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Barbar» College librars 


cum oi tBja 








A Sanscrit Gram mar, including rotb tob Glassical Languagr, and 

tue ülder dlalects, uf vfida and braiimana 

ry Wilma* Dwigiit Wuitney. 





18**3 ^191 3) 








(anabtatic rrprint.) 



1890 (1013). 


f r r 

^S- /ötff«> COLI / c . 

DFG U 1915 


to thk First Edition. 

It was in Jane, 1875, as I chanced to be for a day or 
two in Leipzig, tliat I was unexpectedly inviied to prepare 
the Sanskrit gram mar for the Indo-European series projeeted 
by Messrs. Rreitkopf and Härte!. After some consideration, 
and consultation with friends, I accepted tbe task, and bave 
since devoted to it wbat time could be spared from regulär 
duties, aftcr the satisfaction of engagemcnts earlier formed. 
If thedelay seems a long one, it was nevertheless unavoid- 
able; and I would gladly, in tbe intorest of the work itself, 
bave inade it still longer. In ovcry such casc, it iß necess- 
ary to make a compromise between measnrably satisfying a 
present prcssing need, and doing the snbject fuller justice 
at the cost of more time; and it seemed as if tbe call for 
a Sanskrit grammar on a somewhat different plan from those 
already in use — excellent as some of these in many respects 
are — was urgent enough to recommend a speedy com- 
pletion of the work begun. 

Tbe objecto had especially in view in the prcparation 
of this grammar bave been the following: 

1 . To make a presentation of the facts of the languago 
primarily as tbey show themseWes in use in the literature, 
and only sccondarily as they are laid down by the native 
graromarian8. The earliest European grammars were by the 
ncccssity of the case chiefly founded on their native prede- 

vi Prepack. 

ccssors; and a traditional method was thua establishcd which 
has been perhaps somewhat too closely adhered to, at the 
expense of clearness and of proportion, aß well as of scien- 
tific trutb. Accordingly, my attention has not l>ecn directed 
toward a profonnder study of the grammatical science of the 
Hindu schools: their teachings I have been contented to takc 
as already reported to Western learners in the existing 
Western grammars. 

2. To include also in the presentation the forma and 
constructions of the older language, as exhibited in the Vcda 
and the Brähmana. Grassiuann's cxcellent Iudcx-Vocabulary 
to the liig-Veda, and my own mannscript oue to the Atharva- 
Ycda (which I hope soon to be able to make public*), gavc 
nie in füll detail the great mass of Vedic material ; and this, 
with some assistance front pupils and friends, I have sought 
to complcte, as far as the circumstances pcrmitted, from the 
other Vedic texts and from the various works of the Bräh- 
mana period, both printed and manu Script. 

3. To treat the language throughout as an accented onc, 
omitting nothing of what is known respecting the nature of 
the Sanskrit accent, its changes in combination aud iuflection, 
and the tone of individual words — being, in all this, ne- 
cessarily dependent especially upon the material presented 
by the older accentuated texts. 

4. To cast all Statements, classifications, and so on, 
into a forin consistent with the teachings of linguistic science. 
In doing this, it has been necessary to discard a few of the 
long-uscd and familiär divisions and terms of Sanskrit gram- 
mar — for example, the Classification and nomenclaturc of 
"special tenses" and "general tenses" (which is so indefen- 
sible that one can only wonder at its having maintained itsclf 
so long), the order and terminology of the conjugation-classcs, 
the Separation in treatment of the facta of internal and ex- 

* It was publUbed, as vol. XII. of the Journal of the Amorican 
OrieoUl Society, ia 1881. 

Prbface vii 

tcrnal cuphoiiic cotiihination, and thc likc. Uut carc has bccu 
takcn to facilitatc thc transition frotn tlio old to tlic ncw; 
and thc changcs, it is believed, will comuiend themselves to 
unqualified acceptance. It has been sought also to help an 
appreciation of the character of the langnage by putting its 
facts as far as possible into a Statistical form. In this respect 
the native grammar is cspecially deficient and misleading. 

Regard has been constantly had to thc practica! needs 
of the learner of the language, and it has been attempted, 
by dne arrangement and by the use of different sizes of 
type, to roake thc work as usable by one whoso objcct 
it is to acqnirc a knowlcdge of the classical Sanskrit alonc 
as those are in which thc carlier forms are not included. 
The custom of transliterating all Sanskrit words into Euro- 
pean cbaracters, which has becomc usual in European San- 
skrit grammars, is, as a matter of course, retained tbrough- 
ont; and, becausc of the difficulty of setting even a small 
Sanskrit type with anything but a large European, it is 
practiced alone in tho smallcr sizcs. 

Whilc thc trcalmcnt of thc facts of thc languago has 
thus been made a historical one, within the limits of thc 
language itself, I have not ventured to make it comparative, 
by bringing in the analogous forms and processes of otber 
related languages. To do this, in addition to all that was 
attempted beside, wonld have extended the work, both in 
content and in time of preparation, far beyond the limits 
assigned to it. And, having deeided to leave out this ele- 
ment, I have done so consistently thronghout. Explanatious 
of the origin of forms have also been avoided, for thc samc 
rcason and for otiters, which hardly call for Statement. 

A grammar is necessarily in great part foundcd on its 
predeecssors, and it would bc in vain to attempt an acknowl- 
edgment in detail of all thc aid rcccivcd from other Schol- 
ar«. I have had at band always cspccially the very schol- 
arly and rcliablc brief summary of Kielhorn, the füll and 


excellent work of Monier Williams, the smallcr gramiuar of 
Bopp (a wonder of learning and metkod for the tiuie wken 
it was pr epared), and the volumes of Benfey and Müller. 
As regards the material of the language, no other aid, of 
course, Las been at all comparable with the great Peters- 
burg lexieon of Böhtlingk and Roth, the existence of which 
gives by itself a new character to all investigations of the 
Sanskrit language. What I bave not found there or in the 
special collections made by inyself or by others for nie, I 
bave ealled below "not quotable" — a provisional designa- 
tion, necessarily liable to correction in detail by the results 
of further researehes. For what concerns the verb, its forms 
and their Classification and uses } I bave had, as every one 
must bave, by far the most aid from Delbrück, in his Alt- 
indisohes Verb um and his various syntactical contribu- 
tions. Former pupils of my own, Professors Avery and 
Edgren, bave also helped me, in connection with this 
subjeet and with otbers, in a way and measure that calls for 
public acknowledgment. In respect to the important matter 
of the declension in the earliest language, I have made great 
use of the elaborate paper in the Journ. Am. Or. Soc. (print- 
ed contemporaneously with this work, and used by me 
almost, but not quite, to the end of the subjeet) by my 
former pupil Prof. Lauman; my treatment of it is fouuded 
01» his. My manifold obligatious to my own teacber, Prof. 
Weber of Berlin, also require to be mentioned : among other 
things, I owe to him the use of his eopies of certain un- 
published texts of the Brähmana period, not otherwise access- 
ible to nie; and he was kind enough to look through with 
me my work in its inchoate condition, favoring me with 
valuable suggestions. For this last favor I have likewise to 
thank Prof. Delbrück — who, moreover, bas taken the trouble 
to glance over for a like purpose the greater part of the 
proof-aheets of the grammar, as they came from the press. 
To Dr. L. von Schröder is due whatever use I have been 

Prepacjb ix 

able to make (tinfortitnately a very impcrfcct onc) ofthc im- 

portant Mniträyani-Samhitä. * 

Of the defieiencies of my niork I am, I tliink, not less 

fnlly aware than any critic of it, cvcn tue severest, is likoly 

to be. Sbould it be found to answer its intcnded purposc 

weil enough to conic to another edition, my endeavor will 

be to improve and complete it; nnd I sliall bc gratcful for 

any corrections or suggestions which may nid nie in mak- 

ing it a morc efficient help to the study of the Sanskrit 

langnage and literature. 

Gotha, July 1879. 

W. D. W. 



In preparing a new edition of this gratnmar, I have 

niade nse of the new material gathered by mysclf during 
the intervening years,** and also of tbat gathered by others, 
so far as it was accessible to nie and fitted into my plan;*** 
and 1 have bad the benefit of kind suggestions from various 
quarters — for all of which 1 desire to return a grateful 
acknowledgraent. By such help. 1 have been ablc not only 
to correct and repair certain errors and omissions of the 
first edition, but also to speak with more definiteness upon 

♦ Since published in füll by hin), 1881—0. 
** A part of this new material was published by myself in 1885, 
as a Supplement to the grammar, under the titlo ^Hooto, Verb- Form 8, 
aud Priinary Derivatives of the Sanskrit Lauguagc* 9 . 

*** Especially deserving of mention is Holtzinann's collcction of 
material frora tho Mahäbliürats, also published (1884) in tho form of 
a Supplement to this work; also Bülitlingk's siiutlar collcction from 
the larger half of the RninäyHim. 


X PllRPACb. 

very inany points rclating to tbc material and usagea of 
tlic language. 

Iu ordcr not to impair the applicability of the referen- 
ces already mado fo the work by various authors, its para- 
graphing has been retained unehanged throughout; for in- 
creaßcd convenience of further reference, the stibdivisions 
of paragraphs have been more thoroughly uiarked, by letters 
(uow and then changing a former lettering); and the par- 
agraph-nnmbers have been set at the outer instead of the 
inner edge of the npper margin. 

My remotcncBB from the place of publication has for- 
bidden me the reading of more than one proof; but the 
kindne8S of Professor Lanman in adding his revision (ac- 
eompanied by otlier timely suggestions) to mine, and the 
care of the printers, will be found, I trust, to have aided 
in securing a text disfigured by few errors of the press. 

Circumstances beyond my control have delayed for a 
year or two the completion of this revision, and have made 
it in some parts less complete than I should have desired. 

Nlw-IIavicn, Sept. 1888. 

W. D. W. 


Hiuef Account of tiik Indian Litkkaturk.. 

1t scems desirable to givc herc such a sketch of die 
history of Indian literature as shall show the rclation to 
one another of the different pcriods and forms of thc lan- 
guage trcatcd in thc following grammar, and thc position 
of thc works thcrc quotcd. 

Thc narae "Sanskrit" (sarbskrta, 1087 d, adorncd, clah- 
orated y pcrfected\, which is popularly applied to thc whole 
ancient and sacred language of India, bclongs morc properly 
only to that dialect which, regulated and cstablished by thc 
labors of the native grammarians, has led for thc last two 
thousand years or more an artificial life, like that of the 
J^atin during most of the same period in Europc, as thc 
mitten and spoken means of communication of thc learned 
and priestly caste; and which even at the present day Alls 
that office. It is thus distinguished, on the one hand, froni 
the later and derived dialects — as the Präkrit, forms of 
language which have datable monuments from as early as 
the third Century beforc Christ, and which arc represented 
by inscriptions and coins, by the specch of thc uneducated 
characters in the Sanskrit dramas (sec below), and by a limited 
literature; the Päli, a Prakritic dialect which became the sac- 
red language of Muddhism in Ceylon and Farther India, and is 

xii Introduction. 

still in service there as such; and yet later and morc altered 
tongues forming the transition to the languages of modern 
India. And, on the other hand, it is distinguished, hut 
very much less sharply and widely, from the older dialects 
or forms of speech presented in the canonical literature, 
the Veda and Brähmana. 

This fact, of the fixation by learned treatment of an 
authorized modc of exprcssion, which should thenceforth be 
used according to rule in the intercourse of the educated, 
is the cardinal one in Indian linguistic history; and as the 
native grammatical literature has determined the form of 
the languagc, so it has also to a large extent determined 
the grammatical treatment of the language by European 

Much in the history of the learned movement is still 
obscurse, and opinions are at variance even as to points of 
prime consequence. Only the concluding works in the devel- 
opment of the gramatical science have been preserved to 
us; and though they are evidently the perfectcd fruits of a 
long series of learned labors, the records of the latter are 
lost beyond recovery. The timc and the place of the cres- 
aüou of Sanskrit are unknown; and as to its occasion, we 
have only our inferences and conjeetures jto rely upon. It 
seems, however, altogether likely that the grammatical sense 
of the ancient Hindus was awakened in great measure by 
their study of the traditional sacred texts, and by.thcir com- 
parison of its different language with that of contemporary 
use. It is certain that the grammatical study of those texts 
(c&khfts, lit'ly brauchen), phonetic and other, was zealously 
and effectivcly followed in the Brahmanic schools; this is 
attested by our possession of a number of phonetico-gram- 
matical treatises, pr&tic&khyas (pratl o&kh&m bclongxng to 
euch soveral text) ) each having for subjeet one prineipal 
Yedic text, and noting all its peculiarities of form; these. 
both by the depth and exaetness of their own researches 
and by the number of authorities which they quole, speak 
plainly of a livcly scientific activity continued during a long 
time. What part, on the other hand } the notice of differ- 


Introduotion. xiii 

ccnces l>ctwecn tlie correct specch of the learned and iho 
altered dialeots of the vulgär may have borne in the same 
movement is not easy to determine; but it is not customary 
that a language has its proper usages fixed by rule until 
the danger is distinctly feit of its undergoing corruption. 

The labors of the general school of Sanskrit grammar 
reached a olimax in the grammarian P&nini, whose text-book, 
containing the facts of the language cast into the highly 
artful and difficult form of about four thousand algebraio- 
formula-like rules (in the Statement and Arrangement of 
which brevity alone is had in view, at the cost of distinct- 
ness and unambiguousness), became for all after time the 
authoritative, almost sacred, norm of correct speech. Re- 
specting his period, nothing really definite and trustworthy 
is known; but he is with much probability held to have 
lived some time (two to four centuries) before the Christian 
era. He has had commentators in abundance, and has under- 
gone at theii hands some measure of amendment and com- 
pletion; but he has not been overthrown or superseded. 
The chief and most authoritative commentary on his work 
is that callcd the Mahabh&shya great comment } by Pa- 

A language, even if not a vernacular one which is in 
tolerably wide and constant use for writing and speaking, 
is, of course, kept in life principally by direct tradition, by 
communication from teacher to soholai and the study and 
imitation of existing texts, and not by the learning of gram- 
matical rules; yet the existence of grammatical authority, 
and especially of a Single one, deemed infallible and of pre- 
scriptive value, could not fail to exert a strong regulative 
influence, leading to the avoidance more and more of what 
was, even if lingering in use, inconsistent with his teachings, 
and also, in the constant reproduction of texts, to the grad- 
ual effacement of whatever they might contain that was 
unapproved. Thus the whole more modern literature of 
India has been Paninized, so to speak, pressed into the 
mould prepared by him and his school. What are the 
limits of the artificiality of this process is not yet known. 


The attention of special students of the Hindu grammar 
(and the subject is so intricate and difficult Üiat thc number 
is exccedingly sniall of those who have mastered it suffi- 
ciently to have a competent opinion on such general matters) 
has been hitherto mainly directed toward determining what 
the Sanskrit according to Pänini really is, toward explaining 
the language from the grammar. And, naturally enough, 
in lndia, or wherever eise the leading object is to learn to 
speak and write the language correctly — that is, as author- 
ized by the grammarians — that is the proper course to 
pursue. This, however, is not the way really to understand 
the language. The time must soon come, or it has come 
already, when the endeavor shall be instead to explain the 
grammar from the language: to test in all details, so far 
as shall be found possible, the reason of Pänini's rules 
(which contain not a little that seems problematical, or even 
sometimes perverse); to determine what and how much 
genuine usage he had everywhere as foundation, and what 
traces may be left in thc literature of usages possessing an 
inherently authorizcd character, though unratified by him. 

Hy the term "classical" or "later" language, then, as 
constantly used bclow in the grammar, is mcaut the lan- 
guage of those litcrary monumcnts which are writtcn in con- 
formity with thc ruh* of thc native grammar: virlually, the 
whole proper Sanskrit literature. For al though parts of this 
are doubtless earlier than Pänini, it is impossible to teil 
just what parts, or how far they have escaped in their style 
the leveling iniluence of the grammar. Thc whole, too, 
may be oalled so far an artificial literature as it is written 
in a phonetic form (see grammar, 101 a) which never can 
have been a truly vernacular and living one. Nearly all of 
it is metrical: not poetic works only, but naifratives, histories 
(so far as anything deserving that name can be said to exist), 
and scientific treatises of every variety, are donc into verse; 
a prose and a prose literature hardly has an existence (the 
prineipal exceptions, aside from the voluminous com ine u- 
tarics, are a few storics, as thc Dac,akumSraoarita and the 
V&savadatta). Of linguistic history tliere is next to nothing 

Imtroduotion. XV 

in it all; but only a history of style, and this for iho most 
part showing a gradual depravation, an incrcase of artificiality 
and an intensification of certain more undesirable features 
of the language — such as the use of passive construotions 
and of participles instead of verbs, and the Substitution of 
Compounds for sentences. 

This being the condition of the later litcrature, it is of 
so much the higher consequence that there is an earlier 
literature, to which the suspicion of artificiality does not 
attach, or attaches at least only in a minimal degree, which 
has a truly vernacular character, and abounds in prose as 
well as verse. 

The results of the very earliest litcrary productiveness 
of the Indian people are the hymns with which, when they 
had only crossed the threshold of the country, and when 
their geographical horizon was still limited to the river- 
basin of the Indus with its tributaries, they praised their 
gods, the deified powers of nature, and accompanied the 
rites of their comparatively simple worship. At what period 
these were made and sung cannot be determined with any 
approach to accuracy: it may havc been as early as 2000 
H. C. They were long handed down by oral tradition, prc- 
served by the care, and increased by the additions and 
imitations, of succeeding generations; the mass was eyer 
growing, and, with the change of habits and belieb and 
religious practices, was becoming variously applied — sung 
in chosen extracts, mixed with other material into liturgies, 
adapted with more or less of distortion to help the needs 
of a ceremonial which was coming to be of immense elab- 
oration and intricacy. And, at some time in the course 
of this history, there was made for preserration a great col- 
lection of the hymn-material, mainly its oldest and most 
genuine part, to the extent of over a thousand hymns and ten 
thousand verses, arranged according to traditional authorship 
and to subject and length and metre of hymn: this collection 
is the Rig-Veda Veda of verses (rc) or of hymns. Other 
collect ions were made also out of the same general mass 
of traditional material: doubtless later, although the inter- 

xvi Introduotion. 

relation8 of this period are as yet too unclear to allow of 
our speaking with entire confidence as to anything concern- 
ing them. Thus, the Sama-Veda Veda of chants (s&man), 
containing only about a sixth as much, its verses neaily all 
found in the Rig-Veda also, but appearing here with nume- 
rous differences of reading: these were passages put together 
for chanting at the soma-sacrifices. Again, collections called 
by the comprehensive name of Yajur-Veda Veda of sac- 
rificial formulas (yajus) : these contained not verses alone, 
but also numerous prose uttcrances, mingled with the former, 
in the order in which thcy were practically employed in 
the ceremonies; they were strictly liturgical collections. Of 
these, there are in existence sevcral texts, which have their 
mutual differences: the Vajasaneyi-SaihhitÄ (in two slightly 
discordant versions, Mädhyandina and Känva), sometimes 
also called the White Yajur-Veda; and the various and 
considerably differing texts of the Black Yajur-Veda, namely 
the T&ittirlya-Sariihitä, the M&itr&yanl-Sariihitä, the Kapis- 
thala-8aihhit&, and the Kä(haka (the two last not yet pub- 
lished). Finally, anothcr historical collection, like the Rig- 
Veda, but madc up niainly of later and Icss accepted 
material, and called (among other Icss currcnt namos) the 
Atharva-Veda Veda of the Atharvans (a legendary priestly 
family); it is somewhat more than half as bulky as the Rig- 
Veda, and contains a certain amount of material correspond- 
ing to that of the lattcr, and also a numbcr of brief prose 
passages. To this last collection is vr.ry generali y refused 
in the orthodox literature the Name of Veda; but for us it 
is the most iuteresting of all, after the Rig-Veda, because 
it contains the lärgest amount of hymn-material (or mantra, 
as it is called, in distinetion from the prose brfthmana), 
and in a language which, though distinctly less antique 
than that of the other, is nevertheless truly Vedic. Two 
versions of it are extant, one of them in only a single 
known manuscript. 

A not iusignificaut body of like material, and of various 
period (al though doubtless in the main belonging to the 
latest time of Vedic produetiveness, and in part perhap* 

Introduktion xvil 

ihe imitative work of a yet morc modern time), 10 scattercd 
through the iexia to be later described, the Br&hma^as and 
the Sütras. To assemble and sift and compare it is now 
one of the pressing needs of Vedic study. 

The fundamental divisions of the Vedic literature here 
mentioned have all had their various schools of sectaries, 
eaoh of these with a text of its own, showing sorae differ- 
ences from those of the other schools; but those mentioned 
above are all that are now known to be in existence; and 
the chance of the discovery of others grows every year 

The labor of the schools in the conservation of their 
sacred texts was extraordinary, and has been crowned with 
such succc88 that the text of each school, whatcver may 
be its difTerences from those of other schools, is virtually 
without various readings, preserved with all its peculiarities 
of dialect, and its smallest and most exceptional traits of 
phonetio form, pure and unobscured. It is not the place 
here to describe the means by which, in addition to the 
religious care of the sectaries, this accuracy was secured: 
forms of texts, lists of peculiarities and treatises upon them, 
and so on. When this kind of care began in the case of 
each text, and what of original charaoter may have been 
effaced before it, or lost in spite of it, cannot be told. But 
it is certain that the Vedic records furnish, on the whole, 
a wonderfully accurate and trustworthy pioture of a form of 
ancient Indian language (as well as ancient Indian belieb 
and institutions) which was a natural and undistorted one, 
and which goes back a good way behind the olassical San- 
skrit. Its differences from the latter the following treaüse 
endeavors to show in detail. 

Along with the verses and sacrificial formulas and 
phrases in the text of the Black Yajur-Veda are given 
long prose sections, in which the ceremonies are described, 
their meaning and the reason of the details and the accom- 
panying utterances are discussed and explained, illustrative 
legends are reported of fabricated, and various speculations, 
etymological and other, are indulged in. Such matter comes 

x viii Introduction. 

to be called br&hmana (apparently relating to the brahman 
or icorship). In the White Yajur-Veda, it is separatcd into 
a work by itself, besidc the samhita or text of verses and 
formulas, and is called the 9 ata patha-Br&hmana Brähmana 
of a hundred toays. Other similar collections are found, be- 
longing to various other schools of Vedic study, and they 
bear the common name of Br&hmana, with the name of the 
school. or some other distinctive title, prefixed. Thus, the 
Aitareya and Kausltaki-Br&hmanas, belonging to the schools 
of the Rig-Veda, the Panoavinc,a and Sa4vinc.a-Br&hmanaB 
and other minor works, to the Säma-Veda; the Gopatha- 
BrShmana, to the Atharva-Veda ; and a Jftiminlya- or Tala- 
vak&ra-Br&hmana, to the Säma-Veda, has recently (Burnell) 
been discovered in India; the T&ittirlya-Br&hmana is a eol- 
lcction of mingled mantra and br&hmana, like the samhitS 
of the same name, but supplementary and later. These 
works arc likewise regarded as canonioal by the schools, 
and are learned by their seetaries with the same extreme care 
which is devoted to the samhitaa, and their condition of 
textua) preservation is of a kindred excellence. To a cer- 
tain extent, there is among them the possession of common 
material: a fact the bearingu of which. are not yet fully 

Notwithstanding the inanity of no small part of their 
contents, the Brähmanas are of a high order of interest in 
their bearings on the history of Indian institutions; aml 
philologically they are not less important, since they re- 
present a form of langtiage in most respects intermediatc 
hetwecu the idassical and of tho Vedas, and offer ape- 
ei mens on a largo aeale of a prose style, and of one which 
is in the main a natural and freely developed one — the 
oldest and most primitive Indo-European ■ prose. 

Beside the Brähmanas arc sometimes found later ap- 
ppndiccs. of a similar character, called Aranyakas (forest- 
tections): as the Aitareya- Aranyaka , T&ittirlya- Aranyaka , 
Brhad -Aranyaka, and so on. And from some of these, or 
even from the Brähmanas. are extracted the earlicst Upa- 
niaads [sittinys, lecturcs on sacred subjeeta) — which, 


Introdüotion. xix 

howevcr, arc continucd and added to down to a compara- 
tively modern time. The Upanishads are one of the lines 
by which the Brähmana literature passes over into ihe later 
iheological literature. 

Another line of transition is shown in the Sütras (lincs, 
rules). The works thus nained are analogous with the 
Brähmanas in that they belong to the schools of Vedic 
study and are named from them, and that they deal with 
the religious ceremonies: treäting them, however, in the 
way of prescription, not of dogtuatic explanation. They, 
too, contain some mantra or hymn-material, not found to 
occur elsewhere. In part (oräuta or kalpa-sütras) , they take 
up the great sacrificial ceremonies, with which the Bräh- 
nianas have to do; in part (grhya-sütras), they teach the 
minor dutics of a pious householder; in some cases (sS- 
mayftc&rika-satras) they lay down the general obligations of 
one whose life is in accordance with prescribed duty. And 
out of the last two, or especially the last, come by natural 
development the law-books (dharma-o&stras), which make 
a conspicuous figure in the later literature: the oldest and 
most noted of them bcing that callcd by the na nie of 
Manu (an outgrowth, it is believed by many, of the Mänava 
Vedic school); to which are added that of YSjüavalkya, and 
many others. 

Respecting the chronology of this development, or the 
date of any class of writings, still more of any individual 
work, the less that is said the better. All dates given in 
Indian literary history are pins set up to be bowled down 
again. Every important work has undergone so many more 
or less tran8forming changes before reaching the form in 
which it comes to us, that the question of original con- 
struetion is complicated with that of final redaction. It is 
so with the law-book of Manu, just mentioned, which has 
well-founded claims to being regarded as one of the very 
oldest works of the proper Sanskrit literature, if not the 
oldest (it has been variously assigned, to periods from six 
centuries before Christ to four after Christ). It is so, again, 
in a still more striking degree, with the great legendary 



epic of the Mahäbhärata. The ground-work of this is 
doubtlc8S of very early date; but it has served as a tcxt 
into which materials of various character and period have 
been inwoven, until it has become a heterogeneous mass, 
a kind of cyclopedia for the warrior-caste, hard to separate 
into its constituent parta. The story of Nala, and the phil- 
osophical poem Bhagavad-GItS, are two of the niost noted 
of its episodes. The Rämayana, the other most famous epic, 
is a work of another kind: though also worked over and 
more or less altered in its transmission to our time, it is 
the production, in the raain, of a single author (Välmiki); 
and it is generally believed to be in part allegorical, re- 
presenting the introduction of Aryan culture and dominion 
into Southern India. By its aide stand a number of minor 
epic8 } of various authorship and period, as the Raghuvanca 
(ascribed to the dramatist Kälidäsa), the Mftghak&vya, the 
Bha(tik&vya (the last, written chiefly with the grammatical 
intent of illustrating by use as many as possible of the 
numerous formations which, though taught by the gram- 
marians, find no place in the literature). 

The Purftnss, a large claas of works mostly of immense 
exten t, are best mentioned in connection with the epics. 
They are pseudo-historical and prophetic in character, of 
modern date, and of inferior value. Real history finds no 
place in Sanskrit literature, nor is there any conscious 
historical eleinent in any of the works composing it. 

Lyric poetry is represented by many works, some of 
which, as the Meghadüta and Qltogovinda, are of no mean 
order of merit. 

The drama is a still more noteworthy and important 
brauch. The first indications of dramatical inclination and 
capacity on the part of the Hindus are seen in certain 
hymns of the Veda, where a mythological or legendär y 
Situation is coneeived dramatically, and set forth in the 
form of a dialogue — well-known examples are the dialogue 
of Saramä and the Panis, that of Yama and bis sister Yami, 
that of Vasiahtha and the rivers, that of Agni and the other 
gods — but there are no extant intermediaries between diese 

Introduction. xx\ 

and the Standard drania: The heginnings of the latter date 
[mm a period when in aciuat life the higher and educated 
characters used Sanskrit, and the lowcr and uneducated used 
the populär dialeeU derived from it, the Präkrits; and their 
dialogue reflects this condition of things. Then, however 
learning (not to call it pedantry) intervened, and stereotyped 
the new element; a Präkrit grammar grew up beside the 
Sanskrit grammar, aecording to the rules of which Präkrit 
could be made indefinitely on a Substrate of Sanskrit; and 
none of the existing dramas need to date from the time of 
vernacular use of Präkrit, while most or all of them are 
undoubtedly much later. Among the dramatie authors, 
Kälidasa is incomparably the chief, and his Qakuntalft is 
distinctly his masterpicce. His date has been a matter of 
much inquiry and controversy; it is doubtless some cen- 
turies later than our era. The only other work deserving 
to be mentioned along with Kälidasa's is the Mycchakatika of 
^üdraka, also of questionable period, but believed to be 
the oldest of the extant dramas. 

A partly dramatie character belongs also to the fable, 
in which an i mal s are represented as acting and speaking. 
The most noted works in this department are the Pafica- 
tsntra, which through Persian and Semitic versions has made 
its way all over the world, and contributes a considerable 
quota to the fable-literature of every European language, 
and, partly founded on it, tlie comparatively recent and 
populär Hitopadefa (salutary Instruction). 

Two of the leading departments of Sanskrit scientific 
literature, the legal and the grammatical, have been already 
sufficiently noticed; of those remaining, the most important 
by fax is the philosophical. The beginnings of philosophic- 
al 8peculation are seen already in some of the later hymns 
of the Veda, more abundantly in the Brähmagas and Äran- 
yakas, and then especially in the Upanishads. The evo- 
lution and historic relation of the Systems of philosophy, 
and the age of their text-books, are matters on which much 
ob^curity still rests. liiere are six Systems of primary rank, 
and reckoned as orthodox, although really Standing in no 

xxii Intboduotion. 

accordance with approved religious doctrines. All of them 
seek the same end, the emancipation of the soul from the 
uecessity of continuing its existence in a succeasion of 
bodiefl, and its uniiication with the All-soul; but they 
differ in regard to the means by which they seek to attain 
this end. 

The astronomical science of the Hindus is a reflection 
of that of Greece, and its literature is of recent dato; but 
as mathematicians, in arithmetic and geometry, they have 
shown more independence. Theii medical science, although 
its beginnings go back even to the Veda, in the use of 
medicinal plante with accompanying incantations, is of little 
account, and its proper literature by no means ancient. 


Chip. Page. 


Introduction xl 

I. Alphabet 1 — 9 

II. System of Sounds; Pbonünciation .... 10 — 34 

Vowel.«, 10; Consonants, 13; Quantlty, 27; Acccnt,28. 

III. IIulks or Eupiionic Combination 34 87 

Introductory, 34; Principlo«, 37; RulesofVowel Com- 
bination^; Permltted Flnaij, 49 ; Deaspiration, 63; 
Surd tnd Sontnt Assimilation, 64; Comblnatlons of 
Final b tnd r, 56; Conversion of B to 9, 61; Con- 
▼onion of n to n, 64; Conversion of Dental Mutes to 
Lingual» tnd Palatals, 66; Comblnatlons of Final n, 
69 ; Comblnatlons of Final m, 71 ; the Palatal Mutes 
and Sibilant, and h, 72; the Lingual Sibilant, 77; 
Extension and Abbreviation, 78; 8trengthening tnd 
Weakening Proeesses, 81 ; Guna tnd Vfddhi, 81 ; 
Vowel-lengthentng, 84; Vowel-Ughtenlng, 86; Nasal 
Increment, 86; Rednplicatlon, 87. 

IV. DECLBN8ION 88 110 

Gender, Number, Ctse, 88; Uses of the Cases, 89; 

Endlngs of Declension, 103; Variation of Stern, 107; 
Accent In Declension, 108. 


Classification etc., 111; Declension I., Sterns In a, 112 ; 
Declension II. , Sterns in 1 and u, 116; Declension 
III., Sterns In Long Vowels (ä, I, ü): A. Root-words 
etc., 124; Sterns In Diphthongs, 130; B. Derivative 
Sterns etc., 131; Declension IV., Stern? in r; or ar v 
137; Declension V., Sterns In Consonants, 141; 
A. Ront-stems etc., 143; B. Derivative Sterns In bb v 
18, us» 153; O. Derivative Sterns in an, 166: D. 
in In, 101 ; B. in ant or at, 163; F. Perfect Par- 
ticlples in vtns, 169; O. Comparatlves in yAnB or 
yas, 172; Comparison, 173. 

xxiv Contents. 

Chap. Page. 

VI. Numerals 177 185 

Cardinais, 177; Ordinals etc., 183. 

VII. PRONOUNS 185 — 199 

Personal, 185; Demonstrative, 188; Interrogative, 

194; Relative, 196; other Pronouns: Einphatic, In- 
definite, 196; Noans used pronominally, 197; 
Pronominal Derivatives, Possessives etc., 197; Ari- 
Jcctives declined pronominally, 199. 

VIII. Conjugation 200 226 

Voice, Tense, Mode, Number, Person, 200; Verbal 
Adjectives and Nouns, 203; Secondary Conjugations, 

203; Personal Endings, 204; Subjnnctive Mode, 209; 
OpUtive, 211; Imperative, 213; Uses of the Modes, 
216; Partioiples, 220; Augment, 220; ßeduplication, 
222; Accent of the Verb, 223. 

IX. The Present-System 227 278 

General, 227; Conjugations and Conjugation Classes, 
228; Root-CIass (second or ad-class), 231; Re- 
duplicating Class (tbird or hu-class), 242; Nasal 
Class (seventb or rudh-class), 260; nu and u-Classcs 
(flftb and eigbtb, or bu- and tan-classes), .264 ; nft- 
CUss fuiiith or kri-class), 260; a-Class (ilrst or 
bhü-vlaM»), 204; Accenteii a-Clatui (tiixth or tud- 
clasti), 269; ya- Class (fourth or div-class), 271; 
Acccntod ya- Class or Passive Conjugation, 276; 
So-callcd tentb or cur-class, 277 ; Uses of tbc Pres- 
ont and liupcrfect, 278. 

X. TllB PKRFKf.T-SYSTKM 279 291» 

Porfcct Tuiiso, 279; Porfcct Participle, 291; 
of tbe Perfect, 292; Plupcrfect, 296; Uses of tliu 
Porfcct, 296. 

XI. The Aorist-Systems 297 — 330 

Classification, 297; I. Simple Aorist: 1. Iloot- Aorist, 
299; Passive Aorist 3d sing., 304; 2. tbe a- Aorist, 
306; II. 3. Reduplicated Aorist, 308; III. Sibilant 
Aorist, 313; 4. the 8-Aoriat, 314; 6. tho is-Aorist. 
320; 6. the als- Aorist, 323; 7. tho sa- Aorist, 325; 
Prcoative, 326; Uses of tho Aorist, 328. 

XII. The Future-Sy8Tem8 330 — 339 

I. Tho 8-Future, 331 ; Preterit of the 8-Future, Con- 
ditlonal, 334; II. The Peripbrastic Future, 336; 
Uses of the Futures and Couditional, 337. 

Content«. mv 

Cbap. P»f«. 

XIII. Verbal adjectivbs and Nouns: Partici- 

I>LE8, INFIN1TIVE8, ÖERUND8 340 360 

Passive Participle in ta or na, 340; Ptst Active 
Participle In tavant, 344; Future Passive Parti- 
ciplcs, Gcrundlves, 345; Infinitive», 347; üses of 
tho Infinitive«, 351 ; Gerunds, 356; Adverbial Gerund 
in am, 369. 

XIV. Derivative or Secondary Conjuoation . . 360 — 391 

I. Passive, 361; II. Intensive, 362; Present-System, 
366; Perfect, Aorist, Future, etc., 370; III. Deslder- 
ative, 372; Present-Systeni, 374; Perfect, Aorist, 
Future, etc., 376; IV. Causative, 378; Present- System, 
3S0; Perfect, Aorist, Future, etc., 383; V. Denom- 
inative, 386. 

XV. Peripiirastic and Compound Conjuoation 391 — 403 
The Periphrastic Perfect, 392; Partie ipial Periphras- 
tlc Phrases, 394; Composltion with Prepositional 
Proflxe«, 396; Other Verbal Compounds, 400. 

XVI. Indeclinables 403 — 417 

Adverbs, 403; Prepositions, 414; Conjuncttons, 416: 
Interjections, 417. 

XVII. Dkkivation of Declinadle Stems 418 — 480 

A. Priraary Derivatives, 420; B. Sernndary Deriva- 
tives, 454. 

XVIII. Formation of Compound Stems 480 — 515 

CUsxiflcatlon, 480; I. Copulative Compounds, 486; 

II. Determinative Compounds, 489; A. Dependent 
Compounds, 489; B. Descriptive Compounds, 494; 

III. Secondary Adjectlve Compounds, 601 ; A. Pos- 
sessive Compounds, 601 ; B. Compounds with Governnl 
Final Member, 611; Adjective Compounds as Nouns 
and as Adverbs, 512; Anomalous Compounds 614; 
Stcm-flnals alt« red in Compositlon, 614 ; Loosc 
Constrnctlon with Compounds, 616. 

ArpENDix 516 — 520 

A. Rzamples of Various Sanskrit Type, 516; B. Ex- 
arnplo of Accontuatcd Text, 518; Synopsis of the 
conjugation of roots bhü and kr, 620. 

Sanskrit-Index 521 — 539 

General-Index 54 — 551 


AA. Äitareya-Äranyaka. 

AB. Äitareya-Brähmana. 
AQS. Ä9va1äyana-Qräuta-Sütra. 
AG8. Äc,valäyana-Grhya-Sütra. 
Äpast. Äpastauiba-Sütra. 
APr. Atharva-Prätigäkbya. 
AV. Atharva-Voda. 

B. or Br. Brähinanas. 

BAU. Brhad-Äranyaka-Upaniaad. 
BbG. Bbagavad-Gltä. 
BbP. Bbägavata-Puräna. 
BR. Bühtlingk and Roth (Peters- 
burg Lexicon). 

C. Classical Sanskrit. 
Q. Qakuntalä. 

Qatr. yatrumJaya-Mähätuiyaui. 
Q'B. Qatapatha-Brähmana. 
QC)S. Q'änkhäyana-Qräuta-Siitm. 
CGS. £äfikhäyana-Grbya-Sütra. 
ChU. Chändogya-Upanifad. 
$vU. Cvotä9vatara-UpauiHad. 
DKG. Da9a-Kumüra-Carita. 
E. Epos (MBb. and 11.). 
GB. Gopatha-Brähniana. 
GGS. Gobhiliya-Grhya-Sütra. 
II. Hitopadoea. 
Uar. Harivanga. 
JB. Jäiminiya (or Talavakära) Bräh- 

JUB. Jäiminlya - Upanisad- Brält- 

K. Kätbaka. 

Kap. Kapifthala-Samhitä. 
KB. Käusitaki- (or ^änkhäyana-) 

KBU. Käuaitaki-Brähmana-Upanl- 

KgS. Kätyäyana-gräuU-Sütra. 
KS. K&U9ika-Sütra. 
KSS. Kathä-Sarit-Sägara. 
KthU. Katha Upanifad. 

KU. Kena- Upanifad. 

LQS. Lätyäyana-Qräuta-Sütra. 

M. Manu. 

MäiU. Mäitri-Upanisad. 

MBh. Mahäbbärata. 

MdU. Mundaka-Upanisad. 

Mogh. Meghadüta. 

MS. Mäiträyani-Samhitä. 

Näif. Näisadhiya. 

Nir. Nirukta. 

Pafic. Paücatantra. 

PB. Paficavinca- (or Tändya-) Bräh- 

PGS. Päraskara-Grhya-Sütru. 

PU. Prafna Upanifad. 

B. Rämäyana. 

Ragb. Raghuvaric,a. 

RPr. Rigveda-Präticäkhya. 

KT. Räja-TaranginT. 

RV. Rig-Veda. 

S. Sutrus. 

SB. Sadvihca-Brähmana. 

Spr. Indische Sprüche (Bühtlingk). 

SV. Säina Vtdit 

TA. Täittiriya-Aranyaka. 

TB. Täittiriya-Brähuiana. 

TPr. Täittiriya-Präti$äkbya\ 

Tribh. Tribhäsyaratna (comp, tu 

TS. Täittiriya-Samhitä. 

U. Upanisads. 

V. Vedas (RV., AV., SV.). 

Vas. Vasistha. 

VBS. Varäha-Brhat-Samhitä. 

Vot. Vetälapaficavinc.atl. 

Vikr. Vikramorvacl 

VPr. Väjaaaneyi-PrÄti^äkhya. 

VS. Vajaaeneyi-Sairfbit*. 

VS. Kär\. dq. Känva-text 

Y. Yäjöavalkya. 



1. Thb natives of India write their ancient and aacred 
language in a varietjr of alphabeta — generally, in each 
part of ihe country, in the same aiphabet which they use 
for iheir own rernacular. The mode of writing, however, 
which 18 employed throughout ihe heart of Aryan India, or 
in HindustAn proper, is alone adopted by European scholars : 
it is called the devan&garl. 

au Tbl 8 nam« <• of doobtful origin and valuc. A more compr*henftiYC 
mme Is n&garl (perhaps, of the city)\ and deva-n&garl ts n&garl of 
the gode, or of the Brahmam. 

8. Much tbat reUtes to tbe hlstory of the Indian alphabets ts still 
obieure. The earllest written monuments of known date in tbe country are 
the insoriptions conUining the ediets of A9oka or Piyadasl, of about the 
middle of tbe third Century B. G. They tre In two difTerent Systems of 
cbaracters, of which one shows dlstinct signs of derivttion from t Seruitlc 
source, white the otber ts also probably, tbough mach less evidently, of the 
same origin. From the latter, the Lath, or Southern Acoka character (of 
Girnar), come the later Indian aiphabet*, both tbose of the northern Aryan 
langnages and tbose of the southern Draviditn languages. The n&garl, 
devanagarl, Bengali, Guzeriti, and others, are varieties of its northern 
derivatives; *nd wltb them are related some of the aiphabet« of peoples 
outstde of India — as In Tibet tnd Farther India — who have adopted Hindu 
enltare or roligion. 

su There \% reason to beliebe that writing was flrst employed in India 
for practicil parposes — for correspondence and buslness and the like — 
and only by dcgrees came to be applied also to literary ose. The literature, 
to a great extent, and the more fnlly in proportion to its claimed sanctity 
and anthority, ignorea all written record, and aasumes to be kept in existence 
by oral tradition alone. 

Whitaay, Gran aar. 3. ad. | 


1. Alphabet. 

3. Of the devan&garl itself there are minor varieties, dependiug on 
differences of locality or of period, as also of individual band (see examplea 
ia Weber'« caUlogue of the Berlin Sanskrit MSS., in Räjendraläla Mltra'f 
notices of MSS. in Indian libraries, in the published fac-simües of in- 
scriptions, and so on); and these are in some measure reflected in the type 
prepared for printiiig. both in India and in Europe. ßut a Student who 
makes himself familiär with one style of prtntad characters will have little 
difflculty irith the others, and will soon learn, by praotice, to read the manu- 
scripta. A few specimeus of types other than those used in this work are 
glven in Appendix A. 

a. On aocount of the difflculty of combining them with the smaller sizes 
of our Roman and Italic type, the devan&garl characters are used beiow only 
in connection with the flrst or largest size. And, in accordance with the 
laudable usage of recent grammars, they are, wherever given, also trans- 
literated, in Clarendon letters ; while the latter alone are used in the other 

4« The Student may be advised to try to famlliarixe himself from 
the start with the devan&garl mode of writing. At the same time, 
it is not indispensable that he should do so until, haying learned the 
prinoipal paradigms, he comes to begin reading and analysing and 
parsing; and many will find the latter the more practica!, and in the 
end equally or more affective, way. 

6. The characters of the devan&garl aiphabet, and the 
European letters which will be used in transliterating them, 
are as follows: 

Vowels: simple 


^ Visarga 



3 a 





« «IT 








m JL y Jl n or in (see 73 o). 

I» 3| J) 
m "fr al 
i« Qt av 









■ SJ o 

« Z \ 

« rT t 

m q p 

•ard aap. 
.. £[ kb 
n JR oh 

•• ei th 

» m pn 


!• JI g 

*$r j 

H ^ d 
» ST b 

■ob. aap. 

» q gh 

»3? Jh 

all dh 
- H bh 

» 'S n 

»31 ft 
m dl n 
•• H n 

Theory op Tifis Mode op Writinq. [ — 9 

palatal •» 0" y 

« .1 lingual « X r 

Somivowels \ . . . i. . 

I dental * ST 1 

labial « cj v 

I palatal «■ Sf 9 
lingual «» * a 
dental «■ H s 

Aspiration «^h 

a. To these may be added a lingual 1 3£, which in some of the 
Vedic texte taket the place of J 4 *hen occurring between two 

vowels (64). 

6. A few other sounds, recognized by the theoriee of the Hindu 
grammarinnp, but either having no separate characters to represent 
them or only very rarely and exceptionally written, will be noticod 
below (71 b, c, 230). Such are the guttural and labiat breathings, tho 
nasal semivowels, and others. 

7. The order of arrangement given above is that in 
which the sounds are catalogued and described by the native 
grammarians; and it has been adopted by European scholars 
as the alphabetic order, for indexes, dictionaries, etc. : to the 
Hindus, the idea of an alphabetic arrangement for such 
practical uses is wanting. 

tu In some works (as the Petersburg lexicon), t visarga which it re- 
garded as equivatent to and exchangeable wlth a atbilant (172) Is, though 
w ritten as visarga, gWen the alphabetic place of the Sibilant. 

8. The theory of the devan&garl, as of the other Indian 
modes of writing, is syllabic and consonantal. That is 
to say, it regards as the written unit, not the simple sound, 
but the syllable (aksara); and further, as the substantial 
part of the syllable, the consonant or the consonants which 
precede the vowel — this latter being merely implied, or, 
if written, being written by a subordinate sign attached to 
the consonant. 

0. Hence follow these two principles: 
A. The forme of the vowel-characters given in the 
alphabetical soheme above are used only when the vowel 

9—] I. Alphabet. 4 

forma a ayllable by itaelf, or 11 not combined with a preceding 
conaonant: that ia, when it ia either initial or preceded by 
another vowel. In combination with a conaonant, other modea 
of representation are uaed. 

B. If more oonaonanta than one precede the vowel, 
forming with it a aingle ayllable, their characters muat be 
combined into a aingle Compound character. 

a, Native Hindu uaage, in manuscripta and inacriptiona, treata 
the whole material of a aentence alike, not acparating ita worda from 
one another, any more tban the ayllablea of the aame word: a final 
conaonant ia combined into one written ayllable with the initial vowel 
or conaonant or conaonanta of the following word. It never occurred 
tu the Hindus to apace their worda in any way, even where the mode 
of wrlting admitted auch treatment; nor to begin a paragraph on a 
new line; nor to write one line of verae under another: everything, 
without exception, ia written solid by them, Alling the whole page. 

b. Tbua, the aentence and verae-line ahaxh rudrebhir vaaubhi? 
oar&my aham ädityÄir uta viovadevÄth (Rig-Veda X* 125. 1: aee 
Appendix B) / wander with the Vastis, the Rudrat, I with the Ädityat 
and the All-Oodt ia thua syllabized: a haxfa ru dre bhi rva au bhi 
90a ra mya ha ml di ty&i ru ta vi 9va de vaih, each ayllable end- 
ing with a vowel (or a vowul uiodilicd by tlio nasal -sign anuevära, 
or having the sign of a final breathlug, viearga, added: these being 
tho only olements that can follow a vowel in the same syllable); and 
it is (togetber with the next line) written in the manuscripta after this 
fashiou : 

m«£ ^fa4ufaiutiM^H i f<(3l 

Each syllable is written separately, and by many scribes the 
succeaaive ayllablea are parted a Utile from one another: thus, 

and so on. 

a In Western practice, however, it is almost nniveraally customary 
to divide paragraphs, to inake the linea of verse follow ono another, 
and also to separate the words so far as this can bo done without 
changing the mode of writing them. See Appendix B, where the verse 
here given ia ao treated. 

d. Further, in worka prepared fo\ beginners in the language, it 
is not uncommon to mako a more complete Separation of words by a 

5 Whitino op Vowels. f— 10 

free ose of the virftma-sign (11) under finnl consonants: thos, for 

or eveo by indicating also the combinations of initial and final vowels 
(120, 127): for example, 

e. In transliterating, Western methods of Separation of words are 
of course to be followed ; to do otherwise would be simple pedantry. 

