
involves, as in the other languages of the family, the dis-
tinctions of voice, tense, mode, number, and person.

a. Further, besides the simpler or ordinary conjugation
of a verbal root, there are certain more or less fully de-
veloped secondary or derivative conjugations.

528. Voice. There are (as in Greek) two voices, active
and middle, distinguished by a difference in the personal
endings. This distinction is a pervading one: there is no
active personal form which does not have its corresponding
middle, and vice versa; and it 1s extended also in part to
the participles (but not to the infinitive).

529. An active form is called by the Hindu grammarians
parasmai padam a word for another, and a middle form is called
&tmane padam a word for one's seif: the terms might be best para-
phrased by transitive and refexsve. And the distinction thus expressed
is doubtless the original foundation of the difference of active and
middle forms; in the recorded condition of the language, however,
the antithesis of transitive and reflexive meaning is in no small
measure blurred, or even altogether effaced.

a. In the epics there is much effacement of the distinction between
active and middle, the choice of voice being vory often determined by
metrical considerations alone.

680. Some verbs are conjugated in both voices, others
in one only; sometimes a part of the tenses are inflected
only in one voice, others only in the other or in both; of
a verb usually inflected in one voice sporadic forms of the
other occur; and sometimes the voice differs according as
the verb is compounded with certain prepositions.

201 Tense AxD Mope. {—833

631. The middle forms outside the prcesent-system (for
which there is a special passive inflection: see below, 768 £),
and sometimes also within that system, are liable to be
used likewise in a passive sense.

582. Tense. The tenses are as follows: 1. a present,
with 2. an imperfect, closely related with it in form, having
a prefixed augment; 3. a perfect, made with reduplication
(to which in the Veda is added, 4. a so-called pluperfect,
made from it with prefixed augment); 5. an aorist, of three
different formations: a. simple; b. reduplicated; c. sigmatic
or sibilant; 6. a future, with 7. a conditional, an augment-
tense, standing to it in the relation of an imperfect to a
present; and 8. a second, a periphrastic, future (not found
in the Veda).

a. The tenses here distinguished (in accordance with prevailing
usage) as imperfect, perfect, pluperfect, and aorist receive those
rames from their correspondence in mode of formation with tenses
so called in other languages of the family, especially in Greek, and
not at all from differences of time designated by them. In no perind
of the Sanskrit language is there any expression of imperfect or
pluperfect time — nor of perfect time, except in the older language.
where the “aorist” has this value; later, imperfect, perfect. an aorist
are so many undiscriminated past tenses or preterite: see below,
under the different tenses.

633. Mode. In respect to mode, the difference between
the classical Sanskrit and the older language of the Veda
—and, in a less degree, of the Brahmanas — is especially
great.

a. In the Vedas. the present tense bas, besides ite indicative
inflection, a subjunctive, of considerable variety of formation, an
optative, and 20 imperative (in 2d and 3d persons:. The same three
modes are found, though of much less frequcnt occurrence, as belong-
ing to the perfect; and they are made also from the sorists, being

of especial frequency from the simple sorist. The future bas no modes
(an occasional case or two are purely exceptional).

b. In the classical] Sanskrit, the present adds to its in-
dicative an optative and an imperative—of which last,

533—] VII. ConsuGation. 202

moreover, the first pereons are a remnant of the old sub-
junctive. And the aorist has also an optative, of somewhat
peculiar inflection, usually called the precative (or bene-
dictive).

5634. The present, perfect, and future tenses have each
of them, alike in the earlier and later language, a pair of
participles, active and middle, sharing in the various pe-
culiarities of the tense-formations; and in the Veda are.
found such participles belonging also to the aorist.

535. Tense-systems. The tenses, then, with their
accompanying modes and participles, fall into certain well-
marked groups or systems:

I. The present-system, composed of the present
tense with its modes, its participle, and its preterit which
we have called the imperfect.

II. The perfect-system, composed of the perfect
tense (with, in the Veda, its modes and its preterit, the
so-called pluperfect) and its participle.

III. The aorist-system, or systems, simple, re-
duplicated, and sibilant, composed of the aorist tense
along with, in the later language, its “precative” opta-
tive (but, in the Veda, with its various modes and its
participle).

IV. The future-systems: 1. the old or sibilant
future, with its accompanying preterit, the conditional,

. and its participle; and 2. the new periphrastic future.

686. Number and Person. The verb has, of course,
the same three numbers with the noun: namely, singular,
dual, and plural; and in each number it has the three per-
sons, first, second, and third. All of these are made in
every tense and mode — except that the first persons of
the imperative numbers are supplied from the subjunctive.

203 VERBAL ADJECTIVES AND Nouns. [—540

537. Verbal adjectives and nouns: Participles.
The participles belonging to the tense-systems have been
already spoken of above (584). There is besides, coming
directly from the root of the verb, a participle, prevailingly
of past and passive (or sometimes neuter) meaning. Future
passive participles, or gerundives, of several different for-
mations, are also made.

538. Infinitives. In the older language, a very con-
siderable variety of derivative abstract nouns — only in a
few sporadic instances having anything to do with the tense-
systems — are used in an infinitive or quasi-infinitive sense;
most often in the dative case, but sometimes also in the
accusative, in the genitive and’ ablative, and (very rarcly)
in the locative. In the classical Sanskrit, there remains a
single infinitive, of accusative case-form, having nothing to
do with the tense-systems.

539. Gerunds. A so-called gerund (or absolutive) —
being, like the infinitive, a stereotyped case-form of a de-
rivative noun —is a part of the general verb-system in
both the earlier and later language, being especially frequent
in the later language, where it has only two forms, one
for simple verbs, and the other for compound. Its value
is that of an indeclinable active participle, of indeterminate

but prevailingly past tense-character.

a. Another gerund, an adverbially used accusative in form, is
found, but only rarely, both earlier and later.

840. Secondary conjugations. The secondary or
derivative conjugations are as follows: 1. the passive; 2. the
intensive; 3. the desiderative; 4. the causative. In these,
a conjugation-stem, instead of the simple root, underlies
the whole system of inflection. Yet there is clearly to be
seen in them the character of a present-system, expanded
into a more o; less complete conjugation; and the passive is

540 —] VIL. ConJUGATion. 204

so purely a present-system that it will be described in the
chapter devoted to that part of the inflection of the verb.

a. Under the same general head belongs the subject of
denominative conjugation, or the conversion of noun and
adjective-stems into conjugation-stems. Further, that of
compound conjugation, whether by the prefixion of prepo-
sitions to roots or by the addition of auxiliary verbs to noun
and adjective-stems. And finally, that of periphrastic con-
jugation, or the looser combination of auxiliaries with verbal
nouns and adjectives.

641. The characteristic of a proper (finjte or personal)
verb-form is its personal ending. By this alone is deter-
mined its character as regards number and person — and
in part also as regards mode and tense. But the distino-
tions of mode and tense are mainly made by the formation
of tense and mode-stems, to which, rather than to the pure
root, the personal endings are appended.

a. In this chapter will be given a general account of the per-
sonal endings, and also of the formation of mode-stems from tense-
stems, and of those clements in the formation of tense-stems — the
augment and the reduplication— which are found in more than one
tense-system. Then, in the following chapters, each tense-system
will be taken up by itself, and the methods of formation of its stems,
both tense-stems and mode-stems, and their combination with the
endings, will be described and illustrated in detail. And the com-
plete conjugation of a few model verbs will be exhibited in syste-
matic arrangement in Appendix C.

Personal Endings.

542. The endings of verbal inflection are, as was pointed out
above, different throughout in the active and middle voices. They
aro also, as in Greek, usually of two somewhat varying forms for
the same person in the same voice: one fuller, called primary; the
other briofer, called secondary. There are also less pervading differ-
ences, depending upon other conditions.

a. In the epics, exchanges of primary and secondary activo ecudings,
(especially the substitution of ma, va, ta, for mas, vas, tha) ere not
infreqnent.

205 PERSONAL ENDINGS. [—545

b. A condensed statement of all the varieties of ending for each per-
son and number here follows.

643. Singular: First person. a. Tho primary ending in
the active is mi. The subjunctive, however (later imperative), has
ni instead; and in the oldest Veda this ni is sometimes wanting,
and the person ends iu & (as if the ni of &ni were dropped). The
secondary ending is properly m; but to this m an a has come to
be so persistently prefixed, appearing regularly where the tense-stem
docs not itsclf end in a (vam for varm or varam in RV., once, and
ebhiim MS., avadhim TS. ctc., sanem TB., ure rare anomalies), that
it is convenient to reckon am as ending, rather than m. But the per-
fect tense has neither mi nor m; its ending is simply a {sometimes
&: 246 c); or, from &-rvots, au.

b. The primary middle ending, according to the analogy of the
other persons, would be regularly me. But no tense or mode, at
any period of the language, shows any relic whatever of a m in this
person; the primary ending, present as well as perfect, from a-stems
and others alike, is e; and to it corresponds i as secondary ending,
which blends with the final of an a-stem to e. The optative has,
however, a instead of i; and in the subjunctive (later imperative!
appears Ai for e.

644. Second person. a. In the active, the primary ending
is si, which is shortened to s as secondary; ns to the loss of this
s after a final radical consonant, see below, 555. But the perfect
and the imperative desert here entirely the analogy of the other
forms. Tho perfect ending is invariably tha (or tha: 248e). Tho
imperativo is far less regular. The fullest form of its ending is dhi;
which, however, is more often reduced to hi; and in the great ma-
jority of verbs (including all a-stems, at every period of the language)
no ending is present, but the bare stem stands as personal form.
In a very small class of verbs (722-3), ana is the ending. There is
also an altcrnative ending t&t; and this is cven used sporadically in
other persons of the impcrative (see below, 570-1).

b. In the middle voicc, the primary ending, both present sod
perfect, is se. The secondary stands in no apparent relation to this,
being th&s; and in the imperative is found only sva (or sv&: 248 o),
which in the Veda is not seldom to be read as sua. In the older
language, se is sometimes strengthened to s&i in the subjunctive.

645. Third person. a. The active primary ending is ti; the
secondary, t: as to the loss of the latter after a final radical con-
sonant, sce below, 555. But in the imperative appears instead the
peculiar ending tu; and in the perfect no characteristic consonant is
present, and the third person has the same ending as the first.

b. The primary middle ending is te, with ta as corresponding
secondary. In the oldcr language, te is often strengthened to t&i in

5645—]} VIII. ConJucaTion. 206

the subjunctive. In the perfect, the middle third person has, like the
active, the same ending with the first, namely e simply; and in the
older language, the third person present also often loses the distinctive
part of its termination, and comes to coincide in form with the first
(and MS. has aduha for adugdha). To this e perhaps corresponds,
as secondary, the i of the aorist 3d pers. passive (642 7.). The im-
perative has t&m (or, in the Veda, rarely &m) for its ending.

646. Dual: First person. Both in active and in middle, the
dual first person is in all its varieties precisely like the correspond-
ing plural, only with substitution of v for the m of the latter: thus,
vas (no vasi has been found to occur), va, vahe, vahi, vah&i. The
person is, of course, of comparatively rare use, and from the Veda
no form in vas, even, is quotable.

647. Second and Third persons. a. In the active, the primary
ending of the second person is thas, and that of the third is tas;
and this relation of th to t appears also in the perfect, and runs
through the whole series of middle endings. The perfect endings are
primary, but have u instead of a as vowel; and an a has become so
persistently prefixed that their forms have to be reckoned as athus
and atus. The secondary endiugs exhibit no definable relation to
the primary in these two persons; they are tam and tim; and they
are used in the imperative as well.

b. In the middle, a long &— which, however, with the final a
of a-stems becomes e—has become prefixed to all dual endings
of the second and third persons, so as to form an inseparable part
of them (didhitham AV., and jihitham QB., are isolated anomalies).
The primary endings, present and perfect, are &the and &te; the
secondary (and imperative) are &thim and &t&m (or, with stem-final
a, ethe ete.).

Gc. The Rig-Veda has a very few forms in Githe and dite, apparently
from ethe and ete with sabjunctive strengthening (they are all detailed
below: see 615, 701, 737, 752, 836, 1006, 1043).

548. Plural: First person. a., The earliest form of the
active ending is masi, which in the oldest language is more frequent
than the briefer mas (in RV., as five to one; in AV., however, only
as three to four). In the classical Sanskrit, mas is the exclusive
primary ending; but the secondary abbreviated ma belongs also to
the perfect and the subjunctive (imperative). In the Veda, ma often
becomes m& (248 0), especially in the perfect.

b. Tho primary middle ending ia mahe. This is lightened in
the secondary form to mahi; and, on the other hand, it is regularly
(in the Veda, not invariably) strengthened to mah&i in the subjunctive
(imperative).

549. Second person. a. The active primary onding is tha.
The secondary, also imperative, ending is ta (in the Veda, t& only

207 PERSONAL ENDINGS. [—550

once in impv.). But in tho perfect any characteristic consonant is
wanting, and tho ending is simply a. In the Veda, the syliable na,
of problematic origin, is not infrequently added to both forms of the
ending, making thane (rarely thand) and tana. The forms in which
this ocenrs will be detailed below, under the different formations; the
addition is very rarely made excepting to persons of the first general
conjugation.

b. The middle primary ending is dhve, which belongs to the
perfect as well as to the present. In the subjunctive of the older lan-
guage it is sometimes strengthened to dhvai. The secondary (and
imperative) ending is dhvam (in RV., once dhva); and dhv&t is
once met with in the imperative (571d). In the Veda, the v of all
these endings is sometimes to be rosolved into u, and the ending
becomes dissyllabic. As to the change of dh of these endings to dh,
see above, 226 c.

560. Third person. a. The full primary ending is anti in
the active, with ante as corresponding middle. The middle second-
ary ending is anta, to which should correspond an active ant; but
of the t only altogether questionable traces are left, in the euphonic
treatment of a final n (207); the ending is an. In the imperative,
antu and ant&m take the place of anti and ante. The initial a of
all these endings is like that of am in the Ist sing., disappearing
after the final a of a tense-stem.

b. Moreover, anti, antu, ante, ant&ém, anta are all liable to be
weakened by the loss of their nasal, becoming ati etc. In the active,
this weakening takes place only after reduplicated non-a-stems (and
after a few roote which are treated as if reduplicated: 630 ff.); in the
middle, it occurs after all tense-stems save those endiug in a.

ce. Further, for the secondary active ending an there is a sub-
stitute us (or ur: 160b; the evidence of the Avestan favors the
latter form), which is used in the same reduplicating verbs that
change anti to ati etc, and which accordingly appears as a weakcr
correlative of an. The same us is ajso used universally in the per-
fect, in the optative (not in the subjunctive), in those forms of the
norist whose stem does not end in a, and in the imperfect of root-
stems ending in &, and a few others (621).

d. The perfect middle has in all periods of the language the
peculiar ending re, and the optative has the allied ran, in this pei-
son. In the Veda, a variety of other endings containing a r as dis-
tinctive consonant are met with: namely, re (and ire) and rate in
the present; rata in the optative (both of present and of aorist);
rire in the perfect; ranta, ran, and ram in aorists (and in an im-
perfect or two); ram and ratém in the imperative; re in the imper-
fect of duh (MS.). The three rate, ratém, and rata are found even
in the later language in one or two verbs (699).

551—] V1. ConJuGATion. 208

551. Below are given, for convenience, in tabular form, the
schemes of endings as accepted in the classical or later language:
namely, a. the regular primary endings, used in the present indicative
and the future (and the subjunctive in part); and b. the regular
secondary endings, used in the imperfect, the conditional, the aorist,
the optative (and the subjunctive in part); and further, of special
schemes, c. the perfect endings (chiefly primary, especially in the
middle); and d. the imperative endings (chiefly secondary). To the
so-called imperative endings of the first person is prefixed the 4 which
is practically a part of them, though really containing the mode-sign
of the subjunctive from which they aro derived.

552. Further, a part of the endings are marked with an accent,
and a part are left unaccented. The latter are those which never,
under any circumstances, receive the accent; the former are accented
in considerable classes of verbs, though by no means in all. It will
be noticed that, in general, the unaccented endings are those of the
singular active; but the 2d sing. imperative has an accented ending;
and, on the other hand, the whole series of ist persons iwperative,
active and middle, have unaccented endings (this being a characteristic
of the subjunctive formation which they represent).

553. The schemes of normal endings, then, are as follows:
a. Primary Kndings.

active. middle.
8. d. p- 8. d. p-
1 mi vas mas é véhe mahe
2 si thas thé 8é athe dhvé
3 ti tas Anti, ti té ite ante, dte
b. Secondary Endings.
1 am va mé {,& véhi mahi
2 8° tam té thds dthaim dhv4m
3 ¢t tam 4n, is =-—ité dtam Anta, dta, rin
c. Perfect Endings.
1 a va ma é véhe maéhe
2 tha &éthus & 86 athe dhvé
4 8 dtus us 6 dite ré
d. Imperative Endings.
1 dni ava ama ai a&vahai dmahéi
» dhf, hf, — tam ta svi dthim dhvém
3 tu tim Antu, dtu td4m idtim Antdm, Atam

554. In general, the rule is followed that an accented ending, if dis-
syllabic, is accented on its first syllable — and the constant unlon-vowels
are regarded, in this respect, as integral parts of the endings. But the

209 PERSONAL ENDINGS. -587

Sd pl. ending ate of the pres. indic. middle has in RV. the accent até in
a nambor of verbs (sce 613, 685, 609, 718); and an occasional instance
is met with fn other endings: thus, mahé (sec 719, 735).

555. The secondary endings of the second and third persons singular,
as consisting of an added consonant without vowel, should regularly (150)
be lost whenever tho root or stem to which they are to be added Itsclf ends
in a consonant. And this rule fis in general fullowed; yet not without ex-
ceptions. Thus:

a. A root ending in a dental mute sometimes drops this final mote
instead of the added 8 in the second person; and, on the other hand, a root
or stem ending in s sometimes drops this 8 instead of the added t in the
third person —in efther case, establishing the ordinary relation of 8 and ¢
ih these persons, instead of s ands, and t and t. The examples noted are:
2d sing. aves (to 3d sing. avet), Yvid, AB.; 3d sing. akat, ykr, CB.;
aghat, }ghas, JB. ACS.; acakat, }/cak&s, RT.; ac&t, Ycis, AB. MBb.
R.; asrat, Ysras, VS.; ahinat, Yhins, (f. TB. GB. Compare also the
S-aorist forms ay&s and sr&s (146 a), in which the same infuence Is to
be seen; and further. ajait etc. (889 a). anl precative yAt fur yas (837).
A simijar loss of any other fina) consonant {is excessively rare; AV. has
once abhanas, for -nak, Ypbhanj. There are also a few cascs where 1
ist sing. is irregularly modeled after a 3d sing.: thus, atpnam (to atrnat),
trd, KU., acchinam (to acchinat), Ychid, MBhb.: compare further
the ist sing. in m instead of am, 543 a.

b. Again, a tnion-vowel is sometimes introduced before the ending,
either a or i or I: see below, 6231 b, 631, 819. 880, 1004 a, 1068 a.

c. In a few isolated cases in the older language, this 1 is changed to
Bi: sce below, 904b, 936, 1068 a.

556. The changes of form which roots and stems undergo in
their combinations with these endings will be pointcd out in detail
below, under the various formations. Here may be simply mentioned
in advance, as by far the most important among them, n distinction
of stronger and weaker form of stem in large classes of verbs, stand-
ing in relation with the accent—the stem heing of stronger form
when the accent falls upon it, or before an accentless ending, and of
weaker form when the accent is on the ending.

a. Of the endings marked as accented in the scheme, the ta of 2d pl.
is not infrequently in the Veda treated as unaccented, the tone resting on
the stem, which is strengthened. Much less often, the tam of 2d du. is
treated in the same way; other endings, only sporadically. Details are given
under the sarious formations below.

Subjunctive Mode.

5657. Of the subjunctive mode (as was pointed out above) only
fragments are left in the later or classical language: namely, in the
Whitney. Grammar. 3. ed. 14

Yue | pasa. Lv. -~ sate

so-called first persons imperative, and in the use (578) of the imper-
fect and aorist persons without augment after m& prohibitive. In
the oldest period, however, it was a very frequent formation, being
three or four times as common as the optative in the Rig-Veda, and
nearly the same in the Atharvan; but already in the Brabmanas it
becomes comparatively rare. Its varieties of form are considerable,
and sometimes perplexing.

558. In its normal and regular formation, a special mode-stem
is made for the subjunctive by adding to the tense-stem an a — which
combines with a final a of the tense-stem to & The accent rests
upon the tense-stem, which accordingly has the strong form. Thus,
from the strong present-stem doh (duh) is made the subjunctive-
stem déha; from juhé (hu), juhdva; from yunéj (/yuj), yundja;
from sunéd (psu), sundva; from bhéva (ybhf), bhévaé; from tudé
(ytud), tudé; from uoy&é (pass., vac), ucy&; and so on.

569. The stem thus formed is inflected in general as an a-stem
would be inflected in the indicative, with constant accent, and & for
a before the endings of the first person (733 1) — but with the follow-
ing peculiarities as to ending etc.:

5660. a. In the active, the ist sing. has ni as ending: thus, déh&ni,
yunéjani, bhdvdni. But in the Rig-Veds sometimes 4 simply: thus,
déya, brava.

b. Iu ist du., ist pl., and 2d pl., the endings are the secondary: thus,
déhava, déh&ma, ddéhan; bhaévava, bhivima, bhdvan.

Gc. In 2d and 3d du. and 2d pl., the endings sre primary: thus,
déhathas, déhatas, déhatha; bhdvdthas, bhévdtas, bhév&tha.

d. In 2d and 3d sing., the endings are either primary or secondary:
thus, déhasi or déhas, déhati or déhat; bhévisi or bhévds, bhaévati
or bhévét.

, © Occasionally, forms with double mode-sign & (by assimilation to
the more numerous subjunctives from tense-stems in a) are met with from
non-a-stems: thas, d4sitha from as; dy&s, dy&t, dy&n from e (yi).

661. In the middle, forms with secondary instead of primary end-
ings are very rare, belng found only in the 3d pl. (where they are more
frequent than the primary), and in a case or two of the 3d sing. (and AB.
has once asy&th&s).

a. The striking peculiarity of subjunctive middle inflection is the fre-
quent strengthening of e to &i in the endings. This is less general in the
very earliest language than later. In ist sing., &i alone is found as ending,
even in RV.; and in ist dau. also (of rare occurrence), only Avah&i is met
with. In ist pl., &mah@i prevails in RV, and AV. (€4mahe is found a
few times); and is alone known later. In 2d sing, s&i for se dees
not oecur in RV., bat is the only form in AV. and the Bréhmanas. In
Sd sing., tdi for te occurs once in RV., and is the predominant form

211 Susyunctivse Move. [—5es

in AV., and the only ono later. In 2d pl., dhv&i for dhve ts found in
one word in RV., and a fow timcs In tho Brihmanas. In 8d pl., ntai
for nte is the Brihmana form (of far from frequent occurrence); it occurs
neither in RV. nor AV. No such dual endings as thai and t&i, for the
and te, arc anywhere found; but RV. bes in a few words (nine: above,
547) Aithe and Aite, which appear to be a like subjunctive strengthening
of ethe and ote (although found in one indicative form, kpnw&ite). Be-
fore the Gi-ondings, the vowel {is regularly long &; but ant&i instead of
A&nt&i is two or three times met with, and once or twice (TS. AB.) atai
for atai.

562. The subjunctive endings, then, in combination with the
subjunctive mode-sign, are as follows:

active. middle.
. 1 p. :. d. p.
1 ani 4va dma = Af tavene amahe
2 {ae athas atha neat dithe {nanve
2 Sr

a. And in further combination with final a of a tense-stem, the
initial a of all these endings becomes &: thus, for oxample, in 2d pers.,
asi or 4s, &thas, atha, hse, Adhve.

563. Besides this préper subjunctive, with mode-sign, in its triplo
form — with primary, with strengthened primary, and with secondary end-
ings — the name of subjunctive, in the forms “imperfect subjanctive” and
“improper subjunctive”, has been also given to the indicative forms of imper-
feet and aorist when used, with the augment omitted, in a modal senso
(below, 567): such use being quite common in RV., but rapidly dying out,
so that in the Brihmana language and later it is hardly met with cxcept
after m@ prohibitive.

a. As to the general uses of the subjunctive, see below, 574 ff.

Optative Mode.

564. a. As has been already pointed out, the optative is of com-
paratively rare occurrence in the language of the Vedas; but it gains
rapidly in frequency, and ajready in the Brahmanpas greatly out-
numbers tho subjunctive, and still later comes almost entirely to take
its place.

b. Its mode of formation is the same in all periods of the
language.

565. a. The optative mode-sign is in the active voice a dif-
ferent ove, according as it is added to a tense-stem ending in a, or

14¢

565—] VIIT. ConsuGATION. 212

to ono ending in some othor final. In tho latter case, it is yé, accounted;
this y& is appended to the weaker form of the tense-stem, and takes
the regular series of secondary endings, with, in 3d plur., us in-
stead of an, and loss of the & before it. After an a-stem, it is i,
unaccented; this i blends with the final a to e (which then is accented
or not according to the accent of the a); and the e is maintained
unchanged before a vowel-ending (am, us), by means of an interposed
euphonic y.

b. In the middle voice, the mode-sign is i throughout, and takes
the secondary eudings, with a in ist sing., and ran in 3d pl. After
an a-stem, the rules as to its combination to e, the accent of the
latter, and its retention before a vowel-ending with interposition of
a y, are the same as in the active. After any other final, the weaker
form of stem is taken, and the accent is on the ending (except in
one class of verbs, where it falls upon the tense-stem: see 645); and
the i (as when combined to 6) takos an inserted y before the vowel-
endings (a, athaim, atam).

c. It is, of course, impossible to tcll from the form whether i or f is
combined with the final of an a-stem to @; but no good reason appears to
exist for assuming i, rathcr than the I which shows itself in the other class
of stems in the middle voice.

566. The combined mode-sign and endings of the optative, then,
are as follows, in their double form, for a-stems and for others:

a. for non-a-stems.

active, middle.
8. d. p. | 8. d. p.
1 yam yava yama iyé ivéhi iméhi
2 yas yatam jyata ithds iydthim idhvém
3 yAt yatam jyits ité iydtam iran
b. combined with the final of a-stems.
1 eyam eva ema eya evahi emani
2 eB etam eta ethis eyaithaéam edhvam
$s et etém eyus eta eyaétam eran

co. The y& is in the Veda not seldom resolved into ia.

d. The contracted sanem, for ganeyam, is found in TB. and Apast.
Certain Vedic 3d pl. middie forms in rata will be mentioned below, under
the various formations.

5667. Precative. Precative forms are such as have a sibi-
lant inserted between the optative-sign and the ending. They are
mado almost only from tho aorist stems, and, though allowed by the
grammarians to be formed from every root— the active precative
from the simple aorist, the middle from the sibilant sorist — are

213 OpTaTIVE MODE. [—570

practically of raro occurrence at ovory poriod of tho Ianguage, and
especially later.

a. The inserted s rans in the active through the whole series of per-
sone; in the middle, i¢ is allowed only in the 2d and 3d persons sing. and
du. and the 2d pl., and is quotable only for the 2d and 3d sing. In the
Wd sing. act., the precative form, by reason of the necessary loss of the added
8, is not distinguishable from the simple optative; in the 3d sing. act., the
same is the case in the later language, which (compare 555 a) saves the
personal ending t instead of the precative-sign 8; but the RV. usually, and
the other Vedic texts to some extent, have the proper ending y&s (for
y&st). As to dh in the 2d pl. mid., see 326 c.

b. The accent is as in the simple optative.
568. The precative endings, then, accepted in the later language

‘including, in brackets, those which are identical with the simple
optative!, are as follows:

active. middle,
g. d. p- 5. d. p.
1 ydsam yasva ydsma [iyd] {ivéhi] [imahi|
2 [yds] yastam yadasta isthds iydsthim idhvd4m
3 [yat] yastim ydsus iataé iyastam [iran]

a. Respecting the precative, see further 021 ff.
b. As to the general uses of the optative, see below, 573 ff.

imperative Made.

569. The imperative has no mode-sign; it is made by
adding its own endings directly to the tense-stem, just as

the other endings are added to form the indicative tenses.

a. Henec, in 2d and 3d du. and 2d pl., its forms are indistinguishable
from those of tho augment-preterit from tho same stem with its augment
omitted.

b. The rules as to the use of the different endings — especially in
2d sing., where the variety is considerable — will be given below, in connec-
tion with the varfous tense-systems. The ending tat, however, has so much
that Is pecullar in its usc that it calls for a little explanation here.

570. The Imperative in tat. An imperative form, usually
having the value of a 2d pers. sing., but sometimes also of other per-
sons and numbers, is made by adding tat to a present tense-stem —
in its weak form, if it havo a distinction of strong and weak form.

a. Examples are: britat, hata&t, vwittdt; piprtat, jahitat,
dhattaét; kynutat, kurut&t; grhyitat, janitédt; avatat, rékeatat,
vasataét; vigcntat, spjatdt; asyatat, nacyataét, chyataét; kriyatat;

570—] VIII. ConyuGation. 214

gamayataét, cydvayatét, vdrayataét; ipsat&t; jagytéit. No examples
have been found from a nasal-class verb (690), nor any other than those
here given from a passive, intensive, or desiderative. The few accented
cases indicate that the formation follows the general rule for one made with
an accented ending (663).

b. The imperative in t&t is not a very rare formation in the older
language, being made (in V., B., and 8.) from about fifty roots, and in
toward a hundred and ffty occurrences. Later, it is very unusual: thus,
only a single example bas been noted in MBh., and one in R.; and corres-
pondingly few in yet more modorn texts.

671. As regards its meaning, this form appears to have pre-
vailingly in the Brahmanas, and traceably but much less distinctly in
the Vedic texts, a specific tense-value added to its mode-value — as
signifying, namely, an injunction to be carried out at a later time than
tho present: it is (like the Latin forms in to and tote) a posterior
or future imperative.

a. Examples are: ihAi ’vA m& tisthantam abhyéhi ‘ti brahi
tath th na agat&th pratiprébritat (CB.) say to her “come to meas I
stand just here,” and [afterward] announce her to us as having come; yad
irdhvas tigth& dravine "ha dhattaét (RV.) when thou shalt stand up-
right, [then] bestow riches here (and similarly in many cases); utktilam
udvahé bhavo ’duhya prati dhavatat (AV.) be a carrier up the ascent;
after having carried up, run buck again; vanaspatir 4chi tvi sthdsyati
tasya vittét (TS.) the tree will ascend thee, [then] take note of it.

b. Examples of its use as other than 2d sing. are as follows: ist sing.,
avyugaéth jagrtad ahém (AV.; only case) let me watch till day-break,
as 3d sing., punar mé “vigatad rayfh (TS.) let wealth come again to
me, ayéth tydsya raj& mirdhdnarh vi patayatat (CB.) the king here
shall make his head fly off; as 2d du., ndsatyfiv abruvan devih
puinar 4 vahatdd {ti (RV.) the gods said to the two Agvins “bring them
back again”; as 2d pl., dpah ... devégu nah sukfto bratat (TS.) ye
waters, announce us to the gods as well-doers. In the later language, the
prevailing value appeare to be that of a 3d sing.: thus, bhav&n pras&idad&h
kurutaét (MBh.) may your worship do the favor, enazh bhavadn
abhirakgatat (DKC.) let your ezcellency protect him.

c. According to the native grammarians, the imperative in tat is to be
used with a benedictive implication. No instance of such use appears to
be quotable.

d. In a certain passage repeated several times in different Brihmanas
and Sutras, and ccntaining a number of forms in t&t used as 2d pi.,
varayadhvat is read instead of varayatdt in some of the toxts (K. AB.
AGS. ¢(S.). No other occurrence of the ending dhv&t has been anywhere
noted.

som

215 Uses or THE MopEs. [—573

Uses of the Modes.

672. Of the three modes, the imperative is the one
most distinct and limited in office, and most unchanged in
use throughout the whole history of the language. It signi-
fies a command or injunction —an attempt at the exercise

of the speaker's will upon some one or something outside
of himself.

a. This, however (in Sanskrit as in other languages), is by no
means always of the same force; the command shades off into a
demand, an exhortation, an entreaty, an expression of earnest dosire.
The imperative aleo sometimes signifies an assumption or concession;
and occasionally, by pregnant construction, it becomes the expression
of something conditional or contingent; but it does not acquire any
regular use in dependent-clause-makinog.

b. The imperative is now and then used in an interrogative sentence:
thue, bravihi ko ‘dydi ‘va mayA& viyujyatém (R.) speak! who shall
now be separated by me? katham ete gunavantah kriyantém (H.)
how are they to be made virtuous? kasm&i pindah pradiyat&m (Vet.)
to whom shail the offering be given?

678. The optative appears to have as its primary office
the expression of wish or desire; in the oldest language,
its prevailing use in independent clauses is that to which
the name “optative” properly belongs.

a. But the expression of desire, on the one hand, passes naturally
over into that of request or entreaty, so that the optative becomes
a softened imperative; and, on the other hand, it comes to signify
what is generally desirable or proper, what should or ought to be,
and so becomes the mode of prescription; or, yet again, it Is weakened
into signifying what may or can be, what is likely or usual, and so
becomes at last a softened statement of what ie.

b. Further, the optative in dependent clauses, with relative
pronouns and conjunctions, becomes a regular means of expression
of the conditional and contingent, in a wide and increasing variety
of uses.

c. The so-called precative forms (567) are ordinarily uased in the
proper optative sense. But in the later language they are occasionally met
with in the other uses of the optative: thus, na hi prapagy&mi mama
*panudyad yac chokam (BhG.) for I do not perceive what should dispel
my grief; yad bhilyaisur vibhitayah (BbP.) that there should be
changes. Also rarely with m&: see 579 b.

574—| VIII. ConJUGATION. 216

674. The subjunctive, as has been pointed out, becomes
nearly extinct at an early period in the history of the
language; there are left of it in classical usage only two
relics: the use of its first persons In an imperative sense,
or to signify a necessity or obligation resting on the speak-
er, or a peremptory intention on his part; and the use of
unaugmented forms (579), with the negative particle 4 mi,
in a prohibitive or negative imperative sense.

a. And the general value of the subjunctive from the beginning
was what these relics would seem to indicate: its fundamental mean-
lng is perhaps that of requisition, less peremptory than the imperative,
more so than the optative. But this meaning is liable to the same
modifications and transitions with that of the optative; and sub-
junctive and optative run closely parallel with one another in the
oldest language in thcir use in independent clauses, and are hardly
distinguishable in dependent. And instead of their being (as in Greek)
both maiutained in use, and endowed with nicer and more distinctive
values, the subjunctive gradually disappears, and the optative assumos
alone the offices formerly shared by both.

675. The difference, then, between imperative and sub-
junctive and optative, in their fundamental and most char-
acteristic uses, 18 one of degree: command, requisition, wish;
and no sharp line of division exists between them; they
are more or less exchangeable with one another, and com-
binable in codrdinate clauses.

a. Thus, in AV., we have in impv.: gatéth jiva carédah do
thou live a hundred autumns; ubh&d tau jivatéth jarddagti let them
both live to attain old age;-—in subj., ady& jiv&ni let me live this
day; gatath jivati garadah he shall live a hundred autumns; — in opt.,
jivema garddath cgatani may we live hundreds of autumns; sarvam
dyur jivyadsam (prec.) I would fain live out my whole term of life.
Here the modes would be interchangeable with a hardly perceptible
change of meaning.

b. Examples, again, of different modes in coUrdinate construction
are: iyd4m agne nari pdtith videsta ... sivand putrén mé&higi
bhavati gatvd patith subhég& vi rajatu (AV.) may (this woman,
O Agni! find a spouse; giving birth to sons she shall become a chief-
tainess; having attained a spouse let her rule in happiness; gopayd
nah svastaye prabidhe nah punar dadah (TS.) watch over us for

217 Uses OF THE MODES. [—579

our welfare: qrant unto us to wake again; ayiin noh stinuh... sh to
sumatir bhitv asmé (RV.) may there be to us a son: let that favor
of thine be ours. It is not very seldom the case that versions of
the same passage in different texts show different modes as various
readings.

c. There is, in fact, nothing in tho earliest employment of these
modes to prove that they might not all be specialized uses of forms
originally equivalent — having, for instance, a general future meaning.

576. As examples of the less characteristic use of snbjunctive
and optative in the older language, in independent clauscs, may be
quoted the following: & gh& ta gacch&n Uttara yugini (RV.) those
later ages will doubtless come; yad ... na mara {ti manyase (RY.)
if thou thinkest “I shall not die”; n& t& nacanti na dabhati taskarah
(RV) they do not become lost: no thief can harm them; kasmiil devaya
havigd vidhema (RV.) fo that god shallice offer oblation? agnina rayim
acnavat ... divé-dive (RV.) by Agni one may gain wealth crery day;
utaf ‘ndth brahmane dady&t taétha syondé civa sy&t ‘AV.) one
should give her, howerer, toa Brahman: in that case she will be propitious
and favorable; dhar-ahar dady&t (('B.) one should yive every day.

577. The uses of the optative in the later language are of the
utmost varicty, covering the whole field occupied jointly by the two
modes ip earlier time. A few examples from a single text (MBh.)
will be enough to illustrate thom: ucchigtam n&i ’va bhufijiyimh na
kury&éth pAadadhavanam [ will not cat of the remnant of the sacrifice,
IT will not perform the foot-lavation;, jha&tin vrajet Ict her gu to her
relatives; n&i’vath s& karhicit kuryat she should not act thus at any
tine; kathath vidydth nalaih nyrpam how can I know king Nala?
utsarge sathcayah sydt tu vindeté ’pi sukhamh kvacit 4ut in case
of her abandonment there may bea chance; she may also find happiness
sometchere; kathath vaso vikarteyarth na ca budhyeta me priy&é
how can I cut off the garment and my beloved not wake?

578. The later use of the first persons subjunctive as so-called
iwperative involves no change of conatruction from former time, but
only restriction to a single kind of use: thus, divyava Ict us tico
play; kith karav&ni te tchat shall I do for thee?

579. The imperative negative, or prohibitive, is from the carliest
period of the language regularly and usually expressed by the particle
m& with an augmentless past form, prevailingly aorist.

a. Thus, pra pata mé "ha rarmhsthah /AV.) fly away, do not stay
here; dvigdtc ca mAhyath radhyatu ma c& ’hdéih dvigaté radham
(AV.) both let my foe be suhject to me, and let me not be subject to my foe ;
urv acyém abhayath jyotir indra ma no dirghé abh{ nacan
tamisrah (RV.) I would win broad fearless light, O Indra; let not the
long darknesses come upon us; m& na ayuh pré mosith (RV.) do not

~~

578—] VIII. ConsuaaTion. 218

steal away our life; samagvasihi m& gucah (MBh.) be comforted; do
‘not grieve; m& bhaigih or bhaéih (MBh. R.) dot not be afraid; mA bDhiit
kadlasya paryayah (R.) let not a change of time take place. Examples with
the imperfect are: m& bibher n& marigyasi (RV.) do not fear; thou wil
not die; m& smAi "tant sdkhin kuruth&h (AV.) do not make friends
of them; m& putram anutapyath&h (MBh.) do not sorrow for thy son.
The relation of the imperfect to the aorist construction, in point of
frequency, is in RV. about as one to five, in AV. still less, or about
one to six; and though instances of the imperfect are quotable from
all the older texts, they are exceptional and infrequent; while in the
epics and lator thoy become extromely rare.

b. A single optative, bhujema, is used probibitively with mad ia
RV.; the older language presents no other example, and the construction
is very rare also leter. Jn an oxample or two, also, the procative (Dhuyat,
R. Pafic.) follows ma.

co. The RV. bas once apparently m& with an imperative; but the
passage is probably corrupt. No other such case is met with in the older
langaage (unices sppa, TA. i. 14; doubtless a bad reading for sppas); but
In the epics and later the construction begins to appoar, and becomes an
ordinary form of prohibition: thus, m& prayacche "gvare dhanam (8.)
do not bestow wealth on a lord; sakhi mai *vath vada (Vot.) friend,
do not speak thus.

d. The CB. (xi. 6.1!) appears to offer a single example of a true
subjanctive with ma, nf padydsdi; there is perhaps something wrong
about the reading.

e. In the epics and later, an aorist form not deprived of augment is
occasionally met with after m&: thus, md@ tvdrh kalo ‘tyag&t (MBb.)
let not the time pasa thee; m& valipatham anv ag&h (R.) do not follow
Valss road. But the same anomaly occure also two or three times in the
older language: thus, vyapaptat (CB.), ag&s (TA.), anagat (K8.).

580. But the use also cf the optative with n& not in a prohibitive
sense appears in the Veda, and becomes later a familiar construction:
thus, n& rigyema kad& can& (RV.) may we suffer no harm at any
time; né ca "tispjén né juhuyat (AV.) and tf he do not grant permission,
let him not sacrifice; tad u tatha na kurya&t (CB.) but he must not
do that so; na div& gayita (CGS.) let him not sleep by day; na tvamh
vidyur jan&éh (MBh.) let not people know thee. This in the later
language is the correlative of the prescriptive optative, and both are
extremely common; so that in a text of prescriptive character the
optative forms may come to outnumber the indicative and imperative
together (as is the case, for example, in Manu).

581. In all dependent constructions, it is still harder even in
the oldest language to establish a definite distinction between sub-
juuctive and optative; a method of use of either is scarcely to be
found to which the other does not furnish a practical equivalent —

219 Uses or THE MopEs. [—581

and thon, in the later language, such nses are represented by tho
uptative alone. A few examples will bo sufGclent to illustrate this:

a. After relative pronouns and conjunctions in general: yé
vyfigur yao oa nfindéth vyucohdn (RV.) which have shone forth (hith-
erto), and which shall hereafter shine forth; yS ‘to jdyat& asmikarm
e& éko ‘saat (TS.) whoever shall be born of her, let him be one of us;
yo wal tin vidydt pratydkgath s& brahmd védita sydt (AV.)
whoever shall know them face to face, he may pass for a knowing priest;
putrdnath ... jétdndth jandy&g ca yin (AV.) of sons born and whom
thou mayest bear; yasya... &tithir grphin dgdochet (AV.) to whose-
scever house he may come as guest; yatam&thé kAémAdyota téthaé kury&t
(CB.° in whatever way he may choose, so may he do tt; yarhi héta& ydja-
mdnasya nama gphniyadt tarhi brityat (TS.) when the sacrificing
priest shall name the name of the offerer, then he may speak; svarfipath
yad& drastum iccheth&h (MBh.) when thou shalt desire to see thine
oon form. ;

b. In more distinctly conditional constructions: yéjama devin
yadi caknav&ma (RV.) we will offer to the gods if we shall be able; yad
agne sydm ahdth tvéth tvdéth vi gh&é syd ahdrh syus te satya
ihd "oleah (RV.) if I were thou, Agni, or if thou wert I, thy wishes
should be realized on the spot; yd dyém atisdrp&t pardstfn n& oA
mucya&taéi varunasya réjiiah (AV.) though one steal far away beyond
the sky, he shall not escape king Varuna; yad An&gqv&n upavaset kgé-
dhukah sy&d yad acniyad rudrd ‘sya pactin abh{ manyeta (TS.)
tf he should continue without eating, he would starve; if he should eat,
Rudra would attack his cattle; prarthayed yadi math kagcid dandyah
sa me pum&n bhavet (MBh.) tf any man soever should desire me, he
should suffer punishment. These and the like constructions, with the
optative. are very common in the Brahmanas and later.

ec. In final clauses: yath& ‘hath catruho ‘sAni (AV.) that J may
Le a slayer of my enemies; gynina yatha p{bAtho dndhah (RV.) that
heing praised with song ye may drink the draught; ur&u ydéthaé tava
carman madema (RV.) in order that we rejoice tn thy toide protection;
Uupa janita ydthe ’ya4m punar &agadcchet (CB.) contrive that she come
hack again; kyp&th kury&d yath& mayi (MBbh.) so that he may take pity
en me. This is in tho Veda one of the most frequont uses of the
subjunctive; and in its correlative negative form, with néd tn order
that not or lest (always followed by an accented verb), it continues
not raro in the Brahmanas.

Gd. The Indicative is also very commonly used in final clauses after
yath&: thus, yath& *yath purugo ‘ntérikgam anucfdrati (CB.) t order
that thta man may traverse the atmosphere, yath& na vighnah kriyate
(RK.) so that no hindrance may arise; yathé ’yath nacyati tathé vidhe-
yam (H.) st must be so managed that he perish.

581—] VIII. ConsuGarion. 220

e. With the conditional use of subjunctive and optative is furthcr to
be compared that of the so-callod conditional tense: see below, 850.

f. As is indicated by many of the examples given above, it is usual
in a conditional sentence, containing protasis and apodosis, to employ always
the same mode, whether subjunctive or optative (or conditional), in each
of the two clauses. For the older language, this is a rule well-nigh or
quite without exception.

583. No distinction of meaning has been established between
the modes of the present-stem and those (in the older language) of
the perfect and aorist-systems.

Participles.

683. Participles, active and middle, are made from all
the tense-stems— except the periphrastic future, and, in
the later language, the aorist (and aorist participles are rare
from the beginning).

@. The participles unconnected with the tense-systems are treated in
chap. XIII. (052 ff.).

684. The general participial endings are 8 ant (weak
form Aq at; fem. Ae anti or At ati: see above, 449) for
the active, and Aq ana (fem. AT ana) for the middle. But—

a. After a tense-stem ending fo a, the active perticipial suffix
is virtually nt, one of the two a's being lost in the combination of
stem-final and suffix.

b. After a tense-stem ending in a, the middle participial suffix
is mana instead of dna. But there are occasional exceptions to the
rule as to the uso of m&na and 4na respectively, which will be
pointed out in connection with the various formations below. Such
exceptions are especially frequent in the causative: see 1043 f.

c. The perfect has in the active the peculiar suffix vais (weakest
form ug, middle form vat; fem. ugi: see, for the inflection of this
participle, above, 458 f.).

d. For details, as to form of stem otc., and for special exceptions
see the following chapters.

Augment.

585. The augment is a short 4 a, prefixed to a tense-
stem — and, if the latter begin with a vowel, combining with
that vowel irregularly into the heavier or vyddhi diphthong

221 AUGMENT. [—6587

(1868). It is always (without any exception) the accented
element in the verbal form of which it makes a part.

a. In the Veda, the augment is in a few forms long &: thus, Anat,
dvar, Avyni, Avynak, Avidhyat, dyunak, dyukta, dyuksAtam,
frinak, drdik, (and yas ta dvidhat, RV. fi. 1. 7, 9°).

586. The augment is a sign of past time. And an augment-
preterit is made from each of the tense-stems from which the system
of conjugation is derived: namely, the imperfect, from the present-
stem; the pluperfect (in the Veda only), from the perfect-stem; the
conditional, from the future-stem; while in the aorist such a preterit
stands without any corresponding present indicative.

587. In the early language, especially in the RV., the occurrence
of forms identical with those of augment-tenses save for the lack of
an sugment is quite frequent. Such forms lose in general, along with
the augment, the specific character of the tenses to which they belong;
and they are then employed in part non-modally, with either a pres-
ent or a past sense; and in part modally, with either a subjunctive
or an optative sense — especially often and regularly after m& pro-
hibitive (579); and this last mentioned use comes down also into tho
Inter language.

a. In RV., the augmentless forms are morc than half as common as
the augmented (about 2000 and 3300), and are made from the present,
perfect, and aorist-systems, but considerably over half from the asorist.
Their non-modal and modal uses are of noarly equal frequency. The tense
value of the non-modally used forms {is more often past than present. Of
the modally used forms, nearly a third are construcd with m& prohibitive;
the rest have twice as often an optative as a proper subjunctive value.

b. In AV., the numerical relations are very different. The augment-
less forms are less than a third as many as the augmented (about 475 to
1450), and are prevailingly (more than four fifths) aoristic. The non-modal
uses are only a tenth of the modal. Of the modally used forms, about
four fifths are constrned with m& prohibitive; the rest are chicfly optative
in value. Then, in the language of the Bribmanas (not inclading the
mantra-matcrial which they contain), the loss of augment is, save in
occasional sporadic cases, restricted to the prohibitive conustraction with ma;
and the some continues to be the case later.

c. The accentuation of the augmentless forms is throughout in accord-
ance with that of unsugmented tenses of similar formation. Examples will
be given below, under tho various tenscs.

da. Besides the augmentless aorist-forms with m& probibitive, there
are also found occasionally in the later language augmentless imperfect-forms
(very rarcly aorist-forms), which have the same value as if they were aug-
mented, and are for the most part examples of metrical license. They are
especially frequent in the epics (whence some scores of them are quotable).

588—] VII. Consuaarion. 222

Reduplication.

688. The derivation of conjugational and declensional
stems from roots by reduplication, either alone or along
with other formative elements, has been already spoken of
(269), and the formations in which reduplication appears
have been specified: they are, in primary verb-inflection,
the present (of a certain class of verbs), the perfect (of
nearly all), and the aorist (of a large number); and the in-
tensive and desiderative secondary conjugations contain in
their stems the same element.

589. The general principle of reduplication is the pre-
fixion to a root of a part of itself repeated — if it begin
with consonants, the initial consonant and the vowel; if it
begin with a vowel, that vowel, either alone or with a follow-
ing consonant. The varieties of detail, however, are very
considerable. Thus, especially, as regards the vowel, which
in present and perfect and desiderative is regularly shorter
and lighter in the reduplication than in the root-syllable,
in aorist is longer, and in intensive is strengthened. The
differences as regards an initial consonant are less, and
chiefly confined to the intensive; for the others, certain
general rules may be here stated, all further details being
left to be given in connection with the account of the sep-
arate formations.

590. The consonant of the reduplicating syllable is in
general the first consonant of the root: thus, peprach
from VAR prach; {SIT cigri from yf ori; qa bubudh

from yay. But —
a. A non-aspirate is substituted in reduplicatioh for an

aspirate: thus, ZU dadh& from ytT; Tory bibhy from YT bhr.
b. A palatal is substituted for a guttural or for @& h:

223 REDUPLICATION. (—593

thus, Th caky from vt kr; fara cikhid from Viag khid;
TY jagrabh from Voy grabh; Te jaby from Yq hy.

c. The occasional reversion, on the other hand, of a palatal in tho
tadical syllable to guttural form has been noticed above (916, }).

d. Of two initial consonants, the second, if it be a
non-nasal mute preceded by a sibilant, is repeated instead
of the first: thus, TET tastr from veq str, ATA tastha& from

yea ethd; TWh-g caskand from yhirg skand; araey
caskhal from vtae skhal; YU cugout from Vo gout;

TeqY pasprdh from yeqy sprdh; oat Tg pusphut ftom VERE
sphut: — but ArT sasn& from yal sna; uty sasmy from
vty amy; AA sueru from Yq ru; Faery gights from vine
Glig.

Accent of the Verb.

501. The statements which have been made above, and those
which will be made below, as to the accent of verbal forms, apply
to those cases in which the verb is actually accented.

a. But, according to the grammarians, and according to the in-
variable practice in accentuated texts, the verb is fo the majority of
ite occurrences unaccented or toneless.

b. That is to say, of course, the verb in its proper forms, its personal
or so-called finite forms. The verbal nouns and adjectives, or the infinitives
and participles, are subject to precisely the same laws of accent as other
nouns and adjectives.

5902. The general rule, coverlug most of the cases, is this: The
verb in an independent clause is unaccented, unless it stand at the
beginning of the clause — or also, in metrical text, at the begioning
of a p&da.

a. For the accent of the verb, as well as for that of the vocative
case (above, 314), the beginning of a p&da counts as that of a sentence,
whatever be the logical connection of the pada with what precedes it.

b. Examples of the onaccented verb are: agnim ide purdéhitam
Agni I praise, the house-priest; oa {d devégu gacchati that, truly, goes
to the gods; &4gne sipfyand bhava O Agni, be easy of access; id&am
indra grnuhi somapa this, O Indra, soma-drinker, hear; néamas te
rudra krpmah homage to thee, Rudra, we offer; yAjamanasya pagtin
p&hi the sacrificer's cattle protect thou.

c. Hence, there are two principal situations in which the verb
retains its accent:

583—| VIII. ConsuaatIion. 224

503. First, the verb is acconted when it stands at tho beginning
of a clauso — or, io verse, of u pada.

a. Examples of the verb accented at the head of the sentence are, in
prose, Gaundhadhvath da{vyfya kaérmane be pure for the divine
ceremony; &pnoti ‘marth lokam he toins this world; —in verse, where
the head of the sentence is also that of the pada, syamé ’d {ndrasya
garmani may we be in Indra’s protection; dargaya m& yatudhadnan
show me the sorcerers; g4mad vajebhir a 84 nah may he come with good
things to us;— in verse, where the head of the clause is within the pada,
tégith pahi crudhi havam drink of them, hear our call; sistu maté
sdstu pitd sdstu ova sdstu vigpatih Jet the mother sleep, let the father
sleep, let the dog sleep, let the master sleep; vigvakarman nd&mas te
pahy asman Vicvakarman, homage to. thee; protect us! yuvém ...rajiia
ice duhita preché vam nara the king's daughter said to you “I pray
you, ye men”, vayath te vaya indra viddh{ gu nah pra bhardémahe
we offer thee, Indra, strengthening; take note of us.

b. Examples of the verb accented at the head of the pada when this
is not the head of the sentence are: &tha te dntamanémh vidydma
sumatinam so may we enjoy thy most intimate favors; adhata ‘sy&
agruvai patith dadh&tu pratikamyam Dhéatar bestow upon this girl
a husband according to her wish; yatudhaénasya aomapa jah{ prajdm
slay, O Soma-drinker, the progeny of the sorcerer.

504. Certain special cases under this head are as follows:

a. As a vocative forms no syntactical part of the sentence to which
it is attached, but is only an external appendage to it, a verb following
an initial vocative, or more than one, is accented, as if it were itself initial
in the clause or pAda: thus, agrutkarna crudhi havam O thou of
listening ears, hear our call! site vandamahe tvA O Sitd, we reverence
thee; vigve dev& vasavo rakgate ’mdm all ye gods, ye Vasus, protect
this man; uta "gag cakrigath devad dév& jivayathé panah likewise
him, O gods, who has committed crime, ye gods, ye make to live ayain.

b. If more than one verb follow a word or words syntactically con-
nected with them all, only the first loses its accent, the others being treated
as if they were initial verbs in sepazate clauses, with the same adjuncts
understood: thus, tardnir {j jayati kgéti pusgyati successful he conquers,
rules, thrives; am{tran... pdrAca indra pré mrna jahi ca our foes,
Indra, drive far away and slay; asmabhyath jegi yétsi ca for us
conquer and fight; agnigom& havigah prasthitasya vitdth héryatath
vygana jugéthim O Agni and Soma, of the oblation set forth partake,
enjoy, ye mighty ones, take pleasure.

c. In like manner (but much less often), an adjunct, as subject or object,
standing between two verbs and logically belonging to both, is reckoned to the
first alone, and the second has the initial accent: thus, jah{ prajazh nayasva
ca slay the progeny, and bring [it] hither; gynétu nah subhég&é bédhatu
tmanaé muy the blessed one hear us, [and may she) kindly regard [us}.

225 ACOBNT. [—5e5

d. It has even come to be a formal rule thst a verb immediately
following anothor verb is accented: thus, 8&4 y& et4m evam upadste
pirydte prajdy& pagubhih (QB.) whoever worships him thus ts flled
with offspring and cattle.

595. Second, the verb is accented, whatever its position, in a
dependent clause.

a. The dependency of a clause is in the very great majority of cases
conditioned by the relative pronoun ya, or one of its derivatives or com-
pounds. Thus: ydth yajfidrh paribhiir Asi what offering thou protectest;
6 té yanti yé aparigu pdcydn they are coming who shall behold her
hereafter; sah& yan me asti téna along with that which ts mine; yatra
nah piirve pité4arah pareyuh whither our fathers of old departed;
ady& muriya yédi y&tudhdno dasmi let me die on the spot, if I am
a sorcerer; yath& "hainy anupfirvd4th bhdvanti as days follow one
another in order; yavad idath bhivananh vigvam Asti how great this
whole creation is; yatkim&s te juhumés t4n no astu what desiring
we sacrifice to thee, let that become ours; yatamas tityps&t whichever
one desires to enjoy.

b. The presence of a relative word in the sentence does not, of course,
accent the verb, unless this fs really the predicate of a dependent clause:
thus, dpa tyé tdyavo yathA yanti they make off like thieves (as thieves
do); yat sthd jdgac ca rejate whatever [is] immovable and movable
trembles: yath&kamamh n{ padyate he lies down uf his pleasure.

c. The particle ca when it means sf, and céd (ca+id) sf, give an
aceent to the verb: thus, brahmaé céd dhdstam dgrahit if a Brahman
has grasped her hand; tvéth ca soma no vaco jJivaturh n&é marfimahe
tf thou, Soma, willest us to live, we shail not die; & ca gacch&n mitram
en& dadh&ma sf he will come here, te will make friends with him.

d. There are a very few passages in which the logical dependence of a
clause containing no subordinating word appears to give the verb its accent:
thos, sam Acvaparndc céranti no néro ‘emdkam indra rath{no
jayantu when our men, horse-winged, come into conflict, let the chartot-
SJighlers of our side, O Indra, win the victory. Rarely, too, an imperative
so following anotber imperative that its action may seem a consequence of
the latter's is accented: thus, tiyam A gahi kAnvesu su sécA piba
come hither quickly; drink along with the Kanvas (i.e. in order to drink).

e. A few other particles give the verb an accent, in virtue of a slight
subordinating force belonging to them: thus, especially h{ (with its negation
nah{), which in {ts fullest value moans for, but shades off from that into
a mere asseverative sense; the verb or verbs connected with it are always
accented: thus, vi té muficant&zh vimico hi sdénti let them release
him, for they are releasers; yao cid dh{... an&castd iva smasi if
tee, forsooth, are as it were unrenowned; — also néd (n&+{d), meaning
lest, that not: thus, nét tv& tépati stiro arcieaé that the sun may not
burn thee with his beam; virdjath néd vicchinddani ’ti saying to himself,

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 15

596) VII. Consuaation. 226

“lest I cut off the virdy” (such cases are frequent in the Brahmanas) ;—
and the interrogative kuvid tchether? thus, ukthébhih kuvid agdmat
world he come hither for our praises?

506. But further, the verb of a prior clause is not infrequently
accented in antithetical construction.

a. Sometimes, the relation of the two clauses is readily capable of
being regarded as that of protasis and apodosis; but often, also, such a
relation is vory indistinct; and tho cases of antithesis shade off into those
of ordinary cotrdination, the line between them appearing to bo rather
arbitrarily drawn.

b. In many cases, the antithesis is made distincter by the presence in
the two clauses of correlative words, especially anya—anya, eka—eka,
va—v&, ca—ca: thus, pré-pré ’nyé ydnti péry any& dsate some yo
on and on, others sit about (as if it where while some go etc.); td va
sifcddhvam upa vaé prnadhvam esther pour out, or fill up; sath ce
*dhydsva ’gne pra ca vardhaye *mam both do thou thyself become
kindled, Agni, and do thou increase this person. But it is also made with-
out such help: thus, prd ’jaétah prajA jandyati pdéri prajata gphnati
the unborn progeny he generates, the born he embraces; Spa yugmaéd akra-
min naé ’sman upavartate [though] she has gone away from you, she
does not come to us; n& "ndho ‘dhvaryur bhavati n&4 yajfiach rdkgdtsi
ghnanti the priest does not become blind, the demons do not destroy the
sacrifice; kéna s6ma grhyante kéna hiiyante by whom [on the one hand]
are the somas dipped out? by whom [on the other hand) are they offered?

507. Where the verb would be the samv in the two antithetical clauses,
it is not infrequently omitted in the second: thus, beside complete expres-
sions like urvi of ’si vasvi cA si both thou art broad and thou art good,
occur, much oftener, incomplete ones like agn{r amugmih loka asid
yamod ‘smfin Agni was in yonder world, Yama (was) in this; asthnaé
‘yah prajéh pratitigthanti m&Asénd ‘nyéh by bone some creatures
stand firm, by flesh others; Avipfc ca sdrvath no rékga cétugpaid
yéo ca nah svém both protect everything of ours that ts biped, and
also whatever that 1s quadruped belongs to us.

a. Accentuation of the verb in the former of two antithetical clauses
is a rule more strictly followed in the Brahmanas than in the Veda, and
least strictly in the RV.: thus, in RV., abh{ dyéth mahiné bhuvam
(not bhivam) abhi ‘math prthivish mahim I am superior to the sky
in greatness, also to this great earth; and even indro vidur dfigirasag
ca ghorah Indra knows, and the terrible Angirases. o

588. There are certaiu more or less doubtful cases in which a
verb-form is pernups accented for omphasis.

a. Thus, sporadically before can& tn any wise, and in connection
with asseverative particles, as kfila, ang&é, ev&, and (in (B., regularly)
hdnta: thas, hénte ‘math prthivith vibhéjamahdi come on! let us
share up this earth.

227 IX PRESENT-STSTEM. f—60l

CHAPTER IX.

THE PRESENT-SYSTEM.

699. Tur present-system, or system of forms coming
from the present-stem, is composed (as was pointed out
abdve) of a present indicative tense, together with a sub-
junctive (mostly lost in the classical language), an optative,
an imperative, and a participle, and also a past tense, an
augment-preterit, to which we give (by analogy with the
Greek) the name of imperfect.

a. These forms often go in Sanskrit grammars by the name of
“special tenses”, while the other tense-systems are styled “general tenses”
—as if the former were made from a special tense stem or modified root,
while the latter came, all alike, from the root itsclf. There is no reason
why such a distinction and nomenclature should be retained; since, op tho
one hand, the “special tenses” come in one set of verbs directly from the
root, and, on the other hand, the other tense-systems are mostly made from
atems —and, in the case of the aorist, from stems having a varicty of form
comparable with that of present-stems.

600. Practically, the present-system is the most prom-
inent and important part of the whole conjugation, since,
from the earliest period of the language, its forms are very
much more frequent than those of all the other systems
together.

a. Thus, in the Veda, the occurrences of personal forms of this system
are to those of all others about as three to one; in the Aitareya Brahmana,
as five to one; in the Hitopadeca, as six to onc; in the Cakuntala, as
eight to one; In Manu, as thirty to one.

601. And, as there is also great variety in the manner
in which different roots form their present stem, this, as
heing their most conspicuous difference, 1s made the basis
of their principal classification; and a verb is said to be of
this or of that conjugation, or class, according to the way

in which its present-stem is made and inflected.
15°

602—] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 228

602. In a small minority of verbs, the present-stem is
identical with the root. Then there are besides (excluding
the passive and causative) seven more or less, different meth-
ods of forming a present-stem from the root, each method
being followed by a larger or smaller number of verbs.
These are the “classes” or “conjugation-classes”, as laid
down by the native Hindu grammarians. They are ar-
ranged by the latter in a certain wholly artificial and un-
systematic order (the ground of which has never been dis-
covered); and they are wont to be designated in European
works according to this order, or else, after Hindu example,
by the root standing at the head of each class in the Hindu
lists. A different arrangement and nomenclature will be
followed here, namely as below — the classes being divided
(as is usual in European grammars) into two more general
classes or conjugations, distinguished from one another by
wider differences than those which separate the special
classes.

603. The classes of the First or NoN-a-CoNnJUGATION
are as follows:

I. The root-class (second class, or ad-class, of the
Hindu grammarians); its present-stem is coincident with
the root itself: thus, 4g ad eat; 31 go; ATT as set; OT
ya go; Taq dvig hate; FB dub milk.

If. The reduplicating class (third or hu-class);
the root is reduplicated to furm the present-stem: thus,
Je juhu from yg hu sacrsfice; Gal dad& from yey d&
give; fer bibhy from yt bhy bear.

III. The nasal class (seventh or rudh-class); a
nasal, extended to the syllable 4 na in strong forms, is
inserted before the final consonant of the root: thus,
@U_rundh (or Quy runadh) from yqe_rudh obstruct;

qy yuhj (or qe yunsj) from VOX yuj join.

229 CONJUGATION-CLASSES. [—606

TV. a. The nu-class (fifth or su-class); the syllable
qj nu is added to the root: thus, qq sunu from vq su
we a)
press out, ATA &pnu from vane Bp obtatn.

b. A very small number (only half-a-dozen) of roots
ending already in 7_n, and also one very common and
quite irregularly inflected root not so ending (% kr make),
add 3 u alone to form the present-stem. This 1s the

eighth or tan-class of the Hindu grammarians; it may
be best ranked by us as a sub-class, the u-class: thus,

wy tanu from vey tan stretch.

V. The n&-class (ninth or kri-class); the syllable

I n& (or, in weak forms, 4t nt) is added to the root;

thus, SHIM krins’ (or Hilti krint) from Vat kri buy;

TPT stabhnd (or FePit stabhni) from yt] stabh estab-

kish.

604. These classes have in common, as their most found-
amental characteristic, a shift of accent: the tone being
now upon the ending, and now upon the root or the class-
sign. Along with this goes a variation in the stem itself,
which has a stronger or fuller form when the accent rests
upon it, and a weaker or briefer form when the accent is
on the ending: these forms are to be distinguished as the
strong stem and the weak stem respectively (in part, both
have been given above). The classes also form their opta-
tive active, their 2d sing. imperative, their 3d_ pl. middle,
and their middle participle, in a different manner from
the others.

605. In the classes of the Seconp or a-CoNnJsuGaTION,
the present-stem ends in a, and the accent has a fixed
place, remaining always upon the same syllable of the
stem, and never shifted to the endings. Also, the optative,
the 2d sing. impv., the 3d pl. middle, and the middle

& be. atest)

participle, are ‘as just stated) unlike those of the other
conjugation.
606. The classes of this conjugation are as follows:

VI. The a-class, or unaccented a-class (first or
bhil-class); the added class-sign is a simply; and the
root, which has the accent, is (if capable of it) strength-
ened by guna throughout: thus, tq bhava from yt bha
6e; AM néya from yat ni lead; aid bédha from VET
budh wuke; 4% vada from yagq vad speak.

VU. The a-class, or accented a-class (sixth or
tud-class); the added class-sign is a, as in the preceding
class; but it has the accent, and the unaccented root
remains unstrengthened: thus, qq tudé from yqg tud
thrust, I srja from VAX sri let loose, qa suva from
Va si give birth.

VIII. The ya-class (fourth or div-class); ya is
added to the root, which has the accent: thus, Zteq
divya from ViRq div (more properly ata div: see 765)
play; I nébya from yagi nah bind, Atq krudhya
from yRY krudh be angry.

IX. The passive conjugation is also properly a
present-system only, having a class-sign which is not
extended into the other systems; though it differs mark-
edly from the remaining classes in having a spccific
meaning, and in being formable in the middle voice
from all transitive verbs. Its inflection may therefore
best be treated next to that of the ya-class, with which
it is most nearly connected, differing from it as the
é-class from the a-class. It forms its stem, namely, by
adding an accented y& to the root: thus, 4WJ adyé from
Vaz ad eat; YET rudhyd from V@L rudh obstruct;
qed budhyé from vay budh wake; qa tudya from
Vqq tud thrust.

231 CONJUGATION-CLASBSES. [(—el1

607. The Iindu grammarians reckon a tenth class or cur-class,
baving a claus-sign Aya added to a strongthened reot (thus, coraya
from ycur), and an inflection like that of tho other a-stems. Since,
however, this stem is not limited to the present-stem. but extends
also into the rest of the conjugation — while it also has to a great
extent a causative value, and may be formed in that value from a
large number of roots — it will be best treated in full along with
the derivative conjugations (chap. XIV., 1041 ff.).

608. A small number of roots add in the present-system a ch,
or substitute a ch for their final consonant, and form a stem ending
in cha or ch&é, which is then inficcted like any a-stem. This is
historically, doubtless, a truo class-sign, analogous with the rest; but
the verbs showing it are so few, and in formation so irregular, that
they are not well to be put together into a class, but may best be
treated a3 special cases falling under the other classes.

a. Roots adding ch are f and yu. which make the stoms yoché and
yuccha.

b. Roots substituting ch for their final are ig, ug (or vas shine),
gam, yam, which make the stems icchaé, ucché, gaccha, yaccha.

c. Of the so-called roots ending in ch, scveral are more or less
clearly stems, whose use has been extended from the present to other systems
of tenses.

608. Roots are not wholly Iimited, even in the later language, to
one mode of formation of their present-stem, but are sometimes reckoned
as belonging to two or more different conjugation-classes. And such variety
of formation is especially frequent in the Veda, being exhibited by a
considerable proportion of the roots there occurring; already in the Brahmanas,
however, a condition is reached nearly agrecing in this r-epect with the
classical language. The different present-formations sometines have differ-
ences of meaning; yet not more important ones than are often found belong-
ing to the same formation, nor of a kind to show cloarly a difference of
value as originally belonging to the separate classes of presents. If anything
of this kind is to be established, it must be from the derivative conjogations,
which are separated by no fixed line from the present-systems.

610. We take up now the different classes, in the order in which
they have been arranged above, to describe morc in detail, and with
illustration, the formation of their present-stems, and to notice the
irregularities belonging under cach class.

I. Root-class (second, ad-class).

611. In this class there is no class-sign; the root itself
is also present-stem, and to it are added directly the per-

rc.

f

611—} IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 232

sonal endings — but combined in subjunctive and optative
with the respective mode-signs; and in the imperfect the
augment is prefixed to the root.

a. The accented endings (652) regularly take the accent — except
in the imperfect, where it falls on the augment— and before them
the root remains unchanged; before the unaccented endings, the root
takes the guna-strengthening.

b. It is only in the first three classes that the endings come {mmeo-
diately in contact with a final consonant of the root, and that the rules for
consonant combination have to be noted and applied. In these classcs, then,
additional paradigms will be given, to illustrate the modes of combination.

1. Present Indicative.

612. The endings are the primary (with Gq dte in 3d
pl. mid.), added to the bare root. The root takes the accent,
and has guna, if capable of it, in the three persons sing. act.

Examples of inflection: a. active, root 3 i go;
strong form of root-stem, @ 6; weak form, 3 i; middle, root
is stt, stem ds (irregularly accented throughout: 628).

activo. middle.

8. d. p. 8. d. p.
1m wa qa 89s ara ATENTS

émi ivds imaés dse dsvahe dsmahe
2a ww area = BTA,

é9i ithas tha isse fisithe idddhve
3 Ua aa uf aed |= aa | ata

éti itds yanti dste dsite idsate

b. root dvig Aate: strong stem-form, dvég; weak, dvig. For
rules of combination for the final g, see 226.
1 d@végmi dvigvés dvigmds dvigé dvigvéhe dvigmaéhe
2 dvékei dvigthds dvigthd dvikgé dvigdthe dviddhvé
3 dvésti dvistis dvigdnti dvigté dvigite dvighte
c. root duh milk: strong stem-form, déh; weak, duh. For rules
of combination for the final h, and for the conversion of the initial
to dh, see 328a, 155, 160.
1 ddéhmi duhvéds duhmés duhé duhvé4he duhmAhe
2 dhdéksi dugdhé4s dugdh4 dhukgé dubdthe dhugdhvé
3 dogdhi dugdhés duhdnti dugdhé duhite duhite

233 ROOT-CLA8S (SECOND, &d-CLASS). [—615

d. root lih dick; atrong stom, 1éh; woak, lth. For rules of
combination of the final h, see 323 b.

1 léhmi lihvds lihmés, lihé lihvé4he lihmahe
2 lékesi lidhds lidha likeé lihdthe lidhvé
3 légdhi lidhés lihdnti lidhé lihdte lihadte

613. Examples of the 3d sing. mid. coincident in form with the ist
sing. are not rare in the older language (both V. and B.); the most frequent
examples aro ice, duhé, vidé, gaye; more sporadic are cité, bruve, huvé.
To tha of the 2d pl. is added na in sthéna, p&thén&, yathdna.
The irregalar accent of the 3d pl. mid. is found in RV. in rihaté, duhaté.
Examples of the same person in re and rate sleo occur: thus (besides
those mentioned below, 629-30, 635), vidré, and, with auxillary vowel,
arhire (unless these are to bo ranked, rather, as perfect forms without
reduplicatton: 790 b).

2. Present Subjunctive.

614. Subjunctive forms of this class are not uncommon in the
older language, and nearly all those which the formation anywhere
admits are quotable, from Veda or from Braihmana. <A _ complete
paradigm, accordingly, is given below, with the few forms not
actually quotable for this class enclosed in brackets. We may take
as models (as abeve), for the active the root 1 go, and for the middle
tho root &s sit, from both of which numerous forms are met with
(although noithor fur those nor for any others can tho wholo sories
be found in actual use).

a. The mode-stems are d4ya (6-+ a) and &sa (ds -+-a) respectively.

active. middle.
8. d. p. 8. d. p.
tot gare, dotnet shat deta
2 en éyathas dyatha isace (dsaithe] {lesedhve]
at. déyatas dyan sate dsdite {(Jeanto}nte

615. The RV. has no middie forms in &i except those of the first
person. The ist sing. act. in & occurs only in RV., in ay&, brava,
stav&. The 2d and 3d sing. act. with primary ondings are very unusual
in the Brihmanas. Forms irregalarly made with long &, like those from
present-stems In a, are not rare in AV. and B.: thus, ay&s, ay&t, dyan;
4s&t, brav&t; brav&thas; as&tha, ay&tha, brav&tha, hanidtha;
&dan, doh&n. Of middle forms with secondary endings are found hé4nanta,
3d pl., and Igata, 3d sing. (after m& prohibitive), which {is an isolated
example. The only dual person in dite is bravdite.

616—| 1X. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 234

3. Present Optative.

616. The personal endings combined with the mode-
signs of this mode (QT y& in act., $1 in mid.) have been
given in full above (566). The stem-form is the unaccented
and unstrengthened root.

active. middle.
8. d. Pp.

8. d. p.
1m wa wa ata adiate anitaiz

iyam iydva iydma dsiya dsivahi dsimahi

2 goa ae Tete reiterate

iyas iyatam iydta asithis asiydthdm Aasidhvam
3 aq aa ei eto, arent
iyat iyatam iyus dsita a@siydtéam Asiran

a. In the same manner, from pdvig, dvigyam and dvigiy4é; from
yYdauh, duhyam and duhiya; from ylih, lihyam and lihiydé. ‘I'he
inflection is so regular that the example above given is enough, with
the addition of dvigfy&, to show the normal accentuation in the
middle: thus, sing. dvigiyé, dvigithas, dvigitaé; du. dvigivahi,
dvigiydthim, dvigiyatam; pl. dvigimahi, dvigidhvam, dvigiran.

b. The RV. has once tana in 2d pl. act. (in syatana).

4. Present Imperative.

617. The imperative adds, in second and third persons,
its own endings (with Aq atém in 3d pl. mid.) directly
to the root-stem. The stem is accented and strengthened
in 3d sing. act.; elsewhere, the accent is on the ending
and the root remains unchanged. The first persons, so called,
of the later language are from the old subjunctive, and
have its strengthened stem and accent; they are repeated
here from where they were given above (614a). In the 2d
sing. act., the ending is regularly (as in the two following
classes) ff dhi if the root end with a consonant, and f& hi
if it end with a vowel. As examples we take the roots
already used for the purpose.

—~;

235 RootT-CLA8s (SECOND, ad-CLA8ss). [—e19

a. Thus, from the roots 3 1 and ANY Gs:

active. middle.

8. d. p. 8. d. P.
(any sar wom a alae = 6aTaMme
fyini ayiva aydama dsai Asivahaéii dsfimahii

2f WL aa TATE ATT
ihf it4m ita assva dsitham daddhvam
+ Ty ay ATCT] ATA ATTA
étu itdm yantu dstam dsatam dsat&m

b. From the roots dvig and duh and lih:

1 dvégéni dvégiva dvégima dvég&i dvésgivahai dvésimahai
2 dviddhf{f dvistam dvistd dvikgvA dvigdtham dviddhvam
3 dvéstu dvistidm dvigdntu dvistim dvigdtam dvigdt&m
1 doh&ni dohava dohama dohai doh&avahaéi déh&imahai
2 dugdh{ dugdhém dugdh& dhuksvda duhdthim dhugdhvém
3 ddégdhu dugdhim duhdntu dugdhdm duhdétam duhdtém

1 léh&ini léhiva léhdma _ lehai léhdveahéi léh&dmahai
2 lidhf lidham lidhé likgvé liha&tham lidhvém
3 léghu lidhdm lihdntu. lidhdm lihdtém lihétam

618. Tho 2d sing. act. ending t&t is found in the older language in
a few verbs of this class: namely, vittdt, vitat, briitdt, hatat, yatat,
etutat. In 3d sing. mid., two or three verbs have tn the older language
the ending &m: thas, duhdm (only RV. case), vidim, gayim; and in
3d pl. mid. AV. hes duhr&m and duhrat&m. The usc of tana for ta
in 2d pl. act. is quite frequent in the Vcda: thus, itana, yatana, attana,
etc. And in stota, éta étana, bravitana, cdstana, hantana, we have
examples In the seme person of a strong (and accented) stem.

5. Present Participle.

619. a. The active participle has the ending dnt
(weak stem-form at) added to the unstrengthened root.
Mechanically, it may be formed from the 3d pl. by dropping
the final 3 i. Thus, for the verbs inflected above, the active
participles are ayant, Fe duhbént, Trae _dviednt, TATA
lihant. The feminine stem ends usually in dt att: thus,
Weit yati, Feat dubati, fFadt dvisati, fereat lihati: but.

from roots in &, in Wet antl or Alet Sti (440 g).

619—}) 1X. PRESBNT-SYSTEM. 236

b. The middle participle has the ending Qi &né, added
to the unstrengthened root: thus, 3017 iyané, 3A duhénéd,

faara dvigind, faart lihing.

c. The root 4s forms the anomalous and isolated dsina (in RV.
also d&s&n4).

d. But a number of these participles in the older language have
a double accent, either on the ending or on the radical syllable:
thus, igind and igana, oh&n4é and éhdna, duh&n& and dahana (also
digh&na), rihaénd and rihdéna, viddnd and viddna, suvaind and
sav&na, stuvadné and stavdnd and staévana — the last having in part
also a strong form of the root.

- 6. Imperfect.

620. This tense adds the secondary endings to the root
as increased by prefixion of the augment. The root has the
guna-strengthening (if capable of it) in the three persons of
the singular active, although the accent is always upon the
augment. Examples of inflection are:

a. From the roots 3 i and ATE, Gs:

active. middle.
8. d.

p. 8. d. Pp.
dyam = afva aima dsi dsvahi dsmahi

2 ww plbielli Willis Gils Ys &

als a{tam ai{ta dsthés iAs&thim dddhvam
st tT a OAT TATA
ait ai{tam dyan dsta dsatam dsata

b. From the roots dvig and dub and lih:
&dvegam ddvigsva dédvigma Advigi Advigvahi dAdvigmahi
advet Advigtam Advista Advigthés Advigithdim 4dviddhvam
advet Advigtim advigan aAdvigta Advigit’m Advigata
A&doham 4duhva Aduhma 4duhi aduhvahi aduhmahi
édhok 4dugdham 4dugdha ddugdhéds d4duhéthém dAdhugdhvam
adhok 4dugdhim déduhan d4Adugdha aduhatém Aduhata
dleham 4lihva &lihnma 4lihi dlihvahi élihmahi
dlet &lidham Alidha Alidh&és A4liha&th&m Alidhvam
dlet élidhim dlihan Alidha &lihataéam Alihata

621. a. Roots ending in & may in the later language optionally
take us instead of an in 3d pl. act. (the & being lost before it); and

owe © wD == ww wD =

an

237 ROOT-CLASS (SECOND, ad-CLAS88). [(—625

in the older they always do so: thua, dyus from yyd, &dpus from
Yp& protect, abhus from pbha. ‘The samo ending ts also allowod
nod met with in the case of a few roots ending in consonants: namely
vid know, cakg, dvig, duh, myj. RV. has atvigus.

b. The cnding tana, 2d pl. act., is found in the Veda in d&y&tana,
dAsastane, Aftana, 4bravitana. A strong stem is seen in the {st pl.
homa, and the 2d pl. abravita and A&bravitana.

CG. To save the characteristic endings in 2d and 3d sing. act., the root
ad inserts a: thus, ddas, ddat; the root as insests 1: thus, isis, dsit
(see below, 636); compare also 631-4.

623. The use of the persons of this tensc, without sugment, in the
older language, has been noticed above (5687). Augmentless imperfects of
thie class are rather uncommon in the Veda: thus, han, vés, 2d sing.;
han, vet, st&ut, dan (?), 3d sing; bruvan, duhis, cakgus, 3d pl.;
vasta, stita, 31 sing. mid.

623. The first or root-form of sorist is identical in its formation with
this imperfect: sec below, 829 ff.

624. In the Veda (but hardly outside of the RV.) are found certain
2d sing. forms, having an imperative value, made by adding the ending si
to the (accented and strengthened) root. In part, they are the only root-forms
belonging to the roots from which they come: thus, Jogi (for Joggi, from Yjug),
dhakgi, pargi (Vpr pass), prdsi, bhakgi, ratsi, sdtei, hogi; but the
majority of them have forms (one or more) of a root-present, or sometimes
of a root-aorist, heside them: thus, kgégi (Vkgi rule), jégi, dargi, nakgi
(nag atfain), negi, matsi, masi (fmMA measure), yakel, ydthal, yfsi,
yotai, rasi, vaksi ()vah), vési, crogi, sakei. Their formal character
is somewhat disputed; but they are probably indicative persons of the root-
class, used imperatively.

625. Forms of this class are made from nearly 150 roots, either
in the earlier language, or in the later, or in both: namely, from
about 50 through the whole life of the language, from 80 in the older
period ‘of Veda, Brahmans, and Sutra) alone, and from a few (about 15)
in the later period (epic and classical) only*. Not a few of these
roots, however, show only sporadic root-forms, beside a more usual
conjugation of some other cluss; nor is it in all cases possible to
separate clearly root-present from root-naorist forms.

a. Many roots of this class, as of the other classes of the first
conjugation, show transfers to the second or a-conjugation, forming
n conjugation-stem by adding a to their strong or weak stem, or

* Such statements of numbers, with regard to tho various parts of the
system of conjugation, are in all cases taken from the author's Supplement
to this grammar, entitled “Roots, Verb-Forms, and Primary Derivatives of
the Sanskrit Language”, where lists of roots, and details as to forms ote.,
are also given.

625—] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 238

even to both: thus, from /mfyj, both marja (627) and myja. Such
tansfers are met with even in the oldest language; but they usually
become more frequent later, often establishing a new mode of present
inflection by the side of, or in substitution for, the earlier mode.

b. A number of roots offer irregularities of inflection; these are,
in the main, pointed out in the following paragraphs.

Irregularities of the Root-class.

626. The roots of the class ending in u have in their strong
forms the vyrddhi instead of the guna-strengthcning before an ending
beginning with a consonant: thus, from yYstu, stéumi, dstdut, and
the like: but astavam, stAv@ni, etc.

a. Roots found to exhibit this peculiarity in actual use are kgnu, yu
unite, Bu (or Ba) impel, sku, stu, snu (these in the earlicr language),
nu, ru, and hnu. RY. has once stogi and andvan. Compare also 633.

627. The root myj also has the vyddhi-vowel in its strong
forms: thus, marjmi, dmarjam, amart (150 b); and the same streng-
thening is said to be allowed in weak forms before endings beginning
with a vowel: thus, marjantu, am&rjan; but the only quotable case
is marjita (LGS.). Forms from a-stems begin to appear already
in AV.

a. In the other tense-systems, also, and in derivation, my} shows often
the vrddhi instoad of the guna-strongthening.

628. A number of rvots accent the radical syllable throughout,
both in strong and in weak forms: thus, all those beginning with a
long vowel, as, id, ir, ig; and also cakg, take, tr&, nihs, vas clothe,
gitj, gi lie, and st. All these, except takg and tra& (and tr& also in
the Vedic forms), are ordinarily conjugated in middle voice only.
Forms with the same irregular accent occur now and then in the Veda
from other verbs: thus, métsva, ydkeva, sdkeva, sakgva, fdhat.
Middle participles su accented have been noticed above (619 d;.

629. Of thy roots mentioned in the last paragraph, gi fe has
the guna-strengthening throughout: thus, gaye, gége, gayiya, gayana,
and so un. Othor irregularities in its inflection (in part already noticed)
arc the 3d pl. persons gérate (AV. ete. have also gére), gératam,
&cerata (RV. has also Ageran), the 3d sing. pres. gaye (R.) and impv.
gayam. The isvlated active form dacgayat is common in the older
language; other a-forms, active and middle, occur latér.

630. Of the same roots, ig and Ig insert a union vowel i before
certain endings: thus, icige, igidhve, idigva (these three being the only
forms noted in the older language); but RV. has ikge beside igige ; the
(vU. bas once igite for igte. The 3d pl. igire (on account of its accent)
is also apparently present rather than perfoct. The MS. has onoe the 3d sing.
impf. dica (like aduha: 635).

239 RoOOT-CLASS (SECOND, &d-CLAS88). [—636

63). ‘The roots rud weep, avap asleep, an breathe, and gvas blow
insert a union-vowel i before all the ondings beginning with a con-
sonant, except the s and t of 2d and 3d sing. impf., where they insert
instead either a or 1: thus, sv4pimi, qvasigi, Aniti, and dnat or
anit. And in the other forms, tho last threc are allowed to accent
either root or ending: thus, svApantu and cvasantu (AV.), or
svapéntu etc. The AV. has svaptu instead of svapitu.

a. In the oldor language, YWvam makes the same insertions: thus,
vamiti, avamit; and other cases occasionally occur: thus, janigva, vasisva
(Y vas clothe), qnathihi, stanihi (all RV.), yamiti (JB.), gocimi (MBb.:).
On the other hand, Yan early makes forms from an a-stem: thus, anati
(AV.); pple dnant (('B.); opt. anet (AB.).

632. The root brii speak, say (of very. frequent use) takes the
union-vowel If. after the root when strengthened, before the initial
consonant of an ending: thus, brévimi, bravigi, braviti, abravis,
&bravit; but brimas, briydm, Abravam, ébruvan, ete. Special
occasional irregularitics are brfiimi, bravihi, abruvam, abrivan,
bruyat, and sporadic forms from an a-stem. The subj. dual bravdite
has been noticcd above (616); also the strong forms abravita,
4bravitana (621 a).

633. Some of the roots in ua are allowed to be inflected like brit:
namely, ku, tu, ru, and stu; and an occasional instance is met with of
a form so made (in the older language, only taviti noted; in the later,
only stavimi, once).

634. The root am (hardly found in the later language) takes I as
union-vowel: thus, amigi (RV.), amiti and Amit and amigva(TS.). From
Y¢gam orcur camigva (VS.; TS. camigva) and camidhvam (TR. etc.).

635. The irregularities of Yduh in the older language have been
already in part noted: the 3d pl. indic. mid. duhaté, duhré, and duhr&te;
3d sing. impv. duh&m, p!. duhrdm and duhratém; impf. act. 34 sing.
&duhat. (which is found also in the later language), 3d pl. aduhran
(beside Aduhan and duhus); the mid. pple dugh&na; and (quite an-
exampled elsewhere) the opt. forms duhiyét and duhiydn (RV. only).
The MS. has aduha 3d sing. and aduhra 3d pl. tmpf. mid., apparently
formed to correspon! to the pres. duhe (613) and duhre as adugdha and
aduhata correspond to dugdhe and duhate: compare dica (630), related
in like manner to the 3d sing. Ice.

Some of the roots of this class are abbreviated or otherwise
weakened in their weak forms: thus —

686. The root Wt_as be loses its vowel in weak forms
(except where protected by combination with the augment).
Its 2d sing. indic. is Af dei (instead of assi); its 2d sing.
impv. is Qf edhi (irregularly from asdhi). The insertion of

636—] 1X. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 240

zi in 2d and 3d sing. impf. has been noticed already
above.

a. The forms of this extremely common verb, are, then,
as follows:

Indicative. Optative.
8. d. p. 8. d. Pp.
1a aq A Tar tora Ss FT
a&smi svas smas sy4m syava syama
2a 6 ram FTA ea
asi sthas asthaé sys syatam syidta
safer ta ata tar Fata Eq
aati stds santi syat sydtam syus

Imperative. Imperfect.

1 anf aaa aM aT ata TEA
&sini asdva 4asama asam ee idsva dsma
cL Gs ava ae ae
edh{ stam até dsis dstam ista
a; | ATA TEA ATE
astu stam santu dsit dstam san

Participle Ar{_sdnt (fem. Wat sati).

b. Besides the forms of the present-system, there is made from
this root only a perfect, dsa etc. (800), of wholly regular inflection.

c. The Vedic subjunctive forms are the usual ones, made upon the
stem Asa. They are in frequent use, and appear (asat especially) even
in late texts where the subjunctive is almost lost. The reolution sifm
etc. (opt.) is common in Vedic verse. As 2d and 3d sing. impf. is a few
times met with the more normal 4s (for ds-s, &s-t). Sthana, 2d pl., was
noted above (6138).

d. Middle forms from Yas are also given by the grammarians as allow-
ed with certain prepositions (vi-+ ati), but they are not quotable; smahe
and syamahe (!) occur in the epics, but are merely instances of the ordi-
nary cpic confusion of voices (629 a). Confusions of primary and secondary
endings — namely, sva snd sma (not rere), and, on the other hand, syavas
and sy&4mas —are also epic. A middle present indicative is said to be
compuunded (in 1s¢ and 2d persons) with the nomen agentis in tp (tar)
to form a periphrastic future in the middle voice (but see below, 947).
The ist sing. indic. is he; the rest is in the usual relation of middle to
active forms (in 2d pers., ge, dhve, sva, dhvam, with total lose of the
root itself).

241 ROOT-CLASS (SECOND, ad-CLA88). [—640

637. The root han smite, slay is treated somewhat after the
manner of noun-stoms in an in declension (421): in weak forma, it
losca its n before an initial consonant (except m and v) of a personal
ending (not in the optative), and its a before an initial vowel — and
in the latter case its h, in contact with the n, is changed to gh (com-
pare 4023). Thus, for example:

Present Indicative. Imperfect.

s. a, p. 8. d. p.
1 hanmi hanvéas' hanmas &fhanam dhanva déhanma
2 hanei hathas hatha éhan éhatam dAhata

3 haénti hatas ghnanti éhan éhatam Aghnan

a. Its participle is ghnant (fem. ghnati). Its 2d sing. impv. is
jah{ (by anomalous dissimilation, on the model of reduplicating
forme).

b. Middle forms from this root are frequent in the Bribmanas, and
those that occur are formed in general according to the esme rules: thus,
hate, hanmahe, ghnate; ahata, aghndt&m, aghnata (in AB. also
ahata); ghnita (but also hanita). Forms from transfer-stems, hana and
ghna, are met with from an early period.

638. The root vag be eager is in the weak forms regularly and
usually contracted to ug (as in the perfect: 704b): thus, ugmési
(V.: once apparently abbreviated in RV. to qmasi), ucdnti; pple
ugant, uc&én& Middle forms (except the pple) do not occur; nor do
the weak forms of the imperfect, which are given as Aucva, Augtam, etc.

a. RV. has fn Hike manner the participle ugan&é from the root vas clothe.

6398. The root c&s order shows some of the peculiarities of a
reduplicated verb, lacking (646) the n before t in all 3d persons pl.
and in the active participle. A part of its active forms — namely,
the weak forms having endings begioning with consonants (including
the optative)— are said to come from a stem with weakened vowel,
cig (as do the aoriat, 854, and somo of the derivatives); but, except-
ing tho optative (gigyam otc., U. 8. and later), no such forms are
quotable.

a. The 3d sing. impf. is ac&t (666), and the same form is sald
to be allowed also as 2d sing. The 2d sing. impv. is cAdh{ (with total
loss of the 8); and RV. has the strong 2d pl. cdstana (with anomalous
accent); and a-forms, from stem c&sa, occasionally occur.

b. The middle inflection is regular, and the accent (apparently)
always upon the radical syllable (caste, cdsate, césdna).

c. The root d&c¢ tworshtp has in like manner (RV.) the pple dagat
(not d&cant).

640. The double so-called root jake eat, laugh ts an evident redu-
plication of ghas and has respectively. It has the absence of n in set.
Whitney, Grammar. 3%. ed. 16

640—] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 242

$d persons pl. and pplo, and tho accont on tho root before vowel-cadings,
which belong to reduplicated verbs; and it also takes tho union-vowel i
in the manner of rud etc. (above, 631). For its forms and derivatives
made with utter loss of the final sibilant, see 333 f.

641. Certain other obviously reduplicated verbs are treated by
the native grammarians as if simple, and referred to this conjugation:
such are the intensively reduplicated jagy (1020 a), daridrad 1024 a),
and vevi (1024 a), didhi etc. (676), and cakaés (677i.

li. Reduplicating Class (third, hu-class).

642. This class forms its present-stem by prefixing a
reduplication to the root.

643. a. As regards the consonant of the reduplication,
the general rules which have already been given above (590)
are followed.

b. A long vowel is shortened in the reduplicating sy]-
able: thus, 7¢1 dad& from yéT dé; fait bibhi from pit bhi;
ei juhi from yX bo. The vowel # y¢ never appears in the
reduplication, but is replaced by 3 i: thus, fey bibhr from
Vt bhy; Tr7_pipro from Gq pre.

c. For verbs in which a and &@ also are irregularly represented in the
reduplication by i, sec below, 660. The root vet (V. B.) makes vavartti
etc.,; cakrdnt (RV.) is very doubtful.

d. The only root of this class with initial vowel is y (or ar);
it takes as reduplication i, which is held apart from the root by an
interposed y: thus, fyar and iyy (the latter has not been found in

actual use).

644. The present-stem of this class (as of the other
classes belonging to the first or non-a-conjugation) has a
double form: a stronger form, with gunated root-vowel;
and a weaker form, without guna: thus, from yg hu, the
two forms are TSI juho and jg juhu; from pit bhi, they
are feP] bibhe and fepft bibhi. And the rule for their use
is the same as in the other classes of this conjugation: the
strong stem is found before the unaccented endings (653),
and the weak stem before the accented.

243 REDUPLICATING CLASS ‘THIRD, hu-CLAS3). [—647

645. According to all the analogics of the first general conju-
gation, we should expect to find the accent upon tho root-syllablo
when this is strengthened. That is actually the case, however, only
in a small minority of the roots composing the class: namely, in hu,
bhi (no test-forms in the older language), hri (no test-forms found io
the older language), mad (very rare), jan (no forms of this class
found to occur), ci notice (in V.), yu separate (in older language only),
and in bhr in the later language (in V. it goes with the majority:
but RV. has bibharti once, and AV. twice; and this, the later
accentuation, is found also in the Brahmanas); and RV. has once
iydrgi. In all the rest — apparently, by a recent transfer —it rests
upon the reduplicating instead of upon the radical syllable. And in
both classes alike, the accent is anomalously thrown back upon the
reduplication in those weak forms of which the ending begins with
a vowel; while in the other weak forms it is upon the ending (but
compare 666 a).

a. Apparently (the cases with written accent are too few to determine
the point satisfactorily) the middle optative endings, Iya etc. (666), are
reckoned throughout as endings with initial vowel, and throw back the
accent upon the reduplication.

646. The verbs of this class lose the ‘ln in the 3d
pl. endings in active as well as middle, and in the imper-
fect have SH_us instead of AA_an — and before this a final
radical vowel has guna.

1. Present Indicative.

647. The combination of stem and endings is as in
the preceding class.
Fxamples of inflection: a. yg hu sacrifice: strong
stem-form, TE juhé; weak form, JF juhu (or jubu).
active. middle.
d. p. 8. d. p.
ye Gaal germ Fe TRA gers
juhomi juhuvaés juhumés juahve juhuvéhe juhuméahe

jubési juhuthas juhuthé juhugé juhvathe juhudhvé
. qe qaqa quia gad gaa Faa

juhoti juhutés juhvati juhuté juhvate juhvate
16*

647— | IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 244

b. Root % bhy bear (given with Vedic accentuation):
strong stem-form, fry bibhar; weak, fery bibhry (or bibhf).

c ~,
1 fet fea frm few fear fre
b{bharmi bibhrv4s bibhrmés bibhre bibhrvahe bibhymahe
2 fet faq feu Term fer fer
bibharei bibhythds bibhrth4 bibhygé bfbhrathe bibhrdhvé
s fora fama fia fem fer fa
b{bharti bibhrtas bf{bhrati bibhrté bfbhrate b{bhrate
c. The u of hu (like that of the class-signs nu and u: see below,

697 a) is said to be omissible before v and m of the endings of ist du.
and pl.: thus, juhvés, juhv&he, etc.; but no such forms are quotable.

2. Present Subjunctive.

648. It is not possible at present to draw a distinct line between
those subjunctive forms of the older language which should be reckoned as
belonging to the present-system and those which should be assigned to the
perfect — or even, in some cases, to the reduplicated aorist and intensive.
Here will be noticed only those which most clearly bolong to this cla-s;
the more doubtful cases will be treated under the perfect-system. Except
in dirst persons (which continue in use as “imperatives” down to the later
language), subjunctives from routs having unmistakably a reduplicated
present-system are of far from frequent occurrence.

649. The subjunctive mode-stem is formed in the usual manner,
with the mode-sign a and guna of the root-vowel, if this is capable
of such strengthening. The evidence of the fow accented forms met
with indicates that the accent is laid in accordance with that of the
strong indicative forms: thus from Yhu, the stem would be juhaéva;
from Ybhy, it would be b{bhara (but bibhdra later). Before the
mode-sign, final radical & would be, in accordance with analogies
elsewhere, dropped: thus, d4da from yd&, dédha from ydh& (ali the
forms actually occurring would be derivable from the secondary ruots
dad and dadh).

650. Instead of giving a theoretically complete scheme of
inflection, it will be better to note all the examples quotable from
the older language (accented when found so occurring).

a. Thus, of ist persons, we have in the active juhdvAni, bibharani,
dadani, dadhani, jah&ni; juhavdma, dadhama, jéhdma; —in tho
middle, dadhai, mimaéi; dadhavahai; juhavamahdi, dadamahe,
dadamahai, dadhamahai.

b. Of other persons, we have with primary endings In the active
bibhardsi (with double mode-sign: 660 ¢e), dAdhathas, juhavatha (do.)

245 REDUPLICATING CLASS (THIRD, hu-CLass). [—653

and juhavatha, in the middin, daédhase; dadhate, rarate, dadhitai,
dad&tai;— with secondary endings, dddhas, vivegas, juhavat, bibharat,
yuyavat, dédhat, dadhanat, babhasat; dadhan, yuyavan, juhavan.

3. Present Optative.

651. To form this mode, the optative endings given
above (666a), as made up of mode-sign and personal endings,
are added to the unstrengthened stem. The accent is as
already stated (6458). The inflection is so regular that it is
unnecessary to give here more than the first persons of a
single verb: ‘thus,

active. middle.
8. d. Pp. 8. d. p.
(asm yaa agum Fata yalate yFainte
juhuyadm juhuydva juhuyéma juhviya juhvivahi jahvimahi
ete. etc. etc. etc. ete. ete.

4. Present Imperative.

662. ‘The endings, and the mode of their combination
with the root, have been already given. In 2d sing. act.,
the ending is f& hi after a vowel, but ft7 dhi after a con-
sonant: < hu, however, forms sere juhudhi (apparently,
in order to avoid the recurrence of & h in two successive
syllables): and other examples of ffy dhi after a vowel are
found in the Veda.

653. a. Example of inflection:

active. middle.

8. d. p. 8. da. p.
juhdvani juhdvadva juhévama juhdvaéi juhdévavahaéi juhévamahai
juhudh{ juhutam juhutdé juhugvé juhvaéthéam juhudhvém
juhétu_ juhutém = jihvatu juhutdm jahvaétam =jahvatam

b. The verbs of the other division differ here, as in the indicative,
in the accentuation of their strong forms only: namely, in all the

653— | IX. PRESENT-SYTEM. 246

first persons (borrowed subjunctives', and in the 3d sing. act.: thus,
(in the older language; bibharani ctc., b{bhartu, b{bharai etc.

664. Vedic irregularities of inflection are: 1. the occasional use of
strong forms in 2d persons: thus, yuyodh{, gic&dhi (brside gigihi);
yuyotam (beside yuyutam); fyarta, dddata and dadatana, dadhata
and d&dhatana (see below, 668), pipartana, juhdéta and juhotana,
yuyota and yuyotana; rardsva (666); 2. the use of dhi instead of
hi after a vowel (only in the two instances just quoted); 3. the ending
tana in 2d pl. act.: namely, besides those just given, in jigdtana,
dhattana, maméattana, vivaktana, didigtana, bibhitana, jujugtana,
juhutana, vavyttana: the cascs are proportionally much more numerous
io this than in any other class; 4. the ending t&t in 2d sing. act., in
dattaét, dhattat, piprtat, jahitat.

5. Present Participle.

655. ‘As elsewhere, the active participle-stem may be
made mechanically from the 3d pl. indic. by dropping § i:
thus, TaC_jubvat, TepIq_ bibhrat. In inflection, it has no
distinction of strong and weak forms (444). The feminine
stem ends in qt ati. The middle participles are regularly
made: thus, [git juhvana, fam bibhrana.

a. RV. shows an irregular accent in pipénaé (yp& drink).

6. Imperfect.

656. As already pointed out, the 3d pl. act. of this
class takes the ending 3t_us, and a final radical vowel has
guna before it. ‘The strong forms are, as in present indic-
ative, the three singular active persons.

657. Examples of inflection:
active, iniddle.
8. d. Pp. $. d. p-
fAjuhavam 4juhuva ajuhuma 4juhvi éjuhuvahi ajuhumahi

RCH RFA AFA aKa BAM Gy

4juhos 4juhutam d4juhuta 4juhuthés djuhvathdm 4juhudhvam

Ai ASAT BET AM wad

ajuhot 4juhutéamdajuhavue Ajuhuta ajuhvétém ajuhvata

247 REDUPLICATING CLASS (THIRD, hu-CLAss). {—963

a. From yt bhy, the 2d and 3d sing. act. are APTI
abibhar (for abibhar-s and abibhar-t) — and so in all other
cases where the strong stem ends in a consonant. The 3d
pl. act. is ATP TOA ébibharus; and other like cases are
abibhayus, acikayus, asugavus.

b. In MS., once, abibhrus is doubtless a false reading.

668. The usual Vedio frregularities in 2d pl. act.—strong forms,
and the ending tana— occur in this tense also: thus, 4dad&ta, Adadh&ta;
ddattana, 4jahdtana. The RV. has also once apiprata for apiprta
in 3d sing. mid., and abibhran for abibharus in 3d pl. act. Examples
of augmentless forms are cicés, vivés, jight; jihita, of{cita, jibata;
and, with irregular strengthening, yuyoma (AV.), yuyothds, yuyota.

669. The roots that form their present-stem by reduplication are
a very small class, especially in the modern language; they are only
50, all told, and of these only a third (16) are met with later. It is,
however, very difficult to determine the precise limits of the class,
hecause of the impossibility (referred to above, under subjunctive: 648)
of always distinguishing its forms from those of other reduplicating
conjugations and parts of conjugations.

a. Besides tho irregularities. In tense-inflection already pointed ont,
others may be noticed as follows.

Irregularities of the Reduplicating Class.

660. Besides the roots in f¢ or ar—namely, rf, ghy (usually
written ghar), ty, py, bhy, sy, hy, pro— the following roots having
a or & as radical vowel take i instead of a in the reduplicating
syliable: g& go, m& measure, MA bellow, g&, hA& remove (mid.), vac,
sac; vag has both iand a; r& has i once in RV.; for sth&, pa drink,
ghra, han, hi, see below (670-4).

661. Several roots of this class in final & change the & in weak
forms to i (occasionally even to i), and then drop it altogether before
endings beginning with a vowel.

a. This is In close anslogy with the treatment of the vowel of the
elass-sign of the n&-olass: below, 717.

These, roots are:

662. c& sharpen, act. and mid.: thus, cic&ti, gigimasi, gigih{ (also
cicddhi: above, 654), cigdtu, agigat, cicite, cfcita.

663. m& bellow, act., and mA measure, mid. (rarely also act.): thus,

mim&ti, mimiy&t; m{imite, mimate, dmimita; mimihi, m{imatu.
RV. has once mimanti 3d pl. (for mimati). |

664—] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 248

664. ha remove, mid.: thus, jfhite, jihidhve, jf{hate; jihigva,
jibataém; ajibita, ajihata. CB. has jihitham (for jihathadm).

665. h& quit, act. (originally identical with the former), may further
shorten the i to i: thus, jabati, jahita, jahitat (AV.); jahimas (AV).
jahitas (TB.), jahitam (TA.), ajahitdm (TS. AB.). In the optative,
the radical vowel is lost altogether; thus, jahydm, jahyus (AV.). The
2d sing. impv., according to the grammarians, is jahihi or jahihi or
jahahi; only the first appears quotable.

a. Forms from an a-stem, jaha, are made for this root, and even
derivatives from a quasi-root jah.

666. r& give, mid.: thus, raridhvam, rarith&s (impf. without
augment); and, with i In reduplication, ririhi. But AV. has rardsva.

a. In those verbs, the accent is generally constant on the reduplicating
syllable.

667. The two roots d& and dha (the commonest of tho class,
lose their radical vowel altogether in the woak forms, being shortened
to dad and dadh. In 2d sing. impv. act., they form respectively
deh{ and dheh{. In combination with a following t or th, the final
dh of dadh does not follow the special rule of combination of a
final sonant aspirate (becoming ddh with the t or th: 160), but —
as also before s and dhv—the more general rules of aspirate and
of surd and sonant combination; and its lost aspiration is thrown
back upon the initial of the root (155).

668. The Inflection of /dha is, then, as follows:
Present Indicative.

active. middle.
8. d. Pp. 8. d. Pp.
1 dadhdmi dadhv4s dadhmas dadhé Gadhvahe dadhmahe
2 dadh&si dhatthd4s dhatthaé dhatsé dadhathe dhaddhve
3 dddhéti dhattés dddhati dhatté dadhiate dédhate

Present Uptative.
1 dadhydAm dadhyava dadhyama dddhiya dadhivahi ddédhimahi
etc. etc, ete. etc. etc. ete.

Present Imperative.
1 d&dhani dddhadva d&dhadéma dédhéi dAdhdvahai dadhdmahfi
2 dheh{ dhattém dhatté dhatsva dadhaéthém dhaddhvam
$ dddhatu dhattdm dddhatu dhatt&ém dadhidtém dadhatém

Imperfect.
1 ddadh&dm ddadhva Adadhma d4dadhi ddadhvwahi dadadhmahi
2 &dadhids Adhattam ddhatta Adhatthds ddadh&thdém ddhaddhvam
3 &dadhat adhattam ddadhus adhatta Adadhitim adadhata

249 REDUPLICATING CLASS (THIRD, hu-CLASs). [—67¢6

Dartioiples: act. dddhat; mid. dddhana.

a. In the middle (except impf.), only those forms sre here accented
fer which there is authority in the accentuated texts, as there is discordance
between the sctual accent and that which the anslogies of the class would
lead us to expect. RV. has once dhatse: dadhé and dadhite might be
perfects, so far as the form is concerned. RV. accents dadhité once
(dddhita thrice); several other texts have dAédhita, dddhiran, daédita.

b. The root d& is inflected in precisely the same way, with
change everywhere of (radical) dh to d.

669. The older language has irregularities as foliows: 1. the usual
stroug forms in 2d pl., daédh&ta and adadh&ta, ddddta and Adadiata;
2. the usual tana endings in the same person, dhattana, déd&tana, etc.
(654, 658); 3. the 3d sing. indic. act. dadhé (like ist sing.); 4. the 2d
sing. impv. act. daddhf (for both dehi and dhehi). And R. has dadmi.

670. A number of roots have been transferred from this to the
a- or bhfi-class (below, 749), their reduplicated root becoming a
stereotyped stem inflected after the manner of a-stems. These roots
sre as follows:

671. In all periods of the language, from the roots stha stand,
p& drink, and ghr& smell, are made the presents t{sthami, p{bami
(with irregular sonantizing of the second p), and jighraémi— which
then are inflected not like m{m&mi, but like bhdvdmi, as if from
the present-stems tistha, p{ba, jighra.

6738. In the Veda (especially; also later), the reduplicated roots da
and dh& are sometimes turned into the a-stems dd&da send d&dha, or
inflected as if roots dad and dadh of the a-class; and single forms of the
same character are made from other roots: thus, mimanti (/mA bellow),
rdrate (pr& gire: 3d sing. mid.).

673. In the Veda, also, a like secondary stem, jighna, is made from
Vhan (with omission of the radical vowel, and conversion, usual in this
root, of h to gh when in contact with n: 637); and some of the forms
of sagc, from sac, show the same conversion to an a-stem, SAaQca.

674. In AB. (viii. 28), a similar secondary form, jighya, is given to
Vhi or ha: thus, jighyati, jighyatu.

675. A fow so-called roots of the first or root-class are the products
of reduplication, more or less obvious: thus, jakg (640), and probably
cis (from cas) and cakg (from Yk&e or « lost root kas see). In the
Veda is found also sacgc, from j)‘sac.

676. Tho grammarians reckon (as alrcaly noticud, 641) sevoral roots
of the most evidently reduplicate character as simple, and belonging to the
root-olass. Some of these (Jagy, Garidr&, vevi) are regular intensive
stema, and will be described below under Intensives (1020 a, 10234 a);
Gidhi shine, together with Vedic didi shine and pip! srrell, are sometimes
also classed as intensives; but they have not the proper reduplication of

676—] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 250

such, and may perhaps be best noticed here, as reduplicated present-stems
with irregularly long reduplicating vowel.

a. Of pres. indic. occurs in the older language only didyati, 3d pl.,
with the pples didyat and didhyat, and mid. didye, didhye, didh-
yathim, with the pples didyana, didhydna, pipydna. The subj. stems
are didaya, didhaya, pipdéya, and from them are made forms with both
primary (from diddya) and secondary endings (and the irregularly accented
didayat and diddyat and didhayan). No opt. occars. In impv. we have
didih{ (and didih{) and pipihf, and pipyatam, pipyatam, pipyata.
In impf., adides and pipes, Adidet and adidhet aud apipet (with
augmentless forms), apipema (with strong form of root), and adidhayus
and (irregular) apipyan.

b. A few forms from all the three show transfer to an a-inflection:
thus, didhaya and pipaya (impv.), Apipayat, etc.

c. Similar forms from Ymi below are amimet and mimayat.

677. The stem cakas shine (sometimes cak&c) is also regarded by
the grammarians as a root, and supplied as such with tenses outside the
present-system — which, however, hardly occur in genuine use. It is not
know in the older language.

678. The root bhas chew loses ite radical sowel in weak forms,
taking the form baps: thus, babhasti, but bdpsati (3d pl.), bapsat
(pple). For babdhdm, sec 233 f.

678. The root bhi fear is allowed by the grammarians to shorten
its vowel in weak furms: thus, bibhimas or bibhimas, bibhiy&ém or
bibhiydm; and bibhiyat etc. are met with in the later language.

680. Forms of this class from Yjan give birth, with added i — thus,
jajfiige, jajnidhve — are given by the grammarians, but have never been
found in use.

681. The roots ci and cit have in the Veda reversion of o to k in
the root-syllable after the reduplication: thus, cikégi, cikéthe (anomalous,
for cikyathe), cikitam, aciket, cikyat (pple); cikiddhi.

682. The root vyac has i in the reduplication (from the y), and is
contracted to vic in weak forms: thus, viviktés, dviviktém. So the
root hvar (if its forms are to be reckoned here) has u in reduplicatign,
and contracts to hur: thus, juhirthds.

lll. Nasal Class (seventh, rudh-class).

683. The roots of this class all end in consonants. And
their class-sign is a nasal preceding the final consonant: in
the weak forms, a nasal simply, adapted in character to the
consonant; but in the strong forms expanded to the syllable
3 né, which has the accent.

251 NASAL CLASS (SEVENTH, rudh-CLass). (—e8e

a. In a few of the verbs of tho class, tho nasal oxtends also into
other tense stems: they are anj, bhafij, his: sec below, 604.

1. Present Indicative.

684. Examples of inflection: a. the root Q¥ yuj
join: strong stem-form, Tr yunsj; weak, 7a yuiij.

For tho rulcs of combination of final j, sce 219.
active. middle.

8. d. p- d.
GM CL
yunéjmi yufijva4s yufiijmas yufijé yufijv4he yufijméhe

LCM

yundkgi yufikthés yufikthA yufksé yufijdthe yufgdhvé
ei EL

yunékti yunhktés yufijanti yunkté yufijdte yufijdéte

b. the root @y_rudh obstruct, bases eM] runadh and
R ta2 8 runah.

For the rules of combination of final dh, see 153, 160.

(ek TI Fea Fa Put TRUS

runadhmi rundhvés rundhmés rundhé rundhvahe rundhméhe
=

rundtsi runddhés runddhaé runtsé rundhdthe runddhvé

wi oF yu FE EA Yd

rundddhi runddhas rundhénti runddhé rundh&te rundhate

c. Instead of yunkthas, yungdhve, and the like (here and in
the impv. and impf.), it is allowed and more usual (231) to write
yufthas, yufidhve, etc.; and, in like manner, rundhas, rundhe, for
runddhas, runddhe,; and so in other like cases.

wo

Ww

685. Vedic irregularities of inflection are: 1. the ordinary use of a
3d sing. mid. like the ist sing., as vypfije; 2. the accent on té of 3d pl.
mid. in afijate, indhaté, bhufijaté.

a. Yunafkeai, in BbP., is doubtless a false reading.

2. Present Subjunctive.

686. The stem is made, as usual, by adding a to the strong
present-stem: thus, yundja, runddha. Below are given as if made

6se—] 1X. PrResENT-SY8sTeM. 252

from Yyuj all the forms for which examples have been noted as
actually occuring in the older language.

active. middle.
8. d. Pp. 8. d. Pp.
1 yunéjdni yundjdva yunédjdma yunajai yunéjamabai
2 yundjas yunajadhvii

3 yundéjat yundjatas yundjan yundjate

687. The RV. has once afijatas, which is anomalous as being madc
from the weak tense-stem. Forms with double mode-sign are met with:
thus, trndhdn (AV.), rddhndvét and yunajin ((B.); and the only
quotable example of 3d du. act. (besides afijatés) is hindsdtas (CB.).
CB. has also hinas&vas as ist du. act.: an elsewhere unexampled form.

8. Present Optative.

688. The optative is made, as elsewhere, by adding the
compounded mode-endings to the weak form of present-
stems. Thus:

active. middle.
s. d. p. 8. d. .
1a aa qa = gia asiaie qari
yuijyém yuiijyava yufijyama yufijiy4 yufijivahi yufjimahbi
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

a. AB. bas once the anomalous ist sing. act. vpfijiyam. And forms
like bhufijiydm -y&t, yufijiy&t, are bere and there met with in the
epics (bhufijiydtam once in GGS.). MBh., too, has once bhufijfitam.

4. Present Imperative.

689. In this class (as the roots all end in consonants)
the ending of the 2d sing. act. is always ff dhi.

active. middle.

8. d. p. 8. d.
rat waa Fa | OO

yunéjaéni yundéjava yundéj4dma yunadjdi yundjdvahéi yundjimahii

agi a OOK qa gy RT

yungdh{i yunktam yunkté yuhkevé yufijathim yufigdhvam

ia: Es Ei Ee GL

yundktu yunhktam yunjdntu yunktdm yuijdtim yuijdtim

253 NasaAL CLASS (SBVBNTH, radh-CLAss). (—e04

690. There fs no ocourrence, so far as noted, of tho ending t&t in
verba of thie clasa, The Veda has, as usual, somotimes strong forms, and
sometimes the ending tana, in the 2d pl. act.: thus, undtta, yundkta,
anaktana, pinastana.

&. Present Participle.

601. The participles are made in this class as in the
preceding ones: thus, act. GAY yufijént (fem. aad yufijati);
mid. (HT yufijind (but RV. has indh&na).

6. Imperfect.

692. The example of the regular inflection of this tense
needs no introduction:

active. middle.

6. d. p. 8. d. P-
ayy a eT onuteA | asate | aie
éyunajam dyufijva ayufijma dayufiji éyufijvahi dyufijmahi
at FORT FF aS ANA AAT
éyunak éyufktam ayufkta dayufikthds 4yufijétham 4yufigdhvam

“\ 3A SON

éyunak éyuniktam dyufijan dyufikta dayufijdtam éyufijate

a. The endings s and ¢ are necessarily lost In the nasal class
throughout In 2d and 3d sing. act., unless saved at the expense of the
final radical consonant: which is a case of very rare occnrrence (the
only quotablo examples were given at 556 a).

693. The Veda shows no irregularities In this tense. Occurrences of
augmentiess forms are found, especially in 2d and 3d sing. aot., showing
an accent like that of the present: for example, bhin&t, prnadk, vynaék,
pindk, rindk.

a. The ist sing. act. atrnam and acchinam (for atrnadam and
acchinadam) were noted above, at 555 a.

604. The roots of this class number about thirty, more than
half of them being found only io the earlier langnage; no new ones
make their first appearanco lator. Three of them, afij and bhafij and
hins, carry their nasal also into other tense-systems than the present.
Two, rdh and ubh, make present-systems also of other classes having
a nasal in the class-sign: thus, rdhnoti (nu-class) and ubhn&ti
(n&-class:.

694—] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 254

a. Many of the roots make forms from secondary a-stems: thus, from
afija, unda, umbha, chinda, trhhé, pifga, prficé, bhufija, rundha,
Ginga, etc.

Irregularities of the Nasal Class.

695. The root trh combines tynah with ti, tu, ete. into trnedhi,
tynégdhu; and, according to the grammarians, has also such forms as
trnehmi: sce above, 224 b.

696. The roct hits (by origin apparently a desiderative from Phan)
accents irregularly the root-sylable in the weak forms: thas, h{hsanti,
h{Aste, hiiesana (but hindsat etc. and hihsydt (B.).

IV. Nu- and u-classes (fifth and eighth, su- and tan-classes).

697. A. The present-stem of the nu-class is made by
adding to the root the syllable 1 nu, which then in the
strong forms receives the accent, and is strengthened to I né.

B. The few roots of the u-class (about half-a-dozen)
end in 4{n, with the exception of the later irregular h ky
(or kar)— for which, see below, 714. The two classes,
then, are closely correspondent in form; and they are wholly

accordant in inflection.

a. The u of either class-sign is allowed to be dropped before
v and m of the Ist du. and Ist pl. endings, oxcept when the root
(nu-class) ends in a consonant; and the u before a vowel-ending
becomes v or uv, according as it is preceded by one or by two
consonants (1298 a).

1. Present Indicative.

608. Examples of inflection: A. nu-class; root
WY su press out, strong form of stem, a sund; weak form,

wy sunu.

active. middle.
d

8. . p. 8. d. p-

sundmi sunuvés sunumds sunvé sunuvahe sunumiéhe

2 i EE a we Fa

sundgi sunuthds sunuth&4 sunugé sunvathe sunudhvé

a

255 Nu- AND u- (FIFTH AND EIGHTH, 6U- AND tan-CLASSES8). [—700

sya ait

sunéti sunutéds suvanti sunuté sunvidte sunvdte

a. The forms sunvés, sunmaés, sunvdhe, sunméhe are alter-
native with those given here for 1st du. and pl., and in practice are
more common. From y&p, however (for example), ovly the forms
with u cao occur: thus, dpnuvds, &pnuméahe; and also only &pnu-
vanti, 4pnuvé, apnuvate.

B. u-class; root 7 tan stretch: strong form of stem,
at tand; weak, ay tanu.

1 a A 6 OR OAT
tanomi tanvas tanmaés tanvé tanvéhe tanméhe
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

b. The inflection is so precisely like that given above that it
is not worth writing out in full. The abbreviated forms in Ist du.
and pl. are presented here, instead of the fuller, which rarely occur
(as no double consonant ever precedes).

699. a. In the older language, no strong 2d persons du. or pl.,
and no thana-ending, chance to occur (bnt they are numerous in the
impv. and impf.: see below). The RV. has several cases of the irregular
accent in 3d pl. mid.: thus, kynvaté, tanvaté, manvaté, vrnvaté,
sprnvate.

b. In RV. occur also several 3d pl. mid. in ire from present-stems
of this class: thus, invire, rnvire, pinvire, crnviré, sunviré, hinviré.
Of these, pinvire, and hinviré might be perfects without reduplication
from the secondary roots pinv and hinv (below, 716). The 2d sing. mid.
(with passive value) crnvigé (RV.) is of anomalous and questionable
character.

2. Present Subjunctive.

700. The subjunctive mode-stem is made in the usual manner,
by adding a to tho gunated and accented class-sign: thus, sundva,
tandva. In the following scheme are given all the forms of which
cxamples have been met with in actual use in the older language
from either division of the class; some of them are quite numerously
represented there.

active. middle.
s. d. p. s, d. p-
1 sunaév&ni sunévdva sundvé4ma sundvéi sundvd&vahai sundv
2 sunévas sundvatha sundévase sundvaithe

sunavate

sunédvanta
sunavatai

3 sunévat sundévan

701—}) 1X. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 256

701. Of the briefer ist sing. act., RV. has krnav& and hinavd.
Forms with doublo mode-sign occur (not in RY.): thus, kynav&t and
karavat (AV.); agnav&tha (K.), Kpnavdtha (VS.; but -vatha in
Kanva-text), karavatha ((B.). On the other hand, agnavatdéi is found
once (in TS.). Forms like €pnuvdni, ardhnuvat, acnuvat, met with
now and then in the older texts, are doubtless to be regarded as false
readings. RV. has in a single passage krnva{te (instead of krna&viite);
the only form in Aithe is agcnévaithe.

3. Present Optative.

702. The combined endings (566) are added, as usual,
to the weak tense-stem: thus,

active. middle.
8. d.

p- 8. ad. p-
sunuyam sunuyava sunuyaéma sunviyd sunvivéhi sunviméhi
etc, etc. ete, etc. etc. ete,

a. From yap, the middle optative would be &4pnuviyé — and so
in other like cases.

4. Prosent Imperative.

708. The inflection of the imperative is in general like
that in the preceding classes. As regards the 2d sing. act.,
the rule of the later language is that the ending f& hi is
taken whenever the root itself ends in a consonant; other-
wise, the tense- (or mode-) stem stands by itself as 2d per-
son (for the earlier usage, see below, 704). An example of
inflection is:

active. middle.

8, d. p. 8. d. P.
pa Pa FA FA FAR GFAy
sundvani sundévava sundévama sundvadi sundvavahdi sundvimahai

ie! my ad a

sunt sunutém sunutd sunusvé sunvath4m sunudhvém

ag ET GA ear aT,

sundtu sunutdm sunvdntu sunutdm sunvatém sunvitém

257 Nu- AND u- (FIFTH AND FIGHTH, su- AND tan-|CLASRES. [—706

a. From yap, the 2d sing. act. would be apnuhf; from jae,
acnuh{; from ydhys, dhranuhf; and so on. From yap, tov, would
be made apnuvantu, apnuvadthaém, apnuvatém, apnuvatam.

704. In the earliest language, the rule as to the on:ission of hi
after a root with final vowel docs not hold good: in RV., such forms as
inuhi, krnuh{, cinuh{, dhfinuhi, gpnuh{, sprnuhi, hinuhi, and
tanuhi, sanuhi, are nearly thrice as frequent in use as ina, ¢ernu,
sunt, tanu, and their like; in AV., however, they are only one sixth
as frequent; and in the Brahmanas they appear only sporadically: cven
gynudh{ (with dhi) occurs several times in RV. RV. has the ist sing.
act. hinav&. The ending t& is found in Kyrnut&t and hinut&t, and
kurutaét. The strong stem-form is found in 2d. du. act. in hinotam and
krnotam; and in 2d pl. act. in kpndéta and kynotana, gyndéta and
crnotana, sundéta and sundtana, hindta and hinotana, and tanota,
karéta. The ending tana occurs only in the forms just quoted.

5. Present Participle.

706. The endings dnt and 4H Gna are added to the
weak form of tense stem: thus, from vq su come act. Ta
sunvant (fem. Fant sunvati), mid. Walt sunvans ; from VL
tan, A-ary te avant (fem. Fact tanvati), Tar tanvans. From
VAT] Gp, they are ATYaAM_Gpnuvdnt and ATTA &pnuvans.

6. Imperfect.

706. The combination of augmented stem and endings
is according to the rules already stated: thus,

active. middle.

8. a. p. s. a, p-
wa mT wT ma mA apis
asunavam dssunuva asunuma aAsunvi Asunuvahi dasunumahi

a) ~ Ty | 1 rT | Hy 1 > t Glog

asunos aésunutam é4sunuta asunuthds asunvéthém asunudhvam
asunot asunutém dsunvan asunuta asunvaétéam asunvata

a. Here, as elsewhere, the briefer forms asunva, asunma, asun-
vahi, dsunmahi are allowed, and more usual, except from roots
with final consonant, as dhrg: which makes, for example, always
adhrsnuma ctc., and also 4dhrgnuvan, ddhrenuvi, 4dhrsnuvétham,
aédhrsnuvaitam, adhrsnuvata.

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 17

707 —] IX PRESENT-SYSTEM. 258

707. Strong stem-forms and tana-ending are found only in RV., in
akrnota, akynotana. Augmentless forms with accent aro minvan,
rnuta.

708. About fifty roots make, elther exclusively or in part, their
present-forms after the manner of the nu-class: half of them do su
ouly in tho older language; three or four, only in the later.

a. As to transfers to the a-conjugation, see below, 716.

7108. The roots of the other division, or of the u-class, ure
extremely few, not exceeding cight, cvon including tr on account
of taruté RV., and han on account of the occurrence of hanomi
once in a Siitra (PGS. i. 3. 27). BR. refer the stem inu to in of the
u-class instead of i of the nu-class.

Irregularities of the nu and u-classes.

710. The root typ be pleased is said by the grammarians to retain
the n of its class-sign unlingualized in the later language — where, however,
forms of conjugation of this class are vury rare; while in the Veda tho

regular change is made: thus, typnu.

711. The root cru hear is contracted to gy before the class-sign,
forming gypdé and crnu as stem. Its forms gynvigé and grnviré
have been noted above (699b).

712. The root dha shake in the later language (and rarely in
B. and S.) shortens its vowel, making the stem-furms dhunéd and
adhunu (earlier dhiino, dhiinu).

713. The so-called root irmu, treated by the native grammarians as
dissyllabic and belonging to the root-class (I.), is properly a present-stem
of this class, with anomalous contraction, from the root vp (or var). In
the Veda, it has no forms which are not regularly made according to the
nu-class; but in the Brihmana language are found sometimes such forms
as Grnduti, as if from an u-root of the root class (626); and the gram-
marians make for it a perfect, aorist, future, eto. Its 2d sing. impw act.
is frnu or irguhi; itsimpf., durnos, durnot; its opt. mid., irnuvita
(K.) or tirnvité (TS.).

714. The extremely common root 4% ky (or kar) make
is in the later language inflected in the present-system ex-
clusively according to the u-class (being the only root of
that class not ending in {n). It has the irregularity that
in the strong form of stem it (as well as the class-sign) has
the guna-strengthening, and that in the weak form it is

ams

259 Nu- AND u- (FIFTH AND EIGHTH, 8U- AND tan-) CLASSES. [—714

changed

to kur, so that the two forms of stem are Att kard

and #f kuru. ‘The class-sign 3 u is always dropped be-
fore |v and 4m of the Ist du. and pl., and also before
Ty of the opt. act. Thus:

1 Ta

karémi

HU

karosi

~n
3 ATA

karoti

te

kardvani

2 Hh
kuru
~

TITY

karotu

1. Present Indicativo.

active. middle.
d d. p-

; p. fs.
a FT FO OFT OPR

kurvas kurmAés kurvé kurvéhe kurméhe

kuruthés kuruthaé kurugé kurvdthe kurudhvé

per ya | | OTRA Ta

kurutés kurvaénti kuruté kurviate kurvate
2. Present Optative.

.
qa 6m 0a gata
kurydva kurydéma_ kurviyé kurvivéhi kurviméhi
etc. etc. etc. etc. ete.
3. Present Imperative.

karaévdva kerdvéma kardvéi kardvaivahdi kardévaémahai

Te TT OFT TT ORE

kurutéam = kuruté kurugv4 kurvaétha4m kurudhvam

¢- ¢
PEM TA HAV, TATA, | - AAT

kurutam kurvéntu kurutém kurvaétém kurvdétaém
4. Present Participlo.

WaT _kurvant ifem. pereit kurvati) TAT kurvana

1 HTT

5. Imperfect.

my AT wae osaie | aifs

akaravam a&kurva &kurma ékurvi &kurvahi &4kurmahi

2 FRET

akaros

s FPA
~

akarot

a

ec

ae I ~ ~~ t ai C aN ~~ ~ ae ( ~
akurutam Akuruta ékuruthds ékurvéthaém ékurudhvam
¢ ¢ c
&kurutém a4kurvan &kuruta akurvétém dkurvata
17*

716—] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 260

715. lu RV., this ruvot is regularly iulectod in the present-syetem
accurding to the nu-class, waking the stem-forms kypno and kynu; the
only exceptions are kurmas once and kuru twice (all in the tenth bock);
in AV., the nu-forms are still more thau six times 4s frequent as the
u-forms (nearly half of which, moreover, are in prose passages); but in
the Brahmana language and later, the u-forms are used to the exclusion
of the others.

a. As ist sing. pres. act. is found kurmi in the epos.

b. What irregular forms from ky as a verb of the nu-class occur in
the older language have been already noticed above.

c. The isolated form taruté, from pty, shows an apparent analogy
with these u-forms from kp.

716. A few verbs belonging originally to these classes have been

shifted, in part or altogether, to the a-class, their proper class-sign
having been stereotyped as a part of the root.

a. Thus, in RV. we find forms both from the stem inu (pi or in),
and also from {nvya, representing a derivative quasi-root inv (and these
latter alone occur in AV.). So likewise forms from a stem ynva beside
those from ynu (}’f); and from hinva beside those from hinu (phi).
‘The so-called roots jinv and pinv are doubtless of the same origin, although
nu furms from the stem pinu are met with at any period — unless pinvire
(above, 688 b) be so regarded; and AV. has the participle pinvant, f.
pinvati. ‘The grammnarians set up a root dhinv, but only forms frow
dhi (stem dhinu) appear to occur in the present-system (the aorist
adhinvit is found in PB.).

b. Occasional a-forms are met with also from other roots: thus.
cinvata etc., dunvasva.

V. Na&-class (ninth or kri-class).

717. ‘The class-sign of this class is in the strong forms
the syllable AT n@, accented, which is added to the root;
in the weak forms, or where the accent falls upon the end-
ing, it is Wt ni; but before the initial vowel of an ending
the $ i of At ni disappears altogether.

1. Present Indicative.

718. Example of inflection: root ot kriI duy: strong
furm of stem, Sta krind; weak form, MHltit krint (before
a vowel, AIM krin).

261 N&-CLASS (NINTH, kri-CLAss). {[—722

active. mbalible.

S, , P. 8. d. Pr.
UC CS CR
krindmi krinivas krinimés kriné krinivdhe krinimdhe
2 satan sntaitre aptuita =| staid salon = aataitel
krindsi krinithds krinithé krinigé krinéthe krinidhvé

alter sanity saint =| att cata |= atti
krindti krinités krinanti krinité krindte krinéte.
719. In the Veda, the 3d sing. mid. has the same form with the ist
in gyné; the pecoliar accent of 3d pl. mid. is seen in punaté and rinaté;
and vynimahé (beside vynimdhe) occurs once in RV.

2. Present Subjunctive.

720. The subjunctive forms which have been found exemplified
in Veda and Brahmana are given below. The subjunctive mode-stem
is, of course, indistinguisbable in form from the strong tense-stem.
And the 2d and 3d sing. act. (with secondary endings) are indistin-
guishable from augmentless imperfects.

active. middle.
8. a, p. 8. d. p.
1 krinani krindma krinaf krin&ivahai krindmahét
2 krinds krinaétha krin&sai
4 krinat krinan krinatal krinantal

3. Present Optative.
721. This mode is formed and inflected with entire
regularity; owing to the fusion of tense-sign and mode-sign
in the middle, some of its persons are indistinguishable from

nugmenticss imperfects. Its first persons are as follows:
active. middle.

s. d. p. 8. d. p-
VAM, Tinta sluitam = satata staitate statis
kriniyam kriniydva kriniydma kriniydé krinivahi kriniméhi

etc. etc. etc. etc. ote. ete.

4. Present Imperative.

722. The ending in 2d sing. act., as being always pre-
ceded by a vowel, is f& hi (never fff dhi); and there are no
examples of an omission of it. But this person is forbidden

722—] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 262

to be formed in the classical language from roots ending in

a consonant; for both class-sign and ending is substituted

the peculiar ending 4 Gnd.

active. middle.
s. d. Pp. 8. d. p-

1 THT china AIT mn Mia mMiUMAst
krindni krindva kripima krina{ kripdévahdi kripdmahai
2 Tale salutary sata =o cAtuite = cata oatuitery
krinih{ krigitam krinité krinigvé krindthém krinidhvim

RG MS MU ML
krinétu krinitdm krindntu krinitam krindtém krindétém

a. Examples of the ending 4n4 in 2d sing. act. ure acgd&na,

grhané, badhdné, stabhanéd.

723. The ending &na is known also to the earliest language; of the
examples just given, all are found in AV., and the first two in RV.; others
are ig4na, mugdna, skabhdna. But AV. bas also gpbhnihi (also AB.),
and even gphndhi, with strong stem; BhP. has badhnihi. Strong stems
are further found in grn&hi and stynadbi (TS.), pynadhi (TB.), and
grinahi (Apast.), and, with anomalous accent, pun&hf and gynahi (SV.);
and, in 2d pl. act., in punata (RV.). The ending tat of 2d sing. act.
occurs in grhnpitat, janitat, punitaét. The ending tana is found in
punitana, prnitana, crinitana.

5. Present Participle.

724. The participles are regularly formed: thus, for
example, act. eT: § krindnt (fem. lat krinati); mid.
TANITA krindnd.

6. Imperfect.
725. There is nothing special to be noted as to the

inflection of this tense: an example is —
active. middle.

8. dd. . 8. d. .
1 TSR eH Mite serine satin snAtuitate Seducing
&krindm akriniva Akrinima 4akrini akrinivahi dakrinimahi
Tima aTHimty Tentatary Ala eTeR TTT
&krinds akrinitam Akrinita akrinithds akrindthim akrinidhvam
3 AAT AeA oR | TSR TTT TRAY TARTU

akrinét akrinitim akrinan akrinita Akrinitéam dakrinata

263 N&-CLA8S (NINTH, kri-CLA8s). (—732

7236. It has been pointed ont above that augmontlices porsons of this
tonse are in part Indistinguishable in form from enbjanctive and optative
persons. Such as certainly belong here are (in V.) kgindm; acnan,
rindén; grpbhnata, vynata. The AV. has once minit instead of min&t.
MBh. has acnis after mA&.

a. AB. has the false form aj&nimas, and in AA. occurs avynita as
3d plural.

727. The roots which form their present-systems, wholly or in
part, after the manner of this class, are over fifty in number: but, for
about three fifths of them, the forms are quotable only from the older
language, and for half-a-dozen they make their first appearance later;
for less than twenty are they in use through the whole life of the
language, from the Veda down.

a. As to secondary a-stems, see 731.

Irregularities of the n&-class.

728. a. The roots ending in i shorten that vowel before the
class-sign: thus, from Ppa, punadti and punité; in like manner also
ja, dha, 1a.

b. The root vli (B.S.) forms either vlin& or vlin&.

729. The root grabh or grah (the former Vedic) is weakencd
tu grbh or gfh.

a. As the perfect also in weak forms has grbh or gfh, it is not
easy to see why the grammarians should not have written y Instead of ra
in the root.

730. a. A few of the roots have a more or less persistent nasal
in forms outside the present-system; such are without nasal before
the class-sign: thus, grath or granth, badh or bandh, math or
manth, skabh or skambh, stabh or stambh.

b. Tho root jhé also loses its nasal before the clase-sign: thus,
janati, janitée. ‘

731. Nut rarely, forms showing a transfer to the a-conjugation
are met with: thus, even in RV., minati, minat, aminanta, from
ymi; in AV., cornea from yey; later, gphya, jana, prina, mathna,
etc. And from roots pr and my are formed the stems prn& and
myna, which aro inflected after the manner of the 4-class, as if from
roots prn and myn.

732. In the Veda, au apparently denominative inficction of a
stem in Aya is not infrequent beside the conjugation of roots of this
class: thus, grbha&ya, mathdyati, acrathfyas, skabhdyata, astabh-
filyat, prugdyante, mugfydt, and so on. See below, 1066 b.

133—] \LX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 264

Second or a-Conjugation.

783. We come now to the classes which compose the
Second or a-Conjugation. These are more markedly
similar in their mode of inflection than the preceding classes;
their common characteristics, already stated, may he here
repeated in summary, They are: 1. A final a in the present-
stem; 2. a constant accent, not changing between stem and
ending; 3. a briefer form of the optative mode-sign in the
active, namely { instead of y& (combining in both voices
alike with a to e); 4. the absence of any ending (except
when tat is used) in 2d sing. impv. act.; 5. the conversion
of initial & of the 2d and 3d du. mid. endings with final a
of the stem to e; 6. the use of the full endings ante, anta,
antém in 3d pl. mid. forms; 7. the invariable use of an
(not us) in 3d pl. impf. act.; &. and the use of m&na instead
of Gina as ending of the mid. pple. Moreover, 9. the stem-
final a becomes 4 before m and v of ist personal endings —
but not before am of Ist sing. impf.: here, as before the
3d pl. endings, the stem-final is lost, and the short a of the
ending remains (or the contrary): thus, bhavanti (bhdva--
anti), bhdvante (bhdva-+ ante), abhavam (dbhava + am).

a. All these characteristics belong not to the inflection of the
a-present-system alone, but also to that of the a-, reduplicated, and
sa-aorists, the s-future, and the desiderative, causative. und demon-
inative present-stems. That is to say, wherever in conjugation an
a-stem is found, it is inflected in the same manner.

Vi. A-class (first, bht-class).

734. The present-stem of this class is made by adding
a to the root, which has the accent, and, when that is
possible (235, 240), is strengthened to guns. ‘Thus, 74
bhava from ae bhii; 77 jaya from via ji; Ql bédha from
Vo budh; Wd sérpa from VA sp; — but 4g vada from
vag vad; Shtz krida from vont krid.

265 A-CLASS (FIRST, bDh&-CLA88}. (—737

1. Prosont Indicative.

785. The endings and the rules for their combination
with the stem have been already fully given, for this and
the other parts of the present-system; and it only remains
to illustrate them by examples.

a. Example of inflection: root ¥ bhi be; stem 4
bhava (bho-+a: 1381).

active. middie. ,

~

8. d. p. { 8. d. p-
1a vaaq a a Nay =| ATE
bhaévadmi bhaév&vas bhav&dmas bhave bhavdvahe bhavamahe
24a. a = ar Ta (Ta 1
bhaéavasi bhaévathas bhavatha bhadvasebhavethe bhdévadhve
soft oma oat 6a tad TTA
. bhévati bhdAvatas bhavanti ‘bhévate bhavete bhavante

b. The V. has but a single example of the thana-ending, namely
vAdathana (and no other In any class of this conjugation). The {st pl.
mid. man&mahé (RV., once) is probably an error. RV. bas gdbhe once
as 3d singular.

2. Present Subjunctive.

736. The mode-stem is bhaév& (bhava-+a). Subjunctive forms
of this conjugation are very numerous in the older language; the
following scheme instances all that have been found to occur.

active. middle.
8. d. p. R, d. p.

1 bhadv&ni bhavava bhavima bhavai bhavd&vahéi bhéavimahai
(Phevaet bhavathas bhavatha ee bhava&dhvai
\bhavati bhavate {prevents
Ibnavat DbSvatas bhdvan joi ata: DbAVAite LL a vant&i

737, The 2d du. mid. (bhdvdithe) does not chance to occur ia this
class; and yAét&ite is the only example of the 34 person. No such pl.
mid. forms as bhévadhve, bhdév&nte are made from any class with stem-
final a; such as bhavanta (which are very common) are, of course, prop-
erly angmentlese imperfects. The Brahmanas (especially (R.) prefer the
2d sing. act. in Asi and the 3d in &t. AB. has the 3d sing. mid. harataéi;
and a 3d pl. in antai (vartantai KB.) has been noted once. RV. has
examples, arc& and mad, of the briefer {st sing. act.

136—] 1X. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 266

3. Present Optative.

788. ‘The scheme of optative endings as combined with

the final of an a-stem was given in full above (566).
active. middle.
8. d. p. 8. . p.-
DL MS wy waT erates AAT
bhaéveyam bhdaveva bhdvema bhdveya bhdvevahi bhdvemahi

~ ~ ~. ~ ~ ~
Taq Ta HIT Ta TATA al te &
bhaves bhavetam bhaveta bhavethas bhaveyéthim bhéavedhvam

~ ~ ~ ~, ~ ~
Wa AT wag aa TaOTATL «| ATA
bhavet bhavetém bhadveyus bhdveta bhavey&tim bhdveran

a. The RV. has once the 3d pl. mid. Dharerata (for one otber
example, see 762 b). AV. has udeyam from pvad.

b. A fow instances aro met with of middle Jd persons from a-:tems
in ita and (very rarely) Iran, instead of eta and eran. For convonlence,
they may be put together hero (excepting the more numcrous causative
forms, for which see 1043 c); they are (so far as noted) these: nayita S.
and later, gansita 8., crayita S.; dhayita S8., dhydyita U., hvayita
ALB. 8, and hvayiran 8., dhmdyita U. An active form gansiyat C. is
isolated aud anomaluus.

4. Present Imporative.

789. An example of the imperative inflection is:
active. midille.
8. da. p. 8. . p.
&. =
TA wala SC 1 MD Taras 4 8=|- Na

bhavdni bhdviva Dbhavadma bhévai bhavadvahdi bhdvamahii

Tq ATT AaId 3 (> | TTA Tau
bhava bhdvatam bhavata bhavasva bhavetham bhé4vadhvam

aq waa jae Naa AAT TIT

bhavatu bhavatém Dbhaéavantu bhavatém bhavetéam bDbhdvantém

740. The ending tana in 2d pl. act. is as rare in this whole conjuga-
tion as ia thana in the present: the V. affords only bhajatana in the
a-class (and nahyatana in the ya-class: 7600). The ending t&t of 2a
sing. act., on the other hand, is uot rare; the KV. has avataét, ogata&t,
dahatat, bhavatat, yacchatat, ydcatat, rakgataét, vahatat; to which
AV. adds jinvataét, dhAvatat; and tho Brihmanas bring other examples.
MS. has twice svad&tu (parallel texts both times svad&ti): comparo
similar cases in the A-class: 762 0.

267 A-CLASS (FIRST, Dh&-CLAss). [—744

5. Present Participle.

741. The endings We_ant and 4 mana are added to
the present-stem, with loss, before the former, of the final
stem-vowel: thus, act. 4a4q_ bhdévant (fem. at bhdvant);
mid. J4qT1 bhévamana.

a. A small number of middie participles appear to be made from
stems of this class (ss of other a-classes: see 75206, 1043 f) by the
suffix dna instead of mana: thue, nam&na, pacdna, cikg&ina, svajana,
hvayana (all epic), majjina and kag&na (ister); and there are Vedic
examples (as cyaévdna, prathadnd, ydt&na or yatand, gumbhana, all
RV.) of which the character, whether present or aorist, ts doubtful: compare
840, 852.

6. Imperfect.

742. An example of the imperfect inflection is:

active. middle.
8. d. p. 8. d. p.
Pe PAT || TAT} DT PES wraMmis

abhavam Aébhavdva ébhavdma Abhavo abhavavahi abhav&mahi
PT Pat PAT Pe PAT | PERNT
abhavas abhavatam ébhavata abhavathias abhavethim 4bhavadhvam
Plate lee Ta tte aT , Pladq Daa DIAN
abhavat abhavatém a4bhavan Abhavata Abhavetim Abhavanta

743. No forms in tana are mado in this tense from any a-class.
Uxamples of augméntless forms (which are not uncommon) are: cyévam,
a&vas, ddhas, bédhat, bharat, cdran, ndcan; badhath&s, vardhata,
gocanta. The subjunctively used forms of 2d and 3d sing. act. are more
frequent than those of either of the proper subjunctive persons.

744. A far larger number of roots form their present-system
according to the a-class than according to any of the other classcs:
in the RV., they are about two hundred and forty (nearly two fifths
of the whole body of roots); in the AV., about two hundred (nearly
the same proportion); for the whole language, the proportion is still
larger, or nearly one half the whole number of present-stems: namely,
over two hundred in both carlier and later Inanguage, one handred
and seventy-five in tho older alune, nearly a hundred aud fifty in tho
Inter alono. Among these are not a few transfers from the classes
of the first conjugation: see those classes above. There are no roots
ending in long &4— except a few which make an a-stam in some
anvowalous way: below, 740 a.

745 —] IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 268

Irregularities of the a-class.

7145. A few verbs have irregular vowel-changes in forming the
present-stem: thus,

a. Gh consider has guna-strengthoning (against 240): thus, dhate.

b. kpp (or krap) fament, on the contrary, remains unchanged: thus,
krpate.

c. guh Aide has prolongation iostead of guna: thus, gtthati.

da. kram séride regularly lengthens its vowel in the active, but not
in the middle: thus, kramati, krdmate; but the vowel-quantities are
somewhat mixed up, even from the oldest language down; — klam tire is
said to form kldmati etc, but is not quotable;— cam with the prepo-
sition & rinse the mouth forms Acamati.

e. In the later language are found occasional forms-of this class from
myj wipe; and they show the same vpddhi (instead of guna) which belongs
to the root in its more proper inflection (627): thus, m&rjasva.

f. The grammarians give a number of roots in urv, which they declare
to lengthen the u in the present-stem. Ouly three are found in (quite
limited) use, and they show no forms anywhere with short u. All appear
to be of secondary formation from roote in ¢ or ar. The root murch or
murch coagulate has likewise only G in quotable forms.

@. The onomatopoetic root gthiv spew is written by the grammarians
as athiv, and declared to lengthen its vowel in the present-system:; com-
pace 240 b.

746. The roots datg bite, raj color, safij hang, svafij embrace,
of which the nasal is in other parts of the conjugation not constant,
lose it in the present-system: thus, ddégati etc.; safij forms both
sajati and sajjati (probably for sajyati, or for sasjati from sasa-
jati); math or manth has mathati later. In general, as the present
of this class is a strengthening formation, a root that has such a nasal
anywhere has it here also.

747. Tho roots gam go and yam reach make the present-stems
gaccha and yaccha: thus, gacch&mi etc.: see 608.

748. The root sad sit forms sida (conjectured to be contracted
from sisda for sisada): thus, sid&mi ete.

749. Transfers to this class from other classes are not rare, as
has been already pointed out sbove, both throughout the present-
system and in occagional forms. The most important cases are the
following :

a. The roots in & sth& stand, p& drink, and ghr& smell, form
the present-stems tistha (t{gthadmi otc.), pf{ba (p{b&mi etc.), and
jighra (jighradmi etc.): for these and other similar cases, see 671-4.

b. Secondary root-forms like inv, jinv, pinv, from simpler rvots

269) ACCENTED 4-CLASS (SIXTH, tud-CLAss). (—753

of the nu-class, aro either found alongside thoir originals, or have
crowded these out of uso: see 716.

760. On the other hand, the root dham or dhm& blow forms
its prescnt-stem from the more original form of the root: thus.
dhémati ete.

Vil. Accented 4-class (sixth, tud-class).

751. ‘The present-stem of this class has the accent on
the class-sign 4] 4, and the root remains unstrengthened. In
its whole inflection, is follows so closely the model of the
preceding class that to give the paradigm in full will be
unnecessary (only for the subjunctive, all the forms found
to occur will be instanced).

762. Example of inflection: root fat vig enter, stem
FAN vics:

1. Present Indicative.
active. middle.
8. d. p- 8. d. p.
. fom frag fam ifn famat fat
vicdmi vicdvas vicdimas vicé vicdvahe vicdimahe
ete. etc. ete. ete. ete. etc.

2. Present Subjunctive.

1 vigani vicgdva vigdma vical vicgdvahai vicdimahal
vicdse

vicasi
{vidde vicdtha vicdsal vicalthe
icde vic&tas vican heron vicalte vicdntai

a. A single example of the briefer Ist sing. act. is mypkg& The only
furms in &ithe and Aite are prnafthe and yuvalte.

3. Present Optative.

om faa Fer faa fate feemic
vicéyam vicéva vicéma vicéya vicévahi vigémahi
etc. etc. etc. efe. ete. ete.
b. The RV. has the ending tana once in tiretana 2d pl. act., and
rata in jugerata 3d pl. mid.

7152—) IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 270

4. Present Imperative.

The first persons having been given above as subjunc-
tives, the second are added here:

~ ~ o~
2 faa famay fant fama fave far
vigh vigdtam vigata vicgasva vicéthadam vicadhvam
etc. ete, etc. etc. otc. etc.

c. The ending tat is found in RV. and AV. in mrdataét, vphatat,
suvatat; other cxamples are not infrequent in the Brihmana language:
thus, khidatét, chyatat, prcchat&t, vigatat, spjatat; and later, sprga-
tat. The 3d sing. act. nudétu and mufic&tu occur in Sutras (cf. 740).

5. Present Participle.
The active participle is Teqae_ vigdnt; the middle is

fam vicdmana.

a. Tho feminino of tho active participle is usually made from the
strong stem-form: thus, viganti; but sometimes from the weak: thus,
sificAnti and sificati (RV. and AV.), tuddnti and tudati (AV.): see
above, 449 d, e.

e. Middle participles in Gna instead of mana are dhuvana, dhrgdnéd,
ligdna, ¢yana, in the older language; kpgana, muficdna, sprgdna in
the later (cf. 741 a).

6. Imperfect.

1 ar afama afm ata aternate staan
avigam Avicgdva avicdma advice avigdévahi dévicimahi
etc. otc. etc. etc. etc. étc.

f. Examples of augmentless forms accented sre syjds, sypjdt, tirdnta.

@. The a-sorist (846 ff.) is in general the equivalent, as regards Its
forms, of an imperfect of this class.

763. Stems of the a-class are made from nearly a hundred and
fifty roots: for about a third of these, in both the earlier and the
later language; for a half, in the earlier only; for the remainder,
nearly twenty, only in tho later language. Among them are a number
of transfers from tho classes of the non-a-conjugation.

a. In some of these transfers, as ppp and myn (731), there takes
place almost a setting-up of independent roots.

b. The stems icchd, ucché, and yochaé are reckoned as belonging
respectively to the roots ig desire, vas shine, and F¢ go.

c. The roots written by the Hindu grammarians with final o —
namely, cho, do, go, and so—and forming the present-stems chyé,

271 ACCENTED 4-CLASS (SIXTH, tud-CLAss). (—759

dya, cy&, syf, are more properly (as having an accontad & In the stem)
to be reckoned to this claye than to tho ya-claas, where tho natlve classi-
fication puts them (see 761g). They appear to be analogous with the
stems keya, eva, hva, noted below (755).

764. The roots from which &-stems are made have certain noticeable
pecularities of form. Hardly any of them have long vowels, and none have
long interfor vowels; very few have final vowels; and none (save two or
three transfers, and Ylajj 5e ashamed, which does not occur in any accen-
tuated text, and is perhaps to be referred rather to the a-class) have a ss
radical vowel, except as this forms a combination with r, which is then
reduced with it to r or some of the usual substitutes of yr.

Irregularities of the 4-olass.

765. The roots in i and a and fi change those vowels into iy
and uv before the class-sign: thus, kgiyé, yuvd, ruvé; suvs, etc.:
and eva, hva occur, instead of suva and huva, in the older language,
while TS. has the participle kgyAnt. K. has dhfiva from pydhf.

766. The three roots in ¢ form the present-stems kir&é, gird
(also gila), tira, and are sometimes written as kir etc.; and gur, jur,
tur are really only varieties of gy, jr, ty; and bhur and sphur are
evidently related with other ar or y root-forms.

a. The common root prach ask makes the stem prcecha.

767. As to the stems -driyé and -priya, and mriydé and dhriyéd,
sometimes reckoned as belonging to this class, see below, 773.

758. Although the present-stem of this class shows in general
a weak form of the root, there are nevertheless a number of roots
belonging to it which are strengthened by a penultimate nasal. Thus,
the stem muficd is made from fYmuc release, sificd from ysic sprinkle;
vindé from yvid find; kynt& from ykyt cut; pitgh from ypig
adorn; trmpaé from ytrp enjoy; lumpé from yYlup break; limpdé from
VYlip smear; and occasional forms of the same kind are met with from
a few others, as tunda from ytud thrust; brhha from pbrh strengthen;
dynha (beside dfhha) from Ydrh make firm; gumbhé (beside gambha)
from ygubh shine; TS. has opnthati from )/crath (instead of grathnati) ;
uficha, vindhaé, sumbha, are of doubtful character.

a. Nasalized &-stems are also in several instances made by transfer
from the nasal class: thus, unda, umbha, rfijé, pitted, yufija, rundha,
Ginga.

Vill. Ya-class (fourth, div-class).

769. The present-stem of this class adds 7 ya to the
accented but unstrengthened root. Its inflection 1s also pre-

759—| IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 272

cisely like that of the a-class, and may be presented in the
same abbreviated form as that of the d-class.
760. Example of inflection: root Ae nah bind;
stem Aq] nabya.
1. Present Indicative.

active. middle.
8. a. p. 8. d p-

~ ~
1 TT RATT TAA ATT
nahyaémi nahyaévas nabyamas nahye nahydvahe ndhyaémahe
wte. etc. vtec. etc. ete. etc.

2. Present Subjunctive.

1 né&ahyani néhydma na&hyaéi ndhydvahdi nahydmahdi
nahyasi :

2 ‘a Ahyas nahyasai nahyadhvai
nahyati .

3 ‘a Ahyat néhyatas nahyén ndahyatai nahyantai

a. A 3d pl. mid. in antaéi (jayantaéi) occurs once in TS.

3. Present Optative.
~ ~ ~ ~ ~
1 WOR Ta TR OAM AME 6 nie
nahyeyam naéhyeva nahyema néahyeya nahyevahi néhyemahi
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

b. For two or three 3d sing. mid. forms in ita (for eta), see 738 b.

4. Present Imperative.

e ~
2 AAT TH Wd AMET TT TT
nahya nahyatam nadhyata nédahyasva ndhyethim nahyadhvam
ete. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

c. Of the ending tana, RV. bas one example, nahyatana; the end-
ing tat is found in asyataét, khydyatat, nacyatat.

5. Present Participle.
The active participle is 7Ae_nébyant (fem. Teil néh-
yanti); the middle is JAIAA nébyamana.
6. Imperfect.
(RT NT TT FR OATS RATE
anahyam anahydva anahyama anabye anahyavahi d4nahydmahi

ete. ete, etc. ete. etc. ete.

273 Ya-CLass (FOURTH, div-CLAss): (—761

d. Examples of augmentless forms showing the accent belonging to the
present-system are ghyat, pacyat, pAzyan, jdyathas.

761. The ya-class stems are more than a hundred and thirty in
number, and nearly half of them have forms in use in all periods of
the language, about forty occurring only in the earliex, and about
thirty only in the modern period.

a. Of the roots making ya-stems, a very considerable part (over fifty)
signify a state of feeling, or a condition of mind or body: thus, kup he
angry, klam he weary, kgudh be hungry, muh be confused, lubh be
lustful, que be dry, etc. cte.

b. A further number have a more or less distinctly passive sense,
and are in part evident and in part presumable transfers from the passive
or y&-class, with change of accent, and sometimes also with assumption of
active endings. It ie not possible to draw precisely the limits of the divi-
sion; but there are in the older languege a number of clear cases, in which
the accent wavers and changes, and the others are to be judged by analogy
with them. Thus, Pmuc forms mucyate once or twice, beside the usual
mucyate, in RV. and AV.; and in the Brihmanas the former {fs the
regular accent. Similar changes are found also in ya-forms from other
roots: thus, from kei destroy, ji or jy& twyure, tap heat, dyh make firm,
pac cook, py fill, mi damage, ric leave, lup break, h& leave. Active
forms are early made from some of these, and they grow more common
later. It is worthy of special mention that, from the Veda down, jdyate
1s born ete. te found as altered passive or original ya-formation by the side
of yjan give birth.

c. A considerable body of roote (about forty) differ from the above in

having an apparently original transitive or neuter meaning: examples are
as throw, nah bind, pag see, pad go, glig clasp.

d. A number of roots, of various meaning, and of somevhat doubtful
character and relations, baving present-stems ending in ya, are by the native
gramroarians written with final diphthongs, Ai or e or o. Thus:

e. Roots reckoned as ending in Ai and belonging to the a- (or bhf-)
clase, a8 @Ai sing (gdyati etc.). As these show abundantly, and for the
most part exclusively, &-forms outside the present-system, there scems to
be no good reason why they should not rather be regarded as &-roote of
the ya-class. They are ke& burn, @& sing, gl& be weary, tr& save, dhy&
think, py& fillup, ml& relaz, r& bark, w& be blown, gy& coagulate, gr&
boil, sty& stiffen. Some of them are evident extensions of simpler roots
by the addition of &@ Te secondary roots t&y stretch (beside tan), and
cay observe (beside ci) appear to be of similar character,

f. Roots reckoned as ending in e and belonging to the a- (or bha-)
class, as dhe suck (dhaéyati etc.). These, too, have &-forms, and some-
tim: s {-forms, outside the present system, and are best regarded as &-roote,
either with @ weakened to a before the class-sign of this class, or with &

Whitney, Grammar. 8. ed. 18

761—} IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 274

weakened to f or i and Inficcted according to the a-class. They are dha&
suck, ma exchange, vA weave, Vy& envelop, hv& call (secondary, from
hii). As of kindred form may be mentioned day share and vyay ezpend
(probably denominative of vyaya).

g A few roots artificially written with final o and reckoned to the
ya-class, with radical vowel lost before the class-sign: thus, do cut, bind,
pres. Gy&ti etc. These, as having an accented & in the sign, have
plainly no right to be put in this class; and they are better referred to the
G-class (sec above, 7530). Outside the present-system they show &- and
i-forms; and in that system the ya is often resolved Into ia in the oldest
language.

762. The ya-class is the only one thus far described which shows
any tendency toward a restriction to a certain variety of meaning. In this
tendency, as well as in the form of its sign, it appears related with the
class of distinctly deflued meaning which is next to be taken up — the
passive, with yd-sign. Though very far from being as widely used as the
latter beside other present-systems, it is in some cases an intransitive
conjugation by the side of a transitive of some other class.

Irregularities of the ya-class.

763. The roots of this class ending in am lengthen their vowel
in forming the present-stem: they are klam, tam, dam, bhram, gam
be quiet, gram: for example, tamyati, gramyati. From kgam, how-
ever, only kgamyate occurs; and gam /a/or makes gamyati ({B.).

764. The root mad has the same lengthening: thus, m&dyati.

765. The roots in Iv— namely, div, siv, sriv or oriv, and
gthiv (from which no forms of this class aro quotable) — are written
by the grammarians with iv, and a similar lengthening in the present-
system is prescribed for them.

a. They appear to be properly dil etc., since their vocalized final
in other forms is always 0; div is by this proved to have nothing to do
with the assumed root div shine, which changes to dyu (361 da): compare
240 b.

766. From the roots jy and ty (also written as jur and tir or tur)
come the stems jirya and tirya, and jtirya and tiirya (the last two only
in RV.); from py comes ptirya.

767. The root vyadh ts abbreviated to vidh: thus, vidhyati. And
any root which in other forms has a penultimete nasal loses it here: thus,
dfhya from dyth or drh; bhracya from bhrahg or bhrag; rajya from
ranhj or raj.

975 ACCENTED y&-CLA8S (PASSIVE). (—771

IX. Accented ya-class: Passive conjugation.

768. A certain form of present-stem, inflected with middle
endings, is used only in a passive sense, and ‘is formed
from all roots for which there is occasion to make a passive
conjugation. Its sign is an accented Y yé added to the
root: thus, @~] hanyé from vq han slay, ACY spyd
from VAT Bp obtain, TAT grhyé from VIE grh (or grah)
seize: and so on, without any reference to the class accord-
ing to which the active and middle forms are made.

769. ‘The form of the root to which the passive-sign is added
is (sincc the accent is on the sign) the weak one: thus, a penultimate
nasal is dropped, and any abbreviation which is made in the weak
forms of the perfect (704), in the aorist optative (922 b), or before
ta of the passive participle (954), is made also in the passive present-
system: thus, ajy& from yYafij, badhyé from ybandh, ucya from
Vvac, ijyé from yyaf.

770. On the other band, a fiual vowel of a root is in general
liable to the same changes as in other parts of the verbal system
where it is followed by y: thus —

a. Final i and u are lengthened: thus, miya& from mi; siya
from } su; \

b. Final & is usually changed to I: thus, diy& from yd&; hiya
from yha: but jhdyé from yjfa, and so khydayé, kha&ya, mn&yé, etc.;

c. Final ¢ is in general changed to ri: thus, kriya from ykr;
but if preceded by two consonants (and also, it is claimed, in the root
r). it has instead the guna-strengthening: thus, smaryA from )/smr
(the only quotable case); — and in those roots which show a change
of y to ir and ur (so-called f~-verbs: see 242), that change is nade
here also, and the vowel is lengthened: thus, giryd from yey; pairyé
from y pf.

7171, The inflection of the passive-stem is precisely lke
that of the other a-stems; it differs only in accent from that
of the class last given. It may be here presented, therefore,
in the same abbreviated form:

a. Kxample of inflection: root Ti kr make; passive-

stem fT kriya:

19¢

771—) IX. PRESENT-SY8TEM. 276

1. Present Indicative.

Be d. p.
~ ~ ~
1 faa fRomae fone
kriyé kriyavahe kriydmahe
etc. ete. etc.

2. Present Subjunctive.

b. The forms noticed as occurring in the older language are alone
here instanced:

$. d. p.
1 kriyaf kriyadmahiai
2 kriyadhvai
kriyate
kriyatai kriydntai

ce. The 3d pl. ending antai is found once (ucyantai h.).

3. Present Optative.

| TRaa toate fants
kriyéya kriyévahi kriyémahi

etc. ete, et,
a. No forms of the passive optative chance to oceur in RV, or AV;
they are found, however, in the Brihmanas. Chl, bas once dhméyita.

4. Presont Imperative.
2 Tora | Tera, TOT
kriyasva kriyetham kriyadhvam
etc, rte, etc.

6. Prosont Participlo.

e. This is made with the suffix QA mana: thus, farm
kriyamina.
f. In use, this participle is well distinguished from the other passive

participle by its distinctively picsent meaning: thus, kpta done, but kriyé-
mana in process of doing, or being done.

6. Imperfect.
ata = aerate =| aaa:

akriye. akriyavahi akriyamahi
ule. cle, ale.
g. The passive-sign is never resolved inte iain the Veda.
772. ‘The roots tan and khan usually form their passives from
parallel roots in a: thus. tayate, khayate (but also tanyate, khan-

277 So-CALLED TBNTH OR CUr-CLASS. (—776

yato); and dham, in like manner, makos olfhor dhamyato or dhmiyato.
Tho corresponding form to yjan, namcly jdyate (nbovo, 761 b', is
apparently a transfer to the preceding class.

773. By their form, mriydte dies, and dhriyate maintains steelf,
ts steadfast, are passives from the roots mr dte and dhr hold; although
neither is used in a proper passive sense, and my is not transitive
except in the derivative form myn (above, 731). With them are to
be compared tho stems 4-driyé heed and &-priyd be busy, which are
perhaps peculiar adaptations of mcaning of passives from the roots
dy pierce and py fill.

774, Examples of the transfer of stems from the ya- or passive
class to the ya- or intransitive class wero given above (761 b); and it was
also pointed out that active instead of middle cndings are occasionally, even
in the earlier langnage, assumed by forms properly passive; examples are
& dhm&yati and vy aprusyat (CR.), bhiiyati (MaiU.). In the eptes,
however (a3 a part of their general confuston of active and middle forms:
529 a), active endings are by no means infrequently taken by the passive:
thus, cakyati, criiyan‘s, bhriyantu, ijyant-, etc.

The so-called Tenth or cur-Class.

776. As was noticed above (607), the Hindu grainmarians — and,
after their example, most European also — recognize yet another
conjugation-class, coUrdinate with those already described; its stoms
show the class-sign &ya, added to a generally strengthened root (for
details as to the strengthening, see 1042). Though this is no proper
class, but 2 secondary or derivative conjugation (its stems are partly
of causative formation, partly denominative with altered accent) an
abbreviated example of its forms may, for the sake of accordance
with other grammars, be added here.

a. Example: root cint think, meditate; stem cintaya:

active. middle.
Pres. Indic. cintay&mi cintaye
Subj. cintayadni cintayAai
Opt. cintayeyam cintayeya
Pple. cintayant cintayamana
Impf. acintayam &cintaye

b. The inflection. of coursc, is the same with that of other forms from
a-stems (733 a).

c. The middle participle, in the later languag:, is more often made
with ana instead of mana: thue, cintaydna: see 1043 f.

776— | IX. PRESENT-SYSTEM. 278

Uses of the Present and Imperfect.

776. ‘The uses of the mode-forms of the present-system have
been already briefly treated in the preceding chapter (572 ff). The
tense-uses of the two indicative tenses, present and imperfect, call
here for only a word or two of explanation.

777. The present has, besides its strictly present use, the same
subsidiary uses which bclong in general to the tense: namely, the
expression of habitual action, of future action, and of past action in
lively narration.

a. Examples of future meaning are: imam céd va imé cinvate
tata evd no ‘bhibhavanti ((B.) rerily Uf these build this up, then they
will straiyhtway get the better of us; agnir atmabhavam pradad yatra
vaiichati ndigadhah (MBb.) Agni gave his own presence wherever the
Nishadhan should desire; svigatam te ‘stu kit karomi tava (R.) wel-
come to thee; what shall I do for thee?

b. Examples of past meaning arc: Uttara siir 4dharah putré d&sid
danuh gaye sahavatsd na dhenuh (RV.) the mother was over, the son
under; there Dane lies, like a cow with her calf; prahasanti ca tah
kecid abhyasiiyanti cé ’pare akurvata daydim kecit (MBb.) some
ridicule her, some revile her, some pitied her; tato yasya vacanat tatra
’valambitds tarzh sarve tiraskurvanti (II.) thereupon they all fali to
reproaching him by whose advice they had alighted there.

778. In connection with certain particles, the present has rather
more definitely the value of a past tense. Thus:

a. With pura formerly: thus, saptargin u ha sma vaf purd
rkga {ty acakgate (CB.) the seven sages, namely, are of old called the
bears; tanmatram api cen mahyaih na dadati puraé bhavan (MBh.)
tf you have never before given me even an atom.

b. With the asseverative particl: sma: thus, grdmena ha sma vai
tad deva jayanti yad egdimh jdyyam asé rgayag ca (('B.) in truth,
both gods and sages were wont to win by penance what was to be won;
avigtah kalinaé dyute jiyate sma nalas tad& (Mib.) then Nala, being
possessed by Kali, was beaten in play.

ec. No example of this last construction is found in either RV. of AV.,
or elsewhere in the metrical parts of the Veda. In the Brihmanas, only
habitual action is cxpressed by it. At all periods of the language, the use
of sma with a verb as pure asscverative particle, with nu cffect on the
tense-mncaning, is very common; and the examples later are hardly to bo
distinguished from the present of lively narration — of which the whole
construction is doubtless a form.

778. The imperfect has remained unchanged in value through
the whole history of the language: it is the tense of narration; it
expresses simple past time, without any other implication.

a. Compare what is sald later (end of chap. X. and chap. XI.) as to
the value of the other past tenses, the perfect and auvrist.

279 CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PERFECT. (—782

CHAPTER X.

THE PERFECT-SYSTEM.

780. Tue perfect-system in the later language, as has
been seen above (535), consists only of an indicative tense
and a participle — both of them in the two voices, active
and middle.

a. In the oldest language, the perfect has also its modes and
its augment-preterit, or pluperfect, or is not less full in its apparatus
of forms than is the present-system (see 808 ff.).

781. The formation of the perfect is essentially alike
in all verbs, differences among them being of only subord-
inate consequence, or having the character of irregularities.
The characteristics of the formation are these:

1. a stem made by reduplication of the root;

2. a distinction between stronger and weaker forms of
stem, the former being used (as in presents of the First
or non-a-conjugation) in the singular active, the Jatter in
all other persons;

3. endings in some respects peculiar, unlike those of
the present;

4. the frequent use, especially in the later language, of
a union-vowel 3% i between stem and endings.

782. Reduplication. In roots beginning with a con-
sonant, the reduplication which forms the perfect-stem is
of the same character with that which forms the present-
stem of the reduplicating conjugation-class (see 643) — but
with this exception, that radical 4] a and OT & and ® ¢ (or
47{ ar) have only @ a, and never 3 i, as vowel of the re-
duplicating syllable: thus, from y@ pr fll comes the present-
stem faq pipr, but the perfect-stem aq pap; from yt m&

782—| X. PERFECT-SYSTEM. 280)

meusure comes the present-stem fat mimé, but the perfect-
stem FAT mama; and so on.

a. Irregularities of roots with initial consonants will be given below. 784.

783. For roots beginning with a vowel, the rules of
reduplication are these:

a. A root with initial 4 a before a single final consonant
repeats the 4 a, which then fuses with the radical vowel to QT 4,
(throughout the whole inflection): thus, @1¢ ad from yg ad
eat; and in like manner 4] 6j, 1 an, Aq As, AX Gh. The
root #% y forms likewise throughout ATT Gr (as if from WT ar.

b. A root with § i or Zu before a single final conso-
nant follows the same analogy, except in the strong forms
(sing. act.); here the vowel of the radical syllable has guna,
becoming @ © or Alo; and before this, the reduplicating
vowel maintains its independent form, and is separated from
the radical syllable by its own semivowel: thus, from )3q_
ig comes 30 ig in weak forms, but Za iyes in strong; from
VSa_uc, in like manner, come AA te and Zala_uvoc. The
root 3 i, a single vowel, also falls under this rule, and forms
Uf iy (y added before a vowel) and a iye.

“e. Roots which begin with vowels long by nature or by
position do not in general make a perfect-system, but use
instead a periphrastic formation, in which the perfect tense
of an auxiliary verb is added to the accusative of a verbal
noun (see below, chap. AV.: 1070 ff).

d. Tu this rule, however, jap obtain (probably originally ap: 1067 f)
constitutes an exception, making the constant perfect-stom a@p (as if from
ap: above. ab Also are met with idé@ (RV.) and adive trom pid. and
irire (\.) trom = 44r.

e. For the peculiar reduplication an, belonging to certain roots with
initial vowels, sce below, 788.

784. A nuonber of roots beginning with va and ending with a
single consonant, which in various of their verbal forms and deriv-
atives abbreviate the va to u, do it also in the perfect, and are
treated like roots with initial u (above, 788 b’, except that they retain

281 REDUPLICATION. [—788

the fall form of root in the strong persons of the singular active.
Thus, from pYvac speak come de and uvac; from vas dicell come
fig and uvas; and so on.

a. The roots showing this abbreviation are vac, vap, vad, vac,
vas, vah; and v& weave is said to follow the same rule.

b. A single root beginning with ya, namely yaj offer, has the
same contraction, forming the stems iyaj and 1j.

Cc. Occasionf! exceptions aro met with: as, vavdca and vavakgé
(RV.); vavapa and vavaha and vavéhatus (E. and later); yejé (V.).

785. A number of roots having ya after a first initial consonant
take i (from the y) instead of a in the reduplicating syllable: thus,
from } vyac comes vivyac; from Ypy& coincs pipyd.

a. These roots are vyac, vyath, vyadh, vy4, jy&, py&, syand;
and, in the Veda, also tyaj, with cyu and dyut, which have the root-
vowel u. Other sporadic cases occur.

b. A single root with va is treated in the same way: namely
svap, which forms sugvap.

c. These roots are for the most part abbreviated in the weak forms:
sec below, 704.

786. A considcrable number of roots have in the Veda a long
vowel ino their reduplication.

a. Thus, of roots reduplicating with A: kan, kip, grdb, trp, trg,
drh, dhy, dhrs, nam, mah, myj, myc, ran, radh, rabh, vafic, van,
vac, vas clothr, vic, vyj, vet, vrdh, vrs, cad prera:l, sab, skambh.
Som. of these occur only in isolated cases; many have also forms with
short ,owel. Most are Vedic only; but d&dhadra is common also in the
Rrahmana language, and is even found later. As to j€gy, see 1080 a.

b. Of roots reduplicating with I: the so-called roots (676) didhi and
didi, which make the perfect from the same stem with the present: thus,
didétha, did&ya; didhima. didhyus (also didhiyus, didiyus). Rut
pipi has pipye, pipyus, otc., with short i. In AV. occurs ones jthida,
and in AB. (and AA.) bibhaya.

c. Of roots reduplicating with f: tu, jh, and g& (or gv&).

787. A few roots beginning with the (derivative: 42) palatal mutes
and aspiration show a reversion to tho more original guttural in the radical
syilable after the reduplication: thus, pei forins ciki; poit forms cikit;
Vji forms jigi; Yhi forms jighi; phan forms jaghan (aud the same
reversions appear in other reduplicated forms of these roots; 316, 1). A
root dA protect is said by the grammarians to form digi; but neither root
nor perfect Is quotable.

788. A small number of roots with initial a or ¢ ‘Ar) show the
anomalous reduplication an in the perfect.
a. Thus (the forms occurring mainly in the older language only):

788— | X. PERFECT-SYSTEN. 282

Yadj or aj, which forms tho pres. anadkti, has the perfect Gnahja
and @najé etc. (with anaja and anajyat);

Yaq attain (from which comes once in RY. andg&mah&i), has the
weak forms Anagma etc. (with opt. Anagyém), dnacé etc. (and LCS.
has Gnacadhve), and the strong forms €ndéiga and Andga — along with
the regular aga etc.;

Yrdh (from which comes once pnddhat) has dnpdhus and dnyrdhe;

To or arc hss Anyous and Anycé, and later Anaroa and Anarcus;

Yarh has (in TS.) anphus;

anéha (RV., once) has been referred to a root ah, elsewherc unknown,
and explained as of this formation; but with altogether doubtful propriety.

b. The later grammar, then, sets up the rule that roots beginning
with a and ending with more than one consonant have Gn as their regular
reduplication; and such perfects are taught from roots like akg, arj, and
afic or ac; but the only other quotable forms appear to be dnarchat
(MBh.) and anargat (TA.); which aro accordingly reckoned as “pluperfects”.

788. One or two individual cases of irregularity are tho following:

a. Tho cxtremely common root bhai Je has the anomalous redu-
plication ba, furming the stem babhi; and, in the Veda, pst forms
in like manner sasi.

b. The root bhy bear has in the Veda the anomalous reduplication ja
(as also in intensive: 1002); but RV. has once also the regular babhre, and
pple babhrana.

c. The root gthiv spew forms vither tigthiv (CB. et al.) or tigsthiv
(not quotable).

d. Vivakvdn (KV., once) is doubtless participle of /vac, with
irregular reduplication (as in the present, 660).

780. Absence ot reduplication is met with in some cases. Thus:

a. The root vid snow has, from the earliest period to the latest,
a perfect without reduplication, but otherwise regularly made and
inflected: thus, véda, véttha, etc., pple vidvahs. It has the mean-
ing of a present. The root vid fjnd forms the regular vivéda.

b. A few other apparently perfect forms lacking a reduplication are
found in RV.: they are takgathus and takgus, yamatus, skambhathus
and skambhus, nindima (for ninidima ?), dhige and dhire (P dh&),
and vidré and arhire (P sec 613). And AV. SV. have cetatus. The
participial words dagvahes, midhvanhs, séhvahs are common in the oldest
language; and RV. bas once jénugas (j/jfid), aud khidvas (voc.), perhaps
for cikhidvas.

co. A few sporadic cases also are quotable from tho later language,
especially from the epics: thus, kargatus, cesta and cegtatus, bhra-
jatus, sarpa, gahsus and gansire, dhvatsire, srahsire, jalpire,
edhire; also the pples gahsivahs and dargiv&hs, the latter being not
infrequent.

283 STRONG AND WEAK STEM-FORMB. (—703

791. For an anomalous case or two of redupliicated preposition, sec
helow, 1087 f.

702. Strong and weak stem-forms. In the three
persons of the singular active, the root-syllable is accented,
and exhibits usually a stronger form than in the rest of the
tense-inflection. The difference is effected partly by strength-
ening the root in the three persons referred to, partly by
weakening it in the others, partly by doing both.

703. As regards the strengthening:

a. A final vowel takes either the guna or vyrddhi change
in Ist sing. act., guna in 2d, and vrddhi in 3d: thus, from
yt bhi, tet FRY bibhé or FAP bibhai; 2d FAP} vibhé; 3d
fy bibhai: from VU ky, let THT cakér or WATT cakér,
2d WHY cakdr, 3d ARTY cakar.

b. But the & of ybhi remains unchanged, and adds v before a
vowel-ending: thus, babhtiva etc.

c. Medial 4 a before a single final consonant follows
the analogy of a final vowel, and is lengthened or vriddhied
in the 3d sing., and optionally in the first: thus, from yAq_
tap, Ist qd _tatdép or TATA tatép, 2d AAG tatép, 3d AAT
tatap.

d. In the earlicr language, however, the waaker of the two forms
allowed by these rales in the first person {is almost exclusively in use: thus,
ist only bibhaya, tatépa; 3d bibhdya, tatapa. Exceptions are cakara
and jagréha (doubtful reading) in AV., cakdra in ACS. and BAU. (CB.
cakara), jigaya in ACS., as first persons.

e. A medial short vowel has in all three persons alike
the gupa-strengthening (where this is possible: 240): thus,
from VAG druh comes tac dudroh; from Viaa_vig comes

faa vivécg; from vahel_krt comes Waiel_cakért.

5
f. Au initial short vowel before a single final consonant is to be

treated like a medial, but the quotable examples are very few: namely.
iyega from yig seek, uvocitha and uvoca from yuc, uvoga from
vus. As to roots i and 7, whose vowels are both initial and final,
sec above, 783 a, b.

&. These rules arc said by the grammarians to apply to the 2d sing.
alwayce when it has simple tha as ending; if it bas itha (below, 707 d),

793—] X. PERFECT-SYSTEM. 254

the accent {is allowed to fall on any one of the syRables of the word. and
the root-syllablo if unace-nted has sometimes the weak form (namely. tn
contracted stems with e for medial a: beluw. 7040; and in certain other
verbs, as vVivijitha). The carlier language, however, affords no example
of a 2d sing., whatever its ending, accented on any other thau the radical
syllable, or falling to conform to the rules of strengthening as given above
(in a, c, @).

h. Occasional instances of strengthening in other than the singular
persons are met with: thus, yuyopima and vivegus (RV.) pasparcus
(Kel’.), and, in the epics, cakartus and cakartire, cakargatus, jugit-
hire, nandmire, bibhedus, vavahatus, vivegatus, vavargus. The
roots dy, py, and cy, and optionally jy, are said by the grammarlans to
have the sfrong stem In weak furms; but no exanples appear to be quotable.
AV., however, has once jaharus (probably a false reading); and in the
latcr language occur caskare ()kyp scatter) and tastare.

i. The root myj has (as in the present-system: 627) vyddhi instead
of guna in strong forms: thus, mamarja; and pfguh (also ay in present:
746 c) has @ instead of o (but alo juguhe E.).

784. As regards the weakening iu weak forns:

a. It has been seen above (783 b, that roots beginning with i or
u fuse reduplicating and radical syllable together to 1 or & io the
weak forms; and (784) that rvots contracting va sud ya to u or i
in the reduplication do it also in the root in weak forms, the twa

¢loments here also coalescing to @ or 7.

b. A few roots having ya and va after a first initial consonant, and
reduplicating from the semivowel (785), contract the ya and va tu i and
u: thus, vivic from }’vyac, vividh from fYvyadh (but vivyadhus
MBh.), sugup from )/svap. The extended roots jya, pyaé, vyé, ova,
hvaé show a similar apparcut contraction, making the'r weak furtine frum
the simpler roots ji, pi, vi, gi, hi, while hv& must and gva way get
their strong forms also from the same (and only jijyaéQ is quotable from
the others).

c. The root grabh or grah (if it be written thus: see 72984) con-
tracts to gph, mahing the three forms of stem jagrah (lst and 2: sing.
act.), jagrah (3.1), and jagyh; but prach (if it be so written: sec 756 a)
remains unchanged throughout.

d. Some roots omit in weak forms of this tense, or in some of them,
a nasal which is found in its strong forms: thus, we have cakradé etc.
(RV.) from krand; tatasré (RY.) from Ytahs; dadagvaas (ItV.) trom
ydanc; bedhus, bedhé, et:. (AV.) from ybandh; sejus (('B.) from
Vsanj; caskabhand (AV.) from /ekambh; tastabhus ctc. (V.),
tastabhané (V.B.), from fstambh. Compare also 788 a.

e. A number of roots having medial a between single consonants
drop that vowel. These are, in the later language, gam, khan, jan,

285 STRONG AND WEAK STEM-FORMS. [—705

han, ghaa; they form the wenk stema jagm, cakhn, jajfi, jaghn
(compare 637), jakg (compare 640): but RV. has once jajanis.

f. In the old language are found in like manner mamnd&the and
mamnate from /man; vavné from van; tatne, tatnige, tatnire
from j}tan (beside tatane, and tate, .s if from yt&); paptima and
paptus and paptivanhs from ypat (beside pet-forms; below, @); papné
fron ppan: saccima and sa¢cus, sacce and sacciré, from /sac.

g. Roots in gencral having medial a before a single final con-
sonant, and beginning also with a single consonant that is repeated
unchanged in the reduplication — that is, not an aspirate, a guttural
mute, or h — contract their root and reduplication together into one
syllable, having e as its vowel: thus, faad forms the weak stem sed,
Ypac forms pec, } yam forms yem; and 80 on.

h. Certain roots not having the form bere defined are declared by the
grammarians to undergo the same contraction — most of them optionally;
and examples of them are in general of vcry rare occurrence. They are as
follows: rfj (K.C.) and raédh (radh?), notwithstanding their long vowel;
phan, phal (phelire (.), bhaj (occurs from RV. down), though their ini-
tial is changed in rednplication; trap, tras (tresus F.C.), grath, syam,
evan, though they begin witb more than one consonant; dambh (debhas,
RV., from the weaker dabh), though it ends with more than one; and
bhram (bhremus etc. KSS.), bhr&j, granth, svafij, in spite of more
reasone than one to the contrary. And CB. has sejus from yeafij, and
KB. has cromus from ygram. On the other hand, RV. bas once rarabh-
ma&, and R. has papatus, for petus, from }‘pat.

i. This contraction {* allowed also in 2d sing. act. when the ending
is itha: thos, tenitha beside tatantha (but no examples are quotable
from the colder language).

j. The rocts cag and dad (from d&: 672) are said to reject the
contraction; but no perfect forms of either appear to have been met with
in ase.

k. From pty (or tar) ocenrs terus (K.); and jerus from ypjr ts
authorized by the graromarians — both against the general analogy of roots in f.

1. Roots ending in & lose their & beforo all endings beginning
with a vowel, including those endings that assume the union-vowel i
.786) — unless in the latter case it be preferred to regard the i as a
weakencd form of the &@.

79068. Endings, and their union with the stem.
The general scheme of endings of the perfect indicative has
been already given (663 c); and it has also been pointed out
(543 a) that roots ending in AT & have AV Bu in Ist and 3d

sing. active.

705—| X. PERFECT-SYSTEM. 286

a. The cuding mas instead of ma is fuund in gugrumas (E.C.).
For the alleged occurrence of dhve instead of dhve in 2d pl. mid., sec 226 c.

796, Those of the endings which begin with a con-
sonant — namely q tha, 4 va, A ma in active; A 80, Te
vahe, ie mahe, §] dhve, ~ re in middle — are very often,
and in the later language usually, joined to the base with

the help of an interposed union-vowel § i.

a. The union-vowel i is found widely used alsu in other parts of the
general verbal system: namely, in the sibilant aorist, the futures, and the
verbal nouns and adjectives (as also in other classes of derivative stems).
In the later language, a certain degree of correspondence i3 secn among the
different parts of the same verb, as regards their use or non-use of the
connective: bul this correspondence is nut so close that general rules res-
pecting it can be given with advantage; and it will be best to treat each
formation by Itself.

b. ‘The perfect is the tense in which the uso of i has established
itself most widely and firmly in the later language.

797. ‘The most important rules as to the use of 3 i in
the later language are as follows:

a. The T re of 3d pl. mid. has it always.

b. The other consonant-endings, except 4 tha of 2d
sing. act., take it in nearly all verbs.

ce. But it is rejected throughout by eight verbs — namely kp make,
bhr bear, sp go, vy choose, dru run, gru hear, stu praise, sru flow;
and it is allowably (not usually; rejected by some others, in general
accordance with their usage in other formations.

ad In 2d sing. act., it is rejected not only by the eight
verbs just given, but also by many others, ending in vowels
or in consonants, which in other formations have no i;
but it is also taken by many verbs which reject it im other
formations; — and it is optional in many verbs, including
those in AT a (of which the 1 @ is lost when the ending
is 77 itha), and most of those in Z i, 3 1, and J u.

e. The rules of the gratumarians, especially as regards the use of tha
or itha, run out into infinite detail, and are not wholly consistent with
one another; and, as the forms are very infrequent, {ff is not possible to

criticise the statements made. and to tell how far they are founded on the
facts of usage.

287 ENDINGS. [—800

f. With this i, a final radical i or f is uot combinod, but obang-

ed into y or iy. ‘The & of Ybht becomes Av throughcut before a
vowel.

788. In the oldor language, the usage is in part quite other-
wise. Thus:

a. In the RV., the union-vowel { is taken by roots ending in con-
sonants provided the last syllable of the stem is a heavy one, but not other-
wise: thus, 4sitha, uvocitha, vivéditha, but tatantha and vivyAktha;
icimé, paptima, sedima, yuyopimé, but jaganma, jagrbhma, yuyuj-
ma; ticigé, jajfiigé, sashhige, but vivitee and dadrkgé; bubhujmahe
and cagadmahe etc. (no examples of ivahe or imahe chance to occur,
nor any of cither idhve or dhve); ijiré, jajfiiré, yetiré, tataksiré,
but c&kjpré, vividré, duduhré, pasprdhré, tatasré (and so on:
twenty-two forms). The only exception in RV. is véttha from yvid,
without i (in Br., also &ttha from jah: below, 801 a). The other Vodic
texts present nothing inconsistent with this rule,*but in the Brihmanas 3d
p!. forms in ire are made after light syllables also: thus, saspjire, bubudh-
ire, yuyujire, rurudhire.

b. In roots ending with a vowel, the early usage is more nearly like
the later. Thus: for roots in & the rule ie the same (except that no 2d
sing. in itha is met with), as dadhimd, dadhigé, dadhidhvé, dadhiré
(the only persons with i quotable from RV. and AV.; and RV. has dadhre
twice); — roots in fF appear also to follow the later rule: as cakpgé,
paprse, vavysé, vavyméhe, but dadhrige and jabhrige, and in 31
pl. mid. both cakriré and dadhrire;— yYbhii hes both babhititha
(usaally) and babhivitha, but only babhfivimdé (A\.). But there are
found, against the later rules, suguma, cicyuge, juhuré, and juhiré,
without 4: the instances are too few to found a rule upn.

709. The ending riré of 3d pl. mid. is found in RV. tn six forms:
namely, cikitrire, jagrbhriré, dadrire, bubhujriré, vividrire, sasyj-
rire; to which SV. adds dudubrire, and TR. dadycrire.

800. Kxamples of inflection. By way of illustra-
tion of the rules given above may be given in full the per-
fect indicative inflection of the following verbs:

a. As example of the normal inflection of a root with
final consonant, we take the root 4] budh know: its strong
form of perfect-stem 1s AT bubodh; weak form, qa
bubudh.

active. middle.
g. d. p. 8. d. p.
~ ~
pm ata vam yp Faat aah

bubodha bubudhiva -dhima bubudhé -dhivahe -dhimahe

800—| X. PERPECT-sYSTEM. 288

a me ww oO i ww ww ww 3 Ta ee | Te
bubddhitha -dhaéthus -dha bubudhigé -dhathe -dhidhvé
7 ~ ~ ror,
i ~~ q ~~ qa wuONION Wwe ww ~~ t

bubédha -dhatus -dhus bubudbé -dhite -dhiré

b. The asserted variety of possible accent in 2d sing. act. (above 798 g)
needs to be nuted both in this and in the remaining paradigms.

ec. As example of the normal inflection of a root with
final i or u-vowel, we may take the root 4t ni dead: its forms
of stem are TATW_nindy or FAT ninaéy, and Feit nint.

~ ; -~ o~ ic [ c ~ —T ic [= nn - ~~ a
ninaya, ninaya ninyiva ninyimaninyé ninyivadhe ninyiméhe
f: ~ ; ~~ s Taz a Tra c Cc ~ = = ban [: = ~

ninétha, ninayitha ninydthus ninyaé ninyisé ninyathe ninyidhve

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~
Pera reaqa ofa wea Rend =P
ninaya ninyatus ninyds ninyé ninyaéte ninyiré

d. ‘The root kri would make (129 a) in weak forms cikriyiva,
cikriyatus, cikriyus, etc.; xnd pbhu is intlected as follows in the
active (middle forms not quotable:

1 babhiva babhiiviva babhnivima
2 Dbabhiitha, babhtvitha babhivathus babhiva
s babhiva babhivatus babhivas

Other roots in aor u change this to av befure the initial vowel of
an culings.

v. \s example of the inflection of a root ending in AT &,
we may take @tda yice: its forms of stem are ZeT dad& and
72 dad ior zz dadi: see above, 794, 1).

aa wea CTR TAR

t
dadau dadiva dadima dadé dadivahe dadiméhe
on ~™ ~ ~
aq la FIGA eee a qa aca aige
dadatha, daditha dadathus dada dadigeé dadathe dadidhvé
= _ ~ ~ ~ oN
acl iO oS CR ala l qhey
dadau dadatus dadius dade dadate dadiré

f. The RV. has once paprd tor papraui (and jaha tor jahau P).

289 ExAMPLES OF INPLECTION. [—800

g. As example of a root with medial 4 a showing fusion
of root and reduplication, resulting in medial ¢ e, in the
weak forms (704g), we may take A tan séretch: its forms
of stem are Ay tatén or AAA tatin, and
1 aaa, aa afaa aR aA my ” aie

tatana, tatdna tenivd tenim& tené tenivdhe teniméhe
ara ar | aC AAA A

tatantha, tenithé tendthus tend tenigé tendthe tenidhvé
: Wa aq «oat AR CAAA ORT

tatina tendtus tenas tené6 tendte teniré

h. The root jan, with the others which expel medial a in weak
forms (704 e), makes jajantha or jajfilthé, jajfiivé, jajfius; jajfié,
jajiimaéhe, jajfiiré; and so on.

i. As example of a root with initial Q va contracted
to 3 u in the reduplication, and. contracted with the redu-
plication to GO in weak forms (784), we may take Q¥] vac
speak: its forms of stem are 3aq_uvée or Jatq_uvic, and

8 fic.
1 3a, sara afta sim sa aftak afar
uvdca, uvdca ficivé ficimaé ficé ficivdhe fticiméhe
13am, sa ST STC Se ofa
uvadktha, uvdcitha ficdthus ficd ficigé fichthe fcidhvé
~ .
s Sard ST SIM st saa srr
uvaca fichtus Geis fice fiodte iteiré

j. In liko manner, pyaj furma iyaja or iyaja, iyAgtha or iydéjitha;
ijé, Wieé, and so on; uc has uvoca and uvocitha in the strong
forins, and all the rest like vac.

k. Of the four roots in ®% y¢ mentioned at 7970, the
inflection 1s as follows:

cakéra, cakdra cakrvA cakrmaé cakré cakrvéhe cakrméhe

2 TH TH Th TT TH = aTe

cakartha cakréthus cekré cakygé cakrithe cakrdhvé
3 TAN TH eH aH aH ater
cnkdra cakratus cakrias cakré cakrite cakriré

Whitney, Grammar. 3. od, 19

800—] X. PERFEOT-8SYSTEM. 290

1. Of the roots in # y in general, the firet persons are
made as follows:

1, CUT 10S MAD AC

dadhara, dadhdra dadhrivaé dadhrimd dadhré dadhrivdhe dadhrimahe

m. We may further add here, finally, the active inflection (the middle
is not iu use) of the perfect of as de, which (like babhtiva and cakdra,
given above) is frequently employed as an auxiliary.

1 dea Asivé &sima
2 dsitha <Aséthus asd
3 dsa asétus asus

801. A few miscellaneous irregularities call still for
notice:

a. The root ah speak occurs only in the perfect indicative, and
only in the 3d persons of all numbers and in the 2d sing. and du.,
in active (and in 2d sing. the h is irregularly changed to t before
the ending): thus, Sttha, dha; dhathus, &hatus; ahias (io V., only
dha and Shus are met with).

b. From pv& weave, the 3d pl. act. tivus occurs in RV., and no
other perfect form appears to have been met with in use. It is allowed
by the grammarians to be inflected regularly as v&; and also as way (the
present-stem is vaya: 761), with contraction of va to u in weak forms;
and further, in the weak forms, as simple u.

Gc. The root vy& envelop has in RV. the perfect-forms vivyathus and
vivyé, and no others have been met with in use; the grammarians require
the strong forms to be made from vyay, and the weak from vi.

d. The root i go forms in RV. and AV. the 2d sing. act. iyatha
beside the regular iyétha; and beside iriré from yir, RV. has several
times eriré.

eo. RV. hae an anomalous aaent in dddyge and dddrgre (beside
dadykgé) and the pple dAdrgfna. And ofketa (once, beside cikéta) is
perhaps a kindred anomaly.

f. Persons of the perfect from the ir-forms of roots in changeable rp
(242) are titirus and tistire (both RV.); and they have corresponding
participles.

g- The bastard root Urnu (713) is said by the grammarians to make
the perfeot-stem firnunu; the roots majj and nag are said to lusert a
nasal in the 2d sing. active, when the ending is simple tha: thue, ma-
manhktha, nanahstha (alec mamajjitha and negitha).

h. Furthor may be noted sasajjatus (MBh.; feahj, which bas in
passive tho secondary form sajj), rucundhatus (R.), end dudubus (bP).

i. The anomalous ajagrabhaigah (Als. vi. 36) svoms e formation on
the perfect-stem (but perhaps for ajigrabhigan, desid. ?).

Swe

291 PARTICIPLE. {—8056

Porfoct Participlo.

802. The ending of the active participle is atq_vins
(that is to say, in the strong forms: it is contracted to 34
tig in the weakest, and replaced by Q@q_vat in the middle
forms: see above, 458 ff.). It is added to the weak form
of the perfect stem — as shown, for example, in the dual
and plural of the active inflection of the given verb; and,
mechanically, the weakest participle-stem is identical with

the 3d pl. active. Thus, qqutq bubudhvéts, Fritaty
ninivéas, THAT oakyvahs.

sos. If the weak form of the perfect stem is monosyl-
labic, the ending takes the union-vowel 3 i (which, however,
disappears in the weakest cases): thus, AFrata_tenivdts,
ataata_ Ucivaas, sfaata_jajftivdns, anigate_ Adivihs (from
Vag ad: 788 a), and so on; qigatq_dadivits and its like,
from roots in 9T &, are to be reckoned in the one class or
the other according as we view the 3 i as weakened root-
vowel or as union-vowel (704, 1).

a. But participles of which the perfect-stem {is monosyllabic by ab-
sence uf the reduplication do not take the union-vowel: thus, vidvais,
and in V., dacvdhs (SV. d&givahs), midhvdis, s&hvdhe, khid-
vans (7); and R. has also dadvane (AV. dadivdnhs and once dad&vaéds)
from ydit (or dad: 672); an an-dcvanhs (fag eat) occurs in TS. and
TB But AV. hes vicivdhs and varjivahs (in negative fem. Avarjugi).

804. Other Vedic irregularities calling for notice are few. The tong
vowel of the reduplication (786) appears in the participle es in the indicative:
thns, vAvrdhvans, sdsahvaas, jijjuvahs. RV. and AV. have sasavdhs
from Yean or 84 RV. makes the participial forms of pty or tar from
different modifications of the root: thus, titirvdis, but tatarugas. Re-
specting the ovcasional exchanges of strong and weak stem in inflection.
see above, 462 c.

805. a. From roots gam and han the Veda makes the strong stems
jaganvans (aa to the n, see 318 a) and jaghanvwaas; the later language
allows cither these or the more regular jagmivanhs and jaghnivadhs (the

weakest atem-forms being everywhere jJagmug and jaghnug). RV. has
also tatanvans.

19°

805—) X. PERFECT-8YSTEM. 292

b. From three roots, vid find, vig, and drg, the later language allows
strong parsticiple-stems to be made with the union-vowel, as well as in the
regular manner without it: thus, vivigivahs or vivigvdhs; dadroivahs
occurs in KthU. PB. has once cicchidivahs.

sos. The ending of the middle participle is ané. It
is added to the weak form of perfect-stem, as this appears
in the middle inflection: thus, Sa bubudhind, FRA
ninyénd, 7¢iq dad&nd, aart tenind, FJwA jajfidnd, SAAT

ic&hné.

a. In the Veda, the long reduplicating vowel is shown by many middle
participles: thus, vavydh&né, vdvasdnd, d&drh&nad, titujdind, etc.
RV. has gacayaén&é from pci (with irregular guna, as in the present-
system: 620); tistirfnd from pstr; and once, with m&na, saspmand
from psy. A few participles with long redupl. vowel bave it irregularly
accented (as if rather intensive: 1013): thus, ttitujana (leo titujaind),
babadhana, gacadana, cticujdna, ctiguvana.

807. In the later language, the perfect participles have nearly goue
out of use; even the active appears but rarely, and is made from
very few verbs, and of the middle hardly any examples are quotable,
save such as the proper name yuyudhéna, the adjective anfioina
learned in scripture, etc.

Modes of the Perfect.

808. Modes of the perfect belong only to the Vedic language,
and even are seldom found outside of the Rig-Veda.

a. To draw the line surely and distinctly between these and the
mode-forms from other reduplicated tense-stoms — the present-stem of the
reduplicating class, the reduplicated aorist, and the intensive —is not pos-
sible, since no criterion of form exists which does not in some cases feil, and
since the general equivalence of modal forms from all stems (689), and the
common use of the perfect as a present in the Veda (823), deprive us of
a criterion of meaning. There can be no reasonable doubt, however, that
a considerable body of forms are to be reckoned here; optatives like dna-
gy&m and babhiyds and babhfiyat, imperatives like babhfitu, subjuac-
tives like jabhdrat, show such distinctive characteristics of the perfect
formation that by their analogy other similar words are confidently classed
as belonging to the perfect.

809. The nurmal method of making such forms would appear
to be as follows: from a reduplicated perfect-stem, as (for example)
mumuec, au imperative would be made by simply appending, as
usual, the imperative endings; the derived subjunctive mode-stcm
would be mmuméca (accented after the analogy of the strong forms

293 MopEs. [—818

of tho perfect indicativo), ard would tako ofther primary or socondary
ondings; and tho optative modc-stoms would be mumucyAd in tho
active, and mumuclI (accent on personal endings) iu the middle.

And the great majority of the forms in question (about three
quarters) are made in these ways. Thus:

810. Examples of the regular subjunctive formation are:

&. with secondary endings, active: 2d sing., papra&thas, c&kaAnas,
maméhas, pipréyas, bubodhas, rfrdnas; 3d sing., cAkaénat, jabhérat,
r&éranat, sisthat, pasparcat, pipréyat; {st pl, cakAndma, tat4ndma,
gicavama; 3d pl., tatadnan, paprdthan (other persons do not occur).
Thle is the largest class of cases.

b. with primary endings, active: here seem to belong only dadhér-
gati and vavaértati: compare the formation with different accent below,
Slia.

c. of middle forms occur only the 3d sing. tatdpate, cagamate,
yuyojate, jujogate (SV.; RV. has jujogate); and the 3d p!. c&kAnanta,
tatdnanta (and perhaps two or three others: below, 811 b, end).

811. Bat not a few eubjunctives of other ‘ormation occur; thus:

a. With strengthened root-syllable, as abuve, but with accent on the
reduplication (as in the majority of present-forme of the reduplicating clase:
above, 645). Here the forms with primary endings, active, preponderate,
and are not very rare: for example, jujogasi, jajogati, jajogathas,
jujogatha (cther persons do not occur). With secondary endings, jJajogas,
jujogat, and jujogan are the forme thet belong most distinctly here (since
dad&cas and sugfidas etc. are perhaps rather sorists). And there ts no
middle form but Jujogate (RV.: sec above, 810).

b. With unstrengthened root-syllable occur a small body of forms,
which are apparently also accented on the reduplication (accented examples
are found only tn 3d pl. mid.): thus, active, for example, mumucas;
vavytat, vividat, ¢ciiqcuvat; the only middle forms are dadhygate,
vavrdhate, ‘J sing.; and cakramanta, dddhyganta, rurucanta (with
dadabhanta, paprathanta, m&émahanta, juhuranta, which might aleo
belong elsewhere: 810 ¢).

c. Accented on the ending are vavydhanta and cakrpdnta (which
are rather to be called augmentless pluperfects).

d. As to forms with double mode-sign, or transfers to an a-conjugation,
see below, 8158.

8123. Examples of the regular optative formation are:

a. In active: ist sing, Anacgyam, jagamyam, paproyim, riric-
yim; 2d sing, vavytyAs, vivigyds, queriyds, babhfiiyds; 3d sing.,
jagamyat, vavrtyat, tutujydt, babhfiydt; 2d du., jagmydtam, cuort-
ydtam; {et pl., sasahyAma, vavptyAma, cicuydma; 34 pl., tatanyus,
vavrjyus, vavytyus. The forms are quite namerous.

813—] X. PERPECT-8SYSTEM. 294

b. In middlo, the forms are few: namely, ist sing., vavptiya; 2d
sing., vavydhithds, cakeamithd4s; 3d sing., jagrasita, vavrtita,
madmpjita, dudhuvita, gugucita; ist pl, vavytimahi. And siisa-
histhds and ririgigta appear to furnish examples of precative optative
forms.

c. There is no irregular mode of formation of perfect optatives. Indi-
vidual irregularities are shown by certain forms: thus, cakriyds, papiyat,
guorfiiyaés and guoriy&tam, with treatment of the final as before the
passive-aign y& (770); anajyat with chort initial; gigrité from pgri;
jaksiy&t is anomalous: ririges in the only form that shows a union-vowel
@ (unicsa also siget, from yea).

813. Of regular imperative forms, only a very small number are to
be quoted: namely, active, ofkandhi, raérandh{, oikiddhi, titigdhi,
mumugdh{i, gugugdhf, and piprih{; o&kantu, r&rantu, mumoktu,
and babhitu; mumuktam and vavyktam; jujugtana and vavrttana
(unless we are to add mamaddh{i, mamattu, maméttana); — middle,
vavyteva and vavyddhvam. AV. has once dadrorim.

814. As irregular imperatives may be reckoned sevoral which show
a union-vowel a, or have been transferred to an @-conjugation. Such are,
in the active, mumécatam and jujogatam (2d du.), and mumédcata
(2d pl.); in the middle, piprdyasva (only one found with accent), and
m&mahasva, vavrdhasva, vavygasva (2d sing.), and m&dmahantém
(3d pl.: probably to be accented -Asva and -&ntdm).

815. Such imperatives as theso, taken in conne:tion with some of
the subjunctives given abovo (and a few of the “pluperfect” forms: bolow,
820), suggest as plausiblu the assumption of a double prescnt-stem, with
reduplication and added a (with which the desiderative stoms would be
comparablc: below, 1026 ff.): for example, jujoga from Pjug, from which
would come juijogasi etc. and jujogate (811 a) as indicative, jujogas
etc. es subjunctively used augmentless imperfect, and jujogatam as im-
perative. Most of the forms given above as subjanctives with primary
ending lack a marked and constant subjunctive character, and would pass
fairly well as indicatives. And it appears tolerably certain that from one
root at least, vydh, such a double stem is to be recognized; from v&vydha
come readily vAvydhate, vavydhénta, and from it alone can come regu-
larly vavydhasva, vavydhéte and v&vydhati (once, RV.) — and, yet
more, the participle vavpdhant (RV.; AV. v&vyrdhAnt: an isolated case):
yet even here we have also vAvydhithids, not wivydhéthds. To sssume
double present-stems, however, in all the cases would be highly implau-
sible; it is better to recognize the formation as one began, but not car-
ried out.

a. Only one other subjunctive with double mode-sign — namely,
paprodsi — is found to set beside vavedhati.

816. Forms of different model are not very seldom made from the
same root: for oxample, from Pmue, the subjunctives mumdédcas, mamo-

295 PLUPERFECT. [—821

oati, and mumucas; from Ydhrg, dadhdérgati and dadhygate; from
Ypri, the imperatives piprihi and piprdyasva.

Pluperfect.

817. Of an augment-preterit from the perfect-stem, to which the
name of pluperfect is given on the ground of its formation (though
not of its meaning), the Veda presents a few examples; and one or
two forms of the later language (mentioned above, 788 b) have also
been referred to it.

a. There is much of the same difficulty in distinguishing the plnperfect
as the perfect modes from kindred reduplicated formations. Between it and
the aorist, however, a difference of meaning helps to make a separation.

818. The normal pluperfect should show « strong stem in the singular
active, and a weak one elsewhere — thus, mumoo and mumuc — with
augment prefixed and secondary endings added (us in 3d pl. act., ata in
3d pl. mid.).

a. Of forms made scoording to this model, we have, in the sctive:
ist sing., ajagrabham and acacakgam (which, by its form, might be
aorist: 860): 2d sing. Ajagan; 3d sing., ajagan and aciket; 2d do.,
amumuktam; 2d pl. &jaganta, and Ajagantana and ajabhartana (a
strong form, as often in this person: 6566 a); 3d pl. (perhaps), ama-
mandus snd amamadus. To these may be added the augmentless cékén
and réradn, cikétam and cakaram. In the middle, the 3d pl. acakriran
and ajagmiran (with iran instead of ata), end the augmentless 2d sing.
jugtrthd&s and sugupth&s, are the most regular forms to be found.

819. Several forms from roots ending in consonants save the endings
in 2d and 3d sing. act. by inserting an I (555 b): thus, Abubhofis,
avivecis; arirecit, djagrabhit (avdvarit and avAvacitdm aro rather
Intensives): and the augmentless ffhinsis (sccent’) and dadhargit belong
with therm.

820. A fow forms show a stem ending In a: they are. tn the setive:
‘td sing., asusvajat, acikitat, acakrat; in the middle: 3d sing., dpip-
vata; 2d du., Apasppdhethaém; 3d pl., atitviganta (which by its form
might be aorist), 4dadrhant..; and cakradat, cakrpAnta, vdvrdhanta,
juhuranta, «ould perhaps be best olassified here as augmentiess forms
(compare 811, above).

Uses of the Perfect.

821. Verfects are quotable as made from more than half the
roots of the language, and they abound in use at every period and
in almost all branches of the literature, though not always with the
sanie value.

a. According to the Hindu grammarians, the perfect is used in the

821—} X. PBRFEOT-SYSTEM. 296

narration of facts not witnessed by the narrator; but there is no evidence
of ite being either exclusively or distinctively so employed at any period.

b. In the later language, it is simply a preterit or past tense,
equivalent with the imperfect, and freely interchangeable or codr-
dinated with it. It is on the whole less common than the imperfect,
although the preferences of different authors are diverse, and it some-
times exceeds the imperfect in frequency (compare 927).

c. The perfects-veda and dha are everywhere used with present
value. In the Brahmanas, also others, especially dddh&ra, also didaya,
bibhidya, etc.

823. In the Brahmanas, the distinction of tense-value between per-
fect and imperfect is almost altogether lost, as in the later language. But
in most of the texte the imperfect is the ordinary tense of narration, the
perfect being only exceptionally used. Thus in PB., the Imperfects are to
the perfects as more than a handred to one; in the Brihmana parts of TS.
and TB., as over thirty-four to one; and in those of MS. in about the
same proportion; in AB., as more than four to one, the perfect appearing
mostly in certain passages, where it takes the place of imperfect. It is
only in QB. that the perfect is much more commonly ased, and even, to
® considerable extent, in codrdination with the imperfect. Throughout the
Brahmenas, however, the perfect participles have in general the true “per-
fect” value, indicating s completed or proximate past.

823. In the Veda, the case is very different. The perfect is used
as past tense in narration, but only rarely; sometimes also it has a true
“perfect” sense, or signifies a completed or proximate past (like the sorist
of the older language: 928); but oftenest it has a value hardly or not
at all distinguishable in point of time from the present. It is thus the
equivalent of imperfect, aorist, and present; and it occurs codrdinated with
them all.

a. Examples are: of perfect with present, n& grdémyanti né vi
muficanty éte vAdyo na paptuh (RV.) they weary not nor stop, they fly
like birds; 06 ’d u réj& kgayati carganinadm ardin né nemfh péri
td babhtiva (RV.) Ae in truth rules king of men; he embraces them all,
as the wheel the spokes; — of perfect with aotiet, Upo ruruce yuvatir
n& youd... &bhiid agnih samidhe minuginim dkar jyétir bidb-
am&n& tamahai (RV.) she ss come beaming like a young maiden; Agnt
hath appeared for the kindling of mortals ; she hath made light, driving away
the darkness; — of perfect with imperfect, 4hann ahim 4nv apds tatarda
(RV.) he skew the dragon, he penetrated to the waters. Such a codrdination
as this last is of constant occurrence in the later language: e. g. mumude
‘pijayac cAi 'n&m (R.) he was glad, and patd honor to her; vastrinte
jagréha ekandhadege ‘syjat tasya srajam (MBh.) she took hold of
the end of his garment, and dropped a garland on his shoulders.

297 VARIETIES OF AORIST. (—824

CHAPTER XI.

——————

THE AORIST SYSTEMS.

824. Unper the name of aorist are included (as was
pointed out above, 5382) three quite distinct formations, each
of which has its sub-varieties: namely —

I. A sIMPLE AORIST (equivalent to the Greck “second
aorist’), analogous in all respects as to form and inflection
with the imperfect. It has two varieties: 1. the root-aorist,
with a tense-stem identical with the root (corresponding
to an imperfect of the root-class); 2. the a-aorist, with a
tense-stem ending in 9 4, or with union-vowel 4 a before
the endings (corresponding to an imperfect of the 4-class).

II. 3. A RBDUPLICATING AoRisT, perhape in origin iden-
tical with an imperfect of the reduplicating class, but having
come to be separated from it by marked peculiarities of form.
It usually has a union-vowel 4 a before the endings, or 1s
inflected like an imperfect of one of the a-classes; but a
few forms occur in the Veda without such vowel.

III. A SIGMATIC OF SIBILANT AORIST (corresponding to the
Greek “first aorist”), having for its tense-sign a Hs added
to the root, either directly or with a preceding auxiliary
3 i; its endings are usually added immediately to the tense-
sign, but in a small number of roots with a union-vowel
a; a very few roots also are increased by 4_8 for its
formation; and according to these differences it falls into
four varieties: namely, A. without union-vowel 4 a before
endings: 4. s-aorist, with ys alone added to the root;
®. ig-aorist, the same with interposed 3 i; 5. sig-aorist,
the same as the preceding with A_s added at the end of
the root; B. with union-vowel 4 a, 7. sa-aoriat.

825—}) X1. AORIST-8SYSTEMS. 298

825. All these varieties are bound together and made
into a single complex system by certain correspondences of
form and meaning. ‘Thus, in regard to form, they are all
alike, in the indicative, augment-preterits to which there does
not exist any corresponding present; in regard to meaniog,
although in the later or classical language they are amply
preterits, exchangeable with imperfects and perfects, they
all alike have im the older language the general value of
a completed past or “perfect”, translatable by have done and
the like.

S26. The aorist-system is a formation of infrequent occurrence in
much of the classical Sanskrit (its forms are found, for example, only
twenty-one times in the Nala, eight in the Hitopadeca, seven in Manu, six
each in the Bhagavad-Gits and Gakuntalé, and sixty-six times, from four-
teen roots, in the first book, of about 2600 lines, of the Ramayana: com-
pare 827 b), and it possesses no participle, nor any modes (excepting in
the prohibitive use of its augmentless forms: see 679; and the so-called
precative: see 031 ff.); in the older language, on the other hand, it is
quite common, snd has the whole variety of modes belonging to the present,
and sometimes participles. Its description, accordingly, must be given
mainly as that of a part of the older language, with due notice of its res-
triction in later use.

827. a. In the RV., nearly half the roots occurring show aorist forms,
of one or another class; in the AV., rather less than one third; and in the
other texts of the older language comparstively few sorists occur which are
not found in these two.

b. More than Afty roote, in RV. and AV. together, make aorist forms
of more then one class (not taking into account the reduplicated or “causa-
tive” sorist); but no law appears to underlie this variety; of any relation
such as iu taught by the grammarians, between active of one class and
middie of enother as correlative, there is no trace discoverable.

c. Examples are: of classes 1 and 4, adh&m and dh&sus from
Vahé, syuji and ayukgata from Yyuj;— of 1 and 6, agrabham and
agrabhigma from pgrabh, mrgthds and margigthais from Ymrg; —
of 1 and 2, arta and drat from pp;— of 2 and 4, avidam and avitai
from Yvid find, anijam and andikgit from ynij; — of 2 and 6, sané-
ma and asdnigam from psan;—of 2 and 7, aruham and arukgat
from pruh;—of 4 snd 6, amatsus and amddigus from Ymad;—
of 4 and 6, h&emahi and hA&sigus from yh&;— of 1 and 2 and 4,
atnata and atanat and at&n from tan; — of 1 and 4 and 5, abudh-
van and abhutsi and bédhigat from /budh, dstar and strglya and

299 1. Root-aorist. (—831

astaris from pastry. Often the second, or second end third, class is rep-
reacnted hy only an isolated form or two.

1. Simple Aorist.

828. ‘This .s, of the threc principal divisions of aorist, the one
least removed from the analogy of forms already explained; it is
like an imperfect, of the root-class or of the &-class, without a corres-
ponding present indicative, but with (more or less fragmentarily) all
the other parts which go to make up a complete present-system.

1. Root-aorist.

829. a. This formation is in the later Janguage limited
to a few roots in 81 & and the root J bhd, and is allowed
to be made in the active only, the middle using instead
the s-aorist (4), or the ig-aorist (5).

b. The roots in @T & take 3t_us as 3d pl. ending, and,
as usual, lose their 418 before it; 4 bho (as in the perfect:
7938) retains its vowel unchanged throughout, inserting
@_v after it before the endings 4am and an of Ist
sing. and 3d pl. Thus:

8. d. p. 6. d. p.
AU A CTH Py 8 Dr Ty
adim a@ddva 4ddma Sbhavam &bhova ébhima
si Lie NO A Ce, 1G Bi Cy OL Gy
adas &datam 4adata a&bhiis ébhitam Adbhfita
SRL TAL ERRATA REAL
adat adaétém adus &bhit &bhitam Aabhfivan
For the classical Sanskrit, this is the whole story.

830. In the Veda, these same route are decidcdly the most fre-
quent and conspicuous representatives of the formation: especially
the roots g&, d&, dh&, p& drink, sth&, bhi; while sporadic forms
aro mado from jh&, pr&, s&, ha& As to their middle forms, see
below, 834 a.

a. Instead of abhiivain, RV. has twice abhuvam. BhP. hes agan.
3d pl., instead of agus.

831. But aorists of the same class are also made from a num-
ber of roots in yf, and a few in {i- and u-vowels (short or long) —

831—}] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS. 300

with, as required by the analogy of the tense with an imperfect of
the root-class, guna-strengthening in the three persons of the singular.

a. Thus (in the active), from /gru, 4gravam and Agrot; from y¢gri,
d&cores and doret; from Yky make, dkaram and dkar (for akars and
akart); from vy enclose, Avar (585 a); and so dstar, aspar. Dual and
plural forme are much less frequent than singular; but for the most part
they also show an irregular strengthening of the root-vowel: thus (including
augmentiess forms), 4karma and karme snd 4karta, vartam, spartam,
dhema end d4hetana, bhema, scravan; regular are only avran, dkran,
ahyan, and Acriyan.

8323. Further, from a few roots with medial (or initial) vowel
capable of guna-strengthening and haviog in general that strengthen-
ing only in the singular.

a. Thus, Abhedam and abhet from /Ybhid; &4mok from pmuo;
yojam from pyuj; rok (VS.) from Yruj; arodham and arudhma frem
yrudh; avart from fvyt; vark from Yvyj (AV. has once avyk); adar-
gam from Ydy¢; ardhma from yydh; and adpgan, avyjan, agvitan,
But chedma, with guna, from Ychid, and adargma (TS.) from ydyg.

833. Again, from a larger number of roots with a as radical
vowel:

a. Of these, gam (with n form when final or followed by m: 143a,
313 a) is of decidedly most frequent occurrence, and shows the greatest
variety of forms: thus, A4gamam, Agan (2d and 3d sing.), d4ganma,
aganta (strong form), A4gman. The other cases are akran from ykram;
&tan from ptan; abhr&at from Ybhréj; askan from pskand; asrat
from yerads (? VS.); dhak end daghma from ydagh; dnat (585 a)
and anagtdm from nag; 4ghas or aghat, dghastim, aghasta, and
dkgan (for aghsan, like agman) from Yghas; and the 3d pl. in us,
d&kramus, ayamus, dabhis, nrtus (pf.?), mandus.