10. Under A, it is to be noticed that the modes of 
indicating a vowel combined with a preceding consonaat 
are as follows: 

a. The short 9 a has no written sign at all; the con- 
sonanl-sign itsclf im pH es a following Sl n, unless flomo othor 
vowel-sign is attached to it (or eise the virftma: 11). Thus, 
the consonant-signs as given above in the alphabetic scheine 
are really the signs of the syllables ka, kha, etc. etc. (to ha). 

b. The long 9T ft is written by a perpendicular stroke 
after the consonant: thus, SfiT kB, UT dhä, ^1 hft. 

c. Short Z * an d long $ I are written by a similar stroke, 
which for short i is placed before the consonant and for 
long I is placed after it, and in either case is connected with 
the consonant by a hook above the upper line : thus, föi ki, 
^ kl; ft bhl, >ft bhl; fr ni, ?ft nl. 

The hook above, turning to the left or to the right, is htstorically the 
essential part of the «haracter, hatlng been orlglnally the wholc of it; the 
hook s were only later prolonged, so as to rcach all the way down beslde 
the consonant. In the MSS , they almost never hare the horizontal stroke 
drawn aeross ihem abo*e, though this is added In the printed charactert: 
thus, originally *% kt, eff kl; in the BIS?., !%, «fil j in print, f£fi, ^. 

d. The u-sounds, short and long, are written by hooks 
attached to the lower end of the consonant-sign : thus, W\ 
ku, 1\ kü; T (jlu. ? <Jtt. Ou aecount of the necessities of 
combination, du and du are somewhat disguised: thus, y, 
^T; and the forms with \ r and ^T h are still raore irregulär: 
thus, "^ ru, f rü; ^ hu, ^ ha. 

io— j I. Alphabet. 6 

e. The y-vowels, «hört and long, are written by a sub- 
joined hook, single or double, opening toward the right: 
thus, ^ ky, ^kf; ? dy, \ df. In the h-sign, the hooks 
are usually attached to the middle: thus, ^ h?, ^ hf. 

As to the eoinbination of j with preceding r, see below, 14cL 

f. The J-vowel is written with a reduoed form of iU 
füll initial character: thus, «J kj; the corresponding long ha« 
no real ocourrence (28 a), but would be written with a similar 
reduoed sign. 

g. The diphthongs are written by strokes, single or 
double, above the upper line, combined, for 3t o and §t ftu, 
with the a-sigu after the consonant: thus, «R ke, efi käi; 
^[ ko, ^t kau. 

h. In sonie devan&gari manuicrlpt* (as in Ute Bengali aiphabet), the 
single stroke above, or one of the double ones, i* ieplaeed by t sign like the 
ä-sigu before the consonant: thus, fcfi ke, j% kfti; RH ko, RH kftu. 

11. A consonant-sign, however, is eapable of being made 
to signify the consonant-sound alone, without an added vowel, 
by having written beneath it a stroke called the virftma 
(rest, stop): thus, fi k. <£ d, 5 h- 

a. Since, as was pointed out above, the Hindus write the words of a 
sentence continuously like one word (9 a, b), the vir&ma is in general oalled 
for ouly when a final consonant occurs before a pause. But lt is also oc- 
caaionally resorted to by scribes, or in print, in Order to avoid an awkwtrd 
or difflcult combination of consonant-signs : thus, 

f%T3ft: U^bhUi, fefOT lijau, q^J aükeva; 

and it is used to make a Separation of words in texts prepared for begin- 
nen (9d). 

12. Under B, it is to be noticed that the consonant 
oombination8 are for the most part not at all difficult to 
make or to recognise for one who is familiär with the 
simple signs. The characteristic part of a consonant-sign 
that is to be added to another is taken (to the exclusion of 
the horizontal or of the perpendicular framing-line, or of 
both), and they are put together according to convenienoe, 


either aide by aide, or one above the other; in a few eom- 
binationa either arrangement ia allowed. The conaonant that 
ia to be pronounced firat ia aet before the other in the one 
order, and above it in the other order. 

a. Ezamplea of the aide-by-aide arrangement are: TT\ gga, 
5T jja, ni pya, sxt nma, f*I ttha, VTJ bhya, T^fi flka, SQf ana, 
r^T tka. 

b. Examplea of the above-and-below arrangement are: 
3i kka, 97 kva, ^ ooa, ^ fija, ^ dda, TT pta, ?T tna, 
^ tva. 

13. In aome caaea, however, there ia more or leaa ab- 
breviation or diaguiae of the independent form of a con- 
aonant-aign in combination. Thus, 

a. Of %\ k in "37 kta, äff kla; and in öfQT kna etc. 

b. Of ?T t in t! tta; 

o. Of ^ d in ?» dga, ^ dna, etc.; 

d. Of ri m and TJ y, when following other conaonanta: 
thus, ^1 kya, TT kma, ^T nma, 37 nya, K\ dma, 7tf dya f 
*"£T hma, ^ET hya, U ohya, 5J <Jhya. 

e. Of 51 9, which generally becomea 5T when followed 
by a conaonant: thus, ü 90a, W 911a, U 9va, E7J 9ya. The 
aame change ia uaual when a vowel-sign ia added below; 
thua, 5 9U, 5T 9r . 

f. Other combinations, of not quite obvious value, are 
3T nna, gT IIa, Z ddha, 7 dbha, ^ ata, ff «tha ; and the 
Compounds of ^ h: as ^f hna, «JT hna. 

g. In a oaae or two, no trace of the conatituent lettera 
is recognizable: thus, 5T ksa, $f jfia. 

14. The aemivowel f r, in making combinations with 
other conaonanta, is treated in a wholly peculiar manner, 
analogoua with that in which the vowela are treated. 

a. If pronounced before another conaonant or combination 
of conaonant8, it is written above the latter, with a hook 

14—] I. Alphabet. g 

opening to the right (muoh like the sign of the vowel r, 
as written under a consonant: 10 e): thus, oft rka, *f rga, 
«ET rtva, nj rmya, ^ rtsna. 

b. Then, if a oonsonant-group thus containing r as 
first member is followed by a vowel that has its sign, or a 
part of its sign, or its sign of nasality (anuav&ra: 70, 71), 
written above the line, the r-sign is placed furthest to the 
right: thus, ift rke, cfj rkan, fsft rki, qff rkl, sjft rko, §fff rkln, 
"sfrf rkori. 

o. If r is pronounced after another consonant, whether 
before a vowel or before yet another consonant, it is written 
with a straight stroke below ( slanting to the left: thus, 
3T pra, W dhra, IT gra, FT sra, ^ ddhra, *T ntra, CEJ grya, 
FT srva, pH ntrya; and, with modifications of a preceding 
consonant-sign like those noted above (18), "5f tra, ?T dra, 
5J 9 ra, 37 hra. 

d. When ^ r is to be combined with a following ff r> 
it is the vowel which is written in füll, witli its initial 
character, and the consonant in Subordination to it: thus, 

16. Further combinations, of three, or four, or even 
five consonant-signs, are made aecording to die same rules. 
Examples are: 

of three conaonants, W ttva, 51 ddhya, XI dvya, *J 
drya, iTJ dhrya, Cfcj psva, 3PT floya, *J sthya, ^J hvya; 

of four conaonants, Wl ktrya, ^T riksya, W s(rya, 
rt*"U tsmya; 

of five conaonants, rWu rtsnya. 

a. The manuscrlpts, and the type-fonU as well, differ fioui one another 
more in tbeir management of consonant combinatlons than in any other respect, 
often having pecularlties whlch one needt a little practica to underatand. It 
It qulte useless to give in a grammar the whole aeries of poaiible combinatlons 
(some of them excessively rare) whlch are provided for in any gl Yen type- 
font, or even in all. There is nothing which due familiarity with the simple 

9 Various Signs. [—18 

tlgns and wlth thc nbove rulei of combinatlon will not ©nable thc Student 
readlly to analyse trid ciplaln. 

16. a. A sign called the avagraha (separater) — namely 
* — is oocasionally used in the manuscripts, sometimes in 
the manner of a hyphen, sometimes as a mark of hiatus, 
sometimes to mark the elision of initial 3 a after final ^ e 
or qj o (185). In printed texte, especially European, it is 
ordinarily applied to the use last mcntioned, and to that 
alone: thus, ?fr 3ftW\ te 'bruvan, flt Jsleflci so 'bravlt, for te 
abruvan, so abravlt. 

b. If the elided initial-vowel is nasal, and has tlie anu- 
sv&ra-sign (70, 71) written above, this is usually and more 
properly transferred to the eliding vowel; but sometirnes it 
is written instead over the avagraha-gign : thus, for so 'ncumftn, 
from so anoumftn, either w JSIiTR or ?!T >frl*TR. 

o. The sign ° is used in place of something that is 
omitted, and to be understood from the conneetion: thus, 
^l)u)Hl1rlH °rT r T °?fa vlraaenaautas -tarn -tone. 

d. Signs of punctuation are I and H. 

At the end of a vcrso, a paragraph, or thc like, thc latter of 
them is ordinarily written twice, with thc figure of enumeration 
between : thus, u t(0 ||. 

17. The numeral figures are 

\ 1, * % \ 3, ö 4, H &, \ 6, b 7, TT 8, $ 9. 0. 
In combination, to express larger numbers, they are 
used in precisely the same way as European digits: thus, 
^H *&> l$° 630, bOOO 7000, \Z$ 1896. 

18. The Hindu grammarians call the differeot sound*, and the 
eharaeters representing them, by a kftra {maker) added to the sound 
of the letter, if a vowel, or to the lettcr followed by a, if a consonant. 
Thus, the sound or character a is called akftra; k is kakara; nnd 
so on. But the kara is also omitted, and a, ka. etc. are used alone. 
The i\ however, is not called rakara, but only ra, or repha *varl: 
the sole example of a specific name for an alphabetic Clement of its 
class. The anuavÄra and vlsarga are also known by thesc names alone. 

19—] II. System of Sounds. 10 



I. Vowels. 

19. The a, i, and u-vowels. The Sanskrit has ihese 
three earliest and most universal vowels of Indo-Euiopean 
language, in both short and long form — 3 a and CR S, 
^ i and ^ I, 3 u and 3T ü. They are to be pronounoed in 
the "Continental" or "Italian" manner — as infar ox farther, 
pin and pique, pull and rule. 

80. Tbe a is the openest vowel, an atterance from the expanded 
throat, Stands in no relation of kindred with any of the classes of 
consonantal sounds, and has no corresponding semivowel. Of the 
close vowels i and u, on the other band, i is palatal, and shades 
through its Borai vowel y into the palatal and guttural consonant- 
classes; u is similarly related, through its semivowel v, to the labial 
class, as involving in its utterance a narrowing and rounding of 
the Ups. 

a, The Pantnean scheine (commenUry to Päniui's grammar i. 1. 9) 
classos a as guttural, but apparently only in order to give tbat series as 
well as tbe rest a vowel; no one of the Präticikhyas puts a into one class 
with k etc. AU theae anthorlties coneur in calling tbe i- and u-vowels 
respectlvely palatal and labial. 

21. The short a is not prononnced in India with the fall openness 
of ä, as its oorresponding short, but usually as the "neutral vowel" 
(English so-called "short u", of but, son, blood, etc.). Tbis pecuUarfty 
appears very early, being acknowledged by Pänini and by two of tha 
Präticäkhyas (APr. i. 36; VPr. i. 72), which call the utterance saihvrta, 
covtred up t dimmed. It is wont to be ignored by Western scholars, 
except those who have studied in India. 

82. The a-vowels are the prevailing vowel-sounds of the language, 
being about twice as frequent as all the others (including diphthongs) 
taken together. Tbe i-vowels, again, are about twice as numerous 
as the u-vowels. And, in each pair, the short vowel is more tban 
twice (z'/i to 3 times) as common as the long. 

1 1 V0WEL8. [—»7 

a. For moro preciac estiroates of freqnenry, of these and of ihc other 
alpbabetic elements, tnd for the way in whlch tbey were obtalntd, see 
below, 76. 

28. The r- and J-vowels. To ihe three simple vowels 
already mentioned the Sanskrit adds two others, the y-vowel 
and the J-vowel, plainly generated by the abbreviation of 
syllables containing respectively a T r or 5T 1 along with 
another vowel: the f? r Coming almost always (see 237, 241-8) 
from 5TT ar or X ra, the FT 1 from *5fFT al. 

a. Some of the Uindu grammarians add to (he aiphabet also a long |; 
but tbis li only for the eake of an artiflcial gyrametry, since tbe aound doe» 
not oeenr in a Single genuine word in the language. 

24. The vowel f? y is simply a smooth or untrilled 
r-sound, assuming a vocalic office in syllable-making — as, 
Jby a like abbreviation, it has done also in certain Slavonic 
languages. The vowel FT ) is an /-sound similarly uttered 
— like the English /-vowel in such words as able, angle, 

a. The modorn llindus pronounco these vowel« as rt, rt, li (or 
even /rt), having long lost tho habit and the facility of giving a vowel 
value to the pure r- and /-sounds. Their example is widely followed 
by European scholars; and hencq also the (distorting and altogetber 
objectionable) transliterations yi, jl, |i. Tbere is no real difficulty in 
the way of acquiring and practising tbe true utterance. 

b. Some of the grammarians (see APr. 1. 37, note) attempt to deflne more 
nearly tbe way in whlch, in tbeae vowels, a real r- or J~element is combined 
with something eise. 

25. Like their corresponding semivowels, r and 1, these vowels 
belong respectively to the general lingual and dental classes; the 
enphonic influence of x *od f (180) shows this clearly. They are 
so ranked in the Paninean scheine; but the Präticäkhyas in general 
strangely class them with the jihvamüllya sounds, our "gutturale" (39). 

26. The short f is found in every variety of word and of position, 
and is not rare, being just about as frequent as long Q. Long f is very 
rauch inore unusual, oectirring only in certain plural cases of noun- 
sterns in r (371b, d, 376). The } is met with only in some of the 
fonns and derivatives of a Single not very common verbal root (k)p). 

27. The diphthongs. Of the four diphthongs, two, 
the ^ e and £TT o, are in great part original Indo-European 

27—] II. System of Sounds. 12 

sounds. In the Sanskrit, they wear the aspect of being 
producta of the increment or strengthening of ^ i and 3 u 
respectively ; and they are called the correspondinj gunav 
vowels to. the latter (see below, 235 ff.). The other two, J£ fti 
and §t &u, are held to be of peculiar Sanskrit growth ; they 
are also in general results of another and higher increment 
of ^ i and 3 u, to which they are called the corresponding 
vrddhi- vowels (below, 235 ff.). But all are likewise some- 
times generated by euphonic combination (127); and SR o, 
especially, is common as result of the alteration of a final 
S^as (175). 

28. The ^ e and ^T o are, both in India and in Europe, 
usually pronounced as they are transliterated — that is, as 
long e- (English "long a n } or e in they) and o-sounds, without 
diphthongal character. 

a. Such they appareutly already were to the authors of the 
Präticäkhyas, which, while ranking them as diphthongs (saxhdhyakaara), 
give rules respecting thcir pronunciatioo in a manner iniplying them 
tu bo virtually uuitary aounda. Hut thcir euphonic truutmcnt (131-4) 
cleariy shows them to have been still at the period wheu tho euphonic 
laws established theuiselves, ab they of course were at their origin, 
real dipbthongs, ai [a + t) and au (a -f- u). From them, on the same 
evidence, the hcavier or vrddhi diphthongs were distinguished by the 
length of their «-element, as üt (ä -f- 1) and äu (ä + u). 

b. The recognUable dlstinctnoss of the two Clements in tho Vfddhi- 
diphthougs is noticed by tho Prät cäkbyas (seo APr. 1.40, note); but the 
relation of thote eleiueuts is eitber deflned as equal, or the a is made of 
leaa quantity thau tbe t aod u. 

29. The lighter or guna-diphthongs are much more frequent 
(6 or 7 times) tban the beavier or vrddhi-diphtbongs, and the e and 
&i than the o and ftu (a half more). Both pairs uro somewhat more 
than half as common as the simple i- and u-vowels. 

30. The general aaine given y the Hindu grammariaus to the vowels 
is avara tone; the simple vowels are called sam&n&kaara hotnogeneou* 
»yÜable, and tbe diphthongs are called aaihdhyakaara combination-iyttable. 
The positlon of the organs iu their uiterance is deflned to be one of openness, 
or of non-closure. 

a. As to quantity and accent, see below, 76 ff., 80 ff. 

13 Mutes, f — 30 

II. Consonants. 

31. The Hindu name for 'consonant' is vyafijana manifester. 
The consonants nre diviried by tlie gratnmarians into Sparta eoniact 
or mute, antahethä, intermediate or setnivowcl, and üsman Spirant. 
They will here bo taken np and described in this order. 

32. Mutes. The mutes, Sparta, are bo called as involving a 
complcte closure or contact ' spare, a), and not an approiiroation only, 
of tho moutb-organs by wbich they are produced. They are divided 
into five classes or series (varga), aecording to tho organs and parts 
of organs by wliicli tbe contact is tnade; and each series is composed 
of fiye members, differing aecording to the aecompaniments of the 

33. The five mutc-series nrc called respectively guttural, 
palatal, lingual (or cerebral), dental, and labial; and they 
are arrangod in the order as just mentioned, hrginning with 
the contact made furtheft back in tbe mouth, Coming for- 
ward from point to point, and ending with the frontmost 

34. In each series there are two suid members, two 
sonant, and one nasal (which is also sonant) : for cxample, 
in the labial series, 7 p and T\ ph, 3T b and >T bh, and IT ni. 

a. The members are by the Hindu grammariaus called resp^ctWely/frsf, 
fecund, third % fourth, and last or fifth. 

b. The surd consonatits nre known as aghosa loneless, and the sonantfl 
»• ghOfavant having tone; and the descripttons of the gramniarlans are in 
aecordance with these terms. All nlike recognise a difference oi tone, and not 
In any manner a difference of force, whether of contact or of expalsion, as 
separating the two great rlasses in questlon. That the difference depends on 
vlvära opemntf. or aamvftra closure (of the glntti?). is also recognfied 
l»y them. 

35. The first and third members of each series are the 
ordinary corresponding surd and sonant mutes of European 
languages: thus, ^ k and JT g, cT t and Jd, 1p and ^b. 

36. Nor is the character of the nasal anv morc doubtful. 

What R m is to 7 p, and ^ b, or R n to rf t and T d, that 

•x *^ *^ -^ -^ 

is also each other nasal to its own seriös of mutes: a sonant 
expulsion into and through the nose, while the mouth- 
organs are in the mutc-contacl. 

36—] II. System op Sotmoe. 14 

a. The Hindu grammariane glto dietinetly tkis delnltJon. The naeal 
(annnasika passing tkrougk tks mos*) eounde an decUred to be foraaed by 
moath and nose togetaer; or their naeallcy (ftnanisikya) to be gi*en them 
by uncloaure of tke noee. 

87« The fecond and fourth of each seriea are aspirates: 
thuf, betide the surd mute ikwe have the corresponding 
surd atpirate &kh, and beside the sonant JT g, the corres- 
ponding sonant aspirate Q gh. Of these, the precise char- 
acter is more obscure and difficult to determine. 

a. That the aspiratea, all of them, are real motea or coataet sounds, and 
not frleatifea (llke European th and ph and eh t etc.), is beyond qneatlon. 

b. It ia also not donbtful in wbat way the aord th, for example, dlffera 
from the nnaapiratad t: aocb aapirates are found in many Aaiatie languagea, 
and even in lome European ; they tnvolve the slipping-out of an audlble blt 
of flatus or aapiratlon betwean the breacb of mute-eloaure and the following 
sound, wbatever it may be. They are accurately enoogb repreaented by tbe 
th etc., witb whlch, in Imitation of tbe Latin treatment of tbe timilar aneient 
Qreek aapirates, we are accustomed to write them. 

O. Tbe aonant aspiratea are ganerally underatood and deseribed aa made 
in a similar way, witb a perceptible A-sound after the breaoh of sonant mute- 
cloaure But there are great theoretlcal difflculties in the way of acceptlng 
this explanation \ and aome of tbe best phonetie observers deny that tbe modern 
Hindu pronunciation ls of such a character, and deflne tbe element following 
tbe mute aa a "glottal buzz", rather, or aa an emphasized utterance of the 
beginning of tbe socceeding soond. Tbe queation is one of great difflculty, 
and npon it the oplnions of the highest antboritiea are mucb at variance. 
Sonant aapirates are still in use in India, in the pronunciation of the Ternacular 
aa well aa of the learned languagea. 

cL By the Priticakhyas, the aspiratea of both classes are called BOQUan : 
whicb migbt maan aither aceompanisd by a rush of breath (taking Üb man 
in its more etyniological sense), or aceompanisd by a Spirant (below, 59). 
And some natif e authoritiea deflne the surd aapirates aa made by the combi- 
nation of each surd non-asplrate witb its own correspondiug surd spirant; and 
tbe sonant aapirates, of eacb sonant non-asplrate witb tbe sonant spirant, tbe 
h-eound (below, 66). But this would make the two classes of aapirates of 
quite diverse character, and would also make th tbe same aa ta, (hu(f, eh 
aa 09 — whicb is in any measure plausible only of the last. Pinini haa no 
name for aapiratea j tbe scheine given iu bis comment (to i. 1. 9) attributea 
to them mahftprsVna great expiration, and to the non-aspirates alpapräna 
smaU expiration, 

e. It is usual among European scholars to pronounce 
both classes of aapirates aa the corresponding non-aspirates 

15 Guttural and Palatal Mutes. [ — 42 

with a following h: for example, BJ th nearly as in English 

boathook } t|? ph as in haphazard, tf dh as in tnadhouse, >T bh 

as in abhor, and so on. This is (as we have seen above) 

strictly acourate only as regards the surd» aspirates. 

38. The sonant aspirates are (in the opinion of most), or at least 
represent, original Indo-European sounds, while the surd aspirates 
are a special Indian development. The former are more than twlce 
as common as ihe latter. The unaspirated (non-nasal) mutes are very 
much more frequent (5 times) than the aspirates (for the special fre- 
quency of bh and original gh, see 50 and 00); and among them the 
snrds are more nunierons (2 ! /j times) than the sonants. The nasals 
(chlefly n and m) are nearly as frequent as the sind non- aspirates. 

We take up now the several mute-series. 

30. Guttural series: T\ k, FJ kh, JJ g, ^ gh, ? n. 
These are the ordinary European X* and ^-sounds, with their 
corresponding aspirates and nasal (the last, like English ng 
in singitig). 

a. The gnttoralf are deflned by the Prätlcikhyas as made by contact of 
the baae of the tongae with the baie of the Jaw, and they are called, from 
the former organ, jihvämüllya tongue-root »ound$. The Panlnean achrme 
dotnribea them simply aa made In the thioat (kao^ha). From the enphoulc 
inflaence of a k on a following a (below, 180), we may perhapi In for that 
in theii utteranre the tonguo was well drawn back in the mouth. 

40. The k is by far the common est of the guttural series occarring 
considerably more often than all the other four taken together. The 
nasal, except as standing before one of the others of the same series, 
Is found only as final (after the loss of a following k: 386, 407) In 
a very small number of words, and as produet of the assimilation of 
final k toi following nasal (101). 

41. The Sanskrit guttural series represents only a minority of 
Indo-European gutturale; these last have suffered more and more general 
corruptlon than any other class of consonants. By proecsses of a Iteration 
which began in the Indo-European period, the palatal mutes, the 
palatal Sibilant e„ and the aspiration h, have coine from gutturale. 
See these various sounds below. 

42. Palatal series: ^ c, ^ ch, ^ j, TF jh, o? ü. 

The whole palatal series is derivative, being generated by the 
corrnption of original gutturale. The o comes from an original k — 
as does also, by another degrec of «Iteration, the palatal Sibilant q 
(see below, 64). The j, in likc uianncr. comes from a g; but the 

42—] II. System of Sounds. 16 

Sanskrit j includes in itself two degrees of attention, one correspond- 
ing to the attention of k to o, the other to that of k to 9 (see below, 
219). The o is somewhat more common than the J (about as four 
to three). The aspirate oh is very muco less frequent (a tenth of o), 
and comes from the original group sk. The sonant aspirate jb is 
exeessively rare (ocenrring bat once in RV., not once in AV., and 
hardly half-a-doaen times in the whole older langwage); where found, 
it is either onomatopoetic or of anomalous or not Indo-European origin. 
The nasal, ft, never oocurs except imroediately before — or, in a 
small number of words, also after (201) — one of the others of the 
Barne series. 

48. Hence, in the euphonic processes of the langaage, the 
treatment of the palatals is in many respects peculiar. In some 
sitnations, the original unaltered guttural shows itself — or, as 
it appears from the point of view of the Sanskrit, the palatal reverts 
to its original guttural. No palatal ever occurs as a final. The j is 
differently treated, according as it represents the one or the other 
degree of alteration. And o and J (except artificially, in the algebraic 
rules of the grammarians) do not interchange, as corresponding surd 
and sonant. 

44. The palatal mute* are by European scholars, as by 
the modern Hindus also, pronounced with the Compound 
sounds of English ch and j (in church and judge). 

a. Tbelr descriptlon by tbo old Hindu grammarians, however, gives tboin 
a not less absolutely ilmple character tban bclongs to the other mutes. They 
are ealled t&lavya palatal ^ and declared to be formed against tbe palate by 
tbe middle of the tongne. They teem to have been, then, bronght forward in 
tbe month from the guttural point, and made against the hard palate at a 
point not far from tbe lingual one (below, 46), but with the opper flat surface 
of tbe tongue initead of its point Such sonnds, in all languagei, past eaaily 
into tbe (Englitb) eh- and j-sounds. Tbe value of tbe ob aa makiug the 
preceding ▼owel "long by position" (227), and its frequent orlgination 
from t 4- O, (203), lead to the auipicion that it, at least, may bave bad 
this cbaracter from tbe beginnlng: compare 37 d, above. 

45. Lingual series: Z (, <£ \h f J c}, ücjh, Hin. The 
lingual mutes are by all the native authorities defined as 
uttered with the tip of the tongue turned up and drawn 
back into the dorne of the palate (somewhat as the usual 
English smooth r is pronounced). They are ealled by the 
grammarians mürdhanya, literall y head-sounds, capitah, 
cephalics\ which term is in many European grammars 

17 Lingual and Dental Mutes. [— 47 

rcndered hy 'cercbrals'. In practicc, among European 
Sanskritists, no attempt is in ade to distinguish Ihem froin 
the dentals: £ t is pronounced like VT t, I cj like ^ d, and 
so with the rest. 

40. Tbe linguals are another non-original series of sounds, 
Coming raaioly froin the phooetfc Alteration of the next series, the 
dentals, but also in part occurring in words tbat have do traceable 
Indo- European conneetton, and are perbaps derived froin the ab- 
original langunges of India. Tho tendency to lingtialization is n 
positive one in the history of the language: dental» easily pass into 
linguals under the Influence of eontiguous or neighbouring lingual 
sonnds, but not the contrary; and all the sounds of the class become 
markedly more frequent in the later literature. The conditions of 
their ordinary occurrcnce are briefly these: 1. b corocs froin s, much 
more rarely froin 9, J, kB, in euphonic circuinstances stated below 
(180, 218 ff.); 2- a dental mute following 9 Is assimilated to it, 
becoming lingnal {\, \h, n: 187); 3. n is often cbanged to n after a 
lingual vowel or setnivowel or Sibilant in the same word (188 (f.); 
4. cjh, which is of very rare occurrcnce, comes froin assimilation of 
a dental after b (188 a) or h (222); 5. ( and cj coroe occaslonally 
by Substitution for some other sotind which is not allowed to stand 
aa final (142, 145-7). When originated in theao ways, the lingual 
lottern may bo regarded ab normal; in Aiiy other cases of their 
occurrcnce, they are oither producta of abnormal corruption, or sign» 
of the non-Indo-European character of the words in which they 

a. In a certain nnmbcr of passages nnmerically txarnined (below, 76), 
the abnormal oerurrences of lingual mutes were leas half of the whole 
number (74 ont of 169), and moit of them (13) were of n: all wer« fonnd 
more freqnent in the later passages. In (he Rig-Veda, only 15 words have 
an abnormal (; only 6, such a (h; only 1, auch a <Jh; abnut 20 (Includlng 
9 roots, nearly all of which have derivatives) show an abnormal cj, besidef 
9 that have ncj; and 30 (includlng 1 root) show a n. 

b. Taken all together, the linguals are by far the rarest class of 
mutes (about 1 Vi per cent of the aiphabet) — hardly half as freqnent 
even as the palatals. 

47. Dental series: FT t, 81 th, T d, U dh, =T n. These 
are called by the Hindus also dantya dental, and are 
described as formed at the teeth (or at the roots of the 
teeth), by the tip of the tongue. They are practica! ly the 
equivalents of our European /, d, n. 

Waitaty, Oranraar. 3. «4. 2 

47—] II. System of Sounds. 18 

a. Bot the modern Hindus are satd to pronounce their dentals with the 
tip of the tongue thruit well forward againat the Upper teeth, so that theae 
aounda get a alight tinge of the quality helonging to the Engliah and Modern 
Greek tf-aounda. The abienoe of that quality in the European (eapecially 
the Engliah) dentala ia doubtlesa the reaaon why to the ear of a Hindu the 
latter appear more analogoua with hli linguala, and he ia apt to uae the linguals 
in writing European worda. 

48. The dentals are one of the Indo-European original mute- 
classes. In their oocurronce in Sanskrit they are just about as frequcnt 
as all the other four classes taken together. 

40. Labial series: q p, m ph. «T b, H bh, q m. 
These sounds are ealled oa(hya labial by the Hindu gram- 
marians also. They are, of course, the equivalents of our 

p, b t m. 

60. The numerical relations of the labiale are a Utile peculiar. 
Owing to the absence (or almost entire absence) of b in Indo-European, 
the Sanskrit b also is greatly exceeded in frequency by bh, which 
is the inost common of all the sonant aspirates, as ph is the least 
common of the surd. The nasal m (notwithstanding its frequeut 
euphonic mutations when final: 212 ff.) occurs just about as often as 
all the other four members of the series together. 

a. Fr oin au early period in the hiatory of the language, hut increasingly 
lator, b and v oxohangu with one another, or fall to bo distinguished in the 
manuscript*. Thus, tho double root-fonns bfh and vrh, bftdh and vadh, and 
so on. In the Bengal niauuscripts, v is widely written instead of more original b. 

51. Semivowels: H y, J r, 5^1, 5f v. 

a. The name given to thia class of counda by the Hindu grammarians ia 
antahsthft standing between — either from their character aa utterancea 
iutermediate between vowel and conaonant, or (more probably) from the 
cirruuistance of their being placed between the mute« and spiranta in the 
arraiigowent of the conaonanta. 

b. The semivowels are clearly akin with the several mute series 
in their physical character, and they are classified along with those 
series — tbough not without some discordances of view — by the Hindu 
grammarians. They are said to be produced with the Organa slightly 
iu contact (Isatspre^a*, or in imperfect contact (duhspra^a). 

62. The ;j" r is clearly shown by its influence in the 

euphonic processes of the language to be a lingual sound, 

or one made with the tip of the tongue turned up into the 

dorne of the palate. It thus resembles the Englieh smooth r, 

and, like this, seems to have been untrilled. 

19 SBMIV0WBL8. f — 66 

a. The Psninean scheine reekons ru« lingual. Notio of tho Prättcfkhya*, 
however, doet to; nor are they cntirely consistcnt with one another in Its 
descriptlon. For the moit pert, they deflne lt as made at "the roots of tbe 
teetlT. ThU would gWe it a position like tbat of the ▼ibrated r; bat no 
aathority hints at a Vibration at belonging to it. 

b. In point of frequency, r stand« very bigli on the list of con- 
to nants; it is nearly eqnal with v, n, m, and y, and only ezcoeded 
by t. 

68. The FT 1 is a sound of dental position, and is so 
defined and classed by all the native auihorities. 

a. The pecnliar charactcr of an /-sound, as inyolving expnliion at tbe 
aide of the tongue along with contact at its tip, is not notieed by any Hindu 

b. The semiyowels r and 1 are very widely interchangeable in Sanskrit, 
both in roots and in suf flies, and ctoii in profliei: there are fcw roots contaln- 
ing a 1 wbieh do not ihow also forms with r; words writtcn with the ono 
letter are foutid in other texts, or in other parts of the same text, written 
with tbe other. In the later periods of the language they are more separated, 
and the 1 bccomcs decidcdly more frequont, though always much rarer than 
the r (only as 1 to 7 or 8 or 10). 

64. Some of the Vedic texte bave another /-sound, written with 
a slightly different charaeter (it is given at the end of tho aiphabet, 
6 a), which is snbstituted for a lingual <J (as also the same followed 
by h for a <Jh) whon occurring bctwocn two vowoIh. It is, tben, 
doubtless a lingual /, one made by breach (at the aide of the tongue) 
of the lingual instead of the dental mute closure. 

a. Examples are: ^£ II e, for ^J I<Je, bat ^3T Itfya; jffe§5T^ 
mÜhuse, for iflbM mlghuse, bat iftbH mlghvftn. It is especlally in 
tbe Rlg-Veda and its auxiliary literatnre that this Substitution is usuaL 

66. The U y in Sanskrit, as in other languages generally, 
Stands in the dosest relationship with the vowel ^ i (short 
or long); the two exchange with one another in cases in- 

a. And in tbe Veda (as the metre shows) an i is very often to be read 
wbere, in eonformity with the rules of the later Sanskrit enphony, a y is 
written. Thos, tbe final i-vowel of a word remains i before an Initial vowel ; 
tbat of a stem maintains itself unehanged before an ending; and an ending 
of derWation — as ya, tya — has i instead of y. Such cases will be notieed 
in more detail later. Tbe constancy of tbe phenomenon Iq certain words and 
eJasses of words shows that this was no roerely optional interehange. Very 
probtbly, the Sanskrit y had ererywhere more of an i-character tban belongs 
to the eorretponding European sound. 


66— ] II. System op Sounds. 20 

66. The y is by ita physical character a palatal utterance; and 
it is classed as a palatal aemivowel by ihe Hindu phonetists. It is 
one of the most common of Sanskrit sounds. 

67. The 5[ v is pronounced as English or French v 
(German w) by the modern Hindus — exoept when preceded 
by a consonant in the same syllable, in which case it has 
rather the sound of English w\ and European scholars follow 
the same practice (with or without the same exception). 

a. By ita whole treatwent in the euphony of the language, however, 
the v Stands related to an w-voucl precisely as y to an t-vowel. It 
is, thcn, a v only according to the original Roman value of that 
letter — that is to aay, a w-sound in the Euglish seuse; though (as 
was stated above for the y) it may well have been less markedly 
separated from u than English u\ or more like French ou in oui etc. 
But, as the original w has in most European languages been changed 
to v (English), so aleo in India, and that from a very early Urne: the 
Paninean scheme and two of the Präticäkhyas (YPr. and TPr.j distinctly 
define the sound as made betweon the upper teeth and the lower 
lip — which, of course, identifies it with the ordinary modern v-sound. 
As a matter of practice, the usual pronunciation need not be soriously 
objeeted to; yet the Student shonld cot fail to note that the rules of 
Sanskrit euphony and the namo of "aemivowel" have no applicatton 
except to a to-souud in the Englibh sensc: a o-aound (German %v) is 
no aemivowel, but a apirant, Standing on the same artictilate atage 
with the English M-sounds and the /. 

68. The v is clasaed as a labial scmivowel by the Hindu phonet- 
ical authorities. It hus a somewhat greater frequency than the y. 

a. In the Vcda, under the same circutimtaiices ai tho y (ahove, 66 a), 
V U to bc read as a yowcl, u. 

b. Aa to the iuterchaiigc of v and b, suu above, 60 a. 

69. Spirants. Under the name üsman (literally heat, 
steam, flatus), which is usually and well represented by 
spirant, some of the Hindu authorities include all the remain- 
ing souuds of the aiphabet; others apply the term only to 
the three sibilants and the aspiration — to which it will here 
also be restricted. 

a. The term is not found in the Paninean scheme; by different treatises 
the guttural and labial breathings, these and the viaarga, or all these and 
anuavära, arc also (in addition to the sibilants and h) called üsman (sce 

2 1 SlBILANTS. [—02 

APr. I. 31 not«). Tlio orfans of uttoranco are desrribed u being In the 
Position of the mute-series to which eaeh tpirani belongs reapectively, but 
uncloaed, or utielosed in the middle. 

60. The H b. Of the three sibilants, or surd spirants, 

this is the oae of plainest and least questioned character: 

it is the ordinary European * — a hiss expelled between 

the tongue and the roof of the mouth directly behind the 

upper front teeth. 

a. It is, theo, dental, as it is classed by all the Hindu authorities. 
Notwithstanding the great losses which it suffers in Sanskrit euphony; 
by conTersion to the otber sibilants, to r, to visarga, etc., it is 
still very high among the consonants in the order of frequency, or 
considerably raoro common than both the othcr two sibilants togethcr. 

01. The T s. As to the character of this sibilant, also, 
there is no ground for real question : it is the one produccd 
in the lingual position, or with the tip of the tongue 
rcverted into the dorne of the palate. It is, then, a kind of 
sA-sound; and by European Sanskritists it is pronounced 
as an ordinary sh (French ch, German seh), no attempt 
being tnade (any more than in the case of the other lingual 
sounds: 45) to give it its proper lingual quality. 

a. Its lingual character is shown by its wiiole euphooic influence, 
and it is described and classed as lingual by all the Hindu author- 
itiea (the APr. adds, i. 23, that the tonguo in its uttorance is trough- 
shaped). In its audible quality, it is a «A-sound rather than a«-sound; 
and, in the considerable variety of sibilant-utterance, even in the 
same Community, it may eoineide with the sh of some among 
ourseWes. Yet the general and normal sh is palatal (see below, 03); 
and threrefore the sign s, marked in secordance with the other lin- 
gual letters, is the only unezceptionable transliteration for the Hindu 

b. In modern pronunciation in India, s it muoh confounded witb kh; 
and the mannscripts are npt to rxchange the character?:. Some later gram« 
matical treatiaoa, too, take note of thn relationsblp. 

02. This sibilant (as was noticed above, 40, and will be more 
particularly explained below, 180 ff.) is no original sound, but a 
produet of the lingualization of 8 under certain euphonic conditions. 
The ezeeptions are eztremely few (9 out of 145 noted oecurrences: 
75), and of a purely sporadic character. The Rlg-Veda has (apart 

68—] II. Sy8tbm öf Sounds. 22 

from V sah, 182 b) only twelve words which show a e; under other 

a. The final s of a root has in lome cases attalned a more independeitt 
value, and doca not revert to 8 when the euphonic conditions are remored, 
but showa anomalous forma (226-6). 

68. The 5T 9. This Sibilant is by all the native authorities 
classed and described as palatal, nor is there anything in 
its history or its euphonic treatment to cast doubt on its 
character as such. It is, then, raade with the flat of the 
tongue against the forward part of the palatal arch — that 
is to say, it is the usual and normal *A-sound. By European 
scholars it is variously pronounced — more often, perhaps, 
as s than as ah. 

a. Tbe two aA-sounds, s aud 9, are made in the aame part of the 
mouth (the s probably rather furtber back), but with a different part of 
the tongue \ and they are doubtless not more unlike than, for ezample, the 
two {-sounds, written ( aud t ; and it would be not les • proper to pronounce 
them both as one sh than to pronounce the lingual» and dentals alike. To 
neglect tbe difference of 8 and 9 is mucb less to be approved. The very 
near rclationship of s and 9 is attested by their euphonic treatment, which 
is to a considerable cxtent the samo, and by thcir not infrequeut confusion 
by tho writers of manuscripts. 

64. As was mentioned above (41), the 9, like o, comes from the 
corriiption of an original £-sound, by loss of mute-contact as well as 
forward shift of tbe point of production. In virtue of tbis derivation, 
it somctiroes (tbough less often than 0) "reverts" to k — tbat is, the 
original k appears instead of it (43); while, on tbe other band, as a 
sA-sound, it is to a certain extent conyertible to s. In point of frequoncy, 
it sligbtly exceeds the latter. 

65. The remaining spirant, <J h, is ordina'rily pronounced 
like the usual European surd aspiration h. 

a. This is not, however, its real character. It is deflned by all the native 
authorities as not a surd element, but a sonant (or eise an utterance inter- 
mediate between the two); and its whole ▼alue in the euphony of the language 
is that of a sonant: but what is its precise value is yery hard to say. The 
Pauinean scheme ranki it as guttural, as it does also a: this means nothing. 
The Priti^akhyas bring it itito 110 relation with the guttural classj one of 
them quotes the opinion of some authorities that "it has the samo position 
with the boginulng of the following vowel" (TPr. ii. 47) — which so far 
iduiitifles it with our h. There is nothiug iu its euphouic inOuence to mark 
it as retaining any trace of gutturally articulatcd character. Hy somo of 

23 Visarg a. [-69 

tbe natit« phonetiata it Is identifled with tbe aspiratlon of ibe aonant 
a»ptrates — wfth tbe element by whieh, for cxample, gh difTcra from g. 
Tbl« vicw In *ttpported by tbo derfoation of h from tbe atpiratc* (next 
paragraph), by tbat of 1 -f- h from <Jh (54), and by thc treatment of Initial 
b after a final mute (103). 

00. Tbe h, as already noticed, is not an original flonnd, btit 
cotnrs in ncarly all cascs from an oldcr gh (for tho fow inatanccs of 
it* dcriration from dh and bh, see below, 223 g). It in a vnstly 
niorc frcquent sound than thc unchanged gh (namcly, as 7 to 1): rooro 
freqtient, indeed, than any of the guttural rautos except k. It appcar*, 
like j (210), to include in itsclf two stagcs of corrnption of gh: one 
corrcsponding with that of k to c, tbe other with that of k to c,; 
see bclow, 223, for the roota belonging to the two classcs respcctlvely. 
Like tho othcr sound» of guttural derivatlon, it sometimea cxbibita 
"reversion" (43) to it* original. 

07. Thc : fe, or visarga (visarjanlya, as it is uniformly 
called by the Präti£äkhyas and by Pänini, probably as belong- 
ing to the cnd of a syllablc), appears to be merely a surd 
breathing, a final /{-sound (in the European sense of A), 
uttered in the articulating position ot the preceding vowel. 

a. One Pritlcäkhya (TPr. ii. 48) give* just tbii \*t deacriptlon of lt. 
It it by varlotia autboiitles r.lassed with h, or with h aud a : all of thcm 
are alike sonnds In wbose utterancc thc month-organs bäte no deflnite 
abaping ar.tion. 

09. The viaarga is not original, btit always only a Substitute 
for final s or r, neither of which is allowed to maintain itself unchanged 
(170 ff.). It is a comparatively recent mcnibcr of tho alphabetic 
System ; the other euphonic changes of final s and r have not passed 
through viaarga as an intermediate stage. And tho Hindu authorities 
are considerably discordant with one anothor as to how far rj is a 
oeeessary snbstitute, and how far a permitted one, alternative with 
a Sibilant, before a following initial surd. 

09. Before a surd guttural or labial, respectively, soine of tho 
native authorities permit, while others requiro, Convention of final 8 
or r into the so-called jihvftmüliya and upadhmänlya spirants. It 
may be fairly questioned, perhaps, wbetbcr tbese two sounds are not 
pure grammatical abstractions, dovised (like the long J-vowcI: 23 a) 
in ordor to round out the alphabct to greater symuictry. At any 
rate, both tnanuscripts and printcd tezts in general mako no account 
of thcm. Whatever Indtvidual character thcy may have must be, 
it would seem, in the direction of the (Qerman) rA- and /-sounds. 
Wheo writtcn at all, they are wont to be transliterated by x and qr 

70—] IL 8ystem of Sound*. 24 

70. The i anusv&ra, * or ih, is a nasal sound lacking 
that closure of the organs which is required to make a 
nasal mute or contact-sound (86); in its utteranee there is 
nasal resonance along with some degree of openness of the 

71. There is discordance of opinlon among botb tbe Hindu phonetists 
and their modern European successors reipecting the real character of this 
element; hence a Utile detail ls neeessary here with regard to its occurrence 
and their views of it. 

a. Certain nasale in Sanskrit are of servile character, alway* to be 
assimilated to a following consonant, of whatever character that may be. 
buch are Onal m in sentence~combination (218), the penultimate nasal of 
a root, and a nasal of increment (265) in geueral. If one of these nasale 
Stands before a contact-letter or mute, lt becomes a nasal mute correspond- 
ing to the latter — that is, a nasal utteranee in the same position of the 
niouth-organs which glves the sueeeeding mute. If, ou the other haud, the 
following consonant does not involve a contact (being a semivowel or spirant), 
the nasal element ls also without contact: it is a nasal utteranee with 
unclosed mouth-orgaus. Tbe question is, now, whether this nasal utteranee 
becomes merely a nasal infectiou of the preceding vowel, turning it into a 
nasal vowel (as in Pronch oti, eil, toi, etc., by reason of a similar Ions of 
a nasal mute); or whether it is an element of more individual character, 
havliig place between the vowel and the consonant; or, once more, whether 
it is sometinies the one thing and sometimes the other. Tbe opinions of 
tbe Präticäkhyas aud Pänini are briefly as follows: 

b. Tbe Atharva-Präticikhya holda that the result is everywhere a 
uasalized vowel, except when n or m is assimilated to a following 1; in 
that case, the norm becomes a nasal 1: that is, the nasal utteranee is 
made in the 1-position, and has a perceptible 1- character. 

O. The other Präticäkhyas teach a similar Convention into a nasal 
counterpart to tho semivowel, or a nasal seinivowol, before y and 1 and v 
(not before r also). In inosi of the other cases where the Atharva-Priticäkhya. 
acknowledges a nasal vowel — uamely, before r and the spirants — the others 
teach tho Intervention after the vowel of a distinet nasal element, called the 
anusv&ra after-tone. 

d. Of the nature of this nasal afterpiece to the vowel no intelligibly 
clear accouut is given. It is said (RPr.) to be either vowel or consonant; 
it is declared (BPr., YPr.) to be made with the noso alone, or (TPr.) to be 
nasal liko the nasal mutes; it is held by some (UPr.) to be the souant tone 
of the nasal mutes; in iu formation, as in that of vowel aud spiraut, there 
i» (KPr.) uo contact. As to its quantity, see further on. 

e. There are, however, certain cases and classe« of cases where these 
other authorities also sckuowledge a nasal vowel. So, cipecially, wherever 

25 Anusvara. [—78 

a final n is treated (208-0) as if it wero ns (its historlcally older form); 
•nd also in a small numbcr of ipeeifled words. Thejr also mention tbe 
doctrine of nasal Towel initead of anusvara as held by some (and TPr. 
is uneerUin and incousistent In iU choloe between thc one and tbe otber). 

f. In Pinint, flnally, thc prcvalling doctrine Is tbat of anusvara 
every where; and it is e?en allowed in many cases where the PriUicikhyas 
prcscribe only a nasal mute. But a nasal semiTowcl is also allowed instcad 
before * semiTowel, and a nasal vowel Is allowed in the cases (mcntloned 
above) whcrc some of thc Pritlcikhyas rcqnire it by exccption. 

g. It is etidctitly a fair qoestion whether tbis discordance and uocertalnty 
of the Hindu phonctists is owlng to a real difference of ntterance in dlfferent 
rla*ses of cases and in dlfferent localities, or whether to a dlfferent scholastle 
analysis of wbat is really cverywhere tbe same ntterance. If anusvara 
is a nasal dement following the vowel, it cannot well be any thing bat 
cithor a Prolongation of the same ▼owcl-sonnd with nasality addeJ, or a 
tiasalized blt cf nutitral-vowcl sotind (in thc latter ra*e, howover, tho altcring 
influence of an i or u-vowel on a following 8 ought to be preventeri, wblcb 
is not the rase: see 183). 