834. So far only active forms have been considered. In the
middle, a considerable part of the forms are such as are held by the
grammarians (881) to belong to the s-aorist, with omission of the s:
they doubtless belong, however, mostly or altogether, hero. Thus:

a. From roots ending in vowels, we have adhithads, adhita (also
ahita), and adhimahi; adith&s, adita, and adimahi (and adimahi
from Yd& cut); Agita(?); simdhi; Asthith&e and dsthita and dsthiran,
forms of &-roots;— of y-roots, akri, Akythds, dkrta, akr&it&m, dkrata
(and the anomalous kranta); avri, avythas, avyta; irta, drata; mythids,
amyta; dhrthd&s; adrthias; astrta; ahrth&e; giirta; — of i and u roots,
the only examples are ahvi (? AV., once), &hiimahi, and décidhvam.
The absence of any analogies whatever for the omission of a @ in such
forms, and the occurreice of avri and akri and dkrata, show that their
reference to the s-aorist is probably without sufficient reason.

b. As regards roots ending in consonants, the case is more question-
able, since loss of s after a final consonant before this and ta (and, of

301 1. Roor-aorist. [—836

course, Ahvam) would bein many canca required by euphoric rule (233 6 f.).
Wo find, however, such unmistakable middle inflection of the rout-aorist as
ayuji, dyukthads, 4yukta, ayujmahi, d4yugdhvam, dyujran; adgta
and Agata; nd&dgi; apadi (ist sing.) and apadmahi and apadran;
&manmahi; gdnvahi and d4ganmahi and dgmata; atnata; Ajani
(ist sing.) and ajfiata (3d pl.); from Ygam are made agath&s and agata,
from pYtan, atath&s and &tata, and from Yman, amata, with treatment
of the final like that of han in present inflection (637). The ending ran
is especially frequent in 3d pl., being taken by a number of verbs which
have no other middle person of this aorist: thus, agpbhran, Asrgran,
adroran, abudhran, dvrtran, ajugran, akypran, asprdhran, avas-
ran, Avicran; and ram is found beside ran in 4droram, d4budhram,
déergram.

co. From roots of which the final would combine with s to kg, it
ceems more probable that sorist-forms showing k (instead of g) before the
ending belong to the root-sorist: such are amukth&s (and Amugdhvam),
aprkthds and aprkta, Abhakta, avpkta, asakthds and asakta, rik-
thas, vikth&s and vikta, arukta; aprasta, ayasta, dspagta, asrgthas
and asrsta, and mysthds would be the same in either case.

d. There remain, as cases of more doubtfal belor.ging, and probably
to be ranked in pert with the one formation and in part with the other,
acoording to their period and to the oceurrence of other persons: chitth&s,
nutthds and 4nutta and Anuddhvam, patthde, bhitthd’se, amatta,
atapth&s, alipta, asrpta; and finally, drabdha, alabdha, aruddha,
abuddha, ayuddha, and drogdh&s (MBb.: read drugdhi&s): see 883.

Modes of the Root-aorist.

835. Subjunctive. In subjunctive use, forms identical with the
augmentless indicative of this sorist are much more frequent than the more
proper subjunctives. Those to which no corresponding form with sugment
occurs have been given above; the others It is unnecessary to report in
detail.

836. a. Of true subjunctives the forms with primary endings are
quite few. In the active, kAér&ni, gani, gam&ni (for bhuv&ni, see be-
low, c); karasi; sthati, d&ti and dhati (which are almost indicative in
value), karati, jogati, padati, bhédati, raédhati, varjati; sthdthas,
karathas and karatas, dargathas, gravathas and crévatas; and
(apparently) karanti, g&manti. In the middle, jogase; idhaté (7),
kérate, bhojate, yojate, varjate; dhéthe and dha&ithe; kérdmahe,
dhamahe, gam4mahai.

b. Forma with secondary endings are, in the active, dargam, bho-
jam, yojam; karas, tardas, parcas, yamas, rddh&s, varas; kérat,
gamat, garat, jogat, daghat, padat, yamat, yodhat, rddhat, varat,
vartat, cravat, sdghat, sparat; kdr4ma, gam4ma, rédh4ma; gman,

836e—] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS. 302

garan, dérgan, yaman. No middle forms are classifiable with confidence
here.

c. The series bhuvam, bhuivas, bhivat, bhavan, and bhuvdni
(compare abhuvam: 830 a), and the isolated grivat, are of doubtfal
belongings; with a different accent, they would seem to be of the next
cless; here, s guma-strengthening would be more regular (but note the
absence of guna in the soriat indicative and the perfect of Wbhd).

837. Optative. The optative active of this aorist constitutes, with
a s interposed between mode-sign and personal endings (567), the preca-
tive active of the Hindu grammarians, and is allowed by them to be made
from every verb, they recognizing no connection between it and the aorist.
But in the 2d sing. the interposed s is not distinguishable from the personal
ending; and, after the earliest period (see 838), the ending crowds out the
sibilant in the 3d sing., which thus comes to end in y&t instuad of yds
(compare 5655 a).

a. In the older language, however, pure optative forms, without the s,
are made from this tense. From roots in & occur (with change of & to e
before the y: 250d) dey&im, dhey&m end dheyus, and stheyima;
in u-vowels, bhiiyAma; in y, kriy&ma; in consonants, agydm and
agydma snd acgyus, vrjydm, gakyAm, yujydva and yujydtam, séhyé-
ma, and trdyus.

b. The optative middle of the root-aorist {fs not recognized by the
Hindu grammariane as making a pert of the precative formation. The RV.
has, however, two precative forms of it, namely padigta and mucigta.
Much more common in the older language sre pure optative forms: namely,
agiyé and acgimdhi (this optative is especislly common), indhiya, gmiya,
muriyg, ruciya; arita, uhita, vurita; idhimahi, nacgimahi, nasi-
mahi, prcJmahi, mudimahi, yamimahi; and probably, from &-roots,
eim4hi and dhimahi (which might also be augmentless indicative, since
adhimahi and adhit&m also occur). All these forms except the three
in 3d sing. might be precative according to the general understanding of
that mode, as being of persons which even by the native authorities are not
claimed ever to exhibit the inserted sibilant.

838. Precative active forms of this aorist are made from the earliest
period of the language. In RV., they do not occur from any root which
hes not also other sorist forms of the same class to show. The RV. forms
are: ist sing., bhiy&sam; 2d sing., avy&s, jfieyds, bhiiyds, mrdhyas,
sahyds; 3d sing. (in -y&s, for -yAst; RV. has no 3d sing. in y&t, which
is later the universal ending), avy&s, acy&s, rdhyds, gamyds, daghy&s,
peyd&s, bhiiyds, yamyds, yiyds, vyjyds, ogriyds, sahyis; 1st pl.,
kriydsma (beside kriyama: 837 a). AV. has six ist persons sing. ia
-yasam, one 2d in -yds, ono 3d in -yat (and one in -y&s, in a RV.
paseage), three ist pl. in -yasma (beside one in yAma, in a RV. passage),
and the 2d bhiiydstha (doubtless a false reading: TB. hae -sta in the
corresponding passage). From this time on, the pure optative forms nearly

303 1. RontT-AoRist. ([—840

disappear (the exenptions are given in 837 a). But the preeative forme afe
nowhere common, excepting as made from Ybhd; and from no other root
is anything like es complete series of persons quotable (only bhfity&sva
and bhiiyAst&m being wanting; and these two persons have no represent-
ative from any root). All together, active optative or precative forms are
made in the older language from over fifty roots; and the cple and classical
texts add them from hardly a dozen more: see further 026.

8390. Imperetive. Imperstive forms of the root-aorist arc not rare
in the carly lJangnage. In the middle, indeed, almost only the 2d sing.
occurs: it is accented either regularly, on the cnding, as kypgva, dhigva,
yukgva, or on the root, as matava, yakgva, vanhsva, rdsva, shkeve;
digva and m&sva are not found with accent; the 2d pl. is represented
by kpdhvam, vodhvam. In the active, all the persons (2d and 3d) are
found in use; examples are: 2d sing.. krdhf, vrdhi, cagdh, grudhf,
gadhi, yamdh{, gahi, m&hi, e&hi, mogdh{; 3d sing., garhtu, datu,
agtu, crotu, sdtu; 2d du., d&tam, jitam, gaktam, grutam, bhfitdm,
sprtam, gatam, riktd4m, vodham, sitam, sutdm; 3 du., only gath-
tam, d&tdm, vodhdm; 2d pl, gata, bhfta, gruta, krta, gata, data,
dh&tana; 3d pl., only dha&ntu, cruvantu. These ere the most regular
forms; but irregularities as to both accent and strengthening are not infre-
quent. Thus, strong forms in 2d du. end pl. sre yarht4m, varktam,
vartam ; kArta, gdzhta (once gatht&), yathta, vartta, heta, qrdéta, sdta ;
and, with tana, kértana, gdthtana, yarhtana, sotana, and tho irregular
dhetana (ydh&); in 3d da., g&mt&m. Much more irregular aro yédbi
(instead of yuddhf) from Pyudh, and Sodh{ from both /budh and pbha
(instead of buddhf{ and bhfidh{). A single form (3d sing.) in tat te
found, namely castaét. We find krdhi also later (MBb. BhP.).

a. As to 2d persons singular in si from the simple root nsed in an
imperative sense, see above, 624.

Participles of the Root-naorist.

840. In the oldest language, of the RV., are found a number of
participles which must be reckoned as belonging to this formation.

a. In the active, thoy ara extremely few: namely, krdnt, citdnt (1),
gmant, sthadnt, bhiddnt, vrdhdnt, dyutant- (only in composition),
and probably rdhant. And BhP. bes mygant (but probably by error, for
mysyant).

b. In the middle, they are in RV. much more numerous. The accent
ia usually on the final of the stem: thus, arAnd, idhdnd, kréné, jugainé,
trgAnd, nidind, picAné, prean&’, prathéua, budhdna, bhiydna,
manan&, mand&na4, yujané, rucdna, vipdnd, vranaé, urénd, cubh-
Gné, sacA&nd, suvdnad or evdnad, spjand, sprdhand, hiydna; — but
sometimes on the root-syllable: thus, cf{tdna, cyév4na, ruhdna, vhana
(pres.”), vasina, cumbh&na; — while a few show both accentustions

840—] XI. AORIST-8Y8TEMS. 304

(compare 619d): thus, dpodnd and dfgina, dyut&iné and dydtaina,
yaténdé and ydténa; and cetdna and hraydya occar only in composition.
A very few of these are found once or twice in other texts, namely citdna,
dyuténa, ruh&ya, vasina, suvina; and -kup&na occurs once io
Apast. (xiv. 28. 4).

841. All together, the roots exhibiting in the older language
forms which are with fair probability to be reckoned to the root-
aorist-system are about a hundred and thirty; over eighty of them
make such forms in the RV.

Passive Aorist third person singular.

842. A middle third person singular, of peculiar formation and
prevailingly passive meaning, is made from many verbs in the older
language, and has become a regular part of the passive conjugation,
being, according to the grammarians, to be substituted always for the
proper third person of any aorist middle that is used in a passive
sense.

848. This person is formed by adding 3 i to the root,
which takes also the augment, and is usually strengthened.

a. The ending i belongs elsewhere only to the frst person; and this
third person apparently stands in the same reletion to a first in i as do,
iu the middle voice, the regular 3d sing. perfect, and also the frequent
Vedic 3d sing. present of the root-clase (613), which are identical in form
with their respective frst persons. That a fuller ending has been lost off
is extremely improbable; and hence, as an aorist formation from the simple
root, this is most properly treated here, in connection with the ordinary
root-aorist.

.844. Before the ending j i, a final vowel, and usually
aleo a medial @ a before a single consonant, have the vyddhi-
strengthening ; other medial vowels have the guna-strengthen-
ing if capable of it (240); after final QT & is added q y.

a. Examples (all of them quotable from the older language) are:
from roots ending in &, &jfidyi, adhdyi, épiyi; in other vowels, &ordyi,
dstAvi, dhdvi, Akari, dst&ri;— trom roots with medial i, u, 7, aceti,
&cchedi, agegi, &4bodhi, amoci, dyoji, ddaroi, asarji, varhi; from
roots with modial a strongthonod, ag&émi, &pAdi, aya&mi, avdoi, vapi,
dsddi (these are all the earlier cases); with a unchanged, only Ajani (and
RV. bas once jdni), and, in heavy syllables, 4myakgi, vandi, cahsi,
syandi; with medial &, d@bhraji, dr&dhi; — from roots with initial
vowel, &rdhi (only case).

b. According to the grammarians, certain roots in am, and pvadh,
retain the a unchanged: quotable are ajani (or ajni), agami (or agd&imi),

305 Simple Aorist: 2. a-AORIST. (846

asvani, avadhi, also araci; and there aro noted besidcs, from rota
sometimes showing a nasal, adangi, arambhi, arandhi, ajambhi,
abhafiji or abhaji, alambhi (always, with prepositions) or al&bhi,
astambhi; CB. hes asafiji.

c. Augmentless forms, as in all other like cases, aro inet with, with
either indicative or subjunctive value: examples (besides the two or three
alresdy given) are: dhayi, orévi, bhari, reoi, védi, rool, jani, padi,
sddi, ardhi. The accent, when present, is always on the root-syllable
(SV. dhay! is doubtless a false reading).

845. These forms are made in RV. from forty roots, and all the other
earlier texts combined add only about twenty to the number; from the
later language are quotable thirty or forty more; in the epics they are
neatly unknown. When they come from roots of neuter meaning, as gam,
pad, sad, bhr&j, rAdh, ruc, safij, they have (like the so-called passive
participle in ta: 862) a value equivalent to that of other middle forms;
in a case or two (RV. vii. 73. 3[7]; VS. xxviii. 165; TB. if. 6. 10%) thoy
appear even to be used transitively.

2. The a-aorist.

846. a. This aorist is in the later language allowed to
be made from a large number of roots (near a hundred).
It is made in both voices, but is rare in the middle, most
of the roéts forming their middle according to the s-class
(878 ff.) or the ig-class (898 ff.).

b. Its closest analogy is with the imperfect of the é-class
(751 ff.); its inflection is the same with that in all particulars;
and it takes in general a weak form of root—save the roots in
@ y (three or four only), which have the guna-strengthening.

c. As example of inflection may be taken the root
faq sic pour. Thus:

~ active. middie.

8. d. P. 8. d. Pp.
afr afer afm afat = afaaate aframiqc

f4sicam dsicdiva asicdma asice ésicavahi dsicimahi

2 afer afer afer =| afeerare_ aie aftrerery

dsicas Asicatam Asicata dsicathds dsicethadm dsicadhvam

sata afaaar ater | afaa | afatany afer
dsicat asicaté™ Asican dsicata iasicetim dAsicanta
Whitaey, Gre-samar. 3. ed. 20

847—] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS. 306

847. The a-eorist makes fm the RV. a small figure beside the root-
aorist, being represented by less than half the latter's number of roots. It
becomes, however, more common later (it is the only form of aorist which
is made from more verbs in AV. than in RV.); and in Veda and Brihmays
together about eighty roots exhibit the formation more or less fully. Of
these a large namber (fully half) are of the type of the roots which make
their present-system according to the &-class, having s vowel capable of
guna-strengthening before a final consonant (754): thus, with i, chid,
bhid, nij, ric, rig, lip, vid, 1 gig (gas), 2gig, grig, glig, sic, sridh;
—with u, krudh, kgudh, guh, dug, dyut, druh, pug, budh, bhuj,
muo, mruc, yuj, ruc, rud, rudh, muh, ruh, guc;— with y, rdh,
kyt, gydh, grb, trp, trq, trh, drp, dyg, dhyg, nyt, mydh, mpg, vet,
vydh, vrg, syp, keg. A smali number end in vowels: thus, y, kp, of
(which have the guypa-strengthening throughout), hi (? ahyat once in
AV.), and several in &, apparent transfers from the root-class by the weak-
ening of their & to a: thus, khy&, hvdé, vy&, gv&, and d& and dha;
and dethat, regarded by the grammarians es aorist to as throw, is doubt-
less a like formation from Yeth&. A few have a penultimate nasal in the
present and elsewhere, which in this aorist is lost: thus, bhrahg, tahs,
dhvans, srais, krand, randh. Of less classifiable character are ag,
kram, gam, ghas, tam, gam, gram, tan, san, sad, Jp, das, yas,
gak, dagh. The roots pat, nag, vac form the tense-stems papta, nega,
voca, of which the first fs palpably and the other two are probably tho
result of reduplication; but the language has lost the sense of their being
such, and makes other reduplicated aorists from the same roots (see be-

low, 854).

a. Many of these aorists are simply transfers of the root-aorist to an
a-inflection. Conspicuous examples sare akarat etc. and agamat etc. (in
the earliest pcriod only akar and agan).

848. The inflection of this aorist is in general so regular that it will
be sufficient to give only cxamples of its Vedic forms. We may take as
model avidam, from pvid find, of which the various persons and modes
aro more frequent and in faller varicty than those of any other verb. Only
the forms actually quotable are instenced; thoso of which the examples
found are from other verbs than vid are bracketed. Thus:

active. middle. .
8. d. p- 8. d. p.
1 dvidam Aviddva dvidama Avid [aviddvahi) évidimahi
2 dvidas [avidata] (avidathas]
3 dvidat &vidan favidate] ([avidetam] dvidanta

a. The middle forms are rare in the earlier language, as in the later:
we have dhve etc, dkhye otc, dvide (?) and avidanta, avocathds
and avocdvahi (snd avid&émahe GB. and asicdmahe KB. sre doubtless

to be amended to -mahi).

307 SimpLe AORIST: 2. @-AORIST. (—883

b. Auginentionn forms, with todicative or subjunctive valuo, are not
infrequent. Examples, showing aecent on the tense-sign, sccording to the
gencral analogies of the formation, are: ruhdm, sppas, bhujat, vidat,
earatdm, vocata, cakan; vidata and vydta (3d sing.), ardmahi,
cigd4mahi, vidanta, budhanta, myganta (for exceptions as regards
accent, see below, 8653).

Modes of the a-asorist.

849. The subjunctive formes of this aorist ere few; those which occur
are instanced below, in the method which was followed for the indicative:

1 (viddva] vidima (vidamahe]
{vids vidithas vidatha
s viddt [vidatai P]

a. The ending thana is found once, in rigfthana. Of middle forms
occur only cfg&t&i (AV.: bat doubtless misreading for gfgyAta&i) and
gigsAmaho (AV, for RV. cig&mahi). The form sddathas seoms an indic-
ative, made from s secondary prosent-stem.

850. The optatives are few in the oldest language, but become more
frequent, snd in the Bréhmanas are not rare. Examples are: in grtive,
bhideyam, vidéyam, sanéyam (TB. once sanem); vidés, games;
gamet, vocet; gametam; gaméma, cakéma, sanéma; vareta; in
middle, (only) videya; gamemahi, vanemahi: ruhethds etc. in the
epics must be viewed rather as present forms of the &-class.

a. A single middle precative form occurs, namely videgta (AV.,
once); it is so isolated that how much may be inferred from it is very
questionable.

851. A complete series of active imperative forms are made from
yead (including sadatana, 2d pl.), and the middle sadantém. Otber
imperatives are very raro: namely, sAna, sdra, ruha, vidé; rubétam,
vidétam; khyéta. TS. has once vrdhatu (compare 740).

Participles of the a-aorist.

852. a. The active participles trpént, rfgant or rigant, vpdhant,
gigdnt, gucdnt, sddant, and (in participlel compounds, 1809) kytant-,
guhant-, vidant- (all RV.), sre to be assigned with plausibility to this
aorist.

b. Likewise the middle participles guhd4mana, dhyrgdmana, ddsa-
mana (?), nyt4m&na, gucdmana, and perhaps vrdha&néd, sridh&né.

Irregularities of the a-aorist.

853. A few Irregularitics and peculiarities may be noticed here.
The roots in yr, which (847) show a etrengthening like thst of the

20°

8538—) XI. AORIST-8YSTEMS. 308

present of the unaccented a-cisss, have likewise the accent upon the
radical syllable, like that cless: thus, from py, dranta (augmentless 3d
pl.), sdrat and séra. The root sad follows the same rale: thus, shda-
tam; and from Yuan are found sdnas and sénat.and s&4nema and
edna, beside sanéyam and sanéma. It is questionable whether these
ara not true anslogues of the bhii-class (unaccented a-class) present-system.
On -the other hand, r&hat (beside ruhém, ruhdva, ruhdtam), gigat
and ofg&téi (7), and rfgant or rigant are more isolated cases. In view
of such as these, the forms from the stem bhiva and grava (8636 c)
are perhaps to be referred hither. From jvac, the optatiye is aocented
vooéyam, vocés, vocéma, vocéyus; elsewhere the accent is on the root-
syllable: thus, véce, vécat, vécati, véocanta.

854. a. The stem voc has in Vedic use well-nigh assumed the
value of a root; ite forms are very various and of frequent use, in RV.
especially far outnumbering in occurrences all other forms from yj vac.
Besides those already given, we find vooc& (ist sing. impv.) and voc&ti,
voc’vahai; voces, voceya, vocemahi; vocata&t (2d sing.), vocatu,
vocatam, vocata.

b. Of the stem nega only negat occurs.

©. The root gis (as in some of ite present forms: 630) is weakened
to gig, and makes agigam.

855. Isolated forms which have more or less completely the
aspect of indicative presents are made in the oldest language from
some roots beside the aorist-systems of the first two classes. It must
be left for maturer research to determine how far they may be relics
of original presents, and how far recent productions, made in the way
of conversion of the aorist-stem to a root in value.

a. Such forms are the following: from ky make, kadrgi, kypthas,
kytha, kyge; from gam, gathé; from yei gather, ceti; from dé
give, Adti, d&tu; from Ydb& put, dh&ti; from yp& drink, p&thds,
p&nti; from bby, bharti; from pmuc, mucadnti; from prudh, rudh-
mas (?); from pvyt, vartti.

ll. (3) Reduplicated Aorist.

866. -The reduplicated aorist is different from the other
forms of aorist in that it has come to be attached in almost
all cases to the derivative (causative etc.) conjugation in
@q dya, as the aorist of that conjugation, and is therefore
liable to be made from all roots which have such a conju-
gation, beside the aorist or aorists which belong to their
primary conjugation. Since, however, the connection of

309 3. REDUPLIOCATED AORIST. [(—850

the two is not a formal one (the aorist being made directly
from the root, and not from the causative stem), but rather
an matter of established association, owing to kinship of
meaning, the formation and inflection of this kind of aorist
is best treated here, along with the others.

857. Its characteristic is a reduplication of the radical
syllable, by which it is assimilated, on the one hand, to
the imperfect of the reduplicating class (656 ff.), and, on the
other hand, to the so-called pluperfect (817 ff.). But the
aorist reduplication has taken on a quite peculiar character,
with few traces left even in the Veda of a different con-
dition which may have preceded this.

858. a. As regards, indeed, the consonant of the re-
duplication, it follows the general rules already given (500).
And the quality of the reduplicated vowel is in general as
in the formations already treated: it needs only to be noted
that an a-vowel and f (or ar) are usually (for exceptions,
see below, 860) repeated by an i-vowel — as they are, to a
considerable extent, in the reduplicated present also (660).

b. But in regard to quantity, this aorist aims always at
establishing a diversity between the reduplicating and radical
syllables, making the one heavy and the other hght. And
the preference is very markedly for a heavy reduplication
and a light root-syllable — which relation is brought about
wherever the conditions allow. Thus:

859. If the root is a light syllable (having a short
vowel followed by a single consonant), the reduplication is

made heavy.

a. And this, usually by lengthoning the reduplicating vowel, with
i for radical a or ¢ or } (in the single root containing that vowel):
thus, aririgam, adfidugam, ajijanam, avivrdham, acik]pam. The
great majority of reduplicated aorists are of this form.

b. If, bowever, the root begins with two consonants, so that the
reduplicating syllable will be heavy whatever the quantity of its vowel,

859—] XI. AORIST-8SYSTEMS. 310

the vowel remaius short: thus, acikgipam, acukrudham, atitrasam,
apisprcam.

seo. If the root is a heavy syllable (having a long
vowel, or a short before two consonants), the vowel of the
reduplication is short: and in this case @ a or GI &, and
® y (if it occurs), are reduplicated by @ a.

a. Thus, adidikgam, abubhiigam (not quotable), adadakgam,
adadhavam, atatahsam. And, in the cases jin which a root should
both begin and cud with two consonants, both syllables would be-
necessarily heavy, notwithstanding the short vowel in the former:
thus, apapraccham, acaskandam (but no such forms are found in use).

b. A medial 7 is allowed by the grammarians to retain the strongthen-
ing of the causative stem, together with, of course, reduplication by a: thus,
acakargat, avavartat (beside acikrgat, avivptat); but no such forms
have been met with in use.

G. These asorists aro not distinguishable in form from the so-called
pluperfects (81% 11.).

861. a. In ordor, howevor, to bring about the favored relation
of hoavy redupticativa aud light radical syllable, a heavy root is
sometimes made light: either by shortening its vowel, as in ariradham
from Yraédh, avivagam frum yvag, asigadham from /sddh, ajijivam
from yjiv, adidipam (K. and later: RV. has didipas) from )/dip,
abibhigam from ybhig, asiisucam from pysiic; or by dropping a
penultimate nasal, as in acikradam from ykrand, asigyadam from
yeyand.

b. In those cases in which (1047) an aorist is formed directly
from a causal stem in ap, the & is abbreviated to i: thus, atig¢hip-
am otc., ajijfiiipat (but KSS. ajijfiapat', jfhipas, ajijipata (but VS.
ajijapata); but from grap comes acicrapama (CB.).

8623. Examples of this aorist from roots with initial vowel are very
rare; the older language has only &mamat (or amamat) from Yam,
ipipan ((B.: BAU. apipipat) from Yap, and arpipam (augmentless)
from the causative stem arp of p'f~—in which latter the root is excess-
ively abbreviated. The graosmarians give otber similer formations, as &rci-
cam from yare, dubjijam from yubj, arjiham from yarh, dicikgam
from yikg, Srdidbam from yrdh. Couipare the similar reduplication in
desiderative stems: 1029 b.

863. Of special irregularities may bo mentioned:

a. From pdyut is made (V.B.) the stem didyuta, taking its reda-
plicating vowel from the radical semivowel. From /gup, instead of jigu-
pa (.S.), JB. bes jugiipa, and some texts (BS.) have jugupa; and
jihvara (B.) is met with beside the regular jihvara (V.B.). In caccha-

311 3. REDUPLICATED AORIST. (—867

da (Nir.), and tha morn or toss doubtful paprdatha and gagvacé and
sasvaja (RV.) wo have a instead of 1 in the reduptication.

b. In support of their false view of this sorist as made from the
causative stem instead of directly from the root, the native grammarians
teach that roofs onding in an u-vowel may reduplicate with i, as represent-
ing the & of the strongthened stem: thus, bibhava from bh&v-aya, as
well as biibhuva from bhi. No example of such a formation, however,
is met with except 4piplavam ((B., once); ageinst it we find dudruva,
btibhuva, riiruva, cucruva, and others.

c. As to apaptam, avocam, and anecam, see above, 847.

664. The inflection of the reduplicated aorist is like
that of an imperfect of the second general conjugation: that
is to say, it has @ a as final stem-vowel, with all the pe-
culiarities which the presence of that vowel conditions (788 a).
Thus, from Var{ jan give birth (stem jijana):

active. middle.
$. d. p- s. d. p.

Unie aia sii rik | saitrrafig aferarts

4jijanam ajijandva Ajijanama Ajijane &jYenavah! 4jijandmahi
AST STAT, aT | SSTITA SRT eT

éjijanas 4jijanatam Ajijanata ajijanathds Ajijanethdm d4jijanadhvam
SERA SSE SA SET | STRAT STITT

Ajijanat Ajijanat&m Ajijanan A4jijanata Ajijanetam 4jijananta

865. The middle forms are rare in the older language (the Sd
pl. is decidedly the most common of thew, being made from eleven
roots; the 3d 8. from seven); but all, both active and middle, are
quotablo except Ist and 2d du. middle and fst du. active.

a. Atitape appesrs to be once used (RV.) as 3d sing., with passive
sense.

866. A final y has the guna-strengthening before the endings:
thus, acikarat, apiparam, atitaras, didaras, adidharat, amimarat,
avivaran, jihvaras. Of similar strengthened forms from { and u-roots
are found apiprayan (TS.), abibhayanta (RV.), apiplavam (CB.),
acucyavat (K.), agucravat (MS.), atugtavam (RV). Not many rvots
ending in other vowels than r make this aorist: see below, 868.

867. Forms of the inflection without unlon-vowel are occasionally
met with: namely, from roots ending in consonants, sigvap (2d sing.,
augmenticss) from Ysvap, and agiqnat from Yeqnath; from roots in
or ar, didhar (2d sing.), and ajigar (2d and 3d sing.); for roots in i-
and u-vowels, see 868. Of 3d pl. in us are found almost only a form

867—} XI. AORIGT-SYSTEMS. 312

or two from {- and u-roots, with guya before the ending: thus, agigrayus,
&cucyavus, agucravus, asugavus; but also abibhajus (CB.), and
ninacgus (MBb.).

868. In the later language, a few roots are said by the gram-
marians to make this aorist as a part of their primary conjugation:
they are gri and gvi, dru and sru, kam, and dh& suck (gvi and dh&
optionally).

wu. In the older language are found from yYgri agigret and agigrayus
(noticed in the preceding paragraph) and agigriyat (QB.); from )pdru,
adudrot and adudruvat (TB.: not used as aorist); from Yeru, asusrot
and (sugmentiess) susros and susrot; from Ykam, acikamet&im end
-manta (B.S.). Of forms analogous with thesé occur a number from roots
in u or @: thus, aniinot and niinot from yYnu; yfiyot from yyu
separate; Gidhot from /dhii; apupot from ppi; titos and titot from
Ytu; asugot from sei; — and ona or two from roots in i or I: thus,
siget from pei (or a&) bind; amimet from Ymé& below; apipres (with
apiprayan, noticed above) from )pri (and the “imperfects” from d¥dh¥
etc., 676, are of corresponding form). And from )Yoyu are made, with
union-vowel f, acucyavit and acucyavitana. Few of these forms possess
a necessarily causative or a decidedly aoristic value, and it is very doubtfal
whether they should not be assigned to the perfect-system.

b. From the later language are quotable only acgigriyat etc. (8d 4L,
-yan or -yus) and adudruvat.

Modes of the Reduplicated Aorist.

869. a. As in other preterit formations, the augmentless indicative
persons of this aorist are used subjunctively, and they aré very much
more frequent than true subjunctives.

b. Of the latter are found only riradh& (ist sing.); titapdai;
cik}pati and sigadhati, aud pisproati (es if corresponding (o an tndic-
atlve apispyk, like agignat); aud perhaps the ist sing. mid. gacvacal.

c. The saugmentless indicative forms are accented in general oa the
reduplication: thus, didharas, ninagas; jijanat, pfparat; jijanan;
also eigvap; but, on the other hand, we have also pipdrat, gigréthas
and gigndthat, and dudravat and tugtdvat (which may perhaps belong
to the perfect: compare 810). According to the native g:ammbrians, the
accent rests either on the radical syllable or on the one that follows it.

870. Optative forms are even rarer. The least questionable case is
the middle “precative” ririgigta (ririgigta bas been ranked above with
sdsahigta, es a perfect: 812b). OCucyuvimahi and cucyavirata be-
long either here or to the perfect-system.

871. Of imperatives, we have the indubitable forms papurantu and
gigrathantu. And jigrtém and jigyté, and didhrtam and didhrté,

313 S1pirant Aonrisr. [(—876

and jajastam (all RV. only), and perhaps sugiidéta (AV.), sre to be
referred hither, as corresponding to the Indicatives (without union-vowel)
ajigar and adidhar: their short reduplicating vowel and thefr accent
assimilate them closely to the reduplicsted Imperfects (666 ff.), with which
we are probably to regard this aorist as ultimately related.

872. No participle is found belonging to the reduplicated aoriet.

873. The number of roots from which this aorist is met with
in the earlier language is about a hundred and twenty. In the later
Sanskrit it is unusual; in the series of later texts mentioned above
(826) it occurs only twice; and it has been found quotable from hardly
fifty roots in the wholo epic and classical literature.

Ill. Sigmatic or Sibiiant Aorist.

874. a. The common tense-sign of al] the varieties of
thie aorist is a % s (convertible to {¢: 180) which is added to
the root in forming the tense-stem.

b. This sibilant has no analogues among the cless-sigus of the present-
system; but it is to be compared with that which appears (and Iikewise
with or without the same union-vowel i) in the stems of the future tense-
system (933 ff.) and of the desiderative conjugation (1027 ff.).

ce. To the root thus increased the augment is prefixed
and the secondary endings are added.

875. In the case of a few roots, the sibilant tense-stem
(always ending in ke) is further increased by an 4 a,
and the inflection is nearly like that of an imperfect of the
second or a-conjugation.

876. a. In the vast majority of cases, the sibilant is
the final of the tense-stem, and the inflection is like that
of an imperfect of the first or non-a-conjugation.

b. And these, again, fall into two nearly equal and
strongly marked classes, according as the sibilant is added
immediately to the final of the root, or with an auxiliary
vowel 3 i, making the tense-sign 37 ig. Finally, before this
37 is the root is in a very smal] number of cases increased
by a %s, making the whole addition Taq sis.

877—] XI. AORIST-8YSTEMS. 314

877. We have, then, the following classification for the
varieties of sibilant-aorist:
A. With endings added directly to the sibilant:
4. with @s simply after the root: s-aorist;
5. with 3 i before the as: ig-aorist;
6. the same, with 4 8 at end of root: sig-aorist.
B. With @ e added to the sibilant before the endings:
7. with sibilant and 4 a: sa-aorist.

a. As regards the distinction between the fourth and fifth forms, it
may be sald in a general way that those roots incline to take the auxiliary
i in the aorist which take it also in other formations; but it ls impossible
to lay down any strict rules as to this accordance. Compare 903.

4. The s-aorist.

878. The tense-stem of this aorict ie made by adding
@_s8 to the augmented root, of which also the vowel is usu-
ally strengthened.

879. The general rules as to the strengthening of the
root-vowel are these:

a. A final vowel (including @ 7) has the vyddhi-change
in the active, and (excepting #% y) guna in the middle: thus,
from yat lead, active stem AAG [ andig, middle stem aA anes;
from YQ gru hear, ch i agriug and TUTT_agrog; from
VG ky make, sai akarg and FAT akrg.

b. A medial vowel] has the veddhi-change in the active,
and remains unaltered in the middle: thus, from y@*q chand
seem, active stem 8tHTrq_acchénts, middle stem
acchants; from Ace rio leave, ata arfiks and atta arike;
from vt rudh odstruc?, ICA arfuts and ers § aruts ;
from VUsI_syj pour oul, AAT asrikg and del _aspkg.

880. a. The endings are the usual secondary ones, with
SA_us (not Aan) in 3d pl. act., and #eq ata (not Ae anta)
in 3d pl. mid.

315 S1BILANT AORIS8T: 4. 8-AORIST. [—883

b. But before 7] 8 and qt of 2d and 3d sing. act. is in
~ . ¢ .
the later language always inserted an § 1, making the end-
ings ar] fs and a It.
c. This insertion fs unknown in the earliest language (of the RV.):
sec below, 888.

881. a. Before ondings beginning with ¢ or th, the tense-sign s
is (233 c-e) omitted after the final consonant of a root — unless this
be r, or n or m (converted to anusv4ra).

b. The same omission is of course made before dhvam after a con-
sonant; and after a vowel the sibilant is either omitted or assimilsted (the
equivalence of dhv and ddhv in the theories of the grammarians and the
practioe of the manuscripts makes it impossible to say which: 2382); snd
then the ending becomes Gdhvam, provided the sibilant, if retained, would
have been g (226 c): thus, astodhvam and avydhvam (beside astog-
ata and avrgata); drdhvam (ydy regard: (B., once), which is to
drth&s (2d s'ng.) as avrdhvam and avygata to avri and avyth&s; and
krdhvam (M.).

c. According to the grammarians, the omission of s before ¢ and th
takes place also after a short vowel (the case can occur only in the 2d and
3d sing. mid.); but we have seen above (834 a) that this is to be viewed
rather as a snbstitution in those persons of the forms of the root-aorist.
Neither in the earlier nor in the later language, however, does any example
occur of an aorist-form with s retained after a short vowel before these
endings.

da. After the final sonant aspirate of a root, the sibilant before the
same endings is satd by the Hindu grammarians to disappear altogether, the
combination of the aspirate with the th or ¢ of the ending being then
made according to the ordinary rule for such cascs (160): thus, from the
stem arduts, for arfudh-s, is made arfuddha, as if from arfudh + ta
direstly. No cxample of such a form is quotable from the literature; but
the combination is established by the occurrence of other similar cases
(233 f). In the middle, in like manner, aruts +ta becomes aruddha,
as if from arudh-+ta; but all such forms admit also of being understood
as of the root-aorist. Those that have been found to occur were given
above (834 a); probably they belong at least In part to this aorist.

e. From the three nasal roots gam, tan, Man are made the 2d and
3d sing. mid. persons agath&s and agata, atathde and atata, and amata
(amathas not quotable), reckoned by the native grammarians as 8-aorist
forms, made, after ioss of their final root-nasal, with loss also of the sibilant
after a short vowel. They are doubtless better referred to the root-aorist. But
JR. has a corresponding ist sing. atasi from ptan.

882. As examples of the inflection of this variety of

ss2—] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS. 316

sibilant aorist we may take the roots 4t ni /ead, and fez
chid cut off. Thus:

active. middle.
8.

d. Pp. 8. d. p-
ian ae oO Cai | TATE
a&ndigam AnAigva anihigma dnesi anegvahi anegmahi
2 TE EET ATE RST
4ndigis Andigtam andigta dnesgthds dnegithim anegdhvam
Sat eT A Ae RATATAT
andigit dndigtim andigus anegta Anegitim Adnegata
active.
8. d. p-
1 Hepeey =Fehera ACTH
&4cchaitsam Acchaiteva Acchditema
2 Becaty «web aT Heb

&cohaitsis A&cch&ittam Acohditta

dcchaitsit acohdéittam 4cchaiteus
middle.

1 aeeica ateareate afeprente

acchitai &ochitsvahi d&cchitsmahi

2 afer afacmery area

acchitthas Acchiteéthim Acchiddhvam

3 Aen 86 ake] aieercad
acchitta Q&cchiteitam Acohitsata

a. From jrudh costruct, the 2d and 3d du. and 2d pl. act. and
the 2d and 3d sing. mid. would be déréuddham, drguddhém,
é4rféuddha, d4ruddh&s, d4ruddha; from yeyj pour out, dsrigtam,
Asrdgtdim, asrdgta, asygthds, asreta; from ydrg sec, Adrigtam etc.
(as from syj). But from ky do the same persons in the active are
a&karstam, Akadrgtim, akarsta; from tan stretch they are 4t&tetam,
Aatahstam, atateta.

883. The omission of s in the active persons (Acoh&ittam, dcchiait-
tam, dcchaitta) is a case of very rare occurrence; all the quotable exam-
ples were given above (233 e). As to the like omission in middle persons,
see 881. The ChU. has twice &vastam for avdts-tam ()/vas dwell):
this may be viewed as another case of total disappearance of the sibilant,
and consequent restoration of the final radical to fits original form.

317 SIBILANT AORIST: 4. s8-AORIST. {[—sss

884. Cortain roots in & weakon tho & in middle inflection to i
(as also in the root-aorist: above, 834 a): these are said to be stha,
d&, and dh&; in the older language have been noted &digi and adigata
from Yaa give (and adigi perhaps once from )d& bind), adhigi and
adhigata (with the optative dhigiya) from ydh& put, and asthigata;
also agietha&s and agigata from pg& go (with adhi).

a. The middle inflection of the aorist of yd& would be, then,
according to the grammarians: 4digi, Adithis, d4dita; Adigvaht,
adig&thaém, ddigdtam; A4digmahi, d4didhvam, ddigata.

8856. Roots ending in changeable ¢ (so-called roots in —: 248) are
sald by the grammarians to convert this vowel to Ir in middle forms: thus,
astirsi, astirgthds etc. (from pasty); of such forms, however, has been
found in the older langaage only akirgata, PB.

886. The s-aorist is made in the older language from about a
hundred and forty roots (in RV., from about seventy; in AV., from
about fifty, of which fifteen are additional to those in RV.); and the
epic and classical literature adds but a very small number. It has in
tho Veda certain peculiarities of stem-formation and inflection, and
also the full series of modes — of which the optative middle is re-
tained also later as a part of the “precative” (but see 926 b).

887. Irregularities of stem-formation are as follows:

a. The strengthening of the root-syilablo is now and then irregularly
made or omitted: thus, ayokgit (AB.), chetsis (B.S.; also occurs in
MBh., which has further yoteis), roteis (KU.); amateus (RV.); ay&rhsi
and ardutsi (AB.), as&kgi etc. (V.B.: /sah), m&fsta (AV.) and maéAstam
(TA.); lopsiya (U.); and MUh. has drogdhids. From ypsaj ‘is made
safksit (U. ete.) and from Ymajj, am&fikelit (not qnotable). The form
ayufikgmahi (BhP.) is doubtless a false reading.

b. A radical final nasal is lost in agasmahi (RV.) and gas&éth&m
(TA.) from Ygam, and tn the optatives masiya and vasimahi (RV.)
from Yman and van.

ec. The roots hii, dhfl, and nfl have & Instead of o in the middle:
thos, ahiigata, adhiigata, anigi and anfigs&tam and anfigata; /dhur
(or dhiirv) makes adhtirgata.

d. CB. bas once atr&sataém for atr&st&m (tr).

888. The principal peculiarity of the older language in regard
to inflection is the frequent absence of 1 in the endings of 2d and
3d sing. act., and tho conscquent losa of the consonant-ending, and
sometimes of root-finals (150). The forms without I are the only ones
found in RV. and K., and they outnumber the others in AV. and
TS.; in the Brahmanas they grow rarer (only onc, adr&k, occurs in
GB.; one, ayat. in KB.; and two, adr&k and ayat, in (B.; PB. has
none’.

sse—] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMB. 318

889. If the root ends in a vowel, only the consonant of the onding
is necessarily lost: thus, apr&s (for both apras-s and apri&s-t) from py pra;
and in like manner ah&s from pha; — ajd&is (for aj&ig-t) from pji; and
in like manner ac&is from pci, and ndis (sugmentiess) from pni; — and
yaus (for ayafug-t) from pyu.

a. But (as in other like cases: 556 a) the ending is sometimes preser-
ved at the expense of the tense-sign; and we have in 8d sing. aj&it (be-
side ajdis and ajdigit) from ji; and in like manner ac&it, agr&it,
ahdit, ndit (no examples heave been noted except from roots in i and {):
compare ayas and sr&s, 2d sing., 8890 a.

890. a. If the root (in either its simple or strengthened form) ends
in a consonant, the tense-sign is lost with the ending. Thus, abh&r (for
abhadrg-t: beside abhadrgam, abhargtam) from Ybhy; other like cases
are ahdr, end (from roots in ar) akgdr, atedr, asvdr, hv&r. Farther,
draik (5858: for ardikg-t) from prio; like cases are agv&it from
VYQvit, and (from roots with medial u) ady&ut from pdyut, ardut from
yrudh, and maéuk from p'muc. Further, from roots ouding in the pala-
tals and h, apra&k from pro, asr&k from yeyj, abha&k from pbhaj,
adrék from )/dyg, adh&k from /dah; but, with a different change of
the final, ayadt from jfyaj, aprat from pYproh, avat from fvah, and
asrat from pysyj;-and (above, 146 a) urds appears to stand twice in AV.
for srfg-e from yetj; RV. has also twice ay&s from pyaj. Further,
from roots ending in e nasal, at&n from ytan, khadn from ykhan, ay&n
and andn from YYyam and nam (143 a).

b. If, again, the roots end in a double consonant, the latter of the
two is lost along with tense-sign and ending: thus, acch&n (for acchdnts-t;
beside -acchadntta and acchdntsus) from /chand; and other like cases
ere akr&n, askdn, and asyan.

8891. A relic of this peculiarity of the older inflection hes been
preserved to the later language in the 2d sing. bhdis, from bhi.

Modes of the s-Aorist.

802. The indicative forms without augment are used in a sub-
junctive sense, especially after ma prohibitive, and are not uncommon.
Examples with accent, however, are extremely rare; there has been
noted only vaénsi, middle; judging from this, the tone would be found
on the radical syllable. According to the Hindu grammarians, it may
be laid on either root or ending.

803. Proper subjunctive forms are not rare in RV., but are
markedly less common in the later Vedic texts, and very seldom met
with in the Brahmanas. ‘They are regularly made with guna-strength-
ening of the radical vowel, in both active and middle, and with accent
on the root.

319 SipILANT AORIST: 4. 8-AORIST. [—806

a. The forms with primary ondings are: In ative, stogini; dargast;
nesati, pargati, pdsati, matsati, yorati, vakgati, sakeati; ddsathas,
dhadsathas, pérgathas, vakgathas, vargathas; pdsatas, yathsatas,
yaksatas, vaksatas; dhdsatha, negatha, pdrgatha, madteatha; —
in middle, nathsdi, mahsaéi; méhsase; krathsate, trisate, dargate,
méhsate, yakgate, rdsate, vahsate, sikgate, hAsate; trés&the (not
trfsAithe, as we should rather expect); ndthsante, mdéhsante: and,
with the fuller ending in 34 sing., ma&g&tai.

b. The forms with secondary endings are (active only): Jégas, vakgas;
dargat, négat, pakgat, pargat, prégat, ydkgat, yogat, vatsat, vakgat,
végat, sdteat, chantsat, etc. (some twenty others); yakgat&m; vas-
sima, sdkgima, stogima; pargan, yathsan, yogan, rdésan, vakean,
gcégan, crogan. Of these, yakgat and vakgat sre found not rerely in
the Bribmanas; any others, bardly more than gporadically.

804. Of irregularities are to be noted the following:

a. The forms dfkgase and prkgage (2d sing. mid.) leck the guna-
strengthening.

b. Jegam, stogam, and yogam (AV. yiigam, with fi for o as in
anfigata etc.) appear to be first persons formed under government of the
analogy of the second and third — unless they are relics of a state of
things anterior to the vrddhi-strengthening: In which case jegma is to
be compared with them (we should expect jfaigma or Jeg&ima).

c. From roots in & are made a few forms of problematic character:
namely, yegam (only case in RV.), khyegam, jfiegam, gegam and
gegma, degma, segam and set, sthegam and sthegus. Their value
is optative. The analogy of Jegam and jegma suggests the possibility of
their derivation from i-forms of the G-roots; or the sibilant might be of
a precative character (thus, y&-I-s-am). That they really belong to the
ig-aorist appears highly improbable.

d. The RV. has a few difficult first persone middle in ge, which are
pethaps best noted here. They arc: 1. from the simple root, krge, hige
(and ohige P), stugé; 2. from present-stems, arcase, ynjase, yajase,
gayise, grnigé and punigé. They have the value of indicative present.
Compare below, 897 b.

895. Optative forms of this sorist are mado in the middle only, and
they havo in 2d and 3d sing. always tho precative s before the endings.
Those found to occur in the oldcr language are: digiya, dhigiya, bhak-
siy4, masiya (for manhsiya), mukgiya, r&ésiya, lopsiya, sikglya,
strsiya; mansigthas; dargigta, bhaksigta, mansista, mrkegista;
bhaksimahi, dhukgiméhi, mahsiméhi, vatsiméhi, vasimahi,
saksiméhi; manhsirata. PB. has bhukgigiya, which should belong to
a cig-aoriat, The RV. form trasith4m (for trasiySth&m or trésitham)
is an isolated anomaly.

a This optative makes a part of the acrepted “precative” of the later
language: sce below, 923, 925 b.

696—] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS. 320

806. Imperative persons from this aorist are extremely rare: we fad
the 2d sing. act. nega and parga and the 2d pl. yathsata (from a-stems,
and showing rather, therefore, a treatment of the- sorist-stem as a reot),
and the 3d sing. mid. risat&m and pl. résant&m (of which the same
may be said).

Participles of the s-aorist.

897. a. Active participles are Gakgat or dhdkgat, and sikgat
(both RV.).

b. If pfijase (above, 894d) is to be reckoned as an g-sorist form,
PHjasina is an s-sorist participle; and of a kindred character, apparently,
are argasdna, dhasdna, jrayasdind, dhiyasind, mandasindé, yamea-
efnd, rabhas&nd, vrdhasdné, sahas&né, gavasind, all in RV; with
namasiné, bhiydsdna, in AV. In RV. occurs also once
apparently an a-form of an s-sorist of )dhi.

5. The ig-aorist.

898. The tense-stem of this aorist adds the general
tense-sign Qs by help of a prefixed auxiliary vowel § i,
making 3§ ig, to the root, which is usually strengthened,
and which has the augment.

se9. The rules as to the strengthening of the root are
as follows:

a. A final vowel has vpddhi in the active, and guya’in
the middle: thus, aT AT_ apivig and aataq_apavis from
vq pti cleanse; AAUITT_atarig, act., from vq ty pass; aatag_
agayig, mid., from yat of lie.

b. A medial vowel has guna, if capable of it, in both
voices: thus, @a(Y alegig, act. and mid., from Via_lig

ban ™~ y
fear, ATWAG arocig from YRAF_ruc shine ; FATAy_avargis
from Vaal vre rain; but HsittqTT_ajivig from yatta itv hive.
c. Medial @ @ is sometimes lengthened in the active;
but it more usually remains unchanged in both voices.
d. The roots in the older language which show the lengthening are
kan, tan, ran, stan, svan, han, vraj, sad, mad, car, tear, svar,
jval, das, tras. From ran, san, kram, vad, rakg, and sah occur forms

of both kinds. From }/math or manth are made the two stems mathig
and manthig.

321 Sintnantr AoRs8T: 5. ig-AORIST. [—903

900. a. Of exceptions may be noted: Ymyj has (as elsewhere: 637)
vrddhi instead of guna: thus, am&rjigam; str has astaris, and y/¢r
has acarit (also acaraéit in AV.), with guna in active.

b. The root grabh or grah has (as in future ete., below, O36e, 956)
long 1 instead of i before the sibilant: thus, agrabhigma, agrahig{a,
agrabhigata. The roots in changeable y (so-called roots in f: 942), and
Yvfr are said by the grammarians to do the same optionally; but no forms
with long f from such roots have been found quotable. A Siitra (PGS.)
has once anayigta from pni (doubtless a false reading).

901. The endings are as in the preceding formation
(Sq_us and Wy ata in 3d pl.). But in 2d and 3d sing..
the combinations is-s and ig-t are from the earliest period
of the language contracted into a7] is and A It.

a. The 2d pl. mid. should end always in idhvam (or iddhvam.
from ig-dhvam: 226); and this is in fact the form in the only exam-
ples quotable, namely ajanidhvam, artidhvam, dindhidhvam, ve-
pidhvam; as to the rules of the native grammarians respecting the
matter, see 326 c.

902. As examples of the infection of the ig-aorist may
be taken the roots 7 pO cleanse, and Qf budh twoake. Thus:

active. middic.
s. d. p. 8. d. p.
cama mag amas satay | osamic | anfaonts
&4paAvigam Apa&vigva apaivigma Apavigi Apavisvahi Apavigmahi

2am afer afee = aaferer safareay aafaer

a&pavis apavistam apAvista Apavigthds apavisdtham A4pavidhvam
amet oammreranag sate amiemrmy anfaraa

apavit dpivistém 4pAvigus Apavista Apavigitam dépavigata

DAT tin mae sataiy satrate aartionie
&bodhisam abodhigva &4bodhigma 4bodhigi Abodhigvahi Abodhigmahi
etc. etr. etc, ete. etc. etc.

903. The number of roots from which forms of this aorist have
been noted in the older language is nearly a hundred and fifty (io
RV., about eighty; in AV., more than thirty, of which a dozon arc
additional to those in RV.); the later toxts add less than twenty.
Among these are no roots in &; but otherwise they are of every
variety of form (rarest in final i and I. Active and middle persons
are freely made, but sparingly from the same root; only about fiftecr

Whitnes, Grammar. 3. ed. 21

903—] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS. 322

roots have both active and middle forms in the older language, and
of these a part only exceptionally in the one voice or the other.

a. No rule appears to govern the choice of usage between the
ig- and the s-aorist; and in no small number of cases the same root
shows forms of both classes.

904. Irregularities are to be noticed as foliows:

a. The contracted forms akramim, agrabhim, and avadhim (with
auginentless vadhim) are fuund in ist sing. act.

b. For Acgarit occurs in AV. &gardit; also (in a part of the manuscripts)
cardis for garis; agrahdigam is found in AB. (also the monstrous form
ajagrabhdigam: see 801 i). Ajayit, with short i in the ending, oceurs
in TS.

c. AV. has once nudigth&s, without guna.

d. The forms atérima (KV.), avddiran (AV.), end ba&dhithds
(TA.), though they lack the sibilant, are perhaps to be refsrred to this
aorist: compare avita, 808. A few similar cases occur in the epics, and
are of like doubtful chiracter: thos, jdnithads, md&dith&s, vartithéds,
gankith&s, and (the causative: 1048) agh&tayithis. Agrhitdm and
grhith&s and grhita, if not false readings for grhni-, are probably
irregular present-formattons.

Modes of the ig-aorist.

906. As usual, augmentless indicative forms of this aorist are more
common than proper subjunctives. Examples, of all the persons found te
occur (and including all the accented words), are, in the active: gahsigam,
vadhim; mathie, vadbis, ydvis, savis; dvit, jiirvit, mdthit, védh-
it, vecit; mardhigtam, dosgigtam, hihsigtam; avigtém, janigtam,
badhigtém; gramigma, vadigma; vadhigta and vadhigtana, math-
igtana, hihsista; hvdrigus, grahigus;—in the middle: raddhigi;
janigth&s, margigthas, vyathigthds; krdmigta, janigta, pavigta,
praéthista, mandigta; vyathigmahi. The accent ia on the root-syllable
(t&rigus, AV. once, is doubtless an error).

906. a. Of subjunctive forms with primary endings occur only the
1-t sing. act. davig&ni, and the ist pl. mil. (with unstrengthened e)
yacigamahe and sanisimahe.

b. Forms with secondary endings are almost limited to 2d and 3d
sing. act. There are fuund: avigas, kanigas, tdrigas, rakgigas, vadh-
igas, vadigas, végigas, gahsigas; karigat, jambhigat, jésigat,
taksigat, tdrigat, nindigat, parigat, bédhigat, mardhigat, ydcigat,
yodhigat, rakgigat, vanigat, vyathigat, canhsigat, sanigat, sivigat.
They are made, it will be noticed, with entire regularity, by adding a@ to the
tense-stem in ig before the endings. The only other persons found to occur
are the Sd pl. act. sanigan and mid. sdniganta (and TS. has vaniganta,

323 SIBILANT AORIST: 5. ig-AORIST. [—011

for the problomatic vanuganta of RV.), which are aleo reguier. Bhavight
(All. onoc) 16 a solitary example of a form with double mode-sign; cdénig-
that (RV.; SV. instead janigthat) seems hopelessly corrupt. The radical
syllable always has the accent, and its vowel usually accords with that of
the indicative: but we have wan- in the subjunctive against asinigam
(as to cay- and ran-, see below, 808).

807. The middle optative of this aorist also forms a part of the ac-
cepted “precative” of the later language (023, 026 b). It is very rare at
all periods, being made in RV. from only five roots, and in AV. from two
of the ssme and from three additional once (six of the eight have other
ig-forms); and the remaining texts add, so far as noticed, only four other
rocts. All the forms found to occur are as follows: janigiya, indhigiya,
edhigiyé, rucigiya and rociglya, gmigiya; modigigthas; janisista;
vanisista; sahigivahi; idhigimahi, edhigiméhi, janigimahi, tdrig!-
mahi, mandigimahi, vandigiméhi, vardhigim4hi, sahigimahi and
sshisiméhi. The accent is on the ending, and this would lead us to ex-
pect a weak form of root throughout; but the usage in this respect appears
to be various, and the cases are too few to allow of setting up any rule.
The forms janigeyam and -ya, from a secondary a-stem, occur in K.

908. Of imperative forms, we have from Yav a series: namely,
aviddh{, avistu, avietim, avitd (if this, as seems probable, stands
anomalously for avigté) and avistana; two of these ere of unmistakably
imperative form. Other forms occur only in 2d du. and 2d pl., and are
accordingly sach as might also be subjunctives used imperatively (which
fs further made probable for two of them by their accentuation on the
root-syllable): they are kramigtam, gamistam, canigtém, cayistam
(against ac&yisam), tdrigstam, yodhigtam, vadhistam, gqnathistam;
ranistana (agsinst ardnigus), qnathigtana.

909. No words having a participlal ending after ig are found
anywhere to occur.

910. This is the only aorist of which forms aro mado in the
seconilary and denominative conjugations: sce below, 1035, 1048,
1068.

6. The sis-norist.

®11. According to the grammarians, this aorist is made
from roots in 81 & (including {| mi fz, ft mi (or mt) damage
and = 11 ching, which substitute forms in &), and from
‘nam dow, W] yam reach, and [7] ram be content, and is
used only in the active; the corresponding middle being of
the s-form (878 ff.). Its inflection is precisely like that of
the ig-aorist; it is unnecessary, then, to give more than

21*

911—] AI. AORIST-SYSTEMS. 324

its first persons, which we may form from the roots aT y&
go and Aq nam bow. Thus:

8. d. p. 6. d. Pp.
Daan aorta te oie 6 afin
dyasigam d4ydsigva dydsigma dnathsigam dnarhsigva dnathsigqma
etc. etc. etc. etc. ete. etc.

912. The sig-aorist is properly only a sub-form of the ig-aorist,
having the tense-sigu aud endings of the latter added to a form of root
increased by an added s. It is of extreme rarity in the older language,
being made in RV. only from the roots g& sing and y& go, and in AV.
only from h& leave, and doubtless aleo from py& AU up and van win
(see below, 914 b); the remaining older texts add jfid know (B.), jy& over-
power, dhy& think ((,B. once: the edition reads -dh&-), and ram be con-
tent (SV.: a bad variant for RV. r&siya); other Brahmana forms which
might be also of the s-aorlst are adr&sit, avAsit, and ahv&sit; and bhuk-
gigiya (PB. S.) must be regarded as an anomalous formation from pbhuj,
unless we prefer to adinit a secondary root bhukg, like bhakg from bhaj.
In the later language have been found quotable from other roots only gldsis,
adhmasit, anarhsit, apAsit, mldsis, end amndsigus.

a. The participle hasam&na and causative hdsayanti (RV.) show
that hA&s hed assumed, even at a very early period, the value of a secon-
dary root beside hA& for other forms than the aorist.

913. The whole series of older indicative forms (omitting, as doubt-
ful, the 2d and 3d sing.) is as fullows: ag&isigam, ajfdsigam, ayids-
igam, adhydsigam; ajydsigtam, aydsigtam; ajfidsigma; ajidsigta,
dydsista; agdsigus, aydsigus (Akgigus is from jakg attain).

a. Forms without augmont are these: jiidsigam, rathsigam, hasi-
gam; hA&sistam; hdsigtam; hasigta; hA&sigue, g&sigus, jidsigus.
The accent would doubtless be upon the root-syllablo.

914. a. Of proper subjunctives are found two, g&sigat and yasigat
(both RV.).

b. Optatives are not less rare: namely, yAsisisthas end py&sisimahi
(for which the AV. manuscripts read py&gigimahi, altered in the edition
to pyayig-); and doubtloss vancigiya (AV., twice) {is to be corrected to
vahsigiya, and belcngs here. As to bhukgigiya, sce above, 918.

c. The accent of ydsigtdm (like avigtd4m, 908) shows it to be a
true imperative form; and ydsigta (KV., once) is doubtless the same, with
anomalous I for i.

915. Middle forms of this aorist, it will be noticed, occur from the
optative only; but, considering the great rarity of the whole formation, we
are hardly justified in concluding that in the ancient language the middle
persons in -sigi, -sigth&s, etc., were not allowable, like those in -igi,
-igth&s, and tho others of the ig-aorist.

325 StBILANT AORIST: 7. 8a-AORIST. [—919

7. Tho sa-sorist.

916. In the later language, the roots allowed to form
this aorist end in 9 ¢, @ 9, or & h—all of them sounds
which in combination with the tense-sign make 7 kg; and

they have 3 i, 3 u, or # 7 as radical vowel.

a. They are as follows: dic, ric, lic, vig, klig, krug, rug, mfyg¢,
spr¢; tvig, dvis, clig, vig, kyg; dih, mih, lih, gub, duh, ruh, trh,
vth, strh; from about half of them sa-forms, earlier or later, are quotable.
Some of them may. or with certain meanings must, take aorists of other forme.
And a few are allowed to drop both tense-sign and unfon-vowel a in cer-
tain persons of the middle: that Is, they may make instead forms of theo
root-aorist.

917. As the tense-stem ends in 9 a, the inflection is
in the main like that of an imperfect of the second general
conjugation. But (according to the grammarians: the forms
unfortunately have not been found quotable) the test sing.
mid. ends in 3 i instead of @ e, and the 2d and 3d du.
mid. in AVIV] &thim and ATTA Stim, as in imperfects of
the other conjugation. Both active and middle inflection
is admitted. ‘The root is throughout unstrengthened.

918. As example of inflection we may take the root
Fa dig potnt. Thus:

active. ruiddle.

8. d. p. 8. d. p.

adikgam adikg’va Adiks&ima ddikei &dikg&vahi Adikgamahi

afm alam aia 9 sige sige gene

adikgas dAdikgatam Adikgata Adikgathds Adikg&thim Adikgadhvam

aad sedan aie aka ose azar

dQdikgat adikgatdm Adikgan Adikgata ddikg&tA4m Adikganta

819. In the earlier language, the forms of the sa-aorist are hardly
more than sporadic. They aro made in RV. from seven roote; in AV.,
from two of theso and from two others; and the remaining texts add ten
more, making ninetcen in all (the later language makes no additions to
this number). As later, all have i or wu or y as root-vowel, and a final
consonant which combines with 6 to kg; but there are in the list also two

919—]) XI. AogistT-sysTEems. 326

ending in j, namely myj and vyj. All the examples noted are given
below.

a. So fer as the middle forms are concerned, this aorist would be fully
explained as a transfer of certain s-aorists to an a-inflection. The marked
difference in the strength of radical vowel in the active, however, stends
in the way of the successful application of such an explanation to the active
forms.

920. a. In the jndicative, we find, in the active: avykgam; adrukgas,
adhukegas, arukgas, akrukgas, asprkgas (and MBb. adds amykgas);
adikgat, amikgat, alikgat, avikgat, 4krukgat, aghukgat, adukgat
and adhukgat, d4rukgat, avykgat, akypkgat, 4mypkgat, dsprkgat;
aghukgatam; arukgéma, amrkg4ma, avrkgsima; 4dhukgan, apik-
gan (/pig), arukgan, asprkgan;—in the middle, only akpkgathds
(Ykyq), 4dhukegata, and amrkganta (and MBhb. adds amykgata P).

b. Forms without augment (no true subjanctives occur) are, in the
active: dykgam, mpkgam; dukgas, rukgas, mykgas; dvikgat;
mykgata; dhukeén and dukgdn; — in the middle, dvikgata, dukgata
and dhukgata, dhuksgAnta.

Gc. There are no optative forms.

d. Imperative are: in the active, mpkgatam; in the middle, dhuk-
gasva.

@. The few accented forms without augment which occur have the
tone on the tense-sign a4, in analogy with the a-aorist (2) and the imper-
fect of the &-class: a single exception is dhukgata, which probably needs
emendation to dhukgata.

f. The aspiration of initial d and g, after loss of the aspirated quality
of the root-final (165), is seen in forms from the roots duh and guh, bat
not from druh (only a single case, AB.); RV., however, has also adukgat
and dukgas, dukgén, dukgata.

Precative.

931. As the so-called precative is allowed by the grammuarians
to be made in tho later language from every root, and in an iude-
pendent way, without reference to the mode of formation of the
aorist from the same root, it is desirable to put together here a brief
statement Of the rules given for it.

922. The precative active is made by adding the active
precative endings (above, 568) directly to the root. But:

a. Of tinal root-vowels (43 before tho passive-sign yd: 770), i aud
u are lengthened; y {s usually changed to ri, but to ir and Or in thoes
roots which elsewhere show ir- and ur- forms (so-called f-roots: 242), and
to ar in y and amy; & is changed to @ in the roots dé, dha, sthié, pé
drink, g& sing, and a few others, in part optionally.

327 PRECATIVB. f—o924

b. The root in general assumes ite weakest form: a penultimate nasal
fa lost, as in badhy&sam from pybandh ; the roots which aro abbreviated
in the weak persons of the perfect (704) have the same abbreviation here,
as in ucydsam, ijyasam, vidhy&sam, supy&isam, grhydsam; )/o&s
forms cigyfsam (compare 630, 864.6): and s0 on.

c. It has been pointed out above (837) that the active precative is an
optative of the root-sorist, with a problematic insertion of a sibilant between
mode-sign and ending.

923. a. The precative middle is made by adding the
middle precative endings (above, 568) to the root increased

by Hs or ig — that is, to the tense-stem of an s-aorist
or of an ig-aorist (but without augment).

b. The root 1s strengthened according to the rules that
apply in forming the middle-stem of the s and of the ig-
aorists respectively: in general, namely, a final vowel is
gunated in both formations; but a medial vowel, only be-
fore TF is.

c. As was pointed out above (667) the middle precative is really the
optative of certain aorists, with the insertion of a sibilant between mode-
sign and ending only (so far as authenticated by use) in the 2d and 3d
singular. In the older language, such forms are oftenest mado from the
s-aorist (806) and the ig-aorist (907); but also from the root-aortst (837 b),
the a-aoriet (850 a), the reduplicated sorist (870), and the sig-aorist
(914 b); and even from the perfect (812 b).

924. As example of inflection, we may take the root
4} bhO be, which is said (no middle aorist or precative from
it ig quotable) to form its middle on the ig-stem. Thus:

active.
8. d. P.
' aN L os aX
bhiydsam bhiydsva bhfiydsma
} )
bhiiyas bhiydstam bhaydsta

I I a LE
bhiyat bhiydstam bhtydsus

v44—] Al. AORIST-SYSTEMS. 328

middle.
8. d. p.
Eo ME cg
bhavigiy4 bhavigivahi bhavigiméhi
2 Waarerd TaaTAT EAN

~“~ a

~
bhavigigthas bhavigiyaéstham bhavisidhv4m

3s Hadte eamtareany {areata
bhavigigté bhavigiyastam bhavisirdn

a. The forms given by the grammarians as 2d and 3d dual are of
very questionable value, as regards the place assigned to the sibilant.
Those persons, and the 2d pl., have never been met with in use. For the
question respecting the ending of the 2d pl., as dhvam or gdhvam, see
226 c.

025. a. The precative active is a form of very rare occurrence in the
classical language. Iu each of the texts already more than once referred to
(Manu, Nala, Bhagavad-Gits, Cakuntala, Hitopadeca) it occurs once and no
more, and not half-a-dozen forms have been found quotable from the eples.
As to its value, see 573 c.

b. The precative middie is virtually unknown in the whole later
literature, not a single occurrence of it having been brought to light. The
BhP. bas once ririgigta, which is also a RV. form, belonging probably to
the reduplicated aorist: see 870.

Uses of the Aorist.

626. The uses of the aorist mode-forms (as has been already
pointed out: 582) appoar to accord with those of the mode-forms of
the present-system. The predilection of the earlier language, con-
tinued sparingly in the later, for the augwentless forms in prohibitive
expression after m& was sufficiently stated and illustrated above
(578).

a. The tense-value of the aorist indicative has also been more than
once referred to, and calls only for somewhat more of detaii and for illus-
tration here.

927. The aorist of the later language is simply a pret-
erit, equivalent to the imperfect and perfect, and frequently
codrdinated with them.

a. Thus, tatah sa gardabhamh lagudena tdday&midsa; tend
’afu paficatvam agamat (IJ.) thereupon he beat the donkey with a stick;
and hereof the latter died; tatah 8A vidarbh&n agamat punah; t&rh
tu bandhujanah samapijayat (MBb.) thereupon she went back to
Vidarbha; and her kindred paid her reverence, pritimaép abhit, uvaca

329 Uses oF THr AORIsT. {[—929

cAi 'nam (MBh.) he was filled with affection, and said to him; tam ada-
hat kAgsthaih no ‘bhiid divyavapua tadda () Ae burned him ecith
wood, and he became then a heavenly form. o

928. The aorist of the older Janguage has the value of a proper
“perfect”: that is, it siznifies something past which is viewed as
completed with reference to the present; and it requires accordingly
to be rendered by our tense made with the auxiliary have. In general,
it indicates what has just taken place; and oftenest something which
the speaker has experienced.

a. Examples from the Veda are: pari ’mé gém anegata pdry
agnim ahrgata, devégv akrata cravah kAé iman & dadhargati (RV.)
these here have led about a cow, they have carried around the fire, they
hare done honor ta the gods — cho shall centure anything against them?
yam Aafch4ma mAnas& 86 ‘yém & 'g&t (RV.) he whom we (formerly,
impf.) sought twoith our mind has (now, aor.) come; yéne *ndro havig&d
krtvy Abhavad dyumny uttaméh, idamb tad akri devd asapatnah
k{la *bhuvam(RV.) that libation by which Indra, making it, became (impl.)
of highest glory, I have now made, ye gods; I have become free from enemies.

b. Examples from the Brahmana language are: sf ha ’smifi jydog
uvdsa... tato ha gandharv&éh s4m iidire: jyog va iyam urvaci
manusyésv: avatsit (CB.) she lived eith him a long time. Then the
Gandharvas said to one another, “this Urvaci, forsooth, has dicelt a long
time among mortals”; tasya ha dant&h pedire: tath ho ’vdca: apat-
sata vA asya dant&h (AN.) Ais teeth fell out. He said to him: “his teeth
truly have fallen out”; {ndrasya vytrath jaghniga indriydzb viryath
prthivim anu vy Archat tad ogadhayo viridho ‘bhavan s&
prajdpatim upa& ‘dhavad vrtréth me jaghnusa indriyéth viryam
prthivim Anu vy Arat tad dgadhayo virddho ‘bhivann {ti (TS.)
of Indra, then he had slain Vritra, the force and might went arcay into the
earth, and became the herbs and plants; he ran to Prajapati, saying: “my
force and might, after slaying Writra, have gone atray into the earth, and
have hecome the herbs and plants”; svaya4m enam abhyudétya briyad
vratya kvA 'vdtsih (AV., in proso passage) going up to him in person,
let him say: “ Vratyu, where hast thou abode”? yada idanith dvau vivdda-
manav eyaétém ahdm adarcam ahdm acr&ugam {ti yA eva briydd
ahdm sadarcam {ti tism& evé graddadhyadma ((B.) if now two should
come disputing with one another, [the one] saying “I have seen”, [the other]
"IT have heard”, te should believe the one who said “I have seen”.

928. a. This distinction of the aoriet from tho imperfect and perfect
as tenses of narration is very common in the Brihmana language (including
the older Upanishads and the Siitras), and is closely observed; violation of
it is very rare, and fs to be regarded as either duc to corruption of text or
indicative of a late origin.

b. In the Vedic hymns, the same distinction is prevalent, but f* both
leas clear and less strictly maintained; many passages would admit an

e20—]} XII. FuTure-sysTeMs. 330

interpretation implying cither sense; and evident sorlst-forms are sometimes
used narratively, while imperfect-forms are also occasionally employed in
the aorist sense.

930. The boundary between what has just been and what is is an
evanescent one, and is sometimes overstepped, eo that an aorist appears
where a present might etand, or was even rather to be expected. Thus:
svadsasthe bhavatam indave na iti somo v&i raje *nduh somé-
yai ’vdi ’ne etad raja dsade ‘cik}]pat (AB. i. 29. 7) “be ye comfor-
table seats for our Indu”, he says; Indu is king Soma; by this means he
has made them (instead of makes them) suitable for king Soma to sit upon;
varunir dpo ydd adbhf{r abhigificéti varunam evaé{ ‘nam akar
(MS. iv. 3.10) the woaters are Varuna's; in that he bepours him with waters,
he has made him Varuna; paticAbhir vydghdrayati pdAkto yajfié
ydvan ev& yajids tam Alabdha ’tho ydvan evé yajiés téasmid
rakgdhsy Apahanti (MS. iil.2.6) he smears with five; fivefold is the offer-
ing; as great as is the offering, of it he has [thereby] taken hold; then, as
great as is the offering, from st he smites away the demons. This idiom is
met with in all the Brahmanas; but it fs especially frequent in the MS.

CHAPTER XII.

THE FUTURE-SYSTEMS.

9381. Tue verb has two futures, of very different age
and character. ‘The one has for tense-sign a sibilant followed
by @ ya, and is an inheritance from the time of Indo-
European unity. ‘The other is a periphrastic formation, made
by appending an auxiliary verb to a derivative noun of
agency, and it is a recent addition to the verb-system; its
beginnings only are met with in the earliest language. The
former may be called the s-future (or the old future, or
simply the future); the latter may be distinguished as the
periphrastic future.

331 THE 68-PUTURE. [—934

1. The s-future.

932. The tense-sign of this future is the syllable @y sy4,
added to the root either directly or by an auxiliary vowel
3 i (in the latter case becoming 3U] igyé). The root has
the guna-strengthening. Thus, from y2l d& give is formed
the future tense-stem 21tW d&syd; from y% i go, the stem
Wed esyd; from yo duh milk, the stem uieT dhoksys4;
from vy bho be, the stem fan bhavigyé; from Yaq rdh
thrive, the stem AIST ardhigyé; and so on.

a. But from yjiv dive the stem is jivigy4, from uke sprinkle it
is ukgigy&, and so on (240).

b. There are hardly any Vedic cases of resolution of the tenee-sign
sya into sia; RV. has kgegidntas once.

933. This tense-stem is then inflected precisely Jike a
present-stem ending in 4 (second general conjugation:
733 a). We may take as models of inflection the future of

Val d& give, and that of Yai ky make. Thus:

active. middie,
8. . p. 8. d. p-
1 ZTeUTiY ATEN «ATEUTT ate ATMA ATU
dasydmi dasydvas d&sydmas d&syé dasydvahe dasydmahe

A MA ALD AL ALS ALS

d&syasi da&syd&thas d&syditha d&sydse d&syéthe dasyddhve

2 areah zea oaeara «=o area areata

d&syéti d&syatas d&sydnti d&sydte ddsyéte dasydnte

Vaan AIT AUT Aiea ararasy Aras
karisydmi karigydvas karigyamas karigyé karigydvahe karigyimahe
etc. etc. ete. eto. etc. ete.
a. In the epics are found occasional cases of Ist du. and pl. in va and
ma: e. g. ramhsydva (R.), bhakgydva (causative: MBh.); esgy&éma
(MBh.), vatsyama (R.).

034. With regard to the use or non-use of the auxiliary vowel
i before the sibilant, thero is a degree of general accordance between
this tense and the other future and the desiderative; but it is by no
means absolute, nor are any definite rules to be laid down with re-
gard to it (and so much the less, because of the infrequency of the
two latter formations in actual use): between this and the aorist

934—| ALL. FUTURE-SYSTEMB. 332

(s-aorist on the one side, or ig-aorist on the other), any correspondence
is still less traceable. Practically, it is necessary to learn, as & mat-
ter of usage, how any given root makes these various parts of ite
conjugational system.

@35. Below is added a statement of the usage, as regards the auxilisry
vowel, of all the roots found quotable — for the most part, tn the form of
a specification of those which add the tense-sign directly to the root; in
brackets are further mentioned the other roots which according to the gram-
marians also refuse the auxiliary vowel.

a. Of roots ending in vowels, the great majority (excepting those in
y) take no i. Thus, all io & (numerous, and onnecessary to specify: but
compare c below); — those in i, as kei posses, oi gather, ci note, mi, si
or 8& bind (sigya), hi; from i, kgi destroy, and ji occur forma of both
classes; cri [and cvi]} has i; — those in i, as kri, bhi, mi, vii; but gi
lie and ni have both forms [and Gi takes i];—-those in u, as cya, dru,
plu, cru, hu; but su press out and stu have both forms [and kgu,
kgnu, nu, yu, ru, snu take i]; —of those in &, dha and bhii take i;
sii has both forms. But all in ¢ (numerous, and unnecessary to specify)
take i [those in changeable y, or so-called f-roots (342), are said by the
grammarians to take elther i or 1; no 1-forms, however, are quotable]. |

b. Of roots ending in mutes, about half add the tonse-sign directly.
Thus, of roots ending in gutturale, gak;— in palatals: in o, pac, muc,
ric, vac, vic, vracgc, Bic (but y&o takes i); in ch, prach; in J, bhafij,
myj (markeya and mrakeya), yaj, bhuj, yuj, vyj, syj [also bhrajj,
raj, saij, sevanj, nij, ruj), while tyaj, bhaj, and majj (mahkgya and
majjigya) have both forms, and vij (vijigya and vejigya) and vraj
take i;— in dentals: in t, kyt cu¢ and vyt [also oft and nyt] make
both forms; in d, ad, pad, gad fall, skand, syand, chid, bhid, vid
Jind, nud [also had, khid, svid, kgnd, tud]; while sad (satsya and
Bidigya) and vid know make both forms [also chrd and tyrd], and vad
has i; indh, vyadh (vetaya), rddh, sidh succeed, budh, yudh, rudh,
vydh [also sfdh, krudh, kgudh, gudh], and bandh and sidh repel
have both forms; in n, tan, while man and han have both forms; — in
labials: in p, Ap, kgip, gup, trp, srp (srapsya and sarpsya) [also
gap, lip, lup], while tap, vap, svap, dyp, and k}p have both forms;
in bh, yabh and rabh, labh having both forms; inm, ram, while kram,
kgam, nam, and yam make both forms.

c. Of the roots reckoned by the grammarians as ending in semivowels
(761 d-g) all take i. And v& or vi weave, vy& or vi envelop, and hv&
or ht call take a y-form, as in their present-system, to which then i is added:
thus, vayigya, vyayigya, hvayisya (but also hvdsya).

d. Of roots ending in spiranta, the’ minority (about a third) are with-
out the auxiliary vowel. They are: roots in g, dig, vig, drg (drakeya),
sprg (sprakesya) [also dang, rig, lic, krug, myg], while nag be lost
has both furms (nanhkgya and nagigya);—in 9, pig, vig, gig [also

333 THE 6-FUTURE. [—938
\y

tvig, dviq, glig, tug, dug, pug, gual, while krg han both forms (krak-

gya and kargigya);— in s, vas shinc, vas clothe [also ghas], while vas

divell has both forms; —in h, mih, duh, druh [also nah, dib, lih],

while dah, vah, sah and ruh have both forme.

e. In the older language, a majority (about five ninths) of simple roots
add the sya without auxiliary {; of the futures occurring in the later
language only, nearly three quarters have the i, this being generally taken
by any root of late origin and derivative character — as it is also uniformly
taken in secondary conjugation (1019, 1036, 1060, 1068).

936. As the root is strengthened to form the stem of this future, so,
of a root that has a stronger and a weaker form, the stronger form is used:
thus, from Ybandh or badh dtnd, bhantaya or bandhigya.

a. By an Irregular strengthening, nafikgya (beside nagigya) is made
from Ynag be lost, and mafksgya (beside majjigya) from /majj sink.

b. But a few roots make future-stems in the later language without
strengthening: thus, likhigya, miligya (also TS.), vijigya (also vejigya),
sisya (Ved or si), siigya (939 b), sphutisya; and fYvyadh makes
vetsya from the weaker form vidh.

c. The (B. has once the monstrous form acnuvigsyamahe, made
upon the present-stem acnu (687) of ag attain. And tho later language
makes sidigya and jahigya from the present-stems of psad and pha.
Compare further hvayisya etc, 836c. Also khy&yigya from yYkhy&
(beside khy&sya) appears to be of similar character.

d. A number of roots with medial fr strengthen it to ra (241): thus,
kraksya, trapsya, drapsya, draksya, mrakgya (beside markeya),
sprakeya, srakgya, srapsya (beside sarpsya), and mradigya (beside
mardigya); and }k]p forms klapsya (beside kalpisya).

e. The root grah (also its doublet glah) takes { instead of f, as it
docs also in the aorist and elsewhere.

937. This future is comparatively rare in the oldest language — in
part, apparently, because tho uses of a future arc to a largo extent answered
by subjunctive forms — but becomes more and more common later. Thus,
the KV. has only seventeen occurrences of persons! forms, from nine different
roots (with participles from six additional roots); the AV. has fifty occurrences,
from twenty-five roots (with porticiples from seven more); but the TS. has
occurrences (personal forms and participles together) from over sixty roots;
and forms from more than a bhandred and fifty roots are quotable from the
older texts.

Modes of the s-future.

938. Mode-forms of the future are of the utmost rarity. The only
example in the older language is karisyée, 2d sing. subj. act., occurring
once (or twice) in RV. (AB. bas once notsyAvahai, and GB. has egyd-
mabAi, tafsyamah@i, sth&dsyamah&i, but they are doubtless false

938—] X11. Fu‘ruR&-sysTEms. 334

readings for -he. Two or three optative forms are found in the epics: thus,
dhakgyet and mansyeran (MBh.), and drakgyeta (R.); aleo an imper-
ative patsyantu (Har.). And several 2d pl. mid. in dhvam are quotable
from the epics: thus, vetsyadhvam, savigyadhvam, and (the causative)
kdlayigyadhvam (PB.) aod jivayigyadhvam (MBh.: and one text has
mokgyadhvam at i. 133. 13, where the other reads mokgayadhvam),
and bhavisyadhvam (MBh. i.): it is a matter of question whether these
are to be accounted a real imperative formation, or an epic substitution of
secondary for primary endings (cumpare 642 a).

Participles of the s-future.

939. Participles are made from the future-stem precisely
as from a present-stem in 4 a: namely, by adding in the
active the ending @_nt, in the middle the ending AT m&na;
the accent remains upon the stem. Thus, from the verbs
instanced above, aleaey_ dasyant and 2Itqaq dasydména,

oO karigyént and ATCC karigyamagpa.

a. According tu the grammariang, the feminine of the active participle
is made either in anti or in ati; but only the former has been noted as
occurring in the older language, and the latter is everywhere extremely
rare: see above, 440 e, f.

b. In RV. occurs once stigyanti, trom sii, with anomalous accent-
uation.

Preterit of the s-future: Conditional.

040. From the future-stem is made an augment-preterit,
by prefixing the augment and adding the secondary endings,
in precisely the same manner as an imperfect from a present-
stem in 4 a. This preterit is called the conditional.

a. It stands related to the future, in forin and meaning, as the French
conditions! aurats to the future aurat, or as the English would have to
twill have — nearly as the German wiirde haben to werde haben.

b. Thus, from the roots already instanced:

active, middle.

8. d. p- 6. d. p.
ALC MALI LS Heed Halrarare sarearale

&daésyam Adasydva adasydma adasye Adésydvahi 4désyAmahi

335 Tue CONDITIONAL. [—943

2 TATE] ARTO TET TEUPATEL TETPATTETTE
adisyas Addsyatam éddsyata AdA&syathds 4dasyetham édasyadhvam
2 ATO ATTA AAU ATE, TET

&ddsyat AdAsyatdm fddsyan A4ddsyata A&dadsyetim 4ddsyanta

rao sate vam sentea satenate wateonts
dkarigyam dékarigyava dkarigyAma dkarigye Akarigyavahi dkarigyamahi
etc. ete. etc. etc. etc, ete.

041. The conditional {s the rarest of all the forms of the Sanskrit
verb. The RV. has buat a single example, &4bharigyat toas going to carry
off, and none of the Vedic texts furnishes another. in the Brihmanas it
is hardly more common — except in CR., where it is met with more than
fifty times. Nor does it, like the future, become more frequent later: not
an example occurs in Nals. Rhagavad-Gité, or Hitopadeca; only one In
Manu; and two fn Cakuntala. In the whole MBh. (Holtzmann) it is found
about twenty-five times, from thirteen roots. The middle forms are ex-
tremely few.

ll. The Periphrastic Future.

942. s. This formation contains only a single indicative
active tense (or also middle: see 947), without modes, or
participle, or preterit.

b. It consists in a derivative nomen agentis, having the
value of a future active participle, and used, either with
or without an accompanying auxiliary, in the office of a
verbal tense with future meaning.

943. The noun is formed by the suffix & ty (or AT
tar); and this (as in its other than verbal uscs: see 1182)
is added to the root either directly or with a preceding
auxiliary vowel 3 i, the root itself being strengthened by
guns, but the accent resting on the suffix: thus, ae datt
from yal d& give; met kartt from vq kr make; TA bhavitf
from yt bho be.

a. As regards the presence or absence of the vowel i, the usage fs
said by the grammarians to be generally the same as in the 6-future from
the same root (above, 935). The most important exception ts that the
roots in ¢ take no i: thus, karty (against karigya); roots han and gam
show the same difference; while vrt, vrdh, and syand have i here, though

043—] MII. FUTURE-SysTens. 336

avt in the s-futare. Tle few furms which vecur in the older language
agree with these statements.

944. In the third persons, the nom. masc. of the noun,
in the three numbers respectively (878), is used without
auxiliary: thus, fa@at bhavité he or she or tt will be:
taal bhavitdrau both twill be; IC GUNG & bhavitéras they
till be. In the other persons, the first and second persons
present of yt_as be (636) are used as auxiliary; and they
are combined, in all numbers, with the singular nom. mase.
of the noun.

a. Thus, from yal da give:

active.
8. d. p.
AGU MEAG isc: &

datasmi datasvas datdsmas

2 aaa «= ATTRACT

datasi ddétasthas datdstha
3 atat aranyt
data datdrau dataras

b. Occasionally, in the epics and later (almost never in the older
language), the norm of the tense as given above is in various respects de-
parted from: thus, by us) of the auxiliary in the 3d person also; by its
omission in the ist or 2d person; by inversion of the order of noun and
auxillary; by iuterposition of other words between them; by use of a dual
or plural nom. with the auxiliary; and by use of a feminine form of the
noun, Examples are: vakta ’sti (MBh.) he wild speak; nihant& (MBh.)
I shall or thou wilt strike down, yoddhaé "ham (R.) I shall fight, ahath
dragt& (MBb.) J shall see, kart&é "hath te (BhP.) I will do for thec,
tvath bhavitaé (Mih. Megh.) thou wilt be; asmi gant& (MBhb.) Z shall
go; pratigrahité tém asmi (MBb.) J will receive her, hanté tvam asi
(MBh.) éhow woslt slay; kartér&éu svah (MBh.) we two shall do; dragtry
asmi (MBb.) J (f.) shall see, udbhavitri (Nai¢.) she will increase,
gantri (Y.) she will yo. ALB. has once Bota as 2d sing., thou walt press;
JUB. makes the combination Qmag&n&ni Dbhavitéras the cemeteries
toall be.

c. An optative of the auxiliary appears to be once used, in yoddha
syém I would fight (R. 1. 22. 25 Peterson; but the Bombay edition reads
yoddhum y&sy&uni).

645. The uccent in these combinations, as in all the ordinary
cases of collocation of a verb with a preceding predicate noun or

337 PERIPHRASTIC r UTURE. [—048

adjective (683), is on tho noun itself; and, unlike all the true verbal
forms, the combination retains its accent everywhere even in an ip-
dependent clause: thus, tarhi vé atin&gtré bhavitdsm! (C(B.) then I
shall be out of danger (where bhavigy&mi, if used, would be accent-
less). Whether {n a dependent clause the auxiliary verb would take
nn accent (695), and whether, if so, at the expense of the accent of
the noun (as in the case of a preposition compounded with a verb-
form: 1088 b), wo are without tho means of determining.

046. In the Veda, the nomina agentis in ty or tar, like various other
derivative nouns (371), but with especial frequency, are used in participtal
construction, governing the accusative if they come from roots whose verbal
forms do so (1189). Often, also, they are used predicatively, with or without
accompanying copula; yet without any implication of time; they are not the
beginnings, but only the forerunners, of a new tense-formation. Generally,
when they have a participial value, the root-syllable (or « prefix preceding
it) has the accent. The tense-use begins, but rather sparingly, in the
Brahmanas (from which about thirty forms are quotable); and it grows more
common later, though the peripbrastic future is nowhere nearly so frequent
as the s-future (it is quotable later from about thirty additional roots).

847. a. A few isolated attempts are made in the Br&hmanas to form
by analogy middle pereons to this futare, with endings corresponding after
the usual fashion to those of the active persons. Thus, TS. bes once pra-
yoktdse J will apply (standing related to prayokt&smi as, for example,
cise to cAsmi); CB. has gayitdse thou shalt ike (similarly related to
qayitadsi); and TB. has yas¢tdsmahe we will make offering. But tn TA.
is found (f. 11) yagt&he as ist sing., showing a phonetic correspondence of
a problematic character, not elsewhere met with in the language.

b. On the basis of euch tentative formations as these, the native
grammariane set up a complete middle inflection for the periphrastic fature;
as follows:

R. d. p.
1 d&td&he d&tdsvahe datadsmahe
2 d&téise datdsithe da&tddhve
3 data datérau datdras

c. Only a single example of such a middle has been brought te light
in the later language, namely (the causative) dargayita&he (Niig.).

Uses of the Futures and Conditional.

648. As the s-future is tho commoner, so also it is the one
more indefinitely used. It expresses in general what is going to take
place st some time to come — but often, as in other languages, add-
ing on the one hand an implication of will or intention, or on the
other hand that of promise or threatening.

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 22

648 —] XII. Furure-sysTeMs. 338

a. A fow examples are: vargigyaty aigdmah parjdnyo vigtimdn
bhavigyati (CB.) s is going to rain; Parjanya ts going to be rich in rain
this year; yas tan né véda kim yo& karigyati (RV.) whoever docs not
know that, what will he do with verse? & val vayaém agni dhisyimahé
‘tha yaydmh kith karisyatha ((B.) we are going to buid the two fires:
then what will you dof tam {ndro ‘bhyddudradva hanigyén (CB.) Aim
Indra ran at, intending to slay; yady ev& karigyétha s&ikdth devafr
yajifyaiso bhavigyatha (RV.) if ye will do thus, ye shall be worthy of
the sacrifice along with the gods, dantas te gatayanti (AV.) thy tecth will
fall out; nd marigyasi ma bibheh (AV.) thow shalt not die; be not
afraid; brihi kva ydsyasi (MBh.) tel/ us; where are you going to go?
yadi mah pratyaékhydsyasi vigam Asthdsye (MBh.) sf you shall reject
me, I will resort to poison. As in other languages, the tense is also some-
times used for the expression of a conjecture or presumption: thus: ko
‘yath devo gandharvo va bhavigyati (MBh.) who ts this? he ts doubtless
a god, or a Gandharva; adya svapsyanti(MBh.) they must be sleeping now.

b. The spheres of future and desiderative border upon one another,
and the one is sometimes met with where the other might bu expocted.
Examples of the future taken in a quasi-desiderative sense are as follows.
yad d&guge bhadraimh karigydsi tavé t tat satyam (RV.) what
Savor thou willest to bestow on thy worshiper, that of thee becometh actual
(ts surely brought about); yathaé ’nydd vadisyént sd ‘nyad wddet
(CB.) as sf intending to say one thing, one were to say unother.

048. ‘The periphrastic future is defined by tho grammarians as
expressing something to be done at a definite time to come. And
this, though but fuintly traceable in later use, is a distinct character-
istic of the formation in the language where it first makes its ap-
pearance. It is especially often used along with ovAs tomorrow.

a. A few examples are: ady& vargigyati ... gvd vragt& (MS.) ct ie
going to rain today; it will rain tomorrow; yatar&n va ime gvah kami-
tdras te jetadras (K.) whichever of two parties these shall choose tomorroie,
they will conquer; pratar yastasmahe (TL.) we shall sacrifice tomorrow
morning; ityahé vah paktasmi (CB.) 2 such and such a day I will
cook for you; tan ma é6k&th ratrim Ante gayitdse jaté u te ‘yéih
tarhi putréd bhavita (QB.) then you shall lie with me one night, and at
that time this son of yours will be born. In other cases, this definiteness
of time is wanting, but an emphasis, as of apecial certainty, seems perhaps
to belong to the form: thus, bibhph{ mA p&rayigyami tvé'ti: kasma&n
mA piarayisydsi ’ty Aughé im&h sarvih prajé nirvodhd, tétas tvaé
parayitasmi "ti (CB.) support me and I will save you, said it. From
what will you save mef said he. A flood is going to carry of ali these
creatures; from that I will save you, said st; paridevay&th cakrire
mahac chokabhayazh priptésmah (GB) they set up a luimentation: “we
are going to meet with great pain and dread”; yaje ‘yakei yagtahe oa
(TA.) I sacrifice, I huve sacrificed, and I shall sacrifice. In yet other cases,

339 Uses oF THE FUTURES AND CONDITIONAL. [—950

In the older language oven, and yet more in the later, this futarc appears
to be equivalent to the other: thns, prajay&am enath vijfidtadsmo yadi
vidvan v& juhoty avidv4n v& (AB.) tn his children we shall know him,
whether he 1s one that sacrifices with knowledge or without knowledge; vak-
tdsmo v& idath devebhyah (AB.) we shall tell this to the gods; yadi
svartho mam& ‘pi bhavit&é tata evath svarthamh karigy&imi (MBh.)
if later my own affair shall come up, then I will attend to my own affair;
kathath tu bhavitadsy eka iti tvath nrpa cocimi (MBh.) but how weld
you get along alonef that, O king, ts the cause of my grief about you.

860. The conditional would seem to be most originally and
properly used to signify that something was going to be done. And
this value it has in Its only Vedic occurrence, and occasionally else-
where. But usually it has the sense ordinarily called “conditional”;
and in the great majority of its occurrences it is found (like the sub-
junctive and the optative, when used with tho same value) in both
clauses of a conditional sentence.

a. Thus, yO vrtréya sinam Atrd "bharigyat pré téth janitri
viduga uvdca(RV.) him, who twas going here to carry off Vritra's wealth,
his mother proclaimed to the knowing one; gataéyuth gim akarigyam
(AB.) I was going to make (should have made) the cow live a hundred years
(in other versions of the same story is added the other clause, in which the
conditional bas a value more removed from its original: thus, in GB., if
you, villain, had not stopped [prigrahigyah] my mouth); tata ev& ’sya
bhaydrh vi ’ydya kdsm&d dhy Abhesyad dvitiyad va{ bhayd:h
bhavati (CB.) thereupon his fear departed; for of whom was he to be
afraid? occasion of fear arises from a second person; utpapita cirézh
tan mene ydd vasah paryddh&syata (('8.) he leaped up; he thought
it long that he should put on a garment; s& tad evé na 'vindat
prajdpatir yatr& "hogyat (MS.) Prajapati, verily, did not then find
tchere he was to (should) sacrifice; evath cen n& ’vakgyo mfrdhié te
vyapatigyat (GB.) tf you should not speak thus, your head would fly
off; e& yad dhai 'tdévad eva "bhavisyad ydvatyo bai ’vd ‘gre prajih
sretds tdvatyo hAi 'vA "bhavigyan n& pr& ’Janigyanta (CB.) if he
had been only so much, there would have been only so many living creatures
as were created at first; they would have had no progeny; kith vi
*bhavisyad arunas tamas&th vibhett& tath cet sahasrakirayno
dhuri n& ’karigyat ({.) toould the Datwon, forsooth, be the scatterer of
the darkness, if the thousand-rayed one did not set her om the front of
his chariot? .

ee

22°

951—}] XIU. VerBat ADJECTIVES AND Nouns. 340

CHAPTER XIIL.

VERBAL ADJECTIVES AND NOUNS: PARTICIPLES,
INFINITIVES, GERUNDS.

961. a. ‘Puose verbal adjoctives, or participles, which are made
from tense-stems, and so constitute a part of the various tense-
systems, have been already treated. It remains to describe certain
others, which, being made directly from the root itself, belong to the
verbal system as a whole, and not to any particular part of it.

b. The infivitive (with a few sporadic exceptions in the older
language) also comes in all cases from the root directly, and not from
any of the derived tonsc-stems.

c. Tho samo is true of the so-called gerunds, or indeclinable
participles.

Passive Participle in ta or nd.

952. Hy the accented suffix ] té— or, in a compar-
atively small number of verbs, Y né —1is formed a verbal
adjective which, when coming from transitive verbs, quali-
fies anything as having endured the action expressed by
the verb: thus, @tt dattd given; SA uktd spoken. Hence
it is usually called the passive participle; or, to distinguish
it from the participle belonging to the passive pregent-
system (771), the past passive participle.

a. When made from an intransitive or neuter verb, the
sume participle, as in other languages, has no passive but
only an indefinite past sense: thus, We gatd gone; TT bhita
been, Ata patita fallen.

953. In general, this participle is made by adding
ta to the bare verbal root, with observation of the ordinary
rules of euphonic combination.

a. Some roots, huwever, require the prefixion of the auxiliary
vowel i to the suffix. For these, and for the verbs that add na
instead of ta, see below, 8956, 957.

341 Passive PaRTICIPLE m ta or na. [—9858

b. As to the accent when the root is preceded by a preposition,
ecc 1085 a.

954. The root before q ta has usually its weakest form,
if there is anywhere in the verbal system a distinction of
weak and strong forms. Thus:

a. A pennitimate nasal is not seldom dropped: examples are
akta pafij), baddhd (yYbandh, crabdha (ycrambh', dagté (} dane’,
srasta '};srans:, badha (p/banh:.

b. Roots which are abbreviated in the weak forms of the per-
fect (784) suffer the same abbreviation here: examplcs are ukta
‘Yvac:, ugté jvas shine), upta ()vap: also vapta), udhd (pvah',
supta ()/svap), istd (yYyaj), viddha ()’vyadh); — and, by a similar
procedure, prach (or prag) makea preta, Ybhrathg makes bhyeta
(beside the regular bhragté’, and )/¢gr& boil makes grté (beside gr&té).

c. Final & is weakened to I in gité ()’g@& sing), dhita (ydh& such),
pita (;'pa drink) ephita; and jita, vitd, cita are made from the roots
jy&, vy&, cya, (or jf ete.); — and further to i in chit& (beside chita),
dita (yd& divide and G& bind), drita (P ydr& sleep), hita () dha put:
with h for dh; bot dhita also occurs in V.). mité(ym& measure), gith
talso C&ta), sita, sthita.

d. A final m is lost after a in gatdé, nata, yata, raté (from pgam
etc.); and a final n in kegata, taté, matdé, hatéd. As to the other roots
in am and an taking ta, see 065 a, b.

@. More isclated caces arc -fita (RV.: pav), utd or ita (p'v& rreare),
cigt& (also casta: }/cfs), mfirté (referred to }’mfirch). As to -gdha
and jagdha, see 238 f.

f. On the other hand, fsvad makes sv&tté.

055. Of more irregular character are tho following:

a. A number of roots ending in am retain the nasal, and lengthen
the radical vowel (as also in some others of their vorbal. forms: thus,
karmtd, kramta, klAmté, kgdthta, cAthta, tAthta, d&mhtdé, bhria:hta,
vaihté, gfthté (1 cam be guiet', oramté (from ; kam ctc.); and one
in an, dhvan sound, wakes dhv&nté.

b. A few roots in an make their participle from another root-furm
in &: thus, kha&ta, jata, -vata, sata; dham has both dhamitaé and
dhmata.

c. Certain roots in fv take their yi-form (766.a): thus, dyfita (div
play), ethylta, syité; but ymiv makes -mita

d. From roots in changeable p (generally taking na- 967 b) are made
alec pirté (pr All: beside prta), girta and girta (yor crush); and
Cirta is further made from j ori mez.

855—) XIII. VERBAL ADJECTIVES AND Nouns. 342

e. Double forms are mugdh& and miadha, s&dh& and sogha, dhirta
and dhruta, hvrta and hruté.

f. The root G& give makes datté (from the secondary root-form dad;
but data also in V.). But the anomalously contracted form -tta (se if
for d&ta, with the radical vowel lost) is also frequent in composition, es-
pecially with prepositions: thus, atta, anutta, pdritta, prdétta, praétitta;
rarely with other elements, as devdtta, punartta, m&rutta(?). And the
same abbreviated form comes from }/d& divide in Avatta.

g. The roots making participles in both ta and ita, or ta and na, or
in all three, will be nuted In the next two paragraphe.

e656. The suffix with 3 i, or in the form 3% itd, is
used especially with roots having finals that are only with
difficulty, if at all, combinable with q@_t according to the
usual analogies of the Janguage, and often with roots of a
secondary, derivative, or late character; but also not seldom
with original roots.

a. Thus, of roots presenting difficulties of combination: — 1. all that
end in two consonants (save those of which one consonant is lost by a weak-
ening process: 954 a, b): o. g. gahk, valg, vaiich, lajj, ubj, cegt,
ghirn, katth, nind, jalp, cumb, umbh, khall, pinv, gahs (also
gasté), rake, hihs, garh (in all, over Ofty); but takg makes tagta ; —
2. all that end io linguals (including g after @ or &): e. g. at, trut, path,
luth, Id, vwrud, bhan, kag, bha&g; — 3. all that end in surd spirants:
e.g. likh, grath, naéth, kuth, riph, guph; — 4 all that end in 1: e.g.
cal, gil, mil, lul, khel; — 5. all that end in other persistent semivowels:
namely, carv (also cfirna), jiv (for the other roots in Iv, see 856 o),
dhav run, sev, day, vyay, puy;— 8. ujh. — This class inclades more
than half of the whole number that take only ita.

b. Of other roots ending in consonants: — 1. in gutturals, cak, Gdh&éuk
(gak has both ta and itu); glagh;— 2. iu palatals, ac (also akné),
uc, kuo, khac, y&c, ruc; ajP, kij, vraj, also tyaj and myj in late
texts (usually tyakté and mygta); — 3. in dentals, at, pat, gout, also
yat in epos (elsewhere only yatté); krad, khAd, gad, cud, nad, mud,
mrd, rad, rud, vad, vid know, hr&d; also nud in epos (elsewhere
nutt& and nunna); mad has both matt&é and madit& (the majority
of roots in d take na: 957d); edh, kgudh, gadh, dudh, n&dh,
b&dh, spardh; an, in, kvan, dhvan, pan, ran ring, van, stan,
evan, and dhvan (also dhv&nté);— 4. io labials, cup, yup, rup,
and usually kup (kupta lat«) and lap (lapta epic), occasionally kip,
gup, tap, drp, vap, cap, while jap has both ta and ita; grabh
(gybhita), gubh, skabh, aud occasionally lubh, while kgubh and
stabh have both forms; tim, dham, gam Jabor, stim, and kgam in

epos (also kedrhta); — 9. in spirants, ag eat, ig, kag, kyg, vag, gag,

343 PASSIVE PARTICIPLE IN ta OR na. [—957

whilo pig has both forms, and myg takes ita only late; ig send, Ig, kus,
tre, tvig, prug, mis, rie, heg, hreg, also mug oxcopt Inte, while dhrg,
rug, and hrg show both forms; ds, bhas, bh&s, ras, las, vas clothe,
has, also as throw occasionally, while kas, gras, yas, vas shine, vas
direll, g&s (with cigt& and casta), ¢vas, and hras make both forms;
ih, grah (grhita), jah (secondary form of h&). mah, rah, and occasionally
th remore, while g&h has both forms.

c. Of roots ending in vowels, only ci /te, which makes gayita (with
guna of root, as elsewhere: 629).

d. In general, a root -maintains its full form before ita; but there
src a few exceptions: thus, grbhité and gyhit& (the root being reckoned
as grabh and grah: see 729), udita (also vadita in the later langasge),
ugita (j/vas shine; beside ugtdé), ugita ()vas dice: also sporadically
vasita and ugta), ukgita (pvakg increase), cythita (yorath). From
}myj are made both myjita and marjita (with strengthening as in present
and elsewhere: 627), beside mygté.

e. Instead of f, long i is taken in gybhit& and grhita.

957. ‘The suffix 3 nd (always without auxiliary 3 i) is
taken instead of @ ta by a number of roots (about seventy).

Thus:

a. Certain roots in &: thus, kg&, gl&, dr&@ ren, dr sleep, (also
drita?), ml& (also miata), vA blow (also vAta), cy (also Gind), styA,
h& leave (also hing and h&ta), h& go forth, and G& divide makes dind&
(also dita and -tta). Further, certain roots in i- and u-vowele: thus, kai
destroy (Kgina; also keitaé), di, pi, li cling, vii, ¢1 or ¢y& coagulate
(beside Gy&na and cita), hri (beside hrita), dit burn (also duta), 18,
gti; and div /ament makes dyiina (compare 768).

b. Roots in ¢, which before the suffix beromcs ir or fir: the forms
arc, arna (late; beside ytd), kirna (p/ky scatter), girnk (ygy swallor),
jirné and jarna (jy waste away), tirpd and tiirnd (aleo tirtaé), dirnd
(Ydp pterce: alan dpta). parna (ypy fll: also piirta and prta), mirnd
(Yymy crush), cirna (Yor crush: also cirta and cirtaP), stirnd (also
strta). Of like character with these are Irn from yir, cirna (beside
carita) from Ycar, giirna (beside giirt&) from Ygur, a secondary form
of gy, and ciirna (beside carvita) from ;carv, which is also plainly a
secondary root.

c. A few roots ending in j (which becomos @ before tho suffix against
the usual rule of internal combination: BI6f): thus, bhagna (/pbhafi)).
bhugna (pbhuj dend), magna (pmajj), rugna, vigna (beside vikta).
Further, two or three cnding in c (similarly treated): thus, akné (jac
or afic: also acita and aficita), vrkndé (/vrage), and apparently -prgna
(RV., once: with doubly frregular change of root-final, from Ypye). And
one root In g, lagaa.

957 - | XU. Verbar ADJECTIVES AND NOUNS. 344

ad. A considerable number, some of them very common ones, of roots
in G@ (which, against ordinary rule, becomes n before the suff.: 16567 b).
The forms are: unna (alzo utta), arnnaP, klinna, kgunna, ksvinga,
khinna, channa, chinné, chrnnd, tunna, trnpd, nunna (alsu nutta
and nudita), panna, bhinna, vinna (;’vid find: also vittd), ganna
(/gad fall), sannd (also satt4é), skanna (j/ekand), syannd ()syand),
evinné, hanna. And dnna food, in spite of its different accent, appears
to be a like formation from pad eat.

968. ‘The native grammarians reckon as participles of this for-
mation a few miscellancous derivative adjectives, coming from roots
which do not make a regular participle: such are kg&ima burnt, kpod
emaciated, pakv& ripe, phult& expanded, gagka dry.

Past Active Participle in tavant (or navant).

959. From the past passive participle, of whatever
formation, is made, by adding the possessive suffix 4%
vant, a secondary derivative having the meaning and con-
struction of a perfect active participle: for example, TT
HATA tat kytdévin having done that, tath nigirnavin having
swallowed him down. Its inflection is like that of other
derivatives made with this suffix (452 ff.); its feminine ends
in @dqt vati; its accent remains on the participle.

960. Derivative words of this formation are found in RV., but without
anything like a participial value. The AV. has a single example, with par-
ticiplal meaning: agitdvaty Atith&u one's guest having eaten (loc. abs.).
In the Brahmanas saleo it is hardly met with. In the later language, however,
it comes to be quite common. And there it is chiefly used predicatively,
and oftenest without copula expressed, or with the value of a personal verb-
form in a past tense: primarily, and not seldom, signifying immediate past,
or having a true “perfect” value; but also (like the old perfect and the old
aorist in later use) coming to be freely used for indefinite time, or with the
value of the imperfect (778). For example: m&zh na kagcid dygtavain
no one has seen (or saw) me; sa nakulamh vydpdditavin he destroyed
the ichneumon, or, with copula, mahat krcchrarth pr&ptavaty asi thou
hast fallen upon great misery. Although originally and properly made
only from transitive verbs (with an object, to which the participle in ta
stands in the relation of an objective predicative), it is finally found alse
from intraneitives: thus, ciitena sathoritavati ((.) has become united
with the mango-iree; gatavati (ib.) she has gone.

a. The same participle is also made in the secondary conjugations:
e. g. dargitavant having shown, prabodhitavant having awakened.

345 GERUNDIVES. [—963

b. Possessives also in in made from passive participles are some-
times found used in an analoguos manner, nearly as perfect acti¥e partict-
ples: e.g. igtin having sacrificed, vijitino manyam&n&h (AR.) thinking
themselves to have conquered.

Future Passive Participles: Gerundives.

961. Certain derivative adjectives (for the most part
more or less clearly secondary derivatives) have acquired in
the language a value as qualifying something which is to,
or which ought to, suffer the action expressed by the root
from which they come; and they are allowed to be made
from every verb. Hence they are, hke more proper par-
ticiples, sometimes treated as a part of the general verbal
system, and called future passive participles, or gerundives
(like the Latin forms in ndus, to which they correspond in
meaning).

962. The suffixes by which such gerundives are rcegu-
larly and ordinarily made are three: namely @ ya, Gea tavya,

and Avy antya.

a. Derivatives in ya having this value are made fn all periods of the
language, from the earliest down; the other two are of more modern origin,
being entirely wanting in the oldest Veda (RV.), and hardly known ifn the -
later. Other derivatives of a similar character, which afterward disappear
from use, are found in the Veda (966).

063. Tho auffix ya in its gerundiveo use has nothing to dis-
tinguish it from the same suffix as cmployed to make adjectives and
nouns of other character (see below, 1913). And it exhibits also the
same variety in the treatment of the root.

a. The original value of the suffk is ia, and as such it has to be read
in the very great majority of ite Vedic occurrences. Hence the conversion
of e and o to ay and av beforo it (see below).

b. Thus: |. Final & becomes e before the suffix: déya, dhyeya,
khyéya, méya (perhaps dé-fa etc., with suphonic y interposed); but
RV. has once -jfifya.— 2. The other vowels either remain unchang-
ed, or have the guna or the vrddhi strengthening; and e ueually
and o always are treated before the ya as they would be before a
vowel: thus, -keayya, jayya, bhdyya, ldyya; navya, bhavya, havya,
bhavya; varya: and, in the later language, niya, jeya, dhftya (such
cases are wanting earlier). In a few fostances, a short vowel adds t

963—] XII]. VERBAL. ADJECTIVES AND Nouns. 346

before the suffix: thus, itya, mitya, gritya, etitya, krtya (the only
Vedic examples). — 3. Medial a remains unchanged or is lengthened:
thus, dabhya, vandya, sddya; madya, vacya.— 4. Medial i-, u-,
and y-vowels are unchanged or have the guya-strengthening: thus,
idya, guhya, dhrsya; dvésya, yodhya, marjya.

c. The RV. has shout forty examples of this gerundive, and the AV.
adds half as many more. Except in bh&vid (once), the accent in RV.
is always on the root; AV. has several cases of accent on the j of the
eu(fiz (hence written Ady&, Agya, -vyddhya, -dhargya). According to
. the grammarians, the accent is on the root or else the ending is circum-
flexed: always the former, if the ya follow a vowel.

964. a. The suffix tavya is a secondary adjective derivative
from the infinitival noun in tu (below, 968), madé by adding the
suffix ya (properly {u, whence the accent ya), before which the final u,
as usual (1203 a), has guna-strengthoning, and is resolved into av.

b. Hence, as regurds both the form taken by the root and the

use or omission of an auxiliary vowol i before the tavya, the rulos
are the same as for the formation of the infinitive (below, 968).
_ @. No example of this formation is found in RV., and in AV. occur
only two, janitavya and hihsitavya. In the Brihmana language it be-
gins to be not rare, and is made both from the simple root and from the
dorived conjugational stems (neat chapter); in the classical language it is
still unore frequent. According to the grammarians, the accent of the word
iy wither circumflex on the Qnal or acute on the ponult: thus, kartavya
or kartavya; in tho accontuated tosts, It is always the furmer (the accont
tavya given to certain gerundives in the Petersburg lexicons is an error,
growing out of the ambiguous accentuation of CB.: 88 0).

965. a. The suffix aniya is in like manner the product of
secondary derivation, made by adding the adjective suffix Iya (1216)
to a nomen actionis formed by the common suffix ana.

b. It follows, then, as regards its mode of formation, the rules
for the suffix ana (below, 1150).

Gc. This derivative also is unknown in RV., and in AV. is found only
in upajivaniya and dmantraniya (in both of which, moreover, its die-
tinct gerundive value admits of question). Iu the Brihmanas (where less
than a dozen examples of it have been noted), and in the later language,
it is less common than the gerundive in tavya. Its accent, as fn all the
derivatives with the suffix Iya, is on the penult: thus, karaniya.

966. Other formations of kindred vaiue are found in the Veda as
folluws:

a. Gerundives in tua or tva, apparently made from the influitival
uoun in tu with the added suffix a (1200). Thoy are kartua (in two
occurrences kartva), -gathtva, jaAntua, jétua, ndthtua, vaktua, sdtua,

347 INFINITIVES. [—968

sn&tua, hantua, hétua, hotva; and, with anxiliary i (or 1), janitva,
eanitva, bhavitva.

b. Gerundives in enia or enya (compare 1917): they are Ikgenfa,
idénia, carénia, drgénia, -dvigenia, bhfigénya, yudhénia, varenia
(and bhajenya BhP.); with one example from an apparent aorist-stem,
yathsénya, and three or fonr from seco:udary verb-stems (see below, 1010,
1038, 1068 a).

©. Gerundives in dyia (once dyya: compare 1918): they are dak-
gdyia, pandyia, viddyia, gravidyia, hnavayia; with a few from seoon-
dary conjugation-stems (below, 1019, 1038, 1061, 1066 a); and stugéyia
is of close kindred with them.

d. A few adjectives in elima, as pacelima, bhidelima (only these
quotable), are reckoned as gerundives by the grammarians.

867. The division-line between participial and ordinary adjec-
tives is less strictly drawn in Sanskrit than in the other Indo-Euro-
pean languages. Thus, adjectives in u, ae will be seen later (1178),
from secondary conjugational etems, have participial value; and fo
the Brahmanas (with an example or two in AV.) is found widely and
commonly used a participial adjective formed with the suffix uka
(1180).

Infinitives.

968 The later language has only a single infinitive,
which is the accusative case of a verbal noun formed by the
suffix q tu, added to the root usually directly, but often also
with aid of the preceding auxiliary vowel 31. The form of
the infinitive ending, therefore, is qq tum or 71 itum. The
root has the supe-strenginening: and is accented. Thus, for
example, Vue étum from y% GUA kdértum from th kr;
aT céritum from vaq car; ata bhavitum from va bhi.

a. As regards the nse or omission of i, the infinitive {as also
the gerund iv tvA: 981) follows iv genoral the analogy of the passive
participle (966). Examples are (with the gerund added) as follows:
dagdhé, dagdhum, dagdbvi from ydah; bhinné, bhéttum, bhittvd
from ybhid; maté, m4ntum, matvé from pman; adhd, védhum,
fidhvd from pvah; patita, pdtitum, patitvd from ppat; ya&cité,
ydcitum, yAoitvd from Yy&c; gayita, gdyitum, gayitvd from yi.
But certain exceptions and special cases require notice. Thus:

b. Of roots having no quotabic participle, infinitive steme in tu are
made from ad, sagh; in itu from ufich, fh conader, kgap, lugth,
lok, svar; and in bota from yabh.

968—| XII. VERBAL. ADJECTIVES AND Nouns. 348

ec. Of roots making participles of both forms, an infinitive stem in
tu only is quotable for kgip, kgubh, tap, tyaj, myo, lubh, vas shine,
gak, stabh; only in itu for gih, carv, jap, mad, yat, van, gahs,
gvas; in both for as throw, th remove, gup, car, myj (margtu, méar-
jitu), lap, vas dtoell, gap, gas.

d. Also in a number of other cases (besides those already noticed) an
infiuitive stem is made both with and without i. Thus, in addition to the
more regular form, a stem in itu is occasionally met with from roots ag
attain, ig seek, bandh, bhaj, yaj (ijitum), rudh obstruct, ruh, vrq,
sad (siditum), sah, han, hy; and one in tu from roots as, bhag, vid
Know. Both forms occur alao from certain am-roots, namely nam, yam,
ram, and, with & before tu as in the pple, kram and bhram (kgam
has only Kgarhtu, against the analugy of kgdihta); further, from certain
roots in variable y, namely ty (tartu, taritu), vy cover (vartu, varitu),
aud sty (startu, staritu, staritu) (but from gp crush occur only géritu,
garitu, and from vy choose only varitu; while gp swallow and pr fl
make their infinitive from other root-forms, namcly giritum, piritum);
further, from a few vowel-roots, namely ni, cyu, sa (stitu); and finally
from kyg, nyt, gue.

e. Against the analogy of the participle, infinitive-stems in itu after
a final consonant are made from the roots av, kgan, khan and jan (the
pples coming from kh@ and ja), guh, jabh, tam, div play and div
lament (both devitu), majj, vyt, vrdh, epp; and after a final vowel,
from roots in a, namely pu, bhi, ati (also afitu), and from ori and gvi;
as to roots in variable y, see just abuve, d.

f. As the infinitive fa made from the (accented and) strengthened
root, so it naturally has, as a rale, the stronger or fuller root-form whero
a weaker or contracted form is taken by the participle (and gerund in
tva): o. g. vaktu against ukt& (and uktvé), ydgtu against igta (and
igtva), banddhum against baddha (and baddhvA), and so on. Deserv-
ing special notice are gatu (fg sing) against gité, and dhatu (pydha
suck) against dhilé; and so from da give and ha feave aro made only
datu and hatu; but dha put, ma& measure, and ethé add to the regular
dhatu, m&tu, sthdtu the late forms -dhitu, -mitu, -sthitu; and s&
or si has sdtu, sétu, and -situ; va weave (pple utd) has both vatu
and é6tu; hii or hv& has havitu, hvdyitu, and hvatu. The root vyadh
inakes its only quotable infinitive, veddhum, from its vidh-furm; from
safj or saj occur both sanktu ani! saktu. The anomalous epic forms
ijitum (j/yaj) and siditum (}; sad), were mentioned above. The root
grah makes grdhitum.

g. In the later language, the infnitive-stem furms possessive com-
pounds with kama and manas (cxpecially the furwer): ce. g. svaptu-
kama having the wish to sleep, yagtuk&éma desirous af sacrificing,
vaktumanas minded to speak.

h. In very rare instances, dative infilnitives in tave or tav&i are

3.19 INFINITIVES. [—970

mado from tho infinitive stem in the later language (as abundantly in the
earlier: O87Ob): thus, pratihartave (Bh?.). And jivase (973 a) is
once found in MBb. (1. 3. 67 = 732), In a quasi-Vedic hymn to the Aovins.

869. In the Veda and Brahmana, however, a number of verbal
nouns, nomina actions, in various of their cases, are used in con-
structions which assimilate them to the infinitive of other languages
— although, were it not for these other later and more developed
und pronounced infinitives, the constructions in question might pass
as ordinary case-constructions of a somowhat peculiar kind.

870. The nouns thus used infinitively are the following:

a. The root-noun, without derivative suffix, is so used in its
accusative in am, its dative in e or (from &-roots) Ai, its genitive
and ablative is as, and its locative in 1.

b. The verbal noun in tu is so used in ite accusative in tum,
its dative in tave or tava{, and its ablative and genitive in tos.

Of other nouns only single cases, generally datives, are reckoned as
used with infinitive valuc; thus:

ec. From the verbal noun in as, the dative in ase; and also, in
an extremely small number of instances, a dative in se (or ge), from
a noun formed with s simply.

d. From nouos in man and van, datives in mane and vane.

e. From nouns in ti, datives in taye, or (from one or two verbs)
in tyai.

f. From nouns in i, datives in aye.

g- From nouns in dhi and gi, datives in dhy&i and gyAi.

h. A few iafinitives in gani are perhaps locatives from nouns in
an added to a root increased by s.

i. From a single root, dhy, are made infinitively used forme io
tari, of which the grammatical character is questionable.

j. Among all thesc, the forms which have best right to special treat-
ment as Infinitives, on account of being of pecullar formation, or from
suffixes not found In other uses, or for both reasons, are thosein ge gani,
tari, dhy&i, and tavai.

k. Except the various cases of the derivative in tu, and of fhe root-
voun, these infinitives are almost wholly unknown outside the Rig-Veda.

1. Other suffixes and forms than those noticed above might be added;
for it is impossible to draw any fixed line between the uses classed as
infinitive and the ordinary case-uses: thus, prajdpatith pragndm Aitém
(TS.) they went to ask Prajapats, vigvath jivath prasuvanti cardyAi
(RV.) quickening every living being to motion; ap&h sérma&ya codéyan
(RV.) tmpelling the waters to flow; gaknuydd gréhandya (instead of the
usual gréhitum: (B.) may be able to apprehend; & taman&t (instead of
the usual tamitoh: S.) unésl exhaustion. And the so-called infinitives

970—] XIII. Versat ADJECTIVES AND Nouns. 350

arc found codrdinated in the same sentence with common nouns, and even
with compound nouns: e. g. cdritave... Abhogidya igtéye rfiyé (RV.)
to go abroad, to enjoy, to seek wealth; artatrinfya na prahartum
anf&gasi (0.) for the rescue of the distressed, not for hurlin, at the
innocent.

More special rules as to the various formations are as follows:

971. The root-noun used as infinitive has the same form (except that
it does not take an added t: 383 f), and the same accent, both when simple
and when combined with preposjtions, as in its other uses. In the very
great majority of instances, it is made from roots ending in a consonant;
but also from a few io A (khy&, d&, dh&, p&?, m&, y&), from two or
three in i- and u-vowels (hi, mi, bhi), and from one or two in changeeble
T, which takes the ir-form (tir, stir).

a. The roots in & form the accus. in &m, tbe dat. in @i, the abl. in
&s (understanding avasd before & as for avasds and not avasé{ in RV.
ili, 53.20), and the locative in e (only two examples, of which one is per-
baps better understood as dative).

972. The infinitive noun in tu is made freely from roots of every
form. The root takes the guna-strengthening, if capable of it, and often
adds the auxiliary vowel i before the suffix (according to the rules already
stated, 868). The root is accented, unless the noun be combined with a
preposition, in which case the later has the accent instead: thus, kértum,
étave, hdntos; but nfkartum, nfretave, n{rhantos.

a. The dative in tav&i is in two respects anomalous: in having the
heavy feminine ending Gi along with a strengthened u; and in taking a
double accent, one on the root or on the prefixed preposition, and the other
on the ending &i: thus, étavaf, héntavaf, dtyetaval, dpabhartavaf.

973. a. The infinitive in ase ise made in RV. from about twenty-
five roots; in AV. and later there have been noted no other examples of
it. In nearly three quartors of tho casos, tho accont ls on tho suffix: a. g.
piijdse, jivdse, bhiyAse, tujdse; tho exceptions are caAkgase; dhdyase
(with y inserted before the suffix: 858); and d4yase, bhérase, spdrase,
harase (with guna-strengthening of the root). Strengthening of the root
ie also ehown by javdse, dohdse, bhojdse, gobhése. In pugydse is
seen, apparently, the present-stem instead of the root.

b. The ending se is extremely rare, being found only in jigé and
perhaps etugé, and one or two etill more doubtful cases.

974. Infinitives in mane are made from only five roots: thus, tré-
mane, damane, darmane, bhdrmane, and (with different accent) vid-
mane. Krom Yd& comes ddvane; turvAne may come directly from ptr,
or through the secondary root turv; dhtirvane is rather from /dhdrv
than from. Ydhvy.

875. s. The infunitives in tay are igfdye (yig), pitdye (pa
drink), vitaye, sAtaye, and perhaps itdye (itdye nén tu Aelp Ais men:

351 INFINITIVES. [—981

RV.). In ty&i, the only examples noted are itya{ (RV.) and sddhyfi
(MS. AB.).

b. With aye are formed ighye, tujéye, drgdye, mahdye, yudhaye,
sandye; and citdye (VS.), gphaye (K.).

676. The cnding dhy&i Is, more than any other, Irregular and vari-
ous fn its treatment. It has always an a before it; and in the majority
of cases {t is accented upon this a, and added to a weak form of root:
thus, ecucddhyai, prnadhyal, dhiyddhyai, huvddhy@i. But the form
of root is the strong one in a few cases: namely, jyayddhydi, stavddh-
yai, tarédhyéai, jarddhy&i, mandaédhy@i, vanddédhyai. In _ half-a-
dozen forms, again, the root has the accent: namely, kgéradhyAi, g4madh-
yai, ydjadhy&i (but once or twice also yajddhy&i), vdhadhyAi,
sthadhyAi, bhéradhy&i. In a single instance, p{badhy@i, the suffix
is added distinctly to a present-stem; and in one, vavypdhdédhyA&i, to a
perfect stem. Finally, in a number of instances (ten), this Infinitive fs
made from a causative stem in ay: thus, madayddhyAi, rigayddhyAi, ote.

a. This infinitive is by no means rare in RV., being made in thirty-
five different forms (with scventy-two occurrences). But it is bardly known
outside of the RV.; the AV. has it but once (in a passage found also in
RV.); and elsewhere half-a-dozen examples have been noticed, in mantra-
passages (one of them TS. falsely reads g&madhye); in the Brihmana
languige proper it appears to be entirely wanting.

877. An example or two ere met with of an infinitive in gy&i: thus,
rohieyai (TS.), avyathigyai (K. Kap.; MS. avyéthige; VS. vyathigat),
and perhaps -dh&syai (PGS.).

878. Tho infinitives in gani are: igdni(?) from pig send, -bhigdni
from Ybhfi; gfigdni from Yo or gv&; negdni from yni; sakgdéni
from Yeah; pargdni from ypy, tarigdni from ptr; and grpigdni and
-strnigdni from pygrp and sty — the last containing evident present tense-
signs (compare the ist sing. grnigé, 884d).

878. The only Infinitive in tari is dhartaéri (with Its compound
vidhartéri), from pdhr.

Uses of the Infinitives.

980. The uses of the so-called infinitives are for the most part
closely accordant with those of the corresponding cases from other
abstract nouns. Thue:

681. The accusative, which is made only from the root-noun and
the noun in tu, is used as object of a verb.

@. Especially, of forms from the root cak be able, and arh be worthy,
have the right or the power. Thus, gakéma tvA samf{dham (RV.) may
we accomplish thy kindling; m& gakan pratidhém {gum (AV.) may they
not be able to fit the arrow to the string; mano vd imiéth sady&h péry-

981—] XIII. VerbaL ADJECTIVES AND NOUNS. 352

&ptum arhati manah péribhavitum (TS.) the mind, forsooth, can at
once attain and surpass her; kd hy étésyé ‘rhati gahyamh ndma grié-
hitum ((QB.) for who ts worthy to take his secret name? In the Veda, the
construction with these verbs is only one among others; in the Braéhmana,
it becomes the greatly prevalent one (three quarters or more of all the cases).

b. Further, of verbs of motion (next most frequent case): thus,
dikginini hétum eti (TS.) he goes to sacrifice things pertaining to
sacrificial gifts; {ndrarh prat{ram emy dyub (KV.) I go to Indra for
(i. e. beseech of him) the lengthening out of life; —of Ydhy persist in,
undertake: as, 8& idath jatah sérvam evé dégdhurh dadhre (CB.) he,
as soon as born, began to burn this universe; — of verbs meaning destre,
hope, notice, know, and the like: as, pdgdn vioftazh vettha sérvan
(AV.) thou knowest how to loosen ali bonds; tasm&d agn{xh na ” driyeta
parihantum ((B.) therefore one should not be careful to smother the
Jire; — aud of others.

882. Of the infinitive datives, the fundamental and usual sonse
is that expressed by for, in order to, for the purpose of.

Examples are: vigvath jivath cardse bodhiyanti (RV.) awakening
every living creature to motion; tan dpa y&ta pibadhy&i (RV.) come
to drink them; na&{ ’tath te devé adadur A&ttave (AV.) the gods did
not give her to thee for eating; praf "d yudhadye désyum {ndrah
(RV.) Indra went forward to fight the demon, cakgur no dhehi vikhyéf
(RV.) give us sight for looking abroad.

Some peculiar constructions, however, grow out of this use of the in-
finitive dative. Thus:

a. The noun which is logically the subject or the object of the action
expressed by the infinitive is frequently put beside it in the dative (by a
construction which is in part a perfuctly simple one, but which is stretched
beyond ity natural boundaries by a kind of attraction): thus, cak&ra
siirydya panthdém Anvetavd u (RV.) he made a track for the sun to
follow (made for the sun ua track for his following); gigite gfige
rdkgobhyo vinfkge (RV.) he thets his horns to pierce the demons;
rudraya dhdénur 4 tanomi brahmadvige gérave hantav& u (RV.)
[ stretch the bowe for Rudra, that with his arrow he may slay the brahma-
hater; asmabhyath drgaye stiryAya pinar ddt&ém 4sum (RV.) may
they grant life again, that we may see the sun.

b. An infinite with )’kp make is used nearly in the sense of a
causative verb: thus, pr& ’ndhath gronéizh chkgasa étave krthah (RV.)
ye make the blind and lame to see and go; agnith sam{dhe cakértha
(RV.) thow hast made the sire to be kindled. Of similar character fe an
vecasional construction with another verb: as, yad im ugmAési kértave
kérat tat (RV.) what we wish to be done, may he do that; kavihr
icchdmi samndfge (RV.) I desire tu see the sages.

ec. A dative infinitive is not seldom used as a predicate, sometimes

353 Uses or THE INFINITIVES. (—084

with, but more usually without, a copula expressed: thus, agnir iva n&
pratidhfge bhavati (TS.) like fire, he is not to be resisted; mahimé te
anyéna n& sathnége (V8.) thy greatness is not to be attained by another;
nékim indro nfkartave n& gakréh périgaktave (RV.) Indra is not
to be put down, the mighty one is not to he overpowered.

G. Sometimes an infinitive so used without a copula has quite nearly
the value of an imperative: thus, ty4 me yagds&... Augijé huvddhyai
[asti] (RV.) these glorious ones shall the son of Ucy invoke for me;
siktébhir vah ...{ndr& nv Agni dvase huvddhyai [stab] (RV.)
with your hymns shal! ye call now on Indra and Agni for aid; vandédhy&
agnith némobhih [asmi] (RV.) let me greet Agni with homage; asmika-
eag ca efirdyo viqva Acds tarigdni (RV.) and let our sacrificers cross
all regions; tan n&{ *véth kdrtavaf (MS.) that must not be done £0;
brahmadvigah cdrave hantavd u (KV.) /et the arrow slay the brahma-
haters. The infinitives in dhy@i and sani (which latter is in all its uses
aceordant with datives) are those in which the imperative value is most
distinotly to be recognized.

e. In the Bréhmanas and Sutras (eepectally in CB.) the dative in tavai
is not seldom used with a verb signifying speak (bri, vac, ah), to express
the ordering of anything to be done: thus, tasm&d dgadhin&dm evé milldny
tcchettaval brfiy&t (CB.) therefore let him direct the roots of the plants
to be cut up (speak tn order to their cutting up: ef. yé vaghyA 4dainiya
vaddanti who dissuade from giving the cow: AV.).

983. The ablative infinitive — which, like the accusative, is made
only from the root-noun and that in tu—is found especially with
the prepositions & unt and pur& before.

a. Thus, & tamitoh (TS. etc.) until erhaustivn; purd vichh pr&-
vaditoh (TS.) before utterance of the voice. In the Bribmana language,
this is the well-nigh exclusive constraction of the ablative (it occurs aleo
with prak, arv&k, etc.); in the Veda, the latter ie used aleo after pté
without, and after several verbs, as tr& and p& profsct, yu separate, bhi, ete.

b. In a fow instances, by an attraction similar to that {liustrated
above for the dative (9682 a), a noun dependent on this Infinitive is put in
the ablative beside it: thus, purA vagbhyah sampravaditoh (PB.)
before the utterance together of the voices; tradhvath kartid avapddah
(RV.) save us from falling down into the pit; pur&é dakgin&bhyo netoh
(Apast.) before the gifts are taken away.

984. The genitive infinitive (baving the same form as the ab-
lative) is io common use in the Brahmana language as dependent on
igvard lord, master, employed adjectively in the sense of capeble or
likely or srposed to.

a. Examples are: t& [dev4taéh] igvard enath pradéhah (TS.)
they are likely to burn him up; &tha ha vd igvard ‘gnith citvd kith-
cid ddéuritam dpattor v{ va hvélitoh (CB.) so in truth he is liable,

Whitaey, Grammar. 3. ed. 23

984—) XIII. VerBpaL ApDJuoTives anp Nouns. 354

after piling the fire, to meet with some mishap or ether, or te stagger;
igvaramh v&i rathantaram udg&tug cakguh pramathitoh (PB.) ths
rathantara is liable to knock out the eye of the chanter.

b. The dative is used in GB. instead of the genitive in a single
phrase (Igvaréu jdnayitavaf); and, in the later language, sometimes the
accusative in tum. In a case or two the miasc. sing. nom. Igvarah is
used, without regard to the gender or number of the word which it qualifies:
thus, tasye "qvaréh prajd pdpiyasi bhévitoh ((B.) Ais progeny is
liable to deteriorate. And in a very few instances the word igvara is
omitted, and the genitive has the same value without it: thus, dve madhy-
athdinam abhi pratyetoh (AB.) two may be added to the noon libation:
tato diksitah p&mané bhaévitok (CB.) then the consecrated is liable
to get the stch.

c. This constraction with igvara, which is the only one for the geni-
tive infinitive in the Brahmana, is unknown in the Veda, where the geai-
tive is found in a very small number of examples with madhyf, and with
the root ig: thus, madhy& kartoh (RV.) in the midst of action; fge
riyd datoh (RV.) he ss master of the giving of wealth; ige yétoh (RV.)
ts able to keep away.

985. Unless the infinitives in gayi and tari are locative in form
(their uses are those of datives), the Jocative infinitive is so rare, snd has
so little that ie peculiar in {ts use, that it is hardly worth making any
account of. An example is ugdso budhf (RV.) at the awakening of the
dawn.

986. In the Veda, the dativo infinitive forms are very much
more numerous than the accusative (In RV., their occurrences are
twelve times as many; in AV., more than three times); and the ac-
cusative in tum is rare (only four forms in RV., only eight in AV.).
In the Brahmanas, the accusative has risen to comparatively much
greater frequency (its forms are nearly twice as many as those of the
dative); but the ablative-genitive, which is rare in the Veda, has
also come to full equality with it. The disappearance in the classical
language of all excepting the accusative in tum (but see 968 h) is a
matter for no small surprise.

887. The later infinitive in tum is oftenest used in constructions
corresponding to those of the earlier accusative: thus, na vigpam
agakat sodhum he could not restrain his tears; tath dragtum arhaai
thou oughtest to see him; pr&ptum icohanti they desire to obtain; sath-
khyatum drabdham having begun to count. But also, not infrequently,
in those of the other cases. So, especially, of the dative: thus,
avasthatuih sthAndntararh cintaya devise another place to stay in;
tvdin anvegtum ih& "gatah he has come hither to seek for thee; —
but likewise of the genitive: thus, samartho gantum capable of
going; sathdhadtum Igvarah able to mend. Even a construction as
nominative is not unknown: thus, yuktarh tasya mayA samdoqvié-

355 GERUNDS. {—990

sayiturh bhAryam (MBh.) i ts proper for me to comfort his wife;
na napt&érarmh svayath nyAyyam gaptum evam (It.) sf 12 not sustadle
thus to curse one's own grandson; tad waktuth na pdryate ‘((atr.) st
ts not possible to say that.

988. In the later language, as in the earlier, the infinitive in cer-
tain connections has what we look upon as a passive value. Thus, kartum
Grabdhah begun to be made; croturh na yujyate st is not fit to be
heard (for hearing). This is especially frequent slong with the passive
forms of Yoak: thus, tyakturh na gakyate s¢ cannot be abandoned;
gakyav ihaé "netum they two can he brought hither; na ca vibhfiteyah
gakyam av&ptum firjitaéh nor are mighty successes a thing capable of
heing attained. |

Gerunds.

989. The so-called gerund is a stereotyped case (doubt-
less instrumental) of a verbal noun, used generally as ad-
junct to the logical subject of a clause, denoting an accom-
panying or (more often) a preceding action to that signified
by the verb of the clause. It has thus the virtual value of
an indeclinable participle, present or past, qualifying the
actor whose action it describes.

a. Thus, for example: grutvai ’va c& "bruvan and hearing (or
having heard) they spoke; tebhyah pratijfidy& ‘thai "tin paripa-
praccha haring given them his promise, he then questioned them.

990. The gerund is made in the later language by one
of the two suffixes QT tv& and Y ya, the former being used
with a simple root, the latter with one that 1s compounded
with a prepositional prefix — or, rarely, with an element
of another kind, as adverb or noun.

a. To this distribution of uses between the two suffixes there are
occasional exceptions. Thas, gerunds in ya from simple roots are not
very rare in the epic language (ec. g. gphya, ugya [(pvas dwell}, arcya,
iksya, cintya, tyajya, lakgya; also from causatives and denominatives,
as vAcya, yojya, pl&vya), and are not unknown elsewhere (e. g. arcya
and iksya M., prothya AGS., sthadpya (vU.). And gerunds in tw&
from compounded roots are met with in considerable numbers from AV.
(only pratyarpayitv&) down: e. g. samirayitw& MS., virocayitvé
TA., utkgiptvA U., pratyuktvé’ 8., pratyasitv& 8, prahasitvad
MBh., sarndarcayitva MBh., vimuktv& R, nivedayitv& R., proktvd
Paiic., anupitvé VRS.: the great majority of them are msde from the
cansative stem.

23°

990—} XUL Versa, ApJECrIVES AND Nouns. 356

b. The profixion of the negative particle, a or an, does not cause
the gerund to take the form in ya: thus, akrptv&, anirayitvw& (but R.
has acintya). Of compounds with other than verbal prefixes, RV. bas
punarddya, karnagfhya, p&dagfhya, hastagfhya, aramhkftya,
akkhalikftya, mithaspfdhya; AV. has further namaskftya.

991. The suffix @T tv& has the accent. It is usually
added directly to the root, but often also with interposition
of the auxiliary vowel § i—- with regard to which, as well
as to the form of the root before it, the formation nearly
agrees with that of the participle in @ ta (062 ff.).

a. Examples of the general accordance of passive participle, in-
finitive, and gerund in regard to the use of i were given above,
988 a; further specifications are called for, as follows:

b. The quotable roots in varisble y (242) change it to fr: thus,
tirtva, stirtvaé (alo stytva); and car makes alsv oirtva (liko oirga);
— routs iu & show in general the same weakening as in the participle; but
from @h& put is quotable only dhitvaé (hitwA), from m& measure mitvéd
and mitvd, from d& give only dattva, frow ohA chayitv&;— of roots in
am, kram and bhram an yam make forms both with aud without i
(as in the infinitive), but ram has ratva and rathtv&, snd dam and vam
mak damitvaé and vamitva.

c. The auxiliary vowel is taken by roots gras, mug, gap, and gas
(gasitvA&) (whose partic:ples have both forms); also by c&éy, nyt (nar-
titva), lag, and svaj (ugalust analogy of pple); and gue makes gooitvA.
On the other hand, from ruj (rugna) and vraco (vpkna) come ruktvd
and vygtvd. And both furms are made (as also in influitive or participle)
from car, vas dwell (ugtvé, ugitvd), ni (nitvd, nayitv&), aud myj
(mygtva, mAarjitvaé).

da. While the formation is in general one requiring, like the passive
participle (e. g. uptvd, like upté; uditwA, like udita), a weak or weakened
root, there arc some cases in which it is made from a strong or strength-
ened root-form. Thus (besides the instances already given: ohdyitvad,
rathtvA, casitvd, cAyitvd, gocitvaé, nayitw&, mérjitv&), we fnd
charditvAé (Apast.), dahgtvA, and spharitv&, and, from a number of
roots, a second strong form beside the more regular weak one: namely,
anktvé, bhahktva, bhuiktv&, syanttva (beside aktvd ete.); cayitvé,
smayitvé, smaritvA (beside citwA etc.); roditw& (beside ruditw&),
and sificitvA (beside siktvA). The last shows the influence of the
present-stem; as do also m&rjitvd (above) and jighritv4 (/ghr&). The
form gthutva (Apast.) is doubtless a false reading, for ethyGtv&.

992. The suffix @ ya is added directly to the root,
which ie accented, but has its weak form. A root ending

357 GERUND IN ya. [—003

in a short vowel takes (7 tya instead of 77 ya: thus, facil
-jitya, Rca -stutya, aca -kftya.

a. Roots in variable y (242) change that vowel to Ir or fir: thus,
kirya, girya, tirya (and tirya), dirya, pirya, cirya, stirya (also
atrtya); — roots in & have for the most part -Aya; but dh& suck makes
dhiya, and double forms sre found from g& sing (g&ya, giya), pa& drink
(paya, piya), d& give (ddya, dddya), d& divide (ddya, ditya), m&
measure, exchange (maya, mitya), 8A bind (siya, sya); 11 cling has
ldya or liya, as if an &-verb; and khan and dham make kh&ya and
dhmfya, from their &-forms;—the roots in an and am making their
participle in ata (964 d) mako the gerund in atya, but also later in anya,
amya (e. g. gatya, gamya; hatya, hanya; but tan makes as second
form t&ya, and from ram only ramya is quotable); — the roots in Iv
add ya to their Iv-form: thus, gthivya, sivya;—s few roots In i and
u add ya to the lengthened vowel besides adding tya: thus, i go (iya,
{tya; also ayya), ci gather (clya, cftya), and plu, yu unste, su, stu
(pltiya, plutya, etc.); while kgi destroy has only kefya.

b. This gerund, though accented on the root-syllable, is generally a
weakening formation: thus are made, without a strengthening nasal found
in some other forms, &cya, ajya, idhya, udya, ubhya, grathya, tdoya,
dacya, bddhya, bhajya, Mpya, lupya, vildgya, grabhya, sajya,
skaébhya, stéaébhya, syadya, svajya; with weakening of other kinds,
athya and gfbhya, prcchya, toya, udya, upya, tisgya (vas dwell),
uhya, vidhya, viya, vrcoya, spfdhya, hiiya;— but from a number
of roots are made both a stronger and a weaker form: thus, manthya and
méthya, m&rjya and mfjya, rundhya snd riadhysa, gafsya and cds-
ya, Gdsya and cigya, skdndya and skaddya, srafsya and srasya; —
and only strong forms are found from roots ard, av, c&y, ci (cayya), as
well as from certain roots with s constant nasal: e. g. ufioh, kamp,
nand, lamb, cafk; isolated cases are osya (ug 4urn), prothya (aleo
pruthya).

Co. Other special cases are Uhya and Ohya (jah remove), gurya and
glirya, gahya and githya, rahya and rithya, bhramya end bhramya,
dyya (beside {tya, fya), ghr&ya and jighrya; and firnutya (beside
vftya).

903. The older language has the same two gerund formations,
having the same distinction, and ueed in the same way.

a. In RV., however, the final of ya is in the great majority of {n-
stances (fully two thirds) long (as if the instrumental onding of a deriv-
ative noun in i or ti). In AV., long & appears only once in a RV.
passage.

b. Instead of tv& alone, the Veda has three forms of the euffix, namely
tvd, tvdya, and tvi. Of these three, tvi is decidedly the commonest in
RV. (thirty-five occurrences, against twenty-one of tv&); but it is unknown

983—} XIII. Versat ADJECTIVES AND Nouns. 358

in AV., and very rare elsewhere in the older language; twilya is found nine
times in BV. (only once outside the tenth Book), twice in AV., and but half-a-
dozen times elsewhere (in (B., once from a causative stem: spigayitwiya).
The historical relation of the three forms is obscure.

co. Two other gerund suffixes, tvinam and tvinam, are mentioned
by the grammarians as of Vedic use, but they have nowhere been feund
to occur.

004. The use of this gerund, though not changing in its char-
acter, becomes much more frequent, and even excessive, in the later
language.

a. Thos, in the Nala and Bhagavad-Gits, which bave only one tenth
as many verb-forms as RV., there are more than three times as many ex-
amples of the gerund as in the latter.

b. In general, the gorund is +n adjunct to the subject of a sentence,
and expresses an act or condition belonging to the subject: thus, vajrena
hatvé nfr apdh sasarja (RV.) smiting with his thunderbolt, he poured
forth the waters; pitvi sodmasya vadvyrdhe (RV.) having drunk of the
soma, he wured strong; té yajiidsya rasath dhitvd vidahya yajfiamh
yupéna yopayitvaé tird ‘bhavan ((B.} having sucked out the sap of the
offering, having milked the offering dry, having blocked tt with the sacrificial
post, they disappeared; grutvai ’va c& *bruvan (MBb.) and having heard,
they said; tath ca diire drstvA gardabhi ’yam iti matvé dh&vitah
(H.) and having seen him in the distance, thinking ‘it ts a she-ass’, he ran.

c. But if tho logical subject, the real agent, is put by the construction
of the sentence in a dependont case, it is still qualifed by the gerund:
thus, strfyarh drstvdya kitavath tatipa (RV.) st distresses the gambler
(1. e. the gambler ts distressed) at seeing his wife; tath hai nash dygtva
bhir viveda ((B.) fear came upon him (i. «. he was afraid) when he
saw him; vidhdya progite vrttim (M.) tehen he stays away after provid-
ing for her svpport; kith nu me sydd idath kytv& (MBb.) what, I
wonder, would happen to me if I did this; — and cspecially, when a passive
form is givon to the sentence, the gerund qualifics the agent in the instramental
case (282 a): thus, tatah goabdad abhijiaéya sa vyadghreona hatah (H.)
thereupon he was slain by the tiger, who recognized him by his voice;
tvayAé sa raja cgakuntalaéth puraskrtya vaktavyah (¢.) presenting
Cakuntali, thou must say to the king, hane&n&th vacanath grutv&
yathA me (gen. for instr.) ndéigadho vytah (MBh.) as the Nishadhan
was chosen by me on hearing the words of the swans: this construction
is extremely common in much of the later Sanskrit.

a. Occasionally, the gerund qualifics an agent, especially an indefinite
onc, that is unexpressed: thus, tada ’tréi ’vwa paktv&’ khdditavyah
(H.) then he shall be eaten (by us) cooking him on the spot; yad anyasya
pratijidya punar anyasya diyate (M.) that, after being promised (lit.
when one has promised her) to one, she ts given again to another; sucintya
co ’ktarb suvicarya yat krtam (H.) what one says after mature thought,

359 Uses oF THE GaRuUND. [005

and does after full deltheration. Menec, atill more olliptically, after alam:
thus, alath vichrya (('.) enough of hesitation; tad alath te vanarh
gatv& (R.) so have done with going to the forest.

e. Other less regular constructions are met with, csepecially in the
older language: thus, in the manner of a participle with man and the like
(268 a), as tath hifsitvé ’va mene (CB.) he thought he had hurt him;
té adbhir abhigicya nijdsydi ‘vi ’manyata (AB.) having sprinkled
them with water, he believed himself to have exhausted them;—in the
roanner of a participle forming a continuous tense with Yi (1075 a), as
indram ev&i ’td&ir grabhya yanti (AB.) by means of them they keep
taking hold of Indra; — as qualifying a subordinate member of the sentence,
as puroddcam ev4 kfiirmaéth bhfitvé sérpantam ((B.) to the sacri-
ficial cake creeping about, having become a tortoise; ayodhyim...
saphen&sh sasvandmh bhiitva jalormim iva (R.) into Ayodhya, like a
surge that had been foamy and roaring ;— even absolutely, as &tithyéna
val deva istvd tént sam4d avindat ((B.) when the gods had sacri-
Jiced with the guest-offering, strife befel them.

f. As in the two examples before the last, a predicate word with
bhiitvaé is put in the same case with the subject: thus, farther, tad iyam
evAi ‘tad bhitvd yajati (CB.) so having thus become this earth he
makes offering; yena vamanen& ’pi bhiitv& (Vet.) by whom, even when
he had become a dwarf. The constraction fe a rare one.

g. A number of gerunds have their meaning attenuated sometimes to
the semblance of a preposition or adverb: such are adhikrtya making a
auhyect of, 1. 0. respecting, of; Adaya, upagrphya taking, i. ¢. with; ud-
digya pointing toward, i. e. at; Sedya, arriving at, |. e. along, by;
Srabhya beginning, i.e. from; sambhitya being with, |. e. with; sathhatya
striking together, 1. e. in unison; prasahya using force, i. e. violently;
tyaktv&, parityajya, muktvid, vihfya, uddhrtya, varjayitva& leaving
out ete., i.e. excepting, without; and others. Examples are: cakuntalém
adhikrtya bravimi ((.) I am speaking of Cakuntala; tam uddigya
kgiptalagudab (Il.) having thrown the cudgel at him; nimittarh kithoid
A&sadya (i.) for some reason or other.

h. The gerund ie in the later langoage sometimes found in compo-
sition, as if a noun-stem: e. g. prasahyaharana taking with violence;
pretyabh&va existence after death; vibhajyap&atha separate enunciation;
sambhiyagamana going together. It is also often repeated (1260), in a
distributive sense: e. g. a& val sammfjya-sammrjya pratépya-pra-
tapya pré yacchati (C(B.) in each case, after wiping and warming them,
he hands them over; gphitvé-gphitvaé (KCS.) at each taking; unnamyo-
"nnamya (Pafic.) every time that they arise.

Adverbial Gerund in am.

096. The accusative of a derivative nomen actionis in a, used
adverbially, assumes sometimes a value and construction so accord-

995—] XIV. SeconpaRy CONJUGATION. 360

ant with that of the usual gorund that it cannot well be called by
a different name.

a. No example of a peculiar gerandial construction with such a form
occurs either in RV. or AV., although s dozen adverbial acousatives are to
be classed as representing the formation: thus, abhy&kriémam, pratéfi-
kam, pranddam, niléyam, abhiska4ndam, etc. This gorand is found
especially in the Brahmanas and Siitras, where it is not rare; ia the epics
it is extremely infrequent; later, also, it occurs very sparingly.

b. A final vowel has vrddhi-strengthening before the suffix: thus,
nAvam, grivam, kdram; final & adds y: thus, khyfyam, yaiyam; a
medial vowel has guna (if capable of it: 240): thus, kgepam, krogam,
vartam (but ikgam, piiram); a medial a before a single consonant is
lengthened: thus, krdmam, c&ram, gr&éham, svédam (but grantham,
lambham). The accent is on the radical syllable. No uncompounded ex-
amples are found in the older language, and oxtremely few in the later.

o. Examples are: kamath v&é imany 4fgéni vyatyfsath gete
(CB.) he ites changing the posttion of these limbs af pleasure; Uttar&im-
uttaraih gakhath samal4mbham réhet ((B.) be would climb, taking
hold of a higher and ever a higher limb; aparigu mah&ndgdm iva
*bhisarhsaéramh didyksitdrah ((B.) hereafter, running together as st were
about a great snake, they will wish to see him; namany &sim etini
n&magraham (CB.) with separate naming of these their names; yd
viparyésam uvagtihati (('B.) whoever buries it upside down; b&hiitkge-
path krandituzh pravytté ((.) she proceeded to cry, throwing up her
arms (with arm-tossing); navacttapallavdni dargaib-dargam madhu-
karénaémh kvanitaéni graivath-cravath paribabhrima (DKC.) he
wandered about, constantly seeing the young shoots of the mango, and hear-
ing the humming of the bees. Repeated forms, like those in the last ex-
ample, are approved in the lator language; they do not occur earlier (but
instead of them the repeated ordinary gerund: 004 )h).

CHAPTER XIV.

DERIVATIVE OR SECONDARY CONJUGATION.

e096. SECONDARY conjugations are those in which a
whole system of forms, like that already described as made
from the simple root, is made, with greater or less com-
pleteness, from a derivative conjugation-stem; and is also

361 PASSIVE. (—o08

usually connected with a certain definite modification of

the original radical sense.

a. We have seen, indeed, that the tense-systems are also for the most
part mado from derivative-stems; and even that, in some cases, such stems
assume the appearance and value of roots, and are made the basis of a
complete conjugational system. Nor is there any distinct division-line to
be drawn between tense-systems and derivative conjugations; the latter are
present-systems Which bave been expanded into conjugations by the addition
of other tenses, and of participles, inOnitives, and so on. In the oarltest
language, their forms outside of the present-system are still quite rare,
hardly more than sporadic; and even later they are — with the exception
of one or two formations which attain a comparative frequency — much less
common than the corresponding forme of primary conjugation.

997. The secondary conjugations are: I. Passive;
II. Intensive; III. Desiderative; IV. Causative; V. Denom-
inative.

a. The passive is classed here as a secondary conjugation because of
its analogy with the others in respect to specific value, and freedom of
formation, although it does not, like them, make {ts forms outside the
present system from its present-stem.

1. Passive.

998. The passive conjugation has been already in the
main described. Thus, we have seen that —

a. It has a special present-system, the stem of which
is present only, and not made the basis of any of the re
maining forms: this stem is formed with the accented class- |
sign 7 vé, and it takes (with exceptions: 774) the middle
endings. This present-system is treated with the others,
above, 768 ff.

b. There is a special passive 3d sing. of the aorist,
ending in 3 i: it is treated above, 842 ff.

c. In the remaining tenses, the middle forms are used
also in a passive sense.

d. But the passive use of middle forms is not common; it Is oftenest
met with In the perfect. The participle to a great extent takes the place
of a past passive tense, and the gerundive that of a future. On the other

9e8—]) XIV. SEconDaRY CONJUGATION. 362

hand, in the oldest language (RV.), middle forms of other present-systems
sre in s considerable number of cases employed with passive meaning.

e. According to tho grammarians, there may be formed from some
verbs, for passive use, s special stem for the aorist and the two futare
systems, coinciding in form with the peculiar 3d sing. avrist.

f. Thus, from pd& (aor. 3d sing. ad&yi), beside d&ddsi, da&syé,
datahe, also 4d&yigi, déyigyé, dayitaéhe. The permission to make this
doublo formation oxztends to all roots cnding tn vowols, and tu grah, dfq,
and han. No such passive forms occur in tho oldcr language, and not half-
a-dozen are quotable from the later (wo find adhdyigi and asthdyigi ia
DKC., and andyigata in Kuval.).

g- As to the alleged passive inflection of the periphrastic perfect, see
below, 1072.

h. Besides the participle from the present tense-stem
(771. 5), the passive has a past participle in @ ta (962), or
{na (957), and future participles, or gerundives, of various
formation (961 ff.), made directly from the root.

909. As already pointed out (982 a), the language, especially
later has a decided predilection for the passive form of the sentence.
This is given in part by the use of finite passive forms, but oftener
by that of the, passive participle and of the gerundive: the participle
being taken in part in a present sense, but more usually in a past
(whether indefinite or proximate past), and sometimes with u copula
expressed, but much oftener without it; and tho gerundive represent-
ing eithor a pure future or one with the senso of necessity or duty
added. <A further example is: tatréi "ko yuv& br&hmano dregtah:
tarh dratvaé kdmena pidité samjata: sakhy& agre kathitam: sakhi
purugo ‘yath grhitvA mama m&tuh samipam dnetavyah (Vet.)
there she saw a young Brahman; at sight of him she felt the pangs of
love; she said to her friend: “friend, you must take and bring this man
to my mother”. In some styles of later Sanskrit, the prevailing ox-
proasion of past time is by means of the passive participle (thus, in
Vet., an oxtreme case, more than nine tenths).

a. As in other languages, s 3d sing. passive is freely made from
intransitive as well as transitive verbs: thus, ihé "gamyat&m come hither;
tvay& tatréi ’va sthiyatadm do you stand just there; sarviir jadlam
Addyo ’ddiyatam (f1.) let all fly up with the net.

il. Intensive.
1000. The intensive (sometimes also called frequent-
ative) is that one of the secondary conjugations which is
least removed from the analogy of formations already

363 INTENSIVE. (—1002

described. It is, like the present-system of the second con-
jugation-class (642 ff.), the inflection of a reduplicated stem,
but of one that 1s peculiar in having a strengthened redu-
plication. It is decidedly less extended beyond the limits
of a present-system than any other of the derivative con-
jugatiozs.

a. The intensive conjugation signifies the repetition or
the intensification of the action expressed by the primary
conjugation of a root.

1001, According to the grammarians, the intensive
conjugation may be formed from nearly all the roots in the
language — the exceptions being roots of more than one
syllable, those conjugated only causatively (below, 1086),
and in general those beginning with a vowel.

a. In fact, however, intensives in the iater language sre very rare,
so rare that it is hard to tell precisely what value is to be given to the
rules of the native grammar respecting them. Nor are they at all common
earlier, except (comparatively) in the RV., which contains about six sevenths
of the whole number (rather over a hundred) quotablo from Veda and Brih-
mana and Sutra-texts; AV. has lese than half as many as RV., and many
of them in RV. passages; from tho later language are quotable about twenty
of these, about forty more, but for the most part only in an occurrence
or two.

b. Hence, in the description to be given below, the actoal aspect of
the formation, as exhibited in the older Janguage, will be had primarily and
cepecially in view; and tho examples will be of forms found there in use.

1002. The strong intensive reduplication is made in

three different ways:

I. a. The reduplicating syllable is, as elsewhere, composed of a
single consonant with following vowel, and, so far as the consonant
is concerned, follows the rules for present and perfect reduplication
(690); but the vowel is a heavy one, radical a and fr (or ar) being
reduplicated with &, an i-vowel by e, and an u-vowel by o.

Examples are: vavad, ba&badh, c&cvas, rférandh; da&dr, dédhry;
cekit, tetij, neni, vevli; cocuc, popruth, cogku, johfi.

II. b. The reduplicating syllable bas a final consonant, taken
from the end of the root. With an exception or two, this consonant
is either r (or its substitute 1) or a nasal.

1002—} XIV. SEconDARY CONJUGATION. 364

Examples are: carcar, calcal, sarsy, marmyj, jarhyg; cafikram,
jaighan, tahstan, dandag ()dahg or dag), jafijabh (/jambh or jabh),
tantas ()/tais or tas), nannam (j/nam), yathyam (jyam). The nasal
is assimilated to the initial consonant.

c. Only roots having a or ¢ a8 vowel mako this form of reduplication,
buat with such roots it is more common than either of the other forms.

d. Irregular formations of this class are: with a final other than r
or pn in the reduplication, badbadh; with a final nasal in the redapli-
cation which is not found in the root, jafigah (RV.), jafijap (¢B.; and
jaigtyat PB. is perhaps from )gu; the later language has further
dandah); with an anomalous initial consonant in reduplication, jarbhur
from Ybhur (compare the Vedic perfect jabh&ra from ybhy, 788 b),
galgal from ygal; with various treatment of an 7 or ar-element, dardar
and dardir, carkar and carkir, tartar and tartur, carcar end car-
our, jargur and jalgul.

e. The roots i and fF are tho only ones with vowel initial forming an
intensive stem: i makes fiyady (? PU., once); y makes the irregular alar
or aly. As to the stem fya, see below, 1081 b.

III. £. The reduplication is dissyllabic, an i-vowel being added
after a final consonant of the reduplicating syllable. This i-vowel is
in the older language short before a double consonant, and long be-
fore a single.

Examples sre: ganigam (but ganigmatam), varivyt, vanivah,
canigkad, sanigvan; navinu, davidyut (and the participles ddvidhvat
but tavituat). A single exception as to the quantity of the 1 is davi-
dhava.

g@. This method of reduplication is followed in the older language
by about thirty roots, Thus, of roota having final or penultimate n (once
m), and n in the reduplicating syllable, pan, phan, san, svan, han;
gam; krand, ccand, skand, syand; of roots having final or medial f,
and r in the reduplicating syllable, ky make, ty, bhy, vy, myj, mys,
vrj, vt, spp; also mluc (malimluc); — further, of roots assuming in
the reduplication a n not found in the root, only vah (QB.: the gram-
marians allow also kas, pat, pad; and panipad is quotable later; and ACS.
has canikhudat, for which TB. reals kdénikhunat); finally, of roots
having u or @ as radical vowel, with av before the i-vowel, tu, dha,
nu, dyut.

h. Iu this class, the general rules as to the form of the redupiicating
consonant (590) are violsted in the case of ghanighan and bharibhr,
and of ganigam, kariky (but the regular cariky also occurs), kani-
krand, and kanigkand (but also canigkand occurs); aleo in kanikhun.

i. The revorsion to more original guttural form after the reduplileation
in cekit, and jafghan and ghanighan, ia In accordance with what takes
place elsewhere (2186, 1).

365 INTENSIVE. {—1006

1003. The same root is allowed to form ite intensive stem in
more than ono way.

Thas, in the older language, d&dy and dardy; d&dhy and dardhr;
cfcal and carcar (and carcur); tartar (and tartur) and tarity;
jafigam and ganigam; jafighan and ghanighan; pamphan and
paniphan; marmyj end marimyr}; marmrg aid marimys; varvyt
and varivyt; jarbhy and bharibhr; dodhfi and davidhfi; nonu and
navinu; ba&badh ard badbadh.

1004. ‘Ihe model of normal intensive inflection is the
present-system of the reduplicating conjugation-class (642 ff.);
and this 18 indeed to a considerable extent followed, in
respect to endings, strengthening of stem, and accent. But
deviations from the model are not rare; and the forme are
in general of too infrequent occurrence to allow of satis-
factory classification and explanation.

a. The most marked irregularity ie tho frequent insertion of an
i between the stem and ending. According to the grammarians, this
is allowed in all the strong forms before an ending beginning with
a consonant; and before the 1 a final vowel has guna-strengthening,
but a medial one remaine unchanged.

Present-System.

1005. We will take up the parts of the present-system in their
order, giving first what is recognized as regular in the later language,
and then showing how the formation appears in the earlier texts. As
most grawmarians do not allow a middle inflection, and middle forms
are fow even in the Veda, no attempt will be made to sct up a par-
adigm for the middle voice.

1006. As example of inflection may be taken the root
fag vid know, of which the intensive stem is afag vevid,
or, in strong forms, aagq véved.

a. Neither from this nor from any other root are more than a few scat-
terlng forme actually quotable.
1. Present Indicative.

6. d. p.
1 aatn, afacith afer

vévedmi, vévidimi vevidvaés vevidmas

1006—] XIV. Seconpary ConsuGaTION. 366

2 aatca, afadita. afar aca

vévetsi, vévidisi voevitthas vevittha
Qn nm ~ ~ ~

s aatd, atactta aera atacta
vévetti, véviditi vevittas vévidati

b. From ys ht, the singular forms with auxiliary vowel

would be Meaty johavimi, steaift jonavigi, areatia
jobaviti.

1007. a. The forms found in the older language agree in general
with the paradigm. Examples are: ist sing., carkarmi, vwevegmi; 2d
sing., alargi, d4rdargi; 3d sing., dlarti, dadharti, veveti, nenekti,
jafighanti, kanikrantti, ganigazbti; 3d du., jarbhrtas; ist pl., nonu-
mas; 2d pl, jagratha; 3d pl., dddhrati, ndnadati, bharibhrati,
varvytati, ddvidyutati, nénijati, and, irregularly, veviganti; and, with
the auxiliary vowel, johavimi, cdkacimi; cdkaciti, nonaviti, darda-
riti, jarbhuriti. No stem with dissyllabic reduplication takes the aaxil-
jary 1 in any of its formes.

b. A single dual form with I and strong atem occurs: namely, tar-
tarithas.

c. The middle forms found to occur are: fat sing., joguve, nenije;
3d sing., nenikté, sarsyte; end, with irregular accent, tétikte, dédigte;
with irregalar loss of final radical nasal, nannate; with ending e instead
of te, oékite, jantgahe, jdguve, yoyuve, baibadhe, and (with irregular
accent) badbadhé; Sd du., sarsrate; 3d pl., dédigate.

2. Present Subjunctive.

1008. a. Subjunctive forms with primary endings are cxtremely rare:
there have been noticed only janghanani, jdgardsi (AV.); and, in the
middlo, tantagafte (Sd du).

b. Forms with secondary cadings aro*more frequent: thas, 2d sbng.,
janghanas, jalgulas; 3d sing., jagarat, oékitat, bobhavat, cirkrgat,
jafghanat, barbrhat, mdrmyjat, maérmygat, parpharat, dardirat,
canigkadat, davidyutat, sanigvanat; ist du., jafighandva; iet pl,
carkiréma, vevidima; 3d pl., pdpatan, gdquoan, carkiran; and,
with double mode-sign, cAkac&n (AV.). Of the middle are found only
3d porsons plural: thus, jafighananta, jarhyganta, marmyjanta, nonu-
vanta, gocucanta.

38. Present Optative.

(1009. This mode would show the unstrengthened stem,
with the usual endings (566), accented. ‘Thus:

367 INTENSIVE. [—1012

8. d. p-
| araam afaaa afram
vevidyim vevidyéva vevidyéma
etc. ete. ete.

a. The optative is represented by only an example or two in the older
language: thus, active, vevigy&t (AV.), jdgryds (KB.), jagriyat (AB.),
jagfyama (VS. MS.; but jagriyama TS.); RV. has only c&kanyAt (pft.?);
middie, nenijita (K.).

4. Present Imperative.

1010. The regular forms of the imperative, including

the usual subjunctive first persons, would be as follows:
8.

vévidani vévidiva vévidima
2 afats afary_ fan
voviddh{ vevitt4m vevittd

ANU SN
say, afetq = afar
vévettu, véviditu vevittdim vévidatu
1011. a. Older imperative forms are less rare than optativo. The
first persons have been given above (jafghdn&ni, the only accented ex-
ample, does not correspond with the model, but is in conformity with the
subjunctive of the reduplicating present); the proper imperatives sre: 2d
sing., dddrh{, dardrhi, carkrdhi, jagrhi, nenigdhi, rdranddh{; the
ending t&t is found in carkyt&t and jigyt&t; and the latter (as was
pointed ont above, 671 b) is used in AV. as first person sing.; barbrhi
shows an elsewhere unparalleled Jose of h before the ending hi; 3d sing.,
dadhartu, vevestu, dardartu, marmarttu; 2d du., jagrtam; 3d du,
jagrtam; 2d pl., jagyté; cafikramata (RV., once) bes an anomalons
union-vowel. In the middle voice is found only nenikgva (CB.).
b. Of imperative forms with auxiliary 1, RV. bas none; AV. has
vavaditu and johavitu, and such are sometimes found in the Brihmapas;
AV. has also, against rule, tatstanihi and jafighanthi; VS. bas cAkagihi.

5. Present Participle.

1012. The intensive participles, both active and middle,
are comparatively common in the older language. They are
formed and inflected like those of the reduplicating present,
and have the accent on the reduplicating syllable.

1012—) XIV. SEconpDarY CONJUGATION. 368

Examples are: active, cdikacat, ndnadat, oékitat, mémyat, ¢gogu-
cat, roruvat, dardrat, marmyjat, jafighanat, nannamat, pédni-
phanat, kanikradat, davidyutat;— middie, bdbadhdna, mémyéna,
cékitana, yOyuvadna, rérucdna, jarbhurina, sérsrina, jaijabhdna,
nannamiana, ddndagéna. No middle participle shows the dissyllabie
reduplication.

1013. a. On account of their accent, rfrah&ipé, r&rakg&n&, and
jabygand (beside jarhygana) are probably to be regarded as perfect parti-
ciples, although no other perfect forms with heavy reduplication from the
same routs occur. The inference is, however, rendered uncertain by the
unmistakably intensive badbadhandé and marmyjana (beside marmyj&na).
As to gligucana etc., see 806 a.

b. The RV. has once jaighnatas, gen. sing., with root-vowel cast
out; kaénikrat appears to be used once for kanikradat; if c&k&ét is to
be referred to Yk& (Grassmann), it is the only example of an intensive
from a root in &, and its accent is anomalous. Marmygantas (AB.) is
perhaps a false reading; but forms with the uasal irrogularly retained are
found repeatedly in the epics aud later: thus, lelihan, dedipyantim
(MBh.), jajvalant (MBh. R.), sarisppantéu (BLP.), rfératanti (R.).

6. Imperfect.

1014. The imperfect is regularly inflected as follows:

d. p.
i AACA walae Hafaay

avevidam &vevidva évevidma
AN ~ ~ ~
2 Fea, wafadia = afar |= Rafat
avevet, avevidis aévevittam Aavevitta
AN ~ ~ ~
» Hae, Fafa «= afar Ba
avevet, avevidit avevittam Avevidus

1015. The imperfect forms found in the eariler texts are not nuimeor-
ous. They are, including those from which the augmout Js omitted, as
follows: in active, iat sing, acdkagam, dedigam; 2d sing., aj&gar,
adardar, ddrdar; 3d sing., adardar, adardhar, avarivar, dardar,
kanigkan, davidyot, navinot; 2d du., adardrtam; ist p).. marmypjmé;
3d pl., anannamus, adardirus, acarkygus, 4johavus, anonavus;
and, with auxiliary 1, in 3d sing, avdvacit, Avdvacit, d&vivarit,
éyoyavit, droravit, djohavit; and, trregularly, in 3d du., avdvagitadm.
The middle forms sre extremely fow: namely, 3d sing., Adedigta, dnan-
nata (with loss of the final radical in a weak form of root); 3d pi.
marmyjata, and avdvacanta (which, if it belongs bere, shows a transfer
to an a-stem).

369 INTENSIVE. (—1017

1016. Derivative Middle Inflection. From every
intensive stem, as above described, may be formed in the
present-system a further derivative conjugation which is
formally identical with a passive, being made by the accented
sign Y yé, along with middle endings only. It has not,
however, a passive ‘value, but is in meaning and use in-
distinguishable from the simpler conjugation.

a. A final vowel before this ya is treated as before the passive-
sign ya (770).

b. The inflection is precieely like that of any other stem ending
in a in the middle yoice: thus, from pYmyj, intensive stem marmysij,
is made the present indicative marmyjyé, marmyjydése, marmryjyéte,
etc.; optative marmyjyéya, marmyjyéthds, marmrjyéta, etc.; im-
perative marmyjydsva, marmyjydtam, cic.; participle marmyjyé-
mana; imperfect Amarmyjye, &4marmyjyathdés, d4marmyjyata, etc.
subjunctive forms do not occur.

c. In a very few sporadic cases, these y&-forms are given a passive
value: thus, jafghanyamdna in MdU.; bambhramyate, daédhm&-
yamfna, peplyama&na in tho later language. And active participles

(629 a) are not unknown: thus, dedipyantim (MBh.), dodhfiyant
(MBh. BhP.).

1017. This kind of intensive inflection is more common
than the other in the later language; in the earlier, it is
comparatively rare.

a. In RV., yaé-forms are made from eight roots, five of which have
also forms of the simpler conjugation; the AV. adds onc more; the other
cariler texts (so far as observed) about twenty more, and half of them have
likewlse forms of the simpler conjugation. Thus: from pYmyj, marmyj-
yate etc., and marimryjyeta; from yty, tartiiryante; from pear,
carciryamana; from pyni, nenfyéran, etc.; from pvi, veviyate; from
yrih, rerihy&dte etc.; from vij, vevijydte; from yeku, cogkfiyése ete. ;
from ydig, dedigyate; from yk&>, cakagydte etc; from pyvad,
vavadyamana; from /nam, nannamyadhvam; from pvah, yanivaéh-
yéta etc. (with lengthened root-vowel, clsewhere unknown); from pkrand,
kanikradyam&na; from ypvft, varivartyA4m&na ((B.: should be
varivyty-); from ymre, amarimycyanta (CB. ? the text reads amarimyt-
syanta); from Yyup, yoyupyaénte etc.; from pynud, anonudyanta;
from yvli, avevliyanta; from yjabh, jafijabhyéte etc.; from jap,
jafijapya4mana; and so on.

Whitney, Grammar. 8. ed. 24

1018—] XIV. SEconpARY CONJUGATION. 370

Perfect.

1018. The grammarians are at variance as to whether
a perfect may be formed directly from the intensive stem,
or whether only a periphrastic perfect (below, 1070 ff.) is

to be admitted.

a. No example of an intensive periphrastic-perfect has anywhere come
to light (except from jagy: 1020 a). A few unmistakable perfect forms are
made from the intensively reduplicated root in RV.: namely, davidhiva
and ndén&va, 3d sing., and nonuvus, 3d pl.; and there occur further
dodrava (TS.), yoydva and leldya (MS.), and leléya (? CB.), all used
in the sense of presents. To them may be added jagara ist sing. and
jagdra 3d sing.: but as to these, see below, 1020 a.

Aorist, Future, etc.

1019. As to the remaining parts of a full verbal con-
jugation, also, the grammarians are not agreed (occurrences
of such forms, apparently, being too rare to afford even
them any basis for rules); in general, it is allowed to treat
the intensive stem further as a root in filling up the scheme
of forms, using always the auxiliary vowel 3 i where it is

ever used in the simple conjugation.

a. Thus, from /vid, intensive stem vevid, would be made the
aorist avevidigam with precative vevidydsam, the futures vevid-
igy4mi and veviditasmi, the participles vevidita, veviditavya, etc.,
the infinitive veviditum, and the gerunds veviditvd and -vevidya.
And, where the intensive conjugation is the derivative middle one,
the aorist and futures would take the corresponding middle form.

b. Of all this, in the ancient language, there is hardly a trace. The
RV. has cdérkpge, Sd sing. mid., of a formation like hige and stugé
(804d), and the gerundives vitantasdyya, and marmyjénya and vavz-
dhénya; and CB. bas the participle vanivaéhité, and the infinitive dédiyi-
tavaf. As to jagarigydnt and jagarité, see the next paragraph.

1020. ‘There are systems of inflection of certain roots, the ia-
tensive character of which is questioned or questionable. Thus:

@. Tho root gy (or gar) wake has froin tho first no prosent-systom
sevo ono with Intensive reduplication; and its intensive stom, jdgp, begins
vatly to assumo the value of a root, snd form a completer conjugation ;
while by the grammarians this stem is reckoned as if simple and belong-
ing to the root-cless, aud is inflected throughout accordingly. Those of
ite forms which occur in the older language have been given along with

371 INTENSIVE. [(—1024

the other intensives ahove. They aro, for the presont-rystem, the same
with thoso acknowledged as rogular later. The older perfect is like the
other intensive perfects found in RV.: namely, jadgara etc., with the
participlo jagyviits; and a future jagarigyé-, a passive participle jagarité,
and a gerundive jagaritavya, are met with in the Brihmanas. The old sorist
(RV.) is the usual reduplicated or so-called causative aorist: thus, Ajigar. The
gremmarians give it in the later language a perfect with additional redupli-
cation, jajaga&ra etc., an ig-aorist, ajdgarigam, with precative jagary&sam,
and everything else that is needed to make up a complete conjugation.
The perf. jaja€g&ra is quotable from the epics and later, as also the peri-
phrastic Jdgar&im fsa. And MBh. hes the matilated Jagrmi, and also
a-forms, as jagarati and jagram&na.

1021. a. The stem irajya (activo only) regulate, from which a
number of forms are made in RV., has been viewed as an Intensive from
yraj or yj. It lacks, however, any analogy with the intensive formation.
The same is true of iradh propittiate (only iradhanta and irddhyAil,
apparently for iradhadhyAi).

b. The middle stem fya, not infrequent in the aldest Isngnage, is
often called an intensive of Yi go, but without any propriety, as it has no
analogy of form whatever with an intensive. The isolated ist pl. Imahe,
common in RY., is of questionable character.

1022. The root lf totter, with constant intensive reduplication, lel,
is quite frregular in Inflection and accent: thus, pres., leldyati and lela-
yate, pples lel&yanti and lelayatas (gen. sing.) and lelAyamana, impf.
aleldyat and alelet and aleliyata, perf. lelAya and lelAya (7).

1023. The RV. anomalous form dart (or dard), 2d and 3d sing.
from dy or dar, is doubtfully referred to the intensive, as if abbreviated
from dardar. RV. has once avarivus (or -vur) where the sense requires
a form from Yvft, as avarivetus. The form rarindété (RV., once) seems
crrupt.

1034. A marked intensive or frequentative meaning is not always
easily to be traced in the forms classed as intensive; and in some
of them it is quite effaced. Thus, the roota cit, nij, vig use their
intensive present-system as if it were an ordinary conjugation-class;
nor is it otherwise with gy ‘j&égy). The grammarians reckon the
inflection of nij and vig as belonging to the reduplicating present-
system, with irregularly strengtheucd reduplication; and they treat in
the same way vic and vij; jagr, as wo have seco, they account a
simple root.

a. Also daridr&, intensive of »/dra ren, is made by the gtammarians
a simple root, and furnished with a complete set of conjugational forms:
as Gadaridr&u; adaridr&sit, ctc. etc. It decs rot occur in the oldor
language (unless daéridrat TS., for which VS. MS. read da&ridra). The
so-called root vevi flutter is a pure intensive.

»4*

~

1025—] XIV. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. 372

1025. It is allowed by the grammarians to make from the intensive
stem also a passive, desiderative, causative, and so on: thus, from vevid,
poss. vevidyé; desid. vévidigimi; caus. veviddy&mi; desid. of causa-
tive, vévidayigimi. But such formations are excessively rare; quotable
are varivarjdyanti AV., jagardyant TB. etc.; d&dhdrayati JB.,
dandagayitvé DKO.

lll. Desiderative.

1026. By the desiderative conjugation is signified a de-
sire for the action or condition denoted by the simple root:
thus, faatty pibami J drink, desid. faqrarta pipisimi I wish
to drink, stata jivami J live, desid. fastifaart jijivigimi
I desire to live. Such a conjugation is allowed to be formed
from any simple root in the language, and also from any

causative stem.

a. ‘he desiderative conjugation, although its forms outside the
present-system are extremely rare in the oldest language, is earlier
and more fully expanded into a whole verbal system than the inten-
sive. Its forms are also of increasing frequency: much fewer than
the intensives in RV., more numerous in the Brahmanas and later;
not one third of the whole number of roots (about a hundred) noted
as having « desiderative conjugation in Voda and Brahmana have
such in RV.

1027. The desiderative stem is formed from the simple
root by the addition of two characteristics: 1. a reduplication,
which always has the accent; 2. an appended 4 sa — which,
however (like the tense-signs of aorist and future), sometimes

takes before it the auxiliary vowel 3 i, becoming 3M iga.

a. A fow instances in the concluding part of (B. in which the accent
is otherwise laid — thus, tigthdset, yiydséntam, vividigdnti, Ipsdntas
— must probably be regarded as errors.

1028. The root in general remains unchanged; but with

the following exceptions:

a. A final i or u is longthened before sa: thus, cikgiga, cikiga,
jigiga; quoruga, juhiiga, cukgiiga.

b. A final r becomes ir or dr before sa: thus, cikirga, titirga
(also irregularly titarga RV.), didhirga, sisirga, tistirga (also tu-
stirga), jihirga; bubhirga, mumiurga (the only oxamples quotable).

373 DESIDERATIVE. [—1029

ce. Before iga, a final i- or u- or y-vowel necessarily, and a
penultimate i or u or ¢ optionally, have the guna-strengthening; no
examplics are quotable from the older texts; later occur cigayiga,
gicariga; cikartiga, ninartisa, mimardiga, vivarsiga, gucobhiga;
but rurudiga.

More special exceptions are:

d. A few roots in & weaken this vowel to I or even i: thus, jigiga
from Yga go; pipiga (heside pip&sa) from pp& drink, jihiga (AV.)
from WhA remove (jihite: 664); didhiga (beside dhitea) from /dh§.

e. A few roots in an or am lengthen the vowel: thus, jiga&hsa (beside
jigamisa) from Ygam; jighadhsa from Yhan; mim&hsa from yman;
and tit&insa from pytan.

f. Roversion to guttural form of an initial after the reduplication is-
seen in cikiga from yci, cikitsa from pcit, jigiga from yji, jighadhsa
from Yhan; and phi is said to make jighiga (no occurrence).

g- The roots van and san make.viv&sa and siglisa, from the root-
forms v& and s&.

h. The root jfiv forms jujyfiga (CB.: jijiviga, VS.); and the other
roots in iv (766) are required to make the same change before sa, and to
have guna before iga: thus, susyfisa or siseviga from ysiv. Svap
forms sugupsa. Dhirv forms dudhirga.

i. Initial 6 is usually left unchanged to g after the reduplication
when the desiderative sign has § (184 e): thus, sisafikea (C(B.: psafij),
and susytiga and sisaniga, according to the grammarians; but tugtiga
is met with.

j. Further may be mentioned as prescribed by the grammarians:
ninanikga (or ninacgiga) from }/na¢ be lost; mimafikga from pymajj
(occurs in mimafhkgu); mimarjiga (or mimykga) from pmyj.

1029. The consonant of the reduplication follows the
general rules (6590); the vowel 18 3 i af the root has an a-
vowel, or ® y, or an i-vowel; it 1s 3 u if the root has an
u-vowel. But:

a. A few roots havc a long vowel in the reduplicating syllable: thas,
bibhatsa from ybadh or badh; mim&hea from }/man; and titfirga (RV.)
from yYtur; dadhisu (AV.) and dadafikgu (C.) are probably false forms.

b. From yag is made (C8.) agigiga, and from yedh (VS.)
edidhiga (with a mode of reduplication like that followed sometimes in
the reduplicating aorist: 862). Ju the older language, these are the only
roots with {initial vowel which form a desiderative stem, except Ap and
rab, which have abbrevinted stems: ece the next paragraph. In the later
Janguage occur further egisiga (pig seek) and icikgiga ()Ikg); and the
grammarians add others, as arjihiga (Yarh), undidiga (und), ardi-
dhiga ()rdh).

1029—}) XIV. SEconpaRy ConJUGATION. 374

o. RV. has the stems {nakga and fyakega, regarded as desideratives
from Yynag attain and yaj, with mutilated reduplication.

1080. A number of roots, including some of very com-
mon use, form an abbreviated stem apparently by a con-
traction of reduplication and root together into one syllable:

thus, aH ipsa from YA Sp; ecu ditsa from ya] di.

a. Such abbreviated stems are found in the older language as follows:
dhitsa (beside didhiga) from /dh&; ditsa (beside did&sa) from yda&;
dipsa (dhipsa JB.) from /dabh; gikga from fYgak; sikga from psah:
these are found in RV.; in AV. are added ipsa from y&p (RV. bas apsa
once), and irtsa from pydh; the other texts furnish lipsa (CB.) or
lipsa (TB.) from Ylabh, ripsa (GB.) from )Yrabh, pitsa (CB.) from
yYpad, and dhikga ((B.) from dah (not pdih, since no roots with i as
medial vowel show the contracted form). In the later language are further
found pitsa from Ypat also, jiipsa from the causative quasi-root jap
(below, 1042 j), and the anomalous mitea from Ym& measure (allowed
also from roots mi and mi); and the grammarians give ritsa from )radh.
Also mokga is (very questionably) viewed as a desiderative stem frem

ymuce.

1081. The use of the auxiliary vowel 3 i is quite rare
in the early language, but more common later; and it is
allowed or prescribed by the grammarians in many stems
which have not been found in actual use.

a. It is declared to follow in general, though not without ex-
ceptions, necessary or optional, the analogy of the futures (034,
043 a).

b. No example of the use of i is found in RV., and only one each in
AV. (pipatiga), VS. (jijiviga), end TS. (jigamiga). The other examplee
noted in the early texts are agigiga, cikramiga, jigrahiga (with I for i,
as elsewhere in this root), cicariga, edidhiga, jijaniga, didikgiga,
bib&dhiga, ruruciga, vivadiga, vividiga, gigdsiga, tigtighiga, jihin-
Biga: most of them are found only in (B. Stems also without the auzil-
iary vowel aro mado from roots gam, grah, car, jiv, pat, badh, vid.

1082. Inflection: Present-System. The desider-
ative stem is conjugated in the present-system with per-
fect regularity, like other a-stems (733 a), in both voices, in
all the modes (including, in the older language, the sub-
junctive), and with participles and imperfect. It will be
sufficient to give here the first persons only. We may take

375 DeSIDERATIVE. (—1083

ag active model irr ipsa seek to obtain, from VATT Bp obtain;
as middle, fafad titikea endure, from viea_tij be sharp (see
below, 1040).

1. Present Indicative.

active. middle.

d. Pp. 8. d. d.
1 grag scar sca. fafa «= fafereere « farfcrerte
ipsAmi fpsivas ipeAmas titikee t{tikgivahe titikgamahe
ete. Cte. ete. etc. ote. etc.

2. Present Subjunctive.
¢ ¢ oan
1yomm gama scam) ferfaet | fearfaenee fates
ipsini ipsiva fipsima titikeai titikeavehai t{tikgamahai
etc. etc. etc. ete. etc, etc.

3. Present Optative.
¢ e ¢
1acoy sataaecSséfTeto fafaate fafa
fpseyam ipseva ipsema titikgeya t{tikgevahi t{tikgemahi
etc. etc. ote. etc. ete. etc.

4. Present Imperative.

A

2 cr rer Serer Reefeveteee: ferfereterrey_—ferfereerry,
ipsa fpsatam fpsata t{itikgasva t{tiksethim t{tikgadhvam
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. ete.

6.. Present Participle.
TA ipsant (f. -TaTeft ipeantty FAAP titikeamanea

6. Imperfect.

~

17 Yama yam «afta afataenate atafaramie

i{psam A{psivea a{psima Atitikge Atitikeavahi Atitikgamahi
etc. etc. etc. ete. etc. etc.

a. There are almost no irregularities of inflection to be reported from
the older Janguage. No ist pl. in masi, or 2d pl. in thana or tana, is
met with; of the impv. in t&t, only Ipsatat. The quotable subjunctive
forms are those in sani, sft and sat, sfn, and santa. KBU. hes jijfidsite
(cf. 788 b). But the fem. pple sigfsati (instead of sigisant!) occurs
once or twice in the older texts; and RV. has d{dhigdna.

b. In the epics and later are found sporadic forms of the non-a-

1032—] XIV. Szconpary CoNnJUGATION. 376

conjugation: thus, sispkgmas (BbP.), titikgmahe and bubhigate 9d
p). (MBh.); and the fem. participles lipsati and cikirgati (MBh.: against
449 b). The anomalous jigh&hsiy&t occurs also in MBh. and Vas.

1033. a. Desiderative forms outside the present-system are
extremely rare in the oldest language. The RV. has only perfect
forms from a stem mimikg—thus, mimikegd4thus, mimikgdtus,
mimikgis; mimikge, mimikgire — along with the present forms
mimikgati, mimikga otc., mimikgant (pple): they show that mimikg
or mikg has taken on the character of an independent root. In AV.
are found two aorist forms, irtsis and acikitsis, and a participle or two
from mimahsa (see below, 1037 a, 1039 a) — all of them from stems
which have lost their distinct desiderative meaning, and come to bear
an independent value. The forms noted from the other earlier texts
will be given in full below.

b. In the later language, a complete system of verbal
forms is allowed to be made in the desiderative conjugation,
the desiderative stem, less its final vowel, being treated as
a root. ‘Thus:

1034. Perfect. The desiderative perfect is the peri-
phrastic (1070 ff.).

s. Thus, ipsath cakdra otc.; titiksim cakre ete. Such forms
are made in CB. from Yykram, dhirv, b&dh, ruh; and in ChU.
from man.

b. Apparent perfect forme of the ordinary kind made from mimikg
in RV. have been noticed in the preceding paragraph. And AB. (viii. 21. 10)
has once diddsitha thou hast desired to give.

1035. Aorist. The aorist is of the ig-form: thus

QUA Kipsignm, AfelictictlT stitikeigt.

a. The AV. has acikitsis, and irtsis (augmentless, with m& pro-
hibitive: 578). TB. bas Aipsit; QB. Girtsit, acikirgis and ajigh&isis,
and amimA@nsisth&s; KB. jijfidsigi; JUB. dipsigma; and AA. adhit-
sigam. No examples have been found in the later language.

b. A precative is also allowed — thus, ipsydsam, titikgigiya; but it
never ogcurs.

1086. Futures. The futures are made with the auxil-

lary vowel 3 i: thus, Sfcereanty Ipsigyémi and ferent
Ipsitdsmi; fafeataca titikgisyé and fatataare titikgitéhe.

a. The CB. has titikgigyate and didykgitdras. Such forms as
jijfidsyamas (MBb.), didhakgyAmi (R.), and mim&dsyant (GGS8.) sre
doubtless presents, with -sya- blunderingly for -Sa-.

377 DES1DERATIVE. [—1039

1037. Verbal Nouns and Adjectives. These too
are made with the auxiliary vowel 3 i, in all cases where
that vowel is ever taken.

a. In the older language have been noted: participle in ta, mima&h-
sitaé (AV., GB.), jJijyfigita (AB.), guoriisité and dhikgit&é (CB.); —
gerundive in tavya, NMpsitavya (AU8.), didhydsitavya& (CB.); iu ya,
jijidsya (CB.);— gerund in tva, mimd&nsitvaé (K.).

1038. Of other declinable stems derived from the desiderative stem,
by fer the most common are the adjective io t—e. g. titikgu, diped,
bibhatsu, sigisu (RV. once didfkqu)— and the abstract noun in &—
e. g. ipsa, bibhatad, mimansé, guortis&é — both of which are made
with increasing freedom from an early epoch of the language: especially the
former, which has the value and constraction (271 a) of a present parti-
ciple. A few adjectives in enya (having a gerundive character: 966 b)
occur in the earlier language: thus, didrkgénya (RV.), guortigénya (TS.),
ninisenya (PR.), jijfidsenya (AB.), and, with irregular reduplication
(apparently) paprkgénya (RV.), dadhisenya (JB.); and didrkgéya (RV.)
is a similar formation. RV. has also sigsfsAni and rurukgéni, and sig&-
sdtu(P). In the later language, besides some of the formations already
instanced (those in u and &, and in sya and sitavya), are found a few
derivatives in aka, as cikitsaka, bubhfigaka; in ana, as jijfidsana,
didhy4dsana; and, very rarely, in aniya (cikitesaniya) and ty (guertigity);
further, secondary derivatives (doubtless) in in from the noun in &, as
ipsin, jigigin (one or two of these occur in the older language). And of
an adjective in a we have an example in bibhated (B.S., and later), snd
perhaps in avalipsa (AVP.); such words as ajugupsa, ducgcikitsa, are
rather to be understood as possessive compounds with the noun in & As
to noun-stems in is, see 3023 d.

10389. Derivative or Tertiary Conjugations. A
passive is allowed to be made, by adding the passive-sign
a yd to the desiderative root (or stem without final a): thus,
TOA Ipsyate +t ts destred to be obtained; — and a causautive,
by adding in lke manner the causative-sign Sq déya (1041):

thus, cay Ipstyhmi J cause to destre obtainment.

a. Of these formations in the older language are found mim&hsyé-
m&na (doubtless to be read for -s&4m@na, AV.), lipsyd4mana (('B.), and
rurutsyamana (K.). Half-a-dozen euch passives are quotable later, and
one or two causatives: e.g. cikitsyate, vivaksyate, jijfidsyate; cikir-
gayant, cikitsayisyati.

b. For the desiderative conjugation formed on causative stems,
which is found as early as the Brabmanas, see below, 1053 b.

1040—] XIV. SEconDARY CoNJUGATION. 378

1040. Some stems which are desiderative in form have lost the
peculiarity of desiderative meaning, and assumed the value of Inde-
pendent roots: examples are cikits cure, jugups despise, titikg endure,
bibhats abhor, mimais ponder, gugriig obey. Doubtless some of the
apparent roots in the language with sibilant final are akin with the
desideratives in origin: e. g. gikg, desiderative of gak.

a. On account of the near relation of desiderative and fature (ef.
948 b), the former is ocrastonally found where the latter was rather to be
expected: thus, rajanath praylyaisantam (CB.) a king about to depart
prana uccikramigan (ChU.) the breath on the point of expiring; mu-
murgur iva ’bhavat (II.) he was fain to die.

IV. Causative.

1041. a. In the later language is allowed to be made
from most roots a complete causative conjugation. The
basis of this is a causative stem, formed by appending the
causative-sign a dya to the, usually strengthened, root.

b. But by no means all conjugation-stems formed by
the sign Aq dya are of causative value; and the grammarians
regard a part of them as constituting a conjugation-class,
the tenth or our-class, according to which roots may be
inflected as according to the other classes, and either alone

or along with others (775).

c. In RV., the proportion without causative value is fully one third.
The formation is a more obviously denominative one than any of the other
conjugetion-classes, an intermediate between them and the proper denom-
inatives. A causative meaning has established itself in connection with
the formation, end become predominant, though not exclusive. A number
of roots of late appearance and probably derivative character are included
in the class, and some palpable denominatives, which lack only the usual
donominative accent (below, 1066).

d. The causative formetion is of much more frequent use, and more
decidedly expanded into a full conjugation, than either the intensive or the
desiderative. It is made from more than three bundred roots in the early lan-
guage (in RY., from about one hundred and fifty); but in the oldest, its
forms outside the present-system are (apart from the attached reduplicated
aorist: 1046) exceedingly few.

1042. The treatment of the root before the causative-

sigu 4Q aya is as follows:

379 CAUSATIVE. (—1042

a. Merial or initial i, u, y, J havo the guna-strengthening (if
capable of it: 340); thus, vedaya from yvid, codaya from youd,
tarpaya from ytrp; and kalpaya from ykjp (only example): but
cintaya, gulphaya, drhhaya.

b. But a few rocts Jack the strengthcning: these are, in the older
language, cit (citaya and cetaya), ig, il, rig (rigaya and regaya),
vip (vipaya and vepaya), tuj, tur, tus (tugaya and togaya), dyut
(dyutaya and dyotays), ruc (rucaya and rocaya), cuc (qucaya and
cocaya), cubh (cubhaya ani cobhaya), krp, mrd, sprh; and grabh
makes in RV. gpbhaya. Dug anid guh lengthen the vowel instead. Mryj
sometimes has vyddhi, as in other forms: thus, m&rjaya (beside mar-
jaya). On the other band, guya appesers irregularly (240 b) in srevaya
(beside crivaya), hedaya, mekgaya. Similar irregularities in the later
language are giraya, tulaya (also tolaya), churaya (also choraya),
mugaya, sphuraya. No forins made without strengthening bave a causative
value in the older language.

c. A final vowel has the vrddhi-strengthening: thus, c&yaya,
GA’yaya, cyfvaya, bh&vaya, dhadraya, saraya.

d. But no root in i or I has vpddhi in the Veda (unless p&yaya
[k, below] comes from pi ratber than p&) — as, Indeed, regular causa-
tives from such roots are hardly quotable: only RV. has kgayaya (beside
kegepaya) from kel possess; for a fow alternativcly permitted forme, see
below, ]. In B. and S., however, occur c&yaya and s&yaya (jel or s&);
and later -Ayaya, ciyaya, sm&yaya, d&yaya, n&yaya.

e. A few roots have a form also with guna-strengthening: thus, cyu,
dru, plu, yu separate, gru, pi, stu, sru; jy waste away, dy prerce, sy,
smr, hr;°vr choose makes varaya later (it is not found in V.; epic also
varaya).

f. A medial or initial a in a light syllable is sometimes length-
ened, and sometimes remains unchanged: thns, bhajaya, svadpaya,
adaya; janaya, crathaya, anaya (but mandays, vaigaya, bhakgaya).

g. The roots in the older languaze which kcop their short a are jan,
pan, svan, dhan, rap, stan, gam (g&maya once in RV.), tam, dam,
raj (usually rafijaya), prath, crath, qnath, vyath, svad, chad please
(also chandaya), nad, dhvas (also dhvansaya), rah, mah (also
manhhays), nabh (also nambhaya), tvar, svar, hval. In the later
language, further, kvan, jvar, trap, day, pan, rac, ran ring, vadh,
val, vac, sglath, skhal, sthag. Both forms arc made (elther in the
earlier or in the later language, or in both taken together) by ad, kal,
kram, kgam, khan, ghat, cam, cal, jval, tvar, dal, dhvan, nad,
nam, pat, bhram, math, mad, yam, ram, lag, lal, vam, vyadh,
gam %e quiet, gram, gcvas, svap. The roots which lengthen the vowel
are decidedly the more numerous.

h. If a nasal fs taken in any of the strong forms of a root, it usually
appears in the causative stem: e. g. d@ambhaya, daficgaya. indhaya,

1042—] X1V. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. 380

limpaya, rundhaya, gundhaya, krntaya, drhhaya. From a oumber
of roots, stems both with and without tho nasal are made: thus (besides
those mentioned above, g), kuficaya ani kocaya, granthaya and grath-
aya, brhhaya and. barhaya, bhrahgaya and bhr&gaya, gundhaya
and godhaya, safijaya and sajjaya, sificaya and secaya. In a few of
these is seen the influence of present-st.ims.

i. Most roots in final & and the root y, add p before the con-
jugation-sign: thus, dApaya, dh&paya, sthaipaya; arpaya.

j. Such stems are made in the older language from the roots kgd,
khy&, g& siny (also g&yaya), gl&, ghra, jh&, d& give, dé divide, dri
run, Gh& put and dh& suck, m& measure, mld, y&, v& blow, sth&, en,
h& remove; the later language adds kama, dhmA&, and h& leave. From
jH& and en& are found in AY. and tater the shortened forms jiapaya
and snapaya, and from gr& only grapaya (not in RV.). Also, in the
later language, gl& forms glapaya, and mld forms mlapaya.

kx. Stems from &-roots showing no p are, earlier, gdyaya (slso g&pa-
ya) from Yg& sing, chéiyaya, padyaya from yp& drink (or pi), pyay-
aya. from Ypya or py&y; sdyaya from pe& (or si); also, later, hvdy-
aya from Yhva (or hii); — and further, from roots vA weave, vy&, and
g& (or of), according to the grammarians.

1. The same p is taken also by a few i- and i-roots, with other
accompanying irregularities: thus, in the oldcr language, kgepaya (RV.,
beside kgayaya) from jkgi possess; jApaya (VS. and later) from pJji;
lipaya (TB. and later; later also lAyaya) from li cling; grépaya (VS8.,
once) from Ygri; adhy&paya (S. and later) from adhi-+-yi;—in the
later, kgapaya (beside kgayaya) from )Kgi destroy; m&paya from
Ymi; smdpaya (besido sm&yaya) from Yemi; hrepaya from yhri;
—and the grammarianus make further krépaya from ykri; cépaya (beside
Cayaya) from yci gather; bh&paya (beside bhdyaya and bhigaya)
from Ybhi; repaya from yri, and vlepaya from Yvli. Moreover, Yruh
makes ropaya (B. and later) beside rohaya (V. and later), and ykna
inakes knopaya (late).

m. More anomalous cases in which the so-called causative is palpably
the denominative of a derived noun, are: palaya from pp& protect; prinaya
from pYpri; linaya (according to grammarians) from li; dhiinaya (not
causative in sense) from Yahi; bhigaya from ;/bhi; gh&taya from phan;
sphavaya from fephd or sphay.

n. In the Prekrit, the causative stem is made from all roots by the
addition of (the equivalent of) Apaya; and « number (about a dozen) of
like forinations are quotablo from Sanskrit texts, mostly of the latost period :
but three, kridapaya, jivapaya, and dikg&paya, occur in the epics;
and two, aca@paya and kedlapaya, evon in the Sutras.

1043. Inflection: Present-System. The causative
stem is inflected in the present-system precisely like other

381 ; CAUBATIVE. [(—1043

atems in Ya (733.8): it will be sufficient to give here in
general the first persons of the different formations, taking
as model the stem {ya dbardys, from yy dby. Thus:

1. Present Indicative.

active.
Ss.

d. .
organ aga aT,

dhar4ya4mi dh&rdéy&vas dhardy&mas

etc. ete. etc.
middle.
8. d. p.
~
1 Ula
dharaye dharéyavahe dhard4yamahe
ete. etr. etc.

a. The ist pl. act. in masi greatly ontnumbers (as ten to one) that
in mas in both RV. and AV. No example occurs of 2d pl. act. in thana,
nor of 3d sing. mid. in e for ate.

2. Present Subjunctive.
For the subjunctive may be instanced all the forms noted as
occurring in the older language:

active.
1 dh&rfy&ni dh&réyaéva dhiardyama

dharéyasi
dh&réy&s dbadray&thas dharéyatha

dh&arayati
dharéy&t dh&réyaitas dhdardyaén
middle.
1 dh&rayéi dh&ardyavahai
dh&arayadhve
2 dh&raéyase dharéyadhval

dharaéyate
dharayatai (Peravaite

b. Only one dual mid. form in dite occurs: m&déydite (RV.). The
only RV. mid. form in @i, except in ist du., is mAaday&dhv&i. The
primary endings in 2d and 3d sing. act. are more common than the secondary.

3. Present Optativo.
active.
\ Sir § una Tay
dh&r4yeyam dh&ré4yeva dh&rdyema
etc. etc. ete.

1048—] X1V. Secoxpary CONJUGATION. 382

middie.

1 Ug maare eunpante
dhdrayeya dhdrdéyevahi dhd&rdyemahi

ete. etc, etc.

c. Optative forms are very rare in the oldest language (four in RV.,
two in AV.); they become more common in the Brébmenas. A 3d sing.
mid. in ita instead of eta (cf. 738 b) occurs once in B. (k&mayita AB.),
is not very rere in 8. (a score or two of cxamples are quotable), and
is aluo found in MBh. and later. Of a corresponding 3d pl. in Iran only
one or two instances can be pointed out (k&mayiran ACS., kalpayiran
AGS.).

4. Present Imperative.

active.
2 Ud Ua utad
dhadréya dhérdyatam dhirdyata
etc. ete. etc.
middle.

2eTyaey EY ENTE
dhérd4yasva dharayethém dhérdyadhvam
etc. ete. etc.

d. Imperative persons with the ending t&t occur: dhérayatat (AV.)
and cy&vayata&t ((B.) are 2d sing.; p&tayatat (CB.) is 3d sing.; gama-
yataét and cyfvayata&t (K. otc.), and vArayat&t (TB,) are used as 2d pi.
Varayadhvat (K. otc.) is 2d pl., and the only known example of such
an ending (ses above, 5498 b).

5. Present Participle.
Uae dhérdyant UTTaAATa dhériyamféna.

e. The feminine of the active participle is regularly and usually made
in anti (440 c). But a very few examples in ati are met with (one in
the older language: namayati Apsst.).

f. The middle participle in Mana is made thruugh the whole history
of the language, from RV. (only yaétayamana) down, and is the only
one met with in the cartier lauguage (for trayanas [sict], MS. il, 7. 12,
is evidently o fulse reading, perhaps for fray& nas). But decidedly more
common in the epics and later is one formed with dna: e. g. kdmayédna,
cintayana, pdlayaéna, veday&na. It is quotable from a larger uumber
uf scouts than is the more regular participle in mana. As it occurs in no
accentuated teat, its accent cannot be given.

383 CAUBATIVE. [—1046

6. Imperfect.

active,

1 TT TIT ATT ATA
Qdharayam 4dhédraydva 4dh&rayéma
ete. etc. ete.

middle.
1 UTA AUUU IRIE LLE d
adhiaraye a&dhdrayavahi 4dharayamahi
ete. etc. etc.

1044. As was above pointed out, the formations from the causative
stem aya outside the present-system are in the oldest language very
limited. In RV. are found two forms of the future in sy&mi, one passive
participle (codit&), and ten inflnitives in dhy&i; also one or two deriv-
ative nouns in tr (bodhayitf, codayitrf), five In isnu, séven in itnu,
and a few ina (atipdray4, nidhdray4, vacamifikhayé, viqvamejays),
and in u (dha&rayu, bhavayu, mandayu). In AV., also two s-futare
forms and four gerunds in tv&; and a few derivative noun-stems, from
one of which is made a periphrastic perfect (gamay&zh cakdra). In the
Rrahmanas, verbal derivative forms become more numerous and various, as
will be noted in detail below.

10456. Perfect. The accepted causative perfect is the
periphrastic (1071 8); a derivative noun in & is made from
the causative stem, and to ils accusative, in &m, is added
the auxiliary: thus,

aiat WAY dharaydth cakdra (or Asa: 1070b)
aTzat Teh dh&ray&th cakre

a. Of this perfect no example occurs in RV. or SV. or VS., only one
—gamayam cakdra — in AV., and but half-a-dozen in all the various
texts of the Black Yajur-Veda, and these not in the mantra-parts of the
text. They are also by no meana frequent in the Brahmanas, except in
CB. (where they abound: chiefly, perhaps, for the reason that this work
usea in considerable part the perfect instead of the imperfect as ite narrative
tense).

1046. Aorist. The aorist of the causative conjugation
is the reduplicated, which in general has nothing to dv

with the causative stem, but is made directly from the root.

a. It has been already fully described (above, 866 f1.).

b. Its association with the causative is probably founded on an
original intensive character belonging to it as a reduplicated form,
and is a matter of gradual growth; in the Veda, it is made from as

1046—] XIV. Szconpadny ConJuGATION. 384

considerable nuwber of roots (in RV., more than a third of its in-
stances; in AY., about a fifth) which have no causative stem in aya.

c. The causative aorist of yt dhy, then, is as follows:

1a = ATTA agar
adidharam Adidhardva ==A4didharima
ote. etc. etc.

rn

x
adidhare a&didharaévahi Adidhardmahi
etc. etc. ete.

An example was inflected in full at 864.

1047. In a few cases, where the root has assumed a peculiar
form before the causative sign—as by the addition of a p or 9
(above, 1042 i ff.) —the reduplicated aorist is made from this form
instead of from the simple root: thus, atigthipam from sth&p (stem
sth&paya) for Yatha. Aorist-stems of this character from quasi-roots
in &p are arpipa (yf), jijapa or jijipa, jijdapa or jijiipa, gigrapa,
tigthipa, jihipa; the only othor example from the older language is
bibhiga from bhig for /bhi.

1048. But a few sporadic forms of an ig-sorist from causative con-
jugation-stems are met with: thus, dhvanayit (RV.; TS. has instead the
wholly anomalous dhvanayit), vyathayise and dilayit (AV.), pyfiyayig-
thas and avddayigthds (KBU.), in the older language (RV. has also
inayis from a denominative stem); in the later, ahlddayigata (DKO.),
and probably aghadtayithds (MBh.; for -isthds: cf. 904d). The passive
3d sing. aropi, from the causative ropaya, bes a late occurrence (Catr.).

1049. A precative is of course allowed by the grammarians to be
made for the causative conjugation: in the middle, from the causative stem
with the auxiliary i substitated for its final a; in the active, from the
form of the root as strengthened in the causative stem, but without the
causative sign: thus,

UTaTAyY dhéryésam etc. any frat dhérayigiya ete.
This formation is to be regarded as purely fictitious.
1050. Futures. Both futures, with the conditional,
are made from the causative stem, with the auxiliary 3 j,
which takes the place of its final @ a. Thus:

8-Future.

UTRASUT dharayigydmi otc. UT{MITW dha&rayigyé ote.
EN TACA_dharayigydnt UNTASUAM dharayigyamana

385 CAUSATIVE. ([—1061

Conditional.
RIT Adharayigyam etc. ATTA adhGrayigye etc.

Periphrastic Future.

UTTaAAHET dharayitdsmi etc.

a. It has been mentioned above that RV: and AV. contain only two
examples each of the s—future, and none of tho periphrastic. The former
begin to appear in the Brihmanas more numerously, but still sparingly,
with participles, and conditional (only adhdrayigyat (B.; al&payisya-
tha&s ChU.); of the latter, (RB. affords two instances (p&rayit&ésmi and
Janayitdsi). Examples of both formations are quotable from the Jater
language (including the middle form dargayit&he: 847 c).

1051. Verbal Nouns and Adjectives. These are
made in two different ways: either 1. from the full causa-
tive stem (in the same manner as the futures, just des-
cribed); or 2. from the causatively strengthened root-form

(with loss of the causative-sign).

a. ‘To the latter class belong the passive participle, as dhérita;
the gerundive and gerund in ya, as dh&rya, -dh&rya; and the gerund
in am, as dhd&ram; also, in the older language, the root-infinitive,
as -dhdram etc. (9704). ‘To the former class belong the infinitive
and the gerund in tv&, as dh&rayitum, dh&rayitv&, and the gerundive
in tavya, ns dharayitavya (also, in the older language, the infinitives
in tavdi and dhy&i, as janayitaval, iraydédhyAi, etc.). The auxiliary
iis taken in every formation which ever admits that vowel.

b. Examples of the passive participle are: irité, vdsita, gravité.
But from the quasi-root jhap (1042j) is made jfhapta, without union-
vowel.

c. Examples of tho infinitive and gerund in tv& are: jégayitum,
dharayitum; kalpayitvd, arpayitvd. But in the epics, and even later,
infinitives are oc asionally made with loss of the causative-sign: e. g.
cesgitum, bhavitum, dharitum, mocitum.

d. Examples of the gerunds in ya and am are: -bhAjya, -gh&rya,
-padya, -v&sya, naéyya, -sthadpya; -bhajam, sth&pam. But stems
showing in the root-syllable no difference from the root retain ay of the
caunative-sign in the gerund, to distinguish t¢ from that belonging to the
primary conjugation: c.g. -kramayya, -gamAayya, -jandyya, -jvaléyya,
-kalayya, -camayya, -racayya, -&payya.

e. Examples of the gerundive in tavya are: tarpayitavya’, gam-
ayitavya, hvadyayitavya; of that in ya, sthapya, hidrya, yajya; of
that in aniya, sthapaniya, bhdvaniya.

Whitney, Grammar. 8. ed. 25

1061—} XIV. SeEconparRy CONJUGATION. 386

f. Examples of other formations ocurring in the older language are
as follows: root-infinitive, -sthdpam, -vdsas;— infinitive in tu, other
cases than accusative, -janayitave; janayitava{, phyayitaval, -qoot-
ayitaval; gdmayitos; — infinitive in dhydi, igayédhydi, irayadhyai,
tahsayédhyai, nagayédhyéi, mandayddhyéi, m&dayddhyai, rig-
ayadhyAdi, vartayédhyéi, vajayaédhyai, syandayddhySi (all RV.);
— gerundive in d&yya, panaydyya, sprhaydyya, trayaydyys (? tra).

@. Other noun-derivatives from the causstive stem are not infrequent,
being decidedly more numerous and various than from any other of the
secondary conjugation-stems. Examples (of other kinds than those instanced
in 1044) are: drpana, d&pana, prinana, bhigana; jfiipaka, ropaka;
patayala, sprhay4dlu; janayati, jfiapti.

h. All the classes of derivatives, it will be noticed, follow in regard
to accent the analogy of similar formations from the simple root, and show
no influence of the special accent of the causative-stem.

1052. Derivative or Tertiary Conjugations.
From the causative stem are made a passive and a de-
siderative conjugation. Thus:

a. The passive-stem is formed by adding the usual
passive-sign yé to the causatively strengthened root, the
causative-sign being dropped: thus, Uda dharyate.

b. Such passives are hardly found in the Veda (only bh&jyé- AV.)
but some thirty instances are met with in the Brihmanas and Siitras: ex-

amples are jfiapyé- (TS.), sidya- (K.), piidya- (AB.), vadya- (TB.),
ethadpya- (GB.); and they become quite common later.

c. The desiderative stem is made by reduplication and
addition of the sign 3q iga, of which the initial vowel replaces
the final of the causative stem: thus, ongfarata didhirayigati.

d. These, too, ere found hete and there in the Brahmanas and later
(about forty stems are quotable): examples are pip&yayiga (K.), bibhfv-
ayiga and cikalpayica and lulobhayiga (AB.), didripayiga and riridh-
ayiga ((B.), and so on.

e. As to causatives made from the intensive and desiderative stems,
see above, 1025, 1039.

V. Denominative.
1053. A denominative conjugation is one that has for

its basis a noun-stem.

a. It is a view now prevailingly held that most of the present-
systema of the Sanskrit verb, along with other formations analogous with a

387 DENOMINATIVE. [—1056

present-syctem. are in their altimate origin denominatives and that many
apparent roots are of the same character. The denominativecs which are so
called differ from these only in that their origin fs recent and undieguised.

1054. ‘The grammarians teach that any noun-stem in
the language may be converted, without other addition than
that of an 4] 8 (as union-vowel enabling it to be inflected
according to the second general conjugation) into a present-
stem, and conjugated as such.

a. Rut such formations are rare in actual use. The RV. has a few
isolated and doubtfal cxamples, the clearest of which is bhigdkti Ae heals,
from bhigaj physician; it is made like a form of the root-class; abhignak
seems to be its imperfect according to the nasal class; and pAétyate he
rules appears to bo a denominative of pA&ti master; other possible cases
are iganas etc., kppananta, tarugema ctc., vanuganta, bhurajanta,
vananvati. From the other older texts are quotable kavyAnt (TS.),
&clonat (TR.), unmflati (SR.), svadha&mahe (('¢S.). And a econsider-
able number of instances, mostly isolated, are found in the later language:
e.g. kalahant (MBb.), arghanti (Pefic.), abjati (Catr.), gardabhati

(SD.), utkanthate (SD.), jagannetrati (Pres.), keligvetasahasra-
pattrati (Praz.).

1055. In general, the base of denominative conjugation
is made from the noun-stem by means of the conjugation-
sign @ yé, which has the accent.

a. The Identity of this ya with the ya of the so-called causative
conjugation, as making with the final a of a noun-stem the causative-sign
aya, is hardly to be questione!. What relation it sustains to the ya of
the ya-class (759), of the passive (768), and of the derivative intensive
sten: (1016), is much more doubtfal.

1050. Intermediate betwoen the denominative and causative
conjugations stands a class of verbs, plainly denomiuative in origin,
but having the causative accent. Examples, beginning to appear at the
earliest period of tho language, are mantradyate speaks, takes counsel,
(from mantra,. yman + tra), kirtéyati commemorates (from kirti,
Vky pratwr), arthéyati or -te makes an object of, seeks (from artha goal,
ohyert’. varnayati depicts (from varna color), kathayati or -te gives
the how of anything, relates (from katham how), and so on. These,
along with like forms from roots which have no other present-system
though they may make scattcring forms outside that system from
the root directly’, or which have this beside other present-systems
without causativo meaning, are reckoned by tho grammarians as a
separate conjugation-class, the cur-class (xbove, 607, 775).

25*

1057—} XIV. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. 388

1057. Denominatives are formed at every period in the
history of the language, from the earliest down.

a. They are frequent in RV., which contains over a hundred,
of all varieties; AV. has only balf as many (and personal forms from
hardly a third as many: from the rest, present participles, or deriv-
ative nouns); AB., less than twenty; (B., hardly more than a dozen;
and-so op. In the later language they are quotable by hundreds,
bnt from the vast majority of stems occur only an example or two;
the only ones that have won any currency are those that have assumed
the character of “cur-class” verbs.

1068. The denominative meaning is, as in other lan-
guages, of the greatest variety; some of the most frequent
forms of it are: be like, act as, play the part of; regard
or treat as; cause to be, make tnto; use, make applicatéon
of; desire, wish for, crave — that which is signified by the
noun-stem.

a. The modes of treatment of the stem-final are also various;
and the grammarians make a certain more or less definite assignment
of the varieties of meaning to the varieties of form; but thie allot-
ment finds only a dubious support in the usages of the words as met
with even in the later language, and still less in the carlier. Hence
the formal classification, according to the final of the noun-stem
and the way in which this is treated before the denominative sign yé,
will be the best one to follow.

10568. From stems in a., a. The final a of a noun-stem
oftenest remains unchanged: thus, amitraydti plays the enemy, 1
hostile, devayati cultsvates the gods, ts pious.

b. But final a is also often lengthenod: thus, aghdy&ti plans
mischief; priyadyate holds dear; agviy&ti seeks for horses; agan&yéti
desires food.

c. While in the Veda the various modes of denominative formation
are woll distributed, no one showing a marked preponderance, in the later
language the vast majority of denominatives (fully sevon eighths) are of
the two kinds just noticed: namely, made from a-stems, and of che iorm
aya or &ya, the former predominating. And there is seen a decided ten-
dency to give the denominatives in aya an active form and transitive mean-
ing, and those in ya a middie form and intransitive or reflexive meaning.
In not a few cases, parallel formations from the same stem illustrate this
distinction: e. g. kalugayati makes turbid, kalugdyate «ss or becomes
turbid; tarunayati rejuvenates, tarundyate ts rejuvenated; githilayati
loosens, githiladyate grows loose. No distinct traces of this distincton are

389 DENOMINATIVE. (—1064

recognizable in the Veda, although there also corresponding forms with short
a and with long & sometimes stand side by sid-.

d. Final a ie sometimes changed to I (very rarely 1): thus, adhvariyati
performs the sacrifice, tavigiy4ti ts mighty; putriyAéti or putriyati desires
a son; mahslyati craves flesh; sajjiyate ts ready; candrakantiyati ts
moonstonelike. Not fifty stems of this form are quotable.

e. It is occasionally dropped (alter n or r): thus, turanyaéti ss rapid;
adhvaryati performs the sacrifice.

f. Other modes of treatment are tporadic: thus, the addition of 8, as
in stanasyati seeks the breast; the change of a to e, as in vareyéti
plays the wooer.

1060. From stems in & Final & usually remains, as in gopay-
ati plays the herdsman, protects; prtan&yati fights; but it is sometimes
treated in the other methods of an a-stem; thus, pptanyati fights; tilotta-
miyati acts Tilottama.

1061. From stems in i, i, and u, & Such stems are (especially
those in ou, G@) very rare. They show regularly i and & before ya: thus,
aratiyAti (slso -tiy-) plots injury; janiyati (also -niy-) seeks a wife;
sakhiyati desires friendship; n&riyate turns woman; — gatriyaéti acts
the foe; yjityati ts straight; vasiyati desiree wealth; ashyAti grumbles,
ts discontented. with short u, g&atuy&éti sets tn motion.

a. More rarely, i or u fs treated as a (or clee is gunated, with loss
of ay or v): thas, dhunay&éti comes snorting; laghayati makes easter.
Sometimes, as to a (above, 10601), a sibilant is addod: thus, avigyati
ts rehement; urugy&ti saves. From dhi, RV. makes dhiydyéte.

1062. From other vowel-stoms. a. Final ¢ is changed to ri:
thus, matriydéti treals as a mother (only quotable example).

b. The diphthongs, in the few cascs that oocur, have their final ele-
ment changed to a semivowel: thus, gavy&ti seeks cattle, goes a-raiding.

1063. From consonant-etemes. A final consonant usually remains
before ya: thus, bhigajyati plays the physician, curcs; ukganyAti acts
hike a bull; apasy&ti ts aciive; namasy&ti pays reverence; sumanasydte
ts favorably disposed; tarugyaéti fights.

a. But a final n is sometimes dropped, and the preceding vowel trested
as a final: thus, réjaydéte or rAjiyati is Aingly, from r&jan; -karma-
yati from -karman; svamiyati ¢reafs as master, from sv&min: vyga-
yate from vygan ie the only example quotable from the older language.
Sporadic cases occur of other final consonants similarly treated: thus, oj&-
yate from ojao, -mandyate from -manas; — while, on the other hand,
an a-vowel fs occasionally added to such a consonant before ya: thus, iga-
yati from ig, satvan&yati from satvan.

1064. The largest class of consonantal stems are those showing a 8
befure the ya; and, as has been seen above, a sibilant is sometimes, by
analogy, added to a final vowel, thaking the denomitive-sign virtually sya

1064—} XIV. SECONDARY CoNJUUATION. 340

— or even, with a also added after an i- or u-vowel, asya; and this comes
to be recognized by the grammarians as an independent sign, forming denom-
inatives that express desire: thus, sumakhasy&dte ss merry; jivanasya-
(in -ay@ love of life); vygasyati desires the male (the only quotable exam-
ples); madhugyati or madhvasyati longs for honey: kgirasyati craves
milk.

1065. The grammarians reckon as a special class of denominative>
in k&mya what are really only ordinary ones made from a compound noui:-
steh having ka&ma as its final member: thus, rathakamyati longs fur
the chariot (K.: oniy example found in the older language); arthaka&m-
yati desires wealth; putrak&myati twishes a son (the only quotable exam-
ples); coming from the possessive compounds rathakd&ma ecte. And arthd-
padyati treats as property is a (sole quotable) example of a stem having
the Prakritic causative form (1042 n),

a. Stems. of anomalous formation are dréghaya from dirgha, dradh-
aya from drdha, and perbaps mradaya from mrydu.