72. The assimilated nasal element, whether viewed as nasal ized 
vowel, nasal semivowel, or independent anusvara. has the value of 
somethiog added, in making a heavy syllable, or length by position (70). 

a. The Präticakhyas (VPr., RPr.) give determinations of the quantity 
of tbe anusvara combining with a short and with a long vowel respectWcly 
to make a long syllable. 

73. a. Two di Acren t signs, : and *, aro found in the uiantiscripts, 
indicating the nasal sound here treated of. Usually tbey are w ritten 
above the syllable, and there tbey seem most naturally to imply a 
nasal affection of the vowel of the syllable, a nasal (anunasika) vowel. 
Hence some texts (Säma- and Yajur-Vcdas), when they nie an a real 
anusvara, bring one of tbo signs down into thc ordinary consonant- 
place; but the usage is not general. As between the two signs, 
some roanuscripts etnploy, or tend to employ, thc . where a nasallzed 
.anunasika) vowel is to be recognized, and olsewhere the -; and this 
distinetion is consistently observed in many European printed texts; 
and the former is called the anunasika sigu: but the two are doubt- 
less originally and properly equivalcut 

b. It is a vory common custoni of tho manitscripts to write the 
anusvara-sign for any nasal following the vowel of a syllable, either 
before another consonant or as final (not before a vowel), without 
any reference to whether it is to be pronounced as nasal mute, nasal 
semivowel, or anusvara. Some printed texts follow this slovenly and 
undesirable habit; but most write a nasal mute whenever it is to be 
pronounced — excepting where it is an assimilated m (213). 


73— J 

II. System of Sounds. 


o. It is convenient also in transliteration to distinguish the as- 
similated m by a special sign, rii, from tbe anusvara of inore indc- 
pendont origin, n ; and Ibis method will be followed io the prescnt work. 

74. This is tbe whole System of sounds recognized by tho writtcn 
character; for certain other transitiooal souods, more or less widely 
recognized in the theories of the Hindu phonetists, see below, 230. 

75. The whole spoken aiphabet, then, may be arrangctl 
in the following manner, in order to show, so far as is 
possible in a Single scheme, the relations and important 
classincations of its various members: 













► Vowels 


. * 

r, x 




«••» 111 

•74 •! 
































i •> 













asp. > 





















1 Mutes 























a. Tbe figures set under tho oharacters give tho average per- 
centage of frequency of each sound, found by counting the numbor 
of tiines whlch it oecurred in an aggregate of 10,000 sounds of con- 
tinous text, in ten different passages, of 1,000 sounds each, selected 
from different epoebs of the literatnre: namely, two from the Rig-Veda, 
one from the Atharva-Veda, two from different Brähmanas, and one 
each from Manu, Bhagavad-Gitä, Qakuntalü, Hitopadeca, and Väsa- 
vadattä (JA. OS., vol. X., p. cl). 

27 Quantity. [—79 

III. Quantity of toundt and syllables. 

76. The Hindu grammarians take the pains to define ihe 
quantity of a consonant (without distinction among consonants 
of different classes) as half that of a short vowel. 

77. They also define the quantity of a long (dlrgha) 
vowel or diphthong as twice that of a short (hrasva) vowel — 
making no distinction in this respect between the gu$a- 
and the vrddhi-diphthongs. 

78. Besides these two vowel-quantities, the Hindus 
acknowledge a third, called pluta (literally sicimming), or 
protracted, and having three moras or three times the quantity 
of a short vowel. A protracted vowel is marked by a follow- 
ing figure 3: thus, ^ ft.i. 

a. The protracted vowels are practica! ly of rare occurrence (in 
RV., three cases; in AV., fifteen; in the Br&hmana Hteraturo, decidedly 
morc frcqiient). Thcy aro used in casoa of »jucstioninp, ospecially of 
a balancing between two alternatives, and also of callitig to a distanco 
or urgently. The protraction is of the last syllable in a word, or in 
a whole phrase; and the protracted syllable has nsually the acute tone, 
in addition to any other accent the word may have; sometimes it 
takes also anusv&ra, or is made nasal. 

b. Kiamples are: adhah svid äsl3d upari svid aulJt (RV.) was 
it, forsooth, behwf was it, forsooth, aboret idam bhuyab idfom Itl 
(AV.) saying, is this more, or is thatf ognthi patnlva3h sömam piba 
(TS.) O Agni! thou with thy npouse! drink the soma. 

C. A dlphfhong ls protracted by Prolongation of its flrst or a-elemcnt: 
thu§, e to &3i, o to &3u. 

d. The fign of protraction it also sometiroes written as the result of 
acrcntnal comblnation, when so-calbnl kampa oecurs: sc<* below, 87 d. 

79. For metrical purposes, syllables (not vowels) are 
distinguished by the grammarians as heavy (guru) or light 
(iaghu). A syllable is heavy if its vowel is long, or short 
and followed by more than one consonant ("long by po- 
sition"). Anusvftra and visarga count as füll consonants in 


79—] II. System of Sounds. 28 

making a heavy syllable. The last syllable of a pftda (pri- 
mary division of a verse) is reckoned as either heavy or 


a. The diatinction in terms betwecn the difference of long and sliort in 
vowel-sound and tbat of heavy and ligbt in ayllable-constructlon is valuable, 
and abould bc observrd. 

IV. Accent. 

80. The phenomcna of accent aro, l»y the Hindu gram- 
marians of all ages alike, described and treated as depend- 
ing on a Variation of tone or pitch; of any difference of 
stress involved, they make no account. 

81. The primary tones (svaraj or accent- pitch es are two: 
a higher (udfitta raised), or acute; and a lower (anudfttta 
not raised), or grave. A third (called svarita: a term of 
doubtful meaning) is always of secondary origin, being (when 
not enclitic: see below, 85) the result of actual corabination 
of an acute vowel and a following grave vowel into one 
syllable. It is also uniformly defined as Compound in pitch, 
a union of higher and lower tone within the limits of a 
single syllable. It is thus identical in physical character 
with the Greek and Latin circumflex, and fully entitled to 

be called by the same name. 

82. Strictly, therofure, therc is but ono diatinction of tono in the 
Sanskrit aeccnlual ayatein. ua doscribcd by tbu native granioiariaus 
and marked in tbo writton texts: tbo accented ayllablo ts raiaed in tono 
above tbe unaccented; wbilo then furtber, in certain caaea of tbe 
fusion of an accentod and an unaccentod element into one syllable, 
tbat syllable retains tbe compounded tone of both elements. 

83. Tbe svarita or circumflex is only rarely found on a pure long 
vowel or diphthong, but almost alwaya on a syllable in whieb a vowel, 
short or long, is preceded by a y or v representing an originally acute 
i- or u-vowel. 

a. In tranaliteration, in this work, the ud&tta. or acute will be 
uiarked with tbe ordinary sign of acute, and tbe svarita or circumflex 
(as being a downward alide of the voiee forward) with what is usually 
called the grave accent: thus, 4, acute, yk or vk, circumflex. 

29 Accent. [— 86 

84. Tho Pritlcikhyaa dlstlngnUh and nimo separately the circumflexed 
tonet arising by different proeeitee of combination: thut, the circumflex It 

a. Ks&lpra (quick), when an acute i- or u-vowel (short or long) ii 
conterted into y or v before a dissimilar vowcl of grave tone : thoi t vyäpta 
from vf-ftpta, apsvantar from apsü antar. 

b. Jätya (native) or nitya (own), when the same combination Hos 
further back, in the make-up of a stciu or form, and so fs constant, or 
belongs to the word in all circumstanccs of iU oecurrenco: thos, kva (froin 
küa), evar (süar), nyak (nfak), budhnya (budhnia), kanyä (kanift), 
nadyaa (nadi-aa), tanvä (tanä-ä). 

c. The words of both the above claises arc in the Veda, in the great 
majority of cases, to be read with restoration of the acute vowel aa a teparato 
•yllable: thns, apsü antar, suar, nadias, etc. In somo texts, part of 
thera are wrltten correspondingly : thus, BÜvar, tanüvft, budhnfya. 

d. Praclts^a, when the acute and gravo towol* are of «urh character 
tbat they are fuied into a long vowol or diphthong (128 c) thu*. divl *va 
(UV. AV. et--.), from divi Iva; BUdg&tA (TS.), from sü-udgätA; näl Va 
'cnlyät (VN)* from na eva acniyAt. 

e. Abhinihita, when an perave a is abaorbed by a final acute 
* or 6 (136 a): Ihm, te 'bruvan, from te abruvan; »6 'bravit, from 
bö abravlt. 

86. Hut further, the Hindu grammarians agree in de- 
claring the (naturally grave) syllable following an acute, 
whether in the same or in another word, to be Bvarlta or 
circumflex — unless, indeed, it bc itself followcd by an 
acute or circumflex; in which case it retains its grave 
tone. This is called by European scholars the enclitic or 
dependent circumflex. 

a. Thue, in tena and te ca, the syllable na and word oa are 
regarded and marked as circumflex; but in tena te and te ca evar 
they are grave. 

b. This seemi to mean that the Tolce, which is borne np at the higher 
pitch to the end of the acute «yllable, does not ordinarily drop to grave 
pitch by an instantaneous movement, but descends by a more or lets per- 
reptible tlide in the course of the following syllable. No Hindu authorlty 
*upge*ts the theory of a middle or Intermediate tone for the enclitir, any 
morc than for the independent cireumflex. For the most part, the two are 
fdentiflcd with one another, in treatment and designation. The enclitic 
circumflex is Hkewise dhrided into a number of sub-varietles, witli different 
names: they are of too Httlc conisequence to be worth reporting. 

86—] II. System of Sounds. 30 

86. The essential difference of the two kinds of eircumflex is 
ehown cloarly enough by these facta: 1. the independent eircumflex 
takes the place of the acute as the proper accent of a word, while 
the ODclitic is the mere shadow following an acute, and following it 
in anothor word precisely as in the same word; 2. the independent 
eircumflex maintains ita character in all situations, while the enclitic 
before a following eircumflex or acute loses its eircumflex character, 
and becomes grave; moreover, 3. in many of the Systems of inarking 
accent (below, 88), the two are quito diffcrcntly indicated. 

87. The accentuation is marked in manuscripts only of the older 
literature: nameiy, in the primary Vedic texts, or aaihhitfta, in two 
of the Brähmanas (Täittiriya and (patapatha), in the Täittirlya-Äranyaka, 
in certain passages of the Äitareya-Äranyaka, and in the Suparnädhy&ya. 
There are a number of methods of writing accent, more or less different 
from one another: the one found in manuscripts of the Rig-Veda, 
whieh is most widoly known, and of which most of the others are 
only slight modifications, is as follows. 

a. The acute syllablo is left unmarked; the eircumflex, whether 
independent or enclitic, has a short perpendicular stroke above; and 
the grave next preceding an acute or (indopendent) eircumflex has a 
short horizontal stroke below. Thus, 

qfälT agnfm; <H<£lfcJ juhoti; cT^T tanvfc; ^f kva. 

b. But the introduetory grave stroke below cannot be given if an 
acute syllable is initial; henco an unmarked syllable at tho beginning 
of a word is to be underatood as acute; and hence also, if several 
grave syllables preeede an acute at the beginning of a sentence, they 
must all alike have the grave sign. Thus, 

^: indrafc; fl te; 3jff*ljfN kariayaai; r^MIdl tuvijäta. 

c. All the grave syllables, however, which follow a marked eir- 
cumflex aro left unmarked, until the oegurrenee of another accented 
syllable causes the one which precedes it to tako the preparatory 
stroke below. Thus, 

FR^ftot^ sudf cikaBaifadf k ; 
but ^4^H^4J J Mi^BudtoIkasaihdfv gaväm. 

d. If an independent eircumflex be followed by an acute (or by 
another independent eircumflex), a figure 1 is set after the former 
circumflexed vowel if it be short, or a figure 3 if it be long, and the 
signs of accent are applied as in the following examples: 

qutcf^fl: apev aintA^ (from apeü antAty; 
(lUl^lH: räyös vanih (from riyö avanlh). 

3! Accbnt. [—89 

The rationale of thia mode of dcalgnatlon Ia not well nnderatood; thc 
Prätlcikhyst give no aceount of lt. In the acholaatlo uttcranco of tbe ayllable 
so dealgnated Ia made a peculfar qaaver or rouiade of tho voice, called 
kampa or vikampana. 

e. The accent-marki are vr ritten with rod ink in the manuaerlpta, being 
added after the text ia w ritten, and perhaps often by another hand. 

88 a. Nearly aecordant with thia, the Rig-Veda niethod of dcalgnating 
accent, are the methods omployed in the manuaerlpta of the Atharva-Vcda, 
of the Vijaaaneyi-Samhlti, and of thc TilttJriya-Samhltä, Drähmana, and 
Aranyaka. Their differencei from it are of trifllng importance, conelattng 
mainly in peculiar wayi of marking the circumflex that precedea an acute 
( 87 d). In aome mannacripta of the Atharva-Veda, the accent-marka are 
dota inatead of atrokea, and that for the circumflex fs made Mithin the 
ayllable inatead of above it. 

b. In moat manuaerlpta of the Miiträyanl-Sarhhitä, the acute ayllable 
itself, beaidea ita aurroundinga, ia marked — namely, by a perpendlcular 
ttroke above the ayllable (like that of the ordfnary circumflex in tho RV. 
method). The independent circumflex haa a book beneath the ayllable, and 
the circumflex before an acute (87 d) ia denoted almply by a Agare 3, 
standing before inatead of after the circumflexed ayllable. 

O. Thc (atapatha-Brihmana uaeaonly a Single accent-eign, the horizontal 
stroke beneath thc ayllable (like the mark for grave in UV.). Thia Ia put 
under an acute, or, if two or morc acutes immedlately follow one another, 
only under thc prceedlng ayllable. To mark an independent circumflex, It 
ia put under the prereding ayllable. The meth»t! ia an imperfoet onc, altow- 
ing many ambiguitiea. 

d. The Sima-Veda method ia the moat intricate of all. It haa a dozen 
different signa, conaiating of flgurea, or of flgurea and lettera combined, all 
placed above the ayllablea, and varylng aecording both to the accentual character 
of the ayllable and to ita aurroundinga. Ita origin ia obacure; if anythlng 
raore ia indlcatcd by it thau by the other simpler ayatema, the fact haa not 
been demonstrated. 

89. In this work, as everything gtven in the devanägarl characters 
ia also given in t ran sl Iteration, it will in general bo unnecessary to 
mark the accent except in the translitcrated form; where, however, 
the eise is otherwise, there will be adopted the method of marking 
only the really accented syllables, tbe acute and the independent 
circumflex: the latter by the usual svarita-sign, tho former by a small 
n (for udatta) above the eyllablo: thus, 

^S Indra, §H agne, ^J" »var. ^W\ nadyas. 

a. Theae being given, everything eise which the Ilindu theory recog- 
nizet aa dependent on and accompanying them can readily be utiderstood 
as implied. 


80— j II. System or Sounds. 32 

90. The theory of the Sanskrit accent, as here given (a conslstent and 
intelligible body of phenomena), baa been ovetlaid by tbe Hindu theorists, 
especially of tbe Pritioakhyas, witb a nnmber of added features, of a mach 
raoro questionable cbaracter. Thus: 

a. Tbe unmarked grave syllablea followiug a circnmflex (eiiher at tbe 
cnd of a sentence, or tili tbe near aproach of another acute) are declared 
tu have the aame high tone with tbe (also nnmarked) acute. They are 
called pracaya or praoita (aecumulated: because liable to oeeur in an 
indefinite series of successive syllablea). 

b. The circumflex, whether independent or enclitie, 1h declared to lxgiu 
on a higher pitch tban acute, and to descend to acute pitch in ordinary 
cases: tbe concluding instant of ft being brougbt down to grave pitch, 
however, in the case of an independent circumflex which is immediately 
followed by another ascent of tbe voiee to higher pitch, in acute or inde- 
pendent circumflex (a kampa syllablc; 87 d). 

C. Pinini gives the ambiguous name of ek&qruti-(monotone) to the 
praoita syllablea, and says nothing of tho upliftiug of the circumflex to 
a higher piano ; he teaches, however, a depreasion below the grave pitch for 
the marked gravo syllablc bofore acute or circumflex, calllng it sannatara 
(otherwise anudftttatara). 

91. The System of accentuation as marked in tbe Vudic texts appears 
to havo atuumed In tho tradilional recitation of tho Jlruhmantc bchools 
a peculiar and artifleial form, in which the designated syllables, grave and 
circumflex (equally tbe enclitie and the independent circumflex), have acquired 
a couBplcuous value, v/hilu the uudesignated. the acute, has auuk into in— 

92. The Sanskrit accent taucht in the Dative graramars and 
represented by the aoeentuated texts is essentially a System of word- 
accent only. No general attempt is inado (any moro tban in the 
Qreek system) to define or mark a sentence-accent, the effect of the 
empbasis and modulation of the sentence in* modifying the independent 
accent of individual words. The only approach to it is seen in the 
treatment of vocativos and personal v erb forma. 

a. A vocative is usually without accent except at the beginning 
of a sentence: for further details, sec 314. 

b. A personal verb-form is usually accentless in an independent 
clause, except when standing at the beginning of the clause: for 
further details, seo 691 AT. 

93. Certain other words also are, usually or always, without 

a. The particlcs oa, vä, u, ema, iva, cid, evid, ha, and the Vedic 
kam (or kam), gha, bhala, eamaha, Im, sim, are always without 
accent; also yathä in KV. (sometimes also elsewbere) in the sense of Iva, 
at the ond of a pftda or verse-divisiou. 

33 Accent. [—06 

b. 'Hie «*mi- Is trtic nf crrtaln pronoiins and pronominal stoms : nift, 
me, n&n, naa, tvÄ, te, väm, vas (491 b), enu (500), tva (603 b), 
sama (513 c). 

o. The eases of the pronominal stein a are sometimcs accented and 
gomeUtnes accentless (502). 

d. An accentless word in not allowed to stand at thc bcginning 
of a sentcnce; also not of a pftda or primary division of a verse; a 
pftda is, in all luattcrs rclating to acccntuation. trcatcd liko an in- 
depeiidcnt sentenco. 

94. Somo words havo raoro tlian a Single acccntcd syllablc. 
Such are: 

a. Gertain dual copulatire Compounds in the Yeda (see 1255), at 
miträvaranä, dy&väpr/thivi. Also, a few other Vedic Compounds (see 
1267 d), as bfhaapati, tanünap&t. 

b. In p few cases, Ihr fortln r Compounds and derivatives of such 
Compounds, a* dyaVäprthivivant, bfhaspaiipranutta. 

c. Infinitive datites in tavftf (see 972 a), as etavfi{, apabhar- 

d. A word naturally barytone, but having its Anal syllable protracted 
( sce 78 a). 

e. Tho partirle väva (in ihn Rrähminas). 

95. On the place of the accented syllabl«» in a Sanskrit 

word there is no restriction whatever depending upon either 

ihe number or the quantity of the preceding or following 

syllables. The accent rests where the rules of inflection 

or derivation or compositum place it, without regard to any 

thing eise. 

a. Thus, (ndre, agnäü, (ndrena, agnfnft, agninäm, b&hucyuta, 
anapacyuta, parjanyajinvita, abhim&tisfiha, anabhimlätavaroa, 
abhic,aaticataua, hiranyav&c.Imattama, catuc.catvärinc.adaksaro* 

96. Since the accent is marked only in the older litera- 
ture, and the Statements of the grammarians, with the 
deduced rules of accentuation, are far from being sufficient 
to settle all cases, the place of the stress of voiee for a 
considerable part of the vocabulary is undetermined. llencc 
it is a general habit with European scholars to pronounce 
Sanskrit words aecording to the rules of the Latin accent. 

Whitney, flratnmar. 3. rd. [\ 



97. In tbis work, the accent of each word and form will in 
gcneral be marked, so far as tbere is authority determining its place 
and character. Where specific word 8 and forma are quoted, they 
will only be so far accentuated aa they are found with accent in 
accent uated texte. 




98. The words in Sanskrit, as in the other languages related 
with it, are in great part analysable into roots, Suffixes of derivation, 
and endings of inflection, these last being added mostly to Sterns 
containing suffixes, but also sometimes directly to roots. 

a. There are, of coursc, a certain nuoiber of uninflected words — 
indeclinables, particles ; and also not a few tbat are incapable of analysis. 

99. The Sanskrit, indeed, possesscs an exccptionally analysable 
character; its forma tivo processes are more regulär and transparent 
than those of any other Indo-Europoan tongue. Ilence the prevailing 
method of the Hindu native science of gramraar, which sets up a 
certain body of roots, and prescribes the processes by which these 
may be made Stoma and words, giving the various added elements, 
and laying down the rules by which their combination is effected. And 
tho same genera 1 method is, for likc reason, followed also by European 

100. The cuphoniclawB, accordingly, which govern the combination 
of suffix or of ending with root or stein, possess a high practical im- 
portance, and requirc to be laid down in preparation for tho topics 
of declcnsion and conjugation. 

101. Horoover, the Formation of Compounds, by joining two or 
more simple steint», is cxtrcuioly frequent in Sanskrit; and this kind 
of cüiiibiuntion has its own peculiur ciiphouic itilcs. And onco uioro, 
iu tho form of tho lauguage as handed down to us by ita litorahiro, 
tho words compoöiug a sentoueo or paragraph aro adapted to and 
combined with one another by nearly the same rules which govern 
the making of Compounds; so that it is impossiblo to take apart and 
understand a Sanskrit sentence without knowing those rules. lleuce 

35 Introdüctory. f — 103 

an incroasod degroe of practical importnnco helnngitig to thc «ubjort 
of eupbonic corobination. 

a. Thit enpbonic tnterdependence of the words of * sentence is on- 
known to any other language in anything like the same degree; and it 
eannot bat be suspected of being at least in part artiflcial, implying an 
ereetion fnto necettary and invariable rulei of what in the lhrlng language 
wcre only optional praeticei. This is strongly indicated, indeed, by the 
evidence of the older dialect of thc Vedas and of the derived Prakritic 
dialecU, in both of whieh gome of the rulca (cspecially that as to the hlatns : 
■ee 113) are often violated. 

102. Thc roots which aro authcnticatcd by thcir occurronce in 
the literary monuments of the language, earlier and later, number 
between eight and nino hundrod. About half of these belong fully 
to the language througbottt ita whole history; somc (about a hundred 
and fifty) are limited to the earlier or pre-classical period; bodjc, 
again (over a hundred and twenty), make thcir first appearance in 
the latcr langnngo. 

a. There are in this number roots of very diverse character. Those 
oecnrring only later are, at leaat in great part, presumably of serondary 
origin; and a certain number are even doubtle?s artiflcial, used onee or 
twtce becaose found in the root-lists of the Hindu gratnmarians (103). 
But also of the rest, some are plainly serondary, while others are ques- 
tinnable; and not a few are Variation« or dMTerentiatcd form« of one anotber. 
Thus, thrro are roots showing rcspcctivcly r arid 1, as rnbh and labh, 
mruc and mluc, kear and ksal; roots with and *ltliout a strcngthi'iiing 
nasal, as vand and vad, mand and mad; roots in ä and in a nasal, at 
khft and khan, gä and gam, ja and Jan; roots made by an added &, 
as trä from tf, mnä from man, psä from bhaa, yä from i; roots the 
prodnct of redopüration, as Jaks from ghaa, dudh from dhü; roots with 
a final sibilant of formative origin, as bhaks and bhiks from bhaj, 
naks from nao, <jrug from cru, häs from hä; root-forros held apart by 
a well-established discordance of inflection and meaning, which yet are 
probably dilTerent sides of one root, as kf8 drag and k^s plough, vid knote 
and vid find* VJ* enclose and vp chooxe; and so on. In matiy su»*h eases 
it Is donbtful whether we ought to arknowlcdgo two root« or only one; and 
no absolute rnle of di*tinction ran be lald down and maintahted. 

103. The list of roots given by the Hindu gratnmarians rontains 
about two thousand roots, without including all those which students of 
the 1 anginge are compelled to recognize. ConsideraMy more tban half of 
tbi* number, then, are unauthenticated by urc ; and although some of 
these may yet cnmc to light, or may havo exhted without flnding their 
way into any of the preserved literary documents, it is certain that roost 
are flrtiil'*us : made in part for thc explanation of words falsely described 
as their derivatives, but in the roain for unknown and perhaps undiscoterable 



a. The roots unauthenticated by traceable use will be made no account 
of in tbis gram mar — or, if noticcd, will be specifled st of that character. 

104. The forma of the roots as here used will be found to differ 
in certain respects from those given by the native grammarians and 
adopted by so nie European works. Thua: 

a. Those roots of which the initial n and 8 are regularly eonverted 
to $ and a after certain preflxes are by tbe Hindu grammarians giTen aa 
beginning wiih n and 8; no western authority follows this example. 

b. Tbc Hindus tfassify as simple roots a number of derived stems: 
ruduplicated ones, as didhi, j&gf, daridrä; present-steros, as ün^u; and 
denominative stcms, as avadhir, kum&r, eabbfig, mantr, s&ntv, artb, 
and the like. These are in European works generally redaced to their 
true value. 

o. A number of roots ending in an & which is irregularly treated in 
the present-system are written in the Hindu lists with diphthongs — e or 
ai or o; here they will be regarded as A- roots (see 251). Tbe o of such 
root-forms, especially, is purely arbitrary; no forms or derivatives made 
from the roots justify it. 

d. The roots showing interchangeably j and ir and Ir or ur and 
ür (242) are written by the Hindus with f or with f, or with both. The 
f here also is only formal, intended to mark the roots as liable to certain 
modiflcations, sincc it nowhere shows itself in any form or derivative. Snch 
roots will in this work be written with f. 

e. The roots, on the other hand, showing a Variation between j and 
ar (rarely ra) as weak and strong forms will be here written with j, ai by 
the native grammarians, although many European authorities prefer the other 
or strong form. So long as we write the unstrengthened vowel in vid and 
cl, in mud and bhü, and their like, consisteney seems to require that we 
write it in Bf j and kr; also — in all cases alike, witbout referonce to what 
may have been the laore original Indo-European form. 

105. In many cases of roots showing more than one form, the selection 
of a repräsentative form is a matter of comparatlve indifference. To deal 
with such cases aecording to their historical character is the part rather of 
an Indo-European comparative grammar than of a Sanskrit gram mar. We 
must be content to aeeept as roots what Clements seem to have on the 
whole that value in the existing condition of tbe langaage. 

106. Steins as well as roots have their variations of form (31 1). 
The Hindu grammarians usually give the weaker form as the normal 
one, and derive the other from it by a strengthening change; some 
European authorities do the same, while others prefer the contrary 
rnethod; the choiee is of unessential consoquence, and may be deter- 
mined in any caso by motives of convenience. 

107. We shall accordingly consider first of all, in the preseut 
ehapter, the euphonic principles and laws which govern the combination 

37 Introductory. [ — 109 

of thc olemonts of words and of words ns Clements of tho sentence; 
then will be Ukon up the subject of inflection, under the two heads 
of declension and conjugation; and an aecount of the classcs of 
uninflocted words will follow. 

a. The formation of conjugational stems (tense and mode-stems; 
also participles and Infinitive) will be taught, as is usual, in connection 
with the proccsses of conjugational inflection; that of uninflocted 
words, in connection with tho various classes of those words. Bat 
the general subject of derivation, or the formation of decliuablc stems, 
will be taken up by itself lator (cbap. XVII.); and it will be followcd 
hy an aecount of the formation of Compound stems (chap. XV11I). 

108. It is by no means to be expected of beginners 
in the language that they will attempt to master the rules 
of euphonic combination in a body, before going on to learn 
the paradigms of inflection. On the contrary, thc leading 
paradigms of declension may best be learned outright, 
without attention, or with only a minimum of attention, 
to euphonic rule. In taking up conjugation, however, it 
is practically, as well as theoretically, better to learn the 
forms as combinations of stem and ending, with attention 
to such law 8 of combination as apply in the particular cases 
concerned. The rules of external combination, governing 
the make-up of the sentence out of words, should be 
grappled with only when thc Student is prepared to begin 
the reading or the formation of sentences. 

Principles of Euphonic Combination. 

109. The rules of combination (samdhi put ring together) 
are in some respects diflerent, aecording as they apply — 

a. to the internal make-up of a word, by the addition 
of derivative and inflectional endings to roots and stems; 

b. to the more external putting togelhrr of stems to 
make Compound stems, and the yet looser and more accidental 
collocation of words in the sentence; 

c. Hence they are usually divided into rules of internal 
combination, and rules of external combination. 


HO. In both classes of caaes, however, the general principles 
of combinaiioD are the same — and likewise, to a great extent, the 
specific rules. The differences depend in part on the occurrence or 
non-occurrence of certain combinations in the one class or the other; 
in part, on the difference of treatment of the Barne sound as final of 
a root or of an ending, the former being more persistent than the 
latter; in part, on the occurrence in external combination of certain 
changes which are apparently phonetic but really historical ; and, most 
frequent and conspicuous of all, on the fact that (167) vowels and 
semivowels and nasals exercise a sonantizing influence in external 
combination, but not in internal. Hence, to avoid unnecessary repe- 
tition as well as the Separation of what really belongs cogether, the 
rules for both kinds of combination are given below in connection 
with one another. 

111. a. Moreovor, before case-endings beginning wich bh and b 
(namely, bhyftm, bhie, bhyas, bu), the treatment of the finals of stems 
is in general the same as in the combinations of words (padaj with 
one another — whence those endingB are sometimes called pada-end- 
ings, and the cases they form are known as pada-cases. 

b. The importance of this distinction is somewhat exaggerated by the 
ordinary Statement of it. In fact, dh is the only aonant mute initial of an 
ending oceurriug in conjtigation, as bh in declension; and the difference 
of their treatment is in part owüig to the one Coming into collision usually 
with the final of a root and the other of an ending, and in part to the fact 
that dh, aa a dental, is tuore assluiilable tu palatals and linguals than bh. 
A more marked and problematic dlsttuctton is made between bu aud the 
verbal endings ei, Bva, etc., especially after palatal sounds and f. 

c. Further, before certain of the Suffixes of derivation the final 
of a stem is sometimes treated in the same manner as that of a word 
in composition. 

d. This is especially the case before secoudary sufflxes having a 
markedly distinet offlee, likc the possessive mant and vant, the abstract- 
making tva, the Ruf fix of material maya, and. so on; and it is much 
more frequent in Che later languagc than in the carlior. The cxamples are 
sporadic in character, and no rule can be given to cover them: for details, 
see the various sufflxes, in chap. XVII. In the RV. (as may be mentioued 
here) the only ex am pl es are vidyünmant (beside garutmant, kaküd- 
mant, etc.), pfgadvant (beside datvant, marütvant, etc.), dhfsadvin 
(beside nainaaWn, etc.), c,agma (beside ajma, idhma, » tc), nir/ninaya 
(betide manaamaya, etc.), and ahaihyü, kirhyü, c,aihyü, aud anhoyü, 
duvoyü, aakrdhoyu (beside namasyü, vaoasyü, etc.); and the AV. 
adds only eah o van (KV. eahavan^. 

112. The leading rules of internal combination (as already stated: 
108) are those which are of most immediate importance to a beginner in 
the language, since bis flrst task is to master tbo piincipal paradigms of 

39 Gbmeral Principlbs. [—117 

Inflation \ the rule* nf externa) comblriatlon may bette r be left untoaohed 
oniil he comes to dealing wlth words in senteneca, or to trantlatlng. Then, 
however, they are ittdispeusable, aince the proper form of the words that 
compose the tentence ia not to be determincd withont tbem. 

a. The general principles of combination nnderlying the euphonio 
ml es, and deterroining their Classification, may be stated as follows: 

118. Hiatus. In general, hiatus is forbidden; every 
8yllable except the initial one of a sentence, or of a word 
or phraae not forming part of a sentence, must begin with 
a consonant (or with more ihan one). 

a. For details, and for exceptions, see 125 ff. 

b. In the earlier language, however, hiatus in every position was 
abmidantly admitted. This appeara plainly from the mantra*, or metricai 

part» of Ihn Vnda, where in iiiniimcr.ihlo tnstaiice* y und V nro In ho read 
a* i and u, and, less often, a long vowel ia to be resolvod into two vowels, 
in order to make good the metre: e. g., väryänäm baa to be read aa 
väri-ä-na-äm, svac, vyam ns su-ac,-viam, and ao on. In the Drihroanaa, 
alao, we find tvac, svar, dyäua described as dissyllablcs, vy&na and 
aatyam as trtsyllables, räjanya as of four syllables, and the like. See 
further 129 e. 

114. Deaspiration. An aspirate mute is liable to 
lose its aspiration, being allowcd to stand unehanged only 
before a vowel or semi vowel or nasal. 

115. Assimilation. The great body of euphonic 
changes in Sanskrit, as eise where, falls under the general 
head of aasimilation — which takes place both between 
sounds which are so nearly alikc that the difference 
between them is too insignificant to be worth preserving, 
and between those which are so diverse as to be practically 

116. In part, assimilation involves the conversion of 
one sound to another of the samc series, without change of 
articulating position; in part, it involves a change of position, 
or transfer to another series. 

117. Of changes with in the series, the most frequent and im- 
portant oeeur in the adaptation of surd and sonant sounds to one 



aaocher; but tke oimU and 1 have also ia eertmu nm tfeeir special 
aetiinilatire Isfloenee. Tkna: 

a. In tke two cltmm •( Boa-nasal Mate* and splraata, saxd and sonant 
arc wbolly iacoMparible ; no surd #f eitktr ebu caa eitkei preeede or follow 
a sonant of eitker. 

b. A matt, surd or sonant, Ls asaimilated by beiag ckangod to iU 
correspondent of tbe other Und ; of tke sptrants, tke surd 8 U tke only one 
hating a sonant correspondent, namely r, to «Kick tt U conveiüble in ex- 
tenul combination (164 ff.). 

c. Tbe QUili are more freely combinable: a nasal may eitker precede 
or follow a mute of ruber bind, or tke sonant spinnt h; it may also follow 
a surd spirant (sibilant); no nasal, boweYer, cver precedes a Sibilant iu tbe 
inferior of a trord (it is cbanged instead to anuBvara); tnd in externa! 
ooinbinatiou their concorrenee is osnally avoided by Insertion of a surd mute. 

d. A »emivowel has still less sonantizing influeuce; and a vowel least 
of all : both are freely preceded and followed by sonnds of every otber 
class, in the iuterior of a word. 

e. Before a sibilant, boweYer, is fonud, of tbe sernWowels, ouly r and 
very rarely 1. Moreover, in external coiubinatiou, r is often cbanged to its 
*urd correspondent ß. 


f In Komposition arid scutcncc-collocatluu, initial vowcls and somi- 
vowels and nasals also rcquire tbe preceding final to bo sonant. And 

g. liefen: a uaial and 1, tbo at>aiiuilativr procesa in Koliictiiuc» carried 
further, by tbe coiivoriion of a final mute to a nasal or 1 respectively. 

118. Of conversioua ioyolving a change of articulate position, the 
most important are those of dental sounda to lingual, and, lese ofteu, 
to palatal. Tbus: 

a. Tbe dental B and n are very frequcntly converted to 8 and n by 
tbo aSKiinilating influencu of coutigiiuus or iieiglibouring lingual sounds: tbo B, 
eveu by boundh — nauttly, i- an<l u-vowils and k — which havo tbcinsclves 
no lingual ebaraetcr. 

lt. A iioii-uuäal d>Mil'il mute iü (witli a low uxcrplion» tu CA tum* I 
combination) inade lingual wbeu it comes iato collision witb a lingual sound. 

0. Tl.« dental mutt.b and sibilant are made palatal by a contlguous 

Hut also: 

d. A tu (not radttal) ia asiimilated to a follow ing consouant, of 
*hatovcr ki;xi. 

e. For «irtain auonialous oasua, see 161. 

119. The euphouic cornbinalions of the palatal uiutes, the palatal 
sibilant, and the aspiraliun, as being sounds derived by phouetic 
altertilion froui moro original gutturala 42 ff.), are made peculiar 



41 General Principles. [—124 

and coutplicatcd by tuo ctrcumstanccs : tlicir rovcrsion to a guttural 
form (or tho appearance of tlio unaltercd guttural instcad of tliem: 
43); and thc different trcatmcnt of j and h according as thcy represcnt 
one or another degree of alteration — tho ono tending, liko c, nioro 
(o the guttural roversion, tho othcr showing, ltke 9, a tnore Sibilant 
and lingual cbaracter. 

ISO. The lingual Sibilant a, also of derivative character (from 
drntal s), shows as radical final poculiar and problcinatic phenomena 
of combination. 

121. Extension and abbreviation of conso- 
nant-groups. The native grammarians allow or reejuire 
certain extensions, by duplication or insertion, of groups of 
consonants. And, on the other hand, abbreviation of cer- 
tain olher groups is allowed, and found often practised in 
the manu8cript8. 

122. Permitted Final 8. The permitted occurrcnce 
of consonants at the end of a word is quite narrowly 
restricted. In general, only one consonant is allowed after 
the last vowel; and that must be neither the aspiration, 
nur a sihilant, nor a semi vowel (save rarcly FT 1), nor an 
aspirate mute, nor a sonant mute if not nasal, nor a palatal. 

123. Incremen t and Decrem ent. Besides these 
tnore or less regulär changes accompanying (he combination 
of the parts (hat make up words, (here is another class of 
a difTerent character, not consisting in the mutual adaptations 
of the parts, but in strenglhening or weakening changes of 
the parts themselves. 

124. It is impossible to carry through a perfectly systematic 
arrangeraent of the detailod rulcs of euphonic combination, because 
the different varieties of euphonic change morc or less overlap and 
interseet one another. Tho order observed below will be as follows: 

1. Rulcs of vowel combinatiou, for thc avoidance of hiatus. 

2. Rulcs as to permitted 6nals (since thosc unclerlie the further 
ireatuient of final consonants in externa! couihination). 

3. Rules for loss of aspiration of an aspirate mute. 

4 Rules of surd and sonant assiinilation, includhig thosc for final 
b and r. 

124—] 111. EUPHONIC COMB1NATION. 42 

5. Rules for the conversion of dental sounds to lingual and 

6. Rules for the changes of final nasals, including those in which 
a former final following the nasal re-appears in combination. 

7. Rules regarding the special changes of the derivative sounds 
— the palatal mutes niul Sibilant, the aspiration, and the lingual 

8. Rules as to extensiun and abbreviation of consonant groups. 

9. Rules for strengthening and weakening processes. 
Everywhere, rules for tuore sporadic and less classifiable cases 

will be given in the most practically convenient connection; and the 
Index will render what help iß needed toward finding them. 

Rules of Vowel Combination. 

125. The coneurrence of two vowels, or of vowel and 
diphthong, without iutervening consonant, is forbidden by 
the euphony of the later or classical language. It is avoided, 
aecording to the circumstances of the case, either by fusion 
of the two coneurrent sounds into onc, by the reduetion of 
one of them to a semivowel, ör by development of a serai- 
vowel between them. 

a. Für tbe not infrequent cases öl' couipositlon and scntence-combi~ 
nation in which tho recent lost of a s or y or v between vowels leavea 
a permanent hiatus, see below, 132 IT., 175-7; for certaln final vowels 
which arc oiaintaincd unehanged in aeutcucc-coinbination before an initial 
vowel, see 138. 

b. A vi ry fow words in tliuir admitted written furm «how inlorior 
hiatus; suuli aro tftuü sievc (perhaps for titasu, IM.), praüga uayon- 
poU'. (Cor pruyuga?), au.l, in KV., auütf. 

O. The tc&l» of thu uldcr dialect arc written aecording tu tho euphonic 
rules of the later language, although in them (see 113 b) the hiatus is 
really of frequeut occurrcuce. llenre tbey are not to be read as written, 
but with constantly recurring revorsal of the processes of vowel-comblnatlon 
wbich they have leen made artin« ially to uiidergo. See further 129 e. 

d. Also in the later language, hiatus between the two pädas or primary 
divisions of a metrical line is tolerably frequeut, and it is not unknown in 
sporadic caaes even in the interior of a p&da. 

e. The rules of vowel combination, as regards both the resultiug 
souad and its accent, are nearly the sanic in internal and in external 


120. Two similar simple vowel«, short or long, coalcscc, 
and form the corresponding long vowel : thus, two a-vowels 
(eiiher or both of them short or long) form SIT R; two i-vowels, 
^ I; two u-vowels, <3T ü; and, thcoretically, two r-vowela 
form fj f, but it is questionable whcther the caae ever 
practically occurs. Examples are: 

R tTTCHT: sa oft 'prajab (ca -{- aprajafc) ; 
Sfcffa atl 'va (ati + Iva) ; 
Htti^aUktam (au-uktam); 
Tnim^rRjÄ "alt (rRjR -f Ralt) ; 
CVUhüf: adhtyvarab (adhi-Igvarat^; 
ST^PTrT juhüpabhrt (juhü — upabhrt). 

a. Aa the above examplea indlcate, it will bc tbc practicc everywhere 
in this work, in transllteration (not in the devanftgarl text), to separate 
iudependeut words; and if an initial vow« 1 of a foliowing word has roalosced 
with a of the preceding, thia will be indlcatcd by an apoatrophe — 
single if thn initial vowel be the shortcr, double if it be the lotiger, of the 
l*o ilifTiTcrit* wliirh In evory case of romMnntlnn ylcld the samo rcault. 

127. An a-vowel combincs with a following i-vowel to 
^ e; with an u-vowel, to.iSt o; with *J r, to STf ar; with 
5T I (theoretically), to 95T %1; with ^ e or^ Ri, to^ Ri; with 
$T o or §t Ru, to ?}t Ru. Examples are: 

JT^FZ rRjendra (rRja-indra); 

f^Hl^SIt hitopade9ati hita-upadegafc) ; 

M^JM : maharaib (mahR-raib); 

^ aRi 'va (sR + eva); 

{Hl%IUM rRjRi9varyam (rRja-aiijvaryam); 

FffijiH : divRukasafc (divR-okasafe); 

^FT4<T jvarRusadham (jvara-Rusadhamj. 

a. In Ihr Vcdic Ulli, ihr. xowcl r \* ••rdhtarily wrilton un< lianprd 
After tho a-vowcl, whlrh, if long, ia «hortencd : thus, maharsih in$ic*d »f 
maharsih. The two vowel*, however, are nsually pronounced as one ayllable. 

b. Wheii succesiive word* like indra ä ihi are to bc roiubined, thn 
flrst conibiintion, to indrä, i* made flrst, and ihr result ia indre " *hi 
(not indräi 'hl, frora indra e hl). 


128. As rogards tbo acccnt of thcse vowel coiubinations, it is 
to be ooticed that, 1. as a matter of courae, tbe union of acuta with 
acute yielda acute, and that of grave with grave yielda grave ; that 
of circumflex with circumflex cannot occur; 2. a circumftex with 
following acute yielda acute, the final grave dement of the former 
being raiaed to acute pitch; a grave with following acute doea the 
same, aa no upward slide of the voice on a syllable is acknowledged 
in the language; but, 3. when the former of the fused elementa is 
acute and the latter grave, we uiight expect the reaulting syllable 
to be in gcneral circumflex, to represent both the original tonea. 
Pünini in fact allows tbis aceent in cvery such caso; and in a Single 
accentuated Biähuiana tcxt (OB.), the circumflex is regularly writton. 
But the language ahows, on the whole, an Indisposition to allow the 
circumflex to rest on either long vowel or diphthong as its sole baaia, 
and the acute element is suffered to raiso the other to its own level 
of pitch, making the whole syllable acute. The only exception to 
this, in most of the texts, is the combination of i and i, which be- 
comes i: thus, divt 'va, from divi iva; in the Täittiriya texts alone 
such a case follows the general rule, while u and u, instead, make 
u: thus, sudg&tft from sü-udgÄtÄ. 

128. The i-vowels, the u-vowels, and ff r, before a 
dissimilar vowel or a diphthong, are regularly converted each 
into its own corresponding semivowel, H y or ^ v or J r. 
Examples are: 

\cl}\<£ ity ftha (iti + ftha); 

Hfiw madhv iva (madhu -f- iva) ; 

jf^Tq duhitrarthe (duhitj-arthe) ; 

^JHT ßtry asya (etri + aeya): 

3U vadhvfti (vadhü-äi). 

a. But in internal coiubiuution the i aud u-vowels are not seldom 
changed instead to iy and uv — and this especially in monosyllables, 
or after two consonants, where otherwiso a group of consonants 
difficult of pronunciation would bo the result. The cases will be 
notieed below, in explaining inflected forma. 

b. A radical i-vowel is couverted into y evon before i in perfect 
tense-inflection: so ninyima (nini + ima). 

O. In * few sporadie cases, i and u becomo iy and uv eveu in word- 
conipositiou : c g., triyavi (tri-f-avi). viyaüga (vi-f-anga), suvita 
(su-Hita): compare 1204 b, o. 

d. Not very seldom, the same word (especially as found in different 
loxts of the older language) hat more than one form, «howing various treatment 




of an i- or u-vowcl : e. g. Bvar or süvar, tanve or taniive, budhnya 
or budhniya, r&tryäi or ratriyäi. For the moat part, doubtlcss, these 
are otily two waya or wrlthig the sättig pronunciation, BÜ-ar, budhnfa, 
and so on ; and tbc dtscordance has no otber importance, hlstorical or phouetic. 
Thcre 1« more or loci of (hia dtffercnce of treatment of an i- or u-elemeut 
after a conaonant In all perlods of the langnagt». 

e. In the oldcr language, thcre 1s a marked dlfTercnce, in respert to 
th<- frcqnency of vowel-combinatlon for avoidlng hiatus aa compared wtth 
that of non-combinatton and consequetit hiatus, between the c|a*a of cases 
where two rowel-sonnds, slmllar or dissimilar, would coalesce into one (126, 
127) and that where an i- or u- vowel wouM bc converted Into a semi- 
To«el. Thus, in word-composition, the ratio of the cases of coaleseed vowcls 
to thosc of hiatns are In KV. as Ave to one, in AV. as nineteen to onc, 
while the cases of semivowel-conversion are in UV. only one in twelve, In 
AV. only one in Ave; in sentence-combinatton, the caaes of coaleaccnce 
are in both HV. and AV. ab out as seven to ono, while thosc of semlvowel- 
conversion are in UV. only one in flfty, in AV. onr in flve. 

f. For certain cases of the loss or assimllation of i and u beforc y and 
v respectively, see S33 a 

130. As regards tho accent — liero, as in the preceding caso 
(128% the only conibination rcqtiiring notice is that of an acute i- or 
u- vowel with a following grave: tho result is circuroflex; and such 
cases of circumflex are many tinies more frec|itcnt than any and all 
others. Examplcs are: 

öofr? vyü?ti (vi-ugti) ; ^'Wfrl abhyarcati ; 

qpft nadyftü (nadi-ftu); 

fM?f avigfa (gü-ista); <i-^jh tanvas (tanü-as). 

8u Of a similar rombinatioti of acute f with following grave, only a 
Single case has been noted in accented toxts: namely, vijfiätr ©tat (i. e. 
vijflÄtf etat: £B. xiv. 6. 8 n ); the a<*ccntuation is in aecordance with the 
mies for i and u. 