1066. a. A number of denominative stems occur in the Veda for
which no corresponding noun-stems are found, although for all or nearly
all of them related words appear: thus, afikayé, stabhiyé, igudhya;
dhigany4, rigany4, ruvanya, huvanya, igany4; rathary4, cratharyéa,
saparya; iyasya ((B.), irasy4, dacgasy4, makhasydé, panasyé, sa-
casy& Those in anya, especially, look like the beginnings of a new
conjugation-class.

b. Having still more that aspect, however, arc a Vedic group of stems
in dya, which in general have allied themselves to present-systems of the
naé-olass (732), and are found alongside the forms of that class: thus,
gpbh&yati beside grpbhnadti. Of such, RV. has gpbhdy4, mathdyé,
prugdyé, mugdyé, grathdya, skabhdyé, stabhiyé. A few others
have no né&-class companions: thus, damdy&, gamé&y4, tud&yé (AV.);
and pan&ya, naciya, vrgdya (vrs rain), vasiyé ()/vas clothe), and
perhaps acgdya (pag attain).

c. Here may be mentioned also quasi-denominatives made from ono-
matopoetic combinations of sounds, gencrally with repetition: eo g. kitaki-
taya, thatathatardya, migamigdya, garagariya.

1067. The denominative stems in RV. and AV. with causative secent-
uation are: RV. afikhdya, arthdya, igdya (also igay4), irjaya, rtaya,
kyppdya, mantrdya, mygdya, vavriya, vijdya (sleo vajay4), viléya,
sugvdya (also sugvay4); AV. adds kirtéya, dhiipdya, p&ldya, virdya,
sabhdgaya.

a. The accent of Anniya and hastaya (RV.) is wholly anomalous.

1068. Inflection. The denominative stems are in-
flected with regularity like the other stems ending in Wa
(738a) throughout the present-system. Forms outside of

391 DENOMINATIVE. {[—1069

that system — except from the stems which are reckoned
to the causative or cur-class, and which follow in all re-

spects the rules for that class — are of the utmost rarity.

a. In RV. occurs no form not belonging to the present-system, except
finayis (with mA prohibitive), an ig-aorist 2d sing. (ef. 1048). Further
examples of this aorist are Asfyit (CB.), papayista (TS.: pl., with m&
prohibitive), and avye&yigata (VS. otc.). The form dsaparyéit (AV:
xiv. 2. 20), with &i for 1 (5550), might be arrist; but, as the metre
shows, is probably a corrupt reading; amanasy@it, certainly imporfect,
appears to occur in TB, (if. 3. 8). Other forms begin to appear in the
Brabmanas: c. g. the fatures gopa&yisyati (CB.), meghdyigydnt, kan-
diiyigyant, cikféyigyAdnt (TS.), the participles bhigajyité (? J. -jita)
and iyasité (CB.), kandiyitaé, cikité, and meghité (TS.), the gernnd
sambclakgnya (CB.), and so on. Im the Jater language, also, forms out-
sido the present-system (except the psrticiple in ta) are only sporadic; end
of tertiary conjugation forms there are hardly any: cxamples are the catsa-
tives dhfima&yaya and astiyaya (MBh.), and the desiderative abhigigena-
yiga ((i¢.).

b. Noun-derivatives from denominative stems follow the analogy of
those from causative stems (1051g). In the older language, those in u
ant & (espectally the former) are much the most numerous; later, that in
ana prevails over all others.

CHAPTER XV.

PERIPHRASTIC AND COMPOUND CONJUGATION.

1069. One periphrastic formation, the pertphrastic
future, has been already described (942 ff.), since it has
become in the Jater language a recognized part of every
verbal conjugation, and since, though still remainig essen-
tially periphrastic, it has been so fused in its parts and al-
tered in construction as to assume in considerable measure
the semblance of an integral tense-formation.

By far the most important other formation of the

class 1s -—

1070—} AV. PERIPHRASTIC AND COMPOUND CONJUUATION. 392

The Periphrastic Perfect.

1070. This (though almost unknown in the Veda, and
coming only gradually into use in the Brahmanas) is a
tense widely made and frequently used in the classical
Sanskrit.

a. It is made by prefixing the acusative of a deriva-
tive noun-stem in 41 & (accented) to the perfect tense of an
auxiliary verb: namely, of ya ky make, more often of
V@"_as be, and very rarely of y*{ bhO be.

b. In the older language (see below, 1073d), kr is almost the only
auxiliary used in making this tense, as occurring very few times, and bha
never. Later, also, Dhii is quite rare (it is found nine times in MBh.,
six times in RNgh., and a few tlinos clsewhere), but as galnus very greatly
in currency, having become the ususl auxiliary, while kp is only exceptional.

c. Somewhat similar formations with yet other auxiliaries are not
absolutely anknown in the later language: thus varay&th pracakramus
(MBh.), piirayam (etc.) vyadhus (Viracaritra), mpgayim avatait (ib.).

1071. The perphrastic perfect occurs as follows:

a. It is the accepted perfect of the derivative cvonjuga-
tions: intensive, desiderative, causative, and denominative;
the noun in AT & being made from the present-stem which is
the general basis of each conjugation: thus, from Yqq budh,
intensive aiqur] bobudhém, desiderative S{cqM]_bubhutesdm,
causative aTaT]_bodhayam ; denominative THU" msntrey-
am.

b. The formation from causative stems (including those denominatives
which have assumed the aspect of causatives: 1066) is by far the most

frequent. Only a few desideratives are quotable (1034a), and of inten-
sives only jagardm d&sa (10204; beside jajdig&ra).

o. Most roots beginning with a vowel in a heavy syl-
lable (long by nature or long by position) make this perfect
only, and not the simple one: thus, @TA™_ asim from yaTe_
Ba sit; 3c] ikem from via_ Ske $66; SeHV{_ ujjhim from
VSG ujh forsake; TUM edhim from yQY edh thrive (the
only examples quotable).

393 PERIPHRASTIC PERFECT. [—1073

d. Exeapted are the roota Ap and @fich, and those beginning with a
before two consonants (and taking Gn as reduplication: 788).

e. The roots (that is, stems reckoned by the grammarians as roots) of
more than one syllable have their perfect of this formation: thus, cak&sdm.
But trnu (713) is sald to form frnon&va only; while jagy (1020)
makes a perfect of either formation, and daridr& (10244) is said to do
the same.

f. A few other roots make the periphrastic in addition to the usual
reduplicated perfect. Thus, in the older language only are found the stems
cfyaém, téyim, nilayim, vas&m (Yvas dive/l), vidim (pvid know),
vyayam, and the reduplicated stems bibhay&m and juhav&m; the Ister
language adds ay&m, jay&m, day&im, nay&am, smay&m, hvay&m, and
the reduplicated bibhar&m,; and the grammerians teach like formations
from ug, kas, and the reduplicating hri. The stem is made in every case
from the present-stem with guna of a final vowel.

1072. The periphrastic perfect of the middle voice is
made with the middle inflection of VT kr. For passive
use, the auxiharies At as and 1 bhO are said to be allowed
to take a middle inflection.

a. One or two late examples of bh with middle inflection have been
pointed out, but none of as.

b. It is unnecessary to give an paradigin of this formation, as
the inflection of the auxiliaries is the same as in their independent
use: for that of Pky, sce 800k; of pbhi, sce 800d; of j/as, sce 800 m.

ec. The connection of the noun and auxiliary is not so close that other
words ere not occasionally allowed to come between thein: thus, mima&h-
sim evé cakré (CB.) he merely speculated; vidath v& idam ayarh
cakéra (18.) he vertly knew this; prabhrancay&ithh yo naghugam ca-
kara twrho made Naghusha fall headlong (Reb.).

1073. The above is an account of the periphrastic formation
with a derivative noun in &m as it appears especially in the later
lunguage; carlier, its aspect is rather that of a more general, but
quite infrequent, combination of such a nono with various forms of
the root ky. Thus:

a. Of the periphrastic perfect occurs only a singie example in the
whole body of Vedic texts (metrical): namely, gamaydmh cakdra (AV.).
In the Brahmanas examples from causative stems begin to appear more
frvely, but are everywhere few in number except in CB. (which has them
from twenty-four roots, and a few of these in several occurrences). From
lesiderative stems they are yet rarer (unly seven occurrences, five of them
in (B.: sce 1034a); and from intensives they arc unknown, The peri-
phrastic perfects of primary conjugation were noted above (L071 fF: in CB.,

1073—] XV. PERIPBRASTIC AND ComPpouND ConJUGATION 394

eight stems and abont eighty occurrences, chiefly from Ikg, bhi, and vid;
that from vid is found in the greatest number of texts).

b. Forms with the sorist of the auxillary are in the oldest Brahmanas
as numerous as those with the perfect. Thus, with akar occur ramayaim
(K.), janayém and s&daydém and svadaydm and sthdpaydém (MS.);
and with akran, viddm (TS. TB. MS.). With the aorist optative or pre_
cative has been found only pavayaézh kriyat (MS.).

ec. Like combinations with other tenses are not entirely unknown:
thus, juhavadmh karoti (('(S.). So also in the later language, where have
been found quotable half-a-dozen such cascs as vid&th karoti (Pafic.),
vidd&th karotu and kurvantu (Pajiic. etc.).

d. Only two or three cases of the use of as instead of kp as auxil-
jary are met with in the older language: they are mantray&m Gsa (AB.
GB.), janay&ém dasa (CvU.), and ikgim dasa (((CS.).

e. A single example of an accented auxiliary is met with in the accent-
uated texts: namely, atiracayéih cakrus (CB.). As was to be expected,
from tho nature of the combination, the noun also retains its accent (colo-
pare 945).

Participial Periphrastic Phrases.

1074. The frequent use, especially in the later language,
of a past or a future passive participle with the copula (or
also without it) to make participial phrases having a value
analogous to that of verb-tenses, has been already noticed
(999). But other similar combinations are not unknown in
any period of the language, as made with other auxiliaries,

or with other participles.

@. They occur even in the Veda, but are far more common and
conspicuous in the Brahmanas, and become again of minor account in the
later language.

1075. Examples of the various formations are as follows:

a. A (usually present) participlo with tho tenses of the verb i go,
This is the combination, on the whole, of widest and most frequent oecur-
rence. Thus: 4yajvano vibhdjann éti védah (RV.) he ever gives away
the wealth of the non-offerer; yath& siicy& vdsah sarhdadhad iyad
evam evdi ’tdabhir yajfiasya chidrath sathdadhad eti (AB.) just as
one would mend [habitually] a garment with a needle, so with these one
mends any defvct of the sacrifice; agnir vé idath vaigvanaro dahann
Git (PB.) 4gnt Waicvanara kept burning this creation; té ‘suraéh pérd-
jita yanto dydvaprthivi aupdcrayan (TB.) those Asuras, getting beaten,
tvok refuge with heaven and earth; té ‘aya gphah pacgdva upamiryé-
mana iyuh (('6.) the animals. his family, would be continually destroyed.

395 PARTICIPIAL PHRASES. [—1076

b. The same with the verb car go (continually ot habitually) signifying
still more distinetly than the proceding 1 continued or habitual action. Thus:
agnav agnig carati pravigtah (AV.) Agni is constantly present in the
Jire; adandyam dandena ghnantag caranti (F.) they make a practice
of beating with a rod what is undeserving of punishment.

c. The ssme with the verbs ds sé and stha& stand, with a like mean-
ing. Thus, juhvata dsate (K.) they continue sacrificing; te ‘pakramya
vrativavadato ‘tigthan (AB.) they, having gone off, kept vehemently
refusing. In the later language, sth& is the verb ofteneat used, with predi-
cates of various kind, to make a verbal phrase of continuance.

d. A present or future or perfect participle with as and bhad Abr.
The participle is oftenest a future one; as only is used in the optative,
bhiti usually in other forms. Thus: yah pirvam anijanah syat (AB.)
whoerer may not hace made sacrifice before; sam&vad eva yajfie kur-
vana dsan (GB.) they did the same thing at the sacrifice; parikridanta
dsan (MS.) they were playing about; yatra suptvé punar na ’vadra-
syan bhavati (CB.) when, after slecping, he ts not going to fall asicep
again, havyam hi vakeyan bhavati (AB.) for he ts intending to carry
the sacrifice; disyant syat (K.) may be going to gire; yéna vahanena
syantsyant syat (CB.) with what rehicle he may be about todrice. True
expressions for perfect and pluperfect and future perfect time aro cspable
of being made by such means, and now and then are made, but in no
regular and continued fashion.

Composition with Prepositional Prefixes.

1076. All the forms, personal and other, of verbal con-
jugation — of both primary and secondary conjugation,
and even to some extent of denominative (so far as the
denominative siems have become assimilated in value to
simple roots) — occur very frequently in combination with
certain words of direction, elements of an adverbial character
(see the next chapter!, the so-called prepositions (according
to the original use of that term’, or the verbal prefixes.

a. Practically, in the Jater language, it is as tf a compounded root
were formed, out of root and prefix, from which then the whole conjagation
(with derivatives: below, chap. NVII.) fe made, just as from the simple
root, Yet, even there (and still mere in the older language: 1081 a-c), the
combination is so loose, and the members retain so much of their independent
value, that in most dictionarics (that of Sir Monier Williams is an exception)
the conjugation of cach root with prefixcs is treated under the simple root.
and not in the alphabetic order of the prefix. Derivative words, however.

1076—] XV. PERIPHRASTIC AND COMPOUND CONJUGATION. 396

are by universal agreement given in their independent alphabetic place, like
simple words.

1077. Those verbal prefixes which have value as such
throughout the whole history of the language are given
below in alphabetic order with their fundamental meanings:

Alea éti across, beyond, past, over, to excess;

aie ddhi above, over, on, on to;

aT énu after, along, toward;

Way antér between, among, within;

AQ dpe away, forth, of;

Aid dpi unto, close upon OF on;

APT abhi fo, unto, against (often with implied violence);

Hq dva down, off;

Al & to, unto, at;

3g ud up, up forth or out;

3q upa to, unto, toward;

fA ni down; in, into;

Fe_nis out, forth;

G{l paré to a distance, away, forth,

att pari round about, around;

q pré forward, onward, forth, fore;

Ufa prati im reversed direction, back to or against,
wn return:

fa vi apart, asunder, away, out;

aAy_sdm along, with, together.

a. Some of these, of course, are used much more widely and frequently
than others. In order of frequency in the older language (as estimated by
the number of roots with which they are found used in RV. and AV.), they
stand as follows: pra, &, vi, sam, abhi, ni, ud, pari, anu, upa, prati,

ava, nis, ati, apa, pard, adhi, api, antar. Api is of very liusted
use as prefix in the later language, having become a conjunction, too, aso.

b. The meanings given above are ouly the leading ones. In combinations
of root and prefix they undergo much modification, both literal and Ogurative
— yet seldom in such a way that the steps of transition frum the fund-
amental sense arc uot easy to trace. Sometimes, indeed, the value of a

397 VERBAL PREFIXES. [—1081

root is hardly perceptibly modified by the addition of the prefix. An in-
tenalve forco in not infrequently given by pari, vi, and sam.

1078. Prefixes essentially akin with the above, but more. dis-
tinctly adverbial, and of more restricted use, are these:

f&cha (or Ach&) to, unto: tolerably frequent in RV. (used with
over twenty roots), but already unusual in AV. (only two roots), quite
restricted in B., and entirely lost in the later language;

Avis forth to sight, in view: used only with the roots bh, as,
and kr;

tirds through, crossicays; out of sight: hardly used except with
ky, dha, bhi (in RV., with three or four others);

purds im front, forward: used with only half-a-dozen roots,
especially kr, dha, i;

pradus forth to riew: only with bhi, as, kr.

a. A few others, as bahis outside, vind withouf, alam (with bha
and ky) suffictently, properly, sike&t in view, are still less removed from
ordirrary adverbs.

1079. Of yet more limited use, and of noun- rather than adverb-
value, are:

crad (or crathP), only with dh& (in RV., once aleo with ky):
craddh& belicre, credit;

hi, only with ky (and absolete in the classical language): hifkr
make the sound hing, low, murmur.

a. And beside these stand yet more fortuitous combinations: see
below, 1001.

1080. More than one prefix may be set before the same
root. Combinations of two are quite usual; of three, much
less common; of more than three, rare. Their order is in
general determined only by the requirements of the meaning,
each added prefix bringing a further modification to the
combination before which it is set. But AT & is almost
never allowed, either earlier or later, to be put in front
of any of the others.

a. The very rare cases of apparent prefixton of & tv another prefix
(as Avihanti MBh, &vitanvdn&h BhP.) aro perhaps best explained as
hasing the a used independently, as an adverb.

1081. In classical Sanskrit, the prefix stands immediately
before the verbal form.

a. In the earlier language, however (especially in the Veda; in
the Brahmana less often and more reatrictedly', its position is quite:

1081—] XV. Peripnrastic AND ComPOUND CoNJUGATION. 398

froo: it may be separated from the verb by anuther word or words,
und may even come after the form to which it belongs; it may also
stand alone, qualifying a verb that is understood, or conjointly with
auother prefix one that is expressed.

b. Thus, s& devah 6 "h& vakayati (KRV.) he shall bring the gods
hither; pr& na ayinhsi tarigat (AV.) may se lengthen out our lices; tdv
& ydtam upa dravit (KV.) do ye two come hither quickly; ghmad
vdjebhir 4 s& nah (RV.) may he come with gifts hither to us; pari
math pdri me prajath pdri nah padhi yAd dhanam (AV.) protect me,
my progeny, and what wealth we own; ydtah sadyé 4 oa paré ca yénti
(AV.) from whence every day they advance and retire; vy ahéth sérvena
paépmana [avrtam] vi ydkgmena sim fyugaé (AV.) J have separated
from all evsl, from disease, [I have jotned myself] with life; vi hy
enena pacyati (AB) for by tt he sees; vi vd egh prajéy& pagabhir
rdhyate (TB.) he ss deprived of progeny and cattle.

c. Three or four instances have been cited from the later language
of a prefix separated from, or following, a verb; perbaps the prefix in every
such case admits of being regarded as an adverb.

1082. As regards the accent of verb-forms compounded with
prefixes, only the case needs to be considered in which the prefix
stands (as always in the later language) immediately before the verb;
otherwise, verb and prefix are treated as two indepondont words.

1083. a. A personal verbal form, as has been seon above (6509),
is ordinarily unaccented; before such a form, the prefix bas its own
accent; or, if two or more precede the same form, the one nearest
the latter is so accented, and the others lose their accent.

b. If, however, the verb-form is accented, the prefix or prefixes
lose their accent.

c. That is, in every case, the verb along with its normally
situated prefix or prefixes so far constitutes a unity that the whole
combination is allowed to take but a single accent.

da. Examples are: pare "hi nari panar 6 ’hi kgipram (AV.) ga
Gway, woman; come again quickly ; &thé ’stath vipdretana (RV.) then
scatter ye away to your home; samacinugvdé ’nusampriy&hi (AV )
gather together, go forth together after; yaa gphan upodalti (AV.) when
he goes up to the house; evd oa tvath sarama Ajagéotha (RV.) nue
that you, Sarama, have thus come hither; yéna "vistitaly pravivécitha
*péh (RV.) enveloped tu which thou didst enter the waters.

1084. A pretia, howevor, not seldom has a more independent
value, as u general adverb of direction, or as a preposition sin the
usual modern sense of that term), belonging to and governing a noun;
in such case. it is uot drawn in to fourm part of a verbal compound.
but has its own uccent. ‘The two kinds of use shade into one another,
and are not divisible by any distinct and fixed line.

390 VERBAL PREFIXES. [—1087

a. There is in RV. a consiterable number of cases (some thirty) in
which the pada-text gives unnecessarily, and probably wrongly, an inde-
pendent accent to a prehz before an accented verb (or other prefix): re-
solving, fur example, @ruhat into & druhat, vydcet into vi dcet,
abhy4vargit into abhf{ dvargit, vydsarat into v{ A asarat (Instead of
&-4ruhat ctc.).

1085. In combination with the non-personal parts of the verb-
system — with participles, infinitives, and gerunds — the gencral rule
is that the prefix loses its accent, in favor of the other momber of tho
compound. But the prefix instead has sometimes the accent: namely,
when combined —

a. with the passive participle in ta or na: thus, pdreta gone
forth, antérhita concealed; &vapanna fallen; samptirna complete
(cf. 1284).

b. But some exceptions to this rule are wet-with: ©. g., in RV., nicité,
nigkrta, pracasté, nigatté, etc; in AV., apakrité.

c. with the infinitive in tu (972), in all its cases: thus, sdth-
hartum fo collect, apidhatave fo cover up; &vagantos of descending.
The doubly accented dative in tav&{ rotains its final accent, bnt
throws the other back upon the prefix: thus, anvetaval for fullow-
ing; A4pabhartaval for carrying off.

1086. The closeness of combination between the root aud the
prefix is indicated not only by their unity of accent, but also by the
euphonic rules (6. g. 185, 103), which allow the mutual adaptatious
of the two to be made to some extent as if they were parte of a
unitary word.

1087. A few special irregularities call for notice:

a. In the later language, api, adhi, end ava, in connection with
certain roots and their derivatives, somctimes lose the initial vowel: namely,
api with nah and dha, adhi with stha&, ava «ith g&h ectc.: e. g.
pinaddha, pihita, dhigthita, vagaihya, vatansa, vad&nya, vagtabhya,
vamajjana, vekgana, valepana. In the Veda, on the othor hand, ig
ix in a few cases found instead (spparently) of nis with ykr.

b. The final vowel of a prefix, especially an i, ts (oftenest in the
older language) sometimes lengthened, especially in derivative words: e. g.
pratikara, nivrt, parihdra, virudh, adhivasé, 4pivrta, abhivarté;
anirudh; avadyati, pravfe, upfvasu. In the Vedas, the initial of anu
is somctimes lengthened after negative an: ec. g. andnudé, an&nukrtyé.

c. In combination with yi go, the prefixes par&, pari, and pra
sometimes change their r to 1. In this way is formed a kind of derivative
stem paldy flee, inflected according to the a-class, in middle voice, which
is not uncommon from the Brihmanas down, and has so lost the con-
aclousness of its origin that it sometimes takes the augment prefixed: thas,
apaldyisthas (((CS.), apaldyata (R.), apaldyanta (MMb.); it makes

1087—] XV. PERIRHRASTIC AND COMPOUND CONJUGATION. 400

the periphrastic perfect paldya&th cakre. The stem palyay, similariy
inflected, occurs only in one or two texts ((B. JB. JUB.); and play bes
been found nowhere except in MS. Also the imperfect nfldyata (TS. TB.:
not separated in the pada-text) and perfect nilayézh cakre (CB.) are
doubtless a corresponding formation from yi wit nis, though nearly akin
in form and meaning with forms from Yli-+ ni. So also pari becomes
pali in the combination palyanig (CB. CCS.), whether viewed as a denom-
inative formation or as fadg-+ pari. And M8. has once pldkedirayan
(ili. 10.2; in an etymology).

d. The rout kyr make sometimes assumes (or retains from a more
original condition) an initial s after the prefixes sam, pari, nis, and upa:
thus, samskurute, samaskurvan, sarhskrta, etc.; pariykypvanti,
parigkrta, etc; nfr askyta; upaskrta. And pkry scatter is said by
the grammarians to add s in the same manner, under certain circumstances,
after apa and prati (only apaskiramdna, praticaskare, both late, are
quotable).

e. The passive participle of the routs d& give and d& cué has oftcu
the abbreviated furm tta after a prefix — of which the final vowel, if i, is
lengthened (compare 865 f, and the derivative in ti, below, 1157).

f. In a few sporadic cases, the augment is taken before a prefix,
instead of between it and the root: thus, avagatkdrgit (GB.); udapra-
patat (AB); anvasamcarat, pratyasamharat, pratyavyuhat, anv-
avikgetam, apraigit, asambhramat (MBh.); abhyanimantrayat
(Har.); vyavasthapi (SVS.); compare also the forms from paldy, above, o.
Aud AB. has once niniyoja (for niyuyoja, as read in the corresponding
passage of CCS.). Sume of the apparent roots of the language have been
suspected of being results of a similar unitication of root and prefix: e. g.
&p from &-+ ap, vyac from vi + ac, tyaj from ati + aj.

g- The loss of the initial oe of sth&é and stambh after the prefix
ud has been noticed above (233c). Also (137a, c), certain peculiarities
of combination of a prefix with the initial vowel of a root.

1088. As to the more general adverbial uses of the prefixes,
and their prepositional uses, see the next chapter.

1089. As to the combination of the particles a or an privative, dus
sj, and su well, with verb-forms, see 112lb, g, i. As to the addition of
the comparative and superlative suffixes tarfim and tamd&m to verbs, see
above, 473 a.

Other Verbal Compounds.

1090. It has been seen above that some of the prepositional
prefixes are employed in combination with only very small classes
of roots, namely those whose meaning makes them best fitted for
wuxiliary and periphrastic uses --- such as kp make, bhu and as be,
dha put, i go— and that the firat of these are widely used ia com-

401 VERBAL CoMPOUNDS. [—1088

bination with a derivative in am to make an periphrastic conjugation.
Such roots have also beon, from the ecarlicst poriod of tho language.
but with increasing frequency, used in somewhat analogous combi-
nations with other elements, substantive and adjective as well as
adverbial; and this has become, in part, developed finally into a
regular and indefinitely extensible method of increasing the resources
of verbal expression.

1001. a. The older language bas a number of (mostly) reduplicative
onomatopoetic compounds with roots ky and bhfi, the prefixed clement end-
ing in & or ¥ (generally the former): thus, in RV., abknattatiye croak-
ing, Jjafijanaibhadvant flimmering, alalabhavant making merry, kikiril
kynu fear; ip AV., magmagh "karam I have crushed; in VS., mas-
mas& (also TS.; MS. mpsmyed) kuru; in TS., malmal&bhdvant; in K.,
manmalabhavant, kikkitak&ra; in MS. bibibabha4vant, bharbhart
*bhavat; in AB., babab&kurvant. The accentuation, where shown, {¢
like that of a serb-form with accompanying prefix.

b. Further, combinations with Pky of utterances used at the sacrifice,
and mostly ending in &: thne, svaha, svadhi, svaga; also vasat. In
these, too, the accentuation is generally that of a verb with prefix: e. g.
evaghkaroti (CB.; but svadh& karoti [7] TA.), vagatkurydt (MS.);
and, with another prefix, anuvdgatkaroti ((B.).

o. An instance or two also occur of ordinary words in euch combi-
nations, put in corresponding form: thus, qQI4 kuryAt (CB.) may roast
on a pit (gfila); anpndkartos (AB.) of getting clear of debt; Biky&-
bh&vayant (AA.) unsting.

10892. a. The noun namas obeisance, homage, in a still more purely
noun-value, becomes combined with Yk: in the Vede, only with the gerund,
in namaskftya (beside hastagfhya and karnagfhya: above, 890 b).

b. A solitary combination with }/f go is shown by the acousative ds-
tam home; which, appearing only In ordinary phrases In RV., is in AV,
compounded with the participlee—in astarhydnt, astamesydnt, deta-
mita (with accent Iiko that of ordinary compounds with a prefiz) — and
in the Brahmanas and the later langasge is treated quite like a prefix:
thos, astaméti ((B.).

c. Other ordinary accusative forms of adjectives in combinstion with
verbal derivatives of ky and bhi are found here and there in the older
language: thus, crtarhkftya and nagnathkftya (TS.); nagnambhiavuka,
pamanambhdvuka etc. (TS. et al.); Anarugkaroti (CB.).

1003. In the early but not in the earliest language, a noua-
stem thus compounded with kp or bh® (and very rarely with as),
in verbal nouns and ordinary derivatives, and then also in verbal
forme, begins to assume a constant ending I (of doubtfal origin).

a. There 19 no instance of this in RV., unless the I of akkhalikftya
(above, 1081 a) is to be so explained. In AV., besides the obscure

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 26

1003—) XV. PERIPHRASTIC AND COMPOUND CONJUGATION. 402

vatikyta and vatikdr&, is found only phalikéraga. In the Brabmane
language, examples begin to occur more often: thus, in TS., gyeti, mith-
uni, musti; in TB., further, phali, krari, udvdsi; in (B., besiles
somo of these, also oki, kalvalf, tivri, daridri, br&hmani, mithuni,
avi; and agvabhidhdni, of which (as of mugt!) the I might be that of
an ordinary grammatical form; in K., dvi; in. GB., pravani; in §B.,
vajri; in AB., mati (trom matya). From Upanishad end Sutra are to
be added dv&iti (MU.), sami (K(S.), navi and kugali (AGS.). The
accent is in genoral like that uf the similar combinations treated above (1001):
e. g. kririkurvanti, svikftya, brAhmanibhiiya, mithunibhévantyaéu,
phalikartaval, krérikyrta; but sometimes a mere collocation takes place:
thus, mithuni bhdvantis (TS.), phali kriy4msndn&ém (TB.), vajri
bhitvd (TA.). The I is variously treated: nuw as sn uncombinablo fnal,
as in gyeti akuruta and mithuni abhavan (TS.); now as liable to the
ordinary conversions, as in mithuny énay& syim, mithuny &bhih
sy4m, and svyakurvata ((B.).

b. Out of such beginnings has grown in the later language the follow-
ing rule:

1094. Any noun or adjective stem is liable to be com-
pounded with verbal forms or derivatives of the roots. %
ky and 4 bho (and of Was also; but such cases are ex-
tremely rare), in the manner of a verbal prefix. If the
final of the stem be an a- or i-vowel, it is changed to ; I;

if an u-vowel, it 1s changed to & 0.

a. Examples are: stambhibhavati becomes a post; ekacittibhaya
becomingof one mind; upaharikarogi thou makest an offering; nakhapra-
hdrajarjarikrta torn to pieces with blows of the claws; githiliIbhavanti
become loose, kundalikyta ring-shaped; surabhikyta made fragrant;
adhikarana pawning; yjikytya straightening; hetikarana taking as
cause. As in the case of the denominatives (1058c), the combinations
with a-stems are the immense majority, and occur abundantly (hardly lese
than a thousand are quotable) in the later language, but for the mest part
only once or twice each; those made with i- and u-stems are a very small
number. In a few instances, stems in an and as, with those fnals
changed to 1, are met with: e. g. A&tmi-kp, yuvi-bhfi; unmaniky,
amani-bhi; final ya after a consonant is contracted to 1: e. g. k&hsi-ky;
and anomalous cases like kArhdigi-bhi occur. Final ¢ is said to become
ri, but no examples are quotable. The combinations with kr are about
twice as frequent as those with bhi, and exemples with as do not appear
to have been brought to light.

b. Similsr combinations are occasionally made with elements of ques-~
tionablo or altogethor obscure character: v. g. urari-ky, uri-ky.

Gc. Examples are not altogether wanting in the later language of & as

403 NOUN- AND ADJECTIVE-COMPOUNDS. (—1008

Anal of tha componnded noan-atem (cf. 1001): thus, duhkha-kr, nigkula&-
kr, camb&-kry, and one or two others.

1096. Of all the forms which constitute or are attached to the
verbal system, the passive participle is the one most closely assimi-
lated in its treatment as a combinablo element to an ordinary adjective.
Next to it come the gerand and the gerundives. Combinations of the
kind above treated of are quite common with passive participles and
gerundas.

CHAPTER XVI.

INDECLINABLES.

1096. THe indeclinable words are less distinctly divided
into separate parts of speech in Sanskrit than is usual
elsewhere in Indo-European language — especially owing
to the fact that the class of prepositions hardly has a real
existence, but is represented by certain adverbial words
which are to a greater or less extent used prepositionally.
They will, however, be briefly described here under the
usual heads.

Adverbs.

1097. Adverbs by suffix. Classes of adverbs, some-
times of considerable extent, are formed by the addition
of adverb-making suffixes especially to pronominal roots or

stems, but also to noun and adjective stems.

a. There is no ultimate difference between such suffixes and the case-
endings tn deolension; and the adverbs of this division sometimes are used
In the manner of cases.

1008. With the suffix tas are made adverbs having an ablative
sense, and not rarely also an ablative construction. Such are made:

a. From pronominal roote, in d&tas, it&s, tatas, ydtas, kutas,
amutas, svatas (not found earlier); from the pronominal stems {tn t or

26°

1006—} XVI. INDECLINABLES. 404

d (404) of the persons] pronouns: thus, mattds (only example in V.),
tvattas, asmattas, yugmattas; and from pronominal derivatives: thus,
itardtas, katardtas.

b. From noun and adjective stems of every class, since the carliess
period, but more freely later: e. g. mukhatds, agratés, rbhutas, rktds,
hyttas, girgatés, janmatas, nastés, yajugtas, parétas, anydtas,
anyatardtas, sarvitas, dakginatés, abhipatds (once, in RV., from a
case-form: patsutdés).

c. From a few prepositions: thus, abh{itas, parftas, antitas.

d. Examples of ablative conetraction are: &to bhiiyah (RV.) more
than that; thtah gagthat (AV.) from that sixth; dto ‘nyéna (CB.) with
any other than this; sarvato bhay&t (AGS.) from all fear; kutag cid
degdd Agatya (H.) arriving from some region or other; purid itah (R.)
from this city; tasmat pretakd&yatah (KSS.) from that dead body.

oe. Bat the distinctive ablative meaning is.not infrequently effaced, and
the adverb haa a more general, cspecially a locative, value: thus, agratés
in front; asmatsamipatas tn our presence; Gharmatas tn accordance
with duty; cha&gatas (H.) with reference to the goat; gupato ‘dhikah
(M.) supersor in virtue.

1008. With the suffix tra (in the older language often tr&é) are
made adverbs having a locative sense, and occasionally also a loca-
tive construction.

a. These adverbs are very fow, compared with those In tas. They
are formed chicfly from pronominal stems, and from other stems having a
quasi-pronominal character: namely, in tra, &tra, tétra, ydtra, katra,
amitra, anydtra, vigvdtra, sarvdétra, ubhayiétra, aparatra, uttara-
tra, itardtra, anyataratra, pirvatra, paratra, samdnétra, ekatra,
anekatra, ekdikatra; in tré, asmatré, satré, purutré, bahutri,
dakginatré. But a few in tr& come from ordinary nouns: thus, dewa-
tré, martyatra, purugatré, manugyatrd, pikatrd, gayutré, kuru-
paficdlatra. Those in tra are distinguished from the others by their
accent.

b. Examples of locative construction are: hasta & daksinatré (RV.)
in the right hand; ydtr& ’dhi (RV.) in which; ekatra puruge (MBb.)
tn a single man; atra mér&tmake (H.) in this murderous creature;
prabhutvath tatra yujyate (H.) sovereignty befits Aim. And, as the
locative case is used also to express the goal of motion (304), so the ad-
verbs in tra have sometimes an accusative as well as a locative value:
thus, tatra gaccha go there or thither; pathd devatré yadnan (RV.)
roads that go to the gods.

1100. One or two other suffixes of locality are:

a. ha, in ih& here, kaha where? and the Vedic vigvdha (also vig-
véha, vicvdha) abvays (compare below, 1104 b); and ib& (like dtra ete. :

405 ADVERBS BY DERIVATION. (—1102

10809 b) is sometimes used with locative-case value: e. g. tha samaye
(11.) at thes conjuncture.

b. t&t, which {s added to words having already a local or directive
value: thus, to adverbial accusatives, pr&ktat, udaktat, tdvattat; to
adverbial ablatives, Sr&ttat, uttardttat, parakA&ttat; and to preposidonal
adverbs, paccdtat, adhdstat, avdéstat, pardstat, purdst&t, bahi{gt&t.
Apparently by analogy with these last, the suffix has the form st&t in
updrigt&t (and BhP. has udastat).

ce. hi, in uttarfhi ((B.) and dakginAhi (not quotable).

1101. By the suffix th& are made adverbs of manner, especially
from pronominal roots or stems.

a. Thus, tatha, y&thaé; kath& and itthé (by the side of which stand
kathd4m and itth4m; and (CB. has itth&t); and the rare im&th& and
amuthaé. And &tha (V. often &th&) so then doubtless belongs with them.
Farther, from a few adjective and noun atems, mostly of quasi-pronominal
character: thas, vigv&éth&, sarvéthaé, anyAthd, ubhaydth4, aparathé,
itardétha, yataraéthdé, yatamdthé, katarathd, katamathd, pfrvdtha,
pratnathé, irdhvaétha, tiraccdétha, ekathaé (JK.), rtuthd, namaétha
(once, AV.); and evatha.

b. Y&tha becomes usually toneless in V., when used in the sense of
iva after a noun forming the subject of comparison: thas, tiydévo yatha
(RV.) like thieves.

1108. One or two other suffixes of manner are:

a. ti, in {ti thus, very commonly used, from the earliest period,
especially as particle of quotation, following the words quoted.

b. Examples are: brahmajayé 'yam {ti oéd avocan (RV.) if they
have said “this is a Brahman's wife”, tath devd abruvan vriatya kith
nu tigthasi ti (AV.) the gods said to him: “Vriitya, why do you stand?”
Often, the iti is ased more pregnantly: thus, yaéh craddédhati santi
devd {ti (AV.) whoever has faith that the gods exist; tath vyaghrath
munir mfigiko ‘yam iti pacyati (H.) the sage looks upon that tiger as
heing really a mouse; yaiyath kim iti sidatha (F1.) thy (lit. alleging
tchat reason) do you st?

c. But iti fs sometimes used in a less specialized way, to mark an
onomatoprria, or to indicate a gesture: e. g. bahfg te astu bal iti (AV.)
let 1¢ come out of you with a splash; {ty Agre kysdty thé ‘ti (CB.)
he ploughs first this way, then thts way, or it points forward to something
to be said: ©. g. yan nv ity &hur any&ni chandA&hei vargiyéhei kas-
mad brhaty ucyata iti (PB.) when now they say thus: “the other
metres are greater; why ts the byhati spoken?” It also makes a number
of derivatives and compounds: 6. g. ititha the so-many-ecth; itivat in tha
fashion; ityartham for this purpose; itih&sa a story or legend (lit. thus
forsooth it was). As to the use of a nominative with iti as predicate to
an accusative, see 268 b.

1103a—}) XVI. INDECLINABLES. 406

d. With the suffis of {ti is to be compared that of téti ete. (619). The
word is abbreviated to ti two or three times in CB.

e. va in iva (toneless) like, as, and evh (in V. often ew&), earlier
thus, lator a particle emphasizing the preceding word; for thus is used Ister
the related evdm, which hardly occurs in RV., and in AV. only with yrid :
as, evath vidvan knowing thus.

f. In later Vedic (AV. eto. and the later parts of RV.) iva more often
counts for only a single syllable, va.

1103. a. By the suffix d& aro made adverbs of time, but almost
only from pronominal roots.

b. Thus, tadé, yadé, kadé (in RV. also kdéd&), idd (only tn V.);
and sdd&, beside which is found earlier shdam. Besides these, in the
older language, only sarvadé; Ister a few others, anyad&, ekad&, nit-
yada&. A quasi-locative case use is seen occasionally in such phrases es
kad&cid divase (R.J on a certain day.

c. By.the perhape related d&nim are mede iddnim, taddnim,
vigvaddnim, tvad&nim (toneless). Vigvaddni occurs as adjective in TB

d. With rhi are mado, from pronominal) roots, tarhi, etérhi, yérhi,
kérhi, amarhi.

6. The saffix di, found only in yadi sf, is perhaps related with dé,
in form as in meaning. Sadad{ (MS.) is of doubtful character.

1104. By the suffix dha are formed adverbs especially from
numerals, signifying -fold, times, ways, etc.

a. Thus, ekadhé, dvidhd (also dvidh& and dvedh&), tridha
(in the the older language usually tredh&), gaddhé (also godhé and gaq-
dha), dvadagadha, ek&nnavitgatidhé, sahasradhid, and so on. Also,
naturally, from words having a quasi-numeral character: thus, anekadh&,
katidhd tatidhd, bahudh4, purudhd, vigvddha, gagvadhi,
aparimitadhé, yAvaddhd, oet&ivaddhd, m&sadh&. In a very few cases,
also from general noun and adjective stems: thus, mitradh& (AV.).
priyadhé (TS.; predhd, MS.), rjudhd (TB.), urudhd and citradhaé
(BhP.); and from one adverb, bahirdha.

b. The particle 4dha or 4dh&, a Vudic equivalent of &tha, probably
belonga here (purudhé and vigvédha, with shortened final, occur a few
times in RV.); also addh& in truth; and perhaps sabAé soith, which has
an equivalent sadha- in several Vedic compounds. And the other adverbs
in ha (11004) may be of like origin.

1105. From a few numerals are made multiplicative adverbs with 6:
namely, dvie, tris, and catur (probably, for catars): 489 a.

@. The corresponding word for once, sakft, is a compoand rather
than a derivative; and the same character belongs still more evidently te
paicakftvas, navakftvas, aparimitakftvas, ete., though kyt and
kytvas are regarded by the native grammarians as suffixes; tho earlier

4()7 Apverns By DERIVATION |—1109

texta (AV. ('1. MS.) havo saptaé kptvas, daca kftvas, dvddaca krtvas,
agtdv evdé kftvas, etc. AB. hes the redundant combination trig kftvab

b. The quasi-suffix dyus, from « case-form of div day, is in a
similar manner added to varlous determining words, generally made to end
Ine: c.g. anyedyus another day, ubhayedyus (AV. -yadyius) on either
day, pirvedyus the day before.

1106. By the suffix cds are made, especially from numeral or
quantitative stems, many adverba of quantity or measure or manner,
generally used distributively.

a. Examples are: ekacgds one by one, gatagas by Aundreds, ytughs
season by season, pacchas foot by foot, akgaraghs syllable by syllable,
ganachs in crowds, stambagés by bunches, parugghs limb by liméd,
tavacchds in such and such number or quantity: and, in a more general
way, sarvachs wholly, mukhyagas principally, krohragas astingtly,
manmagés as minded.

1107. By tho suffix vat aro made with great freedom, iu every
period of the language, adverbs siguifying after the manna of, like, ete.

a. Thus, afigirasvét like Angiras, manugv&t (RV.) as Manu ded,
jamadagnivat after the hanner of Jamadagni, pirvavét or pratnavaét
or purdnavat as of old, kakataliyavat after the fashion of the crow
and the palm-frutt.

b. This ts really the adverbially used accusative (with adverbial shift
of accent: below, L111 g) of the suf—_iz vant (12333 f), which in the Veda
makes certain adjective compounds of a similar meaning: thus, tvdvant
like thee, mavant of my sort, ete.

1108. By the suffix s&t are made from noans quasi-adverbs signify-
ing in or info the condition or the posse ston of what is indicated by the
noun: they are used only with verbs of being, of becoming, and of making:
namely, oftenest kp and bhi, but also as, gam, y&, ana ni (and, accord-
ing to tho grammarians, sam-pad). Some twenty-five examples are quo-
table frum the later Hiterature; but none from the earlier, which also
appears to contain nothing that casts light upon tho origin of this formation.
The 8 of e&t is not Ilable to conversion into g. The connection with the
verb is not so close as to require the use of the gerund in ya instead of
that in tv& (900); and other words are sometimes interposed between the
adverb and verb.

a. Examples are: sarvakarm&ni bhasmasa&t kurute (MBh.) reduces
all deeds to ashes; loko ‘yath dasyus&d bhaved (MBh.) thts world
would hecome a prey to barbarians; yasya brahmayas&t sarvan vittam
&sit (MBh.) whose whole property was given (o Brahmans; niyatath bhas-
masAd y&ti (far.) s¢ ts snevttably reduced to ashes, agnin atmas&t
kytva (Y.) Aacing taken the fres to one's self.

1108. a. Saffixes, not of noun-derivation or of inflection, may be
traced with more or lese plausibility in a few other adverbs. Thus, for

1100—] XVI. INDECLINABLES. 408

example, in pratér early, and sanutér away; in dakginit with right hand,
and cikitwit with consideration; iu nindm now, and nindndm variously.
But the cases are in the main too rare and doubtful to be word notice here.

b. In the epios begin to be found « small class (about a dozen are
quotable) of adverbs having the form of a repeated noun-stem with its Arst
occurrence ending in & and its second in i: e. g. hast&hasti hand to
hand, rath&rathi chariot against chariot, karnikarni ear to ear.

c. The adverbs thus far described are almost never used pre-
positionally. Those of the next division, however, arc in many in-
stances so used.

1110. Case-forms used as Adverbs. A large num-
ber of adverbs are more or less evidently cases in form,
made from stems which are not otherwise in use. Also
many cases of known stems, pronominal or noun or adject-
ive, are used with an adverbial value, being distinguished
from proper cases by some difference of application, which
is sometimes accompanied by an irregularity of form.

1111. The accusative is the case most frequently and widely
used adverbially. Thus:

a. Of pronominal stems: as, yad tf, when, that, etc.; tad then, otc. ;
kim why, whether, etc., idam now, here; adds yonder; and so on. Of
like value, apparently, are the (mostly Vedic) particles kéd, kim and
kam (P), {d, cid (common at every period), sm&d and suméd, im aad
sim (by some regarded as still possessing pronoun-value), -kim. Com-
pounds with fd are céd sf, néd Jest, 6d, avid, kuvid; with cid, kficid;
with -kim, nékim and madkim, and dkim.

b. Of noun-stems: as, ndma by name; shkham happily; kimam
at will, tf you please; ndktam by night; réhas secretly; oghm quickly
(V.); and so on.

c. Of adjective stems, in unlimited numbers: as, saty4m truly;
cira4m Jong; plirvam formerly; nityam constantly; bhiyas more,
again, vigrabdham confidently; prak&gam openly; and eo on.

d. The neuter singular is the case commonly employed in this way;
and it fe so used especially as made from great numbers of compound ad-
jective stems, often from such as hardly occur, or are not at all found, ia
adjective use. Oertain of these adverbial compounds, having an indeeli-
nable as prior member, are made by the Hindu grammarians a special class
of compounds, called avyayibhava (1313).

e. But the feminine singular also is sometimes used, especially in
the so-called adverbial cndings of comparison, tar&ém and tam&m, which
are attached to particles (cf. 11198), and cvon (4736) to verb-forme:

409 CASE-FORMS AS ADVERBS. {—1113

e, g. natar&ém, katharhtarfm, uccdistardm, candistarém, jyokta-
ma&m. In the oldest language (RV. and AV.), the neuter instead of the
feminine form of these suffixes is almost alone in use: se 1119.

f. Many adverbs of obscure form or connection sre to be explained with
probability as accusatives of obsolete noun or adjective stems: examples are
tiignim in silence; s&yam at evening; aikAm thogether, with (prep.);
dram or Alam sufficient (in the lator language used with ky in the manner
of a prefix: 1078 a); pr&yas usually; ight somewhat; amnis unez-
pectedly; bahis outside; m{thu and mithds, mahu and muhus, jatu,
and so on. Moadri{k etc., and ninfk (in RV.), are perbaps contracted
forms of adjectives having fac or afic as their final (407 ff.). The pres-
ence of other roots as final members {is also probable for ugd4dhak, Anu-
sak and &yusdk, anugtha snd sugtha, yugapét, etc. Compare also
the forms in am beside those in &, above, 110] a, 11020, 1103 b.

g. In (Vedic) drav&t quickly is to be seen a change of accent for
the adverbial use (pple drdvant running); and drahyat stoutly (RV.,
once) may be another example. The comparative and superlative suffixes
(above, e) show a like change; and {t is also to be recognized in the deriv-
atives with v&t (1107).

1118. The instrumental is also often used with adverbial
value: generally in the singular, but sometimes also in the plural.
Thus:

a. Of pronominal stems: as, end and aya, kay&, and, ama, amuyéi.

b. Of noun-stems: as, kganena instantly; acgegena completely;
vigegena especially; div& by day; digty& fortunately; shhas& suddenly ;
aktubhis by night; and so on.

c. Of adjectives, both neuter (not distinguishable from masculine) and
feminine: as, akhilena tcholly; préyena mostly; dakginena to the south.
Uttarena to the north; 4ntarena tithin; ciréyga long, — gdna&ie and
canakdis slowly; ucc&ifs on Atgh; nichis below; paracals afar:
tavigibhis mightily; and so on.-

da. More doubtful cases, mostly from the oldor language, may be in-
stanced as follows: tiracc&été, devété, b&hut&, and sasvart& (all RV.),
homonymous instrumentals from nouns in tA; dvitd, taditnaé, irmé,
mya, vfthé, sio&, asthé(?), mudh& (not V.), adhund (B. and later).

e. Adverblally used instrumentals are (in the older language), oftener
than any other case, distinguished from normal instrumentals by differences
of form: thus, especially, by an trregular accent: as, am& and diva
(given above); perbeps guhd&; ap&kd, dsaydé, kuhayd(?); naktayd,
svapnayd, samand; adatrayd, ytayd, ubhayd, sumnayA (P); dak-
gind, madhya; nicd, pr&c&, ucci, pacod, tiragch; vasdnt&; — in
a few u-stems, by a y Inserted before the ending, which is accented: thus,
amuyA (given above), dgquyd, s&dhuyd, raghuyd, dhrgnuyd, anusg-

11128—] XVI. INDEOLINABLES. 410

thuy4, mithuyd;—and urviyd (for urvyd) and vigvy& (p-operly
vigvaya) are more slightly irrcgular.

1113. The dative has only very sellom an adverbial use.

a. Examples are aparaya for the future (RV.: with changed accent}:
cirfya long; arthaya for the sake of; ahndya presently.

1114. The ablative is not infreguently used adverbially
Thus:

a. Of pronominal stoma: as, kasmat why? akasm&t casually, un-
expectedly; Gt, t&t, y&t (V.: normal forms, instead of the pronominal
asmat etc.).

b. Of noun-stems: as, s&t near; brit afar; balat forcibly; kuti-
halat emulously; sak&g&t on the part of.

C. Oft:nest, of adjective stems: as, dirat afar; nic&t below; pacgocdt
behind; sikgat plainly, actually; samant&t completely; acir&t not long;
pratyakgatamat (AB.) most obvivusly; pratyant&t (S.) fo the end.

@. In a few instances, adverbially used ablatives likewise show a
changed accent in the carly language: thus, apakat from afar; amat frum
near by; sanat from of old (but instr. sand); uttar&t from the north;
adharat below.

1115. The genitive is almost never used adverbially.

a. In the older language occur aktés by night, and vdstos by day;
later, cirasya long.

1116. The locative is sometimes used with adverbial value.
Thus:

a. From noun and adjective stems: &ké near; &ré and diré afar‘
abhisvaré behind; astamiké ul Aume; pté without (prep.); agre in front;
ethane suitably; sapadi immediately; -arthe and -kyte (common in com-
position) for the sake of; aparigu tn after time; ida’u frst; rahasi
in secret.

1117. Even a nominative form appears to be stereotyped inte an ad-
verbial value in (Vedic) k{s, interrogative particle, and its compounds
ndkis and makis, negative particles. And masc. nominatives from afic-
stems (as p&r&m ABK., ny& Apast.) are sometimes found used by sub-
stitution for neuters.

1118. Verbal Prefixes and kindred words. The
verbal prefixes, described in the preceding chapter (1076 ff.),
are properly adverbs, having a special office and mode of
use in connection with verbal rvota and their more imme-

diate derivatives.

a. Their occasional looser cunnection with the verb has been
noticed above (1084). Iu the value of general adverbs, however,

411 ADVERBIAL PREFIXES. {—11321

they only rarely occur (except as &pi has mainly changed its office
from prefix to adverb or conjunction in the later language'; but their
prepositional uses are much more frequent and iiwportant: sec below,
1126 b.

b. In composition with nouns, they (like other adverbial elements) not
infrequently have an adjective value: sec below. 1381 f7., 1306.

1119. Several of the prefixes (as noticed above, 473-4) form com-
parative and superlative adiectives, by the snffixes tara and tama, or ra
and ma: thus, Uttara and uttamé, adhara and adhama, apara and
apamé, Avara and avamé, upara andi upamé, and prathamé is
doubtless of the same character; also, Antara and dntama. And accasa-
tives of auch derivative adjectives (for the most part not otherwise found in
use) have the value of comparatives, and rarely superlatives, to the prefixes
themselves: thus, sAéthcitarh cit sarhtaréth sdth cicghdhi (AV.) whatever
ts quickened do thou still further quicken; vitarazh v{ kramasva (RV.)
stride out yet more widely; pr& tath naya prataréth vdsyo acha (RV.)
lead him forward still further toward advantage; Ud enam uttarath
naya (AV.) lead him up still higher.

a. Resides those instanced, are found also nitaram, apatardm, abhi-
taram, avataram, para&tardm, parastaram. In the Brihmanas and
later (above, 111] e), the feminine accusative fs used inatead: thus, ati-
tardm and atitam4m, abhitarém, anutamdm, Atamdm, pratitardm,
nitardm, uttardm, pratardm and pratamém, vitardm, sathtarém
(alse RV., once).

1120. Kiudred in origin and character with the verbal pre-
fixes, and used like them cxcept in composition with verbs, are a
few other adverbs: thus, avés doten; adhas below (and adhastarém);
paras far off (and parastarAm); purd before; antard (apparently,
antar + 4: among, between; anti near; upéri ahove; and sah& (already
mentioned, 1104 b) along, with, and shca together, with, may be noticed
with them. Vind wsthout, and vigu- apart, appear tu be related
with vf

1121. Inseparable Prefixes. A small number of
adverbial prefixes ate found only in combination with other
elements. Thus:

a. ‘he negative prefix a or an—an before vowels, a before
consonants.

b. It is combined especially with innumerable nouns and adjectives;
much more rarely, with adverbs, as akutra and 4punar (RV.), dneva
(AV.). anadhas (TB.), akasm&t, asakyt; in rare cases, aleo with pro-
nouns (as atad, akirmhcit); and even, in the later language, now and then
with verbs, as aspphayanti (BhP. Cig.) they do not destre, alokayati
(SD ) he does not view. Now and and then it te prefixed to itself: e. ¢.
anakémaméra, anaviprayukta, anavadya(P).

1121—] XVI. INDECLINABLES. 412

c. In s very few cases, the negative @ appears to be made long:
thus, dsat non-existent, Adeva godless, driti enemy, Sghuca impurity,
Atura :ll(?).

d. The independent negative adverbs, n& and mé, are only in ex-
ceptional instances used in composition: see below, 1192 e.

e. The comnitative prefix sa, used instead of the preposition s&m,
and interchangeably with saha, before nouns and adjectives.

f. Tho prefix of dispraise dus 1, badly (identical with ydug:
225 a).

g. It is combined in the same manner as a or an. Of combinations
with a verbal furm, at least a alngle oxamplo appears to bo quotable:
dugcaranti (R.) dehave sil.

h. The corresponding laudatory prefix su well is in general so
closely accordant in its use with the preceding that it is best men-
tioned here, though it occurs not rarely as an independent particle
in the oldest language (in RV., more than two hundred times; in the
peculiar parts of AY., only fourteen times), and evon occasionally
later.

i. The particle au sometimes appears in B. and later before a verb-
form, and considering its rapid loss of independent use in V., and the
analogy of a and dus (above, b, g) it is probably at least in part to be
regarded as in composition with the verb. The pada-text of AV. xix. 49.
10 reads su-Apadyati, but its testimony is of little or no value. K. has
na su vijiayete and na vai su viduh, and KeU. has su veda; TB.
has susdmbodhédyati(?); MBb. and BhP. have sipatasthe; R. hss su-
gakyante.

j. The exclamatory and usually depreciative prefixed forms of the
interrogative pronoun (506) are most analogous with the inseparable
prefixes.

1122. Miscellaneous Adverbs. Other words of ad-
verbial character ar office, not clearly referable to any of
the classes hitherto treated, may be mentioned as follows:

a. Asseverative particles (in part, only in the older language):
thus, adgé, hanta, kfla, khélu, tu ‘rare in older language), wal, vavé
(in Brabmana language only), hi, hindé, u, dha, ha, gha, samaha,
sma, bhala.

b. Of these, hanta is a word of assent and incitement; hf has won
also an illative meanii’g, and accents the verb with which it stands in
counection (5685 e); sma sometimes appears to give a past meaning to a
present tense (778 b); u is often combined with the Aual a of other par-
ticles: thus, Atho, nd, md, utd, Upo, pro; but also with that of verb-
forms, as Gatto, vidmo. The final o thus produced is pragrhya or nn-
combinable (138 c). Particles of kindred value, already mentiuned above,

413 ADVERBS. (—1122

are {d, kam or kam, cid, jatu, evd. Some of the asseverative particics
are moch used in tho later artificial poetry with a purely expletive value,
as devices to help make out the metre (padapfirana verse-fillers); 0
especially ha, hi, tu, ema.

ce. Negative particles are: n&, signifying simple negation; mi,
signifying prohibition.

d. As to the construction of the verb with ma, see above, 579. In
the Veda, nu (or nfl: 846 a) bes slso sometimes a negative meaning. For
the Vedic na& of comparison, see below, g, h.

e. In nahf{, n& ie combined with hf, both elements retaining their
full meaning; also with {d in néd lest. It is perhaps present in nana
and cand, but not in hin& (RV., once). In general, neither n& nor m&
is used in composition to make negative compounds, but, instead, the In-
eeparable negative prefix a or an (1122 a): exceptions are the Vedic par-
ticles n&kia and mdkis, ndkim and madkim; also naciram and mé-
ciram, napurheaka, and, in the later language, a number of others.

f. Interrogative particles arc only those already given: kAd, kim,
kuvid, svid, nana, of which the last introduces an objection or ex-
postulation.

g. Of particles of comparison have been mentioned the toneless
iva, and yatha& (also toneless when used in the same way). Of fre-
quent occurrence in the oldest language is also né, having (without
loss of accent) the same position and valuo as the preceding.

h. Examples of the n& of comparison are: rgidvisa {guth n& spjata
dvigam (RV.) let loose your enmity like an arrow at the encmy of the
singer; vayo n& vykedm (AV.) as birds to the tree; ghurd n& tyeitah
piba (RV.). drink lke a thirsty buffalo. This use is generally explained
as being a modification or adaptation of the negative one: thus, [although,
to be sure] not [ precisely) a thirsty buffalo; and so on.

i. Of particles of placc, besides those already mentioned, may be
noticed kva where? (in V., always to be read kaa).

j- Particlos of timo are: nu now (also nti: nfinam was mentioned
above, 1108a', ady& and sadyds and sadivas (RV., once) today,
at once (all held to contain the element div or dyu), hyds yesterday,
gvas tomorrow, jyok (also related with dyu) Jong; punar again.

k. Of particles of manner, besides those already mentioned, may
be noticed n&n& varsously (for n&ndnaém, its derivative, see 1100 a);
sasvaér (RV.) secretly.

1. In the above classifications are included all the Vedic adverbial
words, and most of those of the later language: for the rest, see the dio-
tionaries.

1:233— AVL is taecuisapeges 414

Prepessitens.
1ig3. There -3 2s aizvescy stated. go proper class of
premakucas i= ile mxierz seaee of thas term. mo body of
winds Saviag [:: ite seevaiiag ciiice the "govermment™
cf acums Bot macy cf whe acverkeal words mdscated above
axe ese wih sccugs cz a wav whick approximates them
ww whe more uly ceteligesd poepeatuues of uther haguages.

& .2 ide bik Ctes M0 nbz vicis— as WrEd, Fte— weess almest
matics 21 See duthce ae, She ot Bere dicta a2€ atesseactal.

tie cis a: a uted gcegecuaaby alag with all the
Juua~ res skiegcag we faces «Bus a2 geaerai cheer ofie is diver-
Sve s@7 ieCcom3 nace &:tacav. we scremethesing. the proper
citemupe .C Lie wal. S.aivciue Bewever he Cami-ase ip Bot easy
veo ime. sud ld 2a aten sce cs Set mee kmaedicacaty “governed”
Ye ue Ge gami ca — ac am i best ce cand aece arbitrarily
decacn. ai 2 .2t agweuscum v722 sat Gaccer)|«6Thas ie efemest crue
SéoWe Bor? abc ase ic ib gemowe whi bes bere as else
elem SBD. ais an t2tcmeca 1¢ <3 wucmal sphere of wee

Lid aw Tie aleecqe 27 MoaTBIt jem 1OBTE have lease
so & TNA That tbago.ad a agectaly a iew made with
I¢ nl 2a tae lle

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TO Ue led Ltd $71) Sige Jus mast gece wabely im the ebder
ad Bd 2 Lae ate 2 Lid cuasctk wgpumpe che zene is mainly
Swed | FBT. AD and &

of Nog 25 lle isl st Biche M2 WER Ut Bice Beeper pre-
Peek ab Lei iO. gem a. sue df lle — 2 aha, Vind, Gpaeri,
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fol}. ams us und aieetlen.y ant 2 meee ieetaeees eed
IOS SR koe sic oad WE ld det tagerond wich the gea-
Dee oda. Taek) ake Dom 82 cis cee woh the aceeentive:
Qvog Tat 6 & lk .Ret Taek

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@ 3 tum dee Oe Ga rel! iawn

7 VBR Tae Lease Ta mt oe ames 1 8d ord Sich werds
oo ee er eT ee oe ea Oe Or a
ow tee SSIES Nw i eur 2k a (fueeet epant 22 eo wed ie the

aN et RR ee 8m ates | LC ey uec Tau: ise eu ase § amd
a>. lax msruate &@ ammg wertue 3et2:Taim eas egedhbth
bo Mets doe ah aut le mast 2dreard 2. aN stabi goery

415 PREPOSITIONS. (—1120

in me; — &pi and upa are much rarer: thus, yA ap&m 4pi vraté {ednti]
(RV.) who are in the domain of the waters; amtir y&é upa stirye {ednti)
(RV.) who are up yonder in the sun; —eho& along with is not rare in
RV., but almost entirely anknown later: thus, pitréh sécé sati staying
with her parents.

1127. The Instramental. The directives nsed with this case are
almost only tho-e which enntain the associative pronominal root ga: as saha
(most frequent), sikam, sfirdhAm, samadm, semayA4, sardtham; and, in
the Veda, the prefix sam: as, te sumat{bhih eéth pAtnibhir na vfgano
nasimahi (RV.) may we he united with thy favors as men with thetr
spouses. By eubstitution of the instrumental for the ablative of sepsration
(283 a), vin& without (net Vedic) takes sometimes the instrumental; and
so, in the Veda, avds down and paras beyond, with vhich the ablstive is
also, and much more normally, construed. And 4dhi, in RV., is ased with the
instrumentals snund and esnubhie, where the locative would ba cxpected.

1128. The Ablative. In the prepositional constru: tions of the ab-
Istive (an was pointed out snd partly illustrated above, 803), the ablative
valno of tho case, and the merely directive value of the added particla, are
for the most part clearly to be traced. Many of the verbal prefixes are
more or less frequently joincd tn the older language with this case: often-
est, Adhi and pari; more sporadically, Anu, Apa, Ava, prdti, and the
separatives nfo and v{. The change of meaning of the ablative with &
hither, by which it comes to fill the office of its opposite, the accusative,
was sufficiently explained above (2039 ¢). Of diroctiva words akin with
the prefixes, many —as bah{s, puras, avas, adhas, parés, pura, vind,
and tirds out of knowledge of -- accompany this case by « perfectly regular
construction. Also the case-forms arvak, prak, pacca&t, frdhvam,
pirvam, param, and yté without, of which the natural construction with
an ablative is predominant earlier.

11839. The Accusative. Many of tho verbal prefixes and related
words take an accompanying accusative. Most naturally (since the aceuca-
tise is essentially the fto-caac), thoae that expresa a motion or action to-
wart anything: as abh{f, prati, anu, dpa, a, ati and adhi In the seneo of
over on to, or across, beyond, tirhe through, antdér and antaré when moan-
ing betireen, pari around. Examples are: y&h prad{co abhf{ stiryo
vichate (AV.) what quarters the sun looks abroad unto, dbodhy agnih
praty Ayatim ugasam (RV.) -Aynt has heen awakened to meet the ad-
rancing dain; gacchet kad&cit svajanath prati (MI'b.) she might go
somewhither to her owen people; imarh prakgyadmi nrpatira prati (MBh.)
him I will ask with reference to the king, mama cittam anu cittébhir
6 ‘ta (AV.) follow after my mind with your minds. é ‘hy & nah (AV.)
come hither to us; Upa na é "hy arv&f (RV.) come Aither unto us; 96
devo marty&t ati (AV.) the god who ts beyond mortals; adhigthiya
varcasd ‘dhy anydn (AV.) excelling ahove others in glory. Also abhi{tan
and paritas, which have a like value with the simple abh{ and péri:

1129—}) XVI. INDECLINABLES. 416

and upéri above (oftcner with genitive). Less accordant with ordinary
accusative constructions is the use of this case with adhas, paras, puras,
vind, beside other cases which seem more suited to the meaning of those
particles. And the same may be said of most of the adverbial case-forms
with which the accusative is used. Thus, a nomber of instrumentals of
situation or direction: as yé ‘varen& "dityd4m, yé pérend "dityim
(TB.) those who are below the sun, those who are beyond the sun; antarepa
yonim (QB.) within the womb; te hi’dam antarena sarvam (AB.) for
all this universe is between them; Gttarena gérhapatyam (QB.) to the
north of the householder's fire; ddkginena védim (CB.) to the south of
the sacrificial hearth; dakginena vykgavatikam ((.) to the right of the
orchard; nikag& yamun&m (Hur.) near the Yamuna. Similarly, tirdb-
vam and pirvam have an accusative object as well as an ablative; and
the same is true later of rte. Abhimukham foward has a more natural
right to constraction with this case.

1130. The Genitive. The words which are accompanied by the
genitive are mostly case-forms of nonns, or of adjectives used substantively,
retaining onough of tho noun-character to take this case as their natural
adjunct. Such are the locatives agre in front of, abhydce near, arthe
and krte for the sake of, nimitte and het&u by reason of, madhye in
the midst of; and other cases, ss arthdya, kdranat, saki&gdt, hetos. And
really, although less directly and obviously, of the same character are other
adjective cases (some of them showing other constractions, slready noticed):
as adharena, uttarena and uttaraét, dakginena and dakgin&t, pacckt,
irdhvam, anantaram, samakgam, shkg&t. More questionable, and
illuetrations rather of the general looseness of the use of the genitive, are its
constructions (almost wholly anknown in the oldest language) with more
proper words of direction: thus, with the derivative paritas, paratas,
and antitas, and parastaét and purast&t (these found in the Bribmana
language: as, sarhvatearasya parast&t after a year; siktasya puras-
tat before the hymn [AB.]); with anti, adhas, avas, puras; with upari
above (common later); and with antar.

Conjunctions.

1131. The conjunctions, also, as a distinct class of words,
are almost wanting.

a. The combination of clauses is in Sanskrit in general of a very
simple character; much of what in other Indo-European languages is
effected by subordinating conjunctions is here managed by means of
compositiun of words, by the use of the gerunds (904), of iti (1108),
of alstract nouns in case-forms, and s0 on.

1182. The relative derivative adverbs, already given

417 ConJUNOTIONS. (—1185

(1008 ff.), may properly be regarded 4s conjunctions; and a
few other particles of kindred value, as oéd and ned (111 1a).

1188. Purely of conjunctive vaJlue are @ ca and, and
ql v& or (both toneless, and never having the first place

in a sentence or clause).

a. Of copulative value along with oa, ie iu the ‘older language
especially ut& (later it becomes a particle of more indefinite use); and
api, tdtas, tétha, k{th ca, with other particles and combinstions of
particles, are used often as cohnectives of clauses.

b. Adversative is ti d5ué (rare in the older language); also, loss
strongly, u (toneless).

oc. Of illative value is hf for (originally, and in great part at
every period, asseverative only): compare above, 11282b.

d. To ca (as well as to its compound oéd) belongs cecasionally the
meaning $f.

e. It fe needless to enter into further detail with regard to those uses
which may be not less properly, or more properly, called conjunctive than
adverbial, of the particles already given, under the heed of Adverbs.

Interjections.

1184. The utterances which may be classed as inter-
jections are, as in other languages, in part voice-gestures,
in part onomatoposias, and in part mutilations and corrup-

tions of other parts of speech.

1186. a. Of the class of voice-gestures are, for example: &, ha,
haha, ahsha, he, haf (AV.). ayi, aye, hayé (RV.), aho, bat (RV,),
bata RV.) or vata, and (probably) hfruk ane’ hurdk (RV)).

b. Onomatopoetic or imitative utterances aro, for example (in
the older language): oiged twhtz (of an arrow: RV.): kikird (palpita-
tion: RV.); bdl and phat (phdg?) or phdl eplash (AV.); bhak bow-
wow (AV.'; cdl pat (AV.); as, hig, as, and has (PB.); and see the
words already quoted in composition with the roots kp and bhfi,
above, 1001.

co. Nouns and adjectives which havo assumed an interjectional
character are, for example: bhos (for the vocative bhavas, 456); are
or re (voc. of ari enemy}; dhik a/as! (may be meré volce-gesture, but
perhaps related with ydih); kagtam toe is me! digty& thank heaven!
avasti jail! sugthu, eidhu good, ercellent' None of these are Vedic
in interjectional ase.

Whitney Grammar. 38 ed. 27

1136—] XVII. DERIVATION OF DECLINABLE STEMS. 41&

CHUAPTER XVIL

DERIVATION OF DECLINABLE STEMS.

1136. Tue formation from roots of conjugable stems — namely,
tense-stems, mode-stems, and stems of secondary conjugation (not
essentially different from one another, nor, it is believed, ultimately
from the formation of declined stems) — was most conveniently treat-
ed above, in the chapters devoted to the verb. Likewise the for-
mation of adverbs by derivation (not essentially different from case-
formation), in the chapter devoted to particles. And the formation
of those declinable stems — namely, of comparison, aad of infinitives
and participles — which attach themselves most closely to the sys-
tems of inflection, has also been more or less fully exhibited. But
the extensive and intricate subject of the formation of the great body
of declinable stems was reserved for a special chapter.

a. Of course, only a brief and compendious exbibition of the subject
can be attempted within the here necessary limits: no exhaustive tracing
out of the formative elements of every period; still less, a complete state-
ment of the varied uses of each element; least of all, a discussion of ori-
gins; but enough to help the student in that analysis of words which must
form a part of his labor from the outset, giving a general outline of the
field, and preparing for more penetrating investigation.

b. The material from accented texts, and especially the Vedic material,
will be had especially in view (nothing that is Vedic being intentionally
left unconsidered); and the examples given will be, so far as is possible,
words found in such texts with their aceent marked. No word not thus
vouched for will be accented unless the fact is specifically pointed out.

1187. The roots themselves, both verbal and pronom-
inal, are used in their bare form, or without any added
suffix, as declinable stems.

a. As to this use of verbal roots, see below, 1147.

b. The pronominal roots, so-called, are essentially declinable;
and hence, in their further treatment in derivation, they are through-
out in accordance with other declinable stems, and not with verbal
roots.

1138. Apart from this, every such stem is made by a
suffix. And these suffixes fall into two general classes:

419 PRIMARY AND SECONDARY SUFFIXES. ([—1140

A. Vrimary suffixes, or those which are added directly
to roots;

B. Secondary suffixes, or those which are added to de-
rivative stems (also to pronominal roots, as just pointed out,
and sometimes to particles).

a. The division of primary suffixes nearly corresponds to the kyt
(more regular) and un&di (less regular) suffixes of the Hindu grammarians;
the secondary, to their taddhita-suffxes.

1139. But this distinction, though one of high value,
theoretically and practically, is not absolute. Thus:

a. Suffixes come to have the aspect and the use of primary which
really contain a secondary element — that is to say, the earliest
words exhibiting them were made by addition of secondary suffixes
to words already derivative.

b. Sundry examples of this will be pointed out below: thua, the
gerundival suffixes, tavya, aniya, etc., the suffixes uka and aka, tra,
and others. This origin is probablo for more cases than admit of demon-
stration; and it is assumblIn for others which show no distinct signs of
composition.

c. Less often, a suffix of primary use passes over in part into
secondary, through the medium of use with denominative “roots” or
otherwise: examples are yu, imen, iyas and igtha, ta.

1140. Moreover, primary suffixes are added not only
to more original roots, but, generally with equal freedom,
to elements which have come to wear in the language the
aspect of such, by being made the basis of primary con-
jugation — and even, to a certain extent, to the bases of
secondary conjugation, the conjugation-stems, and the bases
of tense-inflection, the tense-stems.

a. The most conspicuous examples of this are the perticiples, present
and future and perfect, which are made alike from tense and conjugation-
stems of every form. The infinitives (968 ff.) attach themselves only in
sporadic instances to tense-stems, and even from conjugation-stems are made
but sparingly carller; and the same is truc of the gcrundivers,

b. General adjectives and nouns sre somewhat widely made from con-
jugation-stems, especially from the base of causative conjugation: see below
the soffixes a (1148j,k), & (1140c,d), ana (1150m), as (11619),
ani (1150b), u (1178g-i), ti (1167g), ty (1188e), tnu (1186b),
enu (1194b), uka (1180d), &ku (1181 d), &lu (1102 b), tu (1161 d).

27¢

1140—] XVII. Prisary Derivation. 420

co. From tense-stems the examples are far fewer, but not unknown:
thus, from present-stems, occasional derivatives in a (11485), & (1140d, e),
ana (1160n), i (11564), u (1178f), ta (1176e), tu (1161 d), uka
(1180d), tra (11866), ti(1167g), vin (or in: 1938b, 1163a); from
stems in a 8 apparently of asoristic character (besides infinitives and gerand-
ives), occasional derivatives in a (1146j), ana (1250)), ani (1150 b),
an (1160a), dna (1175), as (11561c), 1 (1166b), igtha (1184a),
u (1178 f), us (1154a), tr (11686), in (1183a).

1141. The primary suffixes are added also to roots as

compounded with the verbal prefixes.

a. Whatever, namely, may have been originally and strictly the
mode of production of the derivatives with prefixes, it ts throughont
the recorded life of the language as if the root and its prefix or pre-
fixes constituted a unity, from which a derivative is formed in the
same manner as from the simple root, with that modification of the
radical meaning which appears also in the proper verbal forms as
compounded with the same prefixes.

b. Not derivatives of every kind are thus made; but, in the main,
those classes which have most of the verbal force, or which are most
akin in value with infinitives and participles.

co. The accurrence of such derivatives with prefixes, and their accent,
will be noted under each saffix below. They are chiefly (in nearly the
order of their comparative frequency), besides root-stems, those in a, in
ana, in ti, in tar and tra, end in in, ya, van end man, iand u, as,
and a few others.

1143. The suffixes of both classes are sometimes joined to their
primitives by a precedlog union-vowel — that is to say, by one which
wears that aspect, and, in our ignorance or uncertainty as to its real
origin, way most conveniently and safely be called by that name.
The line between these vowels and those deserving to be ranked as
of organic suffixal character cannot be sbarply drawn.

Each of the two great classes will now be taken up by itself,
for more particular consideration.

A. Primary Derivatives.

1148. Form of root. The form of root to which a

primary suffix ie added is liable to more or less variation.
Thus:

a. By far the most frequent is a strengthening change, by gupa-
or vyddhi-increment. The former may occur under all ciroumstaaces

(except, of course, where guna-change is in general forbidden: 235,
240): thus, véda from Yvid, moda from ymud, vérdha from yvypdh;

421 Fora or Root. (—1145

dgyana from yi, sdvana from ;/su, sdrana from yer; and so on.
But the latter is only allowed under such circumstances as leave long
& os the resulting vowel: that is to say, with non-final a, and with
a final i- or u-vowel and ¢ before a vowel (of the ending): thus, nada
from Pnad, grabhaé from ygrbh or grabh, v&hdé from yvah, n&y&
from pni, bhavé from pbht, ka&rdé from ;ky; such strengthening as
would make v&ida and maéuda does not accompany primary derivation.

b. Strengthening in derivation does not stand in any such evident
connection with accent as strengthening in conjugation; nor can any gene-
ral rules be laid down as to its occurrence; it bas to be pointed out in
detall for each suffix. So also with other vowel-changes, which are in
general accordance with those found in inflection and in the formation of
tense- and mode-stems.

c. The reversion of a final palatal or h to a guttural has been already
noticed (816). A final n or m {fs occasionally lost, as in formations already
considered.

d. After a short final vowel is sometimes aided a t: namely, where
a root is used os stem without suffix (1147d), and before a following y
or v of van (1169), vara and vari (1171), yu once (11664), and ya
(1213a). The presence of t before these suffixes appears to indicate an
criginal secoudary derivation from derivatives in ti and tu.

e. The root is sometimes reduplicated: rarely in the use withont suffix
(1147c, e); oftenest before a (1148k), 1 (11566), u (1178d); but
also before other suffixes, as & (1148), ana (1160m), vana (1170a),
van and vari (1160d, 117la, b), vani (1170b), vi (1193), vit
(1193b), ani (1158b), in (1183a), tnu (1106a), ta (1176a), ti
(11574), tha (1163a), tr (1182b), tra (1186f), Oka (1180f), aka
(1181la), ika (1186c), ma (1166b).

1144. Accent. No general laws governing the place of the
accent arc to be recognized: each suffix must in this respect be con-
sidered by itself.

n. In connectloi with a very few suffixes is to be recognized a cer-
tain degree of tendency to accent the root in case of a nomen actionts or
infinitival derivative, aud the ending in the case of a nomen agentis or
participial derivative: see the snffixes a, ana, as, ab, aud man, below,
where the examples are considerd. Differences of accent in words made
by the same suffix ore also ocrasiunally connected with differenees of gender:
sec the snffixer as and man.

1145. Meaning. As regards their signification, the primary
derivatives fall in general into two great classes, the onc indicating
the action expressed by the verbal root, the other the person or
thing in which the action appears, the agent or actor — the latter,
cither substantively or adjectively. The one class is more abstract,
infinitival; the other is more concrete, participial. Other meanings

1145—] XVII. Prusary DERIVATION. 422

may in the main be viewed as modifications or specializations of
these two.

a. Even the words indicating recipience of action, the passive parti-
ciples, are, as their use also as neuter or reflexive shows, only notably
modified words of agency. The gerundives art, ae was pointed out above
(961 f.), secondary derivatives, originally indicating only concerned with
the action.

1146. But thes two classes, in the processes of formation, are
not held sharply apart. ‘Thero is hardly a suffix by which action-
nouns are formed which does not also make agent-nouna or adjec-
tives; although there are not a few by which are made only the latter.
In treating them in detail below, wo will first take up the suffixes
by which derivatives of both classes are made, and then those form-
ing only agent-nouns.

a. To facilitate the finding of the different suffixes is given the
following list of them, in their order as treated, with references to paragraphs:

—_— 1147 | yu 1166 fin 1163
a 1148] ma 1166 | Iyas, igtha 1184
a 1149] mi 1167 | tra 1185
ana 1160] man 1168] ka 1186
as 1151] van 1169} ya 1187
tas, nas, sas 1152] vans, -ni, -nu 1170] ra 1168
is 1163 |] vara 1173 ila 1188
us 11564] ant 1178] va 1180
i 1165] vais 1173] ri 1161
i 1166] mana 1174] ru 1192
ti 1157 | dna 1176] vi 1163
ni 1158 i ta 1176isnu 1104
ani 1168] na, ina, una 1177] ena 1166
an 1160] u 1178) tna 1166
tu 11617a 11798} sa 1107
nu 1162] uka 1180] asi 1198
tha 1163 ] aka 1181 | abha 1.98
thu 1164] tp or tar 1182 } sundries 1200-1

1147. Stems without suffix; Root-words. These
words and their uses have been already pretty fully consid-
ered above (829, 348 ff., 383 ff., 400, 401).

a. They are used especially (in the later language, almost solcly)
as finals of compounds, and have both fundamental values, as action-
nouns (frequently as infinitives: 971), and as agent-nouns and adject-
ives (often governing an acousative: 37le). As action-nouns, they
are chiefly feminincs (3884: in many instances, however, they do not
occur in situations that determine the gender).

423 Root-Stems; STsMs IN a. (—1148

b. In a small number of words, mostly of rare occurrence, the
reduplicated root is used without suffix.

c. The Vedic cases are: with simple redaplication, sasyéd, oikit,
dadfh, didya and didyut, juhti, and perhaps g&fig& and giqu; with
intensive reduplication, -nenf, malimluc, yaviytdh, and jégf and
vanivan (with the intensive instead of the usual radical accent), In
déridra is seen a transfer to the a-declension. Asfisti is probably to be
underatood as a compound, ast-sll.

d. If the root end in a short vowel, a t is regularly and usually
added (383 f-h).

e. Examples have been given at the place just qaoted. In jagat the
t is added to the mutilated form of gam reduplicated, and ynaydt
(TS., once) appears to pat it after a Jong vowel. In a single instance,
crutkarna (RV.) of listening ears, a stem of this class occurs as prior
member of a compound.

f. Words of this form in combination with verbal prefixes are
very numerous. The accent rests (as in combination of the same with
other preceding elements) on the root-stem.

g. A few exceptions in point of accent occur: thus, Avas&, upastut;
and, with other irregularities of form, périjri, updetha, uparistha.

1148. 4s. With the suffix @ a is made an immensely
large and heterogeneons body of derivatives, of various
meaning and showing various treatment of the root: gupa-
strengthening, vyddhi-strengthening, retention unchanged,
and reduplication.

In good part, they are classifiable under the two usual general
heads; but in part they have been individualized into more special
senses.

1. a. With guna-strengthening of the root (where that is poss-
ible: 235, 240). ‘These aro the great majority, being more than
twice as numerous as all others together.

b. Many nomina actionis: as, craéma tceariness, gréha seizure, dya
movement, véda knowledge, hava call, krédha wrath, Joga enjoyment,
tara crossing, BargZa emission.

c. Many nomina agentis: as, kgam& patient, svaja constrictor, jive
living, megh& cloud, coda inciting, plavaé boat, aarh brook, sarpdé ser-
pent, bhoj& generous, khad&é devouring

qd. Of the examples here given, those under b accent the radical syl-
lable and those under co the ending. And this is in perhaps a majority
of cases the fact as regards the two classes of derivatives; so that, taken
in connection with kindred facts as to other suffixes, it hints at such
difference of accent a8 a general tendency of the language. A few sporedic

1148—) XVII. Primary DerivarTion. 424

dnatances are met with of the same form having the one or the ether value
according to ite secent: thus, éga Aaste, egh Aasting; glisa order, glsh
orderer (other exemples are coda, gika, goka: compere a similar differ-
ence with other derivatives in as, ana, an, man). But exceptions are
numerous — thus, for example, jayé, javé, smaré, action-nouns; graéva,
mdégha, atdva, agent-nouns— and the subject calls for a much wider
and deeper investigation than it has yet received, before the accentuation
referred to can be set up as a law of the language in derivation.

2. e. With vyddhi-strengthening of the root—but only where
& is the resulting radical vowel: that is, of medial a, and of final r
(moet often), u or &, i or I (rare).

f. Examples of action-nouns are: kdma love, bhigéh share, nidd
noise, Givh fre, third crossing. Very few forms of clear derivation and
meaning are quotable with accent on the root-sylleblo.

g- Examples of agent-nouns are: gr&bhh seising, vihdi carrying,
niyé leading, jar& lover.

3. h. With unatrongthened root, the examples ere few: @. g. kygd
jean, turd rapid, yugh yoke, sruvé spoon, priyh dear, vrai troop, guoh
bright.

i. A number of words of this clase, especially as oceurring in ecom-
position, are doubtless results of the transfer of root-stems to the a-jeclen-
sion: o. g. -ghuga, -ephura, -tuda, -drga, -vida, -kira.

j. A few a-stems are made, especially in the older language, from conju-
gation-stems, mostly causative: thus, -dmaya, ilaya, -ifkiaya, -ejaya,
-dharaya, -p&raya, -nipdaya, -camaya (compare the &-stems, 1140, a);
also desiderative, as bibhatsa (compare 1038). Occasional examples also
occur from tense-astems: thus, from nu-stems, or secondary steme made
from such, -hinvd, -inva, -jinve, -pinva, -sinva, -sunva, -agnuva;
from others, -pyya, -myna, -styys, -puna, -jina, -pagya, -manya,
-dasya, -jurya, -kgudhya, -sya, -tigtha, -jighra, -piba; from fsuture-
stems, karigya (JB.), janigys, bhavigya, rucigya(?); sepparently from
aorist-stems, joqé, néga-, pary, prkgé (?)» -hoga.

4. k. Derivatives jin a from a reduplicated root-form are a eonsider-
able class, mostly occurring in the older language. They are sometimes
made with s simple reduplication: thus, cacaré, cikita, dydhré, dadhreé,
bebhaga, -babhra, vevré, gigayd, gigndtha (en sction-noun), sasré;
but oftener with an intensive reduplication: thus, merely strengthened,
oikgmé, cdcala, jAgara, ndnads, ldlasa, vivadhé(?), -memiga,
rerihé and leliha, vevijé4, nonuva, momughd, -roruda, lolupa; with
consonant added, -cahikacga, -cafikrama, jahgama, caficala, -jafi-
japa, dandhvana, -nannama, -jarjalpas, jarjara, -tartura, -dardira,
murmura, gadgada; dissyllabic, -karikra, kanikradé, cariicaré end
caldcalé, marimroé, malimlucé, varivyté, sarisppé, panigpadé,
sanisyadé, sanisrasé, pat&pata, maddimada, -vadivada, ghané-

425 STEMS IN a, &. ([—1140

ghan&. Many of theae are to be regarded as from an intensive conjugation-
stem; but some of them show s form not met with in intensive conju-
gation.

5. 1. Derivatives with this suffix from roots as compounded with
the verbal prefixes are quite common, in all the modes of formation
(in each, in proportion to the frequency of independent words): con-
etituting, in fact, considerably the largest body of derivative stems
with prefixes. They are of both classcs as to meaning. The accent
is, with few exceptions, on the ending — and that, without any re-
ference to the value of the stem as action-noun or agent-noun.

m. Examples are: sathgam&é assembly, nimegd wink, abhidrohé
enmity, anukaraé assistance, ud&na inspiration, praty&oravé response;
— paricar&é wandering, sathjay& victorious, vibodhé wahkeful, atiyajé
over-pious, udaré inciting, elevated, uttudd rousing, sathgird swallowing,
Adardiré crushing, adhicahkramé climbing.

n. The only definite class of exceptions in regard to accent appears
to be that of the adverbial gerunds in am (above, 006), which are accent-
ed on the root-syllable. A very few other stems have the same tone: for
example, utp&ta ‘portent, dcréga plague. A few others, mostly agent-
nouns, have the accent on the prefix: for example, vydga (i. e. vi-ogs)
burning, prdtivega neighbor, &bhaga sharing; but also séthkAca ap-
pearance.

o. For the remaining compounds of these derivatives, with the Insep-
arable preflxex and with other elements, see the next chapter. It may be
merely mentioned here that such compounds sre numerous, and that ths
a-derivative bas often an active participial value, and is frequently preceded
by a cese-form, oftenest the accusative.

p. Many words in the language appesr to end with « suffix a, while
yet they are referable to no root which can be otherwise demonstrated
as such.

1149. 418. The vast majority of stems in AT & are
feminine adjectives, corresponding to masculines and neuters
In 4a (832, 334). But also many suffixes ending in 9a
have corresponding feminine forms in long AT &, making a:
greater or less number of action-nouns. These will be

given under the different suffixes below.

a. Thero is further, however, a considerable body of feminine
action-nouns made by adding & to a root, and having ao independent
nepect; though they are doubtless in part transfers from the root-
nonn (1147). Usually they show an unstrengthened form of root, and
(such as occur in acceuted texts) an accented suffix.

1149—] XVII. Primary Derivation. 426

b. Examples are igd fordship, krigé play, day pity, ninda reproach,
gahkaé doubt, hiheA injury, kgam& patience, kgudh& hunger, Dhigd
speech, sev& service. eprhaA eagerness.

c. But especially, such nouns in & are made in large numbers,
and with perfect freedom, from secondary conjugation-stems.

d. Thus, especially from desiderative stems, as jigigd, Dbhikgd,
virted, bibhated, etc., (see 1038); in the formation of periphrastic
perfects, especially from causative stems, but also from desiderative and
intensive, and even from primary present-stems (1071 c-f); from denomina-
tive stems, in the older language, as agvaya, aukratiyé, apasyi, uru-
gya, asiiyd, acansyd, jivanasyé, etc, and quite rarely in the later.
4s mygayd.

e. The only example from a reduplicated stem is the late paspag&i;
for siigh, jafgh&, and jihvd, which have « reduplicated aspect, are of
doubtful origin. From present-stems come icch& and probsebly -rechdé.

1150. WA’ane. With this suffix (as with 4 a) are form-
ed innumerable derivatives, of both the principal classes of
meaning, and with not infrequent specializations. The root
has oftenest guna-strengthening, but not seldom vyddhi
instead; and in a few cases it remains unstrengthened.
Derivatives of this formation are frequent from roots with
prefixes, and also in composition with other elements.

a. The normal and greatly prevalent accent is upon the root-
syllable, without rogard to the differcnce of meaning; but cases occur
of accented final, und a few of accented penult. The action-nouns
are in general of the neuter gender. The feminine of adjectives is
made either in & or in I (for details, see below). Anda few feminine
action-nouns in and and ani occur, which may be ranked as belong-
ing to this suffix.

1. b. With strengthened and accented root-syllable. Under this
head fall, as above indicated, the great mass of forms.

oc. With guna-strengtbening: examples of sction-nouns are séidana
seat, rakgana protection, dana giving, chyana collection, vVédana gro-
perty, havana call, bhéjans enjoyment, karana deed, vardhana increase;
— of agent-nouns, tapana burning, cétana visible, cOdana tmpelling.

d. With vrddhi-strengthening (only in such eclireumstances that &
remains as vowel of the radical syllable): examples are -cAtana, nigana,
madana, -vacana, -vasana, -vdhana, -sédana, -spéigana, svidana,
-Ayana, -ydvana, -srdvana, -parana.

e. From rvots with prefixes, tbe derivatives of this formation are very
numerous, being exceeded in frequency only by those made with the suffix

427 STems IN &, ana. [—1150

a (above, 11481, m). A few oxamples arc: Akramana striding on,
udydna upgoing, nidhéna receptable, prinana expiration, vimécana
release and releasing, sathg&mana assembly and assembler, adhivikartana
cutting off. avaprabhréfigana falling away down. For other compounds
of these derivatives, showing the same accent (and the same feminine
stem), see the next chapter (below, 1871). A few exceptions orcur:
vicakgan&, uparicayané, and the feminines pramandani and nirdahani.

f. The adjectives of this formation, simple or compound, make their
feminine usually in 1: thus, codani, pécan!, spérani, jambhant;
prajfiani, prékgani, sathgradhani, abhigdvani, vidhdrani (cetan!
is of doubtful meaning: below, 1), An adjective compound, however,
having a noun in ana as final member, makes its feminine in &: thus,
siipasarpana of easy approach, gadvidh&nd of sextuple order, anapsva-
cand not to be ordered atcay.

2. The more irregular formations may be classed as follows:

g@. With accent on the final: a namber of agent-nouns and adjectives,
as karana& active (against karana act) krpandé miserable (against kppana
misery), tvaranaé hasting, rocana shining, krocané yelling, svapand
sleepy, kgayan& habitable.

h. These, unlike the preceding class, make their feminine In &: e. g.
tvarana, apandand. A few femine action-nouns in the older language
have the samo form: thus, agandé, asand, manand, dyotand, rodhand,
cvetand, hasand (and compare kapan&, racan&); those of the later
language in an&@ (rather nnmerous) are doubtful as regards accent.

i. Beside these may be mentioned a few feminines in anf, of more
or less doubtful character: arganf, cetani (to cétana), tapani (to tap-
ana), prcani, vrjani (with vpjana), rajani, tedani.

j. With accent on the penult: a small number of adjectives: as
turana fasting, dohana mi/hing, manana considerate, Dhanddéna snd
mandana rejoicing, sakgdna overcoming, and perbaps vakgana carrying
(the last two with aoristic 8); and a still smaller mumber of neuter action-
nouns: dahsdna great deed, vyjana enclosure, town, vegana service,
kppana misery, (against kppandé miserable), with the masculine kirdna dust.

k. The only noticed example of a feminine is in &: turén&. And
a few feminine nouns have the same form: arhdné, jarénaé, barhané,
bhandéné, mahhan&, mehané, vadhénad, vanaéné, vakednd. (And
compare the anomalous masc. name ucaéné’: 366a.)

1, Withoht strengthening of the root are made a small number of
derivatives: thus (besides those already noted, kppdna and kypand,
vrjana and vyjani, kirana, turdna), further eecented examples are
rane, dhuvana, pfcana, bhuvana, vfjans, vfgana, -sivana; and
later are found sphurana, sphutana, sprhana, -hnuvana, likhana,
rudana, etc. RV. makes denominatives from rigana-, ruvana-, -vipena-,
huvana-.

1150—] XVI. Primary Dgrivarion. 428

m. Stems in ana are made also from secondary conjagation-stems:
thus, from deaideratives, as cikitsana (see 1038); from causatives, as
hdpana, bhigana (sce 1061); from denominatives, with great freedom,
in the later language, aa Akarpana, unmfalana, glakggana, cihnana;
from intensives and other reduplicated stems, only cafikramaya, jafi-
gamana, jdgarana, yoyupans.

n. A few isolated cases may be further mentioned: from tense-stems,
-jighrana, -iirnavana, -pagyana, yacchana, -sificana; from prepo-
sitions, antarana and s4mana; astamana from the quesi-prefix (1008 b)
astam. Fominines in an& of doubtful connection are yogand woman
(beside ydgan, yoga, etc.) and pftan&.

1151. tas. By this suffix are made (usually with
guna-strengthening of the root-vowel) especially a large class
of neuter nouns, mostly abstract (action-nouns), but some-
times assuming a concrete value; and also, in the older
language, a few agent-nouns and adjectives, and a consid-
erable number of infinitives.

a. The accent in words of the first class fs on the root, and in
the second von the ending; and in a few fostances words of the two
classes having the same form are distinguished by their accent; tho
infinitives have for the most. part the accent on the suffix.

1. b. Examples of the first and principal class are: dvas aid,
favor, tapas warmth, préyas pleasure, téjas eplendor, gravas fame,
déhas milking, kdras deed, préthas breadth, cétas and ménas mind,
chkgas eye, sdras pond, vacas speech.

c. A few words of this class are of irregular formation: thas, without
strengthening of the root, jivas quickness (beside javas), Gras breast,
mfdhas contempt; and iras- (irasy-) and vipas-, and the adverbs tirés,
mithads, huras-, also gfras head, are to be compared; — with vyddhi-
strengthening, -vacas, v4sas, vdhas, -svddas, and, of doubtful connect-
ions, pajas, pathas, and -hAiyas;— perhaps with an aoristio s, hégas
missile; — pivas contains a v apparently not radical.

d. After final & of eo root is usually inserted y before the seffix
(268): thus, dhdyas, -gayas. But there are in the oldest lauguage appar-
ent remaius of a formation in which as was added directly to radical &:
thus, bhas and -d&s (often to be pronounced as two syllables), jhiis,
mas; and -dhas and -das, from the roots dh& and da.

2. e. The instances in which an agent-noun is differentiated by its
accent from an action-noun ere: &pas work, end aphe active; ydqas
beauty, and yacds beauteous; tdras quickness, and tards (VS., once)
quick; tavas strength, and tavés strong; ddivas worship, and duviés
lively(?); méhas greatness, and mahds great; between rdkgas n. and

429 STEMS IN ana, as, tas, nas, sas. [—11592

rakgds m., both meaning demon, ani between tyéjas n. abandonment (7)
and tyajas m. descendent(?), the antithesis {s mnch less clear.

f. Adjectives in &@ without corresponding abstracts are: tochs be-
storcing, yajas offering, vedhads pious, probably Shands heady: snd a few
other words cf isolated occurence, as vecds, dhvards. From a denomine-
tive etem is mado mpgayAds torld animal (RV., once).

g. Rat there are also a very few cases of abstract nouns, not neuter,
acrented on the ending: thns, jardse old age, bhiyhs fear; and doubdtless
also havd&s call, and tvegds impulse. The femine ugds daton, and dogds
night, might belong efther here or under the last preceding head.

h. Apparently containing a suffix as are the nonn upds Jap, and
certain proper names: Afigtras, nodhds, bhal&énds, arcan&nés, naci-
ketas. The feminine apsaras nymph is of doubtful derivation.

i, The frregular formation of some of the words of this division will
be noticed, without spectal remark.

3. j. Tho Infinitives made by the suffix as have been explained
abovo ‘'973): they show various treatment of the root, and various
accent (which Inst may perhaps mark a difference of gender, like that
between sahas and jards).

4. k. The formation of derivatives In as from roots componnded with
prefizes is very restricted — If, indeed, it is to be admitted at all. No infin-
itive In as occurs «ith a prefix; nor any action-nonn; and the adjective
combinations are in some Instances evidently, and {in most others apparently,
possessive compounds of the nonn with the prefix used adjectively: the
mort probable exceptions aro -nydkas and vigpardhas. As in these
examples, the accent is always on the prefix.

1. Certain Vedic stems in ar may be noticed hore, as more or less
exchanging with stems fn as, and apparently related with such. They were
reported above, at 160 a.

In connection with this, the moat common and Important suffix

ending in 8, may he best treated the others, kindred in office aod
possibly also in origin, which end in the same sibilant.

1152. AH tes, Wnas, HA sas. With these suffixes are
made an extremely small number of action-nouns. Thus:
a. With tas ore made rétas seed, and srdétas stream.

b. With nas arc made &pnas acquisition, drnas wave, -bhdérnas
offering, réknas riches; and in dravinas wealth, and périnas fulness
is apparently tu be seen the same suffix, with prefixed elements having the
present value of union-vowels. Probably the seme is true of démfinas
house-friend, and fjfinas (RV.) n. pr., ugdnaes (or -n&) n. pr.

c. With sas is perhaps made vépsas beauty; and tarfigas may be
mentioned with it (rather tarus-a?).

1163—] XVII. Primary DERIVATION. 430

1163. 34 is. With the suffix is is formed a smal) num-

ber (about a dozen) of neuns.

a. They are in part nouus of action, bat most are used concretely.
The radical syllable has the guya-strengthening, end the secent is on the
suffix (except in jydtis Jight, vy4this, and dmis raw meat). Examples
are: arco{s, rocis, and gocis light, chad{s or chardis cover, barhis
straw, vartis track, sarp{s butter, havis oblation, dyotia light, aud
kravis raw ficsh. Avis-, pathis, bhra&jis-, and méhis- are isolated
variants of stews in as; and tuvis-, guois-, and surabhis- appear in-
organically for tuvi eto. in a few compounds or derivatives.

1164. S4_us. With this suffix are made a few words,

of various meaning, root-form, and accent.

a. They are words signifying both action and agent. A few have
both meanings, without difference of accent: thus, tapus heal and hot;
rus wound snd sore; cdkgus briyhiness and seeing, eye; vapus wonder-
ful aud wonder. The nouns are mostly neuter, and accented on the root-
syllable: thus, ayus, tdarus, purus, muhus (? only adverbial), mfthus
(do.), yéjus, gasus; exceptions are: in regard to accent, Janus birth; in
regard to gender, mdnus man, and néhus ao. pr. Of adjectives, are
accented on the cnding jayas, vanus, and dakgis burning (which
appears to attach itself to the aorist-stem).

1155. 3 i. With this suffix are formed a large body
of derivatives, of all genders: adjectives and masculine
agent-nouns, feminine abstracts, and a few neuters. They
show 4 various form of the root: strong, weak, and re-
duplicated. Their accent is also various. Many of them
have meanings much specialized; and many (including most
of the neuters) are hardly to be connected with any root

elsewhere demonstrable.

1. a. The feminine action-nouns are of very verious form: thas,
with weak root-form, ruici brightness, tvigi sheen, kygi ploughing, nyti
dance; — with guna-strengthening (where possible), répi pain, goof heal,
van and san{ gain; — with vyddhi-strengthening, grahi seizure, dhriiji
course, &j{ race; from dug comes Atigi (compsre digayati, 1042b).
The variety of accent, which seems reducible to no rule, fs illustrated by
the examples given. The few inflnitively used words of this formatioca
(above, 975b) have a woak root-form, with accent on the ending.

2. b. The adjectives and masculine agent-nouns exhibit the same
variety. Thus;

co. With unstrengthened root: gucei brigkt, bhfmi lively (jbbram),
gtbhi contatner.

431 STEMS IN is, us, i, 1. (—1166

d. With unstrengthened root (or root inespable of guna-chango): arf
enemy, mahi great, arci beam, granthi knot, krid{ playing; with vyddhi-
increment, kargi, jani, -dhari, cari, saci, sidi, shi, and a few words
of obscure cénnections: thus, drap{ m tle, rag{ heap, pint hand, ete.
The tsolated -Anagi appears to come from the perfect-stem (788) of jac.

e. With reduplicated root. This is in the older language a consider-
able class, of quite various form. Thus: with weak or abbreviated root,
ceékri, jaghri, (/ghar), pdpri, sasri, -mamri, babhri, vavr{, jagmi,
-j4jii (jan), -tatni, jAghni, sdsni, sugvi, -cicvi; and, with displace-
ment of final & (or its weakening to the semblance of the suffix), dad{,
pap{, yay{ (with a case or two from yay!), -jajfii, dadhi; — from the
ur-form of roots in changeable y, jaguri, taturi, pAépuri (papuri SV.);
— with simple reduplication, cikiti, yuyudhi, vivici; — with strength-
ened reduplication, -cAcali, tatrpi, dddhbrsi, vévahi, sdsah{, ttituji
and taituj{, yiyuvi, yyudhi; and jarbhéri and b&mbh&ri. And
karkar{ Jute and dundubh{ drum have the aspect of belonging to the
same class, but are probably onomatopoetic. The accent, it will be noticed,
is most often on the reduplication, but not seldom elsewhere (only once on
the root). It was noticed above (271 f) that these redaplicated derivatives
is i not seldom take an object in the accusative, like a present participle.

f. Formations in i from the root compounded with prefixes are not
at all numerous. Théy are accented usually on the suffix. Examples are:
Syaj{, vyanac{, rijaghn{, parAdad{, vigasah{; but also Sjdni, Amuri,
vivavri. As compounded with other preceding words, the adjectives or
agent-nouns in i are not raro, and are regularly accented on the root: see
the next chapter, 1276.

g. From Ydh& comes a derivative -dbhi, forming many masculine
compounds, with the value both of an abstract and a concrete: thus, with
prefixes, antardhi, uddh{, nidhf, paridh{, etc. From yd& is made in
like manner &di beginning, and from yetha, pratigth{ resistance. Opin-
fons are at variance as to whether such forms are to be regarded as made
with the suffix i, displacing the radical &, or with weakening of & to i.

3. h. Neuter nouns in i are few, and of obscure derivation: examples
are Akai eye, Asthi bone, d&dhi curds, ete.

1156. z 1. Stems in 1 (like those in WT &, above,
1149) are for the most part feminine adjectives, correspond-
ing to masculines and neuters of other terminations.

a. Thus, feminines in ¥ are made from a-stems (332, 334: and see
also the different suffixes), from i-stems (344, 346), from u-stems (344b),
from y-stems (3764), and from various consonant-stems (378 a).

b. But there are also a few stems in I wearing the aspect of inde-
pendent derivatives. Examples are: dakgi, dehi, nadi, nadndi, péqi,

1156—] XVII. Primary DERIVATION. 432

vakgi (apparently with aoristio 5), vegi, odki, gaol, gami, gim!, tari,

vapi; they are cither action-nouns or agent-nouns. In the leter language
(as noticed at 344.4) there is very frequent interchange of i- and Y-stems
and the forms from them.

G. In the oldest language there are even a few masculines in ¥. They
were noticed, and their inflection illustrated, above, at 855 b, 856.

1157. fa@ti. This suffix forme a large class of fre-
quently used feminine nouns of action: and also a few
agent-nouns (masculine) and adjectives. The root has in
general the same form as before the suffix q ta of the pass-
ive participle (952 ff.) — that is to say, a weak, and often
a weakened or abbreviated, form.

a. The accent ought, it would appear, in analogy with that of
the participle, to rest always upon the suffix; but in the recorded
condition of the language it does so only in a minority of oases:
namely, about fifty, against sixty cases of accent on the radical syl-
lable, and a hundred and forty of undetermined accent; a number of
words — iti, rti, citti, trpti, pakti, pugti, bhiti, bhrti, vrei, gakti,
crugti, srati, sthiti — have both accentuations.

1. b. Examples of the norma) formation are: rat{ gift, atf aid,
rit{ flow, stut{ praise, bhakt{ division, vigt{ service, kirt{ fame,
bestowal, mati thought, pitl drink (Yp&; pple pita), dh&ut{ sfream
()/dhav; pple dhduta); — and with accented root, gdti mofson, gibt

repose, Aiti division (Yd&; pple dith), dfgti sigh, {ati offering (ya):
pple igtd), ukti speech (j'vac: pple ukté), vfddhi sxcrease.

c. The roots which form their participle in ita (056) do not have
the i also before ti: thus, only gapti, drpti. A few roots having their
participle in na instead of ta (957) form the abstract noun elso in ni
(below, 1158). And from the roots tan and ran occur tant{ end rdntt,
beside the more regular tati and rd&ti; also dhanti (once, VS.) beside
é4hati. From the two roots d& give and G& divide, the derivative in com-
position is sometimes -tti (for d&ti, with loss of radical vowel: compare
the participle-form -tta, above, 955f): thus, niravatti (K.), sampraétt
(CB), péritti (TB.) vdsutti, bhdgatti, maghdtti (all RV.).

d. A few derivatives are made from reduplicated roots; their aecent
is various: thus, carkrt{, didhiti and -diditi, jigarti, and perhaps the
proper name yay&ti; also jagdhi from /jake (2381).

©. Derivatives from roots with prefixes sre numerous, and have (as in
the caso of the participles in ta, and the action-nouns in tu) the accent
on the prefix: examples are énumati, abhiti, éhuti, nirrti, vyipt,
sithgati. The only exceptions noticed are Ssakt{ and dsutf, and abhi-

433 Steams IN I, ti, ni. [—1168

ati (beside abhigti). In other combinations than with prefixes, the accen-
tuation is in genoral tho same: see the next chapter (19874),

2. f. The adjectives and agent-nouns — which, as masculines, are to
be connected with these rather than with the fominine abstracts — are very
fev: thus, plti putrid, vdgti eager, dhtiti shaker, jhatl relative, patts
footman, p&ti master; snd a few others, of more or less dubious character.
The accent is various, as in the other olass.

8. g. A few words show the suffix ti preceded by various vowels,
union- or stem-vowels. The ordinary indermediate { of the ta-participle etc.
is seen in sdniti, ujhiti, -gphiti (7, as ususl with this root: 800 b),
pathiti, bhaniti; and with them may be mentioned the adjective fjiti,
ths proper names turviti end dabhiti, and snfhit! and snéhiti, not-
withstanding their long final. With ati are made a fow derivatives, va-
riously secented: thus, the action-nouns ahhat{, dreat{, pakgat{, mith-
at{, vasat{, ram&ti, vratdti, amdti and 4mati, -dhrajati; and the
agcut-words arat{, khalat{, vpkati, rdmati, dahati. In some of these
is to be seen with probability a atem-vowel, as also in jdnayati and
rasayati (and RV. has gopaydtya). The grammarians’ method of re-
presenting a root by its 3d sing. pres. indic., declining this as « ti-stem,
begins in the older language: oe. g. étivant (TB.), kgetivant (AB.),
yajati and juhoti snd dadati (S.), nandeti (MBh.). The feminine
yuvatt young, matden is of isolated character.

h. In some of the words instanced in the last paragraph, ti is per-
haps applicd as a socondary suffix. A kindred character belongs to it in
the nnmeral derivatives from pronominal roots, kAti, tati, yAti, and from
numerals, as dacati, vincati, gast{i, ete. with penkt (from pdfica);
in pad&ti; and in addh&tf, from the perticle addbé.

1158. {4 ni. This suffix agrees in general in its uses
and in the form of its derivatives with the preceding; but
it makes a very much smaller number of words, among
which the feminine abstracts are a minority.

a. As wes noticed above (1157), a few verbs (ending in vowels)
making their pas<ive participle in na instead of ta meke their action-noun
in ni instead of ti. From the older language are quotable jy&nf{ injury,
jQrn{ Aeat, h&ni abandonment (and the masculines ghfni and jirni);
later occur glani, -mlani, sanni-.

b. Words of the other class are: agni eating, -ugni burning, vdhni
carrying, jirni singing, tirni hasty, bhtirni excited, dharn{ sustaining
prent loring, veent and vfeni viride; and with them may be mentioned
pfoni speckled.

ce. In prenf, yéni, men{, gréni, gréni is seen a strengtbening of
the radical syllable, anch as does not appear among the derivatives in ti.

d. Derivatives in ni from roots with prefixes do not appeer to occar.

Whitney, Grammer. 3. ed. 28

11566—}) XVI'. Paizary Derivation. 434

e. In hréduni and hidduni we have a prefixed u. In the werds
ending in ani, the a has probably the same value with that of ati (abeve,
1157 g); dnt ani has gained a more independont states, and may be best
treated as a separate suffix.

1169. @f{ani. The words made by this suffix have
the same double value with those made by the preceding
suffixes. Their accent is various. “Thus:

a. Feminine action-souns, sometimes with concreted meaning: as, igdni
impulse, Garani injury, dyotani{ brightness, kgipagi blow, agdni missile,
vartan{ truck; aad -arcani, udani-, jarani-.

b. Adjectives and other agent-words are: aréyi fArestick, carigi

swradiz, cakgaéni ealightener, tarini quick, dhaméni pipe, dhvasini

scuttering. vakgdni strengthener, sarani track. Dharapi and one er tve
other late words are probably variants to stems in ani. From a redu-

pitcated rvot-form comes -paptani From desiderative stems are made
rurukeéni, sigdsdni, and (with prefix) d-cugukeégi. And os small
number cf wards appear to attach themeelves to an s-acrist stem: thus,
pargani, sakedni, cargani.

©. lt is questionable whether the infaitives in gipi (978) are te be
put bere, as accusstives of a formation in ani, or under the next suffix,
ae locatives cof a formation in an, from roots and stems incressed by an

evristic &

1160. en. Not many words are made with a suffix
of this form, and of these few are plainly to be connected
with roots. (Certain rare neuters (along with the doubtful
infinitives) are nouns of action;. the rest are masculine and

neuter agent-nouns. The accent 1s various.

a. The infoitives which admit of being referred to this suffix, aos
locative cases, are those in gani of which the sibilant may he the fnal
of a tense-stem. They are all given above '978).

b. The other action-n0u0ns ta an are mahén greatness, rijdn eutherily
(RV . once: compare rjan: the accest-relation is the reverse of the usual
ene). and g&mbhan depth (VS.. cace): and PB. has keepgi ones.

e. Agent-nocns (im part <f{ doubsfal commection) are; ukegdn ez,
odkean eye. thkegan curpyater, dhvasan proper name, pGgdnm name
a ge. majjén marror, rdjan hiny, vegan rwile, bull, sighan, snthin
yendhan Apasc)}, ale -gman, jman, -bhvan, -qvaa, with qvin, yé-
wan, yogan, asd the stems Shan, fidhan, etc. (490-4), filling up the
fufectiva of cther defective stems.

d. With preaxes occur pratidivan and atidivan, vibavén, al-
kaéman.

5

435 STemMs 1N ni, ani, an, tu, nu. (—1163

1161. tu. The great mass of the words of this form-
ation are the infinitives — accusatives in the later lan-
guage, in the earlier likewise datives and ablative-genitives:
see above, 970 b, 972. But a few are also used independ-
ently, as action-nouns or with concreted meaning; and an
extremely small number, of somewhat questionable charac-
ter, appear to have the value of agent-words. They are of
all genders, but chiefly masculine. The root has the gune-

strengthening.

a. The infinitive words are accented on the radical syllable when
simple, and most of the others have the same accent; but a few have
the tone on the ending.

b. Examples are: of the regular formation, mase. détu share, jitu-
birth, dh&tu element, tantu thread, mdntu counsel, dtu weft, situ
receptacle, sétu tie, adtu pressure; elso krétu capacity, and sdktu grits;
fem. vastu morning; neut. vastu thing, vdstu abode; — with sccent
on the ending, aktu ray, jantu being, gta way and song, yatu (P)
demon, hetu cause, ketu banner (all masc.); — with unstrengthened root,
yt season, pita drink, etitu birth, and apperently kftu (in kfétvas
times); with veddhi-strengthening, vastu (above). Agent-nouns appear
to be dhdtu drinkable and krogtu jackal.

c. The infinitives in tu have (968) often the union-vowel i before
the suffix, and this in « few cases is lengthened to I. In other use occur
also -st4ritu and -dhéritu (both with dus), -haévitu (with su); tur-
phéritu seems of the same formation, but is obscare.

da. In a few instances, the suffix tu appeers to be added to a tense-
or conjugation-stem in a; thas, edhatu end vahatu; tamyatd and
tapyatu; anil sigdsdtu. The aceent of the last ts paralleled unly by that
of jivdtu life, which ts further eaceptional in showing a long &; it fs
used sometimes in the msnner of an infinitive.

1162, nu. This suffix forms a comparatively small
body of words, generally maeculine, and having both the
abstract and the concrete value.

a. The accent is usually on the ending, and the root unstrength-
ened.

b. Thus: kgepnu jerk, bh&nu light (later sun), vagni sound,
sinw son, d&énu (with irregular accent) m. f. demon, n. drop, dew; dhena
f. cow; — gydhnu hasty, tapnu burning, trasnu fearful, dhygnt bold;
—and vignu J tshnu, and perhaps sthAna pillar. Compare also suffix
tnu, 1106 a.

1162—} XVII. Paimagy DERivarion. 436

c. This also (Iike tu) appears sometimes with a preflacd a: thas,
kgipanu missile, krandand and nadanu roaring, nabhant (end -nt,
f.) fountain, vibhafijanu (only instance with prefix) breaking to pieces;
and perhaps the proper names d&ganu and krodnu belong berc.

1163. @ tha. The words made with this suffix are
almost without exception action-nouns (though some have
assumed a concrete value). They are of all genders. The
root is of a weak (or even weakened) form, and the accent

usually on the euffix.

a. Thue: masc., -itha going, artha goal, -kptha making, g&thd
song, pakthé nu. p:., bhythé offering, -yatha road, -githa lying down,
gotha swelling, siktha sediment; and, of less clear connections, y&ith$
herd, ratha chariot;--neut., ukthd saying, tirthh ford, nithh song,
rikthaé Acritaye, and apparently pygth& back; — fem. (with a), gétha
song, nith& way. Radical & is weakened to i in githa song and -pitha
drink and -pitha protection, a flual nasal is lost in -gatha going and
hatha slaying. In vijigithé ((B.; but BAU -Ita) is spparently seen a
formation from a reduplication of yji, victorious.

b. A fow oxamples of combivation with prefixes occur, with accent
on the final; thus, nirpthdé destruction, sathgathé union, ete.

o. Still more common In the older langoage fe a form of this sufax
to which has become prefixed an &, which is probably of thematic origin,
though become a anion-vowel. Thus: -anétha breathing, aydtha foot,
card&tha mobility, tvegdtha vehemence, and so prothdétha, yajatha, ra-
vatha, vakgdtha, ucétha, viddtha, gahsatha, gapdtha, gayétha,
gvayaétha, qvasétha, sacdtha, standtha, stavatha, sravaétha, and,
with weak root-form, ruvAtha; the later language adds karatha, taratha,
gamatha, savathe. With a prefix, the accent is thrown forward upon
the final: thus, dvasathdé abods, pravasathd absence; but prépétha
breath 1s treated as if pr&n were an intcgral root.

d. -Isolated combinations of tha with other preceding vowels occur:
thus, varatha protection, jariitha wasting(?); and matatha ()/man P).
1164. @ thu. This suftix (like @ tha, above) has an @ 4
attached to it, and, in the very few derivatives which it

makes, appears only as Se éthu.

a. The only Vedic examples are ejéthu quaking, vepdathu trembling,
standthu roaring. Later cases are nanddthu (TS.), nadathu (U.),
kgavathu (8.), davathu, bhrahgathu, majjathu, vamathu, gvayathu,
sphirjathu.

1165, J yu. With this suffix are made a very few nouns,

437 STEMS IN nu, tha, thu, yu, ma, mi, man. {—1168

both of agent and of action, with unstrengthened root and

various accent. Thus:

a. Abstracts (mase.) are manyt wrath, mytya death (with t added
to the short final of the root).

b. Adjectives oto. are druhyu n. pr., bhujyt pliable, mucyu (GB.
i. 1.7), gundbyu pure, yajyu pious, ehhyu strong, ddsyu enemy; and,
with vpddhi-strengthening, jay rictorious.

c. For other derivatives eryling in yu, see the suffix u, below, 1178 h, i.

1166. 4% ma. The action-nouns made by this suffix are
almost all masculine; and they are of various root-form and

accent, as are also the agent-nouns and adjectives.
a. Examples of action-noune are: ajm& course, gharmé feat, éma
procress, bhama hrightness, sarroa flow. stoma song of praise.

b. Examples pf agent-nouns etc. are: tigmaé sharp, bhimé terribhle,
gagmA mighty, idhma fuel, yudhmaé tcarrior A single instance from
a rednplicated root is titamaé powerful. Sardm& f., with a before the
ents, ie of doubtful connection.

c. A number of stems in ma have stems in man beside them, and
appear, at Jeast in part, to be transfers from the an- to the a-declenston.
Surch are ajma, oma, ema, arma, tékma, darm4, dhdérma, narmé,
yama, yugma, vema, gugma, soma, sarma, home.

1167, Tq mi. A very small number of nouns, masculine and
feminine, forined with mi, way be conveniently noticed here.

Thus, from y-rocts, firm{ wave, -kirmi action, stirmi f. tude; from
othors, famf{ relation, bhtimi or bhilm! f. earth, lakgmi stgn; aleo prob-
ably racm{ /ine, ray; and the adjective krudhmi (? RV., once).

1168. 4 man. The numerous derivatives made with
this suffix are almost only action-nouns. The great majority
of them are neuter, and accented on the rvot-syllable; a
much smaller number are masculine, and accented on the
suffix. The few agent-words are, if nouns, masculine, and
have the latter accent: in several instances, a neuter and
a imnasculine, of the one and the other value and accent,
etand side by side. The root has in general the gupa-

etrengthening.

{. a. Examples of regularly formod nenters are: kérman action,
jamman dirth, ndman name, vartman track, végman dwelling, homan
sacrifice, -dyétman splendor.

1168—] XVII. Primary Derivarion. 438

b. Examples of masculine abstracts are: omdn favor, ojman strength,
jem&n conquest, svidman sweetness, heman impulse.

©. Corresponding neuter action-nouns and masculine agent-nouns are:
brdhman worship and brahmén priest; déman gift and dimén giver;
dhdrman rule and dharmén orderer; shdman seat and sadmén sitter.
But dman friend stands in the contrary rolation to omén m. favor. Very
few other agont-nouns occur; and all, except brahmAn, sre of rare occurrence.

d@. On the other hand, Jeman and vargman and svidman (aad
variman) have the difference of gender and accent without s corresponding
difference of meaning.

e. The noun &qman stone, though masculine, is accented on the
radical sylleble; and two or three other questionable cases of the same kind
occur.

f. The derivatives in man used as infinitives (974) have for the mod
part the accent of neuters: the only exception is vidméne.

g- A few words, of either class, have an irregular root-form: thus,
Udman, gman or ugman, bhfiman earth, bhiimdn abundance, ayt-
man, simdn, bhujmdn, vidmadn, gikman, gugman, sidhman; end
kairgman, bharman, cékman.

h. Derivatives in man from roots with prefixes are not sumeroes.
They are usually accented on the prefix, whether actlou-nouns or adjectives:
thus, prébharman /forthbringing, prdy&man departure; dnuvartman
following after: the exceptions, vijdman, prativartmén, visarmén,

are perhaps of possessive formation.

2. i. ‘Tho same sulfix, though only with its abstract-makiug value,
has in a number of cases before it a union-vowel, 1 or i; aud lmén
comes to be used as a secondary suffix, forming abstract nouas (mas-
culine) from a considerable number of adjectives.

j. The neuters in iman and Iman are primary formations, belonging
almost only to the older language: thus, janiman, dbariman (M.), véri-
man (beside varimdn, as noticed above); and dériman, dhériman,
pd4riman (and péreman SV., once), bhériman, vdriman, sériman,
stériman, s&éviman, and héviman. Those in Iman are hardly met
with outside the Rig-Veda.

kx. The masculines in imAén are in the oldest language less frequeat
than the neuters just described: they are taniman(?), jarimaén, prathi-
m4n, mahimdn, varimén (beside the equivalent vériman and véri-
man), vargimAn (beside the equivalent v4rgman and vargmAén), hari-
man, and drighimdn (VS.) beside drighman (V.B.). Some ef these,
as well as of the derivatives in simple man, attach themselves in meaning,
or in form also, to adjectives, to which they esem the accompanying ab-
stracts: compare the similar treatment of the primery comparatives and
superlatives (above, 468): such are p&pmaén (to p&p’, pdpiyas ota);
drighmA&n etc. (to dirghé, drighiyas, ctc.); variman ete. (te uri,

439 STEMS IN man, van, vana, vani, vanu. (—1170

variyas, ctc:.); préthiman (to prthu, prdéthigtha); harimaén (to haéri
or harita); vargman eto. (to vdérgiyas etc.); svddman etc. (to svddu,
svadiyas, etc.). Then in the Brihmana language are found farther ex-
amples: thus, dhfitmrimdn (TS. K.), dradhimadn (M8. K.: to drdhé,
drédhiyas, etc.), animdn (CB.; and dniman n. 5:t), sthemdn, sthé-
viman (un. dig piece), taruniman (K.), parugiman (AB.), abaliman
(ChU.), lohitiman (KB.); and still later such as laghiman, krgniman,
piirniman, madhuriman, coniman, etc., ete.

1169. 44 van. By this suffix are made almost only

\
agent-words, adjectives and nouns, the latter chiefly mas-

culines. The root is unstrengthened, and to a short final
vowel is added a @ t before the suffix. The accent is almoet
always on the root, both in the simple words and in their
compounds.

a. The insertion of t is an intimation that the worda of this form ere
originally made by the addition of an to derivatives in uw and tu; yet
van has the present valué of an integral suffix in the language, and must
be treated as such.

b. Examples of the usual formation are: masc. ydjJvan offering,
drahvan harming, gdkvan capable, -rikvan leaving, -jitvan conquering,
sutvan pressing, kftvan active, -gdtvan (like -gat, -gatya) going, sdt-
van ()san) warrior; neut. parvan joint, dhanvan bow. Irregular, with
strengthened root, are &rwan courser, -yivan (? AV.) driving off; and,
with accent on the suffix, drvdn (? VS.) and vidvan (? AV.).

c. Examples from roots with prefixes (which are not rare) are: atitvan
ercelling, upahasvan reviler, sambhftvan collecting; end perhaps vivas-
van shining: abh{satvan is a compound with governing preposition (1310).
For the compounds with othcr elements. which, except in special cases,
have the same accent, see below, 1977.

d. Tho etems mugivdn robber and sanitvan (each RV., once) are the
only ones with a union-vowel, and are perhaps better regarded as second-
ary derivatives—of which a few are made with this suffix: see below,
12334. From a reduplicated root are mede rér&van and cikitvdn (aad
possibly vivasvan).

e. Action-nouns made with the suffix van are only the infinitivel words
mentioned at 974 — unless bhurvdéni (KV., once) is to be added, as
locative of bhurvan.

f. The feminines corresponding to adjectives in van are not
made (apparently) directly from this suffix, but from vara, and ead
in vari; see below, 1171 b.

1170. 49 vana, 4A vani, Aq vanu. The very few words

1170—] XVII. Paimary Derivation. 440

made with these suffixes may best be noticed here, in con-
nection with 4q{ van (of which the others are probably sec-
ondary extensions).

a. With vana are made vagvand talkative, satvand warrior (beside
eAtvan, «bove); and, from « reduplicated root, qugukvank shining.

b. With vani ere made from simple roots turvAyi excelling, and
bhurvani restless, and, from teduplicated roots, gugukvani shining, da-
dhygvéni daring, tuturvdni striving after, and jugurvdyl praising;
arharigvaAni Je obscure.

o. With vanu is madu only vagvants tone, noise.

L1l71. Q{ vara. With this suffix are made a few deriv-
atives, of all genders, having for the most part the value
of agent-nouns and adjectives. Much more common are the
feminine stems in 4{t vari, which, from the earliest period,
serve as corresponding feminines to the masculine étems in

aq van.

a. A few masculine adjectives in vard& occur, formally sccordent (ex-
cept in accent) with the feminines: thus, itvaré going, -advare esting;
and so, farther, in the older language, Igvaré, -jivara, phdrvara,
bharvaré, bh&svar4, vyadhvaré (?), -sadvara, sthivaré, and doubt-
less with them belongs vidvald; later, -kasvara, gatvara, ghasvera
(aloo ghasmara), -jitvara, nagvara, pivara, madvara, -ertvara;
from a reduplicated root, yayAvard (B. and later). Many of these have
fexninines in &.

b. The feminines in vari accord in treatment of the root and is
sccent with the mascalines in van to which they correspond: thus, yAj-
wart, -j{tvari, sftvari, -givarl, -yAvari, and so on (about twenty-five
such formations in RV:); from a reduplicated root, -gigvart,

co. A very small namber of neaters occar, with accent on the root:
thus, kérvara dved, gdhvara (later sloo gabhvara) thicket; and « femin-
ine or two, with sccent on the penult: urvdraé field, and urwdri tow
(both of doubtfal etymology).

We take up now the suffixes by which are made only stems
having the value of agent-nonns and adjectives; beginuing with a
brief mention of the participial endings, which in goneral have beea
alroady sufficiently treated.

1172, ®e{_ant (or Hq at). The office of this suffix, in
-making present and future participles active, has been fully
explained above, in connection with the various tense-stems
and conjugation-steme (chaps. VIII.-XIV.), in combination

441 Stems IN vana etc., vara, ant, vAhs, m&na, dna, ta. [—1176

with which alone it is employed (not directly with the root,
unless this is also used as tense-stem).

a. A few words of like origin, but used as independent adjectives,
were given at 460. With the same or a formally identical suffix are made
from pronominal roots {yant and kfyant (451, 617a). And ddvayant
not double-tongued (RV., once), appears to contain a similar formation from
the numeral dvi — unless wo are to assume a denominative verb-stom ae
intermediate.

1173. fe_vane (or aq vas). For the (perfect active) par-
ticiples made with this suffix, see above, 802-6, and 4568 ff.

a. A few words of irregular and questionable formation were noticed
at 462, above. Also, apparent trensfers to a form us or uga. RY. voca-
lizee the v once, in jujurudn.

b. The oldest language (RV.) has a very few words in vas, of doubt-
fal relations: fbhvas and of! ne aksiful (beside words in va and van),
and porhaps khidvas (j)khad). Tho neuter abstract vdrivas breadth,
room (belonging to uru broad, in the same menner with variyas and
varim&n), is quite isoleted. MBhb. makcs a nominative piv&n, as if from
pivanhs instead of pivan.

1174. rtméana. The participles having thie ending
are, as has been seen (584 b), present and future only, and
have the middle, or the derived passive, value belonging in

general to the stems to which the suffix is attached.

1175. AT Gna. The participles ending in AT &na are
of middle and passive value, like those just noticed, and
either present, perfect, or (partly with the form QT sina:
above, 897 b) aorist.

a. A few other words ending in the same manner in the old language
may be mentioned here. The RV. bas the adjectives takav&na, bhfga-
vana, vasavana, ordhvasdnd, apparently made on the mode) of par-
ticipial stems. Also the proper names 4pnav&na, pfthav&na, and cyé-
v&na and cyfvatana. PAdro&na abyss is doudtfal; rujin& (RV., once)
is probably a false reading; &pna&na is of doubtful character.

1176. @ ta. The use of this suffix in forming parti-
ciples directly from the root, or from a conjugational (not
a tense) stem, was explained above, 952-6. The participles
thus made are in part intransitive, but in great part passive

1176—]) XVII. Pammany DERIvarion. 442

in value (like those made by the two preceding suffixes, but
in much larger measure, and more decidedly).

a. A few general adjectives, or nouns with conercte meaning, are
adaptations of this participle. Examples are: tygt& rough, gith cold, dy-
dh (for dfdhé ; 224 a) frm; diitdé messenger, sité charioteer; ytd right,
gwhrt& ghee, jatd kind, dyaté gambimg, nytté dance, jivité life, carité
behavior, smmita smile. The adjective tigité (RV.) sharp shows anomalous
reversion of palatal to guttural before the i (216d). Wavita dear iss
single exemple from a reduplicated root.

b. Doubtless after the example and model of participles from denomi-
native stems (of which, however, no instances are quotable from the Veda
-—unless bh&mita RV.), derivatives in ita are in the latet language made
directly fron) noun and adjective-stems, having the meaning of endowed
wsth, affected by, made to be, and the like (compare the similar English
formation in ed, as horned, barefooted, bluecoated). Examples are rathita
furnished with a chariot, duhkhita pained, kusumita flowered, dur-
balita weakened, nibsathgayita indubstable, etc. etc.

o. A few words ending in ta sre accented on the radical syllable,
and their relation to the participisl derivatives is very doubtful: such are
dsta home, marta mortal, vita wind; and with them may be mentioned
garta Aigh seat, nakta night, hasta Aand. Vraté is commonly viewed
as containing a saffix ta, but it doubtless comes from pvyt (vrat-é, like
traddé, vrajé) and means originally course.

d. Several adjectives denoting color end in ita, but are hardly con-
nectible with roots of kindred meaning: thus, palité gray, dsita black,
réhita and léhita red, hérita green; akin with them are -éta variegated,
gyeth white. The feminines of these stems are in part irregular: thus,
éni and gyéni; rdéhini and léhini, and hAérint (but the corresponding
masc. hdrina sleo occurs); and &sikni, pdlikni, and hérikni.

e. A small namber of adjectives in the older language ending in ata
sre not to be separated from the participisl words in ta, although thelr
ypecifc meaning te tn part gorundive, They aru: pacatdé crovked, dargath
and pagyata secn, to be seen, worth seeing; and so yajaté, haryata,
bharaté. Tho y of pagyata and haryataé Indicates pretty plainly that the
@ aloo is that of a present tense-stew. Rajaté sslvery is of mare obscure
relation to } raj color; pdrvata mountasn must be socondary.

1177. na (and 3 ina, 34 una). The use of the suffix
na in forming from certain roots participles equivalent to
those in @ ta, either alongside the latter or instead of them,
was explained above, at 957.

a. With the same suffix are made a number of general sdjectives,
and of nouns of various gender (fem. in nf&). The accent is on the suffix

443 STEMS IN ta, na, ina, una, u. [—1178

or on tho root. A few cxamplos are: ugpd hot, gun& fortunate, dgna
ravenous. Gvitna white; masc., pragnd question, yajfih offering, ghrnd
heat, varna color, svépna sleep; neut., parph wing, rdtna sewel (1);
fom. tfen& thirst, yAcHA supplication. But many of the stems ending in
na are not readily connectible with roots. An antithesis of accent is seen
in kaérna rar and karné eared.

b. The few words ending tn ina are of doubtful connection, but may
be mentioned here: thus, amin& violent, vpjin& crooked, ddkgina right,
dravina property, druhina, -gregina, hariné; and kanina may be added.

c. The words ending in una are of various meaning and accent, like
those in ana: they are Arjuna, karuna, -cetuna, téruna, déruné,
dharuna, naruna, piguna, mithund, yatana, vayuna, vdruya, oa-
luna, and the feminine yamund; end bhrfind may be added.

d. ‘These are all the proper participial endings of the language.
The gerundives, later and earlier, are in the main evident secondary
formations, and will be treated under the head of secondary derivation.

We take up now the other suffixes forming agent-nouns and
adjectives, beginning with those which have more or less a parti-
cipial value.

1178. 3 u. With this suffix are made a considerable
body of derivatives, of very various character — adjectives,
and agent-nouns of all genders, with different treatment of
the root, and with different accent. It 1s especially used
with certain conjugational stems, desiderative (particularly
later) and denominative (mainly earlier), making adjectives
with the value of present participles; and in such use it

wins im part the aspect of a secondary suffix.

a. The root has oftencst a weak (or weakened) form; but it is
sometimes vriddhied; least ofton (when capable of guna), it has the
guna-strengthening — all without any apparent connection with either
accent or meaning or gender. After final radical & is usually added
y (268) before the suffix. A few derivatives are made from the re-
duplicated root. But many words ending in u are not readily, or not
at all, connectible with roots; examples will be given especially of
those that have an obvious etymology.

b. Examples of ordinary adjectives are: uru toide, yja straight, prthu
broad, mydu soft, sidhu good, svidu steel, tapu hot, vasu good; jayu
conquering, A&ru bursting; gayu lying, réku empty; dhayu thirsty, pay
protecting. Final & appears to be lost before the suffix in -sthu (sugthu,
anugtha), and perhaps in yu, -gu (agregu), and -khu (&kha).

c. Examples of nouns are: masc., acu ray, ripa deceiver, viyu

1176—] XVII. Primany Derivation. 441

wind, asu life, manu man, Manu; fem., {gu (also mase.) arrow, eindhu
(also masc.) river, tanti or tant body; neut., kgh food.

d. Derivatives from redaplicated roots sre: oikith, jdgmu, jigyo,
jijiu, signu, -tatnu (unlces this is made with nu or tnu), didyn (*),
dadru, yéyu or yaya and gfyu (with final & lost), p{pra (proper name),
-didhayu; and titafi, babhra, -raru (aréru), malimla (?) have the
aspect of being similar formations.

©. A few derivatives are made from roots with prefixes, with various
‘accentuation: for example, up&y& on-coming, pramayt going to destruc-
tion, viki{ndu a certain disease, abhigu rein (directer), shthvasu dwell-
tng together.

f. From tense-astems, apparently, are made tanyti thundering, bhinda
splitting, -vindu finding, end (with aoristics) ddkgu and dhékgu (all RV ).

g. Participial adjectives in 2 from desiderstive “roote” (stems wich
loss of their final a) are sufficiently numerous in the ancient language (RV.
has more than a dozen of them, AV. not quite so many) to show that the
formation was already a reguler one, extensible et will; and letcr suck
adjoctives may bo made from every desiderative. Exemples (oldor) are:
ditsd, dipad, vikiteu, titiked, pipigu, mumukgt, iyakgé, giglik-
gu; with prefix, abhidipsd; with anomalous accent, didfkgu. These ad-
jectives, both earlier and later, may take an object in the accusative (271 a).

h. A few similar adjectives are made in tho older language from caus-
atives: thus, dhdrayu (persisient), bhijaya, bhivaydé, mahhayd, man-
day, gramayu; sod mrgayd from the cans.-denom. mygadya.

i. Much more numerous, however, are such formations from tho more
proper donomiuatives, especially in the oldest language (RV. has toward
eighty of them; AV. only a qoaarter as many, including six or elght which
are not found in RV.; and they sre still rarer in the Britmenas, and
bardly met with later). In a majority of cases, personal verbal forms from
the same dononiinative stem are in use: thus, for example, to aghf&yd,
aratiyao, pjdyt, caranya, manasyi, sanigyd, urugyt, saparya; in
othurs, only the prosent participle tu yént, or the abstrect noun in yd
(1149 @), or nothing at all. A few are made upon denominative stems from
pronouns: thus, tvaya (beside tvaydnt end tv&yd), yuvayd or yuviyt,
asmayt, svayu, and the more anomslous aharhyt and kithyt. Espe-
cially where no other denominative forms accompany the adjective, this has
often the aspect of being made dizectly from the noun with the suffx yu,
either with s meaning of seeking or desiring, or with a more genural adjec-
tive sense: thus, yavayu secking grain, vardhayd boar-hunting, stanasya
desiring the breast, irndyud woolen, yuvanyt youthful, bhimayd terrible.
And so the “secondary suffix yu” wins a degree of standing and application
as one forming devivative edjectives (as in ahathyd and kizhyd, above,
and doubtless some others, even of the RV. words). Inu three RV. eases,
the final as of a noun-stem is even changed to © before it: oemely, ai-
hoya, duvoyta (and duvoya; beside duvasyu), askrdhoyu.

445 STEMS IN u, 0, uka. (—1180

j. The words in yu do not show in the Veda resolution into iu (ex-
cept dh&eiue AV., once).

1179. Za. Stems in FO are very few, even as

. e Ld ‘
compared with those in 3 ¥ (1156). They are for the most
part feminines corresponding to masculines in u (844b),

with half-n-dozen more independent feminines (see 856 c).

a. ‘I'o thoee already mentioned above are to be added kargdi pst, -cala
(in purhecalti), -janfl (in prajanti), gumbhil.

1180. ZFuke. With this suffix are made derivatives
having the meaning and construction (271g) of a present

participle. The root is strengthened, and has the accent.

a. The derivatives in uka are hardly known in the Veda; but they
become freqnent in the Bribmanae, of whose language they are a marked
characteristic (about sixty different etems occur there); and they are found
occasionally in the later language. In ai} probability. they are originally and
properly obtained by adding the secondary suffix ka (12292) to a dorivative
kn u; but they have gained fully the character of primary formations, and
in only an inetance or two is there found in actual use an u-word from
which they should be made.

b. The root {s only so far etrengthened that the radical syllable is a
heavy (78) one; and it has the accent, wkether the dcrivative is made from
a simple root or from one with prefix.

c. Examples, from tho Brihmana language, are: vdduka, niouks,
upakrémuka, prapdduka, upasthtyuka (958), vyfyuka, véduka,
bhaévuka, keddhuka, hdruka, vdrguka, samdrdhuka, déAguka,
Alambuka, cikguka ((B.: RV. has gikea), pramdyuka (§R. hes
pramféyu).

d. Exerptions ae regards root-form are: nirmargurka (with wpddhi-
strengthening, as is usual with (this root: 6237), -kasuka, pdhnuka (from
a tense-stem; beside Ardhuka). AV. accents sdthkasuka (CB. has
sathkésuka) and vikasuka; RV. has sAnuké (which is ite only example
of the formation, if it be one; AV. has also gh&tuka from yYhan, and
4pram&yuka); vasuka (TS. et al.) is probably of anothet character.
Acandyuka (PB. et al.) is the only example noticed from a conjugation-stem.

e. Of later occurrence are a few words whose relation to the others is
more or less doubtful: ka&rmuka and dh&rmuka, tedruka, tarkuka,
nanduka, pAduk&, pecuka, bhikguka, lAguka, seduka, hinduka,
hreguka. (f these, only lAguka appears like a trae continuer of the
forination; several are pretty clearly secondary derivatives.

f. A formation in fika (a suffix of like origin, perhaps, with uka)
msey be mentioned here: namely, indhfika, majjika, and, from reda-

1180—] XVIL Primary DERIvaTION. 446

plicated roots, jigartika wakeful, jafijapfika (later) muéfering, danda-
gtika biting, yayajtika sacrificing much, vivadtka (later) talkative;
salaltika is questionable.

1181. 4 aka. Here, as in the preceding case, we
doubtless have a suffix made by secondary addition of & ka
to a derivative in @ a; but it has, for the same reason as
the other, a right to be mentioned here. Its free use in
the manner of a primary suffix is of still later date than

that of uka; it has very few examples in the older language.

a. In RV. is found (besides p&vaké, which has a different accent,
and which, as the metre shows, is really pav&ka) only shyaka smssste;
AV. adds piyaka and v4dhaka, snd VS. abhikrécaka. But in the Ister
language such derivatives are common, more usually with raising of the root-
syllable by strengthening to heavy quantity: thos, n&dyaka, déyaka (258),
pdcaka, gr&haka, bodhaka, jagaraka; but also janaka, khanaka.
They are declared by the grammarians to have the acoent on the radical
syllable. They often occur in copulative composition with gerundives of
the same root: thus, bhakgyabhaksaka eatable and eater, Vicyaviicaka
designated and designation, and so on.

b. That the derivatives in aka sometimes take an accusative object
was pointed out above (271 c).

©. The corresponding feminine is made sometimes in ak& or in aki,
but more usually in ik&: thus, nAéyik& (with ndyak&), picik&, bodhika;
compare secondary aka, below, 1292.

d. Derivatives in Aka are made from a few roots: thus, jalpd&ka,
bhikga&ka; but very few occur in the older language: thus, paviika (above,
a), nabhika, smaydka, jdhdka(?), -caldka, pataék&. With &ku is
made in RV. mpdaydku, from the causative stem: prd&ku and the pro-
per name {kgvaku are of obscure connection.

e. Derivatives in ika and ika will be treated below, in connection
with those in ka (1186 c).

1182. q@ ty (or AT tar). The derivatives made by this
suffix, as regards both their mode of formation and their
uses, have been the subject of remark more than once
above (see 369 ff., 942 ff.). Agent-nouns are freely formed
with it at every period of the language; these in the oldest
language are very frequently used participially, governing
an object in the accusative (271d); later they enter into
combination with an auxiliary verb, and, assumiug a future

447 STEMs IN fika, aka, ty, in. (—1183

meaning, mako a periphrastic future tense (942). ‘Their
cofresponuing feminine is in trf.

a. The root bas regularly the guna-strengthening. A union-vowel
i (very rarely, one of another character) is often taken: as regards
its presence or absence in the periphrastic future forms, see above
(943 a).

b. Without guna-change is only ugty plough-or (no proper agent-noun:
apparently Ukg-ty: compare the nouns of relationship farther on). The root
grah has, as usual, 1 — thus, grahitf; and the same appears in -taritf,
-pavitf, -maritf, -varity, -savity. An u-vowel is taken instead by
tarutr and tarutf, dhénutr, and sdnuty; long in varitf; strengthened
to o in manoty and manotf. From a roduplicated root comes vavitr.

ce. The accent, in the older language, is sometimes on the suffix
and somctimes on the root; or, from roots combined with prefixes,
sometimes on the suffix and sometimes on the prefix.

d. In general, the accont on the root or prefix accompanies the parti-
cip{al use of the word; but there are exceptions to this: in a very few in-
stances (four), a word with accented suffix has an accusative object; very
much more often, accent on the root appears along with ordinary noun
value. The accent, as well as the form, of mandtr is an Isolated irreg-
ularity. Examples are: jét& dhén&ni winning treasures; ytydth mar-
tarh crot&rah ye listen to a mortal; but, on the other hand, yarhté
vdsiini vidhaté bestowing good things on the pious; and Jété jananaim
conguerer of peoples.

e. The formation of these nouns in ty from conjugation-stems, regular
and frequent in the later language, and not very rare in the Brihmanas,
is met with but once or twice in the Veda (bodhayit¢ and codayitri,
RV.). In nésty a certain priest (RV. and later), is apparently seen the
aoristic 6.

f. The words of relationship which, in whatever way, have gained
the aspect of derivatives in ty, are pit¢, m&tf, bhréty, ydtr, duhitf,
napty, jJAmAtr. Of these, only matf and ydty are in accordance with
the ordinary rules of the formation in tr.

gq. Instead of tr is found tur in one or two RV. examples: yathtar
ethatur.

h. Apparently formed by s suffix f (or ar) are usf, savyagthr,
nan&ndy, devf, the last two being words of relationship. For other words
ending in fy, see 369.

1183. %{in. This is another suffix which has assumed
a primary aspect and use, while yet evidently identical in
real character with the frequent secondary suffix of the
same form denoting possession (below, 1280).

— -ViL mumany Derivation. 448

- ... = -e Guated a peimery value in the early language is
atedsomm i006 .{ che werds in in occurring in RV and AY.

aoa -2 ;-smansses; in many the other value is possible, and ia

. weteney sagguesed. ‘hes, kevaladin, bhadravadin, nitodin,
angen, Bite /ivpadhin; trem s tense-siom, -aqnuvin, -pagyin
— -atmm @p ~SMSQEN; and, with reduplication, niyayin, vads-
-. -.amigeu® ubdiessa, composition, both with prefixes and
ment, 2 tapes; aad, in all cases alike, the accent is on

>. abmey -mpioymest is unquestionable, and examples ef

~g~aime, ate iTequemt The radical syllable is usually

es seme & s0ag sometimes lengthened and sometimes remsin-
~e~ m sagpevidiin irnih-speaking, abhibhagin addressing

nem. oo wetenye (0 DRSwin has established itself a provailingly
~ ee me -&

ow RRARYS® abject with words in in wes meticed

“

=

se sam umn SY ithe These suffixes, whieh, from
2 .agevstvee currespoading to the adjective of root-
. =w. . -.@ zed, within somewhat narrow limits, as suf-
w--@ -neayecsiua, Rave beea already anfficieatly created
2 osm 8 -Uaparhva (486-470).
we, wwttted chat jyéethe bas in the oldar laaguage
= en 4 44) the accent also om the final, jyegthé,
..°e oda & Ranigghé in the oldest language; pdérgigtha
_ weehp Gem af roet, wish acristle § added.
wqmanite sulle bes the abbreviated form yas (470 a),
van, 8 On Venda os L

wn wine wake dcrivatives having participial value
we i -wam wad sQutadi: cases; those that romain, there-
name gp mniy ia the order of their frequcacy and

wt.

="

=>

ane a

~

..w. ‘RA Wo sufx are formed a few ad-
a «+ waeiacatle qumber of nouns, mostly neuter,
= « -am * spwlised meaning. as agnifying the
aweves & he action expressed by the root.
~~ wemty ve gups-strengthening, but some-
ac. = wormage. The accent is various, but more
a wehate apaladle.
ahipeh wet came aBbave, we have deabehess a saffiz

i

7h
~~ >

»
=
=™% &

449 STEMS IN Tyas, igtha, tra ETC., ka. ([-— 1186

originally necondary, made by adding a to the primary tp or tar (1182)-
but its nao is in great part that of a priinary suffix.

b. Examples of nouter nouns are: g&tra limb, pdttra wing, patra
cup, yOktra bond, vastra garment, grotra ear; astr& missile, stotré
song of praise, potrd vessel; of more general meaning, ddttra gift, kgé-
tra field, mitra urine, hotré sacrifice. The words accented on the final
have often an abstract meaning: thus, kgatrdé authority, rAgtré kingdom.
gastraé doctrine, sattrA sacrificial acesion (also jfidtra knowledge).

c. Mascalines arc: dangtra tusk, mantra prayer, attré (or atra:
832) devourer, ugtra buffalo, camel, and a few of questionable etymology,
as mitré friend, putr& son, vetré foe. Mitr& and vytré are sometimes
neuters even in the Veda, and mitra comes later to be regularly of that gender.

d. Femtinines (in tr&) arc: &gtr& goad, matr& measure, hétr& sac-
rifice (beside hotré), danetr& (later, fur déhgtra); n&gtrh destroyer.

e. Not seldom, a “union-vowel” appears before the suffix; but this is
not usually the equivalent of the union-vowel used with ty (above, 1182 a).
For the words in itra have the accent on 4: thus, aritra (dritra AV.,
once) impelling, oar, khan{tra shovel, pavitra sieve, janitra birth-place,
sanitra gift; and so -avitra, ac{tra, carftra, -taritra, dhamitra,
dhavitra, bhavitra, bhar{tra, vaditra (with causative root-strengthening).
vahitra: the combination {tra has almost won the character of an tn-
dependent suffix. The preceding vowel is also in a few cases & (sometimes
apparently of the present-stem): thus, yajatra venerali-, kypntdétra shred,
gayatré (f. -tri) song, -damatra, pAtatra tring; but also Amatra violent,
vadhatra deadly weapon; ond varatr& f. strap. Tarutra overcoming
corresponds to tarutf. Nakegatra asterism is of very doubtfui etymology.
Samskrtatré (RV., once) seems of secondary formation.

f. The words still used as adjectives in tra are mostly such as have
union-vowels before the suffix. A single example from a reduplicated root
is johtitra crying out.

g. A word or two in tri and tru may be added here, as perhaps of
kindred formation with those in tra: thus, attri devouring, arcatri beam-
ing, ratri or rAtri night; gdtru (cattru: 839) enemy.

1186. 4 ka. The suffix % ka is of very common use in
secondary derivation (below, 1222); whether it is directly
added to roots is almost questionable: at any rate, extremely
few primary derivatives are made with it.

a. The words which have most distinctly the aspect of being made
from roots are pugka-, -meka (mi fix), yaska n. pr., gugka dry,
cloka (Y¢ru Aear) noise, report, ote., and -sph&ka teeming; and staka&
flake and stok& drop seem to belong together to a root stu; rak&f., name
of a goddess, may be added.

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 29

lisée—| XVII. Primaky DERIVATION. 450

b. But ka enters, in its value as secondary, into the composition of
cortain suffixes reckoned as primary: see aka and uka (above, 1180, 1181).

c. A few words in which ika and ika seem added to a root, though
they are really of a kindred formation with the preceding, may be most
conveniently noticed bere: thus, vfgoika ()/vragc) scorpion; dnika (?)
face, dfgika aspect, dfbhika n. pr., mygdiké grace, vpdhiké increaser,
dgarika and vigarika gripes, -pjika beaming, yaika; ykeik&; and, from
reduplicated root, parpharika scattering (?). Compare secondary sufix ka
(below, 12292).

1187. @ ya. It is altogether probable that a part of the de-
rivatives made with this suffix are not less entitled to be ranked as
primary than some of those which are above so reckoned. Such,
however, are with so much doubt and difficulty to be separated from
the great mass of secondary derivatives made with the same suffix
that it is preferred to treat them all together under the head of sec-
ondary formation (below, 1210-13).

1188. {ra. With this suffix are made a large number
of adjectives, almost always with weak root-form, and usually
with accent on the suffix. Also, a few words used as nouns,
of various gender. In some cases, the suffix is found with
a preceding vowel, having the aspect of a union-vowel.

a. Examples of adjectives in ra are: kgipr& quick, chidrd split,
turé strong, bhadr& pleasing, gakr& mighty, gukraé bright, hiherdé in-
jurtous; — with accent on the root, only gfdhra greedy, tamra stoué,
dhira wise (secondary?), vipra inspired, tagra n. pr.

b. From roote with prefixes come only an oxample or two: thus, niciré
attentive, nimygra joining on.

c. Nouns in ra sre: masc., Ajra field, virh man, vdjra thunderbolt,
gtira hero; neut., Agra point, keiré milk, randhra hollow, ripré defile-
ment; fem., Ghér& stream, gipr& jaw! ear& intoxicating drink.

The forme of this suffix with preceding vowel may best be considered
here, although some of them have nearly or quite gained the value of inde-
pendent endings. Thus:

dad. With ara are made a few rare words: the adjectives dravara
running, pataré fying, (with prefix) nyocard susting; and the nouns
gambhara depth, tasara and trasara shuttle, sdnara gain, -pkgara
thorn: bharvaré and vdsaré are doubtless of secondary formation; and
the same thing may be plausibly conjectured of othors. As made with Gra
may be mentioned mand&ra a tree, marjara cat.

e. With ira are made a few words, some of which are in common
use: thus, ajird quick, khadirdé a tree, timira dark, dhvasiré stirring
up, madird pleasing, mudira cloud, badhir& deaf, rucira bright, igird

45 STEMS IN ka, ya, ra EtcC., la, va, ri, ru. {[—110932

linely, Asira missle, esthavira firm; and sthira hard, and sphird fat,
with displacemont of Anal radical A; also sarir& wave (usually salild).
With Ira are made gabhiré or gambhir&é profound and cdvira mighty,
and perhaps carira body.

f. With ura are made a few words, of some of which the secondary
character is probable: thus, athurdé (afhu-ra P) narrow, dsura (4su-raP)
living, chidura tearing, bhafigur&é breaking, bh&sura shining, bhidura
splitting, medura fat, yAdura uniting, vithura tottering, vidura know-
ing, vidhura lacking. With Ora, apparently, are made sthfird stout
(compare sthavira), kharjiira o tree, maytira peacock (or imitative ?).

1169. e la. This suffix is only another form of the
preceding, exchanging with it in certain words, in others
prevalently or solely used from their first appearance.

a. Conspicuous examples of the interchange are guklé, sthfild, -micla,
githila, salild.

b. Examples of the more independent use are: p&lé protecting, dnila
(or anfla) wind, tppdla joyous; later capala and tarala (said to be

accented on the final), and hargula (the same). Many words ending in la
are of obscure etymology.

1190. @ va. Very few words of clear derivation are
made with this suffix —too few to be worth classifying.
They are of various meaning and accent, and generally show

a weak rvot-form.

a. Thus: ¢kvé pretsing, yeva lofty, takv& quick, dhrnvé fred,
pakvA ripe, padva going, yahv& guicx(?), garvdé n. pr., hrasw&é short,
gikvaé artful, ranwé joyful, irdhvé lofty, vakva twistinn, Orvé stall;
éva quick, course, &4cva horse, srdkva or sfkva corner; and perhaps
Ulba cal; a feminine is prigv& (TS. pfgvA, AV. prugv&); with anion-
vowel are made saciva companion, &miva disease, and vidhdv& widow.

b. The words in va exhibit only in sporadic cases resolution of the
ending into ua.

1101. f{ ri. With this suffix are formed, directly or

with preceding u, a small number of derivatives.

a. Thus: Anghri or abhri foot. dcri edge, usri dawn, tandri or
-dri teeariness, bhiiri abundant, vafikri rib, eir{ patron, takri quick,
vadhri eunuch, gubhri beautiful, sthtri single (team); and, with uri,
jasuri exhausted, ddguri pious, bhAguri n. pr., shhuri mighty; afiguri
(or ahgull) finger.

1192. fru. This suffix makes a few adjectives and

neuter nouns, either directly or with a preceding vowel.
29°

veb— - XVLL Paimany DERIVATION. 452

> “Rus. acru ser. cdru dear, dh&ri sucking, bhirdi timid; —
ounR stweulug d-vuwel: aréru mimical, patéru fying, vandadru praising,
cayere -ce/4ay, yardru hurming; — with preceding e, tameru relazed,
‘eee -ervicemy, saneru sétuming, himert chilly, the evidently seec-
wwasy aatrere addy, suid peru (ef doubtful meaning).

> Re :wedary susfiz lu (see 1827 b) is apparently added to certain
wake 2 & Mum -cojugeciua-etemes, making derivatives that have a primary
apes tua, Datayalu dumny. sprhayélu desiring.

-ivd. vx. By this suffix are made:

a . Ye oc -aiew iemvamses from reduplicated roots: jdgrwi awake,
abe -ancedaneny, Sldxwi shiaing; and a very few other words: ghfgvi
ecg. UREMVE tree, ttewi worn out (AV.; elsowbere f(vri); -pharvi is
~ oaw 04 -

~ fee aay w neacuaed cikitwit (RV., once), apparently made vith
wedk aS em 8 Talaga aad root-form.

we. sua. Wich this suffix, with or without a union-
wa, at Baue t lew adjective derivatives from roots, but
eet We Co CPR tess tS

~ wove wee bse, gegna perishable, -glasnu sick, jigna

nwo cate. DRugnu chricing, ni-gatanG siffing down,

. wae wee * th atuninevoe. 3. Kkarignu, kigignu, kgayigpa, ga-

we wemengiiu, geadeeu, carigna, -janignu, jayignu, tapigpa,

a es | vu*L, «~-Jaavignu, brajiggu, madignn, -maviggu,
~ ew oxegyu, vuabggu. vardhignu, -sahignu.

. + wewendiy cudugatva-étems: kopayignu, kgapaeyiggu,
wy my gens Guayiggu, Gipayignu, namayignu, patayignu, poge-
we weer Qu, Xinaywnn, mddayigna, yamayignn, ropayiggn,
wey eee cv iquu, aif jégerignu. An anomalous formation is
sn ier

Inn 0 wetaeitce ace Seely compounded with prefizes: a g.
wa ke so ety dei, S2RLoOyIERD, samvadrayisna.

- ae ane asad) ac ae @ <2 this sefflz is originally that ef a

wen tne Som miu. Nach a character is still apparent ia bre-

2 ss cane Stave 6 and asc ia vadhasna, vpdhasaa (*),

a coe)
aww «t wae Sacoemeiy few words have this ending.
a ARMIa weary. a72 geviips ia clakgpdé, -rhkepé,
A pega =m SNA (2s...) tuesiiasic. Gaza) gf?
woe + UN aed gtmnecec 2s 3. bat 2 bee (ke ame,
oe} eantAi@bud coahy eersm karesaa ‘eore-erm; Ba

wot eee w WMA's) Fen ae ae mptend jee, jyot-

453 STEMS IN ru, vi, snu, sna, tnu, sa, asi, abha, ETc. (—1201

1196. 7] tnu. This suffix is used in nearly the same way
with @] snu (above, 1194).

a. As used with simple roots, the t is generally capable of being
considered the adscititious ¢ after a short root-final, to which nu is then
added: thus, kytnu active, gatnu (? RV.), hatnt deadly, -tatnu (7)
stretching; and, from reduplicated roots, jigatna Aasting, and jighatna
harming; but also dartnu bursting. Aleo, with union-vowel, dravitna
running, dayitnu (? L¢S.).

b. With causative stemé: for cxample, dr&vayitnu hasting, pogay-
itnu nourishing, madayitnu intoricating, tanayitnu and stanayitnd
thunder, eidayitnu flowing, -Amayitnt: sickening.

c. With preceding a, in plyatnu scoffing, mehatna a river, &-ru-
jatnu breaking into; and kavatnu miserly (obscure derivation).

1107. ea. The words ending in suffixal | sa, with or
without preceding union-vowel, are a heterogeneous group, and in
considerable part of obscure derivation. Thus:

a. With sa simply: gytea clever, jegh winning (rather, aoristic oP
1148 j), -dykga looking, rukgé shining, riikgd rough; utea n. fountain;
bhigd f. fear (or from the secondary root bhig).

b. With preceding i-vowel: tavigd (f. tavigi) strong, mahigé (f.
méhigi mighty, bharigd (?) seeking booty; righ rushing, puriga rubbish,
manied f. devotion; and compare rayigin (? 8V.).

c. With preceding u-vowel: arugé (f. Arugi) red, aghga ravenous,
thruga overcomer, puruga and ménuga (-us-aP) man; plytiga biestings.

1196. iq asi. A few words in the oldest language are made
with a suffix having this form (perhaps produced by the addition of
i to as).

a. Thus, atas{ vagabond, dharnas{ firm, sinaef{ winning; and dhéef
m. drink, f. station, saras{ (?) pool.

1199. PT abha. A fow namos of animals, for the most part
of obscure derivation, show this ending.

a. Thus, vrgabhé and raabhaé bull, carabhaé «a certain fabulous
awimal, cerabha « certain snake, gardabhé and rdsabba ass; farther,
kanabha, karabha and kalabha, latabha, galabha; and, with other
union-vowels. tundibha, nundibha, and kukkubha. The feminine, if
eccurring, is in I; and katabhi is found without corresponding masculine.
AV. has the adjective sthQlabhd, equivalent to sthfilé.

1200. A few words ending in the consonants t, d, j, ete. and
for the most part of doubtful root-connections, were given above, at
383 k (3-5, 7); it is unnecessary to repeat them here. Certain of those
in at are perhaps related to the participles in ant (1179).

1201. A number of other primary suffixes are either set up by

12301—) XVII. Seconpary DeRivarTion. 454

the grammarians and supported with examples of questionable value,
or are doubtfully deducible from isolated words traceable to known
roots, or from words of obscure convection.

a. A few such may be mentioned here: anda in karanda and vwé-
randga and certain unquotable words (prakritized a-forms from the preseut
participle); era or ora in unquotable words, and elima (above, 966d:
perhaps a further derivative with secondary ima from era); mara (ma er
man with secondary ra added) in ghasmara, srmaré, etc.; — sara in
matsaré, kara iu pugkara and other obscure words, pa in ptgpsa,
stup4, stiipa, aud a uumber of other obscure words; and so on.

B. Secondary Derivatives.

1202. Words of secondary derivation are made by the
addition of further suffixes to stems already ending in evi-
dent suffixes.

a. But also, as pointed out above (1137 b), to pronominal rvots.

b. Further, in exceptional cases, to indeclinables, to case-ferms, sad
to phrases: e. g. antarvant, apitvé, paratastva, sahatwa, sirva-
trika, dikadhya, mdmaka, dmugmika, dmugyfyapd, apsumant,
apsavya, kithcanya, kithkartavyaté, kv&ocitka, nistika, akithcin-
maya.

1208. Changes of the stem. The stem to which the
suftix is added is liable to certain changes of form.

a. Before a suffix beginuing with a vowel or with y (which in
this respect is treated as if it were i), final a- and i-vowels are regularly
lost altogether, while a final u-vowel has the gune-strengthening and
becomes av; ¢ and o and &u (all of rare occurrence) are treated in
accordance with usual cuphouic rule.

b. An u-vowel also sometimes remains unstrengthened: see 1263 e.

c. A final n is variously treated, being sometimes retained, aad
sometimes lost, even siong with a preceding a; and sometimes an a
ia lost, while the n remains: thus, vpganvant, vygapa, vege, vegatva,
vrenya, from vegan. Of a stem ending in ant, the weak form, in at,
iw regularly taken: thus, véivasvata (vivasvant).

d@. In general, the masculine form of a primitive stem is that from
which a further secondary Jerivative is made. But there are not very rare
cases in which the feminine is tahea inatead; cxamples are: edtitva,
bharyaétva, pranitaétvé, bhdérativant, rakeSvant, priydivant. Oa the
ether band. a anal long vowel — i. much more rarely &— generally ef a
feminine stem, is sometimes shortened in derivation: thes, yAjyavant,
prayakhavant, gogatama, vacétamé, sadhanitvé, jaratiké, annA-

4355 CHANGES OF STEM. (—13204

ditamA (cf. 471 b), rohinitvé (TB.; -nitvé (B.), prthivitvé, prati-
patnivat, sdrasvativant.

e. As was pointed out above (111 0, d), the combination of a secondary
suffix with a stem is sometimes made secording to the rules of external
combination. Such cases are pointed out under the seaffixes Iya (1216 e),
ka (1222m), maya (1226a), min (1231 b), vin (198320), vant
(1233 i), van (123460), mant (1835 f), tva (1280.0), taya (1945 a),
tya (1245 c), tana (1246 i).

1204. The most frequent change in secondary derivation
is the vrddhi-strengthening of an initial syllable of the stem
to which a suffix is added.

a. The strengthened syllable may be of any character: radical.
of a prefix, or of the first member of a compound: thus, a&qvind
(aqvin), siumy4é (séma), parthiva (prthivi), amitré (ami{tra), sim-
rajya (samrdj), slukrtya (sukrté), ma&itrdvarund (mitrdvéruns),
&uccAibcravasé (ucc&ihcravas). As to the accompanying accent,
see the next paragraph.

b. If a stem begins with a consonant followed by y or v, the semi-
vowel is sometimes vriddbied, as if it were i or u, and the resulting Ai
or &u has y or v further added before the succeeding vowel.

c. This is most frequent where the y or v belongs to a prefix — as
ni, vi, su — altered before a following initial vowel: thus, n&iydyika
from nyféya (as if niy&ya), vaiyagvé from vyagqva (as if viyaqva),
sduvacvya from svdcva (as if suvagwa); but it ocecars also in other
cases, as GAuvaré from evdra, gduva from qvan, against svayambhuva
(svayambhil), and so on. AV. has irregularly kAveraké from kuvera
(as if from kvéra, without the eupbonic v inserted).

d. This strengthoning takes place especially, and very often, before the
anffixcs a and ya; also regularly before i, Ayana, eya (with ineya), and
later Iya; boforn the compound aka and ika, and later aki; and, in
single sporadic examples, before na, ena, ra, and tva (?): see these various
suffixes below.

6. Sometimes an unstrengthened word is prefixed to one thus strength-
ened, as if the composition were made after instead of before the strength-
ening: e. g. indradaivatya haring Indra as divintty (instead of &in-
dradevatya), caramac&irgika wth head to the west, jivaldukika
belonging to the world of the living, antarbh&uma within the earth,
somaéraéudra, gurulaghava (cf. timasarh gunalakganam M. xii. 36).
Rut especially when the first word is of numeral value: as gatéc&drada
of a hundred years, paficag&éradiya, trisithvateara, bahuvargika-
astavdreika, anekavargas&hasra, dacashhasra, trisdhasri, tripaiu
ruga, caturédhy@yi or -yik& of four chapters, ote. ete.

m=—- XVII. Sacvsparr Derivation. 456

tum -em, wen members ef a compound word heave the initial

c~ug . £ mMiaméioduené, kdtrupéiicdla, c&éiturvididya,

amaisise, ikasondumka, tréistubjigata, ydjurviidika. Such

wh at «wk ORE.

:. . Ye GMRstreirengemummg (except of a final ua-vowel: 1208 a) is

. = teh am sm accumpaniment of secondary derivation. Excep-

2 ..: .Wagh us eye aad néva (12001), bhegajé and devi
90:., cuge .3BS g', gekhara (1226 a).

Sty cecar) 0 @& The derivatives with initial vypddhi-strength-
mq, «Saye ave Ber accent on either tho first or the last syllable.
ww «maey . 2 aad, af Between these two situations, in such a
a, = .- .¢ %teet sumoved from the accent of the primitive; yet,
~ ascep. > 2 werery drawa down upon the suffix from the final of
- seeve. ital .dam siten, it remains upon an isitial syllable without
ange: te 2 Qu cae of one or two suffixes is the distinction
ew venee chela amd 2B Secemt connected with any difference ia the
_wesmaemp, <n ont -t .Bet derivatives (see below, suffix eya: 1216).

“~ we vaerm rules as to accent can bo gives. Usually
aia sexe ac .uaed, of else this remains where it was im the
. ave “taciy, :¢ is thrown back to the initial syllable (as in
-. auc ‘oot BsQu. wpddhi). and in a single case (t&: 1837) it is
va . we +» av sviladie preceding the suffix.
vam otveacisg « The great mass of secondary suffixes are
_~.'. —aeug suv fucm from nouns adjectives indicating apper-
“ee ee wetuve, Ji cu mvet indefinite and varied character. But,
wu.~. « .wucea, sits indefiniteness often undergoes speciali-
. wp wey, into designation of procedure or deseeat, so
awuteeee ~watvayenie and metronymic and gentile words are the
wus, uv .ty designation of possession. Moreover, while
ww 4sta we ‘Canaipes of such adjectives are employed as
ra <4 oe reuae ‘3 aluo widely used as an abstract, denoting
mg -aqgawamnd actributively by the adjective; and neuter ab-
_ > -« ‘enti uw sume sufizes made from adjectives. There are
a~.-m ~eRave very few by whi.b abstracts are made directly,
ee att & eda
; .m ~wtaed Sacv Bo change in the part of speech of the
wp ‘Ss tela (Oancu it degree (diminution and comparisoa),
~ «wn wuldnmiluus oF leave its mesniog not sensibly altered.
awe Ye wataee .tll be taken up below in the following
we «6 geen sijective-making suffixes, beginning with
vm, ‘Senn anu 8, ya and its connections, i, ka); thea,
~avve ‘“emente value in, vant and mant, aod their coa-
wm, @ mberorcaaking ones t& and tva, and their coa-
ng twee «Oy weston uf comparison etc.; and finally, thoee by
owe wa we aole caly or almost only from particles.

»*™™~%

457 STEMS IN a. (—1208

a. For convenience of reference, a list of them in their order as treated
is here al-led:

a 1208-0 | maya 1825 |[tva, tvata 1230
ya 1310-13] ra, ira, etc. 1396 | tvana 1340
iya 1214} 1a, lu 1237 | tara, tama 1343
iya 1216] va, vala, vaya, ra, ma m
eya, eyya 1216 vya 1228 | tha ”
enya 12171 ¢a 1229] titha ”
afyya 1218] in 1230 | taya 12345
a&yana 1310] min 1231 [ tya ®
ay! 1220] vin 12332 i ta ”
i, aki 12331 | vant 1233 ] na "
ka, aka, ika 123283 | van 1234] tana, tna ”
na, Ana, ina, mant 1235] vat ”
ina, ena 1233 | ta 1237 | kata "
ma, ima, mna 1284] ta&ti, tat 12338] vana, ala ”

1208. 4a. With this suffix are made an immensely
large class of derivatives, from nouns or from adjectives
having a noun-value. Such derivatives are primarily and
especially adjectives, denoting having a relation or connection
(of the most various kind) ey) that denoted by the more
primitive word. But they are also frecly used substantively :
the masculine and feminine as appellatives, the neuter,
especially and frequently, as abstract. Often they have a
patronymic or gentile value.

a. The regular and greatly prevailing formation is that which
is accompanied with vrddhi-strengthening of the first syllable of
the primitive word, simple or compound. Examples of this for-
ination are:

b. From primitives cnding in’ consonants: with the usual shift of
accent, dyasa of metal (Ayas), ma&nasé relating to the mind (mdénas),
efumanasé fricndiincss (suménas), br&hmanaé priest (bréhman),
hdimavata from the Himalaya (himévant), Eigirasé of the Angiras
family (&igiras); hastina elephantine (hast{n), miéruta pertaining to
the Maruts (marut); — with accent thrown forward from the final upon the
suffix, garadé autumnal, vAlr&ja relating to the virdj, p&ugnd belong-
wing to Tushin, g&irikgité son of Girtkshit; — with secent unchanged,
manuga descendant of Manus.

c. The suffix is added (aa above instanced) to the middie stem-form

of stems in vant, it is added to the weakest in maghona and vdrtraghna:
the ending in remains unchanged; an usually does the same, but some-

=. .sZazy DERIVATION. 458

aw <Sivpgn’, dAcaréjfid; and sometimes

__ li --2 . sematsaima.
ro uzza -twctorious (jetf or jéty conqueror),
_wez -ayrtra descendant of the sun (savitf),

seay with guna-strengibening of the u,

- waa a€tava concerning the seasons (ytu),

» ataiie, saindhava from the Indus (s{ndhu);

_ . . amava full of sweets (Madhu), pargvd’
waza --acrg to Pedti, t€nva of the body (tang),

. a4 . Which vowels are supplanted by the
.= .. «4 pythivi), sdrasvaté of the Sdrascati,

wa 1» -tyni (indragni); paakta five-fold
. wa: Virrti, parthuragmaé of Prthuracmi,

w vee a Tithe manner disappears: yamuné
sarégha bec), kdnind nateral child

at ded a. the rest togetber) from primitives
; --taece 2¥ the suffiz: for example, with the
ae ance amitra enemy), varunh of }druna,
_ we tf waa (Vigvadeva), ndirhasté Aandiless-
~~ Se - 2 ee a or Vyacva,; gardabha asinine
we ames, madhyartmdina meridional (madh-
= weetens «FULTS 500), sdubhaga good fortune
_ ae mArgucta's race, with unchanged accent
woman ws wasanté spring), ma&itré Mitrd's,
_—n- zaiveddésa Dirodisu's. In a few instances,
_<& i» s6urs, péugd, ydjtavalka.

a ah an wid ate Hetimes regarded as made by
ew ote RL UC CGaidcring. however, that other
we, S «Mb 24cte. that @ disappears as stem-fnal
wptawe -§o ma lary derivation, and that no cx-
wee ~0-2% act guctatle from primitives of any
awe BM We VUITT to axgume here a deviation frem

* meek,
®

so

a. uta epaen © 14° S40 ¢

po emmeen Bade ties: fex=crices 1. 1 (see 33M a).

we aseanvcte wbce tv adding @ a without
eo oawa #vliacte are not numerous, and
a we\ HUMES CF cerganic make, results

2 wewwnw2ees of words of other finals

= ms &

459 STeMS In a, ya. (—1210

a. A numbor of examples of stems in a mado by transfer were noticed
above (308). The cases of such transition ocour most frequently in com-
position (1315): thus, further, apa- (for ap or Ap water), -Fea, -nara, ete. ;
from stems in an, -aha, -vyge, otc., but also -ahna and -vegne and
vfgana; from stems in 1, -afigula, -riitra, etc.; from the weakest forms
of afic-stems (407) ucod, nicd, par&cé, ete.

b. Also occurring especially in composition, yet likewise es simple
words often enough to have an independent aspect, sre derivatives in a
from nouns in as (rarely is, us): thus, for example, tamasé, rajasé,
payasé, brahmavarcasé, sarvavedasé, deviinasé, parugé, tryfyugé,
and probably manuga.

©. Similar derivatives from adjectives in im are reckoned by the
gtammarians as made with the suffix ina: thus, malina polluted, para-
megthina etc. (see 441 b).

d. A number of words formed with the so-called suffix ante are evi-
dent transfers from stems in ant. A few of them are found even from
the earliest period: thus, panta draught, gvEnté (7), vasanté spring,
hemant& tcinter, veganté etc. tank, jivantf « certain healing plant; and
others occur later, as jayanta, taranta, madhumanta, ete. They are
said to be accented on the final.

e. From afic-stems (407) are made 8 few nouns ending in k-a: thus,
a4nfika, 4p&ka, updka, prdtika, paraké, ete.

f. From stems in y, hotré, netré, negtré, potré, pragdstré, ete.,
from titles of priests; also dh&tré, bhr&trd, ete.

g. Other esrattoring cases are: savidyuté, Avyusé, virudhe, ké-
kuda, kakubhé, aguga, bhfimyé, sakhy4é, édhipatya, jaspatyd,
aratvé, paindva.

h. The Vedic gerandives in tva (tua), made by addition of a to
abstract noun-stems in tu, have been already (906 a) fally given.

i. TrayA and dvay& come with guypa-strongthening from uumeral
stems; ndva new in like manner from na now; and dntara spperently
from antér.

j. Bhegajd& medicine is from bhigdj healer, with guya-change; and
probably devad heavenly, divine, god, in like mannor from div esky, heaven
(there is no “root div shine” in the language).

1210. @ ya. With this suffix are made a very large
class of words, both in the old language and later.

a. The derivatives in ya exhibit a greet and perplexing variety of
form, connection, and application; and the relations of the suffix te ethers
containing a ya-element—iya, fya, eya, fyya, eyys, enya — are
sleo in part obscure and difficult. In the great majerity of instances in
the oldest language, the ya when it follows e consonant te diesylleble in

1310—] XVII. SEoonDARY DERIVATION. 460

metrical value, or is to be read asia. Thus, in RV., 266 words (excluding
compounds) have ia, and only 75 have ya always; 46 are to be read now
with ia and now with ya, but many of these have ya only in isolated
cases. As might be expected, the value ia is more frequent aft-r a heaty
syllable: thus, in RV., there are 188 examples of ia and 27 of ya after
such a syllable, and 78 of ia and 96 of ya after a light syllable (the
circumflexed ya— that is to say, fa— being, as is pointed out delow,
1218,1, more lable to the resolution than ya or y&). It must be lefe for
further researches to decide whether in the ya are not included more than
one suffix, with different accent, and different quantity of the i-eloment;
or with an a added to a final i of the primitive. It is also matter for
question whether there is a primary as well as a secondary suffix ya; the
sufix at least comes to be used as if primary, in the formation of gerun-
dives and in that of action-nouns: but it is quite impossible to separate
the derivatives into two such classes, and it has seemed preferable there-
fore to treat them all together here.

b. The derivatives made with ya may be first divided into those
which do and those which do not show an accompanying vrddhi-
increment of the initial syllable.

c. Adjectives in ya, of both these divisions, make their feminines
regularly in y&. But in a number of cases, a feminine in i is made,
either alone or beside one in y&: e. g. citurmidsi, agniveg!, g&ndill,
dri (and dry&), da{vi (and d&{vyA), s&umi (snd sfumy&); dhiri,
cirgani, svari, etc.

1211. Derivatives in @ ya with initial vyddhi-strength-
ening follow quite closely, in form and meaning, the analogy
of those in 4a (above, 1208). They are, however, decidedly
less common than the latter (in Veda, about three fifths as

many).

a. Examples are: with the usual shift of accent, d&fvya divine
(dev), palitya grayness (palita), grafvya cervical (grivé), drtwijya
priestly office (ytvij), garhapatya householder's (grhapati), jdnardjya
kingship (janaraj), sdthgrdmajitya cictory in battle (sathgrimajit),
shuvagvya wealth in horses (svagva), Aupadragtrya witness (upa-
drast}); adityA .fditya (Aditi), sdumyé relating to soma, Etithy& Aos-
pitality (atithi), prdjapatyé belonging to Prajapati, vaimanasysé mind-
lessness (vimanas), sdhadevya descendant of Sahkddeva;— with accent
thrown forward from the final upon the ending, ldukyé of the world (loké),
kavy& of the Kavi-race, artvy& descendant of Riti, vayavyé belonging
tv the wind (vaya), r&ivaty& wealth (rev4nt); — with unchanged ac-
cent (very few), a&dhipatya lordship (adhipati), gralgthya excellence
(crégtha), valgya belonging to the third caste (vig people), p&athsya
manliness (purhs).

161 STEMS IN ya. (—13138

b. The AV. has once n&irb&dhya, with circumflexed final; if not
an crror, it is doubtless made through n&irba&édha; vdignavy&u (VS. 1. 12)
appears to be dual fem. of vaignavi.

1212. Derivatives in WY ya without initial vrddhi-
strengthening are usually adjectives, much less often (neuter,
or, 1n QT y&, feminine) abstract nouns. They are made from
every variety of primitive, and are very numerous (in Veda,
three or four times as many as the preceding class).

a. The general mass of these words may be best divided accord-
ing to their accent, intu: 1. Words retaining the accent of the prim-
itive; 2. Words with retracted accent; 3. Words with acute y& (id);
4. Words with circumflexed ya (fa). Finally may be considered the
words, gerundives and action-nouns, which have the aspect of primary
derivatives.

1. b. Fxamples of derivatives in ya retaining the aocent of their
primitives are: &dcvya equine (Aqva), afigya of the linbs (4fga), mukh-
ya foremost (mukha mouth), &vya ovine (Avi), gdvya bovine (gd),
vicya of the people (vig), durya of the door (dur), nérya manly (nf),
vignya virile (vfsan), svarfjya autocracy (evardj), suvirya wealth in
retainers (suvira), vigvdéjanya of all men, vigvadevya of all the gods
(vicvddeva), mayliracepya peacock-tasled.

c. In the last words, and in a few others, the ya appears to be used
(like ka, 12823 h: cf. 1812 m) as a suffix simply helping to make a
possessive compound: and so further suhdstya (beside the equivalent
suhdsta), mddhuhastya, décam&sya, micgrddhanya, anyodarya,
samA&nodarya.

2. d. Examples with retraction of the accent to the first syllable (as
in derivation with vrddhi-increment) are: kanthya guttural (kanthé),
skandhya humeral (skandh&), vratya of a ceremony (vrata), méghya
in the clouds (megha), pitryn of the Fathers (pitt), pratijanya ardrerse
(pratijand). Hiranydya of gold (hiranysa), is anomalous both in draw-
ing the accent forward and in retaining the final a of the primitive; and
gavy4ya and avydya (slseo Avyaya) are to be compared with it as to
formation.

3. e@. Examples with acute accent on the suffix are: divy& heavenly
(df{v), satya true (eshnt), vyAaghry& tigrine (vyaghrd), kavy& wise
(kavi), graémy& of the village (gréma), somyA relating to the soma,
anenasy& sinlessness (anends), adakginy&é not fit for dakgin&.

4. f. Of derivatives ending in circumflexed ya (which in the Veda are
considerably more numerous than all the three preceding classes together),
examples are as follows:

Lal3—, XVII. SEconpary DerivaTion. 462

g. From suasonant-stems: vigya of the clan (RV.: vig), hrdya of
Ae wart (bpd, widyutya of the lightning (vidyat), rajanya of the
‘tyus stags \Chjan), doganya of the arn (dogdn), girganya of the head
yirgan , Karmanya uctice (kdrman), dhanvanya of the piain (dhén-
Vall, 2i-2asys rvcerend (namas), tvacasya cuticular (tvdcas), ° bar-
higya 27 durts, &yugya giring life (4yus), bhasadya of the buttocks
Dhasad', prdcya eastern (préfic), etc. Of exceptional formation is ar-
VAULYS inéinute \aryaman), with which doubtless belung s&itmya (s&t-
maz’ sud eakyya (sdkegin'.
bh. frau u-xtems. hanavya of the jaws (hénu), vayavya belonging
vive, pagawya@ relating to cattle (paca), igavy& relating to errows
Agu’, madhavya uF the sweet (médhu), apsavya of the waters (apet
<". Mayavya uf rope (rajju); caravyA f. arrow (géru, do.); and there
nay Wo sided ndvyia naciyabdle (especially in fem., nAvy& navigable stream:
‘au Svat. The RV has priacavya to be partaken of (pra+ pag), with-
sui ay acrespending noun précgu; and also irjavya rich in nourishment
Ure? wtQlout agp rutcraicdiate Urju.

1 Cuies this bead Delong, as was pointed out above (964), the se-
aled suruud:ves in tavya@. as made by the additiou of ya tu the infnitive
wai tm tu. They are wholly wanting in the oldest lauguage, and hardly
vuila ti later Voun, aléhough still later tavya wins the value of a primary
voy sud wakes uugicrous verbal derivatives.

*. b:vaa a- and i-stems hardly any examples are to be quoted. VS.
142 dundubhya frm dundubhif.

&. rum a-stems. evargya hearenly (svargé’), devatya relating te

. «tecy ,dewaté), prapathya gutting (prapatha), budhnya /funde-
eu. Dudhna’, jaghanya Aindmost (jaghana), varunya J’druas's,

ViTN@ veyacs \vird!, udarya abdominal (uddra), utaya of the fountain

lee’, sod frum @-2tems. urvarya of culfscated land (urwér&), svihya
sive 7 SAc s5 Ciba SiON evaba.

1. the \iscum@caed va is more generally resolved (into {a) than the
‘ig. vans sf the ous thus, in RV. it ts uever to be read as ya after
. teave spuiaded euding with & consonant; and even after a light ene it
‘avaice WA IM use tian three quarters of the examples.

wa. Lhe:y are a few cases in which ya appears to be used to help
ss 8) Vea vad wih governing preposition (next chapter, 1310: ef.
asc) chix apakakgya shout the urm-pil. upapakgya upon the sides.
-sidp yeh op ocseume. aul perbaps upatpnya lying in the grass (occurs only
7 ‘i... wah .ther arcent. @nvéoatrya through the entrails, ape-
dade -¢ .ecad revnca, abhinabhya up te the clouds, antahpargavya
. w .%, Sd Digeartya cx the churios seas, of unknown acceat, adhi-
‘Wwe, suprethya, anundsikya, anuvraicys.

tata. Che dervatives in 7 ya as to which it may be

463 STEMS 1N ya. (—13813

questioned whether they are not, at least in part, primary
derivatives from the. beginning, are especially the gerund-
ives, together with action-nouns coincident with these in
form; in the later language, the gerundive-formation (above,
963) comes to be practically a primary one.

a. In RV. occur about forty instances of gerundives in ya, of toler-
ably accordant form: the root usually unstrengthened (but cétya, bhévya,
-hdvya, marjya, yodhya; also -mi&dya, -vdoya, bh&vy4); the accent
on the radical syllable when the word is simple, or compounded with prepo-
sitions: thus, pracdsya, upasddya, vihdvya (but usually on the final
after the negative prefix: thus, an&py&, anapavyjy&é) — exceptions are
only bh&vy& and the doubtful dk&yya; the ya resolved into ia in the
very great majority of occurrences; a fina) short vowel followed by ¢ (in
-{tya, -krtya, -cratya, -stitya, and the reduplicated carkftya, beside
carkfti: not in navya and -hdvya), and & changed to e (in -deya
only). If regarded as secondary, they might be made with ya, in accord-
ance with other formations by this suffix, in part from the root-noun, as
anukft-ya, in part from derivatives in a, as bha&vyé (from bhava).

b. The AV. has a somewhat smaller number (about twenty-five) of
words of a like formation; but also a considerable group (fifteen) of deriv-
atives in ya with the same valuc: thus, for example, &dy& eatable, k&r-
ya to be done, sam&pya (to be obtained, atitarya to be overpassed,
nivibharya to be carrsed in the apron, prathamavisya to be first worn.
These seem more markedly of secondary origin: and especially sach forms
as parivargya to be avoided, avimoky& not to he gotten rid of, where
the guttural reversion clearly indicates primitives in ga and ka (216 h).

ce. Throughout the older language are of common occurrence neuter
abstract nouns of the same make with the former of these classes. They
are rarely found except in composition (in AV., only oftya and etéya as
simple), and are often used in the dative, after the manner of a dative
infinitive. Examples are: brahmajyéya, vasudéya, bh&agadhéya,
pirvapéya, cataséya, abhibhtiya, devahtiya, mantracritya, kar-
makftya, vytrattirya, hotrvtirya, ahihdtya, sattrasddya, cirge-
bhidya, brahmacdérya, nrgdhya. Of exceptional form are ptodya (pvad
and sahacéyya (y¢i); of exceptional accent, sadhdstutya. And AV.
has one example, ranya, with circamflexed final.

d. Closely akin with these, in meaning and use, is a smaller class
of feminines in ya: thus, krtyd, vidyd, ityd, agnicityd, vajajityd,
mustihatyd, devayajy, ete.

e. There remain, of course, a considerable number of. less classifiable
words, both nouns and adjectives, of which a few from the older language
may be mentioned, without discussion of their relations: thus, stirya (vith

a STIL sacuscuasy Derivation. 464

. ike, wre ruaye, isthkya; yajya, gfdhya, irya, aryé and
-rm —mcye. cmukys.

‘te atte upparcadit mex aearly akin with ya may best be
“s» inst .72-

the, TE :ye Tue suffix is virtually identical with
= iewewmng, leimg Jur another written form of the same
‘aug 8: > uk «MMV after two consonants, where the
own. ssabtlud vt X ya would create a combination of diff-
ae -stfaace. t 2aa the same variety of accent with ya.

“ts.

“iL .cocus tym = im or ya): for example, abhriya (also abh-
sa, we te wuss wbhra), kgatriya Auving authority (kgatra),
nquijte. sweseme . vashe), hotriya libational (hétré), amitriya inimical
ey

‘tm .secus [yee = k& or yA): for example, agriyé (also agrfya)

. age, mumya Ludru’s (later, seuse: Indra), kgetriyé of the
oun Neen, Mize
a ssette ot Qe pemitive: grdétriya learned (crétra), ftviya

- core, » amen FOU.

sac. ‘2-ye. [duis suftx also is apparently by origin a ya
. =. ate 64@ TE Sement has maintained its long quantity by the

ceguceeia 1 « sapavaie ¥ It is accented always on the £
. - ceed, «68 ge ecal adjectives, only arjikiya and grhame-
yt « .sempee 2 Re later Vedic are very few: oe. g. parvatiya
wee » vende 3¥ parvatya). In the Brabmanas are found
; ~ stem, ome 2f them from phrases (first worda of verses
oN. awa, anyarketriya, paicavatiya, méarjalfya, kayié-

_ eniey -vansugeinye, apubiethiya, etc.

a wines us advva (965) that derivative adjectives in iya
seem & Sim Deygim in later Veda and in Brahmana to be
vacta. bs ta ecw & Recognized formation as gerundives in the

wus wmajectves in aniya without gerundive character

"=~@ ‘ar
. a we & 3¥am with initial wpddhi are sometimes made in
~ee*- « & parvatiya, paéitaéputriya, Aparapaksiya,

~~
- o ampetes rancenves madiya etc. (616 a) do not oceur either
edweo,e si the ordinals dvitiya etc. (467 b, c: with
wage soe -evay &68 a) are found from the earliest period.
. anaese BRagevadiya and bhavadiya, with the Mnal of
ag ecewa, Dave probably ‘bad their form determined by the

~ aa es we 8 ~~Zhye.

en)

'™

465 STEMS IN fya, Iya, eya, eyya, enya. [—1817

1216. Yad eya. With this suffix, accompanied by vyddhi-
increment of an initial syllable, are made adjectives, often
having a patronymic or metronymic value. Their neuter
is sometimes tsed as abstract noun. The accent rests
usually on the final in adjectives of descent, and on the
first syllable in others.

a. Examples are: &rgeya& descendant of a sage (fei), jinagruteyé
son of Janacrutt, sframey& of Sardmda's race, gatavaneyh (Catavani's
descendant, rathajiteya& son of Rathajit; dsneya of the blood (ashn),
vasteya of the bladder (vasti), phurugeya coming from man (paruga),
p&itrsvaseya of a paternal aunt (pitygvasy), ete.

b. A more than usual proportion of derivatives in eya come from
primitives in f or 1; and probably the suffix first gained its form by eddition
of ya to a gunated i, though afterward used independently.

©. The gerundive etc. derivatives in ya (above, 1813) from &-roots
end in éya; and, besides such, RV. etc. have sabhéya from sabhé, and
didrkgéya worth seeing, apparently from the desidorative noun didyked,
after their analogy. M. has once adhyeya as gerund of yi.

d. Derivatives in the so-called suffix iney4 —as bhigineyé,
jy&igthineya, k&nigthineya — are doubtless made upon proximate
derivatives in -inI (fem.).

6. In eyya (I. e. eyia) end, besides the neuter abstract sahageyya
(above, 1213), the adiective of gerundival meaning stugeyya (with aor-
fetics added to the root), and gapatheyy& curse-bringing (or accursed),

from capatha.

1217. Qa enya. This suffix is doubtless secondary in
origin, made by the addition q ya to derivatives in a na-
suffix; but, like others of similar origin, it 1s applied in some
measure independently, chiefly in the older language, where
it has nearly the value of the later anfya (above, 1215b),
as making gerundival adjectives.

a. The y of this suffix is almost always to be rea as vowel, and the
accent is (except in varenya) on the e: thus, -énia.

b. The gerundivee have been all given above, undor the different
conjngations to which they attach themselves (966b, 1010b, 1098). The
RV. har also two non-gerundival adjectives, virénya manly (vird), and
kirténya famous (kirt{), and TS. hes anabhicastenyé (abh{gasti);
vijenya (RV.) is a word of doubtful connection; gikgenya tnstructsve is
found in a Sutra; pr&vyrgenya cf the rainy season occurs later.

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ad. 30

‘21s: XVII. Seconpary Derivation. 466

2213. QT dyya. With this suffix are made gerandival adjec-
:vue simust ualy in BV. They have been noticed above (96@c).
“the -miing ia everywhere to be read dyia.

a A ‘ew aijectives without gerundival value, and neuter abstracts,
wae cour, thus, bahupdyya protecting many, nypiyya & men-guarding ;
suggapdyya, and-purumiyya, proper names; pirvapdyya frst. drink,
nahagayya enjoyment; — and rasdyya nervous, and uttamdyya summits,
vataih cw verbal rout. Aldyya is doubtful; also &k&iyya, which its ac-
‘wat -wiere to a different formation, along with prahdyya (AV.: phi)
nessenyer, sud pravdyyaé (AV.), of doubtful value.

Lalv. Taq dyana. In the Brahmanas and later, patro-
uymucs made by this suffix are not rare. They come from
stems in @a, and have vrddhi-strengthening of the first
syllable, and accent on the final.

a In KV. the only example of this formation is kAnw&yana (voe.:
“ayvea). AV hea im metrical parts dikg&yané and the fom, riméyan!;
wi amugydyand son of so-and-so (616) in its prose; CB. hes r&ja-
staumddyans beside -bdyané. The RV. name ukganydyana is of &
‘\Weausae wake, elagewhere unknown.

‘a0. OM ayi. Only a very few words are made with this
wusba, uaumely agndyi (agnf) -fgni's wife vegdkaphyl wife of Vrisha-
ape. sud inter patakratdyl, and mandyi Manu's wife (but mandvi CB).

a. Uhvy seem to be feminines of a derivative a made with wrddhi-
tavevauese JS the Bual i of the primitive.

1agl. Li. Derivatives made with this suffix are patro-
syuaice ffum uoune in 8. The accent rests on the initial

-yilavie, which has the veddhi-strengthening.
w= ‘i RV are found half-a-dozea patronymics in i: for example, dg-
uvexa paurukutsi, prdétardani, edthvarani; AV. hes bit one, pré-
‘wedaid, u& Mv Brahimanas they are more common: thus, in AB., siuyavasi,
apuvshiapa, aruni, jdnaki, etc. A single word of other value — edrathi
wesevese Saretbam) — is found from RV. down.
‘. tie words meade with the so-called suf—_x aki—as viiyisaki
we-wandee '¢ “ye — are duubtless properly derivatives in i from others in
nee «6» ek )=— Rt the secondary suffix ika is probably made by additica
dee vs abcs¥ative in i is pointed out below (1222 j).
. \% oo Capusi, apparently from tépus with a secondary 1 added,
n « « guvanti; Dhuvant{ is found in B., and jivants leter.

dd. ke. This is doubtless orginally one of the
.awe -. suaitings forming adjectives of appurtenance. And

467 STEMS IN Byya, Byana, dyl, i, ka. (—12992

that value it still has in actual use; yet only in a small
minority of occurrences. It has been, on the one hand,
specialized into an element forming diminutives; and, on
the other hand, and much more widely, attenuated into an
element without definable value, added to a great many
nouns and adjectives to make others of the same meaning
— this last 18, even in the Veda, and still more in the
later language, its chief office.

a. Hence, ka easily associates itself with the finals of deriv-
atives to which it is attached and comes to seem along with them
an integral suffix, and is further used as such. Of this origin sre
doubtless, as was seen above (1180, 1181), the so-called primary suf-
fixes uka and aka; and likewise the secondary suffix ika (below, J).

b. The accent of derivatives in ka varies — apparontly without
rule, save that the words most plainly of diminutive character have
the tone usually on the suffix.

c. Examples (from the older language) of words in which the suffix
has an adjective-making value are: Antaka (Anta) end-making, bélhika
(bélhi) of Balkh, andika (&ndA) egg-bearing, sticika (sflol) stinging,
urvérukaé fruit of the gourd (urv&ru), parydyiké (pary&y&) strophie;
from numerals, ekaké, dvaké, triké, agtaka; titiyakea of the third
day; from pronoun-stems, asmika ours, yusmika yours, mémaka mine
(516b): from prepositions, 4ntika near, Anuka following, &vakG& a plant
(later adhika, utka); and, with accent retracted to the initial syllable
(besides Agtaka and tftiyaka, already given), riipaka (ripA) with form,
bébhruka (babhra brown) a certain lizard. Bhavatka your worship's
has an anomalous initial vpddhi.

d. Of words in which a diminutive meaning is more or loss probable:
acvak& nag, kaninaka and kum@raké boy, kaninakd or kanfinika
girl, p&dak& Iittle foot, putrak&é isttle son, rijaké princeling, gakun-
taka birdling. Sometimes a contemptuous meaning is conveyed by such
a diminutive: for formations with this value from pronominel stems, see
above, 6231; other examples are anyaké (KV.), dlakam (RV.: from Alam),
and even the verb-form yAmaki (for yami: KB.).

e. The derivatives in ka with unchanged meaning sre made from
primitives of every variety of form, simple and compound, and have the
same variety of accent as the adjective derivatives (with which they are at
bottom identical). Thus:

f. From simple nouns and adjectives: 4staka Aome, ndsik& nostril,
maksiké fy, avikd ewe, igukd arrow, dfiraka distent, sarvaké all,
dhénuka (dhenu) cow, ndgnaka (nagnh) naked, Daddhaka (baddha)
eaptice, abhinnataraka by no means different, anastamitaké before

30°

1218—] XVII. SECONDARY .s....siRat3OM. 468

1218. QlQyl dyya. With this oui... --am gommg, aniyaska faer,
tives almost only in RV. They have. om sesmpiqnuké flying. Sad
The ending is everywhere to be ica: -->ases: from almost any gives

a. A few adjectives without ger: > ~~ Mes in ke or k& (aceort-
also occur; thus, bahup&yya pr
kuydapdyya, and-purumayya, piv -«emm “ery small, vimanyuks
mahayéyys enjoyment; — and ravayve~. .-2eetaminaks moving for-
contain no verbal root. Alayya .

cont refers to a differcnt form: _ : item added to a possessive
messenger, aud pravayya (AV.}. _ ..comanely, but usually in order
oe -<cumm: thos, anakeika eyeless,

1219. Tay Gyana. in oo be aacir

nymics made by this suf" — . _useng @ single giyatri-veres,
stems in a, and have ... —+smaraay's water, sapatolka wil
syllable, and accent on th”. a us ‘acd laid on, abhinavave
@. In RV., the only exan . ecm of thumb size.
kénva); AV. bas in metric . - -teteded has often an irregular
and &mugydyané son of _. . -itd ‘3 60 common beside a mas-
stambiyana beside -béve amapemient (as is the case with the
diferent make, elsewhere «: se, “2 3V. are found beside oue an-

1320. arert a&yi. - wade -4s AV. hes sevoral examples.
suffix, namely agnayi <<a & preceding vowel — namely,
kaps; and later pitakr:’: .. pnmemecians as independent secondary

a. They seem tv ! ~wepepaeming of the primitive. Both of
increment of the fual : _.. -=a -? séiiitiom of ka to a final i or a,

_ -~etanaeny.
1221. 3 i. De: _ . «am = skamples have been noted from
nymics from nor: —_— ms te be so regarded); and they
syllable, which i. - “~~~ apaqyeka necessary; varddhaks

a In RV. are fon ; a. tam the Veda furnishes a very few
nivegi, pairukute—" "oe, can -eimy season, hA{mantikea winiry
Waeatiiten the Brien asain of the Kirdtas, apparent fou.

» frum, wa ‘wand - Exam
charioteer (sardt} nema —~ - » suntent) ares vakdtba ret hing te
b. Th ‘noo “ vee dandy wainayike walt beheed
e 6 Wytin ~ . ei :
descendent of Vy — wan m the Nyéye.
ka or aka. Thar“ 4 aoe Some thew & form which is character
of Ka to a dui’ “ae ; = one, smbinatioen. A final sonant mate,
ORV. ta * ™ sg ms gene Qaees its aspiration (1178, 114):

_ ae,
Pad

and the n yr 7 ae, ~<Pm % Sa shea a palatal becomes guttural
1922. ate ei: . «eee, -rakke, -tvakke, anrpkka

: ema ® Mier am siterant vewel (180): e. g.

class of vist“ > sesgumeitte Sut whe shor sibilants the the form

“~~,

Stems In ka, aka, ika, dni, ina, na, ima. [—1224

W would have in composition: thos, ad{kka (dig), gatka, -vitka,
* stvitkea (sas etc). An&cirka (TS.: AScis) is anomalous; and so is pa-
p®utka (Apast.), if it comes from parus.

1223. Several suffixes, partly of rare occurrence and questionable
Beharacter, contain a Yn as consonantal element, and may be grouped
te together here. ~

a. A few derivatives in Gna in RV. were given above (1176a).

i b. With G@ni (which is perhaps the corresponding feminine) are made
i 8 amall namber of words, chicfly wife-names: thus, indrani, varunani
(these, with ucindér&ni, purukutsfni, mudgaldni, Orjdni, are found
in RV.), rudrAni, matulani maternal uncle's wife, garv&ni, bhav&ni,
icandni, cakrani, up&édhyayani, mrda&ni, brahm&ni; and yavdni. -

c. The feminines in ni and kni from masculine stems in ta have
been already noticed above (1176d). From p&ti master, husband the
feminine is pAtni, both as independent word, spouse, and as final of an
adjective compound: thus, devApatni having a god for hushand, efn-
dhupatni having the Indus as master. And the feminine of parugh rough
is in the older language sometimes paérusni.

da. With ina are made a full series of adjective derivatives from the
words With final afio (407 ff.); they are accented usually apon the penualt,
but sometimes on the final; and the same word bas sometimes both ac-
cents: for example, ap&cina, nicina, pr&cina, arvd&cina and arv&-
ciné, praticina and praticind, samicin&. Besides these, a number of
other adjectives, earlier and later: examples are sathvatearina yearly,
pravrsina of the rainy season, vigvajanina of all people, jidtakulina
of known family, adhvanina traveller (adhvan way), &gvina day's
jurney on horseback (&gva horse). RV. has once makina mine.

e. With ena is made s&midhené (f. -nf), from sami{dh, with tnittal
strengthening.

f. As to a few words in ina, compare 1209 o.

g. The adjectives made with simple na fell partly under another bead
(below, 1246); hore may be noted ctirana herotc(?), phdlguna, gma-
crundé, dadruna, and, with vyddhi-strengthening, stra{na woman's (its
correlative, pAurhena, occurs late) and cyA&utné inciting. If dréna comes
from dru tcond, it has the anomaly of a guya-strengthening.

12924. Certain suffixes containing a Ym may be similarly
grouped. ‘

a. With ima are made a small number of adjectives from nouns in
tra: thus, khan{trima made by digging, kytrima artificial, dattrima,
paktrima, paitri{ma; in other finals, kuttima, ganima, talima, tulima,
pakima, udgaérima, vydyogima, sarvyfihima, nirvedhima, dsaf-
gima, all late. In agrima (RV.) foremost the ma bas perhaps the ordi-
nal value.

b. The uses of simple ma in forming superlatives (474) and ordinals
(487d, e) have been already noticed, and the words thas made specified.

neni, om <= mupeeed or consisting of, also abound-
— -m em 2 Jamated by the primitive.

awe «Smee .@ the mb, and the feminine is regalarly

ae, <a +‘ om sideot language (V.), final as remains ua-
—~ = i wa mManeemdya, nabhasmiya, ayasmiya;
samme -« -Soumeme combination: thus, mrnmaéya; and ia the
—agge.---— ~slt —em 2 .waeeal have the latter treatment: e. g. te-
ange, -~iee, -Gemnge, jyotirmaya, yajurméya, etanméya,
_iagte iin, wee, BEiveomaya. RV. has agmanmiya

——mineee © —ememeaye (Band later) the primitive (hira-
~~ —_: -aetem tT tos Bambya Of good make, and kim-
a oa ab

= iweagem & a feminine in y& occur in the lates

—- “™ . WW mmvative adjectives are made with
_.... am wi Xeatment of the primitive are va-

_ «ge sittee MM Fe are made, for example: paédsura

2 wate 2 Tre sply, dGhumra dusky (dhimé smoke),

— a ee snase ple or two, there appears to be accom-

a ae agnidhra of the fire-kindler (agnidh),

eee cae ene; emi im Gekhara (also gikhara), a gupa-

~~ Tee:

= -- -agpam wees deftee the ending are made, for example,

a = wa S 4 teres, karmara onith; dantura (late)
=. &. scumapere, saribgamanera.

~ ~~ “> 1 wimg a few words of comparative meaning was
tt oe Oe tants w made were given.

~ -

=

<5. ts ‘Te uni the preceding suffix are really

~ cm -s a8 wme In some words they exchange

471 STEMS In mna, maya, ra, la, va, ga, in. [—1280

phéna); with u, vitula, and v&tfila windy (late: vita); end m&tula
maternal uncle is a somewhat irregular formation frem m&tf mother.

b. In the later language are found a few adjectives in lu, slways
preceded by &; oxamples are: kyp&lu and daydlu compassionate, irq-
y&lu jealous, ugpdlu heated, gayflu and svapn&lu sleepy, lajjilu mod-
est, 1Al&lu drooling, graddh&lu trusting, krodh&lu passionate. One ot
two such derivatives having a primary aspect were noticed at 1198 b.

1228. @ va. A small number of adjectives have this
ending (accented, added to an unaltered primitive).

a. Examples are: arnavié billowy, keqavé Aeiry; risnkvé girded;
afijivd slippery, gantivé tranguiliiowing, qraddhivé credible, amapiva
jewelless, TAjiva striped.

b. There are a very few adjectives im vala and vaya which may be
noticed here: thus, krgivalé peasant (kyqi ploughing), irnivalé weoly,
rajasvala, irjasvala, payasvala, ofdvala, nadvala, gikh&vala, dan-
taévala; druvdya wooden dish, caturvaya fourfold.

c. With vya are made two or three words from names of telation-
ship, thas, pitrvya paternal uncle, bhrityvya nephew, enemy.

1229. 3 ga. A very few adjectives appear to be made
by an added ending of this form.

a. Thus, romagd or lomagé hairy, étaga (alto etagh) variegated,
arvaca or drvaga hasting, babhlugé or babhrugé and kapiga brownish,
krenaca blackish, yuavagh youthful, biliga childish, karkaga harsh, kar-
maga (?) n. pr.; and giriga, viriga (7), vekgaga are doubtless of the
same character (not containing the root g¥). The character ef harimagé,
kdgmaga, kalaga is doubtful.

b. Many of the adjective derivatives already treated have some-
times a possessive value, the general meaning of being concerned with,
having relation to ‘being specialized into that of being pesscesion of.
But there are also a few distinctively possessive suffixes; and some
of these, on account of the unlimited freedom of using them aad
the frequency of their occurrence, are very conspicuous parts of the
general system of derivation. These will be next considered.

1280. Fin. Possessive adjectives of this ending may
be formed almost unlimitedly from stems in @ or Wf &,
and are sometimes (but very rarely) made from stems with
other finals.

s. A final vowel disappears before the suffix. The accent is on
the suffix. As to the inflection of these adjectives, see above, 496 ff.
They are to be counted by hundreds in the older language, and are
equally or more numerous in the later.

1330—] XVII. Seconpaky DmrivaTion. 472

b. Kxamples from a-stems are: agvin possessing horses, dhanfn
csuithy, pakein winged, bal{n strong, bhagin fortunate, vajrin wwield-
ty the thunderdolt, gikhandin crested, hastin possessing hands, godagin
of sucteen, gardabhanddin having an ass's voice, brahmavarcasin of
smununt sunctity, sidhudevin having luck at play, kiicidarthin having
errands everywhither; — {rom &-stems, manigin wise, gikhin crested,
Ttdyin pivas.

«. Derivatives from other stems are very few in comparison: thus,
frum i-stems, atithin(?), abhimat{n, arc{n, aganin, armin, kéla-
nemin, khaédin, -pdnin, maricin, maufijin, md&ulin, -yonin, venin,
earmdhin, samrddhin, surabhin (of those found only at the end of a
pussessive compound the character is doubtful, since case-formes of i- and
ip~stems are not seldom exchanged); — from u-stems, gurwin, catagvin
(’), veravin (with guna of the u);— from stems in an, varmin,
karmin, carmin, -chadmin, janmin, dhanvin, -dharmin, n&min,
bDrehmin, yakgmin, garmin, and qvanin; —in as, retin rich in seed,
ail povdably varoin n. pr. also (porhaps through stems in -sa) gavasin
and eahasin, manasin, -vayasin; — isolated are parisrajin garlanded,
aid biranin (birénya).

d. It was pointed out above (1163) that derivatives in in have assum-
ud on a large scale the aspect and valuo of primary dorivatives, with the
eiguilcauce of prvacnt participlos, especially at the end of compounds, The
properly secondary character of the whole furmation is shown, on tho ee
hand, by the frequent use in the same manner of words bearing an unmis-
takaDiy sucuudary form, as pracaoin, garbhin, jarn{n, dhiimfn, ené-
uiu, bomin, matsarin, paripanthin, pravepanin, sarthgatin; and,
va Cho yiber hand, by the occurrence of reverted palatals (216) before the
wa, wd.ch evuld only be as in replaced a: thus, ark{n, -bhafig{n, -saf-
gin, -rokin.

we. lu « few cases, there appears before the in a y preceded by an
wa vf tnyrgame character: thus, dhanvdy{n, tantrayin, qvetiyin,
eyhayiu, atatayin, pratihitdyin, mardyin, rt&yin, svadhiyin (V8.:
Lt. vin) The y in all such words is evidently the inserted y after &
Moda’, aud to assume for them a suffix yin is quite needless.

(. Vho accoutuation pravraéjin, prasyéndin, in the concloding pert
“4 \B.. ts duudtless false; and the same is to be suspected for gdki, séri,
ua (RY cach once).

au: \ ‘ury few words in in have not suffered the possessive speciali-
canvul Nuch are vanin tree, hermit, kapotin dovelike, andin scrotum-
by yea 1839 £.).

tuat. [ALimin. With this suffix are made an extremely

uuall uumber of possessive adjectives.

~. tu tho old language, the words in min have the aspect of deriv-
ove WU trum nouns in ma, although in two or three cases — igmin

473 Stems In in, min, vin, vant. {—1233

and ramin in RV., vagm{n in CR.— no such nonns are found in actual
use beside them. In the later language, min Is used as independent ele-
ment in a very few words: thus, gomin possessing cattle, evimin (Sitras
and later) master, lord (sva orn), kakudmin humped.

b. The two words rgmfin and vagmin show not only reversion but
also sonantizing of an original palatal.

1232. ferq_vin. The adjectives made with this suffix
are also not numerous. They have the same meanings qith

those in ¥1 in. The accent is on the suffix.

a. The RV. hae ten adjectives in vin; they become rather more com-
mon later. Though for them may be suspected a similar origin to those in
yin and min (above), signs of it are much less clearly traceable.

b. The great majority have vin added after as: ©. g. namasvin
reverential, tapasvin heated, tejasvin brilliant, yagasvin beautiful, and
so retasvin, enasvin, harasvin, ctc.; and gatasvin, grotasvin, rfi-
pasvin have an inserted 8, by analogy with them. Most others bave &
(sometimes, by lengthening): thus, glavin, medhavin, mAayavin, Sa-
bhavin, astravin obedient to the goad, dvay&vin duuble-minded, ubha-
yavin possessing of both kinds. dhanvavin, tandrévin, amaydvin,
Atat&vin. More rarely, vin ts added after another consonant than 8: thus,
vagvin, dhrsadvin, &tmanvin, kumudvin, sragvin, yajvin, ajvin.
The doubtful word vyacnuvin (VS., once: TB. vy&qniya) appears to add
the ending (or in, with euphonic v) to a present tense-stem.

c. An external form of combination {is scen only in v&gvin and
dhrsadvin (both Vedic), with the common reversion of a palatal in sragvin.

1283. @_vant. Very numerous possessive adjectives
are made by this suffix, from noun-stems of every form,

both in the earlier language and in the later.

a. The accent gencrally remains upon the primitive, without
change; but an accent resting on a stem-final, if this be anything but
4 or 4, is in tho majority of cases thrown forward upon the suffix.
As to inflection, formation of femiuvine, etc., sce 452 ff.

b. A final vowel — oftenest a, very rarely u—is in many words
lengthened in the older language (247) before this cnding, as in compo-
sition. Nouns in an more often retain the n.

ce. Examples of the normal formation are: with unchanged accent,
kécavant hairy, putravant having a son, prajdnanavant procreatice.
pundarikavant rich in lotuses, h{ranyavant rich tn gold, apipavant
having cakes, rajanyavant allied with a kshatriya; prajavant having pro-
geny, irnavant wouly, dakginavant rich in sacrificial gifts; shkhivant
having friends, saptargivant accompanied by the seven sages; gdcivant
porerful; tavigivant cehement, patnivant with spouse, dhivant devoted,

Lasa—|} XVII. Seconpary DgrivaTion. 474

dydvaéprthivivant (04 b) with Acaven and earth; vignuvant accompanied
by Vishnu, hhritvant golden, iv#tvant hither turned, Scgirvant mized
cuh mk, evarvant splendid, garadvant full of years, parhsvant having
4 nue, pdyasvant rich, tamasvant dark, brhhmapvant accompanied
«ith worship. romanvant hairy (but also romavant, ldmavant, vytraha-
vant, eu:.). kakibhvant containing a kakibh; — with accent on the
sumfts agnivant Aaring fire, rayivdnt wealthy, npvant manly, padvant
luring ‘ect, nasvdnt with nose, dsanvant having a mouth, girganvant
tended (slo cirgavant).

d. With dnal stem-vowel lengthencd: for example, Acvdvant (beside
aqvavant) possessing horses, sutdvant having soma ezpressed, végnya&vant
+ virte Force (about thirty such cases occur in V.); gdktivant mighty,
svédhitivant Aaving axes, ghfnivant hot; vigivant dividing(vigu apart).

@. Certain special irregularities are as follows: an inserted s in {n-
druevant, méhigvant; inserted n in vAnanvant, bidhanvant, vé-
Jhanvant, gartanvant, m&hsanvant; shortening of a final of the primi-
tive in méydvant, yAjyavant, puronuvdkyavant, Amf{kgavant,
sarnusvativant; abbreviation in hiranvant; inserted & in gavasdvant,
eahasdvant, and the odd mahimé&vant; anomalous accent in kpgan#-
vant (if trem kfgana pearl); derivation from particles in ant&rvant
pregnunt, vigivant (above, d).

f. Instead of the specialized meaning of possessing, the more general
vie of uke tu, resembling is seon in a number of words, especially in the
dezivatives frum pronominal stems, mavant like me etc. (617: add
ivant, kivant) Other examples are {ndrasvant like Indra, nigdvant
nestitky, nilavant blackish, np¢vdnt manly, pfgadvant speckled, keal-
tavant princely; compare the later paravant dependent. It was pointed
vut abuve (1107) that the adverb of comparison in vw&t is the accusative
nuouies wf a derivative of this class.

xg: tu «a few words, vant has the aspect of forming primary deriv-
ives thus, vivdsvant (or vivasvant) shining, also n. pr, énupa-
dusvant, drvant, p{pigvant(?), yahvant.

bh. Wor the dorivatives in vat from prepositions, which appear to have
uvihing tv dy with this suffix, see 1246j.

1. While this suffx is generally added to a primitive according to the
‘wus vi iutrual combination (see examples above, oc), treatment also as
tm vaiwinsl <cyvmbiuation begins already in RV., in pfgadvant (pfgat),
vil Desvmics Wore common later: thus, tapovant, tejovant, afigirovant
\dutue tApasvant etc); vidyudvant (beside vidyutvant), brhadvant,
imgustvant, wadvant, etc.; trigtubvant (against kakuabhvant), same
wlvant, vimpdvant; vaégvant (against rkvant); svaridvant; havya-
vaivaul; agirvant.

» Neue uf the suffixes beginning with v show in the Vedas resolation
» & om UU,

478 STEMS IN vant, van, mant. [—1836

12334. FT van. Tho sccondary dorivatives in this suffix belong
tu the oldor language, and are a small uumber, of which extremely
few have more than an occurrence or two.

a. They have the aspect of being produced under the joint influence
of primary van and secondary vant. A final short vowel is usually length-
ened before the suffix. The accent is various, but oftenest on the penult
of the stem. The feminine (like that of the derivatives In primary van:
1160 f) is in vari.

b. The Vedic examples are: from a-stems, yn&van or pnavdn, fta-
van (and f. -vari), fgh&van,’ dhitdvan, satydvan, sumndvéri, and
maghavan; from &-stems, sfinft&vari, svadhdvan (and f. -vari); from
i-stems, amativan, ard&tivan, crugtivan, mugivaén, and krgivan (only
in the further derivative kargivana); dhivan; from consonsnt-stems,
&4tharvan, samdédvan, sd&hovan (bad AV. variant to RV. sahdvan);
hdrdvan (TA. also h&rdivan). Somewhat anomalons are sahdvan,
{ndhanvan (fo: {ndhanavanP), and sanitvan (for sénitivanP). The
only words of more than sporadio occurrence are ptdvan, maghdvan,
aAtharvan.

c. Baéhovan (see b) is the only example of external combination
with this suffix.

1235. "e{_mant. This is a twin-suffix to FA_vant (above,
1233); their derivatives have the same value, and are to
some extent exchangeable with one another. But possess-
ives in TT7| mant are much less frequent (in the older lan-
guage, about a third as many), and are only very rarely

made from a-stems.

a. If the accent of the primitive word is on the final, it is in
the great majority of instances (three quarters) thrown forward upon
the added suffix; otherwise, it maiotains its place unchanged. A final
vowel hefore the suffix is in only a few cases made long. Exam-
ples are:

b. With the accent of the primitive unchanged: kanvamant, ydva-
mant rich in barley, and vibhavamant n. pr. (these alone from a-stems,
and the first only occurring once); Avimant possessing sheep, agdnimant
hearing the thunderbolt, ogadhimant rich in herbs, vagimant carrying an
aze, vAsumant possessing good things, madhumant rich in sweets, tvhg-
tymant accompanied by Trashtar, hétrmant provided with priests, hyug-
mant long-lived, Jyotigmant full of brightness; — ulkugimant accom-
panted with meteors, pilimant(?), prastimant Aaring young shoots,
gomant rich in kine, garatmant toinged, vihutmant with libation,
kakudmant jumped, vidyunmant (with irregular assimilation of t: VS.
bas also kaktinmant) gleaming, virhkmant shining, havigmant with
lthations, viprugmant with drops.

IN mant, t&, titi, tat, tve, tvana. (—1240

‘ns are at variance as to its nature. Tho accent is
es with ta.

© examples in t&ti are: arigtétati uninjuredness,
om from disease, gbhitatati the being seized, Jyeq-
devatAt! divinity, vasatati wealth, ghiatBtl good-
completeness; and, with exceptional accent, dstatati
itt cleverness; givatati and gubhatsti oceor (once
language. Two words in t&tl are used adjectively (In-
sition”): gdthtati (RV., twice; and AV. xix. 44. 1,
| eatyatati (RV., once: voc.).

n t&t (apparently made by abbreviation from tatl)
wo case-forms; they were all mentioned above (383k. 2).

. With this suffix are made neuter nouns,

ue as the feminines in AT t& (above, 1837).
abstracts in tva are in tho older language con-
’mmou than the feminines in t&, although them-
wry numerous. The accent is without exception on

b. Examples (from the older language) are: amptatvd immortality,
devatvA divinity, subhagatvaé good-fortune, ahamuttaratvé struggle for
precedency, qucitva purity, patitvA husbandship, taranitvh energy, dir-
ghayutva long life, gatrutvd enmily, bhratrtvé brotherhood, vpgatvé
tirihity,s&tmatva soulfulnees, maghavattvé liberality, rakgastvé sorcery.
In andgdstvé and -prajistvé there is a lengthening of a final ayl-
Inblo of the primitive; and in siuprajastvé (AV., once) this appears to
be accompanied by Initial vpddhi (subhagatvé is doubtless from s&i-
bhaga, not subhdga); and in these and pratyanastvé there is an appa-
rent insertion of 8. In sadhanitvé (RV.), vasativaritvé (TS.), rohi-
gitvé (TB.), there is shortening of final feminine 1 before the suffi. Of
peculler formation are astitva actuality and sahatva union. T!
feminine datives ythatvayal and gapatvayAi (KS.) are doubtless false
forms.

c. Besides the usual guttural reversions in samyaktva, sayuktva,
we have external combination in samittva (-idh-) and pOrvavéittve
(-vah-).

d. In igitatvat& (RV., once) incitedness, and purugatwaté (RV.,
twice) human quality, appears to be a combination of the two equivalent
snffixes tva and té.

@. The v of tva is to be read in Vede as wu only once (rakgastud).

1240. AA tvana. The dorivatives made with this suffix are,
like those in tva, neuter abstracts. They occur almost only in RV.,
and, except in a singlo instance (martyatvandé), have beside them
equivalent derivatives in tva, The accent is on the final, and tbo
tva is never resolved into tua.

TEMS IN tara, tama, tha, taya, té, na, tana ero. (12945

4 A fow suffixes are uscd to mako dorivativos from certain
od special classes of words, as numerals and particles. Thus:

taya makes a fow adjectives meaning of so many d
kinds (used in the neuter as collectives), from numerals:
itaya (MS.), dvitaya, tritaya, chtugtaya (AV.), gattaya (KB.
rnal combination), saptétaya (CB.), agt&taya (AB.), digataya
hutaya (TS.). Their fem. is in -y1.
T tya makes a class of adjectives from particles: . g. nitya
ya foreign, amitya companion, eto. As the examples show,
it of the primitive is retained. The fem. is in -ty&.
ae other quotable examples are: Apatya, Avigtys, sdnutya,
, anyatastya-, tatastya, kutastya, atratya, tatratya, ya-
tutratya, ihatya, upatya, adhitya, pritastya, dakqinatya
{ which, the regular form, is generally found d&kginatya, apps
arther vpddhi-dertvative from ft: as If belonging ta the southern-
PAgc&ttya and pAurastyae (of « similar character: these three
ald by the grammarlans to-be accented on the final, as in proper
for vyddhi-derivatives); apty& and Bpty& perhaps contain the samo suffix.
In antastya and pr&tastya is seen external combination.

d. The y of tya is in RV. always to bo road asf after a heavy
syllable.