131. Of a diphthong, the final i- or u-element is changed 
to its corresponding semivowel, *I y or ej v, before any vowel 
or diphthong: thus, ^ e (really ai: 28 a) becomes 33 ay f 
and *JT o (that is, au: 28 a) becomes 5R av; ^ fti becomes 
OTT fty, and ift ftu becomes ^R ftv. 

a. No chauge of accent, of course, oecurs herc; cach original 
syllablc retains its syllabic identity, and licnco also its own tone. 

b. E\An»ple? can bc given only for internal combination, since in external 
eonibinMion thcre are further chauges: sce tho next paragraph. Thus, 

z\*J naya (ne-a); ^IFJ nftya (nfti-a); 

>FJ bhava fbho-a); >TR bhftva (bhäu-aV 


132—] III. Eupiionic Combination. 46 

132. In external combination, we have the important 
additional rule that the semivowel resulting from the con- 
version of the final element of a diphthong is in general 
dropped; and the resulting hiatus is left without further 

133. That is to say, a final ^ e (the most frequent 
case) becomes simply H a before an initial vowel (exoept 
1% ar see 136, below), and both then remain unchanged; 
and a final ^ &i, in like nianner, becomes (everywhere) 
«TT ft. Thus, 

rr^nTTcTT: ta ftgatft^ (te-f ägatäfc); 

z$Y( ^jjT nagara iha (cagare + iha); 

cTFTT ^pRT taemS adadfit (tasmfti -+• adadfit) ; 

f^PTT ^Ft)H striyfi uktam (striyfii + uktam). 

a. The later grammarians allow the y in such combination* to be eitber 
retaiiied or droppod; but the uniform practicc of the manuscripts, of every 
agf, in accordanco vrllh i\n- btrlot rcqulromont of tbo Vodic grauimar» 
(Präti9ikhyas), is to omit the semivowel and leave the hiatut. 

b. The porsistencc of Üie hiatus causcd by thia Omission is a piain 
indication of the comparatively recent loss of the intervening consonantai 

o. lnstances, however, of the afoida.tce of hiatus by combination of the 
romaining final vowel with the foHowing initial according to the usual rules 
are inet with in every pcriod of the language, from the RY. down; bot 
they are rare and of sprradtc character. Comp are the similar treatment of 
the hiatus after a lost final B, 176-7. 

d. For the peculiar treatment of this combination in certain cases by 
the MS., see below, 176 d 

134. a. The diphthong o (except as phonetic alteration of final 
as: see 175 a) is an unusual final, appearing only in the stem go 
(361 o), in the voc. sing, of u-stema (341), in worda of which the 
final a ia combined with the particle u, as atho, and in a few inter- 
jections. In the last two classea it ia uncombinable (below, 138o,f); 
the vocativea aometiuies retain the v and aometimea loao it (tho 
practices of different texte are too different to be biiefly stated); go 
(in compoaition only) does not ordinarily lose ita final element, but 
reruains gav or go. A final aa becomes a, with followiug hiatus, 
before any vowel save a (for which, aee the next paragraph). 


b. The ^ v of JJFT äv froin *5l iiu ia usually rctainccl: 

HM^I tRv eva (tftu + eva); 

3* »RHJlil ubhäv indr&gnl (ubhRu -f- indr&gnl). 

c. In the older langnagc, however, it 1« in some texU dropped be- 
forc an U-Towel : thus, t£ ubhftü ; in othor texta it is treated llke äi, or 
lose« its u- e! einen t beforo every initial vowcl : thus, t£ evi, ubhA in- 

135. After final ^ e or ^t o, an initial 9 a disappears. 

a. Tho resulting accent is as if tlio a were not dropped, but 
rather absorbed into the preceding diphthong. having its tono duly 
represented in tho coiubin.ition. If, nanioly, the e or o is grave or 
circumflex and the a acute, the fornier becomes acute; if the e or 
o is acute and the a grave, the fonncr beromes circumflex, as usu- 
ally in the fusion of an acute and n grave elemcnt. If l»oth arc 
acute or both grave, no change. of roursc, is seen in the result. 
Exaniplcs are: 

n vT^R te 'bruvan (t6 abruvan); 

TU JcföftfT «6 •bravlt (sab abravlt); 

f^fad*^ >rf&: hinsitavyo 'gnib (hinsitavyab agnifc); 

>Ji^-fl vSspftcT yad indro 'bravlt (ydd indra\t abravlt); 

ZT4hl~UI i^IrT ydd rftjanyo 'bravlt (ydd r&janyäb 

b. As to the use of the avagraha sign in the caso of «ach an ellsion, 
vec abo*e, 16. In trantliteration. the rerrrsed npo«trophe, or rough brrath- 
lng, will bc used in this work to represent it. 

O. Thta clislon or Absorption of initial a after final e or O tvhich in 
the later languagn is the invariable rtilc, Is in the Veda only an orcasional 
oecurrenee. Thus, in the KV., out of nearly 4500 instances of such an 
initial a, it is, .i* the roetre tho*.«, to be really omitted only about seventy 
ttines; in the AV M less than 300 iirues out of about 1000. In netther 
wnrk is there any accordnii'-e in rrspeet to the corobination in question 
bet^een the ^ritten and «pok«n form of the text : in RV., the a is (as 
w ritten) elided in more than Ihrer qn.irters of the cas«*s; in AV., in about 
two tbirds; and in both texts it \* \\ ritten in i niimbcr of instantes \rhert* 
ihe rnetn« reipiires its Omission. 

d. In a few i-ases, :m iuithl rt is thus elided, espeoially that ol 
ä tm an. 

e. To the rules of vowel combination, as above stated, there 
nre certnin exceptions. Some of the more isolated of these will be 


136—] III. Eü PHON 10 CoMUl NATION. 48 

noticed whcre thcy couic up in thc processos of inflection etc.; a fcw 
require raeution here. 

136. Id internal combination: 

a. The augment a makes with the initial vowel of a root tho 
coinbinations ai, äu, är (vfddhi- vowels: 236), instead of e, o, ar 
fguna- vowels), as required by 127: thus, ftita (a-f-ita) äubhnät 
(a -f- ubhnät), ärdhnot (a -|- r/dhnot). 

b. The final o of a stem (1203 a) becoiacs av bcfore the suffix ya 
(originally ia: 1210 a). 

o. Tbc final vowel of a stein is cften dropped when a secondary sufflx 
l« added (1203 a). 

d. For the weakening and lost of radical vowels, and for certain inser- 
tions, see below, 249 ff., 267-8. 

137. In external combination: 

a. Thc final a or & of a prcposition, with initial j of a root, makes 
är instead of ar: Thus, ärohati (ä-f-fchati), avftrohati (ava -f- rehati), 
upärsati (£B.: upa-j-raati; but AV. uparsanti). 

b. Instauces aro occasionally met with of a final a» or & being lost 
entirely bcfore initial e or o: thus, in verb-forms, av* esy&mas AB., 
up' esatu etc. AV. ; In derivatives, as upetavya, upetr; in Compounds, 
as daconi, yathetam, and (permissibly) Compounds with oa^ha (not rare), 
otu (not quotable), odana, as adharos^ha or adhar&U8(h&, tilodana 
or tiläudana; and even in sentence-combination, as iv' etayaa, aevin* 
eva, yath' ociae (all RV.), tv v eman and tv' odman B. j and always 
with thc cxclaination om or oihkära. 

c. Tho form üh from )/vah sometimes makes the heavier or vrddhi 
(236) iliphthongal combination with a preceding a-vowel: thus, präu$hi, 
aka&uhini (from pra-J~ü<Jhi. etc.). 

138. Certain final vowels, moreover, are uucombinable 
(pr&grhya), or maintain themselvea unchanged before any 

following vowel. Thus, 

a. Tho vuwels i, ü and e as dual endings, botli of declen- 
sional and of conjugational forma. Thus, bandbü as&te imftu; giri 
arohat am. 

b. Tho pronoun aml (nom. pl.: 601); and the Vedic pronominal 
forma aame, yusme, tve (482 a). 

e. A final o made by combination of a final a-vowel with the particle 
u (1122 b): thus, atho, mo, no. 

d. A final I of i Vcdic lucative caso from an i-stom (336 f). 

e. A protracted final vowel (78). 

f. Tho final, or only, vowel of an intorjeetion, as aho, he» &» i» u. 

g. The older laiiguage shows occasional exceptions to these rulos : thus, 
a dual I combiued with a following i, as nrpati Va; an a eüded aftor o, 
as atho *si; a locative I torned into a semivowel, as vedy aay&m. 

49 Permitted Finals. f — 141 

Permitted Finals. 

139« The sounds allovved to occur as finals in Sanskrit 
words standing by themselves (not in euphonic combination 
with something following) are closcly limited, and those 
which would etymologically come to occupy such a position 
are often variously altered, in general accordance with their 
treatmeut in other circumstances, or are sometimes omitted 

a. The tarlcty of eonsonants that would ever come at the end of either 
an inflccted form or a derivative stein in the languago is vcry «m*!l : naroely, 
In forma, only t (or d), n, m, B; in derivative *tom*. only t, d, n, r, B 
(and, in a fcw rare words, j). Dut alntost all r.oit. "iianU o- cur »« Anal* 
of roots; and every root is liable to bc found, aloue or an U«t nie ml »er of 
a Compound, in the character of a dcclincd stein. 

140. All the vowel sounds, both simple and diphthongal, 
may be sounded at the end of a word. 

a. But neither f nor ) ever actm'ly oo^nrs, and r is rare (only as 
neuter sing, of a Mcm in X ° T or or a * ^nn\ of Mich a «fem fn romposUfan). 

Thus, Indra, «jivaya, &kart, nadi, ditu, camrt, jannyitf, agne, 
cjivayfti, vayo, agnÄu. 

141. Of the non-nasal rnutes, only the first in each serics, 

the non-aspirate surd, isallowed; the others — surd aspirate, 

and both sonants — whenever they would etymologically 

occur, are converted into this. 

Thus, agnimat for agnimath, euhtH for suhf d, vlrut for virudh, 
tris^up for trisfubh. 

a. In a few roots, when their final (sonant aspirate) thus 

loses its aspiration, the original sonant aspiration of the 

initial reappears: compare tg h, below, 147. 

Thus, dagh becoraes dhak, budh becomcB bhut, and so on. 
The roots eihlbiting this change are stated bolow, 156. 

b. Thorc was some qneftlon among tho Hindu grammarians as to 
whethrr the Anal mute is to be estlmated as of surd or of sonant quality; 
but the great weigbt of anthority, and the invariable practice of the roanu- 
scrlpts, favor the surd. 

Whitaey, Cirmmmar. 3. ed. 4 



142. The palatals, however, form here (aa often eise- 
where) an exception to the rules for the other mutes. No 
palatal is allowed aa final. Tlje ^ o reverts (43) to its 
original *fi k: thus, ^13R vftk, 4a|<£|tJ°h anhomük. The 5" eh 
(only quotable in the root VflS prach) becomes Z %\ thus, 
VRE prft(. The H j either reverts to its original guttural or 
becomes Z t. in accordance with its trcatment in other com- 
binations (219): thus, ft*R? bhisak, fifJT^ virfit. The 37 Ja 
does not occur, but is by the native grammarians declared 
convertible to Z t- 

143. Of the nasals, the *T m and *T n are extremely 
common, especially the former (Q m and fl 8 are of all final 
consonants the most frequent); the HT n is allowed, but is 
quite rare; 7 ft is found (remaining after the loss of a fol- 
lowing Sfj k) in a very small number of words (386 b, o, 
407 a); 3T ü never occurs. 

a. But the final m of a root is changed to n (compare 212 a, 
below) : thu«, akran froin kram, agan, ajagan, aganlgan froin gam, 
anftn froui nam, ayan from yam, pra9än from qam ; do otber cases 
are quotable. 

144. Of the semivowels, the £T 1 alone is an admitted 
final, and it is very rare. The 3" r is (like its nearest surd 
correspondent, FI s: 145) changed as final to visarga. Of 
CT y and 5 v there is no occurrence. 

145. Of the sibilants, none may stand unaltered at the 
end of a word. The fl s (which of all final consonants 
would otherwise be the common est) is, like ^~ r, changed to 
a breathing, the visarga. The 91 9 either reverts (43) to its 
original 37 k, or, in some roots, is changed to Z % (in accor- 
dance with its changes in inflection and derivation: see 
below, 218): thus, f^fi dik, but f^£ vif. The U s is likc- 
wise changed to Z t- thus, Vjm prfivrt- 

a. Tbe c hange of 8 to % W of rare oecurrenco: «ce below, 226 d. 

51 Permitted Finals. [—160 

b. Final radlcal B is saltl !»y the grammartans to bc changed to t; bnt 
no sore example of the converalon is qnotable: see 168; atid comp are 
655 a. 

146. The Compound 5T ks ig prescribed to be treated 
as simple q s (not becoming i k by 150, below). But 
the case 18 a rare one, and its actual treatment in the older 
language irregulär. 

a. In the only KV. cases where the ks haa a quasi- radical charactor — 
namcly anak fiom anaks, and amyak Crom )/myak8 — the conversion 
\a to k. Also, of forma of the s-aorist (see 890), we have adh&k, aar&k, 
ar&ik, etc. (for adh&ks-t etr.); bnt also apr&(, ay&(, avÄt, asrl( (for 
apr&ks-t etc.). And RV. das twtee ayäs from |/yaj, and AV. twlee sräs 
fröre |/8fj (wrongly referred by BR. to |/srans), both 2d sing., where the 
personal endlng has perhaps crowded out the root-flnal and tense-sign. 

b. The nnmeral gas tix is perhaps bettcr to be regarded as Saks, wlth 
its kg treated as 8, aecording to the aeeopted rule. 

147. The aspiration ^ h ig not allowed to maintain 
itself, but (like sf j and ST c) either reverts to its original 
guttural form, appearing as W\ k, or is changed to Z \ — 
both in aecordance with its treatment in inflection: see 
below, 222. And, also as in inflection, the original sonant 
aspiration of a few roots (given at 155b) reappears when their 
final thus becomes deaspirated. Where the <J n is from 
original VI dh (228 g), it becomes rj t. 

148. The visarga and anusv&ra are nowhere etymolog- 
ical finals; the former is only the Substitute for an original 
final H » or J r; the latter oecurs as final only so fax as 
it is a Substitute for IT m (213 h). 

149. Apart from the vowels, then, the usual finals, 
nearly in the order of their frequency, are : fc, *T m, R n, 
rf t, SR k, 1 p, Z t; those of only sporadic oecurrence are 
7 n, £T 1, R? n; and, by Substitution, - rh. 

150. In general, only one con sonant, of whatever kind, 

is allowed to stand at the end of a word; if two or more 

would etymologically oeeur there, the last is dropped, and 

again the last, and so on, tili only one remains. 



a. Thne, tudanta beeonea tudant, aad tais tndan; ndafic-a 
becomes uda&k (142), and tkia udan; aad achin tat (a-aor.. 3d sing., 
o( |/chand [890 b]) ia in like maaner redaced to aohan. 

b. Bat a aon-nasal mute, if radioal and not suffixal, it retained 
after r: tbua, drk from ürj, vark fron K*tf» avart from K^T^» amar( 
from Vmjj» aonart from anhlrd. The caae ia aot a common one. 

o. For relies of former double finals, preserred by tbe later language 
ander tbe disgulse of apparent eapbonie eombinatioae, §ee below, 80711. 

161. Anomalous eonversions of a anal mute to oae of anotber claas 
are oeeaslonally mot witb. Examples are : 

a. Of final t to k: tbua, 1. in a few worda Ikat bare aaanmed a 
special ralue aa particlea, aa jyök, tajak (beeide tajAt), fdhak (beaide 
fdhat), pfthak, drftk; and of kindred rkaracter ia khadagdant (TA.)i 
1. In here and tbere a rerbal form, aa aaviaak (AV. and YS. Kän.), 
dambhieak (Apast), aviayak (Pärask.), ahalak (VS. HS. ; = ftharat); 
3. in root-flnals or tbe t added to root-ttem« (383 e), as -dhfk for -dbr* 
(8ütrat and later) at tbe end of Compounds, suorok (TB.), Pfkau (SV.); 
and 4. we may furtber note bere tbe anomalous efikava (AB. \ for intava, 
|/idh) and av&kaam (AB.), and tbe feminines in kni from maaeulines 
in ta (1176d). 

b. Of final d or t to a lingual: tbua, päd in Yedle pafbhfa, 
pafgfbhi, pAfblca; upänA^bhyäm (gB.); vy av&( (MS. iii. 4. 9; 
)/vaa shine), and perbaps Ap& v rft( (MS.j or yraj?). 

o. Of k or j to t, in an Uolated example or two, as samyAt, asrt, 
viovaaft (TS. K), and prayateu (VS. Ta.; AV. -kau). 

d. In Tälttirlya teiU, of tbe final of anua(übh and trigtübb to a 
guttural: as, anustuk ca, tri8(ügbhia 9 anustugbbyaa. 

e. Of a labial to a dental: in kaküd for aud beside kakübh; in 
aamsfdbbis (TS.) from y/er/p; and in adbbfo, adbhyaa, from ap or 
&p (393). Excepting tbe flrst, tbese look like cases of dlssimilation ; yet 
examples of tbe combination bbb are not very rare in tbe oldor languagc : 
thus, kukubbhyam, trigtubbliin, kakubbbaniJA, anus^ub bhi. 

f. Tim furins pratidhüsas, -BÄ (Täittiriya texts) from pratidub *rr. 
isolatod aiiomallu*. 

152. For all the proceases of external combination — 
that is to say, in compositum and sentence-collocation — 
a stem-nnal or word- final ia in general to be regarded as 
having, not its etymological form, but that given it by the 
rules as to permitted final s. From this, however, are to be 
excepted the s and r: the various transformations of theae 
sounds have nothing to do with the viaarga to vrhich as 

53 Deaspiration. [—166 

finale bcfore a pause they have — doubtless at a com- 
paratively recent period of phonetio history — come to be 
reduced. Words will everywhere in this work be written 
with final s or r instead of fc; and the rulea of combination 
will be stated as for the two more original sounds, and not 
for the visarga. 


158. An aspirate mute ia changed to a non-aspirate 
before another non-naaal mute or before a Sibilant; it Stands 
unaltered only before a vowel or semivowel or nasal. 

a. Soch a CM6 ean only arise In internal combination, since the 
proceeeea of ezCernal combination presappose the reduction of the aspirate 
to a non-aapirate aurd (168). 

b. Practically, also, the rnlea aa to changea of aaplratea ooncern 
almost only the aonant aaplratea, ainee the anrd, being of later development 
and rarer occurrence, are hardly ©ver foand in Situation! that call for their 

154. Hence, if such a mute is to be doubled, it is 
doubled by prefixing its own corresponding non-aspirate. 

a. Bat in the manascrlpta, both Vedic and later, an aapirate mute 
Is not seldom foand written double — eapectally, if it be one of rare occur- 
rence: for example (RV.) f akhkhall, jajhjhatl 

156. In a few roots, when a final aonant aapirate (CT 
gh, qdh, >I bh; also ^5 h, as representing an original ^ gh) 
thus loses its aapiration, the initial sonant consonant (Jlg 
or 5" d or 5J b) becomes aapirate. 

a. That Ia to aay, the original initial aapirate of such roots is reatored, 
when its preaence does not lntcrfere with the euphonlo law, of comparatWely 
recent origin, whlch (in Sanskrit aa in Greek) forbida a root to both begin 
and end with an aapirate. 

b. The roots which show thia peculiar change are: 
in gh — dagh; 

in h (for original gh) — dah 9 dih, duh, druh, dr/Ah, guh; and 
also grah (in the later deaiderative jighfksa); 

in dh — bandh, b&dh, budh; 

in bh — dabh (but only In the later desideratWe dhipaa for whieh 
the older langnage has dipsa). 

166— J HL Euphonic Combination. 54 

o. The tarne ehange appears when the law m to flnala cantes ibe loss 
of ihe aspiraüon at the end of the root: aee «bore, 141. 

d. But from dah, duh, druh, and guh are found in the Veda 
also forma without ihe reatored initial aspirate: thua, daksat; adukaat; 
dudukfa etc.; jugukaa; mitradruk. 

e. The tarne analog? i» followed by dadh, the abbreviated Substitute 
of the preaent-stemt dadha, from ^dhft (667), in some of the formt of 
conjugation: thut t dhatthas from dadh -f- thas, adhatta from adadh-f- 
ta, adhaddhvam from adadh-f-dhvam, etc. 

f. No cate it met with of the throwing back of an aspiration upon 
combination with the 2d ting. impf, act. ending dhi : thus, dugdhi, 
daddhl (BV), but dhugdhvam, dhaddhvam. 

Surd and Sonant Assimilation. 

166. Under this head, there is especially one very marked 
and important difference between the internal combination« 
of a root or stein with suffixes and endings, and the externa! 
oombinations of stein with stein in compositum and of word 
with word in sentence-making: namely — 

167. a. In internal combination, the initial vowel or 
semivowel or nasal of an ending of inflection or derivation 
exercises no altering influence upon a final consonant of the 
root or stem to which it is added. 

b. To thit rule there are tome exceptiont : thut, aoine of the derivatives 
noted at 111 d; final d of a root before the participial tufflx na (967 d); 
and the formt noted below, 161 b. 

e. In external combination, on the other hand, an initial 
sonant of whatever clasa, even a vowel or semivowel or 
nasal, requires the conversion of a final surd to sonant. 

d. It hat been pointed out above (162) tbat in the rule« of external 
combination onty admitted flnala, along with s and r, need be taken 
account of, all othert being regarded at reduced to theae before combining 
with Initials. 

168. Final vowels, nasals, and FT 1 are nowhere liable 
to change in the processes of surd and sonant assimilation. 

a. The r, however, has a correspondiog aurd in a, to which it is 
sometimes changed in external combination, under circumstanccs that 
favor a surd utterance (178). 


55 Assimilation. [—161 

150. With ihe exceptions above stated, ihe collision 
of surd and sonant sounds is avoided in combinaiions — 
and, regularly and usually, by assimilating the final to the 
following initial, or by regressive assimilation. 

Thus, in internal combination: Atsi, Attl, atthAs, attA (|/ad + 
si etc.); cagdhf, cagdhvAm ()/cak H-dhictc.); — in external combination, 
AbhQd ayAm, jy6g Jlva, »A4 acItAyafc, tris(üb Apl, dig-gaja, aa<J- 
aha, arcAd-dhüma, bjhAd-bhänu, ab-JA. 

160. If, however, a final sonant aspirate of a root is 
followed by rjt or 8J th of an ending, the assimilation is in 
the other direction, or progressive : the combination is made 
sonant, and the aspiration of the final (lost acoording to 168, 
above) is transferred to the initial of the ending. 

Thus, gh with t or th becomes gdh; dh with the same beeomes 
ddh, as buddha (ytmdh -f ta), ruddhAs (yrundh + thas or taa); 
bh with the same becomes bdh, as labdha (ylabh-fta), labdhvst 
(Klabh + tva). 

a. Moreover, h, as representing original gh, is treated in the same 
manner: thus, dugdhA, dogdhum from duh — .«od compare iH^hA 
and llclha from ruh and 11h, etc., 888 b. 

b. In Ulli combination, as the sonant aspiration in not lost but traniferred, 
tbe restoration of the initial aspiration (155) does not take place. 

o. In dadh from ydhA (165 e), tho more normst metbod is followed; 
the dh li made surd, and the initial aspirated : thas, dhatthas, dhattas. 
And RV. has dhaktam initead of dagdham from ydagh; and TA. hat 
Inttam instead of inddham from yidh. 

161. Before a nasal in external combination, a final 
mute may be simply made sonant, or it may be still further 

assimilated, being changed to the nasal of its own class. 

Thus, eitber tad namaa or tAn nAmas, vag me or v4ä me, bA<J 
mahin or bAp mahan, tris(ab nünam or tris^um nOnAm. 

a. In practice, the conrersion into a nasal is almott lnvarlably made 
In the manuecripts, as, lndeed, it is by the Pritictthyas reqntred and not 
permitted merely. Kren by the general grammariani it is reqnired in the 
Compound aAgpavati, and before mAtrA, and the lofflx maya (1896): 
thus, vK&mAya, mrnmAya. 

b. Even in internal combination, the same sssimilation is made In 
tome of the derivatives noted at 1 1 1 d, and in the na-participles (067 d). 
And a few iporadie instances are met with even in verb-lnflection : thus, 

JO* j 111. Eüi'llOSU; CoNfclKATlON. 55 

siinnott, atifinuyat (M8. ; foi atighn-)» mfnnita (L£8. ; for mfdn-), 
janmayana (K8. ; for jigm-) ; tfcese, howerer (Uke the double aspirates, 
164 a), »re dunbtleM to be rejected as frlse reading*. 

162. Before 1, a final t is not merely made sonant, bot fully 
aJisiroilated, becoming 1: thus, tal labhate, ulluptam. 

163. Before ^ n ( tne cafle occurs only in external com- 
bination), a final mute is made sonant; and then tbe ^ h 
may either remain unchanged or be converted into the 
aonant aapirate correaponding with the former: thus, either 
rrf^ tad hi or rlfö tad dhi. 

a. In practica, the Utter method it tlmoit lov&riably followed; und the 
grauunariant of the Priticäkhya period exe neerly unanimoub in requiring it. 
Tho phoiietio differencc between tbe two is very alight 

Examples are: väg ghutah, aa44bot& (aa( + hot&), taddbiU 
(tat -f- hita), anu8(ub bhi. 

Combinationt of final t^a and Jr. 

164. The euphonic changes of H a and T r are best 
considered together, because of the practical relation of 
the two sounds, in composition and sentence-collocation, 
as correaponding surd and sonant: in a host of cases H a 
becomes J r in situations requiring or favoring the occur- 
rencc of a sonant; and, much less often, ^ r becomes R s 

where a surd is required. 

a. Iu iutemal coinbination, the two are far less exehangeable with 
ooe another: and this class of cases may best be takon up first. 

165. Final r radical or quasi-radical (that is, not belonging to 
an ending of dorivatiou) reinains unchanged before both surd and sonant 
sounds, and oven buforu su in declonsion: thus, pfparsi, oaturtha, 
oatursu, pfirsü. 

166. Final radical s remains before a surd in gencral, and usu- 
ally before s, as in oiasi, o.aaava, aase, tyisau (the last is also 
written fic.iri8u: 172): but it is lost in asi (j/aa + si: 636). Before 
a sonant (that is, bh) in declension, it is treated as iu external com- 
bination: thus, fiofabhis. Before a sonant (that is, dhj in conjngation, 
it appears to bo dropped, at least after long 4 ; thus, c,adhi, oao>dbi, 
oakadbi (the only quotablo cases); in edhf (/as-hdhi: 636) the 
root syllable is irregularly altered; but in 2d perss. pl., made with 
dhvam, as adbvam, cädhvam, arftdhvam (881 a), vadhvam (yvtm 

57 Final s amd r. [—169 

rlothe), it in, on aceount of tho oquivaloncc and interchangoability of 
dhv and ddhv (232), iinpossible to say whether the a in omitted or 
converted into d. 

a. Final radieal a ia very rare; RY. (twire, both 2d pere. sing.) treata 
aghaa from |/ghaa in the aame manner aa any ordinary word ending 

b. Foi eerUin caaea of irregulär loss of the s of i root or tense-stem, 
sre 233 b-e. 

167. In a very few cases, final radical a before a is changed to 
t (perbaps by dissimilation): they are, from >/vaa dwell (also sporad- 
ically from vaa ahme, (JB., and vaa clothe, Har), the fntnre vatay&mi 
and aorist avätsam; from j/ghaa, the desiderative stem jighataa. 

a. For t aa apparent ending of the 3d sing. In 8-verbs, aee 555 a. 

168. Accordlng to the grammariana, the final 8 of crrtain other root?, 
uawl a« noun-itrnn, hcroinr* t at tlic end of the word, and hefore bh and 
aa: thus, dhvaa, dhvadbhie, aradbhyoa, eratsu. \\\\i gonnine examplcs 
of aoeh change are not quotable. 

a. Sporadlc eaaea of a like conversion are fonnd In the Veda : namely, 
rrftdbhfa and m&dbhyaa from mäa: uaadbhia from uaaa; avatevad- 
bhyaa from avatavaa; avavadbhis etc. (not quotable) from avavos. 
But the actuality of the conversion here ia open (o grate donbt; it rather 
seems the Substitution of a t-atern for a a-atem. The aame ia tru© of the 
change of väna to vat in the declension of perfeet partlciplcs (458). The 
»fem ana^vah (404), from anaa-vah, is anomalous and lsolated. 

b. In the Compounds ducchunft (dua-$un&) and parucchepa 
(parua-^epa), the final s of the firat rnember ia treated aa if a t (208). 

160. As the final eonsonant of derivative stems and of infleeted 
forms, both of declension and of conjugation, a is extremely frequent; 
and ita changes form a sabjeet of first-rate Importanoe in Sanskrit 
euphony. The p, on the other hand, is quite rare. 

a. The r ia fonnd as original final in certain caac-forms of stems in 
r or ar (360 ff.) -, in root-sttms in ir and or from root« In r (383 b) ; 
in a small number of other stems, as evar, ahar and Üdhar (beeide 
Allan and Adrian: 430), dv4r or dur, and the Yedic vadhar, usar-, 
rasar-, vanar-, grutar-, aapar-, aabar-, athar- (cf. 178o); in a 
few particles, aa antar, pr&tar, pünar; and in (ho numeral catur 
(482 g). 

b. Tho eaphonic treatment of 8 and r yieldtng preciaely the aame 
result aftcr all totrels exrept a and ft, thore are certaitt forms with regard 
to vhich it is nncertaln whether they end in e or r, and opinions differ 
reapeettng them. Sneh are ur (or ua) of the gen. -ab!, sing, of r-stems 
(37 1 c), and US (or ur) of the 3d plur. of verbs (550 c). 

170— J HI. EUI'IIONIC Comuinatiün. 58 

170. a. The H s, as already noticed (145), beoomes 
visarga before a pause. 

b. It is retained unchanged only when followed by 
FT t or 81 th, the surd mutes of iU own class. 

e. Before the palatal and lingual surd mutes — *J o and 
^ oh, Z \ and ff \h — it is assimilated, becoming the sibilant 
of either class respectively, naniely 91 9 or CT s. 

d. Before the guttural and labial surd mutes — efi k and 
13 kh, ^ p and cfi ph — it is also theoretically aa-imilated, 
becoming respectively the jihvamüllya and upadhmanlya 
spirants (69); but in practice these breathings aro unknown, 

and the conversion is to visarga. 

Exauiplee are: to b. tataa te, caksus te; to o. tatag ca, taayäo. 
chäyfi; pädaa {alati; to d. nalah kämam, purusah kbanati; yacah 
pr&pa, vrksah phalavän. 

171. The first three of these rules are almost universal; to the 
last ono there are numerous exceptions, the sibilant being retained (or, 
by 180, converted into s), especially in Compounds; but also, in the 
Veda, even in senicnce couibination. 

a. In the Yoilu, tliu rctoniioii of tho tiibilant in Compounds is ibe general 
rulo, the exceptions to which are detailod in tho Yedtc graminars. 

b. In the later language, the retention is malnly determlned by tho 
intimaey or the antiquity and frequency of the combination. Thus, the final 
sibilant of a preposition or a word Alling the Office of a preposition before 
a Terbal root is wont to be preserved ; and that of a stem before a derivative 
of ykf, before pati, before kalpa and k&ma, and so an. Examples are 
namaskära, väoaapati, äyusk&ma, payaakalpa. 

o. The Vrdlc rctoiitlon of the sibilant In seiitcnce-collocation Is detail od 
in füll in the Präti9&khyas. The chief classes of cases are: 1. the final of 
a preposition or its like before a verbal form; 2. of a genitive before a 
governing nonn : as divaa putrah, i^as päd* ; 9. of an ablative beforo 
pari: as himavataa pari; 4. of other less cUssiflable cases: as dy&us 
pitst, trfs pütva, yaa patih, paridhfs patati, etc. 

172. Before an initial sibilant — 5T 9, q* 8, Ha — Ri 
is either assimilated, becoming the same sibilant, or it is 
changed into visarga. 

a. The native grammarians are in some measure at variance (see 
APr. ii. 40, note) as to which of these changes should be niade, and In 

59 C0MBINAT10N6 OP FlNAL 8. f— 176 

pari they allow cithcr at pl ras uro. Tim ttpagc of tho ntamiscrlpt* ia alao 
diseordant; the eon*eraion to viaarga is the prevalont practice, though tho 
Sibilant ia also not infrequently found written, eapecially In Soutb-lndtan 
manaacripts. European edltora generali jr write visarga; bnt tbe later 
dfctionariea and gloaaarles generally make the alpbabetic place of a word the 
aame aa If the atbilant were read inatead. 

Examplea Are: manuh avayam or manus avayam; indrarji oürafy 
or indrao cQrah; tah aa( or täs aa(. 

173. Thero are one or two exceptions to theae rules: 

a. If the Initial Sibilant has a aurd mute after it, the final 8 may be 
dropped attogether — and by some authorltlea ia requlred to be so dropped. 
Thua, v&yava stha or v&yavarji atha; oatuatanam or oatarjiatanam. 
Wlth regard to thla point the «sage of the difTerent manuscrlpts and edltlona 
ia gTcatly at Tariance. 

b. Before ta, the 8 ia allowed to become visarga, inatead of belng / 

174. Hefore a sonant, either vowel or consonant (ex- 
cept If r: see 179), H s is changed to the sonant ^" r — 
unlesa, indeed, it be preceded by 9 a or C(T (. 

Examplea are: devapatir Iva, erlriva; manur gaoehati, tanür 
apsu; avaefr ajanayat; tayor adra(akamarji ; aarv&lr gunäir^; agner 

a. For a few raaea llke dü$&ga, dün&$a, ace bolow, 109 d. 

b. The exclatnaticn bhos (456) loaea it? s beforo TOtrela and aonant 
ronsonants; thua t bho n&laadha (and tho a ia aometlmes found omitted 
also before anrds). 

o. The endings STR aa and 5JTO Ra (both of which are 
extremely common) follow rules of their own, namely: 

175. a. Final 9H aa, before any aonant consonant and 
before ahort ^ a, is changed to Sft o — and the Vi a after 
it ia loat. 

b. The rosultlng accentuation. and the fact that the losa of a ia only 
occaatonal In the older language of the Vcda, have been poioted out above, 
195 a, c. 

Examplea are: nalo nftma, brahmanyo vedavit; manobhava; 
hantavyo "ami; anyonya (anyaa -f anya) 9 yacortham (yaeaa -f- 

c. Final 5fH aa before any other vowel than ^ a loaea 
ita T\ a, becoming simple *% a; and the hiatus thus occasion- 
ed remains. 


d. That ii to eey, the o from aa 1« treated m an original e U treated 
In the tarne Situation: see 182-8. 

Examplea are: bifeadacva uvaoa, aditya Iva, namaükti, 

176. Exceptions to the rules aa to final aa are: 

a. The nomlnatWe mascnline prononns aaa and eaaa and (Vedic) 
ayaa (485 a, 499 a,b) lose their a before any fpnaonant: thus, aa 
dadar^a he saw y eaa poruaa^ thU man\ bat so 'bravlt he said, 
puruaa eaa^. 

b. Instances are met wlth, both In the earllex and in the latei lan- 
guage, of effacement of the hlatos tfter alteratlon of aa, by combinaüon 
of the remalnlng final a wlth the followlng initial vowel: thus, tato 
•väoa (tatas -f- uvaca), payoani (payaa -f- uani), adhaaana (adhas-f- 
aaana): compare 133 o, 177 b. In the Veda, surh a comblnatlon U 
sometimet shown by the metre to be reqnlred, though the wrltton text hat 
(he hlatna. But aa in RV. ia in the great majority of caaes comblned with 
the followlng vowel: e. g., ae 'd for aa fd, a£ 'amäi for aa aamfti, 
afiu 'aadhl^i for aa öaadhl^i; and almilar examplea are foand also in the 
other Vedic texts. 

o. Other sporadlc irregnlarltle« in the treatment of final aa occur. 
Thns, 1t Is changed to ar instead of o once In RV. in avaa, onee in SV. 
in avaa (RV. avo), onee in MS. In dambhiaaa; In bhuvaa (second of 
the trio of saered utterances bhüs, bhuvaa, avar), except iu Its earllest 
occurrences; in a series of words in a Rrihmana pasaage (TS. K.), *lx. 
jlnvar, ugrar, bhlmar, tveaar, frutar, bhütar, and (K. only) pütar; 
In janar and mahar; and some of the ar-stems noted at 169 a axe perhapa 
of kindred character. On the other hand, aa is several times changed to o 
in BY. before a surd consonant; snd aaa twlce, and yaa once, retains Its 
final sibilant in a 11 ke positlon. 

d. In MS., the final a left beforo hiatus by alteratlon of either 
(o) or e (188) is made long if itself unaccented and if the followlng initial 
vowel is accented: thus, a&r& eti (from süraa -f eti), nirupyatft fndr&ya 
(from -yate -f- fnd-), and also käry& eka- (from k&ryaa, because virtually 
k&rlaa) ; but ftditya indrah (from ftdityaa + fndrah), eta f tare (from 
eta -f- ftare). 

177. Final dTH Äs before any sonant, whether vowel or 
conaonant, loses its Ri, becoming simple dT *', and a hiatus 
thus occasioned remains. 

a. The malntenance of the hiatus iu thesc cases, as in that of o and 
e aud äl (above, 133-4), seems to ludicate a recent loss of the iutermediate 
sound. Oplnlous aro divlded as to what thls should have been. Some of 
the natlve gratnniariaus assiuillato the case of aa to that of &i, aasumliig 

61 C0MBINATI0N8 OP FlNAL I\ [—180 

the conversion to ay in both allke — bat probably only a« * matter of 
formal convenience tn rule-maklng. 

b. Ilerp, too (ai in the slmllar cases of e and fti and o: 133 o, 
1 76 b), there are examples to be foand, both earlier and later, of effaeement 
of the htatns. 

178. Final ^ r, in general, shows the same form which 
V\ s would show under the same conditions. 

a. Thus, it becomes visarga when final, and a Sibilant or visarga 
before an initial surd mute or Sibilant (170): thus, rudatl ponarji» 
dvaa tat, svaq ca, catuacatvari&aat ; and (111c, d) pratastaria, 
antastya, catustaya, dhüstva; pr&tari karoti, anta^p&ta. 

b. But original final r preeeded by a or & maintains itaelf un- 
changed before a Bonant: thus, punar eti, pr&tarjit, akar jy6tiri, 
ahär damnä, värdhi. 

C. The r is preserved unchanged even bofore a aurd in a nnmber of 
Vedie Compounds: thus, aharfrati; svarcanas, avarcakaaa, avarpati, 
svarsa, svars&ti; dhüraad, dhüraah; pörpati, v&rkärya, a^irpada, 
punartta; and in lome of these the r is optionally retained in the later 
langnage. The RV. also has ftvar tamah once In sentenee-combination. 

d. On the other band, Anal ar of the verb-form ftvar ia changed to 
o before • tonant in aeTeral caaea in RV. And r is lost, 11k© a, tn one 
or two caaea in the aamo teit: thus, akaft (nduh, aha eva. 

179. A doublo r is nowhere admitted: if such would occur, elther 
by retention of an original r or by conversion of a to r, one r ia 
omitted, and the preceding vowel, if short, is made long by compen- 

Thus, punä ramata, nrpatl rajati, m&tü rihan, jyotlratha, 

a» In aome Vedlc texts, howeyer, there are insUnces of ar changed to 
o before Initial r: thus, avö rohftva. 

Conversion of H s lo ^ s. 

180. The dental sibilant H s is changed to the lingual 
*T s, if immediately preeeded by any vowel save 51 a and 
5TT ft, or by sfi k or ;£ r — unless the H s be final, followed 
by Jr. 

a. The aasimilating tnflaence of the preceding lingual votrels and 
semivowel Is obvious enongh ; that of k and the other towoIs appears to 
be due to a somewhat retracted position of the tongue In the mouth durlng 


thoir otteranre, cauaing iu tlp to reich the xoof of tbe niouth more eaeily 
at * point further back than the dental one. 

b. Tbe geneial Hindu grammar preaoribea the atme change alter a 1 
alao; but the Priti9äkhyaa give uo auch rule, and phonetie conaiderations, 
the 1 being a dental sound, are abaolutely againat it. Actual case« of tho 
combination do not occur in the older language, nor bare any been polnted 
out in the later. 

o. The vowels tbat cause the alteration of • to 8 may be called 
for brevity'ß aake "alterant" vowels. 

181. Hence, in the interior of a Sanskrit word, the dental ß is 
not usually found after any vowel savc a and &, but, instead of it 
the liuguul b. But — 

a. A following r prevents tho convorsion: thus, uara, tiaraa, 
tamiara. And it is but soldom mado in tho forma and derivatives of 
a root containing an r-element (whether r or f), whatevcr the position 
of that elcinont: thus, BiBart J, Bisrtam, sarlarpa, tiatire, parisrüt. 
To this rule thore aro a fuw exceptions, as viatfr, via^ära, nfe^rta, 
viapardhas, gavis(hira, etc. In ajuaran the final 9 of a root is 
preserved even immediately before r. 

b. This dUaimilatiug influence of a following r, as eompared with 
the invariable asalmilating influence of a preceding r, is peeuliar and prob- 

o. The recurrence of a in auccesaive ayllablea ia aometimea aToided by 
leaving the former a uiichanged : thua, aisakai, but aiaakti; y&aiaiath&s, 
but y&siaimahi. Similarly, in certaiu deaiderative formatlona : see below, 

d. Otber eaaea are aporadic: BY. haa the forma aiaioe and aiaioua 
(but siaioatua), and tbe atema rblaa, kista, bfea, busa* bfsaya; a 
tingle root pia, with ita derivative peauka, ia found ouce in QB. ; MS. 
haa mramraa!; müaala begina to be found in AV. ; and auch caaea 
grow more numeroua; for puxhs and tbe roota ni&a and hiAa, aee below, 
183 a. 

182. On tho other band (as was pointed out above, 62), the 
occurrenco of a in Sanskrit words is nearly limited to cases falling 
uuder this rule: others are rather sporadic anomalies — except where 
8 is the produet of 9 or ka before a dental, as is draatum, oaa(e, 
tvaaVar: see 218, 221. Thus, we find — 

a. Four roots, kaa, las, bbas, bbfia, of whlch the last is common 
and U found aa carly aa the Brihmanaa. 

b. Further, in RV., aaa, kavaaa, caactla, oaaa, j&l&aa, p&aya> 
baakaya, vaaat (for vakaatP), kaa^bä; and, by anomaloua alteration 
of original a, -Bäh (tur&säh etc.), aa&^ha, upaa^üt, and probably apfia(ha 
and aa^hivaxit. Such caaea grow more common later. 

0. Tho numeral aaa, aa already noted (148 b), ia more probably faka. 

63 CON VERSION OF B TO f [—185 

183. The naaalisation of tlio alterant vowel — or, in other words, 
ite being followed by anuav&ra — doet not prevent its altoring effect 
lipon tbe Sibilant: thus, havi&ai, parüAai. And the »Iteration takes 
place in the initial 8 of an ending after the final a of a Btera, wbetber 
the latter be regarded as also changed to a or as converted into 
viaarga: thus, haviaeu or hawtyau, paruaau or paruaau. 

a. Bat the s of puihs (394) remains unchanged, apparently on 
aeconnt of the retalned sense of its Talue as puma; also that of yhihs, 
beeaase of its *alue as hlns (hinaati etc.); ynihs (UV. only) is more 

184. The prineipal cases of alteration of b in internal combination 
are theae: 

a. In endings, inflectional or derivative, beginning with a — thus, 
aa ; ai, ae, ava ; a of Bibilant-aoriat, future, and deeiderative; Buffixee 
ana, anu, aya, etc. — after a final alterant vowel or conaonant of root 
or atem, or a union- vowel: thus, juhoai, o,eae, anäiaam, bhavisyami, 
eugrüae, deana, jisnu, vikeu, akaraam. 

b. The final a of a stein before an ending or suffix: thus: haviaä, 
haviaaa, etc., from havis; caksusmant, e,ooiaka, m&nusa, manuaya, 

o. Roots having a floal Sibilant (exeept g) after an alterant vowel are 
— wlth the exception of flctltlou* ones and pia, nifia, hlna — regarded as 
ending In a, not 8; and eoneeming the treatment of this a in combination, 
see below, 225-6. 

d. Tho initial a of a root after a reduplication: thus, siayade, 
auav&pa, aia&aati, ooaküyate, aanisvagat. 

e. Exceptcd is in general an initial radical 8 in a desiderative stem, 
when the d es id erst! t© -sign beeomea 0: thna, aialraati from V*\, aiaafiksati 
from y'aafij. And there are other scattering casea t aa tresus (perf. from 
f traa)/> etc. 

185. But the same change oecurs also, on a considerable Scale, 
in external combination, especially in composition. Thus: 

a. Botb in verbal forma and in derivatives, the final i or u of 1 
pre position or other liko prefix ordinarily lingualizes the initial s of 
the root to which it is prefixod; since such combinations are both of 
great frequency and of peculiar üithnacy, analogous with those of root 
or stem and affix: thus, abhlsac, pratiathft, niaikta, vfsita; anu- 
svadham, auaeka; the cases are numberless. 

b. The prineipal exceptions are In aecordance with the prtnctples 
already lald down: namely, when the root conUins an r-element, and when 
a reenrrenre of the Sibilant would take place. But there are also others, 
of a more irregulär chararter; and the complete aecoant of the treatment 
of initial radiral 8 after a preflz would be a matter of great detail, and not 
worth gtving here. 


0. Not infrequently, the initial a, usually altered after a eertaln 
preflx, retaina the alteicd Sibilant even tfter an iuterposed a of augment 
or reduplication: thus, aty asfh&t, abhy aBfh&m, pary aaasvajat, vy 
aaahanta, ny asadäma, nir aa^hftpayan, abhy aainoan, vy ae$abh- 
nftt; vi taa(he 9 vi taa(hire. 

d. Much moro anomaloaa is the occasional alteräüon of initial radical 
8 after an a-element of a preflx. Such caaes are ava atambh (againat 
ni ßtambh and prati stambh) and (according to the grammariana) ava 

186. In other Compounds, the final alterant vowel of the first 
member not infrequently (especially in the Yeda) lingualizes the 
initial • of the aecond: for example, yudhiathira, pitrevaar, goe^ha, 
agni8(oma, anustubh, trisarfadhi, diviaad, paramea(hin 9 abhisena, 
pitraad, purugtuta. 

a. A very few caaes occur of the tarne alteration after an a-element: 
thus, aaatubh, avaataxnbha, aavyaatHi, apästht, upastut; also 
/sah, when its final, by 147, beoomes %: thus, satr&sä^ (bat aatrft- 

187. The final 8 of the first member of a Compound often be- 
couies s after an alterant vowel : thus, the b of a prepositional prefix, 
as niasidhvan, duB(ara (for duastara), ftviakrta; and, regularly, a 
b retained instead of being converted to viaarga before a labial or 
guttural mute (171 a), as haviapi, jyotiakft; tapuapa. 

188. Once more, in tho Yeda, the simu alteration, both of an initial 
and of a final b, is not lufreqnent evon between the words compoeing a 
sentence. The cases are detailed in the Präticikhya belongiug to eaeh text, 
and are of very various character. Thus: 

a. The initial 8, especially of partidea: aa ü eu, hf sma, kam u 
Bvlt; — also of pronouns: aa hf sah; — of verb-forms, eapecially from 
^aa: as hf sfria* dl vi 8$ha; — and in other scattering cases: as u afuhi» 
nd sthiram, tri sadhaathä, adhi sn6ri, nakih sah, yajuh ekannam, 
agnih s(ave. 

b. A final 8, often est before pronouns (especially toneleas ones): as 
agnfs $v&, nfa (e, iyus (e 9 c,ücie (vam, sadhis t&va; — bat also iu 
other cases, and whercver a Anal 8 is preserved, instead of being turned 
lato viaarga, before a guttural or labial (171): as trfa pütvt, tyua 
kfnotu, väatos patih, dy&ua pita\ vibhia pat&t. 

Conversion of ^ n to nr n. 

189. The dental nasal ^ n, when immediately followed 
by a vowel or by ^ n or ff m or CT y or 5f v, is turned in- 
to the lingual ÜT n if preceded in the same word by the 

65 CON VERSION OP n TO 9. [—101 

lingual sihilaut or semivowel or vowels — that is to say, 
bv \ •» T r > or " * or fj f — : and this, not only if the 
altering letter Stands immediately before the nasal, but at 
whatever distance from the latter it may be found: unless, 
indeed, there intervene (a consonant raoving the front of 
the tongue: namely) a palatal (except Tj'y), a lingual, or a 

a. We may thus flgnre to ourseWes the rationale of the process: in 
the market! proclirity of the language toward lingual utterance, especially 
of the nasal, the tip of the tongue, when once revorted tnto the loose lin- 
gaal position by tho utterance of a non-cnntact lingual element, tends to 
hang there and roake its next nasal contact in that position; and does so, 
unle«s the proclivlty is satisfled by the utterance of a lingual mute, or the 
organ ls thrown out of adjustment by the utterance of an drment wbich 
cause« it to assume a diflerent posture. Tbls is not the case with the guttur- 
als or labial», which do not move the front part of the tongue (and, as the 
influenee of k on following s shows, the guttural position farors the surces- 
slon of a lingual) : and the y is too weakly palatai to interfere with the 
•Iteration (as its next relatlye, the i-Towel, itself llngualizos a «). 

b. This is a rule of constant applicution; and (as was pointod 
out ahovo, 43) tho great majori ty of occurrcncos ol n in tho languaga 
aro tho rcsult of it. 

190. The rule has force especially — 

a. When sufflxes, of inflection or derivation, are added to roots or 
stems eontalning one of the altering sounds: thus, rudrena, rudrstn&m, 
Y&rine, vfcinl, virtoi, dfttpji, har&ni, dveaftal, krinimi, cj-niSti, 
ksabh&na, ghr/na, karna, vr/kua, rugna, dt-avina, isani, pur&na, 
rtknas, caksana, cikirsam&na, kfpamäna. 

b. When the final n of a root or stein com es to be followed, in inflection 
er derivation, by such sounds as allow it to feel the eflect of a preceding 
altering cause: thn«, from |/ran, rananti, raoyati, r&rapa, arftnisus; 
from brahman, brahman ä, brahmäni, br&hmana, brahmanya, 

c. The form pinak (RV. : 2d and 9d sing, impf.), from f'plq, is wholly 

191. This rule (like that for the change of s to s) applies strictly 
and especially when the nasal and the cause of its alter ation both lie 
within the lim its of the same integral word; but (also like the other) 
it is extended, within certain limits, to Compound words — and even, 
in the Veda, to contiguous words in the sentence. 

Whitasy, Oraststar. X %&. 5 



192. Especially, a prepoaition or aimilar prefix to a root, if it 
contain r or end in euphonic r for a (174), very often lingualizea the 
n of i root or of ita derivod atoms and forma. Thua: 

a. The initial n of i root it usually and regularly so altered, iu all 
forma and deriYatives, after parä, pari, pra, nir (for nia), antar v dur 
(for dua): thua, par& naya, pari niyate, pra nudaava; paränutti, 
parinäma, pranava, nirnij, durnaca. Roota suffering thla change are 
written yith initial n in the native root-liata. The only exceptlona of im- 
portauce are nrt, nabh, nand, and nac, when ita 9 becomea s (as in 


b. The final n of a root ia linguallzed in aome of the forma of an 
and han: thus, pra *niti, präna, pra hanyate, prahanana. 

o. The claM-aigne na and nft are altered after the roota hi and mi: 
thus, pari hinomi, pra minanti (bat the latter not In the Veda). 

d. The Ist sing, impv. endlng ftni ia aometimea altered: thua, pra 

e. Derivatives by auffixea eontaining n aomotimea have n by inflaeaee 
of a prepoaition: thua, prayÄna. 

f. The n of the prepoaition ni ia aometimea altered, like the initial 
of a root, after another prepoaition: thua, pranipftta, pranldhl. 

198. In Compound worda, an altering cause in one member aometimea 
lingualizee a n of the next followlng member — either ita initial or final 
n, or n in ita iijflectional or derivative endlng. The exercise of the altering 
influence can be aeen to depend in part upon the cloaeneaa or frequency 
of tho Compound, or ita Integration by being made the baae of a derivative. 
Exainplea are: gr&mani, trinäman» urünasa; vrtrahanam etc. (but 
vrtraghna etc.: 196a), nrmanaa, drughana; pravahana, nrpina, 
püryina, pitryana; avargana, durgäni, uarayamne, tryang£n&m. 

194. Flnaily, in the Veda, a n (usually initial) ia occaaionally lingual- 
lzed evcn by an altering aound in another word. The toneleaa pronouna 
naa and ena- are ofteneat thua affected : thua, pari naa, prftf *nin, (ndra 
enam; but alao the particle na like: thua, vir na; and a few other 
caaea, aa vir n&ma, pnnar nayamasi, agner avena. More anomalous, 
and perhapa to be rejected aa falae readinga, are auch aa trin imtn and 
akain ava and suh&rn nah (MS.), and vyrean v& (Äpaat). 

196. a. The immediate combination of a n with a precediug guttural 
or labial eeeiua in aome caaea to hinder the converaion to n : thua, vrtraghna 1 
atc., kaubhn&ti, trpnoti (but in Veda trpnu), kaepnu, auaumna* 

b. The RV. haa the exceptions üatr&n&m and rfia v r£naxn. 

Conversion of dental mutes to lingual» and palatals. 

196. When a dental mute comes in oontaot with a 
lingual or palatal mute or Sibilant, the dental is usually 
assimilated, becoming lingual or palatal reapectively. 

67 Dkntal Mutes to Linouals and Palatals. [—100 

The c*fl09 stre tho following: 

107. A dental surd mute or nasal, or the dental Sibilant, when 
immediatcly preceded by a 9, is everywhere converted hito th« cor- 
responding lingual. 

a. Under thls rulc, the combinations af, 8(h 9 and an. are Tery common ; 
08 is rarely so written, the visarga being put tnstead of the former Sibilant 
(172): thus, jy6til?eu instead of jyötiaau. 

b. Much less often, dh is changed to <jih aftcr final a of a root or 
tense-stem, with loss of the 9 or its conyersion to $ : 0ee 826 0. 

c. Those <*ases in which final a ^ecomes \ before au (e. g. dvi(aü: 
226 b) do not, of course, fall under this rule. 

198. In tho other (comparatively infrequent) caaos where a dental 
is preceded by a in internal combination, the dental (except 
of au loc. pl.) becoines lingual. Thus: 

a. A n following immediately a n made such by the rule glven at 
189, abore — or, as it may be expressed, .1 double as well as a Single n 
— is subjeet to the liugualization: thus, the partlciplcs arnna, ksunna, 
kavlQO.a, chri^na, trrina; and, aftcr preflxes (185 a), nisanpa, pari- 
vinna, vieanna, vieyanna. Bat TS. has adhiskanna, and UV. yajuh 

b. Only a tery few other in*tances ooeur: I^e and sU((a frotn |/l<ji; 
aa^^htf, (also aagdhA and 8o<jLh&), and aannäm (saa -|- nftm : anomalous 
r*n. pl. of fia^: 483). A siuall nuiiibrr of wnrds follow lim same rulo In 
citcnial conihinatton: Reo below, 199. 

c. But t&^hi (Vedic: ytag + dhi) shows loss of the final lingual 
aftcr Assimilation of the dental, and roropetisatoty Irtigthrning. 

d. Some of tbe cases of abnormal oecurrence of <ji are explalned In a 
similar way, as results of a lin<rualired and afteruard omitted stbilant before 
d : thus ni<jia from niada, ^pi<J from piad, ^mr/cj from tnrad. For 
words «»xhibititig a llko rhange in compositlon, seo brlow, 199 O. 

109. In external combination — 

a. A final t is directed to bo assiinilatcd to an initial lingual mute : 
thus, ta(tik&, tatji (Jayate, tat thälini, ta<J (JhÄukate: but the case 
nevfr oecurs in the older langnage, and very rarely in the later. For final 
n before a lingual, see 206 b. 

b. An initial dental nfter a final lingual usually remains unohanged: 
and au of the loc. pl. follow 8 the snino rulo: thus, eat,triAcat, stnag 
divah, ekarär, tvam; aatau, rä^aü. 

O. Exceptions .irr: a few coinpouitl* with sas six showlng double n 
(198 b): namcly. aannavati, sannäbhi (and onc or tmo others not 
quotable); and JR. has aap oiramlmita. 

d. In a few Compounds, raorcover, therc appears a lin^natizcd dental, wtth 
compensatory lengthening, after a lost lingual sibilant or Its representative : 


IM-} III Ecncnc Comiitwl eS 

**m«Ijr. i» <«tuii Y*eic cwpi r»f* «iaä Abb: ^*^*%%*. daifäe, «^fl hf, 
dfapAea, dnoaj» fc**i^rt it* nwii«> |nuurla\ aad -4*cm: pvm + 
ydäq): vU. ia fbe Ua^aag* «f rvtry ptiWa , acta.« cwp«ails «f aaa, 
»:tk caa**e if ks w&wel t* ** aitraat 4 i*Tky (*t ia Toghuai »ad ao^hra. 
2Mb): aogafa, aogh* (*£** f*441i£ ui f*4dfca), aogant. 

e. Betweea iaa! ( a»d iräal a. tfce iamfiia «Itt is peraiittea — 
c a*«ar4i&g t* fw»c avikariiief. xcaaire*: tka*. ad$ aahaarah or ft|t 

200. Tae eaaes of aaaüailalioa ©f a deatal to a coatigaoaa palatal 
occur almost only im externa! eoaibination, and before an initial palatal. 
Tbere U bot one caae of internal eoabiaaöoa, naately: 

201. A ^ n ooming to follow a palatal mute in internal 
combination i» itself made palatal. 

Tbui, ylena tbc only instante alter ej T yajna, jajne, ajüata, 
rajna, rajnL 

202. a. A final rT t before an initial palatal mute ia 
aaaimilated to it, becoming ^ c before ?cor 7 ch, and ST j 
before ST j (<fi jh does not occur). 

Tbufl, ne carati, etac chattram, vidyttj jayate; yatayajjana, 
vidynjjihva, brbacchandaa, aaeearita. 

b. A final R n is aaaimilated before sl j, becoming o| n. 

O. All th« grammarians, of e*ery perioü, rcquire this assimilation o£ 
n to j ; but it is more offen neglected, or only oecasionally made, in tbe 

d. For n before a surd palatal, see below, 206. 

208. Before the palatal Sibilant 91 9, both rT t and R n 

are assimilated, becoming respectively ^ o and 31 ü; and 

ihen the following $f 9 may be, and in practice almost 

always is, converted to IE oh. 

Thus, vedavio ohürah (-vit cü-), tao chrutva, hj cohaya (hrt + 
gaya); brhafi ohesah or ceaah, svapaü oheta or 9ete. 

a. Some authorities rcgard the conversion of to eh after t orn u 
eterywbere obligatory, othcrs as only optional; some except, peremptorily 
or optionally, a 9 followed by a mute. And tome require the tarne con- 
verbion after every mute save m, rcading also vipftt; ohntudrl» ana( 
ohüoi, anus^up ohäradi, cuk ohuoi. The manuacrlpta gencrally write 
oh, inktcad of och, as result of the combination of t and c. 

b. In tbe MS., t and 9 are anomalonaly combined lnto fi 9; e. g. 
tafi 9at&m 9 et&vafi^aa. 


Combinations of final ^ n. 

904. Final radical n ie assimilated in internal combination to n 
following Sibilant, becoming anusTftra. 

Thus, vansi, vanava, vansat, manayate, jigh&naati. 

a. According to the grammarians, it is trcated before bh and au in 
declension as in extern»! combination. But tho cases are, at best, exces.«- 
Uely rare, and KV. has raiiau and vaAsu (the only Vedie eiamples). 

b. Final n of a derivative sufflx Ig regularly and usually droppcd beforr 
a eonsonant in inflectioii and composltion — in composition, even before a 
▼owel ; and a radical n occasionally follows the Famo rule : see 4SI a, 439, 
1203 c, 637. 

o. For Assimilation of n to a preceding palatal, see 201. 

Thus rcmaining cases aro those of extern»! combination. 

205. a. Tho assimilation of n in combination to a follow- 
ing sonant palatal and tho palatal Sibilant c. havo been already treated 
(202 b, 203). 

b. The n is also declared to be assimilated (becoming n) before 
a sonant lingual (£, <Jh, n), but the case rarely if over occurs. 

206. A n is also assimilated to a following initial 1, becoming 
Mike m: 213 dj a nasal 1. 

a. Tho maiiuscripts to a rxtrnt di*regard this rnle, leaving tho 
n nnthangid; but also tlny in part attcmpt to follotv it — and, oitber 
by writing tho assimilated n (as the assimilated m, 213 f, and just as 
rtasonably) with tho anuav&ra-sigtt, or eise by doubling the 1 and putting 
a sign of nasality above; the latter, hoxrever, is inexaet, and a better w»y 
«onld be to separat«; the two ls, writing tbe flrst with viräma and a nafal 
»lgn above. Thus (from trin lokftn): 

manuscrlpts lf)?1Wll*1 or ^t§TRTF?: hitter ^$\ FIT^lH 

-S 'S» ->v •V 

The second of these methods is the one oftctieyt followed in printed texts. 

207. Before tho lingual and dental sibilants, a and 8, final n 
remains unchanged; but a t may also be inserted between the nasal 
and the Sibilant: thus. t£n aa| or t£nt aar,; mahan aan or ma- 
hftnt aan. 

a. According to most of the graminarians of the Präti^äkhyas (not RPr.), 
the insertion of tho t in such cases is a necessary one. In the manusertpt* 
It is very frrquently made, but not unifornily. It is probably a purcly 
phonetic phenomenon, a transttion-5uund to easc the double change of sonant 
In surd and nasa! to non-nasal uttcrance — although the not infreqnent 
r\scs in whit-h final n Stands for original nt (as bharan, abharan, 
agnim&n) may have aided to establish it as a rule. Its analogy with the 
conver?ion of n 9 into floh (203) i* palpabtc. 


806. Before the snrd palatal, lingual, aad dental mntea, there is 
inserted after final n a sibilant of eaeh of tnose claaaea reapectively, 
before which the n becomea anusrvara: thua, dev*nc. ea, bhvano, 
ohidyate, kumarfcna trin, abharana tatah, dadhanc, (486 o) oanun. 

a. Thif rule, which in the elassical Ungoage has established iUclf iu 
the form here gWen, as a paoneüe rnle of unvarying applieation, really 
involvet a hlstoric sanriYal. Tae large majority of cascs of iaal n In the 
langnage (not far from three quarters) are for original na; and the retention 
of the sibilant in such cases, when once its historical grouud bad bcen forgotten, 
was extended by analogy to all others. 

b. Practleally, the rale applies only to n before o and t, since cascs 
involving the other Initials occnr either not at all, or ouly with extreme 
iarity (the Yeda does not present an ezample of any of theni). In the Veda, 
the Insertion is not always made, and the different texte have with regard 
to it different usages, which are fblly explained in their Priti9ikhyas; In 
general, It is less frequent in the older texte. When the c, does not appear 
between n and* e, the n is of conrse assimilated, becoming n (808). 

800. The aaine retention of original final a afcer a nasal, and 
consequent treatment of (apparent) final an, in, ün, fn as if they were 
ans, Ina, uns, fna (long nasalited vowel with final •), shows itaelf 
nlso in other Vedic forma of combination, which, for the sake of unity, 
niay be briefly stated here together: 

a. Final an becomes an (nahalizod ä) boforo a following vowel : that 
i* to »ay, Ana, with uahal vowol, l.s truatcd Itko Ott, with puru vowel (177): 

thus, devstn e 'ha, upabaddhan iha, mahan aai. Tki* i» an oitreuiely 
common case f especially in KV. Once or twice, the a appears as ri before 
p: thus, av&tavan^i payuh. 

b. In like manner, B is treated alter nasal I , ü, f as it would be after 
those Towels when pure, becoming r before a sonaut sound (174), and 
(much more rarely) .h before a snrd (170): thns, raominr Iva, BunÜnr 
yuvanyuür üt, njnr abhf; nfnh patram (and npna p-, MS.). 

o. RV. has once -In before y. MS. usually has an Instead of an. 

810. The nasals n, n, n, occnrring as finale after a ahort vowel, 
are doubied before any initial vowel: thua, pratyann üd esi, udyann 
adltyi^, aaann-isu. 

a. This is also to be regarded as a historicai survival, the secoud 
nasal being an assimllation of an original consonant followlng the flrst It 
Is always w ritten in the manuscripts, although the Vedic metre seemt to 
show that the duplication was sometimes omitted. The RV. has the Com- 
pound vraanacwa. 

811 4 The nasals n and n before a sibilant are ailowed to in- 
sert reapectively k and % — as n (807) inserts t: thua, pratyank 


Combinations of final *T m. 

212. Final radical IJ m. in internal combination, ig as- 
similated to a following mute or spirant — in the latter case, 
becoraing anusv&ra; in the former, becoming the nasal of 
the same class wilh the mute. 

a. Before m or v (m when final: 143a), it is changed to n: thus, 
from >/gam come aganma, aganmahi, ganvahi, jaganv&ns (whtrh 
appear to be the only qtiotablo cases). According to the gram m ariant, the 
same change is made in the inflectlon of root-stems before bh and au: thus, 
prac,änbhia, prao,änau (from prac&m: pra-r-^cam). No derived noon- 
stem ends in m. 

b. The £B. and K^S. have kamvant and cjamvant. 

213. Final ifmin external combination is a servile sound, 
being assimilated to any following consonant. Thus: 

a. It remains unchanged only before a vowel or a labial mute. 

b. Bnt also, by an anomalous exceptlon, before r of the root rfij in 
aamraj and it* derivatives samrajfti aud sämrajya. 

c. Heforc a mute of any other class than labial, it bocomes tho 
nasal of that class. 

d. Before tho semivowels y, 1, v it bocomes, according to the 
Hindu graromarians, a nasal semivowol, the nasal counterpart of each 
respectively (see 71). 

e. Before r, a Sibilant, or h, it becomos anuavaxa (see 71). 

f. The manuscripts and the editions in general make no attempt to 
distingui&h the nasal tones produced by the assimilntion of m bofore a follow- 
ing peniivowcl from that before a Spirant. 

g. Bot if h be immediately followed by another consonant (which can 
only be a nasal or serai vowel), the m is allowed to be asslmilated to that 
following consonant. Tills is becauso the h haa no position of the mouth- 
orgatis pecnliar to itself, but is nttered in the position of the next sound. 
The Präticäkhyas do not takc any notlce of the case. 

h. Casea are met with in the Veda vrbere a final m appe*r:< to be 
dropped before a vowel, the final and initial vowels being then comblned 
into onc. The pada-text then genernlly glves a wrong Interpretation. Thus, 
saihvaiiano r bhayarbkar&m (KV. vül. i. 2; pada-text: -nanft ubh-; 
SV. -nanam). 

i. It has been pointed out above (73) that the assimilated m is 
generally represented in texts by the anusvära-sign, and that in this 
work it is transliterated by in (instead of a nasal mute or n). 


The palatal mutet and Sibilant, and gj h. 

214. These sounds show in some situations a reveraiou (43) 
to the original gutturals from which they are derived. The treat- 
ment of j and h, also, ia different, according aa they repreaent the 
one or the other of two different degrees of altera tiou from their 

215. The palatala and h are the leaat stable of alphabetic sounds, 
undergoing, in virtue of their derivative character, alteration in many 
casea where other similar sounds are retained. 

210. Thua, in derivation, even before vowels, semivowels, and 
naaala, roversion to guttural form ia by no means rare. The caaes 
are the following: 

a. Boforo a of sufttx a, final o becoines k in anka, 9vanka, ark&, 
p&ka, v&ka, cuka, parka, marka, vfka, pratlka etc., reka, eeka, 
moka, roka, $6ka, toka, mroka, vraaka; — final j be<oaies g in 
ty&ga, bhaga, bh&ga, y&ga, anga, bhanga, sanga, evanga, ffiga, 
tunga, yunga, varga, märga, mrg&, varga, earga, nega, vega, bhöga, 
yuga, y6ga, loga, roga; — final h becomes gh in agha, magha* argha., 
dirgha (and draghiyas, draghiatha), degha, megha, ogha, dögha, 
drögha, mögha; and in dügb&na and megham&na. In neka (^nij) 
we havo further an anomalous Substitution of a sunl for the final sonant of 
the root. 

b. In .* not her serics of derivatives with a, the altered sound appears: 
exatnplcs aro aja, yäja, <?uca, 900a, vraja, vevija, yuja» ürja, döha. 

o. Uofore the auf fixen aa and ana, the guttural only rarely appears: 
namely, in aükas, ökaa, r6kaa, c,6ka8, bhargae, and in rogana; alao 
in abhogaya. 

d. Before an i-vowel, the altered aound appears (exeept in abhogi, 
6glyana, tigita, moki, aphigl): thui, äjf, tuj£ t rüci, c&oi, vivioi, 

e. Before u, the guttural reappears, aa a rule (the caies are few): thus, 
anku, vankü, reku, bhfgu, marguka, raghu (and raghiyana). 

f. Before n, the examplcs of reverslon are few, exeept of j (becoming 
g) before tbe partieipial ending na (957 o): thus, reknas, vagnü (with 
the final also made sonant); and partiriples bhagna, rugna, etc.; and 
apparently prgna from >/pro. 

g. Before m (of ma, man, mant, min), the guttural generali) 
appears: thus, rukma, tigma, yugma, fgma (with sonant change) ; tak- 
msn, vakman, sakman, yugman; rükmant; rgmfn and vigmin 
(with sonant change): — but ajman, ojman, bhujman. 

h. Before y, the altered sound is used: thus, paeya, yajya, yajyu, 
yujya, bhojyu. Such cases as bhogya, yogya, negya, okya are doubt- 
less secondary derivatives from bhoga etc. 


i. Urion* r, Ihr r.nsi'N .nro fmv, .-nid thc UK-igi- appnmntly dividod: tlttis, 

takra, sakra, vakra, <jukra, vigro, ugra, tugra, mrgra, vankri; 
but. vajra and pajra(?). 

j. Bcforc v (of the suf fixes va, van, vin, etc., and partidpial väna) 
tbe suttnrat is regtilarly preservcd : thus, rkva, pakva, vakva; vakvan, 
fkvan, rikvan, <jukvan, mrgvan, tugvan, yugvan; fkvant, pfk- 
vant; vagvfn, vagvana, vagvanu (with farthcr sonant changc); vivak- 
v&na, ririkvatin, vivikväna, rurtikvana, 911911k vana; ^u^ukvana, 
9U9iikvani: also bcfore thc miioii-vo«el i in okivaäa (UV., oncr). An 
exceptlon is yajvan 

k. Tbc revt*r>ion of h in dcrivation is comparaüvcly rare. Thc final 
j whlcb is atialogous with 9 (219) shows much to«s proelivity to reversion 
than that which corresponds with C. 

1. A like rc\ersion shows itself also to sotno extent in conjugational 
sten-formation and inflection. Thus, the initial radical becomes guttural 
a|t«»r tliu redtiplication in thc pruscitt or prrfert «»r dcsHcrativc «>r intensiv»- 
steoiK, or in derivatives, of thc roots ci, cit, ji, hi, han, and in jaguri (f/jr); 
and han becomes ghn 011 the elixion of a (402, 637). The KV. has 
vivakmi fron» yvac and vävakre from |/vaüc; and SV. has aaargmahe 
(UV. -arj-). And beforc ran etc. of 3d pl. mid. tve have g for radical j 
in aergran, aargram, asasrgram (all in UV). 

217. Final t| c of a root or stem, if followed in internal 
combinalion l#y any olher sound lhan a vowel or semivowel 
or nasal, revurts (43) to ils original guttural value, and shows 
everywhere thc satue form which a T* k would show in ihe 

saine Situation. 

Thus, vakti, uvaktha, vaksi, vakayänii, vagdhi; vägbhia, 
vaksü; ukta, uktha, vaktar. 

a. And, as final c becotnes k (abovo 142), Mio samc rtile applies 
also tu e in external combiuatiun: thus, väk oa, vag dpi, vin me. 

Exarnplcs of c remaining utiebanged in inflcctiun arc: ueyate, 
riricre), vftcf, mumuemähe. 

218. Final 91 9 reverts to its original T\ k, in internal 
combinalion, only before the T\ b of a verbal stem or ending 
(whence, by 180, 5! k$); before rT t and 5| th, it everywhere 
becomes ^ 9 (whence v by 197, V. 9t and ^ 9th) ; before ?J dh, 
>? bh, and fl su of ihe loc. pl.. as when final (145), it 
regularly becomes thc lingual mute (" t or " <J). 

Thus. aviksata, vekayami; vas^i, vistu, dides^u; didi<^<jlhi, 


a. But a few rooU exhibit tbe reveraion of final 9 to k before 
bh and au, and also wben final (145): they are dig, d^, apf9, and 
optionally na9; and viq has in V. always vikau, loc. pl., but vi\, 
vidbhis, etc. Examples are dlksarinjita, dfgbhfe, hfdiepfk, nak 

(or na(). 

Examples of 9 remaining unchanged before vowels etc. are: vi^i, 
vivigy&a, avieran, a^nomi, vacmi, tu^masi. 

b. A 9 remains irreguUrly uncbaoged before p in the Compound vigpati. 

219. Final sf j is in one set of words tieated like ^ o. 
and in another set like ST 0. 

Thus, froin yuj: ayukth&a, ayukta, yunkte, yukti, yöktra, 
yokayaml, yuksü; yuügdhi, ayugdhvam, yugbhis. 

Again, from mjj etc.: amfkaat, arakayami; mara^i, mr«t*, 
afa^i, räa^ra; m?4o}h{, m?4o)hvain, raclbhia, r&tau, ra(. 

a. To the former or yuj-class belong (as sbown by tbeir quoUble 
forma) abont twenty roota and radical stems: namely, bhaj, saj, tyaj (not 
V.), raj color, avaj, majj, nij, tij, vlj, 1 and 2 bhuj, yuj, ruj, vjj, 
anj, bhanj, 9ÜU; Ürj, araj, bhiaaj, aarj; — also, steius formed with 
the suffixes aj and ij (383. IV), as tfsnaj, vanlj; and ftvij, tbough 
containing tbe root yaj. 

b. To tbe. latter or mrj-clats belong only about one tbird as many: 
namely, yaj, bhrajj, vraj, raj, bhraj, mpj, arj. 

o. A considerable nuuiber of j-roots are not placed in circumaUncea 
to exbibit tbe distlnction; but sueb roota are in part assfgnable to one or 
tbe otber class on tbe evidence of tbe related languages. Tbe dittinetion 
appears, namely, only wben tbe j oecurs as final, or is followed, eitber in 
inflection or in derivation, by a dental mute (t, th, dh), or, in noun- 
inflection, by bh or SU. In derivation (above, 216) we find a g some- 
times from tbe mrj-class: tbus, m&rga, sarga, etc.; and (216,1) before 
Yedic mid. endings, aaafgmahe, aafgran, etc. (beside saafjrire) — 
wbile from tbe yuj-class oeeur only yuyujre, ayujran, bubhujrire, 
wlth j. Aud MS. bas vigvaafk from yajj. 

220. Final oh falls under the rules of combination almost only 
in the root prach, in which it is treated as if it were 9 (pra? belog, 
indeed, its inore original form): tbus, prakayäini, PTOt^, »nd »l»o the 
derivative pra9na. As final and in Doun-inflection (before bh and au), 
it is changed to the lingual mute: thus, pra<Jviv*ka. 

a. Mürta is called tbe participle of müroh, and a gerund mürtvst 
is given to tbe same root Tbey (witb mdrti) must doubtless come from a 
simpler form of tbe root 

b. Of jh there is no ocourrence: the grammarians require it to 
be treated like o. 


221. The Compound ks is not infrcqticnt as final ofaroot (gener- 
ally üf dctnonstrably secondary origin), or of a tcnsc-stcui (a-aorist: 
see below, 878 AT.); and, in the not very freqtient cases of ita internal 
combination, it is treated as if a Single so und, following the rules 
for c,: thiis cakse (oaka -f- sei» caksva; eiste, aoaa(a, aarftafam, 
aersta, tvaa^ar. As to its troatment when fiual, see 148. 

a. Thu#, wo are taught by the graromarians to make such form« as 
gor&t, gora^bhie, gora^su (from goraks); and wo actually have aa(, 
'asujbhfo, aa^au from saks or aaa (148 b). For jagdha etc. from fjaka, 
see 233 f. 

b. In the Mnglo anomalous root vracc, the Compound co is safd to 
follow the roles for simple c. From it arc quotable tho futunt vrakayati, 
thr gcrunds vra(v& (AV.) and vrktvl (UV), and the partieipl« (957 o) 
vfkna. Its c rrverts to k in tho derivative vraska. 

222. The roots in final «5 h, like those in 5T j, fall into 
two classes, exhibiting a similar diversity of treatment, ap- 
pearing in the same kinds of combination. 

a. In the unc clnsa, as duh, wc have :i reversion of h ias of c) 
to a guttural form, and its trrntment as if it wero still its original gh: 
thus, adhuksaro, dhoksyami; dugdhaw, dugdha; adhok, dhuk, 
dhugbhis, dhukau. 

b. In the other class. as ruh and sah, wo have 11 guttural re- 
version (as of cj only linforc a in verb-formation and derivation: thus, 
druksat, roksyanit, aäkaiya, saka&ni. As fiti:i I. in cxtcrnal combi- 
nation, and in noun-iuhYction betöre bh and au. the h (like 9) becotnes 
a lingual mute: thus, turasa^, prtanäsaej ayodhyah, tur&a&Jbhia, 
tur&aAtau. Bttt before a dental mute t, th, dh) in verb-itiflcction 
and in derivation, its cuphonic cfTect is peculiariy complicated: 
it turns the dental into a lingual as wotild c : but it also malus 
it sonant and aspirate (as would <Jh: see 160): and further, it 
diaappeara itself, and the preceding vowel. if short, is lengthened 
thus, from ruh with ta comes rücjhn, from leh with ti comes lecjlhi, 
from guh with tar comes gücjhar, from meh with tum comes mecjhum, 
from lih with taa or thaa come* licjhaa. from Uli with dhvam comes 
licjhvam, etc. 

c. This is as if wc had to assume as transition sound a sonant aspirate 
lingual Sibilant ah, with the euphonic effeets of a lingual and of a sonant 
a«plratc (180), it«elf disapp^aritig linder tho law of the eiisting language 
which admits 110 aottaiit sibilant. 

223. The roots of the two classes. as shown by thcii forma found 
in use, are: 

a. of the first or duh-cluss: dah, dih, duh, druh, muh, Bnih 
(and tbe final of uanih is similarly treated); 

223 — ] III. Euphonic Combi Nation. 76 

b. of tlie aecond or ruh-class: vah, sah, mih, rih or lih, guh, 
ruh, drÄh, trAh, brh, bann, eprh(?). 

o. Dut muh forme also (not in UV.) the participle mügha and agent- 
noun müghar, as well as mugdha and mugdhar; and druh and anih 
are allowed by the grammarians to do likewise: such forma as drüfha and 
sni^ha, however, have not been met with in use. 

d. Froiu roots of the ruh-class we find also in the Yeda the form« 
gartäruk, noin. sing., and pränadhfk and dadhfk; and heuce puruapfk 
(tho only occurrence) docs not certainly prove )/8prh to be of the duh- 

e. A number of other h-roots are not proved by their occurring forma 
to belong to elther class; they, too, are with more or less confldence astigned 
to the one or tho other by comparison with the related laitguages. 

f. In derivation, before certain Suffixes (216), we'have gh instead of 
h from verbs of either class. 

g. The root nah comes from original dh instead of gh, and ita reversion 
is accordingly to a dental mute: thus, natayämi, naddha, upänadbhie, 
up&nadyuga, anup&natka. So also the root grah comes from (early 
Vedic) grabh, and shows labials in many forins and derivatives (though 
it is assimilated to other h-roots in the desiderative siem jighrkaa). In 
llke mariner, h is used for dh in some of the forins and derivatives of 
y/dhä put; and further analogous facts aro the btein kakuha beside 
kakubha, the double imperative ending dhi and hi, and the dative 
mahyam beside tubhyam (491). 

224. Irrugularities of combination are: 

a. The vowel r is not lengthened aftcr the loss of the h-eiemeut: thus, 
dfgha, trc^hä, brdha (the only casus; and in the Yeda their first syllable 
has metrical value as beavy or long). 

b. The roots vah and sah change their vowel to o instead of leng- 
theuing it: thus, vogham, vodham, vo(Jhar, aöfhum. But from aah 
in the older language forma with & are more frequent: thus, a&4ha, ftlftjh* 
(also later), sädhar. The root trnh chaugcs the vowel of its class-sign 
na into e instead of lengtheiiiug it: thus, trne^hi, trnöghu, atrnet 
(the grammarians teach also trnehmi and triiekai: but no such forme are 
quotable, and, if ever actually in use, they must have been made by false 
aualogy with the others). 

o. These anomalous vuwel-cbanges seem to stand in connection with 
the fact thät the cases showing them are tbe only oues where other thau 
an alteraut vowel (180) comes before the lingualized Sibilant repräsentative 
of the h. Comparu aöda9a etc. 

d. Apparently by disiiuiilatiou, the final of vah iu the anomalous 
compouud ana^vah is changed to d instead of d: see 404. 


The lingual Sibilant V s. 

225. Sinco the lingual Sibilant, in itfl 1i8u.1l and normal occurrcn- 
ces. is (182) thc product of lingualization of b after ccrtain altcrant 
sounds, wo might expect final radical s, whcn (in raro caaes) it com es 
to stand wlierc a s cannot mnintain itsclf, to rovert tu its original, 
and bc trcatcd as a s wonld be trcatcd under thc same circutnstanccs. 
Tbat, however, is trtte only in a vcry few inst.nnces. 

a. Namely, in the preflx due (rvidently Identical with |/dua); in 
aajus (adrerbially nsed case-form from |/jua); in (KV.) vivea and avives, 
from |/vis; in ätyes (UV.) f from fls; and in ftcfa, from c,is as second- 
aiy form of |/cä8. All these, e*rept the flrst two, arc more or less open 
to qnestion. 

226. In general, final lingual T 9, in internal corabination, 
is trealed in the same manner as pal ata 1 3J 9. Thus: 

a. Bcfore t and th it rctnains unrhaugcd, and thc latter arc as- 
sitnilated: e. g. dviafas, dvis^hae, dvesr,um. 

Thls is a common and pcrfeetly natural combination. 

b. Bcfore dh, bh, and eu, as also in externa I combination (145), 
it becomes a lingual mute; and dh is in ade lingual (by 198) after it: 
p. g. pin<J<Jhi, vicjcjlhi, vivicjUJhi, dvi<J<Jhvaro, dvicjbhie, dvi^aü; 

e. So also thc dh nf dhvam as ending «»f %\ pl. mid. hemme« <Jh 
after final 8 of a tense-stem, whother the 8 be regarded as lost or as con- 
▼f rtcrl to <J bffore it (the manuscripts write simply <Jhv, not <J<Jhv ; bot 
this is ambigtious: see 232). Tims, after 9 of a-aorist stems (881 a), aato- 
(Jhvam, avrcJJivam, cyo^hvam (tho only quotable rases), from aatos -f- 
dhvam etc.; bot ar&dhvam from ar&s-f- dhvam. Further, after the s 
nf Is-aorlst stems (901 a), äindhitfhvam, artighvam, ajanl^hvam, 
vepicjhvam (the only quotable ca«es), from ajanie -f- dhvam etc. Yet 
«cain, In the precative (924), a* bhavialghvam, lf t as is probable 
(nnforttmately. no cxample of this perfon is quotablc from any part of thc 
llteratnre), the precattve-Ptgri 8 (s) is to be regardcd as present in the form. 
Accordinr, bowevor, to the Hindu gramtnariaus, the use of $h or of dh in 
the is-aomt and precative depends on whi-thcr thc i of is or of isl is or 
In not "preeedcd by a semivowel or h" — whlch both in itsclf appears 
senselcss and is opposed to the evidenee of all the quotablc form». Moreover. 
the same authoritirs prescribe thc change of dh to <Jh, under the same 
restrirtion as to circumstances, in thc perf. niM endiug dhve also: in thls 
ea^c. too, withont any conceirable reason; and no rtnmple of <jLhve in the 
?d |»1. perf. has been potiited ont in the literature. 

d. The ronrersion of s to ^ (or <J) ** 1 n *l * ,,( 1 before bh and eu ls 
parallel with the like conversion of 9, and of j and h in the mrj and ruh 


classes of roots, and perbaps wlth tho occasional cbange of a to t (167-8). 
It is a very infrequent case, occurring (säte as 11 may be assumed in tho 
caae of §ae) only ouce in RV. and once in AV. (-dvi( and -prüf), altbougb 
tboso toxts bave inore than 40 roota witb final g; in tbe Branmanaa, 
inoreover, bave been noticed furlber only -prüf and vi| (£B.), and -$11$ 
(K.). Fiora piAe, RV. bas tbe anomalous form pinak (2d and 3d sing., 
for pinae-a and pinae-t). 

e. Beforo a in internal oombination (except au of loc. pl.) it be- 
eoinos k: tbus, dvekei, dvekeyami, advikaam. 

f. Thia cbange is of anomalous pbonetic cbaracter, and difficnlt of 
uxplanation. It is also practically of very rare occurrenee. Tbe only RV. 
examples (apart from pir^ak, above) are vivekai, from /via, and tbe 
desid. stem rirlksa from y'rif ; AV. bas only dvikaat and dvikaata, 
and tbe desld. stem eielikea from yclia. Other examples are quotable 
from yykfq aod piß and vis (QB. etc.), and ein, (?B.); and tbey are by 
tbe 11 In du grammarlana prescribed to be formed from about balf-a-dozen 
olher roots. 

Extension and Abbreviation. 

227. As a general rule, ch is not allowed by tbe grammarians 
(o stand in tbat form after a vowel, bat is to be doubled, becoming 
00h (whicb tbe manusoripta sometimes write ohoh). 

a. The various autborities disagree witb one anotber in detail as to 
IhU riiipllcntioti. According to l'auini, ch is doubled witbin a word aftur 
«Über a long or a sbort vowel; and, as iuitial, neceasarily after a sbort and 
after tbe particles st and ma, and optlonally everywbere aftor a long. In 
RV., initial oh is doubled after a long vowel of £ only, and certain special 
oases after a sbort vowel are exoepted. For tbe required usage in tbe otber 
Vedie texts, see tbeir scveral Pritioäkbyaa. Tbe Käfbaka writes for original 
oh (not oh from combination of t or n witb 9: 203) after a vowel 
everywbere 90h. Tbe manuscripts in general write simple oh. 

b. Opinions are still at variance as te bow far tbis duplication bas 
an etymological ground, and bow far it is ouly an acknowledgment of tbe 
fact that oh makoa a heavy syllable even after a sbort vowel (makes 
"position": 79). As tbe duplication is accepted and followed by inoet 
Kuropean scbolars, it will be also adopted in tbis work in words and sen- 
t*nce« (not iu roots and steine). 

228. After r, any consonant (aave a spirant before a vowel) is 
by tbe grammarians either allowed or requirod to be doubled (an 
»spirato, by prctixing tbe corresponding non-aspirato : 164). 

CRJ arka, or 5RR arkka; ^fTU kärya, or «RIET karyya; 
39 artha, or WQ arttha; ^^ dlrgha, or e^TJJ dirggha. 

79 Extension and Abrreviation. [—231 

O. So ine of tlio »uthorltlrs includr, aloug with r, also h or 1 or V, or 
more thin one of thcm, in this rule. 

b. A doubled consonant after r is very common In nunuscriptt and 
inscriptlons, as also in native text-editions and in the esrlier editions pre- 
pared by European scholars — in later one«, the dtiplication is umtersally 

c. On the other band, the tnanuscripts often write a singl<* conaonant 
after r where a donble one is etymologically rcquircd: thns, k&rtikeya, 
v&rtika, for k&rttikeya, värttika, 

880. The flrst consonant of a group — whether interior, or initial 
after a vowel of a preceding word — is by the grammarians either allowed 
or required to be doubled. 

a. This duplication is allowed by Pänini and required by the Präticäkhyas 
— in both, with mention of authorities irho deny it altogether. For certain 
«xceptions, see the Präticäkhyas ; the meaning of tlio whole matter is too 
obsrure to ju*lify the giving of detafls hcre. 

830. Other cases of extension of coDSODant-groups. required by 
sonio of the graiuroatical authorities, are the following: 

a. Hetwcen a non-nasal and a nasal mute, the Insertion of so-called 
yamaa (ttrins). or nasal counterparts, is tatight by the Präticäkhyas (and 
a<suroed in Päninfs fomiotmtary) : see APr. 1. 9t), note. 

b. Between h and a following nasal mute the Präticäkhyas teach the 
Insertion of a na?al souml cnllcd näsikya: see APr. i. 100, note. 

c. llrtwcen r aml a f. » 1 1 o w i 1 1 « roiisouint the Prfitk'.ikhyaa teaeh the 
Insertion of a avarabhakti or voirel-frutpnent: see APr. I. 101-2, note. 

d. Sorae authorities assume this Insertion only before a spirant; the 
others regard it as twice as long before a spirant as before any other con- 
sonant — namcly, a half or a quartcr nwra before the former, a quarter or 
an eighth before tbe latter. One (VPr.) admits it after 1 as well as r. It 
is rarionsly described as a fragment of the vowcl ä or of r; (or {). 

e. The HPr. puts a avarabhakti also between a sonant consonant 
and a following mute or spirant; aml APr. introduces an Clement ealled 
apho^ana (dixtinguinher) bctwven a guttural and a preceding mute of 
another das*. 

f. For one or two other cases of yet rooro doubtful Talue, see the 

831. After a nasal, the for n, er of two non-nasal nuttes may 
be droppod, whether hoinogencotis ouly with the nasal, or with both: 
lim.«, yuftdhf for yuftgdhf, yuftdhvam for yufigdhvam, aJUara for 
Aftktam, pafttf for paftktf, chintam 'or chinttim, bhintha for 
bhinttha, indhe for inddhe. 

a. The abbreviation, allowed by Pänini, is required by APr. (the 
other Präticäkhyas takc no noticc of it). It i? the more usual practice of 
the manuscripts, though the füll group is also often written. 

238—] III. Euphonic Com ui Nation. go 

232. Iu general, a doublo consonaut (iucltidiug an aspirate which 
is doubled by the prefixion of a non-aspirate) in combination with any 
other coDBonant ia by thc inanuscripts w ritten as simple. 

a. That is to say, the ordiuary usage of the inanuscripts Makes no 
difference between those groups in which a phonetic duplicatton ia allowed 
by the rules given above (228, 229) and those in which the duplication 
is etymological. As every tv aftcr a vowei may also be properly written 
ttv, so dattva and tattva may be, and altnost invariably are, written as 
datva and tatva As kartana \s also properly karttana, so kärttika 
(from kftti) is written as kftrtika. So in inflection, we have always, for 
example, majna etc., not majjüa, from majjan. Even in compositum 
and sentence-collocation the same abbrevlations are roade: thus, hfdyota 
for hfddyota; chinäty asya for chinatty asya. Hence it is impostible 
to determine by the evidence of written usage whether we should regard 
ädhvam or ftddhvam (from Y&b), advicjhvam or Ädvig^hvam (from 
y/dvia), as the true form of a second person plural. 

233. a. Instances are sometimes met with of appareut los» (perhaps 
aftcr con version to a semivowel) of i or u before y or v respectivoly. Thus, 
in the Brähmanas, tu and na with following vfti etc. ölten make tv&(, 
nväi (also tväva, anväi); and other examples from the older language 
ire anvart- (anu -f- j'vart) ; paryan, paryanti, paryäyät, pary&ria 
(pari -f- yan, etc.); abhyarti (abhi +- iyarti) ; antary&t (antar -f- iy&t) ; 
cärväc, cärväka, cärvadana (c&ru + väc, etc.); kyänt for kiyant; 
dvyoga (dvi + yoga) ; anvä, anväaana (anu + vi, *tc); probably 
vyunoti for vi yunoti (KV), urva<ji (uru-vaqi), c^vari for c^u-vari 
(RV.); vyama (vi-}-yäina); and the lat** svarna for auvarna. More 
anomalous abbrevlations are the common trea (tri-f-fca); and dvfoa 
(dvi-f-roa: 8.), and trer^i (tri + enl: Äpast.). 

Forther, certain cases of the loss of a Sibilant require uotice. Thus: 

t>. According to the Hindu grammarians, the 8 of 8-aortst stems is 
lost aiter a short vowel in the 2d and 3d sing, middle: thus, adith&s 
and adita (Ist sing, adifi), akrthas and akrta (Ist sing, akrsi). It 
is, however, probable that such cases are to be explained in a different 
manner : see 834 a. 

o. The s between two mutes is lost in all cooibtnations of the 
rootB 8th& and atambh with the prefix ud: thus, ut thus, ütthita, 
ut thäpaya, üttabdha, etc. 

d. The same Omission is now and then made in other slmilar cases: 
thus cit kambhanena (for skambh-: RV); taamät tute (for Stute) 
and puroruk tuta (for stuta: K.); the Compounds rktb& (rk-f-ath&: 
PH.) and utphulinga; the derivative utpbala (/sphal). On the other 
hand, we have vidyüt atanayanti (RV), utathala, kakutstha, etc. 

e. So also the tense-sign of the a-aorist is lost after a final consooant 
of a root before the initial consonant of an ending: thus, aoh&ntta (and 

gl Abbrbviation of Consonant-groups. [—236 

Cor this, by 231, achänta) for achantsta, c&pta for capsta, tftptam 
for tftpstam, abhakta for abh&ksta, am&uktam for amäuketam. 
These are the only quotable easee: eompare 883. 

f. A final • of root or tenae-ftem it in a few taitance* lost alter a 
sonant eepirate, and the combination of mutet it thcn mado at lf no tlbilant 
had ever intervened. That, from the root ghas, with Omission of the 
vowel and then of the final tlbilant, we have the form gdha (for gha-ta: 
3d sing, mid.), the partieiple gdha (In agdhad), and the derivative gdhi 
(for gha-ti; in ai-gdhl); and further, from the redupllrated form of the 
tarne root, or yjaka, we bare jagdha, Jagdhorn» jagdhva, jagdhl (from 
jagha-ta etc.); also, in like manner, from baps, rednpltoation of bhaa, the 
form babdhAm (for babhs-tam). According to the Hindu grammariaae, 
the tarne utter Iota of the aoritt-tign a taket plaee after a final sonant 
atpirate of a root before an ending beginning with t or th: thut, from 
jtoidh, s-aorist ttem ar&uts act. and aruta mid., oome the active dual 
and ptaral persons ar&uddham and arauddham and arauddha, and the 
middle tingular pertont aruddhas and aruddha. Nono of the actlve 
form*, however, have been found quotable from the litcrature, ancient or 
modern; and the middle formt admlt also of a different explanation: tee 
834, 888. 

Strengthening and Weakening Processes. 

234. Under this head, we take up first the changes that affect 
vowels, and theo thoeo that affect consonants— adding for convcnlenco's 
aake, in each case, a brief notico of the vowel and consonant demente 
that have come to bear the apparent office of connectives. 

Guita and Vfddhi. 

286. The so-called gurjev- and v^ddhi-changes are the most 
regulär and frequent of vowel-changes, being of constant 
ooeurrence both in inflection and in derivation. 

a. A gurja-vowel (gurja secondary quality) differs from 
the corresponding simple vowel by a prefixed a-«element 
which is combined with the other according to the uaual 
rules; a v^ddhi- vowel (virddhi growlh, increment), by the 
further prefixion of a to the gurja-vowel. Thus, of ^ i or 
^ I the oorresponding gu?a is (a+i=) ^ e; the oorrespond- 
ing vjddhi is (a + e=)"^ai. But in all gunating processes 
9 a remain8 unohanged — or, as it is sometimes expressed, 

Whitney, Gnimmar. 8. ed. 6 

IIA. tU.'Pflu«C L<j«BIKATIOK. fc2 

«mitf owm g«ma\; « 1, 
fot bo4h «mm and Trddki. 