©. 7 ta forme ekaté, dvité, and trité, also muhtrth moment,
and apparently avat& well (for water).

f. With 7 na are made pur&ph ancient, vigups carious, and
perhaps sam&né like.

g. With A tana or (in s fow cases) @ tna are made adjectives
from adverbs, nearly always of time: e. g. pratné ancient, nfitana
or ntitna present, sandténa or sandtna lasting, divAtana of the dey,

qvastana of tomorrow, hyastana of yesterday. The accent ie various.
The feminine is in nf.

h. The other quotable examples arc: agrotana, adyatana, adhu-
natna, idarhtana, idinithtana, etarhitans, cirathtana, tadmish-
tana, dogatana, purftana, praktana, pratastina, sadétana, si-
yarnthna; from advorbs of place, adhastana, arvaktana, uperitana,
kutastana; — with tna, parast&ttna, purast&ttna. A farther vpddhi-
derivative, with equivalent meaning, nAutana (cf. above, c), occurs late.
In PB. Is once found tvattana belonging to thee.

1, Besides the obvious cases, of an assimilsted final m before this
suffix, we have external combination in pratastana.

J. Aq vat makes from particles of direction the feminine nouns
mentioned above (883k, 1).

k. "W7% kata, properly « noun in composition, is reckoned by the

1245—}) XVIII. Composirion. 480

grammarians as a suffix, in utkate, nikate, prakata, vikata (RV.,
once, voc.), and sarhkata (all said to be accented on the final).

1, A suffix vana is perhaps to be seen in nivané, pravana; —
and dla in antarAdla.

m. Occasional derivatives made with the ordinary suffixes of
primary and secondary derivation from numerals and particles have
been noted above: thus, see ana (1160n), ti (1157h), ant (1178 a),
u (1178i), a (12001), ka (1222c), mna (1924c), maya (1886), vant
(1233 e).

CHAPTER XVII.

SORMATION OF COMPOUND STEMS.

1246. THE frequent combination of declinable stems
with one another to form compounds which then are treated
as if simple, in respect to accent, inflection, and construc-
tion, i8 a conspicuous feature of the language, from its
earliest period.

a. There is, however, a marked difference between the earlier
and the later language as regards the length and intricacy of the
combinations allowed. In Veda and Brahmana, it is quite rare that
more than two stems are compounded together — except that to some
tnuch used and familiar compound, as to an integral word, a further
element is sometimes added. But the later the period, and, especially,
the more elaborate the style, the more a cumbrous and difficult aggre-
gate of elements, abnegating the advantages of an inflective language,
takes the place of the due syntactical union of formed words into
sentences.

1247. Sanskrit compounds fall into three principal
classes :

I. a. Copulative or aggregative compounds, of which
the members are syntically codrdinate: a joining together
into one of words which in an uncompounded condition
would be connected by the conjunction and (rarely or).

481 CLasses oF ComPouNDs. (—1247

b. Examples are: {ndr&évhrunaéa Indra and Varuna, satyanyté
truth and falsehood, kytaékrtam done and undone, devagandharvamé-
nusgoragar&kgasis gods and Gandharvas and men and serpents and
demons.

c. The members of such a compound may obviously be of any num-
ber, two or more than two. No compound of any other class can contain
more than two members — of which, however, either or both may be com-
pound, or decompound (below, 1248).

Il. d. Determinative compounds, of which the former
member is cyntactically dependent on the latter, as its
determining or qualifying adjunct: being either, 1. a noun
(or pronoun) limiting it in a case-relation, or, 2. an adjective
or adverb describing it. And, according as it is the one
or the other, are to be distinguished the two sub-classes:
A. Dependent compounds; and B. Descriptive com-
pounds. Their difference is not an absolute one.

e. Examples are: of dependcnt compounds, amitrasen& army of
enemies, p&dodaka water for the feet, &yurda dife-giving, hdstakyta
made with the hapds; of descriptive compounds, maherel great sage, priya-
ankhi dear friend, am{tra enemy, sukyta trell done

f. ‘hose two classes are of primary value; th vy bave undergone
no unifying modification in the process of composit-on; their charac-
ter as parts of apeech is determined by their final member, and they
are capable of being resolved into equivalent phrases by giving the
proper independent form and formal means of connection to each
membor. That is not the case with the remaining class, which accor-
Jiugly is more fundamentally distinct from them than they are from
one another.

HI. g. Secondary adjective compounds, the value
of which 1s not given by a simple resolution into their
component parts, but which, though having as final member
a noun, are themselves adjectives. These, again, are of two
sub-classes: A. Possessive compounds, which are noun-
compounds of the preceding class, with the idea of possess-
ing added, turning them from nouns into adjectives;
B. Compounds in which the second member is a noun syn-
tactically dependent on the firet: namely, !. Prepositional

compounds, of a governing preposition and following houn;
Whitney, Grammar. 38. ed. 31

Bahay

1247—] XVIII. Composrtrion. 462

2. Participial compounds (only Vedic), of a present par-
ticiple and its following object.
h. The sub-class B. is comparatively small, and ite serond division

(participial compounds) is hardly met with even in the Ister Vedic.

i. Examples are: virasena possessing a hero-army, prajdkaéma

having desire of progepy, tigmaécyfiga sharphorned, héritasraj wearing
yreen garlands; atim&tr& excessive; y&vaydddvegas driving away
enemies.

j. The adjective compounds are, like simple adjectives, Mable to bc
used, especially in the neuter, as abstract and collective uouns, and in the
accusative as adverbs; and out of these uses have grown apparent eperial
classes of compounds, reckoned and named as such by the Hindu grem-
marians. The relation of the classification given above to that presented in
the native grammar, and widely edopted from the latter by the European
grammars, will be made clear as we go on to treet the classes in detail.

1248. A compound may, like a simple word, become a
member in another compound, and this in yet another —
and so on, without definite limit. The analysis of any
compound, of whatever length (unless it be a copulative),
must be. made by a succession of bisectiona.

a. Thus, the dependent compound pirvajanmakyta done tn a previous
existence ie first divisible into kyta and the descriptive pirvajanman,
then this into its elements; the dependent sakalanitic&stratattvajiia
knowing the essence of all books of behavior has first the root-stem jia
(for Yj&) Anowing separated from the rest, which is again dependent; then
this is divided into tattva essence aud the remainder, which is deseriptive;
this, again, divides into sakala ali and nitroAstra books of behavior, of
which the latter is a dependent compound and the former a possessive (sa
and kal& having its parts together).

1249. a. The final of a stem is combined with the initial
of another stem in composition according to the general
rules for external combination: they have been given, with
their exceptions, in chap. ITI., above.

b. If a stem has a distinction of strong and weak forma,
it regularly enters into composition as prior member in its
weak form; or, if it has a triple distinction (311), in its
middle form.

483 Form oF Priok MemBer or ComPouND. [—1860

c. That is, capecially, stems in y or ar, at or ant, ao or afic, etc.,
show in composition the forms in 7, at, ac, etc.; while those in an
and in usually (exceptions sometimes occur, as vyganagvé, vrgan-
vast) lose their foal n, and are combined as if a and i were their
proper finals.

d. As in secondary derivation (1203 d), so also as prior member of
a compound, a stem sometimes shortens its final long vowel (usually 1, rare-
ly &): thus, in V., rodasipr&, prthiviethd, prthiviesdd, dhérapfita,
dh&ravaka; in B., prthivi-d&, -bhaga, -lok4, sarasvatikyta, sen&-
nigramanyaéu; in 8., garbhiniprdyaccitta, s&imidhenipréiga, vas-
ativaripariharana, ek&dacginilifiga, prapharviddé, devatalakeana,
devatapradhdnatva; iater, devakinandana, lakgmivardhana, ku-
miaridatta, igtakacita, etc.

e. Occasionally, a stem is used as prior member of a compound which
does not appear, or not in that form, as an independent word: examples
are mah& great (apparently used Independently in V. in accusative), tuvi
mighty (V.), dvi two.

f. Not infrequently, the Onal member of a compound assumes a special
form: see below, 1315.

1260. But a case-form in the prior member of a compound is by
no means rare, from the earliest period of the language. Thus:

a. Quite often, an accusative, especially before a root-stem, or a deriv-
ative in # of equivalent meaning: for example, patathg& going by flight,
dhanarhjayé winning wealth, abhayathkar&é causing absence of danger,
pustimbhar’é bringing prosperity, vacamifikhays’ inciting the voice; but
also sometimes before words of other form, as Aqvamigti horse-desiring,
qubharhy&van going in splendor, subhagathkérana making happy,
bhayarhkarty causer of fear. In a fow cases, by anslogy with these, s
word receives an accusative form to which it has no right: thas, hrdarhsdéni,
makgurhgama, vasurhdhara, &4tmambhari.

b. Much more rarely, an instrumental: for example, gir&évfdh tncreas-
ing by praise, v&odstena stealing by incantation, kratvamagha gladly
bestowing, bhasdketu bright with light, vidmandpas active with wisdom.

c. In a very few instances, s dative: thus, naregthd sercing a man,
asinéhiti errand to us, and perhaps kiyedh& and mahevfdh.

d. Not seldom, a locative; and this also especially with a root-stem or
a-derivative: for example, agregh going at the head, divikg{t dwelling
in the sky, vanegdh prevailing in the wood, ahgegth& eristing in the
limhs, progthecayé /ying on a couch, sutékara active with the soma,
divicara moving in the sky, &récatru having enemies far remored,
sumnad&pi near in favor, mdderaghu hasting in excitement, yudhigthira
firm in battle, antevdsin dwelling near; apesujh born in the waters,
hrtavds hurling at hearts.

e. Least often, a genitive: thus, réiydsk&ma desirous of wealth.

31°

1260—]) XVIII. Compos:rion. 481

akasyavid knowing no one. But the older language has a few examples
of the putting together of a genitive with its governing noun, each member
of the combination keeping its own accent: see below, 12@7 d.

f. Ablative forms are to be seen in bal&tkdra violence and bal&t-
kyta, and perhaps in para&tpriya. And s stem in ¢ -ometimcs appears in a
copulative compound in its nominative form: thus, pitdputr&éu father and
son, hotépot&éraéu the invoker and purifier. Anyonya one another is s
fused phra.e, of nominative and oblique case.

gq. in a very fuw words, plural meaning is signifcd by plural fora:
thus, apsujé etc. (in derivation, also, apsu is used as a stem), hytavds,
nfhhpranetra conducting men, rujaskara causing pains, (and duel)
hanaikampa trembling of the two jas.

h. Much more often, of words having gender-forms, the feminine is
used in composition, when the distinotive feminine sense ie to be conveyed:
e.g. gopinadtha master of the shepherdesses, disiputra son of a female
sluve, mygidyg gazelle-eyed, pranitadprandyana vessel for consecrated
water.

1251. The accent of compounds is very various, and Ilable to
considerable irregularity eveu within the limite of the same formation;
and it must be left to be pointed out in detail below. All possiblo
varieties are found to occur. ‘Thus:

a. Each member of the compound retains ites own separate accent. This
is the most anomalous and Infrequent methud. It sppesrs iu certain Vedic
copulative compounds chicNy composed of the names of divinities (so-called
devata-dvandvas: 1266 11.), and in a small number of aggregations
partly coutaining a genitive casc-form as prior member (1267 d).

b. ‘The accent of the compound is that of its prior member. This js
especially the case in the great class of possessive compounds; but also in
determinatives having the participlo in ta or na as final member, tn those
beginning with the negative a or an, and in other jess numerous and im-
portant clis<os,

c. The acecnt of the compound is that of the final member. This is uot
ou so large a ecale the case as the preceding, but it is nevertheless quite
common, being found in many compounds having a verbal noun of adjective
ab Maal onecmber, du compounds beplaning with the amends aly aad Ord
or the preflaes gu and dug, and claewhere in not infrequent ear eptions.

d. ‘the compound takes an accent of its own, independent of that of
either of its constituents, on {its final syllable (uot always, of course, te be
distinguished from the preceding case). This method is largely followed:
especially, by the regufar copulatives, and by the great mase of depeudeut
and descriptive noun-compounds, by most posscssives beginning with the
negative predx; and by others.

e. The compound has an accent which is allered from that of one of
its members. This is everywhere an exceptional aud sporadically occurring

485 Copu! aTIVB COMPOUNDS. [—1268

case, and the instances of it, noted below undcr eaeh formation, do not
require to be assembled here. Examples are: medhdsaéti (médha), ti-
lamicra (tila), khddihasta (khad{), yA&vaydddvegas (y&viyant);
gakadhtima (dhfim&é), amfta (myté), suvira (vird), tuvigriva
(grivd). A few words—as viqva, ptirva, and sometimes sdrva — take
usually a changed accent ss prior members of compounds.

|. Copulative Compounds.

1252. Two or more nouns — much less often adjectives,
and, in an instance or two, adverbs — having a coérdinate
construction, as if connected by a conjunction, usually and,

are sometimes combined into compounds.

a. This is the class to which the Hindu grammarians give the
name of dvandya patr, couple; a dvandva of adjectives, however, is
not recognized by them.

b. Compounds in which the relation of the two members is alternative
instead of copniative, thongh only exceptional, are not very rare: examples
aro nyfinddhika defective or redundant, jayaparfijaya victory or defeat,
kritotpanna purchased or on hand, kigthalogtasama like a log or
clod, pakgimygat& the condition of being bird or beast, triigadviica
numbering twenty or thirty, catugpaficakrtvas fovr or five times,
dvyekantara different by one or two. A less marked modificstion of the
copulative idea is scen in such instances as priyasatya agreeable though
true, prarthitadurlabha sought after but hard to obtain; or in granta-
gata arrived weary.

1263. The noun-copulatives fall, as regards their in-
flective form, into two classes:

1. a. The compound has the gender and declension of
its final member, and is in number a dual or a plural,
according to ite logical value, as denoting two or more than
two individual things.

b. Examples are: prén&p&n&a inspiration and expiration, vwrihi-
yav&u rice and barley, yksimé verse and chant, kapotolQik&d dove
and owl, candrddity&u moon and sun, hastyagv&u the elephant and
horse, aj&vdyas goats and sheep, devisurhs the gods and demons,
atharvafigirésas the Atharvans and Angirases, samb&dhatandryhs
anrieties and fatigues, vidyakarmani knowledge and action, hastyagvis
elephants and horses; of more than two members (no examples quotable

from the older language), gayy&sanabhogis lying, sitting, and eating,
brahmanakgatriyavifqidris a Brakmen, Kehatriya, Vaicye, and (idra,

1253—] XVIII. Coxposition. 456

rogagokaparitaépabandhanavyasan&ni disease, pain, grief, captivity,
and misfortune.

2. ec. The compound, without regard to the number de-
noted, or to the gender of its constituents, becomes a neuter

singular collective.

d. Examples are: igtépiirtam chat is offered and bestowed, aho-
rétram a day and niyht, kytakytém the done and undone, bhiitabhav-
yam past and future, kegagmagra hair and beard, ogadhivanaspati
plants and trees, candratérakam moon and stars, ahinakulam snake
and tchneumon, girogrivam head and neck, yOkdémakgikamatkugam
lice, flies, and bugs.

1264. a. That s stem in ¢ as prior member sometimes takes its
nominative form, in &, was noticed above, 1250 f.

b. A stem as final member is sometimes changed to an a-form to make
a neuter collective: thus, chattrop&naham an umbrella and a shoe.

c. The grammarians give rules as to tho order of the elements com-
posing a copulative compound: thus, that a more important, a briefer, a
vowel-{nitial member should stand first; and that one ending in a should
be placed last. Violations of them ail, however, are not infrequent.

1255. In the oldest language (RV.', copulative compuunds such
as appear later are quite rare, the class being chiefly represented by
dual combinations of the names of divinities and other personages,
and of personified natural objects.

a. In these combinations, each name bas regularly and usually
the dual form, and its own accent; but, in the very rare instances
(only three uccurrences out of more than three hundred) in which
other cases than the nom.-acc.-voc. are formed, the final member only
is inflected.

b. Examples are: indrésémé, {ndravigna, {ndrébfhaspat!, agni-
somadu, turvacayadi, dyavaprthivi, ugdsandktd (and, with inter-
vening words, naktaé... ugdsa), sdryamasdé. The only plural is indra-
marutas (‘or.). The cases of other than nominative form are mitré-
vérunaébhyém and mitravaérunayos (also mitrayor varunayoh), aad
fudrdvérunayos (each once omy).

o. From dydvaprthivi is mado tho very peculiar gonitive divéspr-
thivyds (i times: AV. bas dyavaprthivibhydm end dydvaprthivyée).

d. In one compound, parjanyavaté, the first member (RV., eace)
does not have the dual ending slong with the double accent (indrané-
satya, voc., is doubtful as to accent). In several, the double aceent is
wanting, while yet the double designation of namber is present: thus,
indraépiignos (beside {ndrépiigénd), somadpigdbhyim (som&pagans
occurs only as voc.), vatéparjanya, sirydcandram4s&, and indrigni
(with indragnibhydm and indrdgnyos): som&rudr&a ts accented only

487 CopuLatTive ComMPOUNDS. (—1257

in OB. And in one, indraviéyt, form and accent are both accordant with
the usages of the later language.

e. Of other copulatives, like those made later, the RV. has the plural
ajdvadyas, the duals rksimé, satyAnyté, sigan&nagané; also the neu-
ter collective igtApfirtdm, and the substantively used neuter of a copu-
lative adjective, nYlalohit4m. Further, the neater plurals ahor&tréni
nycthemera, and ukthérk& praises and songe, of which the final members
as independent words are not neuter. No one of these words has more than
a singie occurrence.

1266. In the later Vedic (AV.), the usage is much more nearly
accordant with that of the classical language, save that the class of
neuter singular collectives is almost wanting.

a. The words with double dual form sre only a small minority (a
quarter, instead of three quarters, as in RV.); and half of them have only
a single accent, on the nal: thus, besides those ‘in BV., bhav&rudraa,
bhav&carvéu; agnadvignf, voo., is of snomalous form. The whole num-
ber of oopulatives is more than double that in RV.

b. The only proper neuter collectives, composed of two nouns, are
kegagmagru hair and heard, &fijanébhyafijanim salve and ointment, and
kacipipabarhandm mat and pillow, unified because of the virtual anity
of the two objects specified. Neuter singulars, used in a similar collective
way, of adjective compounds, aro (besides those in RV.): kyt&kptédm what
ss done and undone (instead of what ts done and what ts undone), citt&-
kiitam thought and desire, bhadrap&pdém good and evil, bhitabhavy4m
past and future.

1267. Copulative compounds composed of adjectives
which retain their adjective character are made in the same

manner, but are in comparison rare.

a. Examples are: guklakygna light and dark, sthalaj&udaka ¢er-
restrial and aquatic, dantar&jatasA&uvarna of ivory and silver and gold
used distributively; and vyttapina round and plump, gant&énuktla
tranquil and propitious, hygitasragrajohina wearing fresh garlands and
Sree from dust, nigekA&digmagdndnta beginning with coneeption and
ending with burial, used cumulatively; n& “tigitogna not over cold ur
hot, used alternatively; kganadygtanagta seen for a moment and then
lost, cintitopasthita at hand as soon as thought of, in more pregnant
sense.

b. In the Veda, the only examples noted aro the cumulative nila-
lohitAé and istaptirtA ctc., used in the neut. sing. as collectives (a8 point-
ed out above), with tAmradhtiimré& dark tawny; and the distribative
daksinasavya right and left, saptama&gtamé seventh and eighth, and
bhadrap&p& good and bad (beside the corresponding neut. collective).
Such combinations as satyanyté truth and falsehood, priyapriyani things

iupi—j XVIII. Composition. 453

agreeable and «disagreeable, where each component is used substantively, are,
of course, not to be separated from the ordinary noun-compounde.

c. A special case is that of the compound adjectives of dircction: as
uttarapirva north-east, prigdakegina south-east, dakginapagcima
south-west, etc.: compare 1291 b.

1258. In accentuated texts, the copulative compounds have
uniforinly the accent (acute) on the final of the stem.

a. Exceptions are a caso or two in AV., where doubtless the reading
is false: thus, vataparjanyA (once: beside -nyéyos), devamanugyis
(once: (UR. -sy&), brahmardjany&bbyim (also VS.); further, viko-
pavakya ((B.), agandyapipadse (CB.).

12358. An example or two are met with of adverbial copulatives:
thus, Ahardivi day by day, siydmpr&tar at evening and in the morning.
They have the accent of their prior member. Later oceur slso ba&hyantar,
pratyagdakgind, pratyagudak.

1260. Repeated words. In all ages of the language, nouns
and pronouns and adjectives and particles are not infrequently repeated,
to give an intensive, or a distributive, or a repetitional meaning.

a. Though these sre not properly copulative compounds, there is no
better connection in which to notice them than here. They are, as the
older language shows, s sort of compound, of which the prior member has
its own independent accent, and the other is without acceat: henee they
are most suitably and properly written (as in the Vedic pa@a-texts) as
compounds. Thus: jahy éga4th v4rath-varam slay of them each best man;
divé-dive or dydvi-dyavi from day to day; digid-afigél 16mno-lom-
nah pérvani-parvani from every limb, from every hair, in each joint;
prd-pra yajiidpatith tira make the master of the sacrifice live on and on;
bhiiyo-bhiyah gvAh-qvah further and further, tomorrow and agawm to-
morrow; ékay&i-’kay& with in each case one; vaydth-vayam our very
selves,

b. Exceptional and rare cases are those of a personal verb-form re-
peated: thus, p{b&-piba (RYV.), ydjasva-yajasva (CB.), véda-veds
(? GB.);— and of two words repested: thus, ydvad vii-yivad v& (QB.),
yatamé vd-yatame vA ((B.).

co. In a few instances, a word is found used twice in succeassiou with-
out thet loss of accent the second time which makes the repetition a vir-
tual composite: thus, nfi nd (RV.), s&th s4m (AV.), thé "hé (AV.),
anay&- ‘nayaé (CB.), stuh{ stuh{ (RV., ace. to pada-text).

d. The class of combinations here described is called by the native
grammarians &mredita added unto(?).

1261. Finally may be noticed in passing the compound numerals,
ékédaca 1/, dvdvingati 22, trigata 103, cétubsahasra 1004, and
so on (476 ff.), as a special and primitive class of copulatives. They are
accented on the prior member.

489 DETBRMINATIVE COMPOUNDS. (—1204

ll. Determinative Compounds.

1262. A noun or adjective is often combined into a
compound with a preceding determining or qualifying word
—a noun, or adjective, or adverb. Such a compound is
conveniently called determinative.

1263. This is the class of compounds which is of moét
general and frequent occurrence in all branches of Indo-
Furopean language. Its two principal divisions have been
already pointed out: thus, A. Dependent compounds, in
which the prior member is a substantive word (noun or pro-
noun or substantively used adjective), standing to the other
member in the relation of a case dependent on it; and
B. Descriptive compounds, in which the prior member is
an adjective, or other word having the value of an adject-
ive, qualifying a noun; or else an adverb or its equivalent,
qualifying an adjective. Each of these divisions then falls
into two sub-divisions, according as the final member, and
therefore the whole compound, is a noun or an adjective.

a. The whole class of determinatives is called by the Hindu
grammarians tatpuruga (the term is a specimen of the class, mean-
ing Ars man); and the second division, the descriptives, has the
special name of karmadhdraya (of obscure application: the literal
senso is something like offce-hearing) After their example, the two
divisions are in European usage widely known by theese two names
respectively.

A. Dependent Compounds.

1264. Dependent Noun-compounds. In this di-
vision, the case-relation of the prior member to the other
may be of any kind; but, in accordance with the usual re-
lations of one noun to another, it is oftenest genitive, and
least often accusative.

a. Examples are: of genitive relation, devasend army of gods,
yamadité l’ama's messenger, jivaloké the world of the living, indra-

1264—| XVIII. Composition. 490

dhanis Indra’s bow, brahmagavi the Brahman's cow, vigagir{ poison-
mount, mitraldbha acquisition of friends, markhagat&ni Aundreds of
fools, virasenasuta Virasena's son, rajendra chief of kings, aamat-
putraés our sons, tadvacas his words; — of dative, padodaka water for
the feet, m&sanicaya accumulation for a month; — of instrumental, &t-
masddroya likeness with self, Ghainy&rtha wealth acquired by grain,
dharmapatni lawful spouse, pitrbandhu paternal relation; —of ablative,
apsarahsambhava descent from a nymph, madviyoga separation from
mo, odurabhaya fear of a thief; — of locative, jalakrig& sport in the
wuter, gramavusa abode in the village, purughngta untruth aboul a man ;
-- of sccusative, Nagaragamana going to the city.

1266. Dopendent Adjective-compounds la thes
division, only a very small proportion of the compounds
have an ordinary adjective as final member; but usually a
participle, or a derivative of agency with the value of a
participle. ‘The prior member stands in any case-relation
which is possible in the independent construction of such

words.

a, Examples arc: of locative relation, sthdlipakva cooked in a pot,
agvakovida knowing in horses, vayahsama alike in age, yadhigthira
steadfust in battle, tanligubhra beuutiful in body;— of instrumental,
matysadrga like his mother; — of dative, gohita good for cattle; — of
‘ ablative, bhavadanya other than you, garbh&gtama eiyhth from birth,
drgyetara other thun visible (i. e. inviseble); of genitive, bharatagregtha
best of the Bhuratus, dvijottama foremost of Brahmans: — with particip-
ial words, in accusative relation, vedavid Veda-knowing, ann&d&é feod-
eating, taniipana body-protecting, satyavadin truth-speaking, pattragata
committed to paper (lit. gone to u leaf); — in instrumental, madhupt
cleansing with honey, avaydthkyta self-made, indragupta protected by
Indra, vidyaéhina deserted by (i. ©. destitute of) knowledge; — in loca-
tive, hydaydvidh pierced in the heart, ytv{j sacrificing in due season,
divicara moving in the sky; —in ablative, réjyabhragte fallen from
the kingdom, vykabhita afraid af a wolf; — in dative, garandgata come
for refuye.

1266. We take up now some of the principal groups of compounds
falling under these two heads, in order to uotice their specialities of
formation and use, their relative frequency, their accentuation, and 80 on.

1267. Cowpounds having us final member ordinary nouns (such,
namely, as do not distinctly exhibit the character of verbal nouns,
of action or agency) are quite common. They are regularly and usu-
ally accented on the final syllable, without reference to the accent of
either constituent. Examples were given above (1264 a).

491 DEPENDENT CoMPOUNDS. (—1270

a. A prinolpal exception with regard to accent is p&ti master, lord
(and its feminine p&tni), compounds with which asually retain tho accent
of the prior member: thas, prajdpati, vdsupati, atithipati, gdpati,
gthadpatni, etc. etc. (compere the verbal nouns in ti, below, 1974). But
in a few words p&ti retains its own accent: thus, vigpéti, rayipéti,
pagupéti, vasupétni, etc.; and the more general rulo in followed in
apsarapat{ and vrajapat{ (AV.), and nadipat{ (VS.), citpat{ (MS.;
elsewhere citpatt).

b. Other exceptions are sporadic only: for example, janardjan, deva-
vérman, hiranyatéjas, prtandhéva, godhtima and gakadhtima (but
dhfiimé); vacdstena.

c. The appearance of a case-form in such compounds is rare: examples
are d{vodisa, vaodstena, ucc&{hgravas, ucoiirghoga, dirébhis
(the three last in possessive application).

d. A number of compounds are accented on both members: thus,
gécipati, shdaspéti, bfhaspéti, vAnaspéti, réthaepéti, jdspdti (also
jdspati), naéracdhaa, tantinéptry, tanfindpat (tanti as independent word),
cunahcépa. And CB. has a long list of metronymics having the anoma-
loua acoentaation k&utsiputra, gdrgiputra, eto.

1268. The compounds having an ordinary adjective as final mem-
ber are (as already noticed) comparatively few.

a. So far as can be gathered from the scanty examples occurring In
the older language, they retain the accent of the prior member: thus,
gavigthira (AV gavigthira), tanticubhra, madderaghu, yajfiddhira,
sAmavipra, tildmigra (but tila); but kpgtapacy& ripening in culti-
vated soil.

1268. The adjective dependent compounds having as final mem-
ber the bare root—or, if it end in a short vowel, generally with
an added t—are very numerous in-all periods of the language, as
has been already repeatedly noticed (thus, 883 f-h, 1147). They are
accented on the root.

a. In a very few instances, the accent of words having apparently or
oonjecturally this origin is otherwise laid: thus, 4hsatra, dnarviog, evivrj,
pratyékgadro, purathdhi, dgadhi, dramig, ugddagh, vatedpa, dbda.

b. Before a final root-stem appears not very seldom a case-form: for
example, patathgé, girAvfdh, dhiy&@jur, akgnay&druh, hrdispfo,
divispfc, vaneséh, divigdd, afigesthé, hrtevds, prtsutar, apsujé.

c. The root-stem has sometimes a middie or passive value: for ex-
ample, manoyuj yoked (yoking themselves) by the will, hrdaydwidh
pierced to the heart, manuja born of Manu.

1270. Compounds made with verbal derivatives in a, both of
action and of agency, are numerous, and take the accent usually on
their final syllable (as in the case of compounds with verbal prefixes:
1148 m).

1270—] XVIII. Composition. 492

a. Examples are: hastagraibhd hand-grasping, devavandé goed-
praising, havirad& devouring the offering, bhuvanacyavé shaking the
world, vratyabruvé calling one's self a vritya; akgapardjayé failure
at play, vagatkaré utterance of vagat, gopogé prosperity in cattle,
anhgajvardé pain in the limbs.

b. In a few instances, the accent is (as in compounds with ordinary
adjectives: above, 1268) that of the prior member: thus, mardadvpdha,
sutékara, divfcara (and other more questionable words). And dagha
milking, yielding is so accented as final: thus, madhudtgha, kimadiagha.

c. Case-forms are especially frequent in the prior members of compounds
with adjective derivatives in a showing guna-strengthening of the root:
thus, for cxample, abhayathkaré, yudhithgamé, dhanathjayé, purarh-
daré, vigvambharé, divdkaré, talpegaya, divigtambhé.

1271. Compounds with verbal nouns and adjectives in ana are
very numerous, and have the accent always on the radical syllable
(as in the case of compounds with verbal prefixes: 1150 e).

a. Examples are: kecavaérdhana hair-increasing, &dyugpratérapa
life-lengthening, tanipana body-protectiny; devahédana hatred of the
gods, purhstuvana giving birth to males.

b. A very few apparent excuptions as regards accent are really cases
where the derivative has lost its verbal character: thus, yamasd&dan4& )’ama's
realm, &chadvidhana means of protection.

G. An accusative-form is sometimes found before a derivative In ana:
thus, saripampérana, ayakgmaihkdérana, aubhdgathkérana, vanaih-
karana.

1372. a. The action-noung in ya (1213) are not infrequent fa
composition as final member, and retain their own proper accent (as
in combination with prefixes). Sufficient examples were given above
(12313).

b. The same is true of the equivalent feminines in y&: soe above,
1213 d.

o. Tho gerundives in ya (1213) hardly occur in the older language
in combination with other elements than prefixes. The two nivibhdrya
and prathamavdasyaé (the latter a descriptive) have the accent of the
independent words of the same form; balavijfilady4 and &4qvabudhya (7)
are inconsistent with these and with ono anothor.

1273. Compounds made with the passive participle in ta or na
have the accent of their prior member (as do the combinations of the
same words with prefixes: 1086 a).

a. Examples are: hastakrta made with the hand, virdjéta born of «
hero, ghogabuddha arakened hy noise, prajapatisrgta created by Prajé-
pati, devadtta given by the gods; and, of participles combined with prefizes,
{ndraprasitta tucited by Indra, bfghaspétipranutta driven away by
Brihaspati, ulkabhihata séruck by a thunderbolt, vajravihata, sathvat-

493 DEPENDENT COMPOUNDS. (—1376

sardsammita commensurate with the year. AV. has the anomalous apsu-
samncita guickened by the waters.

b. A number of exceptions occur, in which the final syllable of the
compound has the accent: for example, agnitapté, indroté, pitpvitté,
rathakrita, agnidagdha (beside agnidagdha), kavigasté (beside kavi-
gasta), kavipracasté.

c. One or two special usages may be noticed. The participle gata,
gone to, as final of a compound, je used in a loose way in the later lan-
guage to express relation of various kinds: thus, jagatigata existing in the
tcorld, tvadgata belonging to thee, sakhigata relating to a friend, citra-
gata tna picture, putragatath sneham affection toward a son, ete. The
participle bhitta been, become ts used in composition with a noun as bardly
more than a grammatical device to give it an adjective form: thus, idazh
tamobhiitam this creation, being darkness (existing in the condition of
darkness), tath ratnabhitarmh lokasya her, being the pearl of the world;
kgetrabhita smrt& n&ri bijabhfitah smrtah pum&n a woman is
eegarded aa a field; a man, as seed; and €0 on.

a. The othcr participles only seldom occur as finals of compounds:
thes, prasakarmukabibhrat bearing jarelin and bow, achstravidvahs
not knowing the text-books, arjunadarcivaénse having seen Arjuna, apriya-

cahsivahs announcing what ts disagreeable, gdutamabruv&né calling
himself. Gautama.

1274. Comunpounds with derivatives ia ti have (like combinations
with the prefixes: 1157) the accent of the prior member.

a. Examples are: dhénasati winning of wealth, admapiti soma-
drinking, devahiiti trocation of the gods, namatikt! uflerance of
homage, havyAdati presentation of offerings; and so tokés&ti, devéhiti,
rudréhiti, ettktokti, svagdkrti, divieti.

b. In nemadhiti, -medhés&ti, vanddhiti (all RV.), the accent of
the prior member is changed from penalt to fval.

c. Wher the verbal charactor of the derivation ts lost, the general
rule of final accent (1267) ts followed: thus, devahet{ weapon of the gods,
devasumat! favor of the gods, brahmacit{ Brahmen-pile. Also in sar-
vajyan{ entire ruin, the accent {fe that of compounds with ordinary nouns.

1276. Compounds with a derivative in in as final member bave
(a8 in all other cases) the accent on the {n.

a. Thus, ukthacatain pealm-singing, vratackrin row-per forming,

reabhadayin Sullock-giving, satyavadin truth-speaking, gronipratodin
(high-pounding.

1276. ‘There is a group of compounde with derivatives ia 1,
having the accent on the penult or radical syllable.

a. Thus, pathirakei road protecting, havirmathi sacrifice-disturbing,
Atmadtigi sou/-harming, pathigddi sifting in the path, sahobhAri strength-

1276—) XVIII. Composition. 494

bearing, vasuvani winning good-things, dhanasani gaining wealth, manc-
miagi mind-stealing, phalagrébi setting frust; and, from reduplicated root,
uruc&kri making room. Compounds with -sdni and -vadni are especially
frequent in Veda and Brahmana; as independent words, nouns, these are
accented san{ and van{. In many cases, the words ere net found ia
independent use. Combinations with prefixes do not occur in sufficient
number to establish a distinct rule, but they appear to be oftenest acecnted
on the suffix (1156 f).

b. From yhan sre made i composition -ghni and -ghni, with
accent un the ending: thus, sahasraghnf, ahighni, gvaghni; -dhi frou
Ydha@ (1166 g) has the accent in ite nomerous compounds: thus, igudhf,
garbhadh{, pucchadhf.

1277. Compounds with derivatives in van have (like combina-
tions with prefixes: 1168c) the accent of the final member: namely,
on the radical syllable.

a. Thus, somapavan soma-drinking, baladévan strength-giving,
paépakftvan evil-doing, bahusiivan much-yiekling, talpagivan lying on
a couch, rathaya@van going in a chariot, Grughdvan sifting on a tree,
agretvari f. yoing at the head. The accent of the obscure words mita-
r{gvan and matar{bhvan Is anomalous.

b. The few compounds with deal man appear to follow the samo cule
as those with van: thus, svadukgddman sharing out sweets, Aguhéman
steed-impelliny.

$278. Compounds with «ther derivatives, of rare or sporadic occurrence.
may be brichy noticed: thus, in u, ragtradipsd, devapiyu, govinda,
vanargu (’): compare 1178e;—in nu or tnu, lokakrtnt, surfii-
pakytni: compare 1196; — in ty, nppatf, mandh&tf, haskartf (vasu-
dhataras, AV., is doubtless a false reading). The derivatives in as are
of infrequent occurrence in composition (as in combination with prefixes:
above, 1151k), and appear to be treated as ordinary nouns: thus, yajfia-
vacas (but hiranyatéjas, AV.).

B. Descriptive Compounds.

1279. In this division of the class of determinatives,
the prior member stands to the other in no distinct case-
relation, but qualifies it adjectively or adverbially, accord-
ing as it (the final member) is noun or adjective.

a. Exampies are: nilotpalé d/ue lotus, sarvaguyna all good quality,
priyasakha dear friend, mahargi yreat-sage, rajatapetrh& silver cup;
ajhdta unknown, sukrta well done, dugkft il-doing, purugtuté mack
praised, paunarnava renewed.

b. The prior member is not always an adjective before a noun or

495 DESCRIPTIVE COMPOUNDS. {—1280

an adverb hefore an adjective; other parts of speech are sometimes peed
adjectively and advorbially in that position.

o. The boundary between descriptive and dependent compounds is not
an absolute one; in certain cases it fs open to question, for instance, whether
a prior noun, or adjective with noun-value, is used more in a case-relation,
or adverblally.

d. Moreover, where the final membor fs a derivative having both noun
and adjective value, it js not seldom doubtful whetber an adjective com-
pound {s to be regarded as descriptive, mado with final adjective, or pos-
sestive, made with final noun. Sometimes the accent of the word determines
its character in thie respect, but not always.

e. A satisfactorily elmple and perspicuous classificstion of the descrip-
tive compounds {fs not practicable; we cannot hold spsrt throughout the com-
pounds of noun and of sdjective value, but may better group both together,
as they appear with prefixed elements of various kinds.

1280. The simplest case is that in which a noun as
final member is preceded by a qualifying adjective as prior

mem ber.

a. In this combination, both noun and adjective may be of any
kind, verbal or otherwise. The accent is (as in the corresponding
class of dependent noun-compounds: 1367) on the final syllable.

b. Thus, ajfatayakgmAé unknown disease, mah&dhans& great wealth,
kgipracyend swift hawk, kpynagakunl black bird, dakginagn{ southern
fire, urukgit{ wide abode, adharahana lower jaw, itarajand other folks,
sarvatmhAn whole soul, ekavir& sole hero, gnptare{ seven sages, tytiya-
savand third libation, ekonavifigat{ a score diminished by one, jigrat-
svapnd waking sleep, yAvayateakha defending friend, apakglyamana-
pakga waning half.

©. There are not a few exceptions as regards accent. Especially, com-
ponnde with vicva (in composition, accented vigvh), which itself retains
the accent: thus, vigvddevis all the gods, vigv4ma&nuga every man. For
words in ti, see below, 1987 d. Sporadic cases are madhyarhdina,
vrsdkapi, both of which show an irregular shift of tone In the prior
member; and a few others.

d. Instead of an adjective, the prior member is in a few cases
a noun used appositionally, or with a quasi-adjective value. Thue,
rajayakgema king-disease, brahmargi priest-eage, rajargi king-sege,
rajadanta king-tooth, devajana god-folk, dubityjana daughter-person,
camilat& creeper named cami, mugikakhy& the name “mouse”, jaya-
gabda the word “conquer”, ujhitagabda the word “deserted”; or, more
figuratively, gphanaraka houwse-hell (house which 18 a hell), g&paigni
curse-fire (consuming curee).

e. This group is of consequence, inasmuch as in possessive application

1280—] XVIII. Composition. 496

it is greatly oxtended, and forma a numerous class of appositional com-
pounds: sec below, 1298.

f. This whole subdivision, of nouns with preceding qualifying adjcc-
tives, is not uncommon; but it is greatly (in AV., for example, more than
five times) exceeded in frequency by the sub-class of posseseives of the
suule form: see below, 1298.

1281. The adverbial words which are most freely and
commonly used as prior members of compounds, qualifying
the final member, are the verbal prefixes and the words of
direction related with them, and the inseparable prefixes,
@ or an, su, dus, etc. (1121). These are combined not
only with adjectives, but also, in quasi-adjectival value,
with nouns; and the two classes of combinations will best
be treated together.

1282. Verbal adjectives and nouns with preceding
adverbs. Ags the largest and most important class under this head
wight properly enough be regarded the derivatives with preceding
verbal prefixes. These, however, have been here reckoned rather
us derivatives from rvots combined with prefixes (1141), and have
becn treated under the head of derivation, in the preceeding chapter.
In taking up the others, we will begin with tho participles.

1283. ‘The participles belonging to the tense-systems — those ina
ant (ur ut), mana, dna, vaéhes—aure only rarcly compounded with
uny other adverbial element than the negative a or an, which then
tukes the accent.

a. Examples are: Anadant, adadat, dnagnant, dsravant, dlubh-
yant, adasyant, aditsant, adevayant; 4manyaménet, ahidesdina,
achidyamana; ddadivaéas, abibhivaéads, atasthana; and, with vertal
preilses, €napasphurant, anagamigyant, aénabhyégamigyant, dv:-
radhayant, 4vicucalat, 4prutimanytyamdana.

bb. Baceplions ino cegard to accent are very few: arundhati, ajérantt,
ucodant (RV. once: doubtless a false reading, the simple particlple is
codant); AV. has anipadyamana for RV. anipadyamdna (and the
published teat has agatyant, with a part of the manuscripts); (B. bas
akamayaniana.

ce. Of other compounds than with the negative prefix have becn noted
i the Veda -punardiyamana (in apunard-) and suvidvaéis. In alala-
bhavant aud jaijanabhavant RV., as in astambyaént and astamegyant
(AV.), we have partiviples of a compound conjugation (1001), ia whieh,
as hay been pointed out, the accent is as in combinations with the vesbal
prelines.

497 DESCRIPTIVE COMPOUNDS. (—1386

1384. The passive (or past) participle in ta or na is much more
variously compounded; and in general (as in the case of the verbal
prefixes: 1086a) the preceding adverbial element has the accent.

a. Thus, with the negative a or an (by far the most common case):
d&krta, ddabdha, drigta, 4naidbrsta, 4pardjita, dsathkhy&ta, dna-
bhydriidha, 4parimitasamyddha; — with su, s&jata, suhuta, stsath-
gita, svaramhkyta;— with dus, ddgoarita, durdhita and durhita,
duhorta; — with other adverbial words, dAfhsujfita, ndvajita, sine-
gruta, svayéthkrta, tripratigthita: drathkrta and kakajdkrta are
rather participles of a compound conjugation.

b. Exceptions in regard to accent are: with a.or an, andgastd, apra-
gasté, and, with the accent of the participle retracted to the root, amfta,
adfsta, acitta, aytuta myriad, attirta (beside dtfirta), astirta (? beside
etirta); — with au (nearly half as numerous as the regular cases), subhfité,
etikté, supracasté, svdkta, sukytdé and aujité (beside sukrta and
euj&ta), and a few others; with dus (quite as numerous as the regular
cases), duritd (aleo durita), durukt4é, dugkyt& (also dugkrta), dur-
bhiita; with sa, saj&ta; with other adverbs, amoté, arigtuté, tuvijaté,
pracinopavité, tadaénishdugdhé, pr&tardugdhé, ete., and the com-
pounds with puru, purujaté, puruprajataé, purupragasté, purugtuté,
etc, and with svayam, svayarbkyté etc. The proper name agidghdé
stands beside &g&dha; and AV. has abhinnd for RV. 4bhinna.

1385. The gerundives occur almost only in combination with
the negative prefix, and have usually the accent on the fnal syllable

a. Examples are: an&pyé, anindy4, abudhyé, asahyd, ayodhyé,
amoky&é; advigeny4; ahnavdyyé; and, along with verbal prefixes, the
cases are asathkhyeydé, apramysyé, anapavesy4, anatyudyé, and-
dhregy4, avimokyé, an&nukyty4 (the accent of the simple word being
sawhkhyéya etc.).

b. Exceptions in regard to accent are: &nedya, 4d&bhya. dgohya,
&jogya, d4yabhya. The two anavadhargya and anativyddhya (both AV.)
belong to the yh-division (1213b) of gerundives, and have retained the
accent of the simple word. And Aghnya and aghnyé occn: together.

co. The only compounds of these words with other adverbial cloments
in V. are suyabhya (accented like its twin dyabhya) and prathamavisya
(which retains the final circumflex), and perhaps ekavd&dy&.

d. The neuter nouns of the same form (181386: except sadhdstutya)
retain their own accent after an adverbial prior member: thus, parvapfdyya,
pUrvapéya, amutrabhiiya; and sahacéyya. And the negatived gerundives
instanced above are capable of being viewed as possessive compounds with
such nouns.

e. Some of the other verbal derivatives which have rules of their
own as to accent etc. may be next noticed.

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 32

1286—} XVIII. Composrrion. 498

1286. The root-stem (pure root, or with t added after a short
final vowel: 1147d) is very often combined with a preceding adverbial
word, of various kinds; and in the combination it retains the accent.

a. Examples are: with inseparable prefixcs, adrah not harming, ast
not giving birth, arac not shining; sukft well-doing, sugrat hearing well;
dugkft sli-doing, didig (190d) impious; saydj joining together, samid
conflict, aahaj&é born together, aahavdh carrying together; — with other
adverbs, amAjur growing old at home, uparispfg touching upward,
punarbhti appearing again, pratarytj harnessed early, sadyabkri bouyht
the same day, s&kathvfdh growing up toyether, sadathd{ ever-binding,
vigtiv{t turning to both sides, vyth&séh easily overcoming; — with ad-
jectives used adverbially, uruvydc wide-spreading, prathamajé Arst-born,
gukrapfig brightly adorned, dvijé twice born, trivft triple, avariij self-
ruling; — with nouns used adverbially, gambhti beneficent, siryagvit
shining like the sun, Igdnakft acting as lord, svayambhil self-existent ;
and, with accusative case-form, patathg& going by flight.

b. When, however, a root-stem is already in composition, whether
with a verbal prefix or an element of other character, tho further added
negative itself takes the accent (as in case of an ordinary adjective; below,
1288 a): thus, for example, Anakgit not abiding, 4ndvet not turning back,
dvidvig not showing hostility, 4dugkyt not tl-doing, Anagvad& not giving
a horse, Apaguhan not slaying cattle, (anagds would be an exception, if
it contained 7g&: which is very unlikely). Similar combinations with su
seem .o retain the radical accent: thus, supratar, sv&bht, svéyij:
Svayyj is an unsupported exception.

c. A few other exceptions occur, mostly of doubtful character, as
prétipric, sadhdstha, Adhrigu, and the words having afic as Anal
member (407 ff.: if this element is not, after all, a suffix): compare ] 960.

1287. Other verbal derivatives, requiring to be treated apart
from the general body of adjectives, are few and of minor impor-
tance. Thus:

a. The derivatives in a are in great part of doubtfal character, because
of the possibility of their being used with substantive value to make a pos-
Sessive compound. ‘The last ambiguous, probably, are the derivatives from
present-stems (1148 j), which have the accent on the suffix: thue, asunvé,
apagya, akgudhya, avidasyA, animyné, saddpyné, punarmanyé;
and with them belong such cases as atrpé, avydhd, ararzngamé, urukramé,
ev&vada, satrdsahé, punahaarsé, purahsaré; and che nouns siyam-
bhava, sahaocara’, praétahs&Ava, mithoyodhé Difw&reutly accented, on
the other hand, although appsrently of the same formation, are such as
&napasphura, anavahvara (compare the compounds noticed at 1286 b).
sadavrdha, stibharva, nyagrédha, purodaga, sadhamédda, sudigha,
supaca, suhava, and others. Words like addbha, durhdna, sukéra,
suydéma, are probably posacesives.

499 DESORIPTIVE COMPOUNDS. (—1288

b. The derivatives in van keep in general the aceent of the final
member, on the root (compare 1168c, 1377): thus, Agupd&tvan and
raghupdtvan swift-fying, puroydvan going in front, sukftvan well-
doing; andsutérman and suvé4hman ond raghuydman are probably to
be classed with them. But the negative prefx has the accent even before
these: thus, A4yajvan, érfvan, Aprayutvan; and satyAmadvan (if it
be not possessive) has the accent of its prior member.

c. A few words in i seem to bave (as in dependent compounds: 1276)
the accent on the radical syllable: thus, durgfbhi, yjuvdni, tuvigvdni.

d. The derivatives tn ti are variously treated: the negative prefix has
always the accent before them: as, dcitti, 4bhfiti, 4n&hfiti; with su and
dus, the compound is aecented now on tho prefix and now on the final, and
in some words on eitber (suniti end aunit{, dugtuti and dustut{); with
other elements, the accent of the prefix prevails: thus, s4huti, sadhastuti,
purdhiti, pirvapiti, pirvydéstuti.

e. The derivatives in in have, as in general, the accent on the suffix:
thus, pirvde{n, bahucadrin, sAdhudevin, savdsin, kevaladin. But
with the negative prefix, Andmin, Avitérin.

f. Other combinations are too various in treatment, or are represented
by too few examples in accontuated texts. to justify the setting up of rules
respecting them.

1288. Of the remalning combinations, those made with the insep-
arable prefixes form in some measure a class by themselves.

1. a. The negative prefix a or an, when it directly negatives the
word to which it is added, has a very decided tendency to take the
accont.

b. We have seen above (1283) that it does so even in the case of
present and perfect and future participles, although these in combination
with a verbal prefix retain their own accent (1065: but there are exceptions,
as avadant, apacyaént, etc. (B.); and also in the case of a root-stem, if
this be already componnded with another element (1286b). And the same
is true of ita other combinationa.

c. Thus, with varioas adjective words: atandra, 4dabhra, a4d&ouri,
anyju, ddevayu, &tranaj, 4tavyadhs, 4ndmin, ddvaydvin, dpracetas,
aAnapatyavant, Anupadasvant, Apram&yuka, Amamri, 4Aprajajfii,
4vididhayu, 4nagnidagdha, 4kamakarcana, épagc&ddaghvan. Fur-
ther, with nouns, Apati, Akumfra, 4br&hmana, dvidyd, dcraddha,
avratya.

d. But there are a number of exceptions, In which the accent is on
the final syllable, without regard to tbe original accentuation of the final
member: thus, for example, acitré, acriré, avipré, ayajfiiy4, ané-
emakA, asthir{, an&ou, ajarayu, andmayitnu; and in am{tra enemy,
and avira unmaniy, there is a retraction of the accent from the final syllable
of the final member to its penult.

32°

1288—] XVIII. Composition. 500

2. e. The prefixes su and dus have this tendency in a much
less degree, and their compounds are very variously accented, now
on the prefix, now on the final syllable, now on the accented syllable
of the final member; and occasionally on either of two syllables.

f. Thus, for example, shbhadra, savipra, sdpakva, sabraéhmana,
subhigaj; sutirthé, suvasand, augdrath{, sup&gd, sucitré; sugéva,
suhdtr: suvira is like avira; — durmitré, dubgvapnya; and ducchand
(168b), with irregular retraction of accent (gun).

3. g. Tho compounds with sa arc too few to furnish occasion for
separate mention; and those with the interrogative prefix in its various
forms are also extremely rare in the Veda: examples are kucaré, kat-
pay4, kAbandha, kunannamé, kum§@ré, kiyava, kugéva.

1288. The verbal prefixes are sometimes used in a general ad-
verbial way, qualifying a following adjective or noun.

a. Examples of such combinations are not numerous in the Veda.
Their accentuation is various, though the tone rests oftenest on the pre-
position. Thus 4dhipati over-lord, 4parupa mis-form, pratigatru oppos-
ing foe, prapada fore part of foot, pranapat great-grandchild, vipakva
quite done, sampriya mutually dear; upajihvik& side tongue (with re-
traction of the accent of jihvd); antardega intermediate direction, pradiv
forward heaven, prapitémaha (also !prapitamaha) great-grand father,
pratijand opponent, vyadhv& midway. These compounds are more fre-
quent with possessive value (below, 1306).

b. Thies use of the verbal prefixes is more common later, and some of
thom havo a rogularc valuo in such compounds. Thus, ati denotes exccss,
as in atidira very far, atibhaya exceeding fear, Atiptruga ((1.) chicf
man; adhi, superiority, as in adhidanta upper. tooth adhistri chief woman;
abhi is intensive, as in abhinamra much inclining, abhinava span-new,
abhirucira delightful; & signifies somewhat, as in Gkufila somewhat crooked,
nila bluish; upa denotes something accessory or secondary, as io upa-
puraéya additional Purana; pari, excess as in paridurbala very weak ;
prati, opposition, as in pratipakga opposing side, pratipustaka copy;
vi, variation or excess, as in vidiira very far, vipandu greyish, vikgudra
respectively small; sam, completeness, as in sampakva quite ripe.

1200. Other compounds with adverbial prior members are quite irre_-
ularly accented.

Thus, the compounds with puru, on the final (compare the participles
with puru, 1284b): as, purudasmé, purupriyé, purugcandré; those
with panar, on the prior member, as phnarnava, pinarmagha, pinar-
yuvan, punarvasu (but punahsard etc.); those with satds, satinéa,
saty&, the same, as satémahant, satindamanyu, satyémugra; a few
combinations of nouns in ty and ana with adverbs akin with the prefixes,
on the final syllable, as puraétf, purahsthatf, uparigayana, pritahsa-
vand; and miscellaneous cases are mithéavadyapa, hariccandra, Alpa-
gayu, sAdhvaryéa, yadcchregth&é and yavacchresthé, jyogimayavin.

o01 SECONDARY ADJECTIVE ComMPOUNDS. 1203—]

1281. One or two exceptional cases may be noted, as follows:

a. An adjective is sometimes preceded by a noun standing toward it
in a quasi-adverbial relation expressive of comparison or likeness: ¢. €-
gaukababhbru (V8.) parrot-brown, irnaimydu (TB.) soft as wool, prina-
priya dear as life, kugeqayavajomydu soft de lotus-pollen, bak&lina
hidden like a heron, mattam&tahgagamin moving ike a maddened elephant.

b. An adjective is now and then qualified by another adjective: oe. g.
krendita dark-gray, dhimrérohitea grayish red: and compare the adjec-
tives of intermediate direction, 19576.

c. The adjective pfirva is in the later Isnguage frequently used as
final member of a compound in which its logical value is that of an adverb
qualifying the other member (which ie said to retain its own scoent). Thus,
dretaptirva previously seen, parinitapfirva already married, aparijfid-
tapfirva not before known, somapitapfirva having formerly drunk soma,
stripirva formerly a woman.

ill. Secondary Adjective Compounds.

1292. a. A compound having a noun as its final mem-
ber very often wins secondarily the value of an adjective,
being inflected in the three genders to agree with the noun
which it qualifies, and used in all the constructions of an
adjective.

b. This class of compounds, as was pointed out above
(1247. III), falls into the two divisions of A. Possessives,
having their adjective character given them by addition of
the idea of possessing; and B. those in which the final
member is syntactically dependent on or governed by the
prior member.

A. Possessive Oompounds.

1208. The possessives are noun-compounds of the pre-
ceding class, determinatives, of all its various subdivisions,
to which is given an adjective inflection, and which take
on an adjective meaning of a kind which is most conve-
niently and accurately defined by adding having or pos-
sessing to the meaning of the determinative.

a. Thus: the dependent afiryatejds sun's brightness becomes the

1293—) XVIII. Composition. 5062

possessive stiryatejas possessing the brightness of the sun; yajfiakims
desire of sacrifice becomes yajidk&ima having desire of sacrifice; the
descriptive brhadratha great chariot becomes the possessive brhdéd-
ratha Aaving great chariots; dhasta not hand becomes ahasté handicss;
durghandi wi savor becomes durgandhi of sil savor; and so up.

b. A copulative compound is not convertible into am adjective directly,
any more than is a simple noun, but requires, like the latter, a possessive
suffx or other meaus: e. g. Vigghastavant, dogaguyin, rajastamaska,
acirogriva, anrgyajus. A very small namber ef exceptions, bowever,
aré found: thus. somendra (I3.), stomaprstha (VS. TS.), hastyrgabha
(CB.). disinigka (CAU ). and. later, cakramusala, sedinanda, saccid-
dnanda, siikhyayoga (as 0. pr.), balAbala, bhitabhdutika.

o The mame given Ly the mative grammarians to the pesecesive com-
pounds is bahuvrihi: the word is an example of the class, meaning pee-
sessing muck rice.

d. Tke tame “relative”, instead of posseasive, sometimes applied to
thts class. is an utter misnomer; since, theugh the meaning of such a com-
peend (as cf acy attribute wend) is easily cast inte a relative ferm, its
essential character ies mn the pousecasive verb which has nevertheless te be
added, or in the prsseserve case of the relative wich must be used: thus,
mahékavi acid éyurdd& ijcacriptive and dependent, are “relative” alse,
who as @ gress ped. s=3 that us iife-giring, bat bphadratha, pessessive,
racaans wAs bss © prscd cherwe, cr whose us « grest chariel.

1ZO4. a That a ccus. axple .c compound, should be added to an-
ciher B.er ta aS cppeomt. way. with a value wirtually attribative, and that
@ach 2.258 sisals cceart.ca'.y gua by freguest association and applicatiun
aL scecsicvc f.2c5 a le ataral eatagh. and occurs im many languages ;
Bhe peviscartte 62 sac Saceerit fermatna like tm two things First, that
$l ede 2d.6.5 have &.:. .e a perfecaly mgubar and indefinitely extensible
eRe ta the ade ul Cccbpwendcs Werte, at that apy comspennd with nous-
a vars ee - @ Ba sh ce. a dete ae adpe ties, while te a stmple
meee ere FL eek be oe tte aaffa te order to adapt it to
ar ‘- et-. os.. Basta cco Reve hastin snd
babs mest Kess: babuma=t, Riranyehasta sed mahdbéhbu change
Sec 2-03 3. ac scies Talat with aa abet epding. And second, that
te Belas.ca 12 82: Gietes i542. Ge aupread should have come to be
HD gizersal’y what cs) pumecdiawd. 208 ul lsemess. ews of appurtenamce, ner of
Sad SS22> TWlskee Sawa is as Latacal_y ratawed ia sach a construction:
war 8s Say soy asy foc 23anz'e. mahbdébdéhuh purugsh me with
gras aos. srioaias: mabéNRur manih pare for « great arm, or
mababehava> sakbéh prostes iste greet arms.

BR Laer a. lowers :: the ates isageage a few derivative ad-
[asa.tw lL. pve2ls 0I..2 cag Ue Nascua af aggertemance rather than that
«io gMeseaet.. age w2ch amt 8a acvbeln. ty w be viewald as survivals of
Qa 2. Wg actweess othe special cates Af the gemeral class as

503 Possessivr, ComPOUNDS. [—1207

possessive (compare the similar exceptions under possessive suffixes, 1230g,
1238f). Cxamples are: vigvdnara of or for all men, belonging to all
(and so vigvdkyeti, -cargani, -keiti, -gotra, -manus, -Ayu, and sar-
vapaqu, saptdm&nuga), vigvdghrada of every autumn, vipath& for
bad roads, dvir&jé (battle) of two kings, agvapretha carried on horseback,
virdpastya abiding with heroes, pirnhmasa at full moon, adévaka for
no divinity, bahudevata or -ty& for many divinities, aparisathvateara
not lasting a full year, ekidagakapA&la for eleven dishes, somendrh for
Soma and Indra. And the compounds with final member {n ana mentioned
at 1306 b arc probably of the same character. But also in the later lan-
guage, some of the so-called dvigu-compounds (13]8) belong with these:
so dvigu itself, as meaning worth two cows, dvin&u bought for two ships;
also occasional cases like dev&sura (sarhgr&ma) of the gods and demons,
narahaya of man and horse, cakramusala with discus of club, guru-
talpa viviating the teacher's bed.

1205. The possessive compound is Uistinguisbed from its sub-
strate, the determinative, generally by a difference of accent. This
difference is not of the same nature in all the divisions of the class;
but oftenesc, the possessive has as a compound the natural accent
of its prior member as in mest of the examples given above).

1206. Possessively used de¢):erdenit compounds, or poe-
sessive dependents, are very much less common than
those corresponding to the other division of determinatives.

a. Farther examples ere: maytiraroman having the plumes of _p-a-
cocks, agnitejas having the brightness of fire, jfiatimukha wearing tie
aspect of relatives, p&tik€ma desiring a husband, hastip&da having an
elephant's feet, réjanyabandhu having kshatriyas for relatives.

b. The accent is, as in the examples given, regularly that of the
prior member, and exceptions are rare and of doubtful character. A few
compounds with derivatives in ana have the scecent of the final member:
e. g. indrapdna serving as drink for Indra, devashdana serving as seat
for the gods, rayisthdna being source of wealth; but they contaln no
implication of possession, and are possibly in character, as in accent, de-
pendent (but compare 1804b). Also a few in as, as nyodkgas men-
beholding, nyvihas men-bearing, kgetrasédhas field-prospering, are pro-
bably to be judged in the same way.

1207. Possessively used descriptive compounds, or pos-
sessive descriptives, are extremely numerous and of
every variety of character; and some kinds of combination
which are rare in proper descriptive use are very common
as possessives.

a. They will be taken up below in order, according to the char-

1283

Pushes."

desar-

desis:

ruth
durp:

‘ 204

.: .vun-final be preceded by

-.t-0 & noun is preceded by
.: Juinted out ubove, 12380f.
vee of the same form.

.c accent of their prior member:
-waau Aaving powerful arms, jivé-
-—a,24 -ongbearded, byhacchravas of
.., aahdvadha bearing a great wea-
-azavarna of bright color, givabhi-

.. aamuha of true promises, shrvAiga
.» .tury, héritasraj wearing yellow

wast wW accent are not rare (a seventh

.asyel. Thus, the accent is sometimes

_~ ita derivatives in as, as tuviraédhas,

. wicrs in which (as above, 1906b) a

a:posted: thus, urujréyas beside urujri,

-—. -« w on; but also with those of other

ym -<.. Kpgnakdpna, citradfoika, tuvi-

_ays. Quruvértman, raghuydman, vidu-

2 oe accent is retracted from the final to

.. ucuber: thus, ahhubhéda, tuviyriva,

..wiu slio Gitibahu). The largest class is

«. a= scent upon their final syllablo (in part,

. .- mas those which retain the account of the

. . Ddahvannd, nilanakha, puruputra,

smi, peyniparni f., darcatagri, pitirajja,
wee PORES.

. 2 « s& prior member of a compound (and also

..vat regularly to vicvé; sérva ichole, all,

ww ee

.apvauads with a participle preceding and

ss-uewtler are numerous, although such a

_. -saccivpdve value is almost unknown. The
_ weaved that of the prior member.

teaivet the passive one, in ta or na. Thus,

.-« ancy, Ghyptaragtra of firmly held royalty.

2 win, iddhdgni whose fire ts kindled, uttans-

.. om prayatadaksina huring presented sacrificial

wave ogee. Ariggavira whose men are unharmed,

. ws. whoisuce, aNabhimlaétavarna of untarnished

eos vc accent are very few: there have been noticed
«amakayi {. achinnaparna.

=e

505 PossEssivE COMPOUNDS. [—1800

b. Examples occur of a present participle in the same situation. In
about half the (accentuated) instances, it gives its own accent to the com-
pound: thus, dyutadyAman, dhrgddvyarna etc., qucddratha, ragad-
vatea ctr, bhrdéjajjanman otc., sathyédvira, standyadama, sidhad-
ieti; in the others, the accent is drawn forward to the final syllable of
the participle (as in the compounds with governing participle: below, 1308):
thus, dravdtp&ni etc. (drav&t also occurs as adverb), rapgddfidhan,
svanddratha, arcéddhiima, bhandAédigti, krand&digti. With these last
agrees in form jarédaagti attaining old age, long-lived; bat its make-up,
in view of its meaning, is anomalous.

oc. The RV. has two compounds with the perfect middle participle as
prior member: thus, yuyujandsapti with harnessed coursers (perhape rather
having harnessed thetr coursers), and dadyg&ndpavi (with reguler sccent,
instead of dadrcana, as elsewhere irregularly in this participle) wsth con-
spicuous wheel-rims.

d. Of a nearly participial character is the prior element in gratkarna
(RV.) of listening ear; and with this are perhaps eccordant didyagni and
sthdracman (RV., each once).

1800. Possessive compounds having a numeral as prior member
are very common, and for the most part follow the same rule of
accent which is followed by compounds with other adjectives: ex-
cepted are those beginning with dvi and tri, which accent in general
the final member.

a. Examples with other numerals than dvi and tri are: ékacakra,
ékacirgan, ékapad, cdturafiga, cdtugpakga, pdficifiguri, péfichu-
dana, sddacva, gatpad, saptdéjihva, saptamatr, astipad, astaputra,
navapad, ndvadvara, décacdkha, ddécagirgan, dvddagira, triicéd-
ara, catdparvan, cataddant, sahdsrandman, sahdsramiila.

b. Exceptions in regard to accent are but few, and have the tone on
he final syllable, whatever may be that belonging originally to the final
member; they are mostly stems in final a, used by substitution for others
in an, i, or a consonant: thos, caturakeé ete. (akgdn or dkgi: 431),
gadahé etc. (Ahan or &har: 480 a), dacgavygé otc: (vfgan), ekar&tré
etc. (r&tri or r&tri), ekaro& etc. (fo); but also a few others, os gad-
yogé, agtayoga, catarghd, sahasrirghé, ekapard(P).

c. The compounds with dvi and tri for the most part havo the ae-
cent of their final member: thus, for example, dvij4nman, dvidhira,
dvibandhu, dvivartan{, dvipéd; tritantu, trindbhi, trigéka, trivé-
raitha, tricakré, tricirgdn, tripdd. A number of words, however, follow
the general analogy, and accent the numeral: thus, for example, dvipakga,
dvicavas, dvydsya, trigandhi, tryara, try&cir, and sometimes dvi-
pad and tr{pad in AV. As in the other numeral compounds, as snbeti-
tuted stem in a is apt to take the accent on the final: thes, dvivreé
and trivrgaé, dvirajé, dvirdtra, tryfiyugé, tridivd; and a few of other

1300—] XVIII. Composition. 506

character with tri follow the same rule: thus, trikagé, trin&kAé, tri-
bandh, tryudhan, tribarhi{s, etc.

da. The neuter, or aiso the feminine, of numeral compounds is often
used substantively, with a collective or abstract value, and the accent is
then regularly on the final syllable: see below, 1312.

1301. Possessive compounds having as prior member a noun
which has a quasi-adjective value in qualifylog the final member are
very frequent, and show certain specialities of usage.

a. Least peculiar is a noun of material as prior member (bardly to be
reckoned as possessive dependents, because the relation of material is not
regularly expressed by a case: 2065): thus, hfranyahasta gold-handed,
*hfranyasraj tith golden garlands, dyahsthiina having brazen supports,
rajatanabhi of silver navel.

1302. Especially common is the use of a noun a8 prior member
to qualify the other appositionally, or by way of equivalence (the
occasional occurrence of detcrminatives of this character has becn no-
ticed above, 1280d). These may conveniently be called appo-
sitional possessives. Their accent is that of the prior member,
like the ordinary possessive descriptives.

a. Examples are: 4gvaparna horse-winged, or having horses as wings
(said of a chariot), bhiimigpha having the earth as house, indrasakhi
having Indra for friend, agnihoty having Agni as priest, gandharvépatni
having a Gundharva for spouse, Girdputra having hero-sons, jardmytyu
having old age as mode of death, living tilt old age, agniviisas fre-clad,
tadanta ending with that, cfracakgus using spies for eyes, vignugar-
man&man named Vishnucarman; and, with pronoun instead of noun,
tvddita having thee us messenger, tadapas having this for work. Excep-
tions in regard to accent occur here, as in the more regular descriptive
formation: thus, agnijihvé, vrganagvé, dhimagikhé, pavinasé, asf&u-
nama, tatkula, etc.

b. Not infrequently, a substantively used adjective is the Anal membcr
in such a compound: thus, {ndrajyegtha Auving Indra as chief, ma&nab-
gagtha having the mind as sixth, sdbmacgregtha of which soma is best,
ekaparaé of which the ace ss highest (?), asthibhiiyas Aaving bone as the
larger part, chiefly of bone, abhirupabhiyigtha chiefly composed of
worthy persons, dag&vara having ten as the lowest number, cint&para
having meditation as highest object or occupation, devoted to meditation,
nihgvadsa-parama much addicted to sighing.

c. Certain words are of especial frequency in the compounds here dc-
scribed, and have in part won a peculiar application. Thus:

d. With adi dcginning or ddika or &dya frst aru wade compounds
signifying the pereon or thing apecified slong with others, auch a person or
thing e¢ cetera. For example, devé indr&dayah the gods having Indra as
first, 1. e. the gods Indra etc., maricy&din munin Maric: and the other

507 POSSESSIVE COMPOUNDS. (—13808

sages, svéyambhuvadyéh saptéi ‘te manavah those seven Manus,
Svayambhuva etc, agnigtomadik&n the sacrifices Agnishtoma and so on.
Or the qualified noun is omitted, as in annapAnendhan&dini food, drink,
fuel, ete, d&énadharm&dikarh caratu bhavdn let your honor practise
hiberality, religsous rites, and the like. The particles evam and iti are also
sometimes used by substitution as prior members: thus, evam&di vaca-
nam words to this and the like effect; ato ‘hath bravimi kartavyah
sathoayo nityam ityadi hence I say “accumulation ts ever to be made” ete.

e. Used in much the same way, but less often, !s prabhrti degin-
ning: thas, vicvAvasuprabbytibhir gandharv&ih wsth the Gandharvas
Vicrdvasu ete.; especially adverbially, in measurements of space and time
as tatprabhrti or tatahprabhrti thenceforward.

f. Words meaning foregoer, predecesgor, and the like — namely,
pirva, piirvaka, puraheara, puraskrta, purogama —are often
employed in a similar manner, and especially edverbially, but for the most
part to denote accompaniment, rather than antecedence, of that which is
designated by the prior member of the compound: e. g. smitapfirvam
with a smile, an&mayapragnaptiirvakam with inquiries after health
pitamabapurogama accompanied by the Great Father.

g. The noun m&tr& measure stands as final of a compound which is
used adjectively or In the substantive neuter to signify a limit that is not
exceeded, and obtains thns the virtual value of mere, only: thus, jala-
mé&trena vartayan living by tater only (lit. by that which has water
for its measure or limit), garbhacyutima&trena by merely sssuing from
the womb, praénayatrikam&trah sy&t let him be one possessing what
does not exceed the preservation of iife; uktam&tre tu vacane but the
words being merely uttered.

h. The noun artha object, purpose is used at the end of s compound,
in the adverbial sccusative neuter, to signify for the sake of or the like:
thus, yajfiasiddhyartham in order to the accomplishment of the sacrifice
(lit. in a manner having the accomplishment of the sacrifice aa tts object),
damayantyartham for Damayanti's sake (wsth Damayanti as object).

i. Other examples are &bh&, kalpa, in the sense of like, approaching:
thus, hem&bha gold-iike, mytakalpa nearly dead, pratipannakalpa
almost accomplished ; — vidh&, in the sense of kind, sort: thus, tvadvidha
of thy sort, purugavidha of human kind; — priiya, in the sense of
mostly, often, and the like: thus, dubkhapra&ya full of pam, tpnapriya
abounding in grass, nirgamanapriya often going out;—antara (in
substantive neuter), in the sense of other: thas, deq&ntara anther region
(lit. that which has a difference of region), Janin&ntar&ni other existences,
gakh&ntare in another tezt.

1308. In appositional posscssive compounds, the second member, if it
designates a part of the body, sometimes logically signifies that part to which
what is designated by the prior member belongs, thet on or in which {it te.

13038—] XVIII. Composition. 508

a. Thus, ghytaprstha butter-backed, maédhujihva honey-tongued,
nigk&griva and manigriva necklace-necked, pdtrahasta vessel-handed,
vajrabahu lightning-armed, éeyhimukha blood-faced, kildlodhan mead-
uddered, vajajathara sacrifice-bellied, vigpakantha with teare in the
throat, graddhamanas with faith in the heart; with irregular acceat,
dhimakel f. smoke-eyed, agrumukhi f. tear-faced; and khidihasta
ring-handed (kh&d{). In the later lenguage, such compounds ere not {n-
frequent with words meaning hand: thus, gastrap&ni having a sword in
the hand, lagudahasta carrying a staff.

1304. Of possussive compounds having an adverbial element as
prior member, the most numerous by far are those made with the
inseparable prefixes. Their accent is various. Thus:

a. In compounds with the negative prefix a or an (in which the latter
logically negatives the imported ides of possession), the accent is prevallingly
on the fina) syllable, without regard to the original accent of the final member.
For example: ananté having no end, abalé not possessing strength, arathh
without chariot, agraddh& faithless, aman{ without ornament, agatra
without a foe, avarmaén noé cusrassed, addnt toothless, apid Sootless,
atejas without brightness, andrambhagaé not to be gotten hold of, apra-
timan& incomparable, aducchun& bringing no harm, apakgapuocch’
totthout sides or tasl.

b. But a number of examples (few in proportion to those already in-
stanced) have the prefix accented (like the simple descriptives: 12866 a):
thus, Akgiti indestructible, Agu kineless, A4gop& without shepherd, &jivana
lifeless, An&pi without friends, &dgigvi f. without young, dmytyu death-
less, Abrahman without priest, dvyacas without extension, dhavis without
oblation, and a few others; AV. has &prajas, but OB. aprajés. A very
few have the accent on the penult: namely, agégas, ajdni, and avira
(with retraction, from vird), apQtra (do., from putré); and AV. hss
abhraty, but RV. abhratf.

c. In compounds with the prefixes of praise and dispraise, su and
dus, the accent is iv the great majority of cases thet of the final member:
thus, sukAlpa of easy make, subhdga well portioned, sundkgatra of
propitious star, suputré having excellent sons, sugopé well-shepherded,
sukirt{ of good fame, sugandhi fragrant, sub&ht well-armed, suyathtu
of easy control, sukratu of guod capacity, suhdrd good-hearted, suardj
well-garlanded, suvarman well-cuirassed, suvisas well-clad, suprépiti
well guiding; durbhaga ill-portioned, durdfgika of evil aspect, durdhéra
hard to restrain, durgAndhi ill-savored, duridhi of evil designs, dur-
dhartu hard éo restrain, dugtéritu hard to excel, duratyétu hard to oress,
durdhir tll-yoked, durnaman ill-named, durvasas sll-clad.

d. There are, however, a not inconsiderable number of instances in
which the accent of these compounds is upon the final syllable: thus, #u-
gipré tvell-lipped, svapaty& of good progeny, susathki&gé of good aspect,
svangur{ well-singered, avigh having good arrows, supivas well fatted;

509 PossessivE COMPOUNDS. [(—13806

and compounds with derivatives in ana, as suvijfidna of easy discernment,
siipasarpand of easy approach, dugoyavanhd hard to shake; and AV. hes
suphaldé and subandhG against RV. suphdla and subéndhu. Like
avira, suvira shows retraction of accent. Only dur&oir hes the tone on
the prefix.

@. On the whole, the distinction by accent of possessive from deter-
minetive is less clearly shown in the words mado with su end dus then
in any other body of compounds.

f. The associative prefix ea or (less often) sah&é is treated like an
adjective element, and itself takes the accent in a possessive compound :
thus, sdkratu of joint will, san&man of itke name, sériipa of similar
Sorm, sdyoni having a common origin, shv&cas of assenting words, sétoka
having progeny along, with one's progeny, sabrihmana together with the
Brahmans, samilla with the root, sdntardega with the intermediate direct-
tons; sahdgopa with the shepherd, sahdvatea accompanied by one's young,
sabdpatui having her husband with her, sahaptiruga along with our men.

g. In RV. (save in a doubtful case or two), only saha in such com-
poands gives the meaning of having with one, accompanied by; and, since
saha governs the instramental, the words beginning with it might be of the
prepositional class (below, 1310). But ia AV. both sa and saha heve this
valae (as illustrated by examples given ebove); and in the lator language,
the combinations with sa are much the more numerous.

h. There are a few exceptions, in which the accent is thet of tho final
member: thus, sajéga, sajégas, sadfga, sapréthas, sabddhas, samanyu
and AV. shows the accent on the final syllable in safig& (CB. effiga) and
the substantivized (1812) savidyuta.

i. Possessive compounds with the exclamatory prefixes ka ete. are
too few in the older language to farnish ground for any rule as to accent:
kAbandha is perhaps an example of such.

1806. Possessive compounds in which a verbal prefix is used
as prior member with adjective value, qualifying a noun as final
momber, are found even in the oldest language, and are rather more
common later (compare the descriptive compounds, above, 12869; and
the prepositional, below, 1310). They usually have the accent of
the prefix.

a. Most common are those made with pra, vi, and sam: thas, for
example, prdmahas having exceeding might, préacravas widely famed;
vigriva of wry neck, vyafhga having limbs away or gone, limbless, vijani
wifeless, viparvaand viparue jointless, vyadhvan of wide ways, vimanas
both of wide mind and mindless, viv&cas of discordant speech; shmpatn!
haring one's husband along, s4mmanas of accordant mind, sdtheahasra
accompanied by a thousand, shmokas of joint abode. Examples of others
are: &tyirmi surging orer, 4dhivastra having a garment on, ddhyardha
with a half over, Adhyakga overseer, dpodaka without water, abhirfiipa

1805—] XVII. Composition. 510

of adapted character, &vatoka that has aborted, dmanas ef favorable
mind, Udojas of exalted power, nimanyu of assuaged fury, nirmiéya
free from guile, n{irhasta handless.

b. In a comparatively small number of cases, the accent is otherwise,
and generally on the final: thus, avakegé, upamanyi, vigaphé, vigikhaé
(AV. vigikha), vikarnd, sammAtf, etc.; im an instance or two, that of
the final member: thus, sarthgigvarl having a common young.

1306. Posscssive compounds with an ordinary adverb as prior
member ure alav found in every period of the language. They usu-
ally have tho accent which belongs to the adverb as independent word.

a. Examples are: Antyiiti bringing near help, avédeva calling down
the gods, itaiti helping on this side, ihdcitta with mind directed hither,
dakginataskaparda weariny the braid on the right side, nin&ddharmen
of various churacter, purudhaépratika of manifold uspect, vigvétomukha
with fuccs on all sides, sady&Uti of immediate aid, viquraipa of various
form, sméadudhan with udder, adhdstallakgman with mark beb.no, eka-
tomukha with face on one side, tathavidha of such sort.

b. An instances or two of irregular accent: aru met with: thus, puro-
ratha whose chariot is foremost, evatnkrata eo-minded.

1307. a. It was pointed out in the preceding chapter (1292 h)
that the indifferent suffix ka is often added to a pure possessive
compound, to help the conversion of the compounded stem into an
adjective; especially, where the final of the stem is less usual or
manageable in adjective inflection.

b. Also, the compound possessive stem occasionally takes further a pos-
sessive-making suffix: thus, yagobhagin, sugiprin, varavarnpin, dirgha-
sitrin, punyavdgbuddhikarmin, sutésomavant, tddrgripavant,
trayodacadvipavant, ndrakap&élakundalavant, amrtabuddhimant.

c. The frequent changes which are undergone by the final of « stom
occurring at the end of a compound are noticed further on (1816).

1308. ‘The possessive compounds are not always used in the
later language with the simple value of qualifying adjective; often
they have a pregnaut sense, and become the equivalents of depen-
dent clauses; or the having which is implied in them obtains virta-
ally the value of our having as sign of past time.

a. Thus, for example, prdptayéuvana possessing attained adolescence,
i.e. having arrived at adolescence; anadhigatag&stra wth unstudied books.
i.e. who has neglected study; kytaprayatna possessing performed effort,
i.e. on whom effort is expended; anguliyakadargqan&vasina having the
sight of the ring as termination, i.e. destined to end on sight of the ring;
uddhrtavigddacalyah having an extracted despatr-arrovw, i.c. when I shall
have extracted the barb of despair, gratavistérah kriyat&m let him be
made with heard detatls. i.e. let him be informed of the details; dygtaviryo
me rAémah Jtdama has seen my prowess, bhagnabh&ndo dvijo yathaé like

511 PARTICIPIAL AND PRBPOSITIONAL Compounds. [(—1310

the Brahman that broke the pots, uktfnytam reith yath’ lke a sage
that has spoken falsely.

B. Compounds with Governed Final Member.

1800. Participial Compounds. This group of compounds,
in which the prior member is a present participle and the final mem-
ber its object, is a small one (toward thirty examplos) and exclusi-
vely Vedic — indeed, almost limited to the oldest Vedic (of the Rig-
Veda). The accent is on the final syllable of the participle, whatever
may have been the latter's accont as sn independent word.

a. Examples are: viddédvasu winning good things, kgayédvira
governing (kedyant) heroes, taraddvegas overcoming (térant) foes,
&bharddvasu bringing good things, codayanmati inciting (codéyant)
devotion, mandaydteakha rejoicing friends, dhiraydtkavi sustaining
sages, mahhaydédrayi bestowing wealth.

b. In sédddyoni sitting in the lap (sidat quite anomalously for sidat
or sadat), and spphayddvarna emulous of color, the case-relation of the
final member is other than accusative. In patayan mandaydteakham
(RV. i. 4.7), patayd&t, with eccent changed accordingly, represents patay-
&teakham, the final member being understood from the following word.
Vidddacva is to be inferred from its derivative va{dadagvi. Of this
formation appear to be jamadagni, prat&4dvasu (prathddP), and tras-
&dasyu (for trasdddasyu P). It was noticed above (12990 0) that yuyuja-
nésapti is capable of being understood as a unique compound of like
character, with a perfect instead of present participle; skdhadisti, on
account of its accent, le probably possessive.

1310. Prepositional Compounds. By this name may be
conveniently called those combinations in which the prior member
is a particle having true prepositional value, and the final member
is a noun governed by it. Such combinations, though few in num-
ber as compared with other classes of compounds, are not rare, either
in the earlier language or in tho later. Thoir accent is so various that
no rule can be set up respecting it.

a. Examples are: A&tyavi passing through the wool, atir&tr& over-
night, atimatra erceeding measure; &dhiratha lying on the chariot, adhi-
gavé belonging to the cow; adhaspad& under the feet, adhoakgd below
the arle; Anupatha following the road, anuptirvé following the one pre-
ceding, one after another, anugaty& in accordance with truth, anuktla
down stream, otc.; Antaspatha (with anomalously changed accent of antér),
within the way, antard&vaé within the flame(?), antarhasté tn the hand;
antigrha near the house; apiprdna accompanying the breath (prin), api-
vrata concerned with the ceremony, apigarvar& bordering on night, apt-
karné next the ear; abhijfiui reaching to the knee, abhivira and abhisatvan
overcoming heroes; &pathi on the road, kdeva going to the gods, Bjarash

1310—] XVIII. Composition. 512

reaching old age, idvidagé up to twelve; upakakgé reaching to the arm-
pits, upottamé nezt to last, penultimate; updribudhna above the bottom,
upérimartya rising above morials; tirojan& beyond people; nibedlé out
of the house; paripéd (about the feet) snare, parihasté ubout the hand,
bracelet; pardkga out of sight, pardmatra beyond measure, parogavyfit!
beyond the fields, parahsahasré (pdrahsahasra, (B.) above a thousand;
purokgé tt front of the eyes; pratidogd toward evening, pratilomé
against the grain, pratiktla up stream, pratydkga before the eyes; bahib-
paridh{ outside the enclosure; vipathi outside the road; samaked close
to the eyes, in sight.

b. Compounds of this character are in the later language especially
common with adhi: thus, adhy&tma relating to the soul or self, adhi-
yajiia relating to the sacrifice, etc.

co. A suffixal a is sometimes added to a final consonant, as in upanase
on the wagon, &vyug& until daybreak. Ih s few instances, the suffix ya
is taken (seo above, 1212 m); and in one word the suffix in: thus, pari-
panth{n besetting the path.

d. The prepositional compounds are especially liable to adverbiel use:
see below, 1813 b.

Adjective Compounds as Nouns and as Adverbs.

1811. Compound adjectives, like simple ones, are freely used
substantively as abstracts and colicctivos, especially in the ‘neuter,
less often in the feminine; and they are also much used adverbially,
especially in the accusative neuter.

a. The matter is entitled to special notice only because certain forms
of combination have become of special frequency in these uses, and because
the Hindu grammarians have made out of them distinct classes of com-
pounds, with separate names. There is nothing in the older language which
by its own merits would call for partiouler remark under this head.

1312. The substantively used compounds having a numeral as
prior member, along with,-in part, the adjective compounds then-
seives, are treated by the Hindus as a separate class, called dvigu.

a. The name is a sample of the class, and means of two cows, sald
to be used in the sense of worth two cows; as also paficagu bought for
five cows, dvin&u worth two ships, paficakapila made in Ave oupe, and
so On.

b. Vedic examples of numera) abstracts and collectives are: dwirajé
[combat] of two kings, triyugé three ages, triyojand space of three leagues,
tridivé the triple heaven, paiicayojan& space of five leagues, gagahé siz
days’ time, dagaigula ten fingers’ breadth; and, with suffix ya, sahasraéhyyé
thousund days’ journey. Others, not numeral, but essentially of the same
character, are, for example: anamitré freedam from enemics, nikilbigh
freedom from guilt, savidyuta thunderstorm, vibydaya Acarticssness, and

513 ADJECTIVE ComPOUNDS AS Nouns AND ADvERBS. (—13813

sahrdaya heartiness, sudivé prosperity by day, sumypg& and sucakund
prosperity twtth beasts and birds. Feminines of like use are not quotable
from RV. or AV.; later occur such as tricat! three hundred, (481), trilok!
the three worlds, paficamfill aggregate of five roots.

c. As the examples show, the eccent of words thus used is various;
but it ie more prevatilingly on the final syllable than in the adjective com-
pounds in their ordinary use.

1318. Those adverbially used accusativos of secondary adjcc-
tive compounds which have an indeclinable or particle as prior mem-
ber are reckoned by the Hindu grammarians as a separate class of
compounds, and called by the name avyayibhiva.

a. This term is a derivative from the compound verb (1004) made up
of avyaya uninflected and Ybhfi, end means conversion to an indechinable.

b. The prepositional compounds (1310) are especially frequent in this
use: thus, for exemple, anugvadhém by one's own will, abhipfirvim
and parovarém in succession, Advidachm up to twelve, pratidogdm af
evening, samakgém in sight. Instances given by the grammartans are:
adhihari upon Hari, uparijam with the king, upanadam or upanadi
near the river, pratyagni toward the fire, pratinicgam every night, nir-
makgikam with freedom from fires.

c. A large and important class ie made ap of words having a relative
adverb, especially yath&, as prior member. Thus, for exemple, yathfivacdim
as one chooses (vga will), yathikytém as done (before), according to
usage, yathanama by name, yathabhdgdm according to several portion,
yathéfigdm and yathapara limb by limd, yatrakimam whither one will,
yavanmAtram in some measure, yAvaijivim as long as one lives
yavatsdbandhu according to the number of relations. ,

d. These compounds are not common in the old language; RV. bas
with yath& only four of them, AV. only ten; and no such compound is
used adjectively except yacchregth4 RV., yAvacchreethé AV. as geod as
possible. CB. has yathak&rin, yath&c&rin, yathik&ma, ydth&kraty as
adjectives (followed in each case by « correlative thth&). Tho adjective use
in the later language also is quite rare as compared with the adverbial,

e. Other cases than the accusativo occasionally occur: thus, instremental,
as yathdsarbkhyena, yath&cakty&, yathepeayad, yathapratigupais;
and ablative, as yathBucityat. °

f. A class of adverbs of frequent occarrence is made with gq; a¢
sakopam angrily, sidaram respectfully, sasmitam with @ smile, savi-
cegam especially.

g. Other adverbial compounds of equivalent character cecur cartier, and
are common later: for example, ptekarmaém tcithout work,
on different chariots, ubhayadyus two days tn succession Citrapedakra
mam with tconderful progress, praddnaptirvam with accompaniment
of a gift; ete.

Whitney, Grammar. & ed. 33

1314—] XVIII. Composrrion. 514

Anomalous Compounds.

1814. As in every language, compounds are now and then met
with which are of anomalous character, as exhibiting combinations
of elements not usually put together, or not after such a method, or
for such a purpose. Some of these, especially of those occurring in
the old language, may well be noticed here.

a. Uompounds having a particlo as fins) member: as, apratl Aaving
no equal, tuviprat{ mightily opposing, dtath& refusing, vitatha false,
yath&tathé at st really ss, sisaha prosperity in companionship, anihs
and anamutra having no here and no yonder, ote.

b. Agglomcrations of two or more eleménts ont of phrases: thus, aham-
pirvé cager to be first, ahamuttaré& contest for prefminence, mamasatyh
contest for possession, itihis& legend (iti h& "aa thus, indeed, it was),
naghamaré and naghdrigé not, surely, dying or coming to harm, kavitea
some unknown person, tadidartha having just that as acim, kficidarthin
having errands in every direction, k&citkar& doing ell sorts of things,
kuhacidvid wherever found, akutagcidbhaya out of all danger, yad-
bhavigya What-ts-to-be, etc.

co. Agglomerations in which the prior member retains a syntactic form:
as, anyonya and paraspara one another, avaraspara inverted.

d. Aggregetions with the natural order inverted: oe. g. pit&mahé and
tatimahd grandfather, putrahata with Ass sons slain, jJinvikndé aad
-janvakta with bended knee, dantajita provided with testh, sombpahyté
deprived uf soma, pahktfradhas having groups of gifts, gojara old bull,
agrajihvé, agran&sik&, eto. tip of the tongue, of the nose, etc. Compare
also 1291 o.

@. Aggregations of particles were pointed out above (lllla); alee
(1122 e) cases in which n& and m& are used in composition.

f. In late Seoskrit (perhaps after the falen analogy of combinations
like tad anu, viewed as tadanu, with tad os stem instead of neuter acce-
sative), a preposition is sometimes compounded as final member with the
noun governed by it: e. g. vykgidhas or vyekgfidhastét under the
tree, Gant&ntah between the teeth, bhavanopari on top of the house,
satyavin&d without truth.

Stem-finals altered in Compesitien.

1816. Transfers to an a-form of declension from other less
common finals, which are not rare in independent use, are especially
common in the final members of compounds. Thus:

a. A stem in an often drops its final consonant (compare 429a,
437): examples are akga, adhva, arva, astha, aha, takga, brahma,
mirdha, rfja, loma, vyga, gva, saktha, sima.

515 Loose CONSTRUCTION WITH COMPOUNDS. (—13816

b. An fi or Tf is changed to a: cxamples aro afigula, afijala, agra,
kukega, kh&ra, nada, n&bha, bhfima, rétra, sakha.

c. An @ is added after a final consonant, and sometimes after an
u-vowel or a diphthong (compare 399): examples sre roa, tvaca; uda,
pada, garada; apa; dhura, pura; ahna, agmana, fidhna, rajfia;
anasa, ayasa, fyuga, urasa, enasa, tamasa, manasa, yajuga, rajasa,
rahasa, varcasa, vedasn, creyasa, sarasa; bhruva, diva, gava,
gaiva, nava.

da. More sporadic and anomalous cases are such as: apanna-da (-dant),
pafica-ga (-gag), ajdika-pa (-pad), cata-bhied (-bhigaj), vipag-ci
(-cit), yath&é-pura (-puras).

Loose Construction with Compounds.

1316. In the looseness of unlimited and fortuitous combination,
especially in the later language, it is by no means rare that a word
in composition has an independent word in the sentence depending
upon or qualifying it alone, rather than the compound of which it
forms a part.

a. Examples are: réyaéskémo vigqvaépsnyasya (RV.) destrous of
all-enjoyable wealth; ahhér urucdkrih (RV.) causing relief from distress;
mahddhané arbhe (RV.) tn great contest and in small; sv&n&th gri&ig-
thyakadmah (AQ(S.) desiring superiority over hts fellows; brahman&fi
chrutacilavyttasampann&n ekena v& (AGS.) Brahmans endowed with
learning, character, and behavior, or with one [of the three); cittaprama-
thini bala dev&n&m api (MBh.) a girl disturbing the minds even of
the gods; vasigthavacandd rayacrhigasya co "bhayoh (R.) at the words
of both Vasishtha and Rishyacringa; sitadravyaépaharane gastrinim
&ugadhasya ca (M.) tn case of stealing ploughing implements or weapons
or medicament; Jyotigath madhyac&ri (H.) moving in the midst of the
stars; d&rupaétrath oa mrnmayam (M.) a wooden and an earthen
vessel; syandane dattadrestih (¢.) with eye fixed on the chariot;
taeminn ullambitamrtah (KSS.) dead and hanging upon tt.

33°

APPENDIX.

A. The following text is given (as proposed above, 3) in order
to illustrate by an example the variety of Sanskrit type in use. It
is given twice over, and a transliteration into European letters follows.
The text is a fable extracted from the first book of the Hitopadega.

eniierermacearasit Seat ara ere: 1a @
Bel AlaGaM Hugues fawaedtae aa: | AT Aa
PT Val AATed: | HP TATeTs Tee Hat Verge:
Fad ee: | aaa Bt TN faura |ae Wa wn t
FRUTAPY TSAI stad Fat A UT Feaen
q WUTa | Tea: t
swoatd fad we gamdt aaret fz |
fafad fafacrara eet mrafsqa o
SAAT CATA ATA YR: UAT ATA
APART | ATTA | eT
ATT | AERTS ATTA | VATAT I
ufafamta gatfa utararfer Vata 1
warafa am aad Qaaafafcaa u
wag | wat Alawar qafus drt BR afreafs wer weagy-
Urat arafaarfa arg fa arate fayra sieustaetited wrygaal at-
qreitgent werec 1 aaKER aye gagrfare wy ule
faa: @ STS: Wael ae 1 ey SE waa

ada: wea fast adaiy aifiraree: |
WAsTTTAY Wea AAR YA

a
'

AppeEnpix. 517

ATACATUTUREHATETSAY AAT ATH SATE: | TAHT
ataqen wuqare fared red rats aa Tt PT VHT
SUTAT ea: | PTATETS THAT AT TTA: FHT Tes
arereat ast ert Prarea GAT! MTU Vas | FRLUTEATTCA
AMMAN TT Fat T TAT PRT zaPeaga wa
CATA | et |

aah fare wet Garnet get BIT:
fa Reret Papa Teter eRT OTM

HAT ETATAT ATH TTR! TRATATAT TG ATTA
TPTSU TUR AAT! ATA ATATAT | MAY ATTA!
HARTA AAPA! AAT t

afafaenta g:enta averaienr afiarre t
qarafa aar aad derafatcent i
wag | wai aiddrewd gafeek wierd 2 uferafie 1s an 2 Wunrenyetat

avafaarta engf areata few staceredttant aged erarrgeren
rurate | aahree argued qagrafaca waar gfe fire: @ dhicra: overt
Ta: 1 Wat «y waits

weer: dwat Faed excedt anfecdeu: |

wieeteadtiy wyat seaet we: I

sit kalydnakatak&vadstavyo bh&iravo nima vyd&dhah. sa
cAi ’kad& mahsalubdhah san dhanur Adaya vindhyatavimadhyath
gatah. tatra tena mrga eko vydp&ditah. mrpgam dd&ya gacchataé
tena ghoraékytih siikaro dretah. tatas tena mygath bhiiméu ni-
dh&ya siikarah carena hatah. siikarené ‘py dgatya pralayagha-
naghoragarjanarmn krtv& sa vyédho mugkadege hatac chinnadruma
iva papdita. yatah:

jalam agnith vigarh castrath kgudvyAdhi patanam gireh,

nimittamh kimcid A&sddya dehi pr&ndir vimucyate.

518 . APPENDIX.

atrdntare dirgharivo ndma jambukah paribhramann &hér-
arthi tin mytaén mygavyddhastikerin apagyat. dloky& ‘cintayad
as&iu: abo bhagyam. mahad bhojyath samupasthitam. athavi:
acintitani dubkh&ni yathai ’v4 "yanti dehinim,
sukhdny api tathé manye d&éivam atri& ‘tiricyate.
bhavatu; exaith méhskir mdsetrayarh samadhikazh bhojanash
me bhavigyati. tatah prathamabubhukegdy&sh tivad im&ni svi-
dani maéisdni vihd’ya kodanda&tanilagnarh snéyubandhamh khédimi
*ty uktvd& tathad ’karot. tatag chinne sn&éyubandhe drutam utpa-
titena dhanugd hydi bhinnah sa dirghar&vah paficatvazth gatah.
ato ‘hath bravimi:
kartavyah sathcayo nityazh kartavyo n& ‘tisathoayah;
atisathcayadogena dhanug&é jambuko hatah.

B. The folloving text is given in order to illustrate by a suff-
cient example the usual method of marking accent, as described
above (87). In the manuscripts, tho accent-signs are almost fnovariably
added in red ink. The text is a hymn extracted from the tenth or
last book of the Rig-Veda; it is regarded by the tradition as uttered
by V&o voice (i. e. the Word or Logos).

Hymn (X. 1265) from the Rig-Veda.

me PRP PraTUSA A GA RA:
ae Ferequien Berashgeht argh u (a
are RrcieegTe Feoree TETEA Gel
ae taihy xfaut Sass qaTedy ash PAA uw Qu
at at gar edgy: Ear aieaat etreerdetey u 3
nO at aaah at faces or: onitulfey or F spate AT
dal at a sd fara ater ya ate A aah gn
mt agra eet spumie at arena aa at EPI wn
ae PATI UT ATM ees AI Baar S

eae

APPENDIX. 519

mek seiny ane ote carat ar Fata nf
ae qa faarbren pry ariycrate: da

aa f& fa yay fratary at gerund eqenf nou
eta aret ga arearp tara panes erat |

ag far ay Gt dactreardat afar at aber Tu

ahath rudrébhir vésubhic carfmy ahém Adityafr uté viqvé-

dev&ih, shath mitrévéruno ’bhé bibharmy abém indrigni ahim
acvino ’bha. 1.

ahdth sOmam dhandearh bibharmy ahdnh tvdgtiram uté pigdnath

bhagam, ahadih dadhAmi dr&vinath havigmate supravyé yaja-
ma&n&ya sunvaté. 2.

ahah rdgtri sarhgamani vdetinah cikitugi prathamé yajfifyanaém,

téth ma devd vy adadhuh purutra bhiiristhétramh bhtry
&vecéyantim. 3.

may& 86 4nnam atti yé vipécyati yah prdniti ya ith gyndéty uktam,

amantavo mah t& upa keiyanti grudh{ gruta craddhivam te
vada&mi. 4.

aham evé svayam iddth vadami jagtath devébhir uté mdnugebhih,

yath kAmaye tArh-tam ugrath krnomi tah brahménath tém feith
t4th sumedhdm. 65.

ahath rudriya dhanur &@ tanomi brahmadvige gdérave hantavéd u,

ahah jandya samAdath krnomy ahath dy&vaprthivi & vivega. 6.

ahérh suve pitdram asya miirdh4n mdma yénir apsv antéb sa-

mudré, tato vi tigthe bhavand ‘nu vigvo td ’mtith dydth varg-
mano ’pa sprgémi. 7.

aham evé vata iva pré vamy dérébham&né bhivanani viova,

pard diva pard ena prthivya{ ’tdvati mahind séth babhiva. &.

©. On the next page is given, in systematic arrangement, a
synopsis of all the modes and tenses recognized as normally to be
made from every root in its primary conjugation, for the two common
roots bhi be and ky make (only the procative middle and _ pori-
phrastic future middle are bracketed, as never really occurring).
Added, in each case, are the most important of the verbal nouns and
adjectives, the only ones which it is needful to give as part of every
verb-system.

PPENDIX.

920

bhfiyisam

&ébhuvam

(bhavigiys}

abhavigi

Pass.pple bhfité; —Infin. bhévitum ; — Gerands bhfiitva, -bhtiya.

kriy&sam

akdrsam

[kpsiys)

akrsi

Pass.pple krta; — Infilu. kartum; — Gerunds krtva, -kftya.

SANSKRIT INDEX.

The references in both Indexes are to paragraphs.

In this one, many

abbreviations are used; but it is belleved that they will be found self-

explaining.

For example, “pron.” is pronunciation; “eupb.” points out

anything relating to phonetic form or eupbonic combination; “pres.”, to
present-system; “int.” is intensive; “des.” is desiderative; and eo on. A
prefixed hyphen denotes a suffix; one appended, a prefix.

&@, pron. etc., 19-22; combination
with following vowel, 126, 127;
loss of initial after e and o, 136,
17ha: resulting accant, 1354; not
Hable to guna, 2358; lightencd
to i or u, 249; Jost in weakenod
syllable, ‘263.

a, as union-vowel in tense-inflection,
621¢, 631.

-a, primy, 1148; sedry, 1208, 1209;
-a in -aka, 1181; — a-stems,
dein, 326-34; from rdcl &-st., 333,
344; in compsn, 1270, 1287a.

a- or an-, negative, 1121a-c; In
compsn, 4283 f7., 12888 1304a, b.

-aka, prmy, 1181; aka-stems some-
times govern acous., 27ic; scdry,
1222), k.

-aki, sec 1221b.

Vakes, pf., 788.

aksara, 8.

akgan, Akai, 343/, 431.

aghosa, 34b.

} ac or afic, pf., 788b; pple, 946b,
N57; atoms ending with, 407-10.

-aj, Wa, 3B3k. OH.

pate, sce ac.

} ahj, cuph., 219a; pres., 694, 687,
pr., 788; tw&-ger'd, 991d.

-anda, 12013.

-at, 383k. 3 — and see -ant.

-ata, see 1176 ce.

eati, sce 1157.

eatu, see 11614.

-atnu, seo 1196 c.

-atra, seo 1185e.

-atha, soo 1163c.

eathu, see 1164.

Yad, tmpf., 62ic; caus., 1042¢.

-ad, 383k. 4.

adhi, loss of initial, 1087a.

adhika, in odd numbers, 477a, 478b.

yan, cuph., 192b; pres., 634.

ean, 1160.

an-, seen 9

eana, 1160; stems in compsn, 1271,
1296. P

anadvah, eupb., 224b; decin, 404.

-an&, 1150.

eani, 1169.

ean!, 1150.

eaniya, 962, 965, 1215b.

anu, changed to Anu sfter an-, 1087b.

-anu, seo 1162c.

anudatta, 81.

anudattatara, 90c.

anundsika, 36a, 73a.

anuvrata, with accus., 272.

anustubh, cupb., 1614.

anusv4ra, pron. etc., 70-3; trans-
literation, 73c.

anehas, dcln, 419.

-ant or -at, of pples, 684. 1172.
thefr dcin, 443 1.

§22

-anta, 12094.

antahsthd, 81, Sta.

antara, in compen, 13021.

eanti, sec 1221c.

any&é, dcln, 523.

ap or ap, dcln, 161¢, 393.

api, loss of initial, 1087 a.

-abha, 1199.

abhinihita-circumflex, She.

Yam, pres., 634; aor., 862.

-am, infin. ‘in, 9708; gerund, 995.

-ami, see 116 an 975

-gye, infin. in f, b.

“era. see 11884.

arf, dcln, 343g.

-aru, sew 1192:.

yarth, so-called, 104b, 1066, 1067.

artha, in compsn 1303h.

aryaman, dcln,

arvan, érvant, 455.

Vath, pres., 613; pf., 788; sor., 862;
desid., 1029 b

-ala, se0 1189.

alpaprana, 374.

Vav, aor.,
inf., 868e; ya-gerd, Y92c.

ava, loss of initial, 1087 a.

-ava, see 1190.

avagraha, 16.

yavadhir, so-called, 104b.

avayaéj, avaya,

avyayibhiiva, 44444, 1313.

Yag attain, pf., 788; aor., 834 b,
837-9 , 847; fut. ,’ 936 o; inf.,
968 d.

vag eat, pf., B08 ei des., 1029b,
1031; caus.,

Yas be, pres., 636, 6218: pf., 800m;
in peripbr. conju, 1070-2,” 10734:
in’ ppial periphr. phrases, 1075 d;
in cmpd conjn, 1093, 1094.

yas throw, pres., 74; sor., 847;
pple, 9566; inf.,

as final, euph. treatment of, 175;
exceptional cases, 176

-as, 1151; deln of stems in, 41117;
as-stems in compsn, 1278, 1296 e,
1298 b.

ae infin. in, 970a, 971.

asyl 988 98, 432.
ma

dsr), neh, 219: and see asan.
-ase, infin. ‘in, 970 c, 973 a.
asthan, Asthi, 3431, 431.
-asna, sev 119Ba.

-asnu, see 1194d.

Yah say, pf, BUta.

‘838, 808 ; pple, 954e:;.

SANSKRIT INDEX.

ah connect (1), 788 s.

Ynan, éhar, éhas, 430.

&, pron. etc., 19, 22; combination of
final, 126, 127; elision of initial,
136d; vrddhi of a, 286 fr;
tened to 1 or i, 250: to .

bbls a 661-6, 761 f, &; “in aor.,
in pple, 9b4 c; in des.,

a, 10% *. plative, 293 c, 983 a.

~h, 1149.

a-stems, dcin, 347 @.

-ka, sec 114d.

-fku, see 11814.

-Gtu, see 11614.

&tman, used refiexively, Sida.

&tmane padam, 529.

adi, ddika, Adya, in compan, 1302 d.

-Gna, iu pples, 684, 1175; used in-
stead of mana, 741 a, 1620, 1043 f;
-Gna in other darivatives , 11750.

eAini, see 1228b.

-Anu, see 11000

adnundsikya,

yap, 1087; a "7884; aor, 847,

a in compen, 13021.
&m, impv. 3d sing. in, 618.
260 d.

am ta, i
“Ay 1219.
-fy!, 1

-Ayya, 966c, 1061, 1218.

-Gra, see 11884, 1226 bd.

-ru, see 11920.

-Ala, see 1227a, 12451.

-Alu, see 1192b, 1227 b.

Yas, pres., 819c, 628; inf., 968d;
periph. pf, 1071c; in ‘ppial periph.
phrases, 1075c.

ds, ds4n, Asya, 898 b, 452.

&s final, euph. treatment of, 177.

i’, pron. etc., 19, 20, 22; i and y,
: combinations of Anal, 126,
£28, 797f.; with preced ing acvowal
127; from ya, 252,
922 b, 964d; cases of loss before

*; asi 254, 555
i, a0 631” b; in
elo; in , ROS
803; te "lor. 876 b, 877; in fat,
934, 985, 943; in le * 968, in
infin., 968 ; in ‘des., 4108}.
i- -stems, dein, 8364.; from rdel {-
st, 354; in compen, 1276, 1287;
sometimes govern accus., 274 £.

SANSKRIT INDEX,

Vi go, pf., 783t, EOld; fut., 0358;

ya-gerd, 992 a, int., 1002 e,
1021b; caus., "s0l01, in ppial
periphr. phrases ; 904. e, 1076 8

peripbr. conj., 1071f; irreg. comb.
with prefixes, 1087c; in oompd
conjn, 1092b.
yi (in, inv) send, 716a.
-i, prmy, 1155 sedry, 1221.
-ika, prmy, 11b6 scdry, 1222), 1
-ik&, fem. to -aka, 1181 6, 12221.
Yich, 608b, 763 b.
=fj, 219, 383k. 6.
-it, 383 k. 3; advbl,
eita, 1176, ’b, d.
{ti, uses of, 1102a-c; peculiar con-
struction ‘with, 268 b; abbrev'd to
ti, 11024.
“iti, see 1157¢.
-itu, see 1161 c.
-itnu, see 11986.
-itra, seo 1185¢e.
yidh or indh, euph., 160c;
836, 837, 840 b.
yin (or inv), 699b, 709, 716a,

in 1183,
438 fr. ;
sometimes govern accus.,
used participially, 960 b.

eina, seo 1177b, 1209c, 1223F.

{nakga, 1029c.

-ineya, sce 1216d.

Yinv, see in.

-ibha, sce 1199 a.

-ima, 1224a.

-iman, see 1/68i-k.

fy in euph. comb» from an i-vowel,
129a, c,d, 352b.

-fya, 1244.

fyakga, 1(129¢.

fyant, dein, 41,

ir-stems, dein, 3972.

ira, sce 1188e, 1226b.

irajya, iradha, 102{a.

Vil, cans., 1042b.

eila, see 1189b, 1227.

iva, euph., 1102.

-iva, see 1190a.

-ivas, see 1173b.

vig desire, pres., GO8b, 753b; inf.,
Y6Sd; desid., 1029b.,

Vig send, caus, 1042b,

-iga, see 1197 b.

-igtha, 467-70, 1184.

-isnu, 1194.

-is, 1153. ie-etems, deln, Si1ff.

11092.

aor.,

1230; im-stems, deln,
in compen, 1276, 12876;
271 »b;

523

I, pron. cte., 16, 20, 22; combina-
tions of final, 126, 129, 797F,
with preceding a-vowel, 127, cir-
cumflexed, 128; uncombinable in
dual ete. , 438; I as final of stem
in verbal compen, 1083, 1004

I, union-vowel, 254; in tense-in-
fiection, 665b,c; of pres., 632-4;
of impf., 621, 631!- : of @-aor.,
880b, 888-91 : of int, 1004 97.;
i for 1, 900 b, 936 a, 968.4, f.

Katom deln, B47 ff.

-I, to 1 before added sfx,
ab, ‘12034, 1237 ¢, 1239b; in
compsn, 12494.

-Ika, see 1186 c.