SS6. Hie seiies of lOMfmynmating degrees im theo ms 

wowai a a ii um r } 
a a • o mr ml 

Trddmi ä 41 an ar 

a. TW« U Mwaat« aay a ci«u ai a af f ia a 
•itto gumm am vrdtfm*-<amaf»; aar amm* | (M) 
Tyddht "Tmmafmtfcmlly, f womSd km** taa mm 
Trddmi «f } «o«U W iL 

bw Im »acoadary carivatta* lamminaa; Trddhi af tarn int ayllamU 
(1*MX taa o of go (361 c) ia ■ twa g tWa aa to gftm: taam, 

»T. TW kistorical nbtioa« a€ tarn 
Ulli B4ttm #f »mm «ia micaca af 
of im Saaamxit, tko stalle ▼•weit 
oxifiaai or raadaamaatal aama, aaa tkm 
imcxoataat ar atramftkoaimf, im two tmv«nl iifiiim — mm tarnt tarn nüaa mf 
foraaatftoa dirmet a, i. u, r, } to mm nimaa u gmmm mr Trddmi lmra m ct lTmrr, 
umdax imoaiaaa coaaitioM. Bat r kam Wag aaca *a > Wally 
ay *mara*Urioa or weakaolmg froai am marlWr ar (ar im) tarnt 
fiaiauiarUma mava mneferred to traat tarn gmmm-Cafama aa tka ariglaal ama 
im* olkoi »a tka derivative. Tkms, fer axamtato. tmatnii af atmaanma, cattaam 
lool* lo b* bar aad Trdh, and laaimg fromm Immai bharati aad ▼ardhati, 
tttd bhrta aad rrddha» ay tke aamia rmlem waiem fromm btom aaa ml aaa 
dum budh aad oit fanm bharati aaa nayati, hodhati aad Patau, 
bbuta aud mlta, buddba aaa eitta — tkey asaamam bhar aad Tarda to 
aa im* ivoU, amd fit« tkm ralmi af focamatifa for tammm im nvetmm» la tkto 
wall, t* ahaady stated (104 e), tka r-forai U prmfarrmd. 

aam\ Tom guna-iacraaiaat is aa lmdo-Earopaam paamvoamamom, aad 
U lu iu*uy oama* sota to oecar ia ooamectiom wita aa aeceat om taa 
iucieaatfd ayUabl*. It is found — 

a. lu foot-syUabla*: either ia iaflectioB, mm draati fromm yttrim» 
deiuut ftiou >dub; or to deriratioB, am dvaaa, dohaa, rtiamtiimi. 

b. la furaMttW* elemeoU: eitker eoBJagaüotial eimmaatgaa, am 
UuauU flouk lauu ; or suffixe« of dorivmtioo, ia iaflectioo or ia furtmar 
iUiixmllua, am miataja fron mat£, bhftniTaa from bhano, pitaram 
Uv»u* |&iif yui vilir), hantavya from hantu. 

Mm. Tlu» yrddai-lnorameot is speeifically Iadims, aad its oecur- 
^uv^a U Hm« IW<|*tfut mnd ragular. It it fouad — 

83 GUNA AND VRDDHI. [—142 

a. In root und aaffix-syllables, instead of guga: thus, stftüti 
from yatu, sakhayam from sakhl, anaiaam from ynl, akärsam 
and karayati and karya from ykx (or kar), d&taram from*d&tf (or 

b. Especially often, in initial syllablea in aecondary derWation: 
thus, manaaa from manas, valdyuta from vidyut, bb&uma from 
bh&mi, p&rtbiva from prthivi (1204). 

But — 

240. Tbe guj^a-increment does not usually take place In a hea?y 
ay Nable ending witb a conaonant: that is to aay, the rules preacriblng 
gtupa in procesaes of dcrivation and inflection do not apply to a ahort 
Yowel which is "long by positlon", nor to a long vowel unless it be 
final: thus, cetati from y'cit, bot nfndati from ynind; nayati from 
ynl, but jivati from yilv. 

a. The vrddhi-increment it not liabie to thU restrietion. 

b. Eiceptiont to the rule are occasionally roet witb: thns, eha, ehaa 
from yth; he<Jayami, hecjaa, etc., from fliic); ooaa etc. from KoQb; 
6hate etc. from yüh consider\ and especially, from roots In Iv: dideva 
devif yati, devana, etr., from ydlv ; tie^heva from ^s^hlv ; Brevayami, 
fjrevuka, from f^nrlv — on aecount of which it is, doubtless, that these 
rooU are writteii with iv (div etc.) by the Hindu grammarianf, although 
they nowhere sbow a thort i, In either vcrb-forms or derivatives. 

c. A few cases occur of Prolongation instead of increment: thna 
düaayati from ^dua, gdhati from |/guh. 

The ehanges of r (more original ar or ra) are so Tariova aa to 
oall for further deacription. 

241. The incrementa of r are aometimea ra and r*, inatead of 
ar and ar: namely, especially, where by auch reveraal a difficultcom- 
bination of conaonanta is avolded: thua, from f/dro,, drakayami and 
adraksam; but also prthü and prath, prob and praob, krp* and 

242. In a number of roots (about a dozen quotable onea) ending 
in r (for morc original ar), the r ehanges both with ar, and moro 
irregularly, in a pari of tbe forma, with ir— or also with ur (espe- 
eially after a labial, in pr t mr, vr, aporadically in others): which ir 
and ur, again, are liabie to Prolongation iuto Ir and Qr. Thus, for 
example, from tr (or tar), we have tarati, titarti, tatara, atariaaro, 
by regulär processes; but also tirati, tlryati, Urtva, -tlrya, tlnpa, 
and e?en (V.) turyama, tuturyat, tarturan.a. The treatment of auch 
roots has to be described in speaking of each formation. 

a. For the purpose of artiflcially indicating this pecuHarlty of treatment, 
■ach roots are by the Hindu grammarians written with long f, or with both 
r and f : no f actually «ppears anywhere among their form 8. 

*m>— j 



3 a is iU own gur^a; m a, of course, 
for both gurja and vrddhi. 

280. The series of corresponding 


timple vowel 

A .. 



u u 

i i 

vrddhi & &i 

a. There ts nowhere any occurr*nce of ^_ 
elther giupa or vrddhi-change ; nor does ' 
vrddhi. Theoretically, f would have tbe 
vrddhi of } would be al. 

b. In aeeondary derivatives requirii:: 
(1204), the o of go (361 o) is atrengihet— 

237. The historical relationa of the 
atül mattere of some differenee of oplnloi. _ 
of the Sanakrit, the simple soweit wear 
original or fundamental onea, and tho _ 
lncrement or atrengthening, in two sc 
formaiion direct a, i, u, r, | to be i 
ander speeined conditiont. But y bas 
by abbrevtatlon or weakening from an 
grammarlana have prcferrctl to (roat 
the othor aa the derivative. Thut», lor 
rooU to be bhf and vrdh, and me* * 
and bhrta and vrddha, by the 
from budh and oit form bhav* 
bhüta and nlta, buddha aad c 
be the roote, and glve the ralea t 
work, aa already etated (104 e), t 

238. The gu^a-incremerr 
ia in many caaea eeen to oer 
iacreaeed ayllable. It ia fou 

a. In root-aytlables: ei! . 
dohml from yduh; or In 

b. In fonnmtiye eiern* 
tanömi from tanu ; or rar ^ 
derivation. aa mataya fr. " 
from pltt (or pitar), han a a 

~ «m. Igr iwailow, 
a* tt*H lmrÄ*, 

from other 
and apttr- 

Crom ru; In 

u, since the 

aaalogy wlth 

aad r ia made 

f.). Leogth- 

taan inerement, 

aa* Ia conneetlou 

a nw oaly will be 

to Prolongation 

242) an lieble to 

endlnga: namely, 

bh and a (882). 


238. The vrddhl-l 
rence ia leas frequent o 

fcf e Towel of the tlme 

Oertaln laetancea 

* 188 d, 222 b). Perhape 

tat rlhanlne (488) are 

«f e Compound Ia often 

*T iaei a, aad before ▼, 

▼ariety. Examplea exe: 

aadanaaad, oatt- 

vlr&dh, tuvimagha, 


— generally a, mach 
eaaaa proloaged. üarnaDy 
by the metre, bat aome- 
tfec totalis, aee the varloua 


n»m"ly, ithft, Adhft, OvÄ, IltÄ, glia, HK, IhA, ivrt, 

kga, kila, atra, yitra, titrS, kütr», aliyAtr«, ubhay- 
hl, dpa, prri; Ätl, ni, yadl, ndlit, abhi, vi; o, tri, 

II: eipeclnHj Inatr. aing., ■■ en5, Uni. y#nk, «vini, 
y gen. «lug., >■ «lyl, liarlljAayi. Caaea beildea theie 
i, vrfdbhft, hariyojcna (ton.); taavt (lot.); and urti 

ia endlng In a, In (real numbar and Titlet]': Ihui (nearljr 
■elr eoinparatiie freqoency), 2d aing. lmp«, sei., u plbft, 
Iharayt; — 2d pl. sei in ta and tha, aa athä, atta, 
, snjut*. anadaUL, nayathft, JIvayatiiR (and ono or 
viafana, honUni); — («( pl. *rt. In ma, aa vi dm*, 
ita, ruhemt, vanajim», cakpn», marmj-jm»; — 
Id. In <«, aa yuksvk, idlava, dadhisvk, vahaavft; 
>g. pcrf. acl., aa vodB-, vlveqa, jagrabha; Id eins;, peil. 
2d pl. petf. «et., anaji, cakrft. Of Terb-Iorma andinft 
aing. ImpT. aet. : thua, kplM, kj^uhi, ksldhi, ijnidhl, 
il, dldihl. jahl. 
m»y be added the genind in ya (003 a), a» abhtgtiryS, 

V o w el ■■ li k 1 1 t e u 1 n g . 

949. Tho altoration of aliort a to an I- or u-vonel In the forniative 
procetses of the Ungaage, exccpt in r or &r roots (aa explafned abovei; 
)• a aporadic pfaeaomcnoti oaly. 

«60. Bat the lighteniüg of b long i especislly to kd l-vowcl 
las also ite lo»»!, ia a frequent [irocess; 110 other vowel ta so nn- 
■ table. 

a. Of the tlasa-alpi na (of the kri-clasa «f Terbe: 717ff.). tbe 
* li in «eik [arm* changed to 1, and before Towl-onding» dropped alto- 
gethar. The Bnal B, or cerlaln rooti ia treated In thr uro« manner: lliu«, 
ml, ha, etr. (899-0). And from aome root«, X- and I- Ol i-formi an 
Intercbange that it Ia diffleitlt ta elmdfy them or to determlne the (rue 
eharicter of the root. 

b. Radieal 1 la weakoned to Ihe aemblanee or tho onlon-towel 1 In 
tertaln Terb.l forma: aa pmfert dadtma -frora /da ote. (794k); aoriat 
adhlthaa fiom Vdhl otc. (894 a); preaent jahlmaa from a/hlete. (005). 

o. Radkal t ia shortened to tbe aemblanee of item-a in a nuuber 
ifdnplicatcd form«, aa tlatha, piba, dada, etc.: aee 071-4; alao In a 
few aorltta, aa ahvam, akhyani, vir.: aea 847. 

d. Radieal ■ aometimea becomea s, xpeclallr before y : ai atheylMm, 


MX. Certaia g-roota, becauae of their peculiar exchsnges with i and 
i-foma, eapecially in forming the preeent •lern, are given by the Hinda 
Krantuiartanä as roots ending ia e or fti or o. Thus, front 2 dhft sudt (dhe) 
coiuo tho pr*»«ut dhayati and participle and gernnd dhita, dhitwf; the 
other forme *r« uude from dha, as dadhus, adhat, dhasyati, dhatave, 
dhapetyati. From 2 g* #üt£ (gfti) come the preeent gayati, the parti- 
dpie aud gerund gita and gitv£, and passive glyata, and the other forma 
irou* g*. Knoi 3 da cui (do) come the preaent dyati and participle dita 
o« din&, aiid, tho other forma from diu The irregalaritiet of these rooU 
«ill b« trvatod bolow, ander the varioue formationa (aee especially 761 d ff.). 

36$, By a process of abbreviatlon eaaentially akin with that of ar or 
r* i»f, the tä (aeually initial) of a number of roots becomes u, and the 
y* of a utuch amaller number becomes i, in eertain verbal forma and deriv- 
»U««*, Taue, from vac come uvioa, ueyasam, uktva, ukta, ukti, 
ufctha* ete. i free* yaj come iyaja, ijyasam, i*tv£, iffa, Infi, etc. See 
holow, uadef the Tarioaa fbrmatlons. 

g» To tale ohange is given by European grammarians the aeaae of 
aj|Llhpra,iiri^>. *y adaptation of a term med in the native gramaaar. 

)IM. A. ehett a, of root or ending, is not infrequeatly lost becweea 
oouaojtauU in a weakened syllable: thus, in verb-forms, ghnanti, apaptam, 
t*4mfrtt, jaj&ua. ajftata; in noun-forms, rajfte, rajftL 

JIM* Uaiea-vowels. AU the simple ▼owels come to sssame la 
vviUiu 04*«* tat aspeet of union-vowels, or Insertion« betweea root er stem 
>m4 oudiug \>l luttectiou or of derivation. 

e> Tttt oharacter belongs oftenest to i, which is Tery widely ased: 
i 4*4*4« Uo a of torist and future and desiderati?e etems, as in ajlvisam, 
i^fytMi jiltvlalnü; 2. in tense-inflection, espeeially perfeet, as jijl- 
vUit&i o**kewa*Uy also preeent, as'anitl, r6diti; 3. in deriration, as 
itxtt< %>4*älVM»» janitf, rooisnü, etc. etc. 

V* lvt*4 * l* «ssd sometimes instead of *hort: thus, agrahifam, 
i^,a,Hv%)<iyVi toravlti« vtvadlti; taritf, savitf; it is also often intro- 
^•f^ Mm* a aad t of the 2d and 9d sing, of verbe: thus, aais, aalt. 

^ tfvt <M*ll» wspeeting these, and the more irregulär and sporadie 
'*, ;>-.*u44v^ v4 U- 4ad a-vowels in the same character, see below. 

Nasal Inorement. 

^f* WM¥ I« roots and in endinga, a distinction of stronger and 
w^V>K *MW* ^ ^Nry often made by tbe presence or absence of a 
nM*A x>MN^t % »aaal mute or abusvära, before a followiog con- 
s\^\^t ^ a^^v^aL the stronger form ia doubtless the more original; 
>^\»v \* t%^ ^^»VMl Kondition of the language, the nasal has come in 
atvtt ^ta*^^ ^ **»m, and to some exten t also to be nsed, as an 
v>tv*H> «v^t^^^H element, introduced under eertain conditiona 
n^ ft*«*«V* ««4 l»i«cÜ?e proeesses. 

87 Nasal Imcrement. f — SM 

a. KxftfiiplM are, of roots: ac and afti , grath and grantb, vid 
and wind, da$ and daAc,, »ras and srana, d|"h and dj»n.b: of endings, 
bharantam and bharatft, manasl and manS&ai. 

250. A final n, whether of item or of root, ii lese stable than any 
other consonant, where a weaker form 1s called for: thai, from rajan we 
have rajft and rajabbia, and In eomposition raja; from dhanfn, dhani 
and dhanibhta and dhani; from yhan we have hatha and hata, etc. 
A final radical m is aometimes treated in the same way: thus, from |/gam 9 
gahf, gatam, gata, gati. 

267. Inserted n. On the other band, the nasal n hat eome to be 
med with great — and, in the later hittory of the langnage, with increasing 
— freqnency as a union-consonant, inserted between vowels: thos, from agnf, 
agnin a and agnln&m ; from midhu, madhunaa, midhunl, madhünl ; 
from c,lwa, qivena, c,ivani, c,iv&nam. 

268. Inserted y. a. After final S of a root, i y ii often found as 
apparently a mere union-consonant before another Towel : thos y in inflection, 
adhayi etc. (844), eayayati etc. (1042), civayas etc. (808 o), gayati 
etc. (701 e); farther, in derivation, -gaya, -yayam, dftyaka ete.; 
-sthayika; payana, -gayana; db&yas, -hayas; athäyin etc. (manv 
cases); -hltayin, -tatftyin; sthayuka. 

b. Other more sporadie cases of inserted y — such . as that in the 
pronoun-forms ayam, iyam, vayam, yüyam, frvayam; and in Optative 
Inflection before an ending beginning with a vowel (500) — will be polnt- 
ed out below in their connection. 


259. Reduplication of a root (originating doubtleas in its com- 
plete repetition) has come to be a method of radical inerement or 
strengthening in various fonnative processes: namely, 

a. in present-stem formation (042 ff.): as dad&mi, bibharmi; 

b. in perfect-stem fonnation, almost universally (782 ff.): astatäna, 
dadhau, cakara, rireca, lulöpa; 

c. in aorist-stem formation (850 ff.): as adldharam, acraoyavam; 

d. in intensive and desiderative-stem formation, throughout(1000ff., 
1020 ff): asjaflghanti, johavlti, marmrjy ate ; pfpaaati, Jighanaati ; 

e. in the formation of derivative noun-stems (1148 e): as papri, 
oaroara, saaahf, eikitü, malimluoa. 

f. Roles for the treatment of the reduplication in these «everal cases 
will be gtoen in the proper connection below. 

200. As, by reason of the strengthening and weakening changes 
indicated above, the same root or stem not seldom exhibits, in the 
processes of inflection and derivation, varieties of stronger and weaker 
form, the distinetion and description of these varieties forms an im- 
portant pari of the subjeets hereafter to be treated. 

861—] IV. Declehsion. gg 



801. The general aubjeut of declenaion includea nouna, adjectiree, 
and pronouns, all of which are inflected in eaaentially the aame manner. 
But while the correapondence of douqb and adjectWea is so cloee that 
they cannot well be separated in treatment (obap. V.), the pronouna, 
which ezhiblt many pecnlaritiee, will be best dealt with in « separate 
ehapter (VII.) ; and the words deaignating samber* or numerala, aUo 
form a claaa peculiar enoagh to require to be preaented by them- 
aelvea (chap. VI.). 

868. Declensional forma ahow primarily eaae and num- 
ber; but they also indioate gender — sinoe, though the 
distinctions of gender arc made partly in the stem itaelf, 
they also appear, to no inconaiderable extent, in the changes 
of infleotion. 

263. Oender. The genders are three, namely maaeu- 
line, feminine, and neuter, as in the other older Indo-Kuro- 
pean languagea; and they follow in general the aame laws 
of distribution as, for example, in Oreek and Latin. 

a. The only words which ihow no sign of gender-distinctlon am the 
personal pronouns of the flrst and second person (491), and the nnmerals 
abOT« four (483). 

864. Number. The numbera are three — aingular, dual, 
and plural. 

a. A few words ars used only in the plural: as diria w/s, &paa woier; 
tho numeral dva ttoo, is dual only ; and, as in other lauguages, many words 
are, by the nature of their use, found to occur only in the Singular. 

866. Ab to the uaea of the numbera, it needa only to be remarked 
that the dual ia (with only very rare and aporadio exceptions) naed 
atrictly in all caaea where two objects are logically iudicated, whether 
diroctly or by coinbination of two iudividuale: thua, glve te dyev- 
vftprthivl ubhe atäm may heaven and earth both be propitious to (Aas/ 
daivaih oa manuaaih oa hotfcr&u vr^va having choeen both Ms divine 
and the human sacrificert, pathor devayÄnaaya pitry&^aaya oa of 
the two paths leading re*pe«tioely to the gods and to the Fathert. 

89 CA8E8. [—868 

a. The dual 1« usod alone (witbowt dva two) properly when the 
dnality of the objecto Indicnted is wall nnderstood ; thns, acvfn&u the two 
Acvins ; indrasya hart Imlrat two bays ; bat tasya dvav aevau staji 
he hos two horte». But now and then the dual Stands alone pregnantly: 
thos, vedarh vedau ved&n va one Veda or two or more than t\co, 
ekasas^a cate two hundred and sixty-one. 

266. Case. The cases are (including the vocaiive) eiglii: 
npminative, aecusative, instrumental, dative, ablative, gen- 
itive, locative, and vocative. 

a. The order in which they are here mentioned la that* establlshed for 
them by the Hindu gramrosrlans, and aeeepted from thesfc by Western 
scholar«. The Hindn names of the cases are founded on this order: the 
nomtnatWe is called prathama first, tbo arcusati*/e dvitlya second, the 
genitWe sas^hl sixth (sc. vibhakti dicision, i. e. case), ete. The objeet 
songht in the arrangement is simply to set next to one another those cases 
which are to a greatcr or less eitent, in one or another number, identical 
in form; and, putting the nominatWe flrst, as leading case, there is no 
other order by which that objeet conld be attalned. The focative is not 
eonsidered and named by the native gramniarians as a case like the rest; 
in this work, it will be giveii in the Singular (where alone it is ever dis- 
tlngulshed from the nomtnatWe otherwise than by accent) at the end of the 
series of cases. 

A compendious Statement of the uses of the cases is given in 
the following paragraphs: 

867. Uses of the Nominative. Tho noroinative Is the case 
of the subjeet of the sentence, and of any word qualifyiog the sub- 
jeet, wbether attributively, in appositioo, or as predicate. 

968. One or two peculiar construetions call for notice: 

a. A predicate nomlnative, instead of an objeetive predicate in the 
accuaatWe, Is used with middle "/erb-forros that slgntfy regarding or calling 
one's seif: thus, somaih manyate papiv&n (RV.) he thinks he hos been 
drinking soma\ sa manyeta puranavit (AV.) he may regard himself as 
wise in ancient things\ durg&d v& äharta 'vocathah (MS.) thou hast 
elaimed to he a savior out of troubh\ fndro br&hmanö bruvärjari 
(TS.) Indra pr et endin g to be a Brahman; katthase satyavädl (R.) thou 
hoastest thyself truthful. Simllarly with the phrase rüparh kf: thus, 
kffn6 rüpaih krtvÄ (TS.) taking on a Mark form (i. e. making shape 
for himself as nur (hat is black). 

b. A word made by iti (1102) logically predicaie to an objeet is 
ordinarily nominathe: thus, 8 v arg 6 loka iti yarb vadanti (AV.) trhat 
they call the hearcnly world; tarn agnistoma ity äeaksate (AR.) it 
they style agnistoma; vidarbharäjatanayaih damayantl 'ti viddhi 
mam (MBh ) khow me for the Vidarbha-kings daughter, Damayantl by 

268—] IV. DECLEN8I0N. 90 

/tarne, HotU coustructlou* are combiued in ajnaih hi balam ity fthufe 
pite 'ty eva tu mantradam (ftf.) for to an ignorant man tkeg give tka 
nanu of 'child', but that of faiher* to one who imparts the taerod UxU. 

o. A ltominatlve, lotternd of t second voeative, is sometimes added to 
a vooative by ca and: thos, indrac, ca somaih pibataih bfhaspate 
(KV.) together with Indra, do ye two drink tk$ $oma, O Brhaspaii! vlcre 
deva yajamänae, ca sidata (TS.) O y« AU-Gods, and the sacrißcer, 

takc seaU! 

868. Uses of the accuaative. The accuaative is etpecially 
the case of the direct object of a transitive verb, and of aoy word 
lualifying that object, aa Attribute or appositive or objektive predi- 
oate. The construction of the verb is eh a red, of course, by its par- 
tiell des and iufinitives; but also, in Sanskrit, by a number of other 
derivatives, having a more or less participial or infinitival character, 
and even sometimes by nouns and adjectives. A few prepoaitions 
are aeoompanied by the accuaative. As leas direct object, or goal 
of motion or action, the accuaative is construed especially with verbs 
of approach and address. It is found osed more adverbiaüy as ad- 
junct of place or time or manner; and a host of ad verbs are accua- 
ative cases in form. T*o aecuaatives are often found as objeets of 
the same verb. 

870. The ose of the aecusative aa direct object of a transitive verb 
and of it* iuflnitives and participles haxdly ueeds Illustration; an example 
or two are: agnim i<jle I praiee Agni; namo bbarantah bringing 
hotnage \ bbüyo d&tum arhaai tkou ekouldst give more. Of predicate 
words qualifying the object, an example is tarn ugraih kyyouü taih 
brahnianam (UV.) htm I make formidable, him a priest. 

271. Of verbal derivatives having so fax a participial charactei that 
they ahare the construetion of the verb, tbe variety is considerable : tams — 

a. Derivatives io u from desiderative stems (1038) have whoftly the 
charaoter of preaent participles: thus, damayantim abhlpaava^ (MB*.) 
deeiring to win Damayantim didrkaur janakatmajam (R.) danring to 
%ee Janaka** daughter. Uarely, also, the verbal uoun in a from such a root: 
thus, svargani abbikankeaya (R.) wiik desire of pmrmdiee. 

b. So-callod primary derivatives in in have the same charactei: thus, 
mtJh karniai (AV.) ioving me % enam abbibhaainl (MBh.) midreemng 
kirn. K\en tho obvioualy secondaxy garbbin has in tJB. the same con- 
struction i tU ua, sirvani bbütani garbby abhavmt ke beemme pregnmnt 
witk all beinge. 

o. Derivatives in aka, iu the later language: as, bbavantam abhi- 
vadaka^ (MBh ) intending to enhUe gou % mithilim avmrodhakafr (TL) 
beeieging JfiiAi&i. 

d. Nouns iu tar, very freqnently in the older laagaage, aad aa perl- 
parasUo future forma (848 ff.) in Ue later: thua, bant* y6 Tftriih 


B&nito 'ta vajaih data maghani (UV.) wAo «faytfA *A<? drag&n, winneth 
booty, bestoweth lorgesses; tau hi 'daih sarvaih hartftrau (JB.) for 
they setze on thi* universe; tyakt&rah aaihyuge pränän (MDh.) risking 
life in battU. 

e. The root itself, in the older 1 anginge, used with the value of a 
present participle at the end of a Compound : thas, yaih yajftaifa paribhtir 
aal (KV.) ickai affering thou Surround est (protectest); ahim apjty pari- 
B^ham (KV.) the dragott ronjining the waters. Also a Superlative of a 
root-stem (468, 471): thas, tvaih vaau devayate vanis^hah (RV.) thou 
ort ehief u inner of trealth for the pious; tt aomaih somapätamä (RV.) 
they two are the greatest drinkers of soma. 

£ The derivative in 1 from the (cspecially the reduplleated) root, in 
the older langtiagc: thnt, babhrir yajraxfa papir^ a6maih dadir gtfy 
(RV.) bearing the thunderbolt, drinking the soma, bestow in g kine\ yajfi&m 
ätanih (RV.) extending the sacrifice. 

g. Derivatives in uka, very frequontly in the nrähmana langnagc: 
thus, vata&nc, ca gh£tuko vfkah (AV.) and the wolf destroys hin caloes; 
veduko väao bhavati (TS.) he wins a garment ; k£muk& enam atrfyo 
bhavanti (MS.) the women fall in love with him. 

h. Other cases are more sporadic: thus, derivatives in a, as {ndro 
df4h& cid arujarj (RV.) Indra breaks up even what is fast; nftl 'va 
'rhari paitf-kaih riktham (M.) by no means entitied to his fathers 
estaU\ — in atnu, as vi$ü cid flrujatnubhih (RV.) with the breakers 
of whaiever is strong; — in atha, as yajath&ya devdn (RV.) to make 
offering to the y<>d.s; — in ana, as tarn niv&rane (MHh.) in restraining 
him; svam&naam iva bhojane' (R.) as if in eaiing one's own flesh; — 
in ani, as aam&tau turvanih «pftanydn (RV.) ocercoming Joes in 
rombats; — in ti, as na tarn dhürtfh (RV.) there is no injuring him; — 
in van, as apac.cfiddaghva 1 'nnam bhavati (MS.) he does not come 
*hort of food\ — in anu, as athira ein namayianavah (KV.) bowing 
feen firm things. 

272. E*amples of an aecusative with an ordinary nonn or adjeetive 
are only ocrasiotial : smh w^rds as anuvrata faithful to, pratlrüpa 
corresponding /o, abhldhfsnu daring to cope with, pratyaftc opposite 
to, niay be regardrd as tnking an arcusative in virtue ol the preposition they 
contain; also anuka. as an uka devi varunam (MS.) the gods are inferior 
to Varuna. RV. has tarn antarvatlh pregnant with him\ and AV. bar« 
majfa k&mena through loving me. 

273. The dirret constrnctlon of cases with prepositions is compara- 
tlvely rosficted in Sanskrit (1123 IT.). With the arcusative aro oftenest 
found pratl, opposiU' <„, in referenre to, etc.; also anu aftrr, in the eonr.*r 
of; antar or antarä between; rarely ati across; abhi against, to; an! 
others (1129). Casc-forms which have asKiimcd a prepnsitional value ar« 
also öfter, used with the arcusative: as antarena, uttarena, dakainena, 
avarena, ürdhvam, r-te. 

874—] Declbnhion. 92 

274. Tue accusatlve ii very often found also es object of verb« waiea 
in the related languagea are not transitive. 

a. It Stands especially as tbe goal of motion, with verba of going, 
bringing, sending, and tbe like: thua, vldarbhan agaman (MBb.) they 
went to Vidarbha\ divaih yayuh (MBb.) they went to heaven; Tanagul- 
man dhAvantah (MBh.) runnmg to woods and bushes; apö d(?am ud 
vahanti (AV.) they carry up waters to the sky; devan yaje (AV.) / 
rnake offer ing to the gods. 

b. WHb verba meaniiig go t tbia ia an extremely common construetion - 
and tbe lue of such a verb witb an abatract noun makea peculiar pbraae* 
of beeoming: thus. samatäm eti he goes to equality (i. e. beeomts equai); 
aa gaoehed badhyatam mama (MBb.) he shaU become llabU to be slain 
by me\ aa paücatvam agatah (H.) he was resohed into theßve elemtents 
{underwent dissolution, died). 

o. Verbs of speaking follow tbe same rule: tbus, tarn abravlt A* 
said to htm, präkro$ad uooäir n&isadham (MBb.) ehe eried out loudly 
to the Nishadhan, yaa tvo *v£oa (AV.) who spoke to thee. 

d. Tbe assumptlon of an aecusative object ia exceptionally eaay in 
Sanskrit, and such an object is often tak<n by a verb or pbraae which ia 
strictly of intransitiv© rharacter: tbus, sahasä prit *ay anyän (KV.) in 
might thou excellest (lit. art ahead) others, devä ▼&£ brahma a4m 
avadanta (MS.) the gods wtre discussing (lit. were talking togeiher) 
brahman; antAr väf mä yajfiad yanti (MS.) surely they are cuUing 
me off (lit. are going between) from the offvring\ taih aAth babhüva 
(QB.) he had intercourse with her. 

276. Examplea of tbe cognate aecusative, or aecusative of implied 
object, are not infrequent: tbns, tApaa tapy&mahe (AV.) wedopenance\ 
ta hai 'tarn edhatum edharh cakrire ($B.) they prospered with that 
protperity\ usitva aukhavaaam (R.) abiding luippüy. 

276. The aecusative is ofteu naed in more adverbial conttruetions. 

a. Occasionally, to denote meaaure of space: thua, yojana9ataih 
gantum (MBh.) to go a hundred leagues; sa<jl uoohrito yojanani (MBb.) 
six leagues high. 

b. Much more often, to denote meaaure or duration of tlme: thua, aA 
aaihvataarAm ürdbvö 'tiafhat (AV.) he stood a year upright\ tiarö 
rätrir dikaitAh eyAt (TS.) let htm be eonseerated three night* \ gatva 
trin ahorätrAn (MBb.) having traveled three complete dayt. 

c. Sometimea, to denote tbe point of space, or, oftener, of Urne: thua, 
yam aaya d^arh daayuh syät ($B.) whatever region his enemy may 
be »Vi; tenai 'taih ratriih ßahä " jagama (£B.) he arrived that night, 
with htm, imAth rajaniih vyusfcAm (MBh.) this *current night. 

d. Vcry often, to denote manner or acoompanying circumatance. 
Thua, tbe neuter aecusative of innumerablo adjeetives, simple or Compound 

93 Uses OP THE Accusativb. [—279 

(1111), in u*od advcrblally, whilu rertaln kinds of Compound* are thus 
used to Ruch mi cxtcnt ihat tlio Hindu gramruarlans baTe madu of thcm a 
special adverbial elass (1313). 

e. Special casei. aro ocasionally met with: thus, brahmacaryam 
uvaaa (^B.) he kept a term of studenUhip ; phalaih paeyante (MS.) they 
ripen their fruit; g£rh divyadhvam (MS., S.) gamble for a eotr. 

877. The aecusative is, of course, freely used with otber cases to limlt 
(he 8arec verb, as tho »ense requires. And whonever it is usablo with a 
▼erb in two different conatractiom, the verb may tnke two acensativea. one 
in *ach eon?truction: and auch combinations are quile frequent in Sanskrit. 
Thus, with verbs of appealing, asking, havtug recourse: as, apö yao&mi 
bheaajom (RV.) I ask the waters for medicine; tv&m aharh satyam 
ieohami (K.) I desire truth fr 6m thee\ tvärh vayaih 9ara$arh gataVrji 
(MBh.) we have resorted to thee for suecor; — with verbs of bringing, 
sending, following, lmparting, aayiug: as, gurutvaih naraih nayanti (H.) 
they bring a man to retpectability ; Sita ca 'nvetu marh van am (lt.) 
und iet Sita arcompany me to the formt \ eupe^asarh ma 'va sr/janty 
aatam (KV.) they Ut me go home well adomed; tarn idam abravit (Mlth.) 
thi* he said to her; — and in other less common cases: a?, vr/ksaih pakvaih 
phalaih dhünuhi (RV.) shake ripe fruit from tke tree\ taih vlaam 
9vi v dhok (AV.) poison he mühed from her; jitva rajyarh nalam 
(MBh.) having won the kingdomfrom Nala; amusrjritaih panixb g&fy (R v ) 
ye robbed the Pcoii ofthe kine; draa^um icchavaji putraih pa$olmadar- 
Cjanam (1c.) we wish to see our ton for the last time. 

a. A catiftative form of a transitive verb regularly admtta two aecu- 
satWe objecto: thus, dev&A UQatah payayft havirj (KV.) make the enget 
gods drink the oblation ; osadhlr eva phalaih grfthayati (MS.) he make* 
the plant* bear fruit ; vanljo dapayet karftn (M.) he should cause the 
merchants to pay taxes. But auch a causative lometimes Ukes an instru- 
mental insiead of a second aecusative: see 288 b. 

878. Uses of the Instrumenta). The instrumental is orig- 
inally the with-emse: it denotes adjaeency, aecompaniment, sssociation 
— passing over into the expreseion of moans and instrument by the 
sarae transfer of meaning which appears in the Eoglish prepositions 
with and by. 

a. Nearly all the tises of the casc are readily deducible from this 
fundamental meaning, and show nothing anomalous or difflcult. 

879. The instrumental is often used to signify aecompaniment: thus, 
agn(r devebhir & gamat (KV.) may Agni eome hither along with the 
gods; marüdbhl rudrarh huvema (RV.) we would call JRudra with the 
Maruis; dvaparena aahayena kva yasyaai (Mfth.) whither teilt thou 
go, with Dräpara for cömpanion? kathayan naisadhena (MBh.) talking 
with the Nishadhan. But the relation of simple aecompaniment is morr 
often helpcd to plaincr fiprrsston by preposition? (saha etc.: 884). 

54ÖO— J IV. OüCL^NöiON. 94 

880. Tbe ioitrumenul of means or Instrument or ageat U yet 
frequent: thus, bhadrarh karnebhiri ffnuyama (RV.) ftury te« JUar 
teäA our ears what is propitious; castrena nidhanam (MBh.) doath by 
the sword\ keoit padbhy&ih hata gaj&ir^ (MBh.) #om« teer* staut by <&« 
elephante with their feet\ pfthak pftnibhyftm * M1,hha tf^iiHir 
navanitena 'nguathopakanisthik&bhy&in akalnl ajya(AQS.) anoint- 
ing their eye* with fresh butter, by help of the bunches of darbha-^roM, 
with the thumb and ring-Jinger, using the two hands successively. And 
this passet essily over into the expression of occasiou or reason (for which 
the ablative is mora frequent): thus, kfpayft through pity; tena aatyena 
in virtue of that truth. 

281. Of special applications, the following mty be noticed: 

a. Accordance, equality, likeness, and the like: thus, »*w»A«h jyöftft^ 
sdryena (AV.) a brightnee$ equal with the tun; yeslm aham na 
padarajaaft tulyah (MBh.) to the du$t of whose feet I am not equal, 

b. Priee (by which obuined): thus, da^abhiri krinati dhennbhir^ 
(KV.) he buy» with ten kine\ gavArh 9ata8ahaarena diyat&ni eaball 
mama (K.) let Qabatä be given me for a hundred thonsand cows\ sa ia 
'kaahrdayaih data raja '^vahfdayena väi (MBh.) the kmg will yive 
thee the secret eeience of dice in return for that of horses. 

o. Medium, and hence also spaee or distance or road, traversed: thus, 
udn& na navam anayanta (UV.) they brought [him] ae it were a ehip 
by water; e 'he, yAtarfa pathibhir devayanairi (RV.) come hiiher by 
god-traveled paths; jagmur vihayaeft (MBh.) <Aey went of through 
the air. 

d. Time passed through, or by the lapse of whioh anything is brooght 
about: thus, vidarbhan yatum iooh&my ek&hnft (MBh.) I wieh to go 
to Vidarbha in the couree ofnne day\ te ca k&lena mahatft yauvanam 
pratipedire (R.) and they in a long time attained adole$cenee\ tatra 
k&lena j&yante minavft dirghajivlnarji (M.) there in time are born 
men long-lived. This ose of the instrumental borders upon that of the 
locatlve and ablative. 

e. Tbe part of tho body 011 (or by) which anything is borae 1s usoally 
expressed by the instrumental: as, kukkurarji akandheno "hyate (H.) 
a dog ie carried on the Shoulder; and this construction is extended to such 
cases as tulayä kftam (H.) put on (i. e. so ae to be carried by) a balance. 

f. Not iufrequent are sach phrases as bahunl kirn pral&pena (R.) 
what is the use of (i.e. is gained hy) mueh talking? ko nu me jivitenl 
Ythah (MBh.) what object is life to me? nirujaa tu kirn auaadhairi 
(H.) but what hos a well man to do with medieinee? 

g. An instrumental of accompaiilmeut ia occasionally used almost or 
quite witb the valuo of an instrumental absolute: thus, na tvayÄ *tra 
may& 'vaathitena ka *pi oint& karya (Pafie.) with me at hana\ thou 
neeiTst feel no anxiety whatever on this point. 


282. a. The cotistruotion of a passive Tcrb (or partlclple) wlth an 
instrumental of the agent la common from tho earliest perlod, and beeomeit 
decidedly more so later, the passive particlple wlth instrumental taking to 
no smal extent the place of an acilvo vnrb with its subjeet. Thus, yamena 
dattAr^ (RV.) given by Yama; fatbhlr f<Jyafc (RV.) 4o be praiaed by 
sage*; vyadhena jalath vietirnam (II.) by the hunter a net [was\ epread; 
tao ohrutvä jaradgaveno 'ktam (H.) Jaradgava, Hearing ihis, $aid; 
mayA gantavyam (H.) I shaÜ go. A predicate to the instrumental snbject 
of such a construetion is, of courso, also in the instrumental : thus, adhuriB 
tava *nuoarena mayA earvathA bhavitavyam (H.) hence/orth I thall 
always be thy companion; avahit&ir bhavitawyam bhavadbhi^L (Vlkr.) 
you must be attentice. 

b. A causatlve verb sometimes takes an instrumental instead of an 
aecnsatire as serond objeet: thus, tAm c,vabhi(i kh&dayed rajÄ (M.) 
the hing should have her devoured by dogs; t& varunenA 'gr&hayat 
(118.) he eaused Varuna to $eize them. 

283. Many instrumental constrnrttons are Mich na call in translatlon 
for other preposltions than with or by; yet the trno instrumental relation is 
ntually to be traced, especially If the etymologlcal sense of the words be 
earefully considered. 

a. More anomalously, however, the instrumental is used interehangeably 
with the ablative wlth words signifying Separation: thus, vatsaCr viyntä^i 
(RV.) separated from their calves; m£ 'harn atmana v{ radhisi (AV.) 
let me not be eevered from the breath of life; sa taya Tyaynjyata 
(MBh.) he was parted frotn her; pApmAnAi Val 'nam vi punant! (MS.) 
they eieatue htm from evil (compare English parted tcitJt). The umo 
meaning may be gWen to the case even when accompanled by aaha with: 
thus, bhartra aaha viyoga^ (Mßh.) eeparation from her hueband. 

284. The preposltions taking the instrumental (1127) are those sig- 
olfying with and the like: thus, aaha, with the adverbial words contalning 
am as an dement, as aikam 9 aArdbam, aaratham; — and, in general, 
a word compounded with sa, sam, paha takes an instrumental as its regulär 
and natural romplement. Bat also the preposttion vlna without takes 
sometimes the instrumental (cf. 283 a). 

285. Uses of the Dative. The datire is the case of the 
indirect objeet — or that toward or in the direction of or in order 
to or for which anything is or is done (either intransitively or to a 
direct objeet). 

a. In more physlcal conneotions, the uses of the dattve approach those 
of the arcusative (the more proper fo-case), and the two are sometimes 
lnterthatig*able; but the general valne of the dative ns the Unrard- r*r for- 
rate Is almost cvrrywhere distinctly to be traced. 

286. ThtiA, the dative is used with — 

a. Words signifying give, share out } assign, and the like: thus, y6 na 
dadati aakhye (RV.) who gives not to a friend; yacohä 'amAi c&rma 
(RV.) bestote upon htm protection. 

286— J IV. Deolunsion. % 

b. Words signifying show, announoo, d Klart, and the like: thus, 
dhanur darcaya rämaya (K.) show the bow io Mama; Ävir ebhyo 
abhavat adrya^i (RV.) tho sun was manifested io them\ ftuparnaih 
bhimaya pratyavedayan (Mßh.) they announced Riiuparna io Bhuna; 
tebhyah pratijnaya (MBh.) having promised io them. 

o s Words signifying gips attention, kave a regard or feeHng, asptre, 
and tbe like: thus, niveqäya mano dadhuh (MBh.) they toi their mifds 
upon encamping; mate *va putrebhyo m?4* (AV.) 60 graeious as a 
moiher to her sons; kim asmabhyaih bf-nfse (RV.) why ort thou.angry 
at tut kämäya epfhayaty &txn& (Spr.) the soul longo for love, 

d. Wonls signifying please, suit, conducs, and the like: thus, yadyad 
rooate viprebhyah (M.) whatever is pleasmg io Brahmahs; lad 
ananty&ya kalpate (KU.) that makes for immortality. 

e. Words signifying inclination, obeisanee, and the like: taus» mahyaih 
namant&m, cataarah (RV.) Ut the/our quarter* bow theauelves 
to m« ; devebhyo naxnaskftya (MBh.) having paid homage io ths gods. 

f. Words signifying hurling or casting: u yena dü^loe aayaai (AY.) 
with which ihou hurlost at the impious. 

g. In some of these constractions the genitive and locative are also 
used: see below. 

887. In its more distinotivo sense, as signifying /or, for the beneJU 
of, with reference to, and the like, the dative is nsed freely, and In a 
great variety of coustructions. And this use passes over lnto that of the 
dative of end or purpose, which is extremely common. Thus, iauih kyn- 
vana aaanaya (A V.) making an arrow for hurling ; gy hnami te aau- 
bhagatvaya haataxn (RV.) Hake ihy hand in order to happiness; rfts^raya 
mAhyaih badhyataih aapatnebhyar^ parabhüve (AV.) be ü bound 
on in order to royalty for tne, in order io dettruction for my susiiss. 

a. Such a dative is much used predicatively (and oftenest with the 
copula omitted), in the sense ot makes for, tends toward; also is mtemded 
for, and so rnust; or is liable to, and so can. Thus, upade^o mttrkh*piih 
prakopaya na o.antaye (H.) good eounsel [tends] io the exasperation, 
not the eoneiliation, of fools\ sa oa taaya^ aaibtoaiya na 'bhavat (H.) 
and he was not to her satisfaction\ angopi aai nA dAbhäya (KV.) 'tkou 
art a good herdsman, not orte for cheating (i. e. not io be cheated), 

b. These uses of the dative are in the older langnage especially illus- 
trated by the dative inflnitives, for which see 882. 

288. The dative is not used with prepositions (1124). 

289. Uses of the Ablative. The ablative is the /rom-case 
in the various senses of that preposition ; it is used to express removal, 
Separation, dUtinction, issue, and the like. 

200. The ablativo is used where oxpulsioii, removal t distinotion, re- 
leasc defense, and other kindred relatioos are expressed : thus, te sjadbanti 
patho vfkam (AV.) they drioe away the wolf from the path; mÄ pra 

97 U.3E8 op tue Ablative. [—292 

g&ma pathah (KV.) tnay we not go atcay fr mn tlte path; eli vi eaa 
yajnaniukhat (MS.) he verily goes atcay from the face ofihe sacrijice; 
Ir6 asmad astu hetih (AV.) far from us be your missile; pataih no 
vfkftt (RV.) save us from the wolf; astabhnftd dy&m avasraaah (RV.) 
he kept (lit. made firm) the sky from faliing. 

291. Tbe Ablative is used where procedura or iwue from somothlng 
as from a source or starting-puint \* signiüed : thus, «jukrä kfsn&d aja- 
nis(n (RV.) Vic hright one has been born firom the block one; lobhat kro- 
dhaii prabhavati (Mhh.) passion arises from greed\ v&t&t te pr&nam 
avidam (AV.) I have won thy life-breath from the wind; ye> pracya di$6 
abhidasanty asman (AV.) who attack us from the eastern quarter; tac 
chrutvä sakhigan&t (Mlth.) having heard thatfrom the troop of friends; 
vayur antariksad abhaaata (MBh.) the wind spoke from the sky. 

a. Ilence also, procedure a* from a causa or oecaslon is slgnlfled by 
the ablative : tbis is especlally frequent in tbe later langaage, and in tech- 
ntcal pbraseology is a Standing constructlon ; lt borders on Instrumental 
ronstrurtions. Tbus, vajrasya QUfjn&d dad&ra (RV.) from {by reason 
<*f) the fury of the thund erholt he hurst asunder; yasya dan^abhayät 
sarve dharmam anurudhyanti (MBh.) from fear of whose rod all are 
constant to duty; akäramir;ritatvad ekärasya (Tribb.) hecaute e con- 
tains an e leinen t of a. 

b. Very rsrely, an ablative has the sense of öfter: tbus, agaoehann 
ahor&trät tlrtham (MBh.) they went to the ehr ine ifter a whole day\ 
takär&t sakftre takärena (APr.) öfter %, before a, m imerted t 

292. Ono or two spoclal applications of the ablative constructlon are 
to be noticed: 

a. The ablative wlth words implying fear (terrifled recoil from): tbus, 
tasya jfitaya^ sarvam abibhet (AV.) everything was afraid ofher at 
her birth; yasmftd rejanta kr-stayah (RV.) at whom mortale tremble; 
yuamad bhiya (RV.) through fear of you; yasmftn no 'dvijate lokah 
(BhO.) of tchom the world is not afraid. 

b. The ablative of comparison (distlnction i'-om): thus, pra ririoe 
diva (ndrar^ pr/thivyah (RV.) Indra is greater than the heaven and the 
earth. With a comparative, or other word used in a kindred way, the abla- 
tive is the regulär and almost constant constructlon: thus, sv&dö^ avidl- 
yafc (KV.) eweeter than the eweet; kiifa tasmäd dur^khataram (MRh.) 
trhat is more painful than that? ko mitr&d anyah (D.) who eise than a 
friend; ga avfnltha mat (AB.) thou hast chosen the hine rather than me\ 
ajfiebhyo granthinarjL ^res^hä granthibhyo dharino vartty (M.) 
possessors of texts are hetter than ignorant men; rememberers are better 
t/tan possessors; tad anyatra tvan n( dadhmasi (AV.) we set this 
down elsewhere [away) from thee; parva vfgvasmäd bhüvanat (RV.) 
variier than all beings. 

o. Occasionally, a probably possessive genitive is used with the com- 
parative; or an instrumental (as in a comparison of equality) : thus, 
Whitney, Gram mar. 3. ed. 1 


292—] IV. Declension. 0' 

na *Bti dhanyataro mama (lt.) there U no onc more f**rlmiale Üw.n i 
(i. e. my super ior in fortune); putraih mama pr&nair gartyaaam 
(MBh.) a son dearer than my life. 

d. Occasioually, an Ablative is used iustead of a ptrtitive genitive. 
tbus, mithun&d ekam jagbäna (R.) be s/ew ont out of the piir; 
tebhya ekam (KSS.) one of them. 