Yikg, aor., 862; desid., 1029b:
periph. pf. 1074 c, 1073s.

Vid, pres., 628, 630; pf., 7834.

ita- for eta-forms in optative, 798 b,
771d, 1032a, 1049 ¢.

“iti, see 11675.

-itu, see 1161 c.

vine, 4 prmy, see ifvib;

-iman, see 1168 j.

iya, cons em 1021 b.

-lya,

-lyas, “t61-20, 1184; stems in, deln,
A463 1

yir, pres., 628; pf., 783d, 801d;
pple, 957 b.

-Ira, see 1188 e.
eiva, sec 1190a.
Vic, pres., 628, 630.
igvara, with {nfin.,
Vig, euph., 226a.
-iga, see 1197.
Vih, ouph., 240b.

scdry,

984, 987.

u, pron. ete., 19, 20, 22; u and v,
57; combinations of finel, 126,
129; with preceding a-vowel, 127;
from va, 262, 784, 769, 922b,
954b, 966d; cases of loss before
v, 283a; final u ganated in scdry
derivation, 1203a.

u-stems, dein, 335ff.; from rdec! O-

st., 354; desid. u-stems govern
accus., 271 a.
eu, 1178; -u in -uka, {180a,

-uka, 1180; stems sometimes govern
accus., 271 ¢.

uksan, deln, 426 b.

yuch. GOR b, 753 b.

Vujb, peripbr. pf., 100fc.

524

yYufich, pres., 758.

unddi-suffixes, 1138.

eut, 883k. 3.

-utra, see 11856.

-uty, see 1182b.

-utha, see 11634.

yud or und, pres., 694a, 758
pple, 957d; *aestd., "1029 b. ;

ud, ddaka, ddan, $98, 432.

udatta, 81.

-una, sec 11776.

-uni, sco 11580.

upadhmaniya, 69.

Yubj, aor.,
ubh or Cape pres.,

abba, see 11996.

ubhéya, dclo, 526e.

ur or us as 3d pl. ending, 169b.

ur-stems, dcln, 392.

-ura, sec 1188f, 1226b.

-uri, 1191.

-ula, see 1189 b, 1227 a.

uv in euph. comb’n from an U-vow-
el, 128a, c,d, 852b, 6970

ugdnas, ucana, deln, 8565a, 416.

yYus, pres., 608b; ya-ger'd, "982 D;
periphr. pf., 1071 f.

-88, 800 1197«.

ugas, euph. 163; dcln, 410b.

-ugi, see ib e

usnih, euph., 928.

-us, 1154; us-stems, deln, 411 ff.

usf, 371 j.

us or ur as 3d pl. ending, 169d.

694, 758s.

ii, pron. etc., 19, 20, 22; combine-
tions of final, 126, 129, 797f;
with preceding a-vowel, 127; cir-
cumflexed , 128; uncombinable in
dual, 138s.

ti-stems, delu, 347 ff.

“fi, 1179.

-tika, see 1180f.

-fity, see 1182b.

-titha, see 1163d.

fidhan, tidhar, tidhas, 430d.

fina, in odd numbers, 47a, A78 b.

-iina, see 11776.

-ira, see 1188f.

firj, euph., 249.
irnu, so-called, 104b, 713; pf.,
801g, 10714; ya-ger'd, 992c.

-uga, see 1197.

tigman, 31, 59.

yth remove, infin., 968c; ya-ger'd,

PA ty

SANSKRIT INDEX.

YUh consider, euph., 240b, 745;
pres., 894d, 897b.

T, pron. etc., 23-6; objectionable
pronunciation and _ transliteration
as yi, 24a; question of 7 or ar in
roots and stems, 104d, 6, 237;
combinations of Anal, 126, 129;
with preceding a-vowel, 127; ex-
ceptions, 127a; impedes change of
preceding 8 to g, 1381 on changes
succeeding un to yn,
and vyddhi inerecumts of, Boe.
irregular changes, 241, 243. vari-
vi final ¢ of roots (so-called ?),

T-roots, root-nouns from, 383b, g.

T-stems, dcln, 369 £7.

Tr, ariabie (so-calied $), roots in,
242, 245b; their passive, T70c;
aor., ‘886, 960; prec., 922 a; fut.,
9860; pple, o67ee root-infin., 971;
gerund in ya, O92

VF, ouph.. 242; 608 a, 699 a,
758 b, a b 5, 7160; Passve,
110; 783 a; aor.

837 b, sOb, 847, 353, B62; ve,
Q67b; int, 10020; caus., 1042
caus, aor., 1

-T, see 1182hb.

i, yi, bad transliterations for y, Ff,

t »ft ¥ F

Yreo or arc, pf., 788a; sor., 862,
894d, 897b; ya-ger'd, 992 b.
yreh, 608, 763b; pf., 788 b.
Vr or Seal stretch
or or arj a
“ss 788b; aor., e04d, ba Bers
yee, 716

; pf., 7883a; sor.,
840 a, 847, 862;

7, pron. and occurrence, 23-6; ob-
jectionable emi. day. and trane-
Nteration as yi, ey OW? alleged

final of roots, 1044, (and see
tT; variable ; changes
n to n, 1809.

“tes

SANSKRIT INDEX.

1, pron. and oacearrenen, 23-6; ab-
Jectionablo pronunctation and trans-
literation as Ji or Jri, 2a; its
guna-iocrement, 236.

}i, Jri, bad transliterations for }, 24¢.

J, 23a.

@, pron. ete., 27-9; combinations of
final, 131-3, 136; with final a-
vowel, 127; uncombinable in dual
etc., {38 a, b, f; guna of i and I,
235 ff.; from radical 4, 260d; as
alleged final of roots, 291, 761f.

e, infin. in, 9704, 971.

éka, dcin, 483, b; used as article,
482c; in making 9's, 477, b.

ekacruti, 90c.

yedh, pf., 790c; desid., 1029b,
1031b; periph. pf., 1071.

eena, 1223e.

-enya, 966b, 1038, 1247.

-eya, 1216.

-eyya, 1216 ¢.

-era, seo 1201a, 1226b.

-eru, see 1192a.

-elima, 9664, 120fa.

esas, cuph., 176a.

&i, pron. etc., 27-9: combination
with final a-vowel, 127; as final,
{31-3; vrddhi of i and 1, 235f7.;
as alleged final of roots, 261, 761 e;
for union-vowel i In tense-inflec-
tion, 555c; for e in subj. endings,
B51 a.

Ai as gen.-abl. ending, 366d.

©, pron. etc., 27-9; combination
with final a-sowel, 127; as final,
131, 132, 131, 135; before suffix
ya, 136b; uncombinable, 138c, f;
for final as, 175, 176; ar, 179 a;
guna of u and @, 23517.; as alleg-
ed final of roots, 251, 764g.

om, euph., 137b.

-otr, see 1182b.

odana, euph., 137b.

-ora, see 120{a.

ogtha, euph., 137b.

osthya, 49.

Au, pron. etc., 27-9; combination
with final a-vowel, 127; as final,
131, 132, 134b; vrddhi of u and
t. 235 f.

525

h, pron. ete., 67-9; makes heavy
syllable, 79; occurrence as final,
148, 170; for the labial and gut-
tural spirants, 170d; from finel s,
146, 170a, 172; from r, 144, 178;
allows change of 8 to g, 183.

h or th, prop. etc., 70-3; makes
heavy syllable, 79; occurrence as
final, 148; allows change of s to
8, 183; occurrence, 204, a2, 2138 .e.

k, pron. etc., 39, 40; relation to c,
42; to ¢, 64; 8 to | after, 180 f7.;
added to final fi, 211; from, by
reversion, 214ff.; as final, and in
internal combination, 142, 217;
from ¢, do., 145, $18; from 9,
266 e; anomalously from t, 161a;
to t, 151.

-ka, prmy, 1186; scdry, 1222; ka
in -uka, 11800; in -aka, 1181.

-kata, see 12415k.

kanthya guttural, 39.

ykan, pf., 786e; aor., 899d.

ykath, so-called, 1056.

kam, aor., 868; pple, 956a.

kampa, 78d, 874, 90b.

k4mvant, euph., 212.

-kara, 1201 a.

karmadharaya, 1263a.

Vkal, caus., 1042.

kalpa in compsn, 13021.

ykas, pple, 9656 b.

Vk, int. (7), 1013 b.

kama, with accus., 272; in compsn,
with infin.-stem, 968 g.!

k&mya as denom.-sign, 1065.

kara, in sound: names, 18.

Vk&c, int., 1017.

a periph. pf., 1071f.
yant, defn, 451.

ykir, 766.

ykirt or kft, so-called, 1056.

yku, pres., 633.

Ykuoe, caus., 1042h.

Vkup » pres. 76ia; aor., 840d;
pple, .
umfar, so-called, 10! b.
uvid, accent of verb with, 695e.

Vkrp make, pres., 714, 715, 865a;
pf. 797c, k; sor. 831, 8340
-40, S47, 804d; tnt., 1002¢, b;
prefixes 8, 16874; in periph. conjn,
1070-3; in compd conjn, 1091-4;

special constrnctions, a.

526

} ky, kic scatter, 2i2b; pres., 766;
aor., 885; prefixes s, 1087d.

ykr ‘commemorate, int., 10024,
1019b.
vt cut, pres., 758; aor., 847,
852; fat. 935 b.
-kyt, see .
Sri taces, 1183 a.
-krtvas, sce 1106.
Ykrp, pres., -745b; aor., 834b;
caus., 1042b.
kyg& as pple, 958
102 a; oul 226; pf. 535 4)
aor., 916.4 920a; fut., 9354
936d; inf, 968 4.
VEPs 26; pf., 786a; fut., 935b,

unt, seo 11764.
ykni, caus., 10421.
ykrand, pf., 7944; a0r., 847, 861,

890 b; int., 1002, g, h, 1017.
ykram, res., 716d; aor. 833, oN,
899d, 904a; fut.

935 b;
955a; inf., 9684; tva-ger'd os aprle,
des., "4084; caus., 10435; in
periphr. conj., 1070.
yYkriI, caus., 10421.
Vkrid, caus. , ee
ykrudb, sor.
Ykrug, aor., di, B08.
krogtu, krostf, $43u, 3

yklam, he T45d, Tet, 768 ;
pple,

yklid, pple, 9574.

yklig, aor, 016a.

ks, combinations of, 146, 221.

yEyan, pple, 954d; inf., 068e.

763; fat., 9365 b;

pple, ere, 9058, 966 b ; inf, 968 d;
caus., 1042.
kgdam, dcln, 388.
gar, aor., 890.

Vkgal, caus., 1042n.
)kga, pres., 7616 oj pPle 957 a.

kedma as pple,
vist» possess, pres., 765; caus.,

yk
005 0 Riven
caus.,
ykgud, pple, 967d.
ykgudh, pres., 761; aor.,
}’kgubh, pple, 956 b.
kedipra-circumflex, 84a.

Ykenu, pres., 626.
y kevid, pple, 967d.

deste pres., 761d; fat.,
© O67 a; ya-ger'd, O22a;

847.

SANSKRIT INDEX.

kh, pron. ete., 39; relation to g, 61b.

ykhan or kha, 1020; pass., 772;
pf., 7046; aor., 8900; 965b;
inf, 968 e; ya-ger'd, a; cans.,
1042 g.

Ykha, 1022.

Ykhid, pf., 700b; pple, p67 a.

ykhud, khun » int, 1002,

ykhy&, sor., 847, 804c; fat, $966

©, pron. ete., 29; relation to j, 42;
from j by’ reversion, 2149.

ee in compen, 1278
(6080 i

sor ads. 834

Bi7 “iat 887»; Pf, sou | ob7 40.
fut. 9430; pple, O64d; int,
1002, h, 1003 vies, 1028¢ 1031»:
caus., 1642; root-noun, $e3 un
Veal, int. 10024.
vere’ 102; pres., 660; aor., 830,
839, 884 884, 8846; deatd., 10284.
vee ring. 2b pres. , Ble; ser.,
9id, 912 ie 9640; inf., 9631;

ya-ger'd, a; caus. got? &
gah or le o; int.,
ve ort gah, pple, ;
gir, gil, 156; caus., 1042 b.
ye int., 10034.
gana, QT, 235 #7.

Yeup, sor., 863a; inf, 968¢;
gerd, 9920; des., 1040. ,
veut, pres., 756; aor., 8348; pple,

155b, d, 223b, 240c;

Ve pf., obi; sor. Biz

852. 9160, 920 a, f; inf., R680;
ya-ger'd, 992; caus,

1042.
Yer sing, ou euph., "2b:

Lat 894.4.
b., b; pres,
Mess ar. - ed Oe 6.

inf,, 968 4; int,

ve 73 jigy) wake, 1020; sor. 867,

, 86a; aor., 847.
43 oan {ota 500; deln, S61c, £

834b, 87,

1042.
Yaras, pple, 966 b.

SANSKRIT INDEX.

Yala, pros., 761c¢; asor., 912; pple.
967a: caus., 1042).
glaa, den, 61a.

gh, pron. etc., 30; h derived from,
66: from h, by reversion, 2147f7.,
402.

Vehat, caus, 1042.

Yehas, cuph., 167, 233f; jaks
from, 640; pf., 794d; aor., 833,
817; pple, B54e.

ghogavant, 34.

Yehra, pres., 671, 7498; tva-ger'd,
O81d; ya-gerd, 9892c; caus,
1012.

fi, pron. etc., 39; occurrence as final,
143, 887. 2, 3, 407s; duplication
as final, 210; adds k before sibi-
lant, 241.

C, pron. ctc., 42-4; as final, 142;
from t before a palatal, 202s,
203; n to f before it, QW8b; Intor-
nal combinations of, 217; reversion
to k, 216ff.; in pres., 681; pf.,
787; int., 10021; des., 1028f.

ycaka&s or cak&g, so-called, 677.

ycaks, pres., 4442, 6214, 628, 6756.

catur, deln, 482g, b.

cam, pres., 745 a, pplo, 965;
caus., 1042¢.

year, euph., 242d; aor., 899d; pple,
957b; inf., 968c; tw&-ger'd,
991b, «; int., 1002d, 1008, 1017;
des., 1031b; {mn ppfal periphr.
phrases, 1075b.

yearv, pple, 956, 957 b.

yeal, int, 1003; caue., 1042.

yeay,. pres., 761e; tva-ger'd, 991 c;
ya-gerd, 992b; periphr. pf., 1071f.

yYci gather, reversion of co to k,
2161, 681, 787, 1028¢; pres., 716 b,
855a; aor. 889; tw&-ger'd, 9014;
ya-gerd, 992a; caus., 10421.

yel note, pres., 646, aor., 834a.

yoit, reversion of c to k, 2161,
681, 788, 10021, 1028¢; pf., 780b.
801e; aor. 840a, b; int., 10021,
1024; dos., 1040; caus., {042 b.

ycest, pf., 790c.

yeyu, pf., 786a; aor., 840d, 866,
867, 868 a, 870, inf., 968c; caus.,
1042 ¢.

ch, pron, ets., 42, 44; as final, 142,
from ¢ after ¢ or n, 203; after

5927

other mutes, 2038; In internal
combination, 220; daplication be-
tween vowels, 227; och for, 2272.

cha present-stems, bob.

ychad, pple, 9574.

Ycohand, aor., 863a, 890b; caus.,
1042¢.
Ycoh&, pres., 753c; pple, 954c;
tva-ger'd, 991 b; cans., 1042k.
yehid, pres., 6842; pf., 806d;
aor, B32a, BBbd, 847, RB7a;
pple, 960d.

Yehur, caus., 1042b.

Ychrd, pple, 967d; tv&-ger’d, 991d.

J, pron. ete., 42-4; as final, 142;
in internal combination, 219; n
to fi before it, 2U2b; from t be-
fore sonant palatal, 202a; rever-
sion to g, 215 ff.; in pf., 787; in
des., 1028f.; before na of pple,
857¢; anomalously changed to d,
151. 0 993

Vjakg, 1028; euph. f; pres.,
B40, 675; pple, 954e. P

jagat, dcln, 460d.

jagdha etc., 233f.

Yjan, 1028; pres., 631a, 645, 680,
76ib, 772; pf., 794e; aor., 834b,
904d. lo, ¥5Hb; inf., 968e:
des., 108) ».

Jani, dein, 843f.

janus, deln, 416c. .

Yjap, pple, 956b; int., 10024, 1017.

Viambh or jabh, inf., 968e; int.,

Yjalp, pf., 7906.

yjas, sor., 871.

yja&, 102a.

Vjagr, so-called, 104b, 1020; pf.,
1071e.

jatya-circumfiex, 84b. j

Vji con » reversion of j to g.
2161; in ph, 787; in des., 10281;
acr., 839, 889, 894b, 904d; fat.,
9350; caus., 10421; caus. asor.,
1047, 861b; periph. pf., 1071f.

Vji tnyure — see jyA.

yjinv, 716, 749b.

jihvam€litya, 39a, 69.

Vjiv, aor., 8610; des., 1028h, 1031 b;
caus., 10420.

yjur, pres., 756, 766.

yYjug, sor., 834d, 836, 810d; In
sajtis, 225 39% b.

yjQ, pres., 723; pf., 786c¢.

528

euph., 2161, 242b:;
pres., 66; pf., 703h, 794k;
pple, so7b; caus., 41042

VJGd, pres., 780b, 731; t, 190b:;
sor, 880, 838, 8940, 912; caas.,

10424; eee ‘sor. ” 1047 , 861d;
caus. des., 1030; caus. eel, 1053 b.

Vjya or ji, pres., 761b; pf., 785a,
704 b; aor. 913; pple, 954 c.

yjri, aor., 897 b.

Yjval, aor., 899d; caus.,

Vir waste 196. 168

1042 g.

jh, pron. and occurrence, 42; as
final, 142; in internal combination,
220 d.

fi, pron. etc., 42; from n after a
alatal, 201; before j, 202b; g,
3; 0, 208d.

t, pron. etc., 45, 46; from a final
pulatal, 453; ¢, 145, 248; g, 145;
h, 147; adds t before 8, 1990;
added to final Q before sibilant,
211; from j in internal combine-
tion, 219; oh, 220; kg, 221; h,
222; 9, 226b.

th, pron. etc., 456, 46.

qd, pron. etc., 45; ordinary derivation,
46; 1 used for, 5a, 54, from d with
preceding sibilant, 1984, 199d.

gh, pron. otc., 45, 46; th used for,
54; from dh with preceding sibi-
lant, 199d; from h with following
t or th or dh, 222b.

dhvam or dhvam, 226 0, 881b,
9010, 924a.

n, pron. etc., 45; ordinary derivation,
as final, 143; change of n to,

- 189-95 ; from n with preceding
sibilant, 199b; doubled as final,
210; adda ¢ before a sibilant, 211.

t, pron. etc., 47, 48; from final
"radical 8, 145; do. In internal
combn, 167, 168; with preceding
sonant aspirate, 460; assim. to
following 1, 162; added after t
before s, 1990; after n before s

or g, 207; to palatal before pal-
atal, 202; ‘before , 203; anoma-
lonsly changed to k, 1614a; to t,

451b; from k and j, 1546.

SANSKRIT INDEX.

-¢, added after short final vowel of
root, 345, 376b, eet, 411434,
4147d, 11960, 12490; trregalar
cases, 11476.

-ta, of pple, 952-6 1176:

in compen, 127 278, ina; ccary,
1246c.°
yYtans or eau 7044: aor., 847.
vteks, pres pf., 790; pple,

yiad, euph., 196 c.
tatpuruga, 1263 a.
taddhita-suftixes, 1138.a.
ytan stretch, ano 772; pt., TAS,
a; gb b, 847,
881 0, 890, 8004" pple, 964d;
ya-ger'd, 9820; des., 10286.
etana, 1245-1.
tanii as refl. pronoun, 6iib.
yYtap, pres., 761b; aor., 834d, 283.6,
805 a; fut., a, BA
tam, pres., aor., 847; e,
Y 9068; inf., + Pe
-tama, 471-3, 487 f, g, 12420, db.
-tamam and -tamd&m, iifle, 1119.
-taya, 1245s.
-taye, infin. in, 9700, 976.
-tar, see 1109a, and -tr.
etara, 471-3, 1242a, b.
-taram and taram, 1iffe, 1119.
etari, infin. in, 9701, 979.
-tavant, pple in, 959, 960.
~tave aud tav&i, info in, 970b,

-tavya, 962, 964, 12421,

ytas, seo tats.

“tas, 1159; advbl, 1096,

ta, 1

-tat, ia v. forma +0, 570, 671, 618,
654, 7 To2e, 180,
839, ‘Othe mogte 1088

-tat, B88 k 1238; advbl, seo».

-tati,

vss Press T6ie; periphr. pf.,

talavye, Ada.

-ti, 1157; ti-stems in com
12874; scdry, 649, 1157)
{10a 219 040.
tij, euph., a; des., 1

Vithe, 122. ©

ytir, 756, be -_
tu Pres. pf., 6; act.,

608 1002.

-tu, et $70, u72.

ytuj, caus, 1042.
Vtud, pres., 768; pple, 857d.

oe

SANSKRIT INDEX.

-tum, infin. in, 968, 970b, 972,
987, 988.

ytur, pres., 758, 766; des., 1029a;
caus., 1042b.

etur, 1182.

Ytul, caus., 1042b.

ytus, eaus., 1042b.

vty, euph., 242; pres., 709, 716¢,
166, 766; pf., 794k, 8017, 804;
aor., 904 d; pple, "957 bs inf.,
968 d; ya-ger'd, 92a; int. 4002 4,
g, 1003, 1017; deed. 1029.

-tr, 943, 1182; ty-stems, dein, 369 ff. ;
govern accus., 271d; verbal use
of, 946; make peripbr. fut., 942-7.

trea, ouph., 283 a.

tyta, trtiya, euph.

Ytrd, aor., 836b sires pple, 957 a.
Ytrp, res., 710, 7 f., 786 a;
fut., 86d; aor., aT 52a.

ytrs,. pr, 786 a: eor., 840 b, 847.

Vtph or trih, euph., 223 b, 224b;
pres., 684a, 696; aor., 847, 9168.

tocas, dein, 416d.

-tos, infin. ‘tn, 970d, 972.

tta for data, 9557, 1087e.

tti for dati, 1167 ¢.

-tna, 1245 ¢, h

-tnu, 1196.

tman, delv, 416b.

-tya, for -ya, 992; scdry, 1245b-d.
Ytyaj, 1087f: cuph. , 219a; pf.,
786 a; fut. 935d; pple, 956 b.

-tyai, infin. iu, 9706, 976 a.

-tra, 1185; or ‘tra, advbl, 1099.
ytrap, pf., 794h.
ytras, pf., 794h; aor., 899d.
vos, 8 1024; pres., 628 aor., 887d,

-tra, ee re.

tri, dein, 482a, f; in compsn,
-tri, see 118 g.
tri gtabh, euph.

try, 876¢, 1139,
-tru, se6 1186 g.

-tva, gerundival, 966 a, 1209 h; sedry,

1239

161d.

-tvata, 12394.
-tvan, soe 1169.
-tvana, 1240.

yYtvar, caus., 1042g.

-tvara, see L171.

-tva, 990, 991, 993.
-tvanam, 993c.

etvaya, 993b.

Vtvig, pres., 621a; aor, 16a.

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed.

529

-tvi, 993 b.
-tvinam, 995 c.
yYtsar, sor., 890a, 899d.

th, pron. eto., 47, 48; with preced-
ing sonant aspirate, 160.

-tha, 1163; ordinal, 487c, 12424;
or tha, advbl, 4104.

etham, advbl, see 11012.

-th&, see tha,
-tha&t, advbl, see 110/e.
-thu, 1164.

d, pron. etc., 47, 48; anomalously
changed to d, 161; do. from h,

Gadkgina, dcln, 625c.
vas ng gage 838, BAT’ 160c; aor.,

ydad 672: pf., 98J.

ydadh, 672; euph. sas. 160 c.

dadhan, dédhi, 3431,

dan, euph., 389 b.

dant, deln, 896.

dantya, 47.

eoriee or dambh, euph., 156b;

, T94h; aor., 838; des., 1030.

yaaza, pres., 763; pple, 966 a; tva-
gerd, 991b

-dam, advbl, tee 1103 b. 1071
day, res f; periph. pf., f.

Vdaridra, so-called, 104, 4024 0;
pf., 10716

yal, caus., 1042¢.
vdeg or daig, Pree 746; pf.,
d; twi-ger'd, 991d.
ydas, aor., 847, 862b, 899d.
ydah, ev ob., 165 b, a, 223 a; aor.,
a, 807. fut., b364,
int., 1002d; ‘des. 1080.
yaa give, pres., 667- 90, 672, 866:
pf, Bora: gor 830, 834.0, 836,
837, 894c; pple,
955 f, mete “Usete; int nf, OBB
tv&-ger'd, 991 b; yager'd 9920.
des., 1080, 1034 b.
yda divide, ‘251; pres., 7680, 761 si

aor., 834a; pple,
957 a, 1087, 1157e; ya-ger'd,
992a.
yda bind, pres., [08e, 761 g; aor.,
; pple,
yda protect alleged, pf., 787.
-G&, advbl, 1103a, b
-dinim, advbl, 1{03c.
Vdag, pres. 444, 6390; pf., 790d,
803 a.

34

530
Gas, pres., 444.
An eaybl, 11036.

didyét ate., $36 e.

Ydiv, see div.

a@{v, dcln, 3614.

ydig, euph., 218a; aor., 916, 920a;
int., 1017.

dih, euph., 156b, 223a; aor., 916.

Ydikg, des., 1081; caus., 1042n

didi, so-called, 676; pf, "abo.

Ydidhi, so-called, 104b, 676; pf.,
786 b; aor. 897 b.

yYdip, aor., 61a. F 76

Yaiv play, euph., 240b; pres., 760;
pple, OBE Sc; inf, 968 e.

ydiv or dev lament, pple, 957 e;
inf., 968 e.

ydu or dii, pres., 716b; pple, 9672.

ducchuna, euph., 68 b.

Ydadh, 102a.

ydug, euph., 240c,

os caus, 1042p.

dus-, 226, 1124; in compen, 1284 a,b
{288e, oN » ASO, 223

Yduh, " Qh. b,d ‘ a; pres.,
pane 5; ’ pf., wi’ aor., 916,

20 a-f.

11558; asor.,

dy pierce, euph., 242c; pf., 798h;
"is 957 b ; int, 100 d, 1003,
28s gaan | CAST, TB;
heed, ros., 757, 3 aor.,
YBa 88 iP
Ydarp, or 847; fut., 935b, 936d.
yd euph., 2188; t,, 790 c, 801 .e,
abs e aor. , 882, | Ab, 836, 840b,

8.47, 890, B94e; fut., 9364; pass.
9981; root noun, deln, 986° 5.
arg. drga, drkga, with pron. son atoms,

Yarh or drih, cuph., 155b, 223 bd;
pres., 788, 461b, 167; pf, Taba.

devandgari, 1.

dogan, dés, 3v8a, 132.

dyu and ay6, dela, 361d, e

vdyut, 785 a; eor., 8h0e, b ,

anit 890a; int., 1002¢;

cae 1042.

-dyus, see 1105 b.
yYdar& run, pple, 967a; int, 1024s.
Yara sleep, aor., 912; pple, 954 c,

967a; int.,

ydru “8Te: aor., 868; int.,
101d caus., 1042.

yYdarub , euph, 165b ‘d, 22388, 6;
aor., 834d, B47, Re, f.

dvandva, {252a.

dvar, dcin, 388. 3.

SANSKRIT INDEX.

dvi, com ds with, 13006.

oan 226

aie’ ooph, d,f; pres., 621s;
ots, 916, 920b. a °

dh, pron. etc., 47, 48; from t or th
after sonant aspirate, 160; h from,

-dha, see -dha.

Ydbam or dhmai, pres., 760; pass.,
T72; aor., 912; pple, 955b; ya-
gerd, 902 a.
ydba A fe ae euph., 223g; pres., 667

8650; aor., 880, -
: "889 S17, 884; pple, 964c;
inf., 968; twi-ger'd, 991; des.,
10284, 1030, 10310; in periphr.
conj., 10700.

ydaha suck, 251; pres., 764f; sor.,
868; ppl » Poke; inf,, 968; ya-
gerd,

-adha& or dha, advbl, 1104.

YdahA&v rinse, pple, dhéuté, 964ea

Yahi (or dhinv), 716a.

dhi, final of compds, 1165g, 1276b.

Yahi or dhu, pres., 712, 728a,

766; Pra 790 b ; eor., 8680, 887 ¢;

tnt 062 ¢ , 1008, 1018; caus.

m.

aor., Bit 867, 871; int, 1008.
yahrs, pf 786 a; aor., S47, 862d;
pple, b.
Ydhmd, see dham.
yahy&, pres., 7616; aor., 912
-dhyAi, infin, in, 970g, 976, 1050.
yet eae or dhvas, euph., 168;
f., 7906; aor., 847; caus., 1042¢
yaniv, pple, 916 a, OH6b; caus.
ior
yahvy pple, 955 «.

, pron. eta., 47, 48; as Anal, 148;
me final rdcl m, 149¢, 19,.
change to mn, 189-95; to fi after
and before palatals, 201-8, 8238p;
combinations as root-fnal, 204;
lose as stem-final, or
i palatals and linguale, 206

206; before sibilants, dor,
tasted as ns, 208, . dupliea-
tion of final, 210; instability as

final, 266, 1203; used as unfoa-
cons., 957, $18, "482; aestion
of final of pafican ete.

s final
n in secndry dervn, f .

SANSKRIT INDEX.

na, comparative, 1122h.

na added to tha or ta of 2d
5494; forms fc made, 618, 64 i.
618, 621b, , 668, 669, 6
704, 707, 28, “app 740, "2b
760, 88%, B49 0.

-na, of pples, 962, her, 1177; nat
161b; scdry 12286, iad6r, in
compsn 1273, 4

ynaks, 1020. |

ynad, caus., 1042¢.

Ynand, eupb., 1

yYnabh, etph., 1920: -caus., 1042.

nam, pf., 786 a; aor., 890 a, 9976.
911, 912; fat., 935d; ple, 9644;
inf, 964: int., iol caus.,
1042.

-nam, Save, 11092.

be lost, euph., 1920; aor.,
8417, 864b, 867; fat., 956d, 9368;
des., 1028. 218 30

Ynag atéain, euph., 218a; pf., 801g;
not , 833, 884 b, 837 b; dee., 1029

nas, a 837 b.

nas, dcln, 887, 397.

-nas, 1162.

Ynah, enph., 223g; pres., 761 c.

-n&, see 177.

nagar, fa.

nasikya, 230b.

nf, euph., 182f.

-nf, i

ynine, euph., 1830; pres., 628.
ynil, paeh., 219 a; aor., 847; int.,

nitye-cireumfex, 84b.

ynind, pf., 790 b; aor., 840d.

nilay, quasi-root, 1087 c.

nig and nicd, 397.

nis, lose of iattal of, 1087.

yni, aor., 896, 900d; fut.,
935; inf, 768 e; tvii-ger'd, '994.¢:
int., 1017. 1018e; periphr. pf.,
{071 f.

-ni, fem. ending, 1176d, 1223.

nid, enph., 198d.

868 a,

ynu or nf, pres., 626 a; aor.,

887¢; int, 1002¢g, 1003

-nu, 1162.

ynud, aor., 834d, 904e; pple, 956b,
967d; int., 1017.

nf, deln, 871.

yort, euph., 192a; aor, 839, 847,
862b:; inf., 968d; ‘tva-ger'd, 9910.

néd, accent of verb with, 606e.
néma, dcin, 526c.
nau, dein, 361 a.

531

Pp, pron. etc., 49, 60.

“Pp, caus. -sign, 1042 1-1; sor.
such caus., 4047.

-pa, 1201.

pakvaé as pple

Ypac, pres, oie

ypat, pf., 7041, h; aor., 847; int.,
10026; | des., 1030, 1031; ‘caus.,

§

pati, dcin, 343d, e; in dpndt compsn,
12678; ‘denom. conj. from, 100% a.
, pathi, pénthan, deoln, 343},

Vped, pres. : T61c; aor., 834b, d,

967 a; int.,

t00de. dues {ds

p&d, dein, 387

peda, 111 1ife; vada, angings and cases,

a, b.

Ypan, pf., 794f; int, 1003 ¢.
panthan, see path.
para, doin, 526c.
parasméi padam, 629.
pdérucchepa, euph., 168b.
pala&y, quast-root, 1087.
palyafg, quasi-root, 1087 c.
palyay, quasi-root, 1087 c.
Ypacg, pres., 7610.
pagcima, deln, 626 c.
ypa drink, Pree.» 671, 7400, 855 a;

from

aor., 888; pple 964e; ya-
gerd. es des., 1028 d; ‘aus.,

Ypé Protect, 0 sor., 912; caus., 1042 m.
pada, 7
padapirana, 4123p.
pinak, eu bh 190,
ypinv, 6 7162, 749 b.
ypig, pres., "58, aor., 840d; pple,
b

Ypi or pihs, euph., 226d, f: pres.,
; a, 920a; aor., 1906, 88s.

Ypid, euph.,
pip!, conj.-stem, 676, 786 b.
puis, pumais, euph., 188 a; deln,

purabsara, puraskrta,

gama, in compen, 1302 f.
purf, pres. in past sense with, 776 2.
puru, in compsn, 1284b, 1290.
eae aor., Bh .

pres. mei aor. (?) B68 0,

YBolae 968e; caus., {042
ptirva, : cin 6266; in compen, 1361 e,

1291 ¢, 13031.

puro-

34°

532

a deln, 426e.
A eal euph., 242c; pres., 731,
761», 766; pf, 793h; pple, 956d,
957d; inf., * Sebo ps
YPpr pass, pf, 793h: -aor., 896.

Ypr be busy, res. oy "167, 7738.
yer pres. oft aor., 834.¢, 8386p,
837 b Ps “690, "BO4a; pple,

967
prn, "784, 763.

4 rt, 1 397.
pyeant, dein, 4500.

pe or pi, pres., 761¢e; pf., 785,
T94b; aor., 912, 91db; pple,
O57 a; caus. 1042k.

pragrhya, 138.

pracaya or pracite accent, 90a.

Yprach, euph., pres., 756a;
f., T94¢; aor., “33d! 890; pple,
BAD.

yprath, aor., 840 b, 8632.

prabhyti, in compsn, 1302e.

pragligta-circamfex, 84d.

y pra, aor., 880, 889.

praya, in ‘compsn, 13021.

ypri, pres., 731; aor. (?), 866, 868;
caus., 1042 m

ypruth, ya-ger'd, 992b.

prug, euph., 26 d, 302 b; pres.,

E80 1066 b..

play, quasi-root, 1087c.

Yplu, aor., 863b, 866; ya-ger'd,
992; qaus., 10420.

pluta, 78.

yYpsa, 102a.

ph, pron. etc., 49, 50.

yphan, pf., 794; int., 1002,

yphal, pf., 794h.

phullaé as pple, 968.

b, pron. etc., 49, 50; interchange
with v, 50a.

yYbabh, euph., 223b.
badh or vadh, aor., 904a; des.,
10290, 1040.

Ybandh , cuph. 100 b; res., 728,
eee pf, 94d; 35b; inf.

bahuvrihi, 1293b.

Ybadh, euph., 155b; aor., 904d;
int. 410024, 1003; des., 1029a,
1031, 1040.

ybudh, euph., 165b; aor., 834b, d,
39, 4iOb, 847,

SANSKRIT INDEX.

yor, euph., 223b, pres., 768; int.,
1041; caus., 1042b.
brhdnt, dein, 450a-
bbh, occurrence, 16/6.
rit, pres., 683; peculiar construc-
tion, 268a.

bh, pron. etc., 49, 50; anomalous-
ly changed to a guttural’, 161d;
h from, 228g.

Vbhakg, 102a. 219

Ybhaj euph. 19a; pf., TOdh:
aor., 83 e, 867 , 800a; fut., 935d;
inf,

ybhafij, cuph., 2190; pres., 604;
pple, 967 ¢; tvd-ger'd, 994 d.

bhavant, 456, Bite.

ybhas, euph, 2831; pres., 678.

d.

from, 1
Vbhi, pres. “O46, 679; pf., Tdhb;
ps 840d. 866, uo1. 897 hb;
ceus., 10421, m; caus. aor., 1047.
periph. f., 1071f, 1073 a.
Vbhis, 1 2m; aor., o64a, 1047.
Ybhuj dencd, ‘euph.. 2193; pple,
967 c; tvaé-ger’d, 991 ao
huj enjoy, euph. Q; pres.,
yobus yey 98 Gb , 647 O12.
ybhur, pres, "Ts: int., " 4002 4.
yea, Pa) ‘Tee 800
hii * b d; ne
Bd, 886.9, 858, 924
968; io ectphr conju, “oro Ts:
in pplal peripbr. phrases, 10754;
in compd conjn, 1091-4.
bhita in compen, annie: =39
hy, pres., a; ae sGUb,
Wer C3 aor., 3000, int, 1002¢, h,
1003; periphr. pf., 1071 ¢.
bhos, 466; euph., 174.
ore ket or bhrag , oe 768i ;
aor pple, O954b; caus,

yobsais or bhyjj, eaph., 219b.
Ybhram, pres., 763; pf., 70éh;
le, 955 8; inf., 968: tva-ger'd,
bb, ya-gerd, 992 ¢; caui.,

Qe.
yobeay" euph., 249b; pf.,
T¥4h; aor., O33.

7We,

SANSKRIT INDEX.

in, pron. ctc., 49,60; an final, 143,
as final radcl, 143.0, 212, 256; in
extrnl combn, 213; before raj,
213 b.

-ma, prmy, 1166; scdry, 474, 487a,d,
12Ab, 1242c.

Ymanhh or mah, pf., 7864;
1012g.

maghavan. dcln, 428.

Ymajj, euph., 219a; pf., 801g; aor.,

887 a; fut. 9260; pple, 967c; Inf.,
968 e ; des. ., 1028}.

-mat, advbl, 1236.

Ymath or manth, pres., 730a,
731, 732, 1066 b, 746; aor. 8994;
ya-ger'd, 992b; caus., 1042.

mad or mand, 102 a; pres., 628;
645, 764; aor., 833, 834d, 839,
840b, 8872, 897b, ‘8994, 904d;

pple, 956 b; caus., 1042 ¢.

yYman, pf., 7641; aor., 8345, 840b,
881 e, 887 a, b; fut., 936b; pple,
964d; des., 1028. , "4029, 1010;
special construction, 268, 994e.

-man, 1168; man- aud ma-stems,
1166; man-stems in com psn,
1277b.

manas,
968 g.

-mane, infin. in, 970d, 974.

-mant, 1236.

Ymantr, so-called, 104b,

1067, 1073 d.

mAanthan, deln, 434.

Ymand, 102e: see mad.

emaya, 161a, 1225.

-mara, 120/ a.

Ymah, see manh.

m&h, mahi, 400a.

mahant, dein, 460 b.

mahd, 356a.

mahd&pr&na, 37d.

ymA& measure, pres., 660, 663; aor.,
839; pple, Obde: inf., 9681; tva-
gerd, 991b; ya-gerd, 992; des.,
1030.

YmA erchange, pres., 761f.

Vma bellow, pres., 660, 663, 672,
676; aor., 368 e.

mane, ma&neA (and més), 397.

m&tra&, in compsn, 1802g; euph.,

161 a.
HAdb, 1174.

-mAana,
mas, euph., 168; deln, 389b, 397:
1030.

caus.,

in comp. with infin.-stem,

1056,

and see ‘mans.
ymi fiz, aor., 911; des.,

-mi, 1167.

533

yYmiks, 1033a; cana, 1042b.

mitré, 1185c.

emin, 1231.

ymil, fut., 936 b. 192

YmI or mi damage, pres., C,
731, 761b; aor., O11; des., 1030;
caus., 10421.

ymih, eu h., 2236; pf., 790b; aor.,
9160, 92a.

ymiv, pple, 955b.

ymuc, res., 768, 761 b, 855: aor.,

8B4e. 887 b, 839, 847, 800s;

ie 1030.

Ymud, aor., 337b.

Ymug, pres., 732, 1066b; pple,
966b; caus., 1082.

Ymuh, se h., at pree., 7610;
aor., "le. 6.

yaticch, 50a: pres., 745f; pple,
d4 e.

mirdhanye, AD. 24 7187,

my die, euph., Cc; pres.,

v 778; s0r., 8340, B37b i

Ymr crush, pres., 731.

ym) eapb., 219b:; Pres. 621 a,
627, 745e; pf., 7981; aor.,
900, 919, 920; fat., 936 b, B36 a;
pple, 966b, d; inf. 968 ¢; tva-
ger'd, 901c; ya-ger'd, 992b; int.,
1002, 1003, 1017; des. 1028);
caus., 1042b.

Ymrd, euph., 198d; caus., 1042b.

y "tate 8.

, 186 a; aor. 916, 920;
rons, Bb: int., rs Q18. 20 003,

Ymfs, aor., 884c, 8402, 847.

-mna, (de.

Ymn&, 102a; aor., 912.

yYmruce, aor., 847.

yml&, pres., Bie; aor., 912; pple,
9672; caus., 1 042).

ymluc, int., 1002.

y, pron. etc., 61, 65, 56; relation to
i-vowels, 55; nasal y; MH ie 213 d;
y as enfon-consonant 256 318 b,
B44, 11126, 11614 2956, 996 b;
resolved to i, 66, 143d, 129e;
cases of loss of i before, 288 a;
y of efx treated as i, 1203a.

ya contracted to {, 263, 768, 784b,
794 b.

ya as conj.-class-sign, 606, 759;

as passive-sign, 606, 768, 998 a;

534

added to intens. stem, 1016;
cous ae 10650; as denom. sign,

-ya (or y&) of gerund, 990, 992,
993; of gerundive, 962, 963, 1218.

eya, prmy, 1187, 1218; ya-stems in
compsn, 1272; scdry, 1210-12.

yakan, yakyt, 308 a, "432.

219b, 784b; Prot.

84b; aor. , 834 c, 88
200, Bld inf, "968 d; isle

in compsn,
dec 13 0—e.
yYyam, pres., 608b, “gate, T47;
f., 790b; aor. , 833, 836-9, 887 a,
90a, 896, 897», 911; fut., 936d;
le, 9644; inf., 968 d; tva-ger'd,
S54 > caus, 1042 g.
yama, 808,
Vyas, sor., 847; pple, 956 b.
-yas for -iyas, iio
Vy&, 1022; aor., BO, 912, 914c.
ya, 12! 34.
-yin, see 1280e.
Yyu unite, pres., 6262, 756; ya-
gerd, 992 a. 6080. GAB:
vr separate, pres. a, aor.
83, B68, 689, 83

68 a, 89ib; int. 10418a,
caus. 1042.
eyu, 1165; pe Bday 78
yuj, °% h., Ya a;
Yaeor g3e0, $37 a,
839, sion sir, "S87 3; root-nonn,
vyudh, sor., 834d, 836b, 839,
Yyup, fnt., 1017.
yu, deln, 427.
vag, yiigan, 432.

yogan, deln, 426b.

r, pron. etc., 61,62; r and 1, 53b;
r and s as corresponding sonant
and surd, 117b, 168a, 164; final,
144, 169; words onding in original
r, 168a; combinetton as final rdcl,
165; as other, 178; avoidance of
double, 179; s or r as final of
certain ‘forms, 169b; from 6 atter
a, 176c; s to after, 180m; but
not before , sia, b; changes
succeeding n to n, 189f.; dupli-
cation of consonant after, 8;
svarabhakti after, 230c.

r-endings in 3d _ 613, 618, 629,
699, 738 a, 76 % 799, 813, ‘818.

SaNskRitT INDEX.

ra and r& as increments of y Mi
ra priny 1188; scdry, 4 |

c.

yYrakeg, sor., 899d.

yraj or raiij, eu rt ies; pres.,
746, 767; caus., 1

yradh or randh, bad “86, 794 b;
sor., S17.

yran, pf., 786a; aor., 899d.

yrabh, pr, 786 a, 794h; aor., 634d,
807b; des., 1080.

yram, aor., 911, 912; pple, 964d;
int, Oe tva-ger'’d, 94 ib; caus.,
1

Vr& give, pres., 660, 606, 672;
nor. 8, 896.
yra bark, pres.
yr&j, euph., isp, 2i9b; pf, 784b.
yradb, pf., 704); aor, ; des.,
1080.
yri or ri, caus., 10421,
Velo. on 761 884e, 839
rio, pres., b; aor., c, ,
ve 800."
, a0r.,
ves, euph., 22665 aor., 847, 852a,
, 870; caus., 1042b.

yrih, ‘euph., 293}, int., 1017.
yri, see ri.
yru, ret 626, 633, 756.

11

-ru,
8340, 837b, S40, 847;

yrue, aor.
desid., 1684 b

yruj, euph., 2108; sor., 832; pple,
967¢; tvi-ger'd, 991 c.

yrud, pres., 631; sor., S47; twi-
ger'd, 91d.

yrudh, pres. 6940, 7568a, 855;
f ih; sor, 892, 884d, 847,

ih 890; inf., 968d; ya-ger'd,

yrue. sor » 016: caus 1042d.

ragant, d

yrug, Pele » 68

Yruh b,d; sor., 840d,
847° 853, aC #20, >; fut., 0864;
inf., 968d; ya-ger d, $92; caus.,
10421

re ha, 18.

dein, 861 b, £.

“Thi. advbl, 1108.4.

1, pron. etc., 51, 58; 1 and r, 58d;
1 for r in certein verbal os,
1087 ¢; nasal }, 71ib,, aide;
as final, 144; assim. to, 117;

162; of n, "206; of m; Sa:

Saxexarirt ixpex.

asserted s to g alter, 180d; de-
plication of consonant after, Bs;
svarabhakti after, 230¢.

plag. pple, 967 c; tvwi-gerd, “991 c;

caus., 1042.

) lajj, pres., 754.
ylap, pple, 9660; 968 «.
Viebb, aor., 834d: fut., bd: des,

vial: caus., 1042¢.
) likh, fet, 936b.
rip. pres., 753, 758; cor, 834d,

ylih, euph., 223d; ser., 916, 920.

v1i cling, sor, 911; mm PAC: 967 a;
ya-gerd, 992:.- 10421, m.

V1 totter, int., ioi8s. 1022. 1022.

ylup, pres, 768, T61b; aor, S870.

ylubh, pres., 7640

pif, pres. Ta; pple, 967a.

]. pron. ete., 5a, 54.

v. pron. ete., 61, 67, 68; relation
to u-vowels, 57a; interchange
with b. 50s; nasal vy, We, 213¢,;
resolved tou, 58a, 113, cases
of loss of a before, 2333; " dupli-
cation ef consonants after, 728 a.

va, contracted to u, 252, 769, 784,
794 b.

-va, prmy, 1190. sedry, 1228; advbi,
1102e, f.

p vakg. pple. %6b.

yvec. eepb., 2161.
’ F8aid; aor, 847. re

yeae. eupb, "2161. pf. 786 a.
-wat, advbl, 1107. 1233 f- sedry,
323m 1, 12455.

yvad, 12a: pres., 738a; pf. (O4,
aor., 299d, B04d: pple, 966d;
int.. 1017, desid., 1034 b.

y vadh. see badh.

yvan, pf., 7863, ;94f; scr. 839,

b, 912, 914; pple. R5Ob; des.,
10We.

-van, prmy 1169; sedry. 1234. van-
steme in compsn, 1277, 1287 b.

-vana, -veni, -vanu, 1170; -vana,

12451.
-vane, irffn. in, 970d, 978.
-vant. 617. 969, 1733; prmy,
1233 ¢.

pvand. 12s.

535

vap, pl, 784; fet, T35b; pple,
Melb.

tvéi-ger'd, :
vam (from vr), 6480.
-vam, sdvbl, 1102 b.
-vaya, 1228 b.
-vara, 1171.
“vari, fem. te wan, 1169, 117!
12340.
varga, 32.
Yvary, so-called, 1056.
-vala, 1228b.
inn f pres., 638, 660; pf, 784,
a
yvas shine, , 167; 608 b;
7650; pl, TS4; sor, SSid; pple,
b, 2

ve 1173b: and see vihs.
, So, TAd;

0 a: Tag si pple, S4b;
10025, 1017:

s, 403.
, aor, 912; pple, Hla.
» pres., 761 e.

Vva or "weave, Tir.
784, 801d; fut, A omaha @;

Adis.

-vit, see fie. 613. 618,
id know, 102e: pres.

eres 790 a, BUS a; fet, CSd;

d; des. 10816; peripar.

re 1071, 1073s;

pres, 1073», ¢.

ree 847, ba; pete, OOF

536

-vin, 1239,

yYvindh, pres., 758.

Yvip, aor., 840b; caus., 1042b.
virdma, 11.

yvig, eugh, 24 ata’ 8° babe 803, 805d;

vigya, act dein, val; in compsn, 1251,

VYvig, a 20a, 226d, f; aor.,
916; int., 1024.

visarga. visarjaniya, 67; and

yvi “int, + toa;

VYVY cover, a pres. (G@rnu),
713; aor., 834 a, "Beeb b,
639, 840 b, “900; inf., 968d;
int., 1002 g.

Yvr choose, 102a; euph., 102a,
22c; pt., 797 c; aor., 837 b, 840d;
inf., 968 d; caus., 1042 e.

Yvri, euph., 2198; f., 786.0, 8088;
aor., 832, ‘834 c, 6-9), 919, 920a;
int., 10025, 9s 936

y t, pres., 43c, 8568; pf., 7T86a;
wer, B3 832, 834b, 836b, 839, 810 a,
847, 904d; fut., 935d, 943 a;

1002 g, 1003,

vyrtra, 1186 c.

vrddhi, 27, 235 f.

Yvrah, pf., 786 a: aor., 847, 852:a, b
SY7b; fut., 949.a; inf. 96B8e.

VIR Pe, 786 a ; aor., 847; inf.,

vygan, dcln, 426b.

Yvrh, aor., 916, 920.
voce, quasi-root, 'BB4da.
evya 1228c.

yvyac, 1087f; pres., 682; pf., 785,

vyanjana, 31.

Yvyath, pf., 785.

Yvyaah, pres., 767; pf., 785, TOAD;
fut., 936d; ; pple, YB b; inf., 968 f;
caus., 10428.

Yvyay, pres.,

Vvya, or vi, pres., 7611; pf., 785,
794d, 801 c; aor., 847; fut., 935c;
pple, 961¢; caus., 1042 k.

Yvraj, euph., 9b; aor., 8Y9d.

yVvrage, euph., 224 b; pple, 957 c;
tva-ger'd, 991 c.

Vvli, pres., 728b; pple, 957a; int.,
1017; caus., 10421.

Q, pron., etc., 69, 63, 64, 119; re-
lation to 8, 63a; as final, 146;

761 8.

SanskRir INDEX.

in fotrnl combn, 218; with pre-
ceding € or n,

-ga, 1229.

Ygahs, pf., 700c; ya-ger'd, O92 c.

veak,” aor., ot cab 869 847; pple,

56b; des. 4 100.

gakain, cdkrt, "308, 482,

Yogahk, aor., 904d.

Ygad prevail, pf.

Ygad fall, pple, ‘bre

YQap, asor., 2386; inf., 968c.
Yqam labor, pres., , 634, 763.
Ygam be quiet, pres., 763 sot
7; arta caus., ‘Olas
, pe

Yon aor, pone

-9as, advbl, 1106.

YQ, pres., 660, 662, 7538c, 761g;
oor. b, 834; pple, 9640; cans.,
is ig), , 639,

"Sr 5 (or way iso.” 864 c; ", pple,

9516, 956»; inf, bbe, aoa
992c; desid., 1034 b; Soin from,
226a, 392b
Vogl), euph., 219a; pres., 628.
Vqig tea ve, AG 226+; i Pres. 694,
a, aor. 7, 8
YGig, see
ay ie we 628, 629; pf., 806a;
6a; pple, 956c; ya-ger'd,.

vqus, pres., 631 a; aor., S47; inf,

68d; tv&-ger'd, O91c; ‘caus.,
1042 bd.

voudh, caus., oe

,» pres., re Reain 852 a, b;
a tts caus.,

Yqug, pres., ehe.

gugka as pple, 953.

Vg, see ova.

VYGiig, euph., 240b.

Vo oruas euph., 242b; pres., 731;

pf. h; aor., a, 904 b;
pple, 966 d, 957d ; inf., 968d.
Ygceand, int., 1002¢.

}qnath, pres., 631a; aor., 867.
vqye o or Gi, pres., 761 e; pple, 854c,

pres., 782, 1060b, 758;
| 84h; pple. 906 d.

VY am, pres., 763; pf., 704h; aor.,
ea ; pple, 9554; caus., 1042.
Yoraé, pres., 761 e; pple, O54;
caus., 1042j; caus. aor., 861 b,

1047.

Verath

a

SANSERIT INDEX.

Yori, aor., 831, 867, 868, 88a;
inf., 968e; caus., 10421.

orig, aor., 847.

Yori, pple, 9564.

Ygoriv, see eriv.

yoru, cuph., 243; pres., 699b, 711,
f., 798¢c; aor, 831, 836, 838,
B59 853, '866, 867; desid., 1040:
caus., 1042e.

Yorug, 102a.

Volis, enph. 226d, f; pres., 761¢;

~aor., 847, 816.

¥¢ovafic, aor., 863 a.

gvaén, dein, 427.

VQvas, pres, 631; pple, 956b;
caus., 1042.

Vov& or gvi or gi, pf., T86c,
94b; aor., 847, 868, 897b; pple,
963 a; inf., 968 e.

Y¢vit, aor, 832, 790.

8. pron. etc., 69, 61, 62, 120, 182;
relation to ¢, 63a; ordinary deriv-
ation, 46; exceptional occurrence,
182; as final, 146, 145b; os chang-
ed to, 180-8; recurrence avoided,
18ic, 1840, 10281; as root final,
182a, 184c, 225, 226; changes
succeeding n to ? 189 1f.; assim.
of dental after, 197; from ¢, 218.

-gani, fcr -sani), infin. in, 970b,
978, 1158c, 11602.

gas, cuph., 146b, 199c.

-ge (or -8e), Infin. in, 870c, 973 b.

Yethiv, euph., 24A0b; pres, 745g,
765; pf., T89c; pple, 955c; tva-
gerd, 994d.

-eyAi (or -sy&i), infin. in, 970g,
977.

8. pron. cte., 569, 60; so and r as
corresponding surd and = sonant,
117b, 158a, 164; @ or r as final
of certain forms, 169b; as final,
145, 169, 170a; combinations of
final rdcel 8, 1450, 166-8; of
other, 170-7; exceptional cases,
174, 178; final as, 175, 176; &s,
177; 8 to g, 180-8; exceptional
cases, 181, 184e, 185c, d, 186a;
¢t adds ¢ before, 199e; final n
adds (retains) 8, 208. 209; s lost
between mutes, 233 c-f; in @- aor.,
R34, 881, B83; after a vowel, 233b;
exceptional combination after such
Joss, 2337: @ anomalously from
final ront-consonant, 406 a; 8 before

537

fim of gen. pl., 3138, 4960; in
aor., 874f7.; in fut., 981f.; In
desid., 1027 ff.

-6, advbi, 11065.

-0a, 1197.

ga-, 1121¢; in compsn,
1B04f-h, 18137.

sarhvrta a, 21.

es&khi, dein, 343 a-c.

sakthdn, sékthi, 3431, 434.

Yeagh, aor., 836b.

yYeac, pres., 660; pf., 704f; aor.,
840b: sagc from, 673, 675.

ysaj or sahil. euph., 2198; pres.,
746; pf., 794d, bh, SOLb; aor.,
834c, 887a; inf. 968f; des.,
10281; caus., 1042h.

ysad, pres., 748; aor., 847, 852a,
853, 899d; fut., 9386b, 936c;
pple, 9574; inf., 9684.

Vean oF ae pf., 804 a aor., 847,

5 d; pple, 965b; int.,
1002 g; des., 16585, i, 10322.

-sani, infin. in, see -gani.

samdhi, 109.

sathdhyakgara, 28, 30.

sannatara, 90c.

Yeabhag, so-called, 104b, 1067.

samaéndkegara, 30.

sampras , 262.

samraéj etc., 213b.

-sara, 1201 a.

sardgh or sardd, 389b.

edrva, dcin, 624; tn compsn, 1251 e,
12980.

ysage, pres., 444, 673, 676.

sds, euph., 176a, b.

-sas, 1152.

ysah, ecuph., 1868, 223b, Wb;

tes., 628; pf., 786a, 780b,
03a; aor., 837, 838, 8870, 897 a,
b, 890d; fut., 935d; pple, 955e;
inf., 968d; des., 1030; at end of
empds, 405.

sahé, in empen. 1304 f, g.

Yea or si bind Bree. 63; aor.,
830, 834a, 83 , 868a, 804c;
fut., 936a, 936b; pple, 964c;
inf., 968, ya-ger'd, O02 :: cans.,
1042k.

-BAt, advbl, 1108.

Veadh, aor., 8612.

-s4na, pplal words in, 897b, 1175.

yeantv, so-called, 10Lb.

}si, see sa.

Vsic. pres., 758; aor, 847; tva-
gerd, QOld; caus. 1042h.

1288 g,

538

Ysidh repel, fut., 935h.
yaiv, pres. 764, 765; pple, 955c;

des.,

au press out, pres., 699b; aor.,
y b, 867; fut., 985; ya-
Or rot

su-, 442th, i; in compsn, 1284s,

b, 1 ; c, @

-su, seo 1178f.
Yeubh, pres., 758.
yeu or Bu, pres., 626, 628, 765;
789 a; aor., ’ 868 a; fut., 935,
BS b. 939b; inf., 9684, e.
yaitc, aor., 861.
ysid, aor., 871.
806 a; sor, 847;

yer, pf. 197 c,
caue., to

042.
srj, ecu bs Per: 219b, c; aor.,
Ve . ty Be fut, ob6d
8 uy 161d; pf., 790c; sor.,
vorp. 817; fut., 935 b, 036 d; inf,
968 e: int., 1002 2.
-60, infin. in, Bee -Re.
sosman, 87d.
ek, original of ch, 42.

Yekand , aor., 833 , 890 b; pple,
957d; ya-gerd, 992b; = int.,
1002, b.

}skabh or varie pres., 7008
732, 1066b; pf., 786,
794d.

yeku, pres., wba, int., 1017.

yatan, pres., 6314; aor., 880d.

pYstabh or atambh , euph., 233 ¢;

pres., 730, 732, 1066 b ; pf., 194d;
pple, 956 b.
-stAt for -taét, advbl, 1100b.

ystigh, desid., 1034 b.

ystu, pres., 626, 633; pf., 797 c;
aor., 866, S9db, d; fut., 93ha;
ya-gord, Y92a; desid., 1028i;
caus., 1042e.

yaty, euph., 242c; pf., 801f, 806a;
aor., 831, 834, 885, 900 a; Pp le
957 b; inf. 9684; ya-ger'd, 992

stf, den, 371k.

Vetrh, aor., 916.

Va rie pres., rote Pele, 957 a.

stri, deln, 366,

yetha, cuph.. "288; Feat 6714, who 8s
aor.,
847. or sod pple, DA's. oe
9631; cou. aor, 861d, 1047; in
pplal periphr. phrases, 4075 c.
-sna, 1195.
Ysns, caus., 1042j.
Ysnih, euph., 223, c.

SANSKRIT INDEX.

yenu, pres., 626 a.

sparga, 31, 82.

sparca,

yepag, aor., 8384c.

yepf, eor., 881, 636 b, 839.
veprah , cuph., U2d; aor., 834b,

Bpro, euph., 218a; aor., 916, 920e;
Y fur 98604.” ;

Ysprh, euph., 223 b, d; caus., 1042¢.

yspha, pple, 964c; caus., 1042 m.

ysphut, fut., 836 b.

ysphr, pres., 158; tvi-ger'd, 091d;
caus., 1042 b.

sphotana, 230.

sma, in pronom'l dein, 498, 496s,

sma, pres. in past sense with, 778b,e.

yemi 0431; ne tva-gerd , 991 4; caus.,

st pf, 1074 £.
yemp, pase 700; tvii-ger or'd, 901d.
caus.,

sya as » {ote nign, 1064.
Yeyand, pf., 78a; aor., S61,

890b; fut, 943a; pple, 9574;
tv&-ger'd, 991d; int, 1002¢.
yeyam: pf., 794b.
euph., 176a.
ney, infin, in, see -gyai.
vin cuph, 2106. 168
ysras or eupb., ; pr.
ote aor., 838 | a7, yaue

Varia, aor., 847, 852 b. a
eriv (or v), euph., db;
W760, or grt a Ye” a
yeru, 3 pf., 797; aor., 868; caus.,

eva, 513, 616e; dein, 525.
ysvaj, euph., 2198; pr pres., 746. pL,

704h; aor., 863a; tva-ger'd,
991 c.
evatavas, eu 10°" 416 b.
yevad, pole, Be
a Pf, rit aor., 899d; int,
yoven: apres | 65t t, 785 b, 704d;
aor., le, 964d;
des., ‘one? a volt"

svayam, in compsn, 12838.
Yevar, aor., 890a, d.
evar, deln, "988.

evara 30, 81.
dvarabhakti, 230 c-e.
evarita, 81.

svavas, euph. 788s, 416b.
yevid, ‘pple, 967 d

SANSKRIT INDEX.

h, pron. etc., 69, 66, 66, 119; from
‘dh and bh, 223 g; as final, 147.
compensating aspiration of initial,
147, 156b; with -following t¢ or
th, 160a; with preceding final
mute, 163; m before h and an-
other cons, 243 @; reversion to
214 0., 222: tn inflection
637 ; in pf. 787 ; in intens., 10d0?
in desid., 028 f; internal combn,
222-4 ; anomalously chan ed to
a sibilant , 160f; to d, du-
plication of a cons. ser, 398 a.

nasikya added after, 230d; loss
before hi, 1014s.
-ha, advbl, "41002, 1104 b.
ybad, pple, 967 d.
Yhan, cuph. 182» 2161, 402,
637, 781, ., 687, 673, 709;
4e, abs a; aor., "880d; fut,
bbe. 9438; sass., "998;
ont iof., d; int., '
1003; des., 1028e, f t. eans.

1042 m root-noun, 883 h, 402
hanta, accent of verb with, 698 a.
VYhas, jake from, 640.

Vh& move, pres., 660, 664; des.,
1028d; caus., 1042d.

Vha leave, res., 666, 761b; aor.,
830, 889, 12." fut., "936 ¢; ple,
O67; inf, 968 f; caus. aor., pple

04

539

res {02a 912.
1 en h., 192c, 2161, 674
bedb 7168; aor. af, 880
40%, 847, B80a, 804d; dee
1028 f.
hf, 595e¢, 1122b.
ehi, advbl, 1100c.
Vhits, euph., 183a; pres., 687, 696;
des., 1031 b.
Vhinv, 716s.
ya cuph., 20d; pf., 786b; caus.,

u, pres., 645, 6476, 652; periphr.
ys, es 1074 f, 1078 c. ied
@ or hvi, re THs, 7; f.,
WTO, sor, dot <’
ot fat., 935 ¢: ne oe caus.,
042k; periphr. pf., 4074.
seize, aor., 8840, 880a; inf,
ig an caus., 1{042e.
Vhfd, hfdaya, 397.
yhys, aor., 847; pple, 966b.
Yhnu, pres., 626a.
Vhras, pple, 956 b.
1, pres., 685; sor.,
VooT ae caus., 10421;
1074 f.
yhva, see hii.
Yhvy or hvar, eupb., 242¢:
682; aor., 863 a, 90; pple,

840b; pple,
” periphr. pf.,

GENERAL INDEX.

a-sorist (simple aorist, 2), 824, 846
-64: in the later language, 846;
roots forming it in the older lan-
guess, 847; inflection, $48; modes,

9-561; participles, 852; irregu-
laritics, 863, 864.

a-class (tiret, Dhii-claes) of verbs,
606, 734-50: formation of stem,
734; inflection, 736-43; roots of
the class, 744; irregularities, 746

&-class or accented a-class (sixth,
tud-class) of verbs, 606, 751-8:
formation of stem, 761; inflection,
762; roots of the class, 753, 754:
irregularities, 755-8.

a-conjugation — see conjugations.

a- or &-declension, transference of
cons.-stems to, 399, 415a, 4282,
497, 444b; 41481, 14490, 11660,
1209, 1816.

a-stems (tense-stems), uniform in-
fection of, 738 a.

abbreviation of consonant- groups,

ablative case, uses of, 289-93; ab-
lative of comparison, 292b; with
propositions, 293, 1128; used ad-
verbially, 1114; abl. infinitive, 983,
abl. by attraction with intin., 983b;
abl. use of adverbs in tas, 1098d;
abl. as prior member of compound,
{250 f.

absolute use of instrumental, 281g;
of genitive, 300b; of locative,
303 b-d; of gerund, 994e.

absolutive — see gerund.

abstract nouns, secondary derivation
of, 1206, 1236-40.

accent, general, 80-97: its varieties,
80-6; accentuated texts, 87; mo-
des of designating, 87, 88; illus-
tration ot RV. method, pp. 618-9:

over-refinements of Hinds theory,
90; modern delivery of ancient
accented texts, 91; no sentence
accent, 92; accentless words, 93;
words doubly accented, 94, 1255,
1267d; accent of protracted asy)-
lable, 78a; freedom of place of
accent, 96; — changes of accent
in vowel combination, 128, 150,
185608; — accent in declension,
814-20; of vocative, 820, S44;
change of accent in monosyllabic
ete. declension, 316-9: in nu-
meral, 482g, 483 a-c; of freetiou-
als, a; of case-forms used as
adverbs, {141g, 44120, 41444;
different accent of action-nouns
and agent-nouns, 1144; of deter-
minative and possessive com-
pounds, 1296; — accent of personal
endings, 653-4; in relation to
strong and weak forms, 666; of
personal verb-forms in the sen-
tence, 92b, 591-8; of periphras-
tic formations, 945, 1078e; of
compounded vorb-forms, 1062-5;
— accent in primary derivation,
1144; in secondary, 1205; in
composition, 1261; — ordinary ac-
centuation of Skt. words by Western
scholars, 96.

accusative case, uses of, 260-77:
with verbs, 270, 274. with nogns
and adjectives, 371 21; with pre-
positions, 273, 1129, with verbs
of motion and sddreas ete., 274;
cognate, 275; adverbial, 276, 1111;
double, 277; accus. infinitive, 961,
86-8; gerund, 995; accus. as prier
member of compound, 1250.

action-nouns and agent-nouns, chief
classes of primary derivatives, 1145,
1146.

GEneRaL IwpeEx.

active volee, in verts, 628, 529.

acute (ud&itta) accent, 8!.

ad-cless of verbs — seo root-class.

adjective, ite distinction from noun,
322; from pple, 967; formation
of compound adj., 323-5, 12921;
inflection of adj., 824-465 ; com-
parison, 466-74; adj. pronominally
inflected, 522-6.

adjective compounds, secondary, 1247¢,
1292-1313. of other than possess-
ive value, 1294, 1309, 1310; adj.
copulative cempounds, 1257.

adverbs, 1097-1122: adv. by deri-

vation, 1097-1109; case-forms
used as adv., 1110-17; adverbial
compounds, 11144, 1813; verbal
prefixes etc. as adv. 1 15°20;
inseparable prefixes, 4121,

miscellaneous adv., 4122: “ae

used prepositionally, 1123 ¢9.. adv.
copulative compounds, 1269; forms
of eompsrison, 4$73b.

agent-nouns — e#ec action-nouns.

aggregative compounds — see copu-
lative compounds.

alphabets used for writing Sanskrit,
1; older Indien. 2; the Devana-
gari alph., 1-17; varicties of writ-
ing and of type for, 3, pp. 516-7;
characters and tranaliteration, 5;
arrangement, 7; theory of asc, &,
9. native mode of writing, 9a, b,
modifications of this in west
practice, De-e, vowel-writing
consonant combinations, 145
other signs, 11, 16; uameral fig-
ures, 17; names of characters, 18.
signs and transliteration of anu-
svadra, (3.

alphabet, spoken — see system of
sounds.

alterant vowels, changing following
8 to 8, 180.

analysis of language into ite elements,
98, 99: anal. of compound words.
1248.

antithetical construction, its influence
on accent of verb, 696, 597.

anusvadra, its pronunciation ete..
10-2; signs and transliteration, 73,
16b; see also fi, th.

acrist tense, %32- its nses, 926-30.
in prohibitive expression, 5:69, —
eor. system, 536, 824-930: classi-
fication of forms of aor., 824:
character ind oceurrence, &24-7.

541

variety from seme root, 827b, c;
simple sor., 824, 828: 1. reot-sor.,
1; passive sor. 3d. sing,
842-5; 2. a-acr., 846-54; 3. re-
duplicated or causative aor., 866.
73, sibilant-sor., 874-920; ‘Ae
oor. 878-897; 5. eor., 808-910;

sig sor. 911-

816. cor. optative Of precative
of later language, 921-5: aor. in
secondary conjugation, 1019, 1036,
1046-8, 1068. periph rastic aer.,
1073b; — s-aor. stem in deriva-
tion, 1140c.

ap positional com pounds, 1280d : appos.
possessive compounds, 1302,

ar or Fin root and stem forms, 1046,

article, indefinite ,
by eka, 482c.
aspirate mutes, phonetic character etc.
of, 37, 38; their deaspiration, 114,

153-5: 5; restoration of lost arpire-
tion to, 1412, 147, 165; not be-
fore impv. ending dhi, 155f; de-
rivation of h from, 66; scnart
aspirate with following ¢, th, 160;
non-aspirate for aspirate in redu-
plication, 5908: — and see the
different letters.

aspiration (h), its pronunciation otc.,
69, 66, 66: — and see h.

asseverative particles, 1122a, b.

assinilation in euphonic combinaticn,
116-20. with oc without change
of articulate tion, 116; serd
and sonant, 117, 156-64; nasal.
117¢, 198b, 199 ¢; L, 117¢. 206 .
dental to lingual and palatal, 118.
cther cases, 118-20.

augment, 586-7; @& as augment,
5863; omission, 587; irreg. com-
Lination with initial vowel ef rect,
136; irregularly placed, 1067 ce, f[;
uses of sugmentiess preterit per-
sons, 563, 667. with m& probibit-
ive, 579.

avyayibhiva compounds, 1313.

represented later

bahuvrihi compounds — see pes-
sessive compounds.

benedictive — see precative.

bhii-class ef <verbs — see a-class.

cardinal nemerals, 4:56; their combi-
nations, 476-21. inflection, 422

512

-5; construction, 486; derivatives,
487-98.

case-endings — see endings of de-
clension.

case-forms, prolongation of final vow-
el of, 248b; used as adverbs,
1110-17, change of accent in such,
1144g, 1112e, 11144, their pre-
positional uses, 1126d; derivatives
from casc-forms, 1202 b; case-forms
in composition, 1250.

cases, 260; their order of arrange-
ment’, 266a; uses, 267-305: —
aud see the different cases.

causative conjugation, 640, 607, 775,
856 ff., 1041-62; relation to so-
called tenth or cur-class, 607,
1041b; to denominative, 1041 c,
1056; formation of stem, 1031,
1012; infloction, present-system,
775, 1043; other older forms,
1044. perfect, 1045; attached re-
duplicated aorist, 1046, 1047,

ff.. other aorist forms, 1048,

1019; future ete., 1050; verbal
nouns and adjectives, 1051; deriva-
tive or tertiary conjugations from
caus. stem, 1052; caus. from in-
tens., 1026; from desid., 1039;
declinable etems from caus. stem,
1140b; double object with cau-
satives, 277a, 282 b.

cerebral mutes, 33, 45.

changeable or variable pf of roots —
see variable.

circumflex (svarita) accent, 81-6,
90b; independent, 81-4; its va-
rieties, 84; enclitic, 85; their dif-
ference, 86; designation, 87-9; oc-
currence from vowel combinations,
128, 130, 136.

classes or series of mutes, 32 ff.

classes of verbs — see conjugation-
classes.

clauses, simplicity of combination of,
11314; dependent clauses, mode
in, 581, 960; accent of verb in,
595.

collective singular form of copulative
compounds, 1263c; in Veda, 1265e,
1266 b.

combination of elements, 100, 101;
euphonic rules for, 109-280: dis-
tinction of internal and external,
109-12; general arrangement of
rules, 124; order of comb. of three
successive vowels, 127 b.

GENERAL INDEX.

com arlson of adjectives etc., 460-
; primary, in fyas and igtha,
467-70, 1184; secondary, in ‘are
and tama, 471-3, 12420, b; in ra
and ma, 474, i2A2e; infection
of comparatives in yas, 463-5;
comp. of nours, pronouns, prepo-
sitions, 473, 474, 620, 1119; of
verbs, 473c; double comparison,
4734; particles of comp., 1101b,
11020, 1107, 1122, h.
comparison or Ifkeness, descriptive
compounds of, 1291 a.
compensatory vowel-lengthening, 246.
composition of stems — see com-
pound stems.
compound conjugation, 6400, 107é
-95: roots with verbal prefixes aad
like elements, 1076-89; accent
of comp. forms, 1082-6. irregula-
ritics, 1087; roots with inseparable
prefixes, 1689, 1121 b, g,i; with
noun and adjective stems, 1690-5.
compound stems, formetion of, 104,
1246-1316: difference of earlier
and later language as to composition,
1246 a; classification of compounds,
1247; their analysis, 1248: rales
of phonetic combination, 1249;
case-forms as prior member, 1260;
accent, 1251; copulative comp,
1252-61 ; determinative : dependent,
1262-78; descriptive, 1279-94 - se-
condary adjective: poasessive, {292
-1308; participial, 1309; prepo-
sitional, 1310; adjective comp. as
nouns and as adverbs, 1341-3;
anomalous comp., 1314; stem-@nsls
altered in comp., 1315; loose con-
struction with comp., 1316.
conditional tense, 632, 910, O41; its
uses, 950; conditional uses of op-
tative and subjunctive, S81b, o, f.
conjugation, verbal inflection, 527-
1095; general, 627-88: voice, 528
-31; tenses aid their uses, 5092,
776-9, 821-3, 926-30, 948-60:
modes and their uses, 683, 66
-82, 921-5; tense-systems, 636;
present-system, 63 609-779;
perfect-system 780-828 ; aoriat-
systems, 824-930; future-systems,
931-60; number and person, 596;
personal endings, 641-66: verbal
adjectives and nouns, 637-9, 061
-95; secondary conjugations, 540,
996-1068; periphrastic and com-

GENERAL INDEX.

pound conjugation, 540 a, 1069-95;
examples of conjugation in syno-
psis, p. 620.

conjugation-classes, on what founded,
601; their characters, 602-10.

conjugations, first or non-a- and sec-
ond or a-conjugation, 601-8, 733;
transfers from the former to the
latter, 6252, 6318, 666a, 670-4,
694a, 716, 731, 898.

conjunctions, 1134-3.

consonants, pronunciation eto., 31-
76: mutes, 32-50; semivowels,
51-8; spirants, 69-66.
and anusv&ra etc., 67-78; quan-
tity, 76; cons. allowed as finals,
122, 139-52; occurring at end of
stems and endings, 1398: — and
see the different classes and
letters.

consonant-groups, how written in de-
vanagari, 9, 12-5; their ex-
tension and abbreviation, 121,
227-33.

consonantal stems, declension of, 377
-4165; their classification, 382

contemptuous prefix, 606, 1121¢; do.
suffix, 621, 1222d.

copulative compounds, 1247a-.6,
1262-61; of nouns, 1263-6; ad-
jectives, 1267; adverbs, 1269; nu-
merals, 1261; copulatives in later
language, 1253, 1264; in Rig-Veda,
1255; in Atharva-Veda, 1266; ac-
cent, 1258: possessives from copu-
latives, 1293 b.

cur-class of verbs, 607, 775, 1041b,
1056: — and see causative con-
jagation.

dative casc, uses of, 280-8; «dat.
infinitive, 982,986; dat. used ad-
verbially, 1113; dat, by attraction
with infin., 982a; dat. as prior
member of compound, 1250c.

deaspiration of aspirate mutes, 114,
153-5; consequent re-aspiration of
initial, 144, 147, 156.

declension, in general, 261-320:
gender, 263; number, 264, 265.
case, 266; uses of the cases 267
-805; endings of decl., 306-10.
variation of stem and. insertions,
311-3; accent, 314-20; — decl.
of nouns and adjectives, 321-465:
classification, 321b, ¢; I. a-stems
326-34; II. i-and u-stems, 336

543

-46, IN. &-, i-, and &- (and diph-

thongal) stems, 347-68; IV. y-
stems, 369-76; V. consonant-
stems, 877-460: A. root-stems

etc., 383-410; B. derivative stems
in as, is, ns, 411-9: O. in an,
420-87; D. in in, 488 44, E. tn
ant, 412-67; F. in vais, 458
-62; G. in yas, 463-5; — decl.
of numerals, 482-6; of pronouns
491-621; of adjectives inflecte
pronominally, 622-

declinable stems, composition of, with
verbs, 1090-5; derivation of — see
derivation.

decompound compounds and their
anslysis, 1248.

decrement sud increment of elements,
128, 234 f7.

demonstrative pronouns, 495-603.

denominative conjugation, 640a, 1063
-68; formation without sign, 1064;
with sign ya, from stems of various
final 066-64 ; their occurrence,
1057; meaning, 1058; relation of
aya- and dya-stems, 1059c: re-
lation to causative, 1041c, 1056,
1067; with signs sya, k&mya,
&paya, 1064, 1065; with dya,
beside n&-class verbs ete., 732,
1066; from other stems, 1066 a, e;
inflection, 1068; declineble stems
from denom. stem, 1068 b, 11494,
1178hb, i, 1180d.

dental series of mutes (t, th, d, dh,
n), pronunciation ete., 33, 47, 18;

uliar quality of Skt dentals,

W7., dent. character of ], 25; of
1, 61, 53; of o, 60; cssimilation
of dent. to palatals and linguals,
118, 196-203, 206; dent. sibilant
and nasal converted to lingual,
180-95: anomalous conversions to
guttural and lingual, 1512, b,
of guttural, palatal, and labial to
dental, 15ic,e: — and see the
different letters.

dependent clause, accent of verb in,
595

dependent compounds, 12474-f,
265, 1261-78: noun, 1264; ad-
jective, 1266; their varieties, 1266
-78: with ordinary noun or ad-
jective as final member, 1267, 1268;
with root-stem, 1269; derivative
in a, 1270; ana, 1271; ya, 1270;
participle in ta or na, 1273; ti,

544

1274; in, 1275; i, 1276;. van,
man ete. 1277, 1278; dep. comp.
in possessive use, 1296.

derivation of adverbs, 1097-1109; of
declinable stems, 1136-1245: in
general, 1136-42; primary, 1143
-1201,; secondary, 1202-46.

derivative or secondary conjugation —
see secondary.

descent, adjectives and nouns indicat-
ing, 1206 a.

descriptive compounds, 1247d-f,
1263, 1279-91; of ordinary ad-
jective with noun, 1280; of appo-
sitional noun with noun, 1260d;,
with participle as fiual member,
1283, 1284; with gerundive, 1286;
with root-stem, 1286; with other
verbal derivatives, 1287; with in-
separable prefix as prior member,
1285, with verbal prefix etc., 1289;
with other adverbial words, 1290;
special cases, 1291; descr. comp.
in possessive use, 1297 ff.

desiderativo conjugation, 640, 1026-
40: meaning, 1026, 1040; used in
future sense, 1040a; formation of
stem, 1027-9; abbreviated stems,
1030; use of union-vowel i, 1031;
inflection, present-system, 1032;
other torms, 1033-6; derivative
of tertiary conjugations from desid.
stom, 1039, desid. from causative
stem, 1062c; declinable stems from
desid. stem, 1035, 10386, 1140b,
11494, 1169b, 1161, 1178 g; desid.
root-stems, 392d; future in desid.
senso, 949; desid. in future sense.
1040 a.

determinative compounds, 41247 d-f,
1262-91; dependent, 1264-78;
descriptive, 1279-91; in possessive
adjective use, 1293 ff.

devata-dvandvacompounds, 1251s,
1255.

diminutives, secondary derivation of,
120Gb, 12224, 1243.

diphthongs (e, ai, 0, au), mode of

writing with consonants, 10g, h;
pronunciation ete., 27-30; protrac-
tion of, 78; euphonte combination
as finals, 131-5: — and see the
different letters.

diphthongal steme, declension of, 360,
Jn,

div- or div-class of verbs — sve
yaect iss.

GENERAL INDEX.

double stems, present, 816; aorist,
8044, 897b. ©

doubling of aspirate mutes, 154; of
a final nasal, 210; of ch, 227; of
first consonant of a group, 229; of
Sop msonant atter r (and h, 1, v),

dual number, its use, 265; its forms
in declension, 808; in personal pro-
noun, 492b,

dual finals e, I, t uncombinable,
1382, ¢.

dvandva compounds — see copula-
tive.

dvigu compounds, 1912.

eighth class of verbs — see u-class.

elision of initial a, 186; how mark-
ed, 16; its infrequency in Veda,
135¢; elision of initial &, 185d; of
final a or &@, 157b.

cmphasis, accent of verb for, 696.

emphatic pronoun, 613.

onciitte or dependent cireumfiex, 86,

endings, of inficction and derivation,
98-100; of declension, 306-10; of
singular, 307; dual, bos: plural,
309; normal scheme, 310; end. of
a-stoms, 327-9; of i-and u-stems,
336-8; of radical &-, I-, t-stems,
8349; of derivative do, 363; of y-
stems, 371; of personal pronouns,
492, 493; of general pronominal
declension, 490; — end. of con-
jugation, 623, 541-00: of fet
sing., 6439. 24, 644; Sd, 545; of
ist du, 646; 2d and 3d, 57; of
jut pl, 618; 2d, 649, 3a, 560;
normal schomes, 653; aceent, 562
-4; end. of 2d and $d sing. tak-
ing the place of root-final, 556:;
unjion-vowels, 655b,c; end. of
subjunctive combined with mode-
sign, 560-2; of optative, 566; of
precative, » tat of imperative,
570; — end. of derivation — see
suffixes.

euphonic combination of elements,100,
101; rules respecting it, 109-226.

©Xclamatory pronoun, 507; exolam.
prfix from interrogative pronoun,
606, 112!e.

extension of cons.-groups, 227-30.

external and internel combination,
distinction of, 109-12; cases of

GENERAL INDEX.

external comb. in declension, 1112, b;
in derlvation, iiic, d, 1208 6.

feminine stems: to &-stems, 332,
834b; to i- and u-stems, baa-6.
to r-stems, 3768; to. cons.-stems,
878 a, 401c, 436, 486, 449, 452b,
459, 463d; fem. in 1 from ya-
stoms, 1210c; fem. forms in com-
position, 1260h.

fifth class of verbs — sec nu-class.

finals, permitted, 122, 199-62; most
usual, 149; only one final consonant
allowed, 160; exceptions, 150b, c;
anomalous changes of final mutes,
161; final consonants of stems and
endings, 139 a.

final clauses, modes used in, 581 c, d.

first clase of verbs — see a-class.

first or non-a-conjugation of verbs,
its characteristics, 604.

forms, stronger and weaker, of roots
and stems, 1040, 105, 106; — and
see variation of stem.

fourth class of verbs — see ya-
class.

fractional use of ordinals, 488.

frequentative conjugation — see in-
tensive.

future passive participles — see ge-
rundives,

future tenses, 632; their uses, 948,
949; fut. systems, 635, 931-60;
s-future and conditional, 932-41;
periphrastic future, 942-7; future
use of pres., 777; of desid., 1040 a;
desid. use of fut. 948b: fut par-
ticipial phrases, 1075 a.

gender in declension, 262, 263.

general and special tenses, 699 a.

genitive case, uses of, 294-300:
with adj., 296 with verb, 207,
298; with prepositions, 299a, 1130;
with adverbs, 289b; gen. absolute,
300b; loss of accent of gen. with
vocative, 314d, e; gen. infinitive,
984; gon. used adverbially, 300a,
1116; as prior member of com-
pound, 1260c,

gerunds, 639, 989-95; their uses,
989, 094; ger. in tva, 990, 991,
993; in ya or tya, 990, 992,
993; in tv&ya and tvi, 993b;
in tvanam and tvinam, 9938c:;
adverbial gerund in am, $95.

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed.

545
gerundives, or future passive parti-
ciples, 961-6, 12121, 1218, 1216

j ger, in ya, 962-3, 1213; in
tavya, 962, 964, 12121; in anfya,
962, 965, 1215b; in tva, 966a,
1209h; in enya, 966b, 1217;
in &yya, 966c, 4318; in elima,
966d, 1201; ger. in composition,
1286.

grave (anud&tta) accent, 81.

gurna-strengthening, character and oc-
currence of, 27, 236-43, and tm ;
in primary derivation, 11438; in
secondary, 1203 a, 1204g.

guttural series of mutes (k, kh, &

h, fi), pronunciation etc., 33,

0-41, 180; asserted gutt. cher-
acter of a, 30 a; of h, 66a; pal-
atals from original gutt., 41-3;
g snd h do., 64, 66; reversion of
palatals etc. to gutt form, 48, 64,
142, 145, 147, 214-26: — and
see the different lotters.

heavy and light syllables, 79.

hiatus, avoidance of, 113, 126-38;
not avoided in Veds, 1193p, 126 ¢,
129e; its occurrence as fesult of
ou honic processes, 192-4, 176b, d,

hu-class of verbs — sev reduplicat-
ing class.

imperative modo, 633, 669, 572, 575,

578; scheme of its endings, 653d;
fits ist persons old subjunctive,
633, 674, 578: impv. form in tat
and its uses, 570, 671; with ma
prohibit.ve, 679c; Vedic. 2d sing.
in ei, 624; impv. ase of infint-
tives, 982d.

imperfect, tense, 632, 649; its use,

imperfect time, no real designation of,
2a.

increment and decrement of elements,

123, 2344. . 85
indeclinabl a, 1 1136: ad-
verbs, 1097-1 122 oe ponitlont,

1123-30; conjunctions, 1131-3;
interjections, 1134, 1136; derivative
stems from indeclinables, 1202b,
1245; cofipounds with indecl. as
final member, 1914s, f.

indefinite pronouna, 5130; indef. use
of interrogative and relative pro-
nouns, 607, 511.

35

516

infinitives, 688, 968-88; fater, 968,
987; earlier, 969-79; uses, 980-8;
relation to ordinary verbal nouns,
969, 9701.

inseparable prefixes, 11241; in de-
scriptive composition, 1283 f7., 1288;
in possessive, 1304.

insertions between stem and ending
in declension, 313.

instrumental case, uses of, 278-84;
of separation, 283a; with preposi-
tions, 284, 1127; gerundial, 989;
used adverbially, 1112; as prior
member of compound, 1250 b.

intensive (or frequentative) conjuga-
tion, 540, 1000-25; character and
occurrence, 1000, 1001; redupli-
cation, 1002, 1003 ; inflection, pres-
ent-syetem, 1004-17; derivative
middlo iuflection, 1016, 1017;
forms outside present-system, 1018,
1019, 1025; doubtful intens. fur-
mations, 1020-4; derivative or
tertiary conjugations frum intens.
stem, 1025.

interjections, 1134, 1136; their final
vowel uncombinable, 138f.

internal and external combination,
distinction of, 109-12.

internal change, question of deriva-
tion by, 1208i.

interrogative particles, 1122f:

interrogative pronoun, 504-7; its in-
definite use, 607; exclamatory prefix
from it, 506. 1121).

inverted compounds, 1291c, 13144.

ig-aorist, 824, 898-910: formation
of stem, 898-900; inflection, 901,
902; roots makiag it, 903; irregu-
larities, 904; modes, 905-8; from
secondary conjugations, 1010, 1030,
1048, 1068 a.

jihvamiliya-spirant, 69, 170d.

karmadhéaraya compounds — see
descriptive compounds.
kri-class of verbs — sec n&-class.

labial series of mutes (p, ph, b,
bh, m), pronunciation etc. 33,
49 60; lab. character of, u, @,
20; of v, 51, 57, 58; anomalous
conversion of labial to guttural,
15id; to dental, 15f0: — and
seo the different letters.

lengthening of vowels in formation

GENERAL INDEX

and infection, 244-6; of funal
vowel in composition, 247, 1087b:;
in the sentence in Veda, 248.

light and heavy syllables, 79.

lightening of a or & to an i- or u-
vowel, 249 ff.

lingual series of mutes ({, th,
XQ), pronunciation etc., AN $ 16;
non-originality and ordinary deriva-
tion 46; ling. character of r, 25;
of r, 61, 52; ling. 1, Ge, 54; ling.
character of 9, 61; assimilation of
dentals to iing., 118, 196@.; lin-
guslization of # and n, 180-95:
—and see the different let-
ters.

locative case, uses of, 301-5; loc.
absolute, 303b-d; of goal of mo-
tion or actlon, 3016, S04; with
prepositions 805, 1126; used ad-
vorbially, 808 6, 1116; lec. inAni-
tive, ; loc. use of adverbs in
tra, 1099; in ha, 1100a; in da,
1103b; loc. as prior member of
compound, 12504.

long and short quantity, 76-9,

manner, particles of, 110%. 1102,
1107, 1122k.

manuscripts, native Sanskrit, mode
of writing in, 9a, b.

middle stem-form in declension, 811.

middle voice, 628-30; its use as
passive, 631, 998c, d.

mode in verbal inflection, 593; sub-
junctive, 567-68; optative, 664-8;
imperative, 569-71; uses of the
modes, 5 .

multiplicative numeral adverbs, 489 a,
1104-6.

mutes, series of, their pronunciation
eto., 32-60: classaction, §2-8:
guttural series ; pale
42-4; lingual, 45, 46; dental, a
48; labial, 49, 50; ‘asslanilation,
1172, b; mutes permitted as Anals,
141-5; anomalous gonversions from
one series to another, 161: — and
see the different sesies.

n&-class (ninth, kri-class) of verbs,
603, 717-32: formation of stem,
717; inflection, 718-26; roots of
the class, 727; irregularities , 728
-$2; accompanying denominative
in dya, 732, 1066 b.

GPNERAL INDEX.

nasal assimilation, 117c, f, g, 164
198b, 199c.

nasal class (seventh, rudh-class) of
verbs, 603, 683-96: formation of
stem,. 683; inflection, 684-92;
roots of the class, 694; irregulari-
ties, 693-6.

nasal increment in strong forms, 265,

b]

nasal mutes (fi, fi, n, n, m), 34, 36;
their occurrence as finals, 143;
duplication, 210; assimilation of
preceding mute, 161, 198b, 199b;
abbreviation of consonant-group af-
ter, 231; — nasal spirant or anu-
avara, 70-3; — nasal semivowels,
TA1e, 206, 213c; — nasal vowels, 71,
12: — and see the different
letters.

nasality, Hindu definition of, 36a.

negative particles, 1122c-e, neg.
prefix, 1121 a-c.

neutral pron. of a, 21.

ninth class of verbs — seo n&-class.

nominative casc, uses of, 267, 268;
peculiar construction with verbs,
268 a; with 1ti, 268b; with voc-
ative, 268c; used adverbially,
1117; nom. use of infinitive, 987;
nom. form as particle, 1117; In
composition, 1260f.

neun and adjective, distinction of,

322. inflection of nouns — soe
declension.
nu-elass (fifth, su-class) of verbs,

603, 697-716: formation of stem.
697; inflection, 698-707; roots
of the class, 708; irregularities,
710-3, 716.

number in declension, 264, 265; in
conjugation, 636; number-forms in
composition, 1260.

numerals, 475-89; simple cardinals,
475; their combinations for odd
numbers, 476-81; inflection, 482
-5. construction, 486; ordinals,
487, 488; other num. derivatives,
489 1101-6, 1245; num. figures, 17;
ossessive compounds with num.,
1300. num. or dvigu compounds,
1312.

omission, sign indicating, 16.

onomatopoetic words, 1091, 1136b.

optative mode, 633, A64-8 ; its for-
mation, 564, 565; scheme of end-
fogs combined with mode-sign,

547

666; precativo, 567, 921-5; scheme
of prec. endings, 668; uses of
opt., 673-82; with m& probib-
itive, B79b; optative use of aug-
mentless preterit forms, 687

order of subjects in the grammar,
107; as best taken up by a stu-
dent, 108, 112, of subjects in eupb.
combination, {04

ordinal numeral adjectives, 487. 488.

pada-endings in declension, 1112.

palstal series of mutes (oc, ch, j, jh,
fi), pronunciation ete, 33, 42-4;
derived from original gutturals. 42;
reversion to guttural form, 43,
214ff.; euphontc combinations, 118,
119, 244-20; treatment as finals,
142. assimilation of dentals to,
196-203; pal. character of i, i,
20; of y, 61, 56; of 9, 63, 64;
palatal for guttural in reduplica-
tion, 590 b: — and see the dif-
ferent lettors.

participial compounds, 1247¢, 1809.

participles, 634, 537, 683, 584, 1172
-7; of present-systems, 619 ete.
etc.; of perfect, 802-7; of aorist,
840, 852, 872, 8897, 909. of future,
939, passive part., 962-8, 1176,
1177, active, in tavant, navant,
969, 960; future passive, 961-6,
of secondary conjugations, 1012,

1013, 1019. 1037, 10436, f, 1051.

1068; part. in possessive composi-
tion, 1299: — inflection of part.
in ant, 443-9: In vate, 468-

62; — part.-phrases, periphrastic,
1074, 10756; — relation of part.
and adjective, 967.

particles, 98a: prolongation of final
vowel of, 248a; part. giving ac-
cent to verb, 59fc e, 598a.

passive conjugation, 531, 640, 998,
present-system (yaé-claes), 606, 768
-74; aorist 8d sing., 842-5, 1048;
periphrastic perfect, 1072; parti-
ciple in ta or na, 962-8, 1051 b,
1176, 1177; future participles, 961
-6 (and see gcrandives); pass.
use of infinitive, 988; pass. from
intransitives, 9094; pass. of secon-
dary conjugations, 1025, 1039.
1062; pass. constructions, 282a,
999.

past usc of present tense, 777, 778.

perfect tense, 582; scheme of {ts

a%*

918

endings, §53c; uses, 821-8; —
perf.-system , 535, 780-823: for-
mation of stem, 781-94; redu-
plication, 782-91; strong and weak
stem-forms, 792-4; endings and
their combination with stem, 795
-9; union-vowel i, 796-8; in-
flection, 800; irregularities, 801;
participle, 802-7; its inflection,
458-62; modes, 808-16; pluper-
fect, 817-20; — poriphrastic perf.,
1070-73.

perfect time, oxpressed by so-called
aorist, 532a, 825, 928; by perfect,

822, 823; by participial phrases,

10754.

periphrastic conjugation, 640a, 1069
-T5; periph. future, 532, 934, 942
-7; its uses, 949: perfect, 1070
-8' 1048, 1034, 1046; eorist and
precative, 1073b; present, 1078c;
periph. participial phrases, 1074,
1076.

person in verbal inflection, 536.

personal endings — see condings of
conjugation.

personal pronouns, 491-4; nouns used
as auch, 544.

phrases, derivatives from, 1202b;
compounds from, 1314b.

place, particles of, 1089, 1100, 11221.

pluperfect tenso, 632, 817-20; plup.
time, no designation of, 53a;
save by participial phrases, 1076 d.

position, length of syllable by, 79.

possessive adjectives, 12063, 1229,
1230-35; pronominal, 516.

possessive compounds, 324, 1247¢,
1293-1308, poss. dependents,
1296; poss. descriptives, 127 ff. :
with ordinary adjective as prior
member, 1298; with participle,
1299; with numeral, 1900; with
appositive noun, 1301-3; with
adverb, 1304-6; added suffixes,
1212¢, 1807; pregnant use, 1308.

precative optative, 633b; its forma-
tion, 667; scheme of endings, 668 ;
prec. in later language, 921-6;
uso, 578 «.

prepositions, 1128-30; words used
as such, 1128-5; cases construed
with them, 1126-50; gerunds used
as, 994¢; — prep. in composition
with roots — see verbal prefixes.

prepositional compounds, 1247g, 1310;
with added suffix, 1212m.

GENERAL INDEX.

present tense, 652; its uses, 777,
778; — pres.-system, 565,
779: prominence as part of verb-
system, 600; -varioties of form and
their classification, 601-9: various

from same root, 609; conj

and conjugstion-classes , 607-40,
first or non-a-conjugation: I. root-
class, 611-41; II. reduplicating
class, 642-82; JIT. nasal class,
683-06, IV. nu- and wuc-elasa,
607-716; V. né-class, 717-82.
second or a-copjugation, 783: VL.
a-class, 734-60; VII. accented
d-class, 764-8: VIII. ya-cless,
769-67; 1X. yd-class, or passive
conjugation, 768-74; so-called
cur- or tenth class, 776; uses ef
tenses, 776-9; of modes, 572-81;
rr en stems, derivatives frem,

c.

present use of perfect, &210, 823;
of aorist,

presumption or conjecture, future
948. “ “

ptimary and secondary eud-
ings, 642 f7.; confusien of them in
use, 636d, 9382, 938: normal
schemes, 663.

primary derivation, 1138-1204: rele-
tion to secondary, 1189; from what
made, 1140, 1141; union-vowels,
1142; form of 1148; scceat,
1144; meaning, 1146, 1146; prim.
suffizes and the derivatives made
with them, 1148-1201.

prohibitive expression, 674, 678, 580.

pronominal roote, 490; theiz char-
acter, in inflection and derivation,
1187 b, 1188; adverbs from them,
1007 &.

pronouns, 490-521: personel, 491
-4; demonstrative, 495-603; in-
terrogative, 604-7; relative, 506
-12; emphatic’, indefinite, 643,
nouns used pronominally, 614:
pron. derivative adjectives, 615
-21; adjectives declined prenem-
inally, 522-8.

pronunciation — see system ef
sounds.

protracted (pluta) quantity, 78;
Poe final vowel uncombinable,

0.

punctuation, signs of, in devandgari,
d.

GENERAL INDEX.

quantity of consonants and vowels,
76-8; of syllables, 79.

r-endings of 3d pl., 650d.

redical stems — see root-stems.

reduplicated for censanive) aorist, 824,
866-73, 1048, 1047; ‘formation of
stem, 867-63; inflection, 864-7,
use in primsry conjugation, 868,
in causative, 1046, 1047; modes,
869-71.

reduplicating class (third, hu-class)
of verbs, 603, 642-82; reduplice-
tion and accent, 642-6; inflection,
647-657; roots of the class, 669;
irregularities, 668, 660-82.

reduplication, occurrence of, 259;
general rules for forming, 688-90;
present red., 643, 660 ff.; perfect,
782-91; aorist, 867-63; intensive,
1002; desiderative, 1029; in deri-
vation, 11436; anomalous, 1087 f.

relationship, nouns of, in pr, 369T7.,
1182 f.

relative clauses, peculiarities of, 612,
modes used in, 581a; accent of
verb in, 596.

relative compounds, improper name
for possessive, 1293 d.

relative pronoun, 608-12.

repeated words, 1260.

resolution, in Veda, of semivowels
into vowels, and of vowels into
two syllablos, fifa, 68a, 840, 113 b,
12%6c, 129e, 309f, 363s, 470b,
566c, 761g, 771g.

reversion, so-called, of palatal mates
and sibilant, end of h, to guttural

form, 43, 64, 66, 119, 142 145,
147, 2440.,' 681, 787, {028F.
11762.

roots, 88-100. roots of the Skt.

language, 162-5; roots and root-
forms acc. to the native gramma-
rians, 103, 104.

root-aoriet, 824, 829-45: in leter
language, 829; in older, 830ff.;
modes, 835-9; participles, 840;
passive aor. 3d sing., 842-6.

root-class (second, ad-class) of verbs,
603, 611-41; infection, 612-23;
roots of the class, 625; irregalari-
ties, 624, 626-41.

root-stems, their occurrence and use,
323, 383, 1197, 1147: as infint-
tives, 970a, 971, in dependent
composition, 1269; in deseriptive,

549

1286; inflection of such stems in
&, 1, &, 349 361; In consonants,
383-410; sometimes govern accus.,
271d; nent. pl. forms, 379b.
rudh-class of verhs — seo nasal class.

s-sorist, 824, 878-97: formation of
stem, 878, 879; endings and com-
bination with stem, 880, 881;
question of loss of 8 in certain
forms, 834, 881; inflection, 852,
irregularities, 884-91; absence of
i in 2d and 3d sing. in older
Janguege, 888-90; modes, 892-6;
participles, 897; — s-aor. stem in
derivation, 1140c.

s-fature, 9391-9: formation of stem,
9382, 986; ase of union-vowel f,
934, 936; occurrence, 937; modes,
938; participles, 939; its preterit,
the conditional, 940, 941; uses,
948.

sa-aorist, 824, 916-20: roots allow-
ed later to make it, 916: occur-
rence in older language, 9{9, 920 ;
inflection, 917, 948.

second class of verbs — see root-
class. °

second or 8-conjugation of verbs, ite
characteristics, , 783.

secondary adjective compounds, 1247,
1292-1310.

secondary conjugations, 640, 996-
1068: passive, 096, 999; intensive,
1000-1025. desiderative 1026-40;
causative, 1041-52; denominative,
1063-68: tertiary, or derivative
from secondary, 1625, 1039, 1062.

secondary derivation, 1188, 1139,
1202-45; relation to primary, 1189;
union-vowels, 1142; forms of stem,
1203, 1204, accent, 1206; meaning,
1206; sec. suffixes and the deri-°
vatives made with them, 1207-45;
external combination in see. deriva-
tion, 14110, d, 1208¢.

secondary personal endiugs, 64217;
normal scheme, 653 b.

semivowels (y, r, 1, v), pronuneia-
tion etc. 61-8; nasal semiv., 710,f,
206 , 3d; semiv. assimilation,
117d-f: — and see the dif-
ferent letters.

sentence, rules of euphonic combi-
nation tn, 101; their probable ar-
tifictality, 1042.

series or classes of mutes, 32 ff.

990

sovelth class of verbs — see nasal
class.

sh-sounds (g and g), 61, 63.

short and long quantity, "16-9.

sibilants (¢, g, 8), pronunciation etc.,
60-4: — and see the different
letters.

sibilant or sigmatic aorist, 924, 874-
920: formation and classification,
874-7, 4. s-aorist, 878-97; 5. rf
aorist, 898-910; 6. Big-sorist, 04 1-!
7. ga-aorist, 916-20; its stem in
‘derivation, 1140.

simple aorist, 824, 828-55: 1. root-
aorist , 829-44 « passive aor. 3d
sing. 842-5; 2. a-aorist, 846-55.

sig-aorist, 824, 941-6: formation of
stem, and inflection 911; forms in
older language , 919, 913, modes,
914; middle forms, 910.

sixth class of verbs — sce A-class.

sonant and surd sounds, 34, 36; Hindu
definition of their differenco, 34b;
mutes, 34, 35; aspirates, 37, 88 .
question as to character of h, 65a:
of final mute, 141b; euphonic as-
simflation of the two classes, 117,
156-78.

special and general tenses, 51a.

spirants, 69f.: sidilants, 569-64;
aspiration , 66; other breathings,
67-9.

stems, inflectible, 98-100, 106, thuir
derivation — sce derivation.

strengthening and weakening process-
es, 234-

strong and wesk, or strong, middle,
and weakest, forms of stems in
declension, 311. of roots and stems
in general, 104- 6; confusions of
strong and weak forms in decl.,
462c; in conj., 666 a; strong forms
in 2d wing., 723; in 2d du., 704,

831a, 839, 1007 b; in 8d du.,
793h, 839; in ist Pl, 621 b, 658,
676s, 793 bh, 8310, 832; in 2d pl.,

618, "621 b, 664 658, 669. 690,
704, 707, 728, 881s, 889; in 34
193 h, 831s.

awe class of ‘verbs — see nu-ciass.

subjunctive mode, 533; formation and
endings , 657-62. its first persons
used later as imperative, 633, 674.
578; subj. use of augmentless 'pret-
crit ‘forms, 563, 687; uses of subj.
mode, 574-82.

suffixes, 98-100; forming adverbs,

GENERAI.

INDEX.

1097-1109; do. declinable stcms
— see derivation.
superlative — see comparison.
surd and sonant sounds — see souant.
syllables, quantity of, 79; distia-
guished as heavy snd light, 79.
system of sounds, 19-76: vowels
and a nates, 19-30. conson-
ants ff.; mutes, 82-60. semi-
vowels, 61-8; sibtlants "69-64.
aspiration, 65, 66 ; visarga and
other breathings, 68, 69: anu-
avadra, 70-3; onwritten sounds
defined by Hindu grammarians,
74, 230; scheme of spoken alpha-
bet, with notice of comparative
frequency of the sounds, 76. quan-
tity, 76-9; accent and its. desig-
nation, 80-97.

tan-class of verbs — see u-claas.

tatpuruga-com pounds — sec deter-
minatives.

tense in verbal inflection, 532; tense-
systems, 636; present-ayatem, 66 589

-779; perfect - system
sorlst-systems 11030. fatuce future.
systems, 931-

tenth class of verbs - — see causative
conjugation, and cur-class.

tertiary, or derivative from secondary,
conjugations, 1025, 1039, 1062,
1068 a.

third class of vcrbs — see rednpli-
cating class.

time, particles of, 1103, 1122).

transliteration, general method of, 5;
of sign of elision, 135b; of com-
bined final and initial vowels, 1280;
of anusvara, 73c; of accent, 83a,

tud-class of verbs — see d&-class.

useless cighih tan-class) of verbe,
97-746; formation of stem,

697. inflection , 698-707 ; roots of
the class, 709; irregular root ky
or kar, 714, 735; other Irregulari-
ties, 716.

uncombinable (pragrhya) final vow-
els,

uninflected words — see indeclin-
ables.

union-vowels, 264, 666b, ¢c; i in
present inflection, 630, 631, 640.
in perfect, 796-8, 803. ia aorist,

GENERAL INDEX, hy

B7Hb, X77, in s-future, 934, 936;
in periphrastic future, 943; fn
desiderative, 1031; in passive par-
ticiple, 956; in infinitive and ge-
rand, 9683, Y9L; in derivation,
1142; — i in present Infection,
631-4, in 2d and 3d sing., 565b;
in intensive, 1004 ff.; 5 for i, 900b;
&i for i, 655.
upadhmA&niya-spirant, 69, 170d.

variable or changeable fF of roots,
242; treatment of, 245b; in pass-
ive, T70c; in s-aor., 8A, in ig-
aor., 900b; in pree., Y22a;, In s-
fut., 9368; in pple, 966d, 957b,
in info., 968d; in twé-gerand,
991b in ya-gernnd Bla, tn
desid., 1025 b.

variation of stem-form in declension
311. 312, in p-stems, 37d. In
consonantal «tems. 379. 355-8
$24. 443, 444. $F 30 — In
conjagation, “<“h- in preesnt—etee.
G4. in perfect 7972-4 ta wistat
S31 “79. -9) 1m intometse
"$+ pe.mery tertvact . 154%
in yarer tam {23 1D. one-
patie (2b -

vrh - 808 oA 49a8r At

. tt-focmes ber ati asan if ou the
woe F:3 0 HIS yonrnga-
ti-v 1 f91 Bes wo che. ¢€
ie: TS a, a Ce 2 Se Ce
SV wy srotger Tag
ernst gootae, 2 TE
wee STH
‘cg wre 2 aw

arff.e.-- er 2 4 >. -¥

eget

te Ce in) ieee 6 ol Ve ae Wa | Tad
UG Zsolt. “ed “440 pte

Beet te oo <4 firm: +

SM peat an Sos b ae Peal tT Yel
ot: in, Mis | OF oT Oe, Oe
“beenes ¢ I, ae

TM e een gees avin | alec

a6 dats “e$

“OR

posseasive, (0G, ln prepositional
1310.

visarga (vor visarjaniya), 67-1.
uantitative value, 70, occusrance,
44, 145, 170-72; alphabetia as-
der, 7a, 172e: — and see

vocative case, form of, 2660, W7h ,
Vedic, in aw, 426g, 464d, 4620,
46a; accent slong with qaali-
fying word), a, 314, varh on-
cented aftar, hO4a.

voice in verbal inflcation, 42H-5%.

vowels, how written in devanagari
with ronsonants, 10, sign of abeaase
of, 11, their pronunctetion ate
19-20: a-, i-, th-onwale 10-32.
f° J-vowele, 23-4, dighthsnge,

9, quanttty 77 TH anactet,

WW. neaal vowal> 74 rutoe nf
vawal-combinuban €2-"Wt on
eslting assent 125 IH) SMe
exceptinnel cscaa 1M)

vyddhi-strangth-ning -esectar oad
uecntians hd Et TW-44 wah
pesum, in primes; 4achretisa.
$1030 im seanndary 1814

me -wend betonging & ¥ GT

woah. «4 wesheet ttm 44 ham i0
hasixratcn $11

e-skcaing 004 stsengiaee rg gr
esteee LAD)

west.eg .@ fut s Le mrAa of
at meaussgee FO 4 44 wt:
Sofunt 0 vartate ara Yo-«

JO we fiir BY bs, 4 welt
VR TMA Aiwa 9 wal
“4 ues at 7 tre eet

cer es eee en) Se ee | 4

hi hegetit eae CUT FT
Jew su Ww Oe eo
me oot be YR ' 1h Wk how
6 seu tr TY wut tet 6?
Ag eee i bot. “Fi$ ,y aes
a) rr. Pt) i” en en”) 7G 3
ert

ERRATA.

p. 147, 891, Plur. Loc. — for Tracq read trary

266, 736, lest 1. — » bhdviantai » bhévdntal.

867, 9980, 1. 2 — » guhya » guahya.

401, 1081a, |. 3 — » akkhalikftya » akhkhalik/tya.
wa v

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