293. The ablative ia used with a yariety of prcpositions and worJ; 
sharing a preposilional character (1128);' but all these have rathör an ad- 
verbial value, as strengthening or deflning the /rom-reUtton, than an> 
proper governing force. We m«y notice here: 

a. In the Veda, Adhi and pari are much used as directing and stiongfk- 
enlng adjunets with the ablative: as, jäto himAvataa pari (AV.) born 
from the Himalaya (forth)\ aamudrad adhi jajfiiae (AV.) thou art 
born from the ocean\ carantam pari taathuaah (UV.) moviny f»rth 
from that tohich Stands fast. 

b. Also purä (and puraa), in the sense of forward from, *ud lunc«: 
before: as, purä jArasarji (UV.) before old aye: and hence .>Uo, \\i\\\ 
words of protection and the like, from: as c,acamänah pu~a nirt&h 
(UV.) securing from ill-wiU. 

o. Aleo a, in the sense of hither from, all the xcuy from: as. a Uxuläd 
anu eusyatu (AV.) let it dry comp It Uly up from Ute root; lAp&ßttd & 
nadyö näma atha (AV.) since that time ye are callcd rinvrs. hat t.'-.ii- 
ally, and «rspecially in the later language, the rocasureiiiciii oi intr.' 
implicil in ä i* reversed in direction, and the coiMruction me%i. » { i(i {.$.. 
xvay to f until: as yati giribhya a eamudrat (UV.) going fron f.*.«» 
mountains to the ocean\ a 'eya yajüaayo 'dfcah (VS.) until the <v«»' r.f 
this sacrißet-y & exxjia^&t (M.) tili Ihe sixteenth ycar\ ä pradaiitit (\ ) 
until her marriuge. 

294. Uses of the Genitive, a. The proper valiic r.i :U 
genitivo is adjeetival; it belongs to nud qualifies a iiöud. deaLrnAii v x \ 
somothing relatiog to the latter in a niMmor which tl-c natura ei* \i.v 
case, or the connoction, defines niore ncarly. Othor genitive c« In- 
structions, with adjeetive or verb or preposition, appear to arta: om 
of this, by a more or less distinctly traceable conoection. 

b. The ußo of the genitive haa become uiuch extendod, eap.s- 
cially in the later language, by attribution of a noun-churaoter to the 
adjeetive, and by pregnant verbal construetion, so that it often bears 
the aspect of being a Substitute for other cases — üb dativo, instru- 
mental, ablative, locativo. 

296. The genitive In iU normal adjeetive construetion with a uoun 
or pronouu is cUssifiable iuto the usual varietics: as, genitive of possessimi 
or appurtenance, innludiug the complement of implied relation — this is, 
as elsewhere, the commonest of all; the so-called partitive genitive; tho 
subjeetive and objeetive genitives; and so on. Genitives of apposition or 


«••H iv.ii-nro [rili/ of Jtomr), atid of rharvtciHI'*, [man of honor), «lo not 
occtir, and hanlly that <f material {house of wood). Kxamplcs ar«: fndra- 
sya vajrah Indras thunderbolt; pitä putranam father ofsons; putrah 
pitu^i son of the father; pltufc kftmah putrasya the father' $ lote of the 
son; ke nah whieh of im; (jatain dasln&m a hundrtd female slaves. 

a. The cxpresMon of posscssion etc. on tbe part of prononns is male 
atmost cntirely by the genUtre eise, and not by a derived possessive ad- 
JeeUve (516). 

b. Etceptional casts llke nagarasya m Arg ah the road to the eity 
(»f. le chemin de Paris), yasya *hani düta ipsita^i (MBh.) as messenger 
to trhom I am wanted, are occasionally roet witb. 

296. The gentlive U dependent on an adjerttve: 

a. A so-called partifive genitlve with a Superlative, or another word 
of slmtlar substantival vaiuc: thtis, Qre8(haxh virinam best of heroes; 
virüdhäth viryavati (AV.) of plants the mighty {mightiest) one 

b. Very often, by a tr*n$fer of the possessive genilive from noun to 
adjeeilve, the adjeelivo being treated as ff it had itonn-valne: thns, tasya 
samah or anurüpah or sadr^ah resembUng htm (i. «\ his like); tasya 
priya dear to him {his dear one); tasya 'vidi tarn unknown to him {hin 
unknown thing); havyaq carsanlnam (RV.) to he xaerißeed to hy mortals 
{their ohjeet of sacrifice); Ipsito naran&rinAm (Mllh.) desired of men 
and women {their ohjeet of desire); yasya kasya pvasütah (H.l of 
whomsoewr hörn {his son); hantavyo 'smi na te (MRV) / am not to 
A« slain of thee; kim arthtnarh vancayitavyam asti (II.) why ?h<*uld 
there he a deeeiving of suppliantsf 

c. In part, by a constftiction sirallar to that of verbs whlch fake a 
genitlve objeet: thu«, abhijna räjadharmänäm (R.) understanding the 
dnties of a hing. 

297. Thn genitive as objeet of a %orb Is: 

a. A possessive genitlve of tho reeipient, by pngtm.f »•onstrrrtion, 
with verbs sigiiifying give, impart, communicate, and ihr lik«' : thns, varAn 
pradlyft *sya (MHh.) having hestoived gifts upon him {made them his hy 
brstowaJ); rfijno nivedltam (If.) it was made known to the hing {made 
his hy Knowledge); yad anyasya pratijftaya punar anyasya dlyate 
(M.) that öfter being promised to one she is given to another. Thls ron- 
Mnic Ion, by whlch the geniüvc b( comes snbstitote for a dative or lecafive, 
aboiinda in the laier langua^e, and I* extended sometimes to problctnatlc 
and dlfncult ca<es. 

b. A (In mo«t w»se-«, proba«>ly) pirlHive jrenitlvc, a< a los« compl^t«* 
c-r le«s absoluta objrrt tlian an arrnsative: thus. with >crhs meanin? partnke 
{,nt y drink, rt-.). as p{ba siitdsyft (AV.) drink {of) the soma\ mndhvah 
päyaya (PV.) cause to drink the steeet draught\ — with verbs rneanln? 
impart (of the tHng impnrt««i) ot.\, as dadäta no amf tasya (RV.) hrstotr 
npon us immortality; — with vorb* meaiiins: enjoy* he satisßed or filffd 


886—] IV. Declbksion. 100 

with: a% matsy Andhaaah (RV ) do thou rnjoy tÄe Juice; ajyaaya 
pürayanti (S.) theg ftll with butter; — with verba meaniug pereeive, noie, 
care /</r, regard *ith feeling of varioua kinds: as, viaiathaaya stuvata 
tndro aqrot (KV.) Indra lietened to Vasühtha wko wa$ praisimg Amt; 
yathft niama amarat (AV.) (hat he mag tkink of im; taaya oukopa 
(MBh ) he wo* angry at him. 

O. A genitive of more doubtful chaxacter, with verbs meauiug ruU or 
Anw authoritg : as, tvaxn ifiae vaaünam (RV.) thou art iard of good 
thi»ge\ yAth* 'ham eaam virajani (AV.) that I mag ruie over them- 
kathaih mr/tyuri prabhavati veda^aatravidam (M.) how ha» deaih 
power over thoee wko know the Vedae and treatiseet 

d. A genitive, instead of in ablaufe, is sometimes found nsed witb a 
verb of recelting of any kiod (hearlng indnded), and witb one of torlos : 
thus, yo raj&arji pratigrlup&ti lubdhaaya (M.) whoever aeeepis a giß 
from a greedg k**g; 9P(pi me (MBh.) leam from me\ bibblmaa tava 
(Müh.) we are afraid of thee. 

888. A genitive iu its asual posiessive sense U oftea fbond aa predi- 
eate, aud not seldom wiib tbe copula omitted: thu«, yaihat *ao rnama 
kevala^ (AV.) tkai thou mögest be whoüg mime; aarvah aaihpaUayaa 
taaya aaihtua^aih yaaya manaaam (H.) aü good fortunos are Am wko 
hus u contented mind,— as obj*tivc predicate, bhartu^ putradl vjjA- 
nanti (M ) theg rtcognise a »oh as the hiuboHoT». 

288. a. Tb« proportional constructions of tbe ginitive (1130) are for 
llut inoat pari witb *uch prepo»itioua as aru really nouu-catus and have tbe 
go>eruweut of *ucb : thua, agre, artha, kfte, and tbe Uke; also witb 
utber prepoaltioual words which, iu tbe gtneral looaeneia of lise of ihe 
geuitiv«! hav« become a*eimilated to tbeee. A few more real prepositloai 
tako tbe gonlUve: eitber ainally, like upari aboce, or oecasionally, like 
adhaa, antar, Ali. 

b* A genitife i* occaaionaJly uaed in tbe older Unguape witb an 
adv«rb } eitber of place or of time: ibu?, yatra kva ca kurukaetriaya 
(rB.) im wkutever part of KuruUhetra, yAtra tu bhumer jiyeta (MS.) 
oh wkat tpot of earth he mag be born\ idanim ahna^ (RV.) at law 
time of the dag ; yaayft ratryah prfttah (MS.) oh the morn of what 
nighti dvirji aaihvataaraaya (K.) twice a gear. Sucb expie*eion as tbe 
Uat occur also later. 

300. a. Tbe genitive ia very little uaed adterbially; a few geuitives 
uf time occur iu tbe older langaage: a*, aktoa bg night, yaatoa bg dag\ 
Aud tbexe are found later aucb caaea aa kaaya oit kalaaya (() öfter * 
cortain time ; tatah kalaaya mahatah prayayftu (R.) then öfter a long 
time he went forth. 

b. A geuitive, original ly of poesessioo, paaaing over lnto ooe of geaexal 
cunceiuuient, eoniea in tbe later language (tbe coustruction la unknown 
eailier) to be uaed aSaolntely, witb aa agreeing partlciple, or qnita nrely 

101 U8ES OF THE LOCATIVE. [ — 802 

an adjcctive. l-'oi ■■■ stich ras< s as ihr following — paC,yaU> bakamürkha- 
sya nakulalr bhaksitäh siit&h (II.) of the foolish heran, white he 
hoked an, the ymny tnrr raten hy Ihr ichneumons, or gato 'rdharÄtrah 
kathäh kathayato mama (KSS.) half n\y night was pasaed in telting 
storics, or kartavyasya karraanah ksipram akriyamanasya kalarjt 
pibati tadraaam (II.) of a work needing to be done but U/t undone time 
quiekly drinks up its essencc — rom« into currency, by increasing Indepen- 
denen of the genitlvc, sur.h othcr caacs as: divarh jagama munlnftifa 
pa^yat&rh tadä (It.) he went then to hraven, the aseetics looking on\ evaih 
lalapataa taaya devadütas ttdft *bhyetya vakyam aha (MBh.) as he 
thus lamented, a divine messenger Coming addressed him ; iti vädlna eva 
9 sya dhenur ävavrte vanat (Ragh.) white He thus spoke, the cow eamefrotn 
the forest. The genitive always lndtcates a living actor, and the partlciple is 
osually one of seeing or hearing or utterlng, «special ly the forme r. The con- 
itruction li said by the Hindu grammarians to convey an implication of disregard 
or despite; and such ii often to be recognlzed in it, though not prevallingly. 

801. Uses of the Locative. a. The locative Is propcrly the 
i«-cMe, the case expressing Situation or location; bat its sphore of 
nie has boen somewhat extonded, so as to touch and overlap the 
boundaries of other cases, for which it seems to be a Substitute. 

b. Unimportant variations of the senso of in are thoso of amid 
or among, on, and at. Of coursc, also, Situation in time as well as 
place is indicated by the case; and it is applied to yet lcss physical 
rclations, to sphern of actlon and feeling and knowledge, to State of 
thlngs, to mccottip.iiiying cirr.mnstance; und out of this last grows the 
frequent nse of the locative as the case absolute. 

e. Moreover, by a pregnant construetion, the locative is used 
to denote the place of rest or cessation of action or motion [into or 
on to instead of in or on; Qerraan in with aecusative instead of dative: 
coinpare English there for thither). 

80S. a. Tli<! locative of Situation in Space hanlly ncods Illustration. 
An eiample or two are: ye deva divi stha (AV.) tchich of you gods 
are in heaven; na devesu na yaksesu tfidfk (MBh.) not among gods 
or Yakshas is such a one ; parvataaya prathe (RV.) on the ridge of the 
mountain; vidathe Santa devdh (RV.) may the gods be at tlie assemb/y; 
daQame pade (MBh.) at the tenth step. 

b. The locative of time indicates the point of time at which anything 
takes place: thus, asyd usaeo vyüst^äa (RV.) at Ute shining forth of 
this da im; etaaminn eva kftle (MBh.) at just that time; dvädace vars© 
(MBh.) in the twelfth year. That the aecusative is occasionally used in 
thU sense, Instead of the locative, was pointed out above (270 c). 

c. The person wlth whom, instead of the place at which, one is or 
rernains is put in the locative: thus, Hstbanty asmln pa(java£ (MS.) 
animals ahide with him; gurau vasan (M.) licing at a teachers; and, 
pregnantly, tftvat tvayi bhavisy&mi (MBh.) so long will I eleave to tkee. 

303— j IV. Declension. 102 

303. The locative of tphere or condition or circoiustai:ce ii of very 
frequent uio : thua, made ahim indro jaghäna (RV.) in fury Iudra slew 
the dragon ; mitrasya aumatäu syama (KV.) may we lt in the facor 
of Mitra\ te vacane ratam (MBh ) delighted in thy icvrds. 

a. Thls construction is, ou the one band, generalized into an expres- 
tion for in the matter or case of oi with reference tu, resptctiny, and 
takes in the later languagc a very wide ränge, tonching lipon jrrüiiWe and 
dative construetious : thui, e *mam bhaja grame dQvesu göau (AY.) be 
gener ous to him in retainers, in horses, in cattle\ tain it sakhitva iniahe 
(RV.) him we heg for friendship\ upäyo 'yam mayä drs^a anayane 
tava (MBh.) thi$ means was deoised by tne for (with reference to) bringing 
thee hiiher\ satitve käranam etriyäh (II.) the cause of (in the case of) 
a womaris chastity\ na <jakto 'bhavan nivärane (MBh.) he was not 
capable of preventing. 

b. On the other Land, the expressiou by the lorative of a condition of 
things in wbich auything takes place, or of a conditioniug or accompauying 
cirenmatance, paiaea over iiito a well-marked absolute construction, v/bieb is 
kiiowu even in the earliest atage of the 1 anginge, but becomei raore frequent 
later. Tranaitional examples are: have tva ßÜra udito have ma< 
dhy amdine divah (RV.) / call to thee at the arisen sun (u;hen the tun 
has risen), I call at midtime of the day\ apar&dhe krte 'pi oa na me 
kopah (MBh.) and even in case of an offence committed, there is uo 
anger on my part. 

0. The normal conditiou of the absolute construction U with a parti- 
tiplti accoinpanying thu nouu: thus, stirne barhfsi eamidbänö agnftu 
(KV.) ivhen the barhiß i* streten und thefire kindled\ käle <;ubhe pr&pte 
(MBU.) a propitious time having arrived\ avaaannäyäm räträv aetäoala- 
cü<} Avalambini eandramasi (Ii.) the night having drawn to a dose, 
and the moon rtsting on the sumtnjt of tlte western mountain. 

d. But the uouii nuy be wauting } or may be replaced by an adverbial 
»ubbtltute (ai evam, tathä, iti): thus, varsati tvhen it rains\ [ßürye| 
aatamite after sunset\ adityasya df^yamäne (S.) white there is seen 
[turne part) of the sun\ ity ardhokte ((,) ) with these words hu\f uitcred '; 
aemäbhih samanujnäte (MBh.) it being fully assented to by u* ; evain 
ukte kalina (MBh.) it being thus spoken by Kali; tathä *nus(hite (Ii) 
it being thus aecomplished. So likewise the participle ruay bc wautiug (a 
copula sati or the like having to bo supplied) : (bus, düre bhaye the cause 
of fear being remotc\ while, on the other band, the participle sati etc. is 
soinetimes redundant] y added to the other participle: tbut, tathä kfte sati 
it being thus done. 

e. The locative is frequeutly used adverbially or prcpoaitionally (11 16): 
thus, -arthe or -kfte in the matter of for the sähe tf\ agre In front 
ofi fte without\ aaxnlpe near. 

304. The pregnaut construction by which the locative comes to ex- 
press the goal or objeet of niotlon or action or fecling exercl«od U not 


unominoti from the «arlicst linir. |( \n by im mein* to bc «h.irply dlatiu- 
ruinhed from ihc ordinary ronstrucllon; the two pas* into ono anothcr, with 
* douhtful territory betwecn. It ocnurs: 

a. Kfprci-illy with verbi, *g of arrivlng, fcnding, pliclng, oommuni- 
«ating, bcsto«lng, arid mauy othrrs, in fituations «hero an accusatlrc or 
a dative (or .1 genitlre, 297 a) might bu looked for, and exrhangcable wi»h 
thtm: thu«, sa {d devesu gaochati (KV.) that, truly, goe* to {to be among) 
ihe gntls; imarh no yaj&am amftesu dhehl (KV.) *et Ihis offering of 
nur* among ihr immortal*\ ya fisificanti rasam öaadhiau ( AV ) \rho 
pottr in ihe juirc into the plant* (or, thu juiee that m in the plant*); mä 
praynccho **^vare dhanain (FI.) do not offer wealth to a lord; papftta 
mediny&in (MUh.) he feil to ($0 as to be upon) the earth\ skandhe 
kftvft (II.) piitt'iig <r,% ihe Shoulder; samcjrutya pürvam asmäau (MBh.) 
hiriug before jtromised tis. 

b. Uftcn also with nouns and adjo<t!?es in MmiUr constructfons (the 
!M-tÄi?'*t5 not ulwi\3 easy to separat« from those of the locative uicaning 
irith refrrnci' /.»: ibovc, 303 a): thu«:. dayil sarvabhüteeu comptis'ion 
tetrard oll creitture*\ an u rüg am n&isadhe (MHb.) affertion for the 
yifhaJhan; rajd samyag vr/ttah eadft tvayi (MBh.) the hing ha* alwayt 
hehared piopetbj toicard thee. 

305. Tbc pr^positinn» conttrned with the locathe (1126) stand to it 
onl) in the relation of adverbial elerocnlH Htrcngthening and directlng its 

308. Declensional forms are made by ihe addition of 
eudings to Hie stem, or basc of inflcction. 

a. The stem iteelf, howevor, in many words and classes 
of words, 18 liablc to Variation, especially assutning a stronger 
form in soine cases and a weaker in others. 

b. And betwecn stem and ending are sometimes inserted 
connecting Clements (or whaf, in the recorded condition of 
the language, have the aspect of being such). 

c. Renpecting all theae poinU, the detail» of treatment, aa ezhiblted 
by oarh clasii of words or by singlo word«, will be given in the followiig 

«-haprer». Here, howeTf r, it la deslrable also to preaent a brlaf general *iew 
ff them. 

307. Endings: Singular, a. In tho nominative, tbo usual 
rosse, and fem. ending is s — which, however, ia wanting in derivative 
i and I-steins; it is also euphonically lost (150) by cousonant-stems. 
Netitcrs in general hnvc no ending, but show in this casc the bare 
stem; a-stems alone add m (as in the accus, masc). Among the 
proDoun.«, am is a frequent masc. and fem. nom. ending (and is fonnd 
even iu du. and pl.}; and ueuters show a form in d. 

807—] IV. DfiCLENSION. 104 

b. In tue accus* tivo, m or am is the masc. aud fem. ending 
— am being added after a consonant and f , and after I and ü in the 
radical divisiou, and m elsewhore after vowolß. Tbe neuter acousative 
is like the nominative. 

e. The instrumental ending for all geuders alike U A. With 
final i- and u-vowels, the ä ig variously combined, and in the older 
language it ia sometimes lost by eontraction with them. Sterns in a 
make the case end in ena (sometimes enA in V.), and those in A make 
it ead in ayA; but instances occur, in the early language, of immediate 
addition of ä to both a and A. 

d. The dati?e ending is in general e; and with it likewise the 
uiodes of combi oatioo of i and u final are variouB (and ditappearanee 
by eontraction not unknown in the oldest language). The a-stems 
are quite irregulär in thia case, making it end in ftya — ezeepted is 
the pronominal element -sma, which combines (apparently) with e to 
•smai. In the personal pronouns is found bhyam (or hyam). 

e. A fuller ending fti (like gen.-abl. Aa and loc. Am: see belowj 
belongs to feminine stems only. It is taken (with interpoaed y) by 
tho great class of those in derivative A; also by those in derivative I, 
and (as reckoned in the later language) in derivative ü. And later 
it is allowed to be taken by feminine stems in radical I and ü, and 
oven by those in i and u : these last have it in the earliest language 
in only exceptional instances. For the Substitution of AI for ab I. -gen. 
as, see below, h. 

f. The ablative has a special ending, d (ort), only in a-stems, 
masc. and neut., the a being lengthened before it (except in the per- 
sonal pronouns of Ist and 2d person, which have the same ending 
at in the pl., and even, in the old langnage, in tbe dual). Everywhere 
eise, the ablative is identioal with the genitive. 

g. The genitive of a-stems (and of one pronominal u-stem, 
amu) adds aya. Elsewhere, tbe usual abl.-gen. ending is an; but its 
irregulär! lies of treatment in combination with a stem-final are con- 
siderable. With i and u, it is either directly added (only in the old 
language), added with interpoaed n, or fused to es and oa respeot- 
ively. With f (or ar) it yields ur (or üb: 169b). 

h. The fuller As is taken by feminine stems precisely as AI is 
Uken in the dative: see above. But in the langnage of the Brih- 
manas and Sütras, the dative-ending Ai is regulär ly and commonly used 
inetead of as, both of ablative aud of genitive. See 865 d. 

i. The locative ending is i in consonant- and r- and a-stems 
(fusing with a to e in the latter). The i- and u-stems (nnleas the 
final vowel is saved by an interposed n) make the case end in Au; 
but the Yeda has some relics or traces of the older forme (ay-i (?) 
and av-i) out of which this appears to have sprung. Vedic loeativea 

1 05 Case-endingb. [—309 

frutn t-stanis cnd also in ft and I. Tho pronominal dornen t -ama 
makea the locative -8min. Stoma In an in the older langnage often 
lote the i, and uae the bare stein as loeative. 

J. The ending am ls the loeative correspondent to dat. &i and 
abl.-gen. aa, and ia taken under the aame circumatances: aee above. 

k. The vocative (unlesa by accent: 814) is dtstinguished froro 
the nominative only in the Singular, and not quite alwaya there. In 
a-stema, it is the un alte red stem, and so also in raost consonant-stems ; 
bat neatera in an and in may drop the n; aed the oldest language 
haa aometimes a vocative in s from stems in nt and na. Sterns in r 
ehange ihis to ar. In maac. and fem. i- and u-stems, tho caae ends 
respectfvely in e and o ; in neatera, in the aame or in i and u. Sterns 
in a ehange I to e; derivative I and Q are shortened; radical steins 
in long vowels uae the nominative form. 

308. Dual. a. The dual haa — ezeept so far as tho vocative 
is sometimes distinguished from nominative and aectisative by a dif- 
ference of accent: 314 — only three case-forms: one for nom. t accus., 
and voc; one for instr., dat., and abl.; and one for gen. and loc. 

b. But the pronouna of Ist and 2d person in the older language 
diatinguish five dual cases : aee 402 b. 

o. The roasc. and fem. ending for nom. -accus, -voc. is in the 
later language usually au; but instead of this the Veda has pre- 
vailingly ä. Stems in ä inako the case end in e. 8tema in 1 and u, 
maae. and fem., lengthon thosc vowels; and derivativo I in tho Veda 
remains regularly unchanged, though later it adds au. The neutor 
ending is only i; with final a this combinea to e. 

d. The universal ending for the instr. -dat. -abl. is bhyäm. 
before which final a ia made long. In the Veda, it is often to be 
read as two syllables, bhiäm. 

e. The universal ending of gen. -loc. is os; before this, a and 
a alike becoiuo e (ai). 

309. Plural, a. In the nominative, the general masculine 
and feminine ending is aa. The old language, however, often roakes 
the case in äaaa instead of aa from a-stems, and in a few ezamples 
also from a-stems From derivative I-stems, Ia instead of yaa is the 
regulär and usual Vcdio form. Pronominal a-stems make the roasc. 
nom. in e. 

b. The neutor ending (which is aecusative also) ia in general i; 
and before this the final of a stem is apt to be strengtbened, by 
Prolongation of a vowel, or by Insertion of a nasal, or by both. But 
in tho Veda the hence resulting forms in ani, Ini, uni are frequently 
abbreviated by loss of the ni, and sometimes by further shortening 
of the preceding vowel. 

v Dbulexsion. 106 

.^-...-c -u4ing i» alao aa iu conaouant-stems aud 
.** -ia^iu. l i- *a<i ü-etema and in the old langnage 

um .a >uort vowels lengthen tboae vowela and 

^ or na» of wbich abundant tracea remainj, 

3 :tM neuter, this caae is like tbe nominative. 

*_ i^aiitai. che case-ending is cverywhere bhia 

u«c» >u ibe Iaser language the caae alwaya enda 

Q *«uef Zither in Üa or tbe more regulär ebhia 

r . kN aM piooouna; and tbe pronominal atem a [601] 

..*** Elative bave in tbe plural tbe aaine form, 

:»j.-» u Vcda ofteu bhiaa), before which ouly a 

. .„ .. . Mit che two personal pronouna diatinguiah 

k . ..^ •£ :he abhttive the aiugular ending (as above 

. .v üuive the peculiar bhyam (almoat never iu 

uW -<«..* -'iteud alao into the Singular. 

. : . w. ho universal ending is am; which «except 

... w..-« ■ iud ü, and in a icw scattering Yedic in- 

. .» u.m .i>v\tji3 an insertcd conaouant, e iu tbo pro- 

.Äta«. - .»**»» »er«, betöre n, a ahort vowel is length- 

v^vtiic» <* Iu the Veda, it ia frequently to be 

„ . „ uiiio£ is au. without auy exceptious, and the 
.*,«-. "- > ■ »** *>■*■" * to e. 
. . . . „ . .*.» iu cLe dual, diffcra from tbe nominative 



^ ^«.j*t»i »cheme of endings, as recoguised by 
.wuM.uiaa« joid coDveniently to be assumed as 
x^v%u. attttriptions-, is this: 

>«.:»..~i» l>uil Plural 

« "» (■ o. w. f. u. 

* äu i as i 

uu äu I aa i 

* bhyäm bhia 

* bhyäin bhyaa 
*t bhyäm bbyas 
4* ob am 


„ y, )*»* l>y the consuuantal steuis and by tbe rad- 
a*Wtttt> by otber vowcl-ateu*a. w ttli more or 
^ VA>1> »^«A^ivita aud uwdificatious. Tbe cndiuga which 

».*. ■ 

v« * *■** 

^u -t*<MviU'ii ränge, tbruugb ateuia of all claasea, 
, ok i,j*J. aud bhia, bhyaa, am, aud au of the 

107 Strono and Weak Stem. (—JUS 

311. Variation of Stcm. a. liy far tlic most im- 
portant matter under ihis head is the distinction made in 
largc classes of words (chiefly those ending in consonants) 
bctween strong and we.ak stein- for ms — a distinction Stand- 
ing in evident connection with the phenomena of accent. 
fn the nom. and accus, sing, and du. and tlic nom. pl. 

the five cases whose endings arc never accented: 316 a), 
the stem often has a stronger or fuller form than in the 
rcst: thus, for examplc (421), JTsTFin rfij&n-am, JlsTFtt rftjftn- 
äu, ^ Kl IHM r&j&n-as, against J\$J räjn-Ä and jnrfa*! r&ja- 
bhis; or (450 b) H^HM mahSnt-am and (447) ^W\ adant- 
am against H^rll na aha t- 5 and y^cl I adat-fi. Tliese five, 
therefore, are called the cases with strong stein, or, hriefly, 
»he strong cases; and the rest are called the cases with 
weak stem, or the weak cases. And the weak cases, 
agnin. are in somo classes of words to he distinguished into 
cases of weakest stem, or weak est cases, and cases of 
middle stem, or middle cases: the former having endings 
hegiuniug with n vowel (instr., dat., abl.-gen., and loc. sing.; 
gen.-loc. du.; acc. and gen. pl.); the latter, with a consonant 
(instr. -dat. -abl. du.; instr. , dat. -ab!., and loc. pl.). 

b. The class of strong cases, as above defined, belongs 
only to masculine and feminine stems. In neuter inflection, 
the only strong cases arc the nom. -acc. pl.; while, in those 
stems that tnake a distinction of weakest and middle form, 
the nom. -acc. du. belongs to the weakest class, and the nom.- 
ncc. sing, to the middle: thus, for examplc, coinpare (408) 
M-'-jfä pratyafic-i, nom. -acc. pl. neut., and vtrtj ^ih praty- 
aftc-as, nom. pl. masc. ; viffl+fl pratlc-i, nom. -acc. du. neut., 
and MrfVTlH pratlc-os, gen.-loc. du.; WTJT\ pratyak, nom.- 
a<c sing, neut., and Mr'-lfj *ÜT praty ag-bhis, instr. pl. 

312. Othor variatious concern chiefly the flnal row»l of t it- ni, an«l 
m.i\ !-c maiuly left to he pointcJ out in «lctail bclo*. Of con?rq«Mifr 

312— J IV. Declension. 10S 

cnough to mentloii here is ouly tbe guna-strengthening of a lliial i or u, 
which in tha later language Is always made before aa of nom. pl. and e 
of dat sing, in masc. and fem.; in tbe Veda, it doea not alwaya take place; 
Dor is it forbidden in dat. sing. neut. also; and it is aeen sometimet in 
loc. aing. Final f bas gur^a-strengthenlng in loc. aing. 

318. Insertions between Stern and Ending. After vowel-atems, 
an added n often makea it* appearance before an ending. Tbe appeudage 
is of least questionable origin in nom.-acc. pl. neut., wbere tbe intercbange 
in tbe old langnage of tbe forma of a- and i-stems with tbose of an- and 
in-ateina is pretty complete; and tbe u-stems follow their aualogy. EUe- 
where, it is most widely and flrmly edtablished in tbe gen. pl., wbere in 
tbe great mass of cases, and from tbe earliest period, tbe ending ia vlrtu- 
ally näm after a vowel. In tbe i- and u-stems of tbe later language, tbe 
instr. sing, of masc. and neut. ia aeparated by its presence from tbe fern., 
and it Is in tbe otber weakest cases made a usual diatinctlon of neuter forma 
from masculine; but tbe aspsct of tbe matter in tbe Veda is Tery diffcrent : 
tbere the appearance of tbe n is every wbere sporadic; tbe nenter ahowa no 
apecial iuclination to take it, and it is not excluded even from tbe femi- 
nine. In tbo ending ena from a-stems (later invariable, earlier predomi- 
nating) its presence appeara to bave worked the most considerable trana- 
formation of original shape. 

a. Tbe place of n before gen. pl. am ia taken by a in pronominal 
a- and ä-stems. 

b. The y after ä before tbe endings ai, aa, and am is most probabiy 
au Insertion, such as Is made elucwhcre (258). 

Accent in Declension. 

314. a. As a rule without exception, tbe vocative, if accented 
at all, is accented on the first ßyllable. 

b. And in thf> Veda (tbe case is a rare one), whonever a ayllable written 
as one ia to be pronounced as two by rostoration of a aemivowel to Towel 
form, the flwt dement ouly has tbe vocative accent, and the ayllable aa 
wriiten ia circumflex (83-4): thua, dyaua (i. e. diaua) when diaayllabic, 
but dyäüa when monosyllablc; jyäke wben for ji&ke. 

o. But the vocative is accented only when it Stands at the Le- 
gi aning of a sentence — or, in verse, at the beginning also of a 
metrical division or pada; elsewhere it is accentless orenclitic: tbus, 
Agae yam yajfiam paribhür Aai (RV.) O Agni! whatever offeriny 
ihou protcctesty but üpa tvä 'gna e 'maai (RV.) unto thse, Agni, we 

d. A word, or more than one word, qualifying a vocative — uanally 
an adjective or appositlve noun, but sometimes a dependent noun in tbe 
gonitive (very rarely in any otber case) — constitutes, so far as accent U 

109 Accbnt. [—316 

«onrerried, a uuUy With tho vocathe: thiis (all tho cxnniplcü from KV.), 
at the beginnlng of • pflda, with flrst syllable of tho combinatlon accentcd, 
Codra brätah O brother Indra! rajan Borna O hing Soma! yavis(ha 
düta mo*t youthful mesnenger! h6tar yaviefha eukrato most youthful 
ikilled offtrer! Ärjo napftt sahasvan mighty son of strenyth! — in the 
inferior of a pfida, without accei t, somflsa indra girvanah the sotnas, 
O *ong-loving Indra! tav acvinä bhadrahaatä supänl ye, O Aqvins 
n f propilintu and beautiful handx! & rajanä maha rtanya gopa hithrr, 
ye Uro kingly guardians of grcal order! 

e. On the other band, two or roore Indrpendent or coördinate vocathes 
at the beginning of a pada are regularly and Ubually both aeeented : thus, 
p(tar matah O father! O mother! agna (ndra varuna mltra deväh 
Agni! Indra! Varuna! Mitra! gods! catamüte catakrato thou of 
a hundred aids! of a hundnd arts! vasist^ha cükra didivah pavaka 
best, bright, shining, cleansing one! Ärjo napäd bhadracoee son of 
strength, propitiously bright one! But tho texta offir occaslonal Irregulär 
eiccptlons both to this and to tho preceding mir. 

f. For brevity, tbe vocative dual and plural will be glvcn in tho par- 
ariigins btlow along *ith the nominative, withoiit taking the trouble to 
«pe«*ify in nach instince that, if (ho latter be aeeented eis« where than on 
the flrst syllable, the accent of the vocative is <Ji (Terelit. 

316. As regards tbc other cases, rules for c lange of accent in 
dedension liave to do only with tnonosyllablcs and with Steins ol" 
niorc than one ayllahlo which aro aeeented ou the ßnal; for, if asten» 
be aeeented on the penult, or any oih<r 8) Nable ftirther back — as 
is sarpant, vari, bhagavant, eumanas, sahaaraväja — the accent 
reuiains upon tbat syllable through tho wholc inflection (except in the 
vocative, as explained in the preceding paragraph). 

a. The only exceptlons aro a few iiuroeral stems: see 483. 

316. Sterns aeeented on the 6nal (including monosyllablcs) are 
subjeet lo Variation of accent iu deelension chietiy in vtrtuo of the 
faet that so ine of tho endings bave, while others have not, or liave 
in less degree, a tondency themselves to take tho accent. Thusr 

a. The endings of the nominativo and accnsaiivc Singular and « 
and of the noniiustive plural (that i? to say, of the strong «ases 311) bave 
no tendenry to take the accent away from the stein, and are thertfore only 
aeeented when a final \owel of the stem aud the vowel of tho ending aro 
blended together into a Single vovel or dipbt! ong. Tbus, from dalta eome 
dattäü (= datta + äu) and dattae (= datta 4 as) ; bat from nadi eome 
nadyftu (= nadi f- äu) and nadyhs (= nadi -|- as). 

b. All the othor endings souictimes take tbe accent: but thosc beginning 
with a vowel (i. e. of tho weakest cases: 311) do so inorr rt-adily than 
those beginnlng with a consonant (1. e. of the iniddle cases: 311). Thus, 
from näus conte navcL and n&ubhis; fnm mahant. howoer, eome 
m ah ata but mahadbhis 

1 10 

- -i je :hus atated: 

..a- i^iC aceiu«, the accent Ulli 

_-.; v- n^ia diatinctiou of iniddle 

x-L. .avim, nauaü; väcf, vagbliie, 

,4 * . Ja aceut throughout: tLu.». 
.-. Jrl.w. 350, 361 c, d, 372, 
. a ; -cii oftener accdi.ted tLaii 
- : x::or tuatiuii. 

. .*. - :v.LiiooaDts, only a, few bhift 
. . :ic v C dkedt (out the tniddle 

.» - ..- innx tudant, tudatä *n I 
II i-i tudätau. 

.. : r-.S lartiipU*. at mahata 

. i. ! ?«:> iti ")llabic char.»i-trr b> 
^j», iii.rdhce. dämnaa (i'ruu lnajjan 

. .-.■«, ...i.r tUe dilTioiit decloitfiOTi^. 

.. _.» -. -. '• .cented short \o^i-!* 
_ , -.. •: u: -i it reuiiu iC3 S)lljlii- 

A..a^» ".'■. _ d.iccä; agninä abd aguäye 
.^-c** » *$;:;. Vi :s. aLd iö v u i.iiherwisi- 
... :t. 5 * c.:..r ihe ui»:il aoi the «-;. ! 
. . ±.%z.±;*. dhesäu, aguin, dlienüs. 
t . - . u.^'d :l:o jl äficivowei befvrv 

..» . 1 i : J «..1 J Q*a>. *ui I.. 
I4 ;. ..,".. --.L s i ~ritcd t>> U l»-»ui 
jk-^üA-y v.:r % .dUl i:. ÜV e^i» Jer.tautc 
. . » :.* *.. dhvK'.äm • I >..ü.» i . ä 
. ...,, ...- lAfianiui, da^asau:. 

.»...; ....::..<* A . : :~a iL. .Ut r 
, . . > i . j . ■ ." ■ > •»:.;■ f » i . . » .i 
.. ^. i .<. .*:--. . ?". •» £55 ft ■ 

4 ._■ . » . '»"■ £ • •-».* . » 1- 

v »*, i » 1 " '» «> — % ■ . * • . ; i ; 

1 1 1 Classification. [—383 



321. a. Tiir. aceordance in inflection of Substantive 
;ui(l rdjretive stems is so complctc thnt the two cannot be 
scparatcd in tieatmeut from one another. 

b. Thcy may bc clnssified, for convenience of deserip- 
ti'Ui. ;is follows: 

1. .Sterns in Sl a; 
Ii iStrius iu ^ i Jind 7, u; 

l!J. Steins in EIT S, 5 I. and 3 ü: namelv, A. radikal- 
ftcm<(and a fewotlieis infleeded I?ke thein}; B. derivative Steins; 
IV. Steins in TT y (or T\~T[ ar) ; 
\ . Monis in cnnsonn uts. 

c. ']'!» •!'• i Ji^tltinjr absolut.- i«i Uli.« •'ii^sification •• »i aii.'; ; :rmeii(; 
it ; s mrrflv VlicvM to bc opoe to a* f«*»\ ohj?ciions ••»* any eti<?r. No 
»oi!< r.-l n^rfi iihmi! ]>*?■ \>t'vv. rca* Im-.I afiM>:r^ • «iiolar 1 as tr> tlo* n»tml»r.i and 
omI<t of S;ui»krit «l'riousioii«. Tlte stonm in a ut In n* tr»'at«e 1 k r. ; t beran*© 
0\ Hi*» fj'l'lt pl«' r (»»nii'.T|ft; et' tlic Ms.. 

3f!2. Th divi'jion-lim iK'hvee' • idwanfivp , i« ,, .i hp i" ti»»'. :d\v»*s 
:m ur.r.oi tai'i cu«- in « • :i »• I y Indo -Iv»:rr>j»i»:ui I.MiiMm. e, »•■ rvoi luorc 
w^vering in S;u»s!<rit tliutt eisen hon* Tl-erv :n *\ )"v.e v tT, tu all tlie ~ -y 
deel' mh'ioih -iv »t:;ided nbovr — • unle«* wc exeept flu» sl *:vs in r or 
•ir 'A^rili v.l.»Y»i ito dinthietl) 'u\}n tives; und. in ;•' icid. tni v 
:irc inuYcted jiiv«.isely üko iiutm-sdctns nf ilic .«viiio l'iwl: ;>«.'v. .nuoii£ 
oniis'»nant-.*t Mii^\ tl;'M :uc certnin sub-elnsses of idjocthe jUiiis witli 
fircnliririti'^s '»I infjeofion to whteli liiere ts auiung noiina nofl-in«: cor- 
icspondin^. Hut tlrjre uro nUo two considcrnble «dass?« of adjeetive- 
compomids, rerjuiring special uolice: nanu ly - 

323. Compound adiectives having aa final meinbcr a bare * erunl 
r«»ot, wilh the v:\lne of a piesent participle ^383 n IT. : tliua, uu-dj^ "'V' 
l"ltnq\ prii-lnidh Jon ,\>i<mimi\ a-driih ."»/ htititnj\ vodn-vid / »-in- 
hrt-nrint;: \ytr:\-)v\n )'ftiu-alnijimj\ uptiutlm-sad sit-unj 1» »e inp 
L\erv moi is Mulde to be used iu tlns wjiv, nud »uoli toinpte.o.d-* an» 
not iiilVi*i|iie!it in ill a^es id ihe l:tu^ii;i^c: sec ihaptei nn Conipetnufs, 
l»elou 1289 

323 — ] V. N0UN8 and Aojectives. 112 

a. This tiass li essen{ially only a special class of Compound adjeetives, 
aiuce in the earliest Veda the simple as well as the compoanded root wu 
sometimes used adjecti?ely. But tbe compoanded root was from the beginning 
much more often so used, and the later the more exclusively, so that 
praotically the class U a separate and lmportaut one. 

324. Compound adjeetives having a noün as final member, bat 
obtaining an adjective sense secondarily, by having the idea of 
possession added, and being inflected as adjectives in the three gen- 
ders (1283 ff.)- Thus, praj&k&ma desire 0/ progeny t whence the ad- 
jective prajakäma, muaning desirous (i. e. having desire) 0/ progeny; 
sabhärya (sa 4- bhftry ä) having one' 8 wi/e aiong; and so on. 

a. In a low caacs, also, the Anal noun is syntactlcally objeet of the 
prucedlng member (1309-10): thus, atimätra immoderaU (atl inätram 
heyond measure), yavayaddveaas drivinjg away enemiee. 

326. iience, under each deciension, we have. to notiee how a 
root or a noun-stem of that deciension is inflected when final member 
of an adjective Compound. 

a. As to accent, it needs only to be remarked here that a root- 
word ending a Compound has the accent, but (320) loses the peeo- 
llarity of monosyllabic accentuation, and does not throw the tone 
forward upon the ending (except afio in certain old forma: 410). 

Deciension I. 

StemB (masouline and neuter) in Ui a. 

326. a. This deciension oontains the majority of all the 
declined stems of the language. 

b. Its endings deviate more widely than any others 
from the normal. 

327. Endings: Singular, a. The nom. mase. has the normal 
oudiug s. 

b. The acc (masc. and neut.) adds m (uot am); and this form aas 
the Office also of nom. neuter. 

o. The instr. changes a to ena uniformly in the later language j Jtnd 
eveu in the oldest Vedic this is the predominant ending (In RV., eight 
ninths of all cases). Its final is in Vedic verse frequently made long (ena). 
But the normal ending ä — thus, yajfti, snhava, mahitva" (for yajnena 
etc.) — is also not rare in the Veda. 

d. The dat. has äya (as if by adding aya to a), allke in all agfet 
of the language. 

e. The ahl. has t (or douhtless d: it is impoasihle from the evl- 
tlence of the Sanskrit to teil whlch il the original form of the ending), 

]13 D«CLBH8I0N I., a-8TBM8. [—388 

before whlch a ia madc Ion*: tbls ending is found In 110 other noun- 
deelenslon, and elsewhere only in tbe personal pronoons (of all nu robers). 

f. The gen. bis aya added to tbe final a; and tbia ending la also 
limited to a-stema (with the singla exeeption of tbe pronoun amusya: 
601). Ita final a la In qnly tbree eaaea niade long in tbe Veda; and ita 
y la Yocallzed (aaia) almoat aa rarely. 

g. The loe. enda In e (aa if by comblnlng the normal ending i with 
tbe final of tbe stein), wtthoot exeeption. 

h. The Toe. is the bare stein. 

828. Dual. a. The dual endinga in general are the normal onea. 

b. The nom., aec, and toc. maac. end In the later lang u ige alwaya In 
ftu. Iu tbe Teds, however, the usual ending ia simple ä (in RV., in 
seTen eightha of the oceurrencea). The aame eaaea In the neut. end in e, 
«hieb appeara to be the reaolt of fasion of the stem-flnal with the normal 
ending I. 

e. The inatr., dat., and abl. hare bhyäm (in only one or two Vedlc 
inatances resolved into bhiäm), with the stem-final lengthened to & before It. 

d. Tbe gen. and loc. ha?e a y inaerted after the stem-flnal before ob 
(or aa if tbe a had been changed to •). In one or two (doabtful) Vedic 
lnstances (aa also in tbe pronominal forma enos and yos), ob ia aubatituted 
for the final a. 

329. Plural, a. The nom. maac. has In the later language the 
normal ending aa combined with the final a to &s. But in the Veda the 
ending ftsaa Instead la frequent (one tbird of tbe oecurrences in RV., but 
only one twenty-flfth in the peculiar parte of AV.). 

b. The ace. maac. ends In an (for carüer ans, of whieb abundant 
tracea are left in the Veda, and, under the disgu'se of apparent euphonlc 
eomblnation, even in the later language : see above, 208 ff.). 

o. The nom. and aoc. neut. have in the later language alwaya tbe 
ending ftni (lifce the an-stema: aee 421; or eise with n, aa In the gen. 
pl., before normal i). But In the Veda this ending alternatea with simple 
ä (whlch In RV. Is to ftni* as three to two, in point of freqnency ; in AV., 
aa three to four). 

d. The inatr. ends later always in &is; but in the Veda ia found 
abundantly the more normal form ebhis (In RV., nearly aa frequent aa äis; 
in AV., only one flfth as frequent). 

e. The dat. and abl. bave bhyas as ending, with e instead of the 
final a before it (as in the Vedlc instr. ebhis, the loc. pl., the gen. loc. 
du. [?], and the Inatr. sing). The resolutlon into ebhias ia not in frequent 
In tbe Veda. 

f. The gen. enda in an Am, the final a being lengthened and baving 
n inaerted before the normal ending. The ä of the ending ls not aeldom 
(In lest than half the inatances) to be read as two ayllables, aam: opiniona 
are dlvlded aa to whether the resolution Is historical or metrlcal only. A 

Whitaaj, Oraamar. 9. •!. 8 




▼ery amall number (balf-a-dozen) of examplet of aimple am aa anding 
inatead of anam oceur in RV. 

g. The loo. eadi in eeu — that is to aay, with the normal endiag, 
before wbicb the ■tem-nnal !■ ohanged to • (with eoneequent change of 8 
to s: 180). 

h. Of accent, in this decleneion, notbing reqaires to be said; the 
ayllable accented in tbe ßtem retaina its own aoeent tbrönghoat 

380. Examples of declension. As examples of the 

inflection of a-stems may be taken 9R|jf k£ma m. love\ 

leva m. god\ m\U to 


ayi n. mouth. 












N. *mt^ 



a. WHM 
kam am 


1. «hiHH 



1>. c^lHIU 


ad. «WHIr^ 



L. eüTH 

v. SnTq 


N. A. V. ZfiT^ 





i.d. Ab. eümT^cri^ 






N. v. *1MJH 






D. Ab. 





ktm als 












Exaroplea of the peculiar Vedlo forma »re: 

a. Sing.: lnstr. ravathena, yajfUt (such genttWe formt ae ao,vaalft 
»re pnrely aporadlc). 

b. Da.: nom. etc. nuc. dev&; gen.-lot. pasty6s (item paetya). 

o. PI.: nom.-TOc. muc. deväeaa; neut. yugi; lnttr. devebhiB; gen. 
oarathftm, devanaam. 

331. Aroong noune, there are no irregularitiea In thia deoleneion. 
For irregulär oumeral baaea in a (or an), aee 483-4. For the Irreg- 
ularitiea of pronominal atema In a, which are more or lese fally 
ahared also by a few adjectivea of pronominal kindred, aee the ehapter 
on Prononna (496 ff). 


382. Original adjectWea in a are an ezceedingly large claaa, tho 
great majority of all adjectives. There it, howoyer, no such thing aa 
a feminine atem In a; for the feminine, the a is ehanged to & — or 
often, though far leaa often, to I ; and ita deolenaion ia then like that 
of senk or devl (384). An ezample of the complete deolenaion of an 
adjeetire a-atem in the three gendera will be giyen below (388). 

a. "Whether a maac.-neat. ttem In a ahall form lte feminine In ä or 
In I la a question to be determined in great part only by actnal naage, and 
not by grammatlcal rnle. Cerlaln important classee of worda, however, ean 
be polnted oot which take tbe leaa common endlng I for the feminine: thna, 
I. tbe (very nomerous) aecondary derWeilTes in a wlth v^ddhl of the flrat 
ayllaHe (1204): e. g. ämitra -tri, manuaa -ei, pävamana -nf , päur- 
namäaa -af ; 7. prlmaiy derlvatlTea In ana with aecent on the radlcal ayllable 
(1160): e. g. eodana -nl, saihgrahana -nl, aubhagaihkarana -nl; 
3. prlmaiy derlTatl?ea in a, wlth atrengthenlng of the radlcal ayllable, 
having a qaari-psrüelplal meanlng: e. g. dlv&kara -rt, avakrama -mf, 


332—] V. Noums AND Adjectives. |J6 

rathavaha -hl (but there are roany exccptlona); 4. serondaiy derivativ«« 
in maya (1226) and tana (1245 e): e. g. ayaamaya -yl; adyatana 
-nl; o. most ordinal numerals (487 h): e. g. pafioama -mf f navmdavoi 
-ff, tri&c,attama -ml. Not a few worda make the feminine in either & 
or I: e. g. kevalä or -li, ugrä ot -rfc päpft or -pf, r&m& or -mi; but 
ordinarily önly one of these is aceepted aa regulär. 

333. There are do verbal rootß endiug in a. Bot a is sometimes 
ßubßtituted for the final ä of a root (and, rarely, for final an), and it 
is then inflected like an ordinary adjective in a (see below, 864). 

334. a. A noun ending in a, when occurring as final member of 
an adjective Compound, is inflected like an original adjective in a, 
making iU feminine ltkewiae in ä or 1 (367). 

b. For the most part, an adjective Compound ha\ing a noun in a aa 
final member makea its feminine in ä. But there are numerous exceptiona, 
eertain nouna teking, usually or always, X instead. Some of the comnioncat 
of these are aa follows: akaa eye (e. g. lohitSkai, dTyaksi, gavtkai), 
parna leaf (e. g. tilaparm, saptaparnl; but ekaparnä), mukha faco 
(e. g. krenamukhl, durmukhi; but trimukhä etc.), afiga limb, body 
(e. g. anavady&ngi, sarvangi; but oaturangä etc.), kec,a hair (e. g. 
Bukec,!, muktakeci or -9a, etc.), karna ear (e. g. mah&karnl; but 
gokarnä et<\) 4 udara beüy (e. g. lambodari), müla root (e. g. pafi- 
camüll; but oftener c,atamüia etc.). The very great majorlty of such 
nouns (aa the examples indlcate) signify parts of tbe body. 

o. On the other hand, a feminine nonn ending in derivative & 
ahortens its final to a to form a masculine and neuter base: see 867 o. 

d. In frequent casep, nouns of consonant ending are, aa finale of Com- 
pound«, tranaferred to the a-declension by an added sufnx a (1209 a) or 
ka (1222). 

Declension II. 

Sterns (of all gendera) in 5 i and 3 u. 

386. The stems in ^ i and 3 u are inflected in so dose 
aecordance with one another that they cannot be divided 
into two separate deolensions. They are of all the three 
genders, and tolerably numerous — those in ^ i more 
numerous than those in 3 u, especially in the feminine 
(there are more neuters in 3 u than in 3 *)• 

a. The endings of this declension also Ziffer frequently and 
widely from tbe normal, and tbe irregularities In the older language 
are numerous. 

J17 Declbnsion IL, i- aüd u-stem*. [—836 

330. Undings: .Singular, a. Tito nom. mmr. and fom. adds to the 
•lern the normal ending 0. Tbe nom. and acc. neut. is the bare stem, 
withoat ending. In the Veda, tbe final u of a few neutcrs is lengthened 
(848 b): tbus, urtS, purti. 

b. The acc. muc. and fem. addf m to th« item. Vedic formt in iam 
and uam, and, with n, inam and unam, are excessively rare, and doubtful. 

o. The instr. fem. in the later language takea the normal ending & 
simply, whfle the masc. and nent insert n hefore 1t, making inft and unl 
But in the Vcda, forma in yft and vft (or ift and uft) are not Infrequent 
in masc. and neut. also; white inft is found, *ery rarely, as a fem. ending. 
Moreorer, fem. yft is often (in two thirds of the oeconrencos) contracted to 
I: and thl« 1* eren sometimes shortened to i. An adverbial instr. in uyÄ 
from half-a-dozen Sterns in u oecurs. 

d. The dat. mas<*. and fem. gunates the final of the stem before th3 
ending e, making aye and ave. These are the preTalling endings in the 
Veda likewise; bat the more normal ye and ve (or ue) also oeenr; and 
tho fem. has in this case, as in the Instr , sometlme* the form I for ie. 
In the later language, the neuter is required in this, as in all the other 
weakest eases, to insert n before the normal ending: bot in the Veda snch 
form* are only sporadic; and the neut. dat. has also the forma aye, ve, 
ave, like the other gender*. 

e. The abl. and gen. mase. and fem. bare regularly, both earlior and 
later, the ending a wlth gnnated vowcl before 1t: thus, es, 00; and in the 
Veda t the neut. form« the cases in the same way; although unas, required 
later, is also not Infrequent (Inas does not oerur). But the normal forma 
yas (or las) and vas (or uas) are also frequent in both masc. and neuter. 
As masc. ending, unaa oecurs twice In RV. The anomalous didy6t (so TS. ; 
In (ho corrosponding passages, vidyöt V8., didyaut K., didivae MS.) 
is of doubtful rharacter. 

f. Tb? loc. masc. and fem. has for regulär ending in the later lan- 
rna*e Au, repl.v-ing both flnals, i and u. And this Is in tbe Voda also thc 
most freqiicnt mdirig; but, bosido it. tbe i-stems form (about half as often 
in RV.) their loc in &: thua, agnä; and this ls found once even in the 
neuter. The RV. has a number of examples of masc. and neut. locathes 
In avi (thc normal ending and the u gnnated before lt) from u-stems ; 
and certain doubtful traces of a corresponding ayi from i-stems. Ualf-a- 
dozen locatives in I (regarded by the Vedic grammarians as pragfhya or 
ancombinabl»: 138 d) are roade from i-stems. The later language makes 
thc neuter loratives in in! and unl; but the former never oeenrs in th«s 
oldest texts, a-Mi the latter only very rarely. 

g. The later grammar allows the dat., abl. -gen., and loc. fem. to be 
fortrs d it will «rith the fuller fem. termlnations of long-Towel stems, namely 
fti, äs (for which. in Brähinana etc.. fti is substltnted: 307 h), ftm. Such 
f-jru - are quUe rare in thc oldest languagc even from i-stems (lese than 
40 f.r»itrencos a1tn?ether in RV.; three tiraes as many In AV.); and from 
u-Ptnis th^y are almost unknown (flve in RV. and AV.). 

836—] V. Nouns AMD Adjeotiyes. 1 lg 

h. The Toe. gunates tbe Anal of the stein, in mite and fem., alike 
In the earlier and in the later language. In the neut., it U later allowed 
to be either of the same form or the unaltered stein; and this wai probably 
the usage in the older time also; not instances enongh are quotable to 
determlne the qaestion (AV. has u onee, and VS. o onee). 

337. Dual. a. The later and earlier language agree in making the 
nom.-acc.-voc. masc. and fem. by lengthenlng the final of the stein. The 
same cases in the neuter (acoording to the rule gWen above) end later in 
Inf and unl; bnt these endings are nearly unknown in the Veda (as, Indeed, 
the cases are of only rare ocourrenee): AV. has inl twloe (RV. perhapa 
onee); TS. has unl onee; RV. has ul from one u-stem, and I, onee Short- 
ened to i, from one or two i-stems. 

b. The unrarying ending of lnstr.-dat.-abl., in all genders, is bhyftm 
added to the unohanged stem. 

o. The gen.-loo. of all ages add 00 to the stem in masc. and fem.; 
in neut, the later language interposes, as elsewhere in the weakest esset, 
a n ; probably in the earlier Vedlc the form would he like that of the other 
genders; bnt the only oecurrence noted is one unos In AV. 

338. Plural, a. The nom.-voc. masc. and fem. ädds the normal end- 
ing as to the gnnated stam-final, making ayas and avaa. The ezeepttoas 
in the Yeda are very few: one word (ari) has las in both. genders, and a 
few feminines have la (like I-stems); a rery few u-stems have uaa. The 
neut. nom.-acc. ends later in ini and üni (like Aal from a: 889 o); bat the 
Yeda haa i and I (about equally frequent) mach oftener than Inl; and A 
and (more usuell y) u, more than half as often as üni. 

b. The aecns. masc. ends in In and ün, for older Ins and uns, of 
whioh piain traces remain in the Yeda in nearly half the instances of ooeur- 
rence, and eten not infrequently in the later langnage, In the guise of 
phonetic combination (808 ff.). The accus, fem. ends in la and üs. Bat both 
masc. and fem. forme in las and uas are fonnd spariogly in the Yeda. 

o. The instr. of all genders adds bhis to the stem. 

d. The dat.-abl. of all genders adds bhyaa (in Y., almost never bhiaa) 
to the stem. 

e. The gen. of all genders Is made alike ia InsUn and üniin (of 
which the ft is not seldom, In the Yeda, to be resoWed into aam). Sterne 
with aeeented final In the later language may, and In the earlier always 
do, throw forward the accent upon the ending. 

f. The loc. of all genders adds su (as su: 180) to the stem-flnal. 

g. The accent is in aecordanoe with the general rules already 
laid down, and there are no irregularities cailing for special notice. 

330. Examples of declension. As modeis of i-stems 
may be taken ?rfn agni m. ßre\ nfcT gati f. gait\ qif( 
vftri n. water. 




Singular : 























lJrUH* WÜ 



gataye, gaty&i 


Ab. G. 



gates, gatyls 




JlS\, WUV^ 



gat&u, gaty&m 





^rf^, ^ft 



viri, vir« 


N.A.V. Sflft 






i.d. Ab. yfu^um 






G. L. 






N. V. 



































340— J 



840. In order to mark moro platnly tho absence in Yedlc language of 
some of tue forma whicb are common later, all ihe forma of Vedic ocourrence 
are added below, and in tbe order of their frequeitey. 

a. Singular. Nom. agnfs etc., aa above. 

b. Acc: masc. ägnfm, yayfam, ürmfnam(?); fem. aud neut. ai 

0. lnstr. : maac. agninä, rayyat and ürmitt; fem. aoittl, ütiat, 
matyA, suv^ktf, dhäsfnft; neut. wantlng. 

d. Dat.; masc. agnaye; fem. tujaye, ürf t turyif ; neut fuotya. 

e. Qen.-abl. : maic. agnee, avyae, axiaa ; fem. aditee, hetyaa and 
bhfhnlaa; neut. bhtirea. 

f. Loc. : masc. agnftu, agni, ajayi(?); fem. atgat&u, udltft, dha- 
naaätayi(?), vödl, bhtkmyftm; neut apratst, aaptara^m&u. 

g. Voc.'.'as abOTe (neut. wantlng). 

h. Dual. Nom.-aco.-Too. : masc. harl; fem. yuvati; neut. 91101, 
mahl, hartrjlp). 

i. Inatr.-dat.-abl. : aa aboTe. 

j. Gen. -loc: maac. harios; fem. yuvaty6e and jamiöa; neut wantlng. 

k. Plu-ral. Nom.: maac. agnayas; fem. matayaa, bhtimis; neut. 
9Üof, bhuri, bhürlni. 

1. Accus.: masc etgnin; fem. kaitia, 9Üoayaa(?). 
m. Instr., dat-abl., and loc. : aa above. 

n. Qen.: maac. fem. kavinÄm, fainaam etc. (neut wantlng). 

841. As modeis of u-stems may be taken SJT^ 9atru m. 
enemy\ £H dhenü f. cow\ Wk madhu n. honey. 






Ab. 0. 














dhenave, dhonvif madhnno 
dhen6s, dhonvsta madhunasj 
dhen&ü, dhenväm madhuni 
dhöno midhu, madho 






I. D. Ab. 

G. L. 

N. V. 

D. Ab. 











Plural : 

















5!^ MI IM 

ex *x 



«X "X 






342. Tbe forms of Vedlc occurrence are given bere for thc unteres 
in tbe rame manner as for tbe i-stems above. 

a. Singular. Nom.: masc. and fem. as above; nent. urü, urÜ. 

b. Accus.: masc. ketum, abhlruam, Bucetünam( > ); fem. dhenüm. 

c. Instr. : raafc. ketuna, pa^vat and kratuft; fem. adhenua and 
panva, ftquyft; neut. madhunä, madhva. 

d. Dat.: roasc, ketave, <yf<jve; fem. cjarave, Ibv&I; neot. pa^ve('). 
urave, madhune. 

e. Abi. -gen.: masc. manyös, pitvas, carunas; fem. sindhos, Ibv&b; 
neut. madhvas and madhuas, midhos, madhunas. 

f. Loc. : masc. pür&ü, sünavi; fem. sindhau, rajjv&m; nent 
s&n&u, B&navi, sano, sanuni. 

g. Voc. : as above. 

h. Dual. Nom.-acc.-voc. : masc. and fem. ns abovo: nent. urvl, 

i. lnttr.-dat.-abl.: as above. 

j. Gen.-loc. : as above (but vob or uob). 

k. Plural Nom.: masc. fbhavas, madhuas and madhvas : fem. 
dhenavas, cjatakratvas; nent. purfüni, puru, purti. 

342—] V. Noums AMD Adjbctivbs. 122 

1. Accus. : masc. y tun, pao, vaa ; fem. {soa, madhvas. 
m. Instr., dat.-abl., and loc. : as aboro; also gen. (but with the reeo- 
lution ünaam in part). 

343. Irregulär declensioD. Thore are no irregulär u-steine, 
and only a very few i-stems. 

a. Sakhi in. friend has for the five strong cases a pecullarly 
strengthened base (vriddhied), namely sakh&y, which in the nom. 
sing, is reduced to aakhft (without ending), and in the other cases 
takes the normal endings. The instr. and dat. Bing, have the normal 
endings simply, without inserted n or tun*; the abl.-gen. Bing, add* 
ua; and the loc. sing, adds au: the rest is like agni. Thua: 

Sing, sakhä, aakhayam, aakhyft, eakhye, aakhyus, aakhy&u, 
sakhe; Da. eakh&y&u, sakhibhy&m, aakhyos; PI. sakh&yas, aakhln, 
etc. eto. 

b. The Veda has usually aakh&yft du., and often resolrea the y to i, 
in aakhift, aakhius, etc. The Compounds are usually decüned Uke the 
simple word, uoless (1316 b) aakha be substituted. 

o. There is a corresponding fem., aakbl (decüned like de vi: 864); 
but the forms of aakhi are also sometimes found used with feminine Talne. 

d. Pati m. is decüned regnlarly in composition, and when it haa 
the moaning lord, matter; when uncompounded and when meaning 
Hutband, it is inflected like aakhi in the instr., dat., abl.-gen., and 
loc. sing., forming patyä, patye, patyus, patyftu. There are oceaaional 
iostances of confusion of the two classos of forms. 

e. Kur pati as dual member of a possesuivo Compound is regnlarly 
and usually substituted patnl in the fem. ; thus, jivapatnl having a iiving 
Hutband; dasapatni having a barbarian for matter, 

f. Jini f. wife has the gen. sing, janyus in the Veda. 

g. Ar£ taget, greedy, hottilt has in the Veda aryae in pl. nom. and 
accus., masc. and fem. Its accus, sing, is arfm or aryam. 

h. Vi bird has in RV. the nom. ves (beside vis). In the plural it 
accents vibhie, vibhyas, but ylnstm. 

i. The stems akai eye, aethi bone, dadhi curdt, and aakthi thigh, 
are defectWe, their forms exohanging with and complementing formt from 
stems in an (akaan etc.): see the stems in an, below (431). 

j. The stem pathi road is used to make up part of the inflecüon of 
panthan: see below, 433. 

k. Kr6s(u m. jackal lacks the strong oases, for which the correspond- 
ing forms of kroatf are substituted. 


344. Original adjeetive stems in i are few; those in n are mach 
more numerous (many derivative verb-stems forming a partielplal 

123 Dbclension IL, i- and u-stbms. [ — 846 

adjoctive io u). Their infleetion is like that of nouns, und has bcen 
ineludcd in tho rulcs given above. In those weak cases, however — 
namely, the dat., abl.-gen., and loc. sing., and the gen.-loe. dual — 
in which neuter nouns differ from masculines in tbe later language 
by an inserted n (we have soen above tbat this difference does not 
eilst in the Veda), the neuter adjective is allowed to take either 
form. The stem U the same for masculine and neuter, and generally 
(and allowably always) for feminine also. 

a. Thor« are a few instancei of a feminin« nonn in I Standing (some- 
times wlth changed aocent) beeide a mascnline in i: that, krimi m. f krimi 
f. ; eakhi (843 a) m. f sakhi f. 5 dundubh{ m., dundubhl f. ; dhuni 
m., dhanl f. ; o,aküni m. t o,*kanI or -ni f. In the later langnsge, espe- 
clally, there ii a rery frequent lnterehange of i and I as flnals of the same 
item. No tdjectire In i mskee a regulär feminine in I. 

b. Wlth stems In u the esse Is qolte dlfferent. Whlle the feminine 
may, snd in psrt does, end In u, like the mawuline and neuter, a spe- 
cial femlnlne-stem is often made by lengthenlng the u to tt, or also by 
addlng I; and for some stems a feminine Is formed Into two of these three 
wiys, or even in all the three: thns, kftrÜ, -dipsti, oundhyA, oaristtti, 
vaeasyA; -an vi, urvl, gurvl, pürvf (wlth Prolongation of u before r: 
compare 245 b), bah vi, prabhvi, raghvi, sAdhvi, svÄdvi ; — pftha 
snd pf thvi, vlbhA and vibhvi, mfdü and mfdvf, lagha snd laghvl, 
▼am snd via vi; babhru and babhrti, blbhataü and blbhatati, bhlru 
and bhlrfl; — tanü and tand snd tanvi, phalgu and phalgA snd 
phalgvl, m&dhu snd madhä and madlivl. Thero are also some femi- 
nine noun-stems In ü standlng (usnally wlth changed aecent) beeide mas- 
collnes In u: thus, agru m., agrA f.; kadra m., kadrA f.; güggula 
m., guggtüti f.; Jatu m., JatA f.; pfdftku m., pfdftkA f. 

848. Roots ending in i or u (or f : 376 b) regularly add a t when 
used as root-words or as root-finals of Compounds; and henee there 
are no adjeetives of the root-class in this dcclension. 

a. Yet, In the Veda, a few words ending In a short radleal U are 
deellned as If thls were suffixal: thns, aamftadhru, aus tu; and the AV. 
has pftanaji (once). Roots In ü sometlmes slso shorten ü to u: thns, 
prabhu, vibhü, etc. (354); go (361 e) hecomes gu In eorapositlon; and 
re perhaps becomes ri (861 e); whlle roots in & sometlmes apparently 
weisen & to i (in -dhi from ydhft etc.: 1155). 

346. Compound adjeetives having nouns of this declension as 
final member are infleeted in general like original adjeetives of the 
same endings. 

a. Bat In such Compounds s final i or u is sometlmes lengthened to 
form s feminine stem: thns, su<jronI, svayonl or -ni, -g&trayaftl or 
~\i; vftmorü or -ru, durhanu or -nu, varatanü, m&trbandha; snd 
RV. bis icjc.vl from qiqu. 

347—] V. NOUKS AND ÄDJB0TIVB8. 124 

Declension III. 

Sterns in long vowela: 5T Ä, ^ I, ^ ü. 

847. The Sterns ending in long vowels fall into two 
well-marked classes 01 divisions: A. monosyllabic stems — 
mostly bare rooU — and theii Compounds, with a compar- 
atively small numbei of others inflected like them; B. de- 
rivative feminine stems in 5TT ft and ^ I, with a small num- 
ber in 3" ü which in the later language have come to be 
inflected like them. The latter division is by far the larger 
and more iinportant, since most feminine adjectives, and 
considerable classes of feminine nouns, ending in JEJT Ä or 
$ I, belong to it. 

A. Root-words, and those inflected like them. 

348. The inflection of these stems is by the normal 
endings throughout, or in the manner of consonant-stems 
(with 3PT am, not ^ m, in the accus, sing.); peculiarities 
like those of the other vowel-declensions are wanting. The 
simple words are, as nouns, with few cxceptions feminine; 
as adjectives (rarely), and in adjeotive Compounds, they are 
alike in masculine and feminine forms. They may, for eon- 
venience of description, be divided into the following sub- 
classes : 

1. Root-words. or monosyllahles havlng the aspact of such. Those 
in & aro so rare that it iß harJly possible to make up a whole scheine 
of forma iu actual use; those in I and ü are moro nuinerous, but still 
very few. 

2. Compounds having such words, or other roots with long final 
vowela, as last inenjber. 

3. Polyayllabic words, of vurioiis origin aud character, including 
iu tue Vcda uiany which later are tmnsferred to other declensions. 

4. As an appendix to this class we may most conyeniently 
describe the half-dozen stems, »nostly of regulär inffoction, ending iu 



DECLEN8I0N III., ä-, I-, AND Ü-8TEM8. 


349. Monosyllabic steine. Bcfore thc ondings beginning wich 
vnwel*, final I is changed to iy and ü to uv; while 6nal a is droppcd 
altogethcr, cxcept in the strong cases, and in the acc. pl., which is 
like the nominative (according (o the graramarian*, & is lost here also: 
no instances of the occurrence of such a form appear to be quo table). 
Sterns in I and ü are In the later language allowed to take optionally 
the fuller endings ai, aa, am in the Singular (dat., ab!. -gen., loc); but 
uo such forras sre ever met with in the Veda (exccpt bhiy&{[P], RV , 
unce). Bcfore &m of gen. pl., n tnay or may not be inserted ; in thc 
Veda it is regularly inserted, with a Single exception (dhiyam, onee). 
The vocatlve is like the nominative in the Singular as well as the 
other numbers; but instances of its occurrence in uncompounded sten • 
are not found in the Veda, and must be extremely rare everywhere. 
The earlier Vedic dual ending is a instead of au. 

350. To the i- and ü-stems the rules for monosyllabic accent 
apply : the accent is thrown forward upon the ending« in all the weak 
cases except the accus, pl., which is like the nom. But the a-stems 
appear (the instances are extremely few) to koep the accent upon the 
?tem throtigbout. 

361. Examples of declension. As modeis of mon- 
osyllabic inflection we may take SIT ja f. progeny\ tft dhi f. 
thought\ and >f bhd f. earth. 

a. Thc Brat of theio Is rather arldtrarily exttnded from tho four casca 
which actually oeeur; of tlio loc. sing, and gen. -loc. du., uo Vedic examplcs 
from tt-items are found. 





Ab. 0. 





} J5L 













fäfr, fift 



dhiye, dhiyftf 

bhuve, bhuvtf 


dhiyas, dhiyas 



dhiyl, dhiyam 


O O -s. 

bhuvi, bhuv&m 

















I.D. Ab. 






0. L. 

Plural : 








jia, jia 













jan&m, jim 

dhlyäm, dhinäm 

. bhirrlm, bhünim 





852. Monoayllabic atema in composition. When the nouna 
above deacribed ocour aa final member of a Compound, or when any 
root in & or I or ü is found in a like poaitlon, the infleetion of an 
ft-stem is aa above. But I- and ü-atema follow a divided uaage : the 
final vowel before a vowel-ending ia either converted inlo a ahort 
vowel and eemivowel (ly or uv, aa above) or into a aemiyowel aimply 
(y or v). The accent is nowhere tbrown forward npon the endinga; 
and therefore, when I and ü become y and v, the reaultlng ayllable 
is circumflex (83-4). Thua: 


and fem. Singulai 

■ • 

N. V. 


















Ab. 0. 










127 DECLBNSION III., ä-, I-, ANDÜ-8TBM8. [—854 

Dual : 

N. A. Y. -dhiyftu -dhyftü -bhüvlu -bhvaü 
I. D. Ab. -dhlbhyftm •bhAbhyäm 

0. L. -dhlyoe -dhyös -bhüvos -bhvds 

Piartl : 

N. A. V. -dhiyae -dhyas -bhuvas -bhvaa 

1. -dhfbhiB -bhübhie 
D. Ab. -dhibhyas -bhdbhyas 

L. -dhisu »bhtifu 

a. As to the admlstibility of the foller endlngs &i, äs, and am In the 
•fngnUr (feminine), grammatlcal anthorltles are somewhat at varianee; bnt 
they are never fonnd in the Yeda f and have been omitted from the above 
•eherne as probably unreal. 

b. If two consonanta precede the final I or ü, the dtssyllablc fbrms, 
with ly and uv, are regularly written; after one eonsonant, the usage it 
varylng. The grammarlani prescribe iy and uv when the monosyllable item 
haa more the character of a noun, and y and ▼ when it ia more purely a 
verbal root with partieipial value. No such disUnctlon, however, Is to be aeen 
in the Veda — where, moreover, the difference of the two forma ia only 
graphic, ainee the ysV- and vsWorms and the rett are alwaya to be read aa 
dlssyllablc: ift or Ift and u& or üft, and ao on. 

o. As to nenter stems for such adjeetlves, see 967. 

959. A few fnrther Vedic trregalaritlee or peeuliaritiee may be brlefly 

a. Of the eVstems, the forms in äs, Am, ft (du.) are sometimee to 
be read as dissyllables, aas, aam, aa. The datlve of the stem med as 
Infinitive ls ä{ (as if i + e): thus, prakhy&f, pratimftf, partdlL 

b. lrr>gnlar transfer of the accent to the ending in Compounds is aeen 
in a caae or two: thus, avadyabhiyi (RV.), &dbift (AV.). 

354. Bat Compounds of the olass above desorlbed are not in- 
freqnently transferred to other modes of inflection: the ft shortened 
to a for a mascnline (and nenter) stem, or deolined like a stem of 
the derivative ft-class (below, 964) as feminine; the I and ü short- 
ened to i and u, and Inflected as of the seeond declension. 

a. Thns, componnd stems in -ga, -ja, -da, -stha, -bha, and othert, are 
fonnd even in the Veda, and beeome frequent Uter (being made from all, or 
nearly all, the roots in ft) ; and sporadic eases from yet others oeear: for example, 
qftapan, vayodhlfo and rataadhebhis, dhanas&is (all RV.); and, 
from I and ü Compounds, vesacHs (TS.), ahrayas (RV.), ga^aorfohis 
(RV.), karmarjfs ((?B.) and rtanibhyaa (RV.) and sen&nibhyaa (V8.) 
and gr&msmibhis (TB.), supunft (AV.), oUibhrave (TS.> 

b. Still more nnmerous are the feminines in & which have lost their 

364—] V. Noüns AMD Adjeotivks. 128 

root-decleiiaton: exauiples are prajä (of whicU tbe further Compounds in 
part have root- forma), avadbä, eraddhat, pratima, and otbers. 

0. Then, in tho later language, a few feminines in I sre made from 
the stems in a sbortened from ä: thus, gopf, goatbl, pannagl, pankajl, 
bbujagl, bbujaxhgi, surftpf. 

366. Polysyllabic Sterns. Stems of this division (A) ofmore 
than one syllable are very rare indeed in the later language, and by 
no means common in the earlier. The Rig-Veda, howeyer, preaenta 
a not inconsiderable body of them; and aa the claaa nearly dies out 
later, by the diause of ita stems or their tranaier to other modea of 
declenaion, it may bo best deacribed on a Vedic baaia. 

a. Of stems in &, masculines, half-a-dozen occur in the Veda: paYnthft, 
mantb&, and fbhuksa are otherwise viewed by the later gram mar: see 
below, 433-4; uc,an& (nom. pr.) has the anomalous nom sing. UfaYna 
(and loc. as well as dat. uoane); mabet great is found only in aeeus. sing, 
and abnndantly in composition; at& frame has only ataau not derWable 
from ata. 

b. Of stems in l, over seventy are found in the Veda, nearly all 
feminines, and all tccented on tbe final. Half of the feminines are fonned 
from masculines wlth cbange of acoent: thus, kalystyi (m. kaly&na), 
purual (m. puruaa); otbers show no cbange of accent: thus, yami (m. 
yama); ethers still have no correaponding masculines : thus, nadf, lakamf, 
sürmi. The masculines are about ten in number: for example, ratbl, 
pravi, ataxi, abi, Apatbi. 

o. Of stems in ü, the number is amaller: these, too, are nearly all 
feminines, and all accented on the final. The majority of them are the 
feminine adjeetives in d to masculines in d or u (above, 344 b) : thus, 
caranyü, cariand, jigbatad, madbd. A few are nouns in d, wich 
cbange of accent: thus, agrd (agru), pfdakd (pfdiku)» ovaord (eva- 
c,ura); or without cbange, as nrtd. And a few have no correaponding 
masculines : thus, tanÜ, vadbd, oamd. The masculines are only two or 
tbree: namely, praed, kfkadaod, makad(?); and tbeir forma are of the 
utmost rarlty. 

366. The mode of declension of theae worda may be illuatrated 
by the followiog examplea: ratbi m. charioUtr; nadf f. 9tr§am\ Und 
f. body. 

a. No one of the selected examplea oecors in all the forms; forma for 
which no example at all is quotable are put in bracketa. No loc. sing, from 
any l-stem oecurs, to determine what the form would be. The stein nadl 
is selected as example partly In Order to emphasixe the difference between 
the earlier language and the later in regard to the words of this division : 
nadi is later the modei of derivative inflection. 


DeCLBNSION III., RADICAL ft-, I-, AMD Ü-8TEM8. [ — 868 





tan Ab 













Ab. 0. 





• • • • • 



rithi (?) 




N. A. V. 




I. P. Ab. 




0. L. 




PI oral: 

N. A. 








D. Ab. 






nadln Am 

tan an am 





b. The cases — nadfam, tanuam, etc. — are w ritten above accord- 
ing to tbeir troe phonetle form, almott invariably belonging to them in 
the Veda; in the written text, of course, tbe item-flnal Is roade a semt- 
▼owel, and tbe resulting syllable is circumflexed : thus, nadyam, tan* 
▼am, etc. ; only, as usual, after two consonants the resoWed formt iy and 
uv are written instead; and also where the combinatlon yv would other- 
wiae reeult: thus, oakHyA, [agruvAi,] and miträyüvae. The RV. really 
reads Btaryam etc. twice, and tanvaa etc. four times; and such con- 
tractlons are more often made in the AV. The endlng ä of the nom.-acc.-voc. 
du. if the equlralent of the Iater Au. The nom. sing, in 8 from I-stems 
is found in the older language about sixty times, from OTer thirty stems. 

357. Irregularitles of form, properly so called, are rery fcw in thls 
di vlsion: oamü as loc. sing, (instead of oamvlj oecurs a few times; and 
there Is another doubtful case or two of the same kind; the final u" is re- 
garded as pragfhya or uncombinable (138); tanui is lengthened to tanvl 
in * passage or two; -yuvaa is once or twice abbretlated to -yus. 

358. The process of transfer to the othor form of I- and Q-deolension 
(below, 362 ff.), which has nearly extingulshed this category of words in 
the later language, has lts beginnings in the Veda; but in RV. they are 
excesslvely scanty: namely, düti&m, loc. sing., once, and gva^fruam, do., 
once, and dravitnufc, idstr. sing., with two or three other deubtfnl ca*e«. 
In the Atharran, we find the acc. sing, kuhdm, tandm, vadhdm; the 
Instr. sing, palAlii and one or two others; the dat. alng. vadhvAf, gva- 
gruAl, agrüv&i; the abl.-gen. sing. punarbhuvAs, pfdAkutfa, qvagrufa; 
and the loc. sing, tanuAm (with anomalous accent). Accusatives plural in 
ifl and ÜB are nowhere met with. 

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 9 

069 — 1 V. Nouns AM) Adjectives. 130 

369. Adjectivo Compounds froni tltcse words arc very few; tbose wblrh 
occur aro declined llke tue simple stciua: thus, hiranyavftofr and aahaa- 
ra star 18, ataptatanüs and B&rvatanüs. all nom. sing, mascullne. 

Sterns ending in diphthongs. 

360. There aro certain monosyllabic Sterns ending in dipht Longa, 
which uro too fow and too diverse in inflection to make a declcnsion 
ol, and which uiay be most appropriately disposed of höre, in cou- 
iicctiou with the stcins in I and ü, with which tliey bave most affinity. 
Thcy aro: 

a. stcins in äu: n&ü and gl&ü; 

b. stems in äi: räf; 

c. Steins in o: g6 and dyo (or dyu, dfv). 

301. a. The stein näü f. ship is eutircly regulär, taking (he 
normal endings throughout, and following the rulcs for monosyllabic 
accentuation (317) — except that tho accus, pl. is said (it does not 
nppear to occur in accented texta) to bo like the nom. Thus: naua, 
navam, näva, näve, nävas, nävf ; näväu, näubhyam, näv6e; ndvas, 
nävas, näubhfs, n&ubhyas, nävain, näusü. Tho stein gläu m. ball 
is npparcntly infiected in the same way; but few of its forma have 
been inet with in use. 

b. Tho stem räf f. (or m.) weaUh inight be better doscribed at 
rä with a tn.ion-consonant y (268) interposed before vowel endings, 
aml is rcgulaiiy inllcctod us auch, with normal endiugs and mono- 
syllabic uecent. Thus: ras, räyam, räya, räya, rayaa, rayf; ray&u, 
rabhyain, räy6s; rayas, rayas, räbhfs, räbhyaa, räyam, räau. But 
in tho Vertu the accus, pl. is cither räyas or rayas; for accus, sing, 
and pl. aro also used the briefer forma räm (RV. once: räyam does 
not occur in V.) and ras (SV., once); and the gen. -sing, is sometimet 
anomalously accented rayas. 

c. The stein g6 id. or f. bull or cow is nmcb moro irregulär. In 
tho stiong cases, exrept accus, sing., it is strengthened to gäü, form- 
ing (liko nau: gäüs, guväu, gävas. In accus, siug. and pl. it h«s 
(liko räf) the brief forms gnm and gas. The abl.-gen. sing, is gÖB 
(as if from gu). The rest is rcgularly made from go, with the normal 
endings, but with aeeent nlways romaining irrcgularly upon the stem: 
thus, gavu, gave, gavi, gavos, gaväm; g6bhyäm, göbhis, gobhyas, 
gosu. In the Veda, another form of the gen. p). is gönäoL; the nom. 
etc. du. ib ;as in all othor such cases) also gavä; aud gam, g6s, und 
gas aie not iufrcqucutly to bc prououuccil as dibsylhiblcs. As acc. 
pl. is found a low times gävas 

d. The stem dyo f. (but in V. usually ra.) «Ay, day is yot moro 
anomalous. liuviug beside it a simpler stem dyu. which becomes div 
before a vowcl-ending. The native grauiiuarian* treat the two as 





divam dyim 


div* [dyava] 


div* dyave 


divas dyos 


divas dy6s 


divi dyavi 

} [divö 

131 Declension III., Diphtiiongal Stems. [—362 

indcpcnd'»tit. words, Imt it is moro convenicnt to put them togcthor. 
1 ho stein dyo is inflcctcd prcriscly liko g6, as above described. Th« 
enmplete declension is as foilows (with forma not aetaally met with 
in nso bracketed): 

Dual. Plural. 

) t^*"! dy * ViU «vE, dyün [dySir 

Idyübhis [dyibhls] 
[dyübhyäm dyöbhyäm] | [dy .„ hyM ^^„j 

... . . , [divim dyAvtm] 

Iivob dyivos] dyü?u |dy6?uJ 

c. Th* dat. sing, dyave is not found in (he early lang nage. Both 
divas and divas oceur as accus, pl. in V. As nom. etc. da., dydvfi. is, 
as iipual, tbe regnhr Vedic form: onre oecurs dyavi («In.), u lf a neuter 
form; and dy&üs is found once used aa ablatWe. The cases dyAus, dyäm 
and dyim (once) are read In V. sometimns aa dissy Mahles; and tbe Arst 
as arcented rocative thon beromes dyfiüs (i. e. diftus: sce 314 b). 

f. Adjoctivc Compounds having a diphthongal stom as final meraber 
are not numerouv and tend to «horten the dlphtbong to a towcI. Ihn?, 
frem nfiu *e have bhinnanu; fmm go, scveral words llke agu, saptagu, 
sugu, bahugü (f. -gÜ TB.); and, correspondingly, rät seema to be reduced 
to ri in brhadraye and rdhadrayas (RV.). In derivation, go maintalns 
ita fall form in gotra, agötB, -gava (f. -gavi), etc.; as flrst member of 
a Compound, lt In varlously treated: thus, gavftcjr, gavis(i (but gaAcir, 
gaiafi K.), etc.; goaeva or go'qva, görjika, göopaca, etc. In certain 
Compound«, also, dyu or dyo takes an anomalous form: thus, dyäurda 
(K.), dyfturloka (VB.), dyaüsaifacita (AV.). In revant (unless tbis is 
for rayivant) räi becomes re. UV. ha> adhrigftvas from adhrigu (of 
qaeationable Import); and AV. bas ghptastaVas, apparently accui. pl. of 
ghrtastü or -stö. 

B. Derivativo stems in R, I, Q. 

362. To this division belong all the ä and I-stems which 
have not been speeified above as belonging to the other or 
root-word division; and also, in the later language, most 
of the I and ü-stems of the other division, by transfer to 
a more predominant mode of inflection. Thus: 

1. a. The great muss of derivativo fem iu ine ä-stems, Substantive 
and adjeetive. 

b. The inflection of these stems has maintained itself with little change 
through the whole history of the language, belng almost predsely tbr same 
in the Vedi« as later. 


362—] V. Nouns and Adjeotivbs. 132 

2. o. The great raase of derivative feminine i-stems. 

d. This class is without exceptfon in the later language. In the earlier, 
it suffere the eiception pointed out above (366 b): that feminines utad» 
with change of accent follow tbis mode of declension only when the acceut 
is not on tbe i: thus, taviel, p&ruani, palikni, röhini. 

e. The I-stems of tbis division in general aro regarded as made by 
contraction of an earlier ending in yä. Their inflection has become in the 
later language somcwhat mixed with that of the other division, and so far 
different irom the Vödlc inflection: see below, 363 g. 

f. Very few derivative stems in l are recognizod by the grammarlau* 
as declincd like the root-divisiou; the Vedic words of that class Are, if 
retained in use, transferred to this mode of inflection. 

g. A very small number of inasculine i-stems (half-a-dozen) are in the 
Veda declined as of the derivative division: they are a few rare proprr 
uames, matali etc.; and raetri and ßirl (only or.e case each). 

3. h. The ü-stcins are few in number, and are transfers from the 
other division, assimihitcd in inflection to the great class of derivative 
i-stems (except that they retain the ending s of the nom. sing.). 

363. EndingK. The points of distinetion betweeu this and tho other 
division are as follows: 

a. In nom. sing, the usual s-ending is wantiug: except in the ü-stems 
and a very few i-stems — namely, laksml, tari, tantri, tandri — which 
have preserved the ending of the other division. 

b. The accus, sing, and pl. add siwply m and b respcctlvcly. 

c. The dat., ab 1. -gen., and loc. sing, tako always tho fuller ending» 
äi, aa, &m; and these are separated from tho final of the ä-stems by an 
interposed y. In ßrähmana etc., äi is generally substituted for äs (307 h). 

d. Before the endings ä of instr. sing, and ob of gen. -loc. du., the final 
of ä-stems is treated as if changed to e; but in the Yeda, the instr. cud- 
iug ä very often (in uearly half the oecurrences) blends with the final to a. 
The yä of i-stems is in a few Vcdic exaniples contracted to i, and even 
to i. A loc. sing, in i oecurs a few times. 

e. In all the weakest casei above mentioned, the accent of an i- or 
ü-stem having acute final is thrown for ward upon the euding. In che 
reuiaiuing case* of the tarne class, the gen. pl., in ii always interposed 
betweeu stein and ending, and the accent remains upon the former (in KV., 
however, it is usually thrown forward upon the ending, as in i and u-steuis). 

f. In voc. sing., final & becomes e; final S and ü are shortened. 

g. In noin.-acc.-voc. du. and nom. pl. appears in i (and ü)-stcui* a 
marked difforence betweeu the earlier and later language, the latter borrow- 
ing the forma of the other division. The du. ending äu is unknown iu 
RV., and very rare in AV.; the Vedic ending is i (a corresponding dual 
of ü-stems does not oeeur). The regulär later pl. ending aa has only a 



«loubtful cxnmplo ot two in UV., and a vory sm.ill n um bor in AV.; ihr 
case there (and it is ono of very frequent occurrencc) adds 8 slmply; and 
though yas- forma occur in the Br&hmanas, along with Is-forms, both are 
used raiher lndiffercntly m nom. and accus, (as, indood, they somctimes 
interchange also in the cpics). Of ä-stems, (he du. nom. etc. ends in e, 
both earlicr and later; in pl., of conrse, 8-forms are indistinguisbable from 
aa-forms. The RV. has a few cxamples of äaas for äs. 

h. The remaining cases call for no remark. 

364. Examples of deolension. As modele of the 
inflection of derivative stcms ending in long vowels, we 
may takc WH aänft f. army\ 3rUT kanya f. girl\ ^ft devi 
f. godde$s\ c^T vadhü f. tcoman. 


































Ab. G. 








{rJ} |M^ 















N. A. V 









I. D. Ab. 






-s -s 

-V "N 



0. L. 


^ 'S 








N. V. 




sen äs 



















a. in the Vcdu vadhu is n >\vi\\ bcloiigiug tu thu • thor tlivi^ion (\\\n 
tamV uIk.m', 356). 

365. Kxamplcs of Vedic tWms are: 

a. a-stems: in&tr. sing, maiiisä (this simpler form is especiully coiu- 
ii. on frum stcms in tä and iä), nom. pl. vac,äsaB (about twenty cxauiplrs); 
accus, pl. aramganiasas (a rase or tw«.j. Half th« bhyas-cat>es arc to 
be read as bhias; tbe äin of gen. pl. U a f»\v tiiaes to be resolved into 
aam; and tbc & nnd am of nooi. accus, sing, are, very rarely, to be 
treated in tbc sauie uianuer. 

b. l- stem ;»: instr. sing, c,ami, c,ami; loc. gäuri; uoni. *.tc. du. de vi; 
nom. pl. devis; gen. pl. bahvinam. Tbo final of tbo stein i* to be read 
,is a vowel (not y) frequently, but not in the majori ty of iiistauce*: thus, 
devia, devias, deviam, rödasios. 

C. The hporadic iu^tances of transfor between this dhition and the 
preceding bave been already »uflUieutly notked. 

d. Of tbe regulär Substitution made in the Brähniana laugtidge (307 h, 
336 g, 363 e) of tbe dat. sing, ending äi for tbe gen.-abl. cxiding äs, in 
all classes of words adinitting the latter ending, a few examplr» niay bo gl Yen 
berc. abhibhütyäi rüpam (AB.) a sign of overpowerimj\ tristubhae, 
ca jagatyäi ca (AU.) of the metres iristubh and jmjat l i ; väco däivyäi 
ca manusyäi ca (AA.) of spetch, both divinc und lnunuw. striyäi payah 
(AB.) womana milk; dhenväf vä etad retah (Tß.) thut, Jorxooth, U ihn 
sced of the cow\ jirnäyäi tvacah (KB.) cf dead */.//«: jyüyasi yüjyayäi 
(AB.) superior to the yajyft; aayfii divo 'sinfid antariksdt [i\'S.) from 
this In- uv tu, front this utmospherr. Tbc sauie;unt.'ii u u xdt t/uct in 
the AV.: thus, svapantv asyai jfi&tayah let her reUitives *Uep. 

135 Declension, III. Derivative §>, I-, and ü-stems. [—868 

366. Tli* noiiii nlri f. tr/nnan (prohahly contra r.tcri froin flfltri grtie- 
rairix), follows * mixod decleneion: thns, stri, stHyam or atrim, fttriyst, 
atriyftf, striyas, atriyam, strf; stHyäu, atrlbby&m, striy6s; BtHyas, 
striyas or Stria, strlbhfa, atribbyaa, atrlnam, atrleti (bat the accos- 
atlres strim and Stria tre not found In the older language, tnd the toc. 
atri is not quotable). The accentoation if thtt of t root-word; the formt 
(conspicnously the nom. sing.) are those of the other or derivative division. 


367. a. The occttrrenco of original adjectivos in long final vowels, 
and of Compounds having as final me ruber a stein of the first division, 
has bcen snfficinntly trcated above, so far as mascuHne and feminine 
forms are concerned. To form a nenter stein in cumpcsition, the rule 
of the luter languago is 'hat the final long vowel be shortcned; and 
the Atem s-> üiade is to be inßocted like an adjeetive in i or u [336, 
341, 344). 

b. Surh u'-ater forma eie very rare. *nd in the oWer langnage alroost 
onkuotm. Of neuters from I-stem« have been noted in the Veda only 
haricrfyam, acc. siiif. (a masc. form), and sufidhfas, gen. sing, (same 
as masc. and fem.); from ü-stems, only a few exauiple*, and from stem- 
forrns whti-h mi^ht be masc. and fem. also: thus, vibbu, aubhü, etc. (nom.- 
acc. sing.: eoti/pare 354); snpüa and mayobhuvft, Instr. sing.; and 
majobhu, a*c. pl. (rnmpare puru: 348 k); from ä-stems oeeur only half- 
a-doien rumple« of a nom. sing, in äs, like the russc. and fem. form. 

o. Compounds having nouns of the second division as final 
inember are common only from derivatives in ft; and these shorten 
the final to a in both masculine and nenter: thus, from a not and 
prajft progeny come the masc. and neut stein apraja, fem. aprajft 
childUtt. Snch Compounds with nouns in I and U uro saitl to be In- 
fiected in masc. and fem. like the simple words (only with in and ün 
in acc. pl. masc); bnt the examples given by the grammarians are 

d. Sterns wilh sbortened final are occaslonally met with: thus, eka- 
patni, ättalakami ; and snch adverbs (neut. sing, accus.) as upabhaimi, 
abhyujjayini. The item strl is directed to be shortened to stri for all 

368. It is convenient to give a complete paradigm, 

for all genders, of an adjeetive-stem in % a. We take for 
the purpose W\ papa evif, of which the feminine is usu- 
ally made in STT a in the later language, but in $ I in the 

388- J 

V. Nouns \nd Adjectivks. 



























































N. A.V. 









I. D. Ab. 





U. I.. 





IM ural: 















1). Ab. 




137 DECLEN8ION IV., r-STEMS. | — 371 

pApänam päpanam pApinani 

p&peju piplsu pApisu 

Declension IV. 
Sterns in fT r (or ^Tf ar). 

369. This declension is a com parat ively limited one, 
being almost entirely composed of derivative nouns formed 
with the suffix rf tr (or cFT tar), which makes masculine 
nomina agentis (used also participially), and a few nouns of 


a. But it includes also a few nouns of relationship not inado 
with that suffix: namely devf m., svaar and nanAndr f.; and. bcaides 
these, nf m., stf (In V.) in., usf (in V.) f., savyas$hr m., and the 
feminine nitroerals tisr and catasr (for which, soe 482 e, g). The 
feminines in tr are only mätf, duhltf, and yitr. 

b. The inflcction of these stems is quite closely analogous with 
that of stems in i and u (second declension); its peculiartty, as 
compared with them, consists mainly in the treatmont of the stein 
itself, which has a double form, fuller in the strong cases, briefer in 
the weak ones. 

370. Forma of the Stern. In the weak cases (excepting the 
loc. sing.) the stem-final is r, which in the weakest cases, or before 
a vowel-onding, is changed regularly to r (189). But as regards tho 
strong cases, the stems of this declension fall into two classes: in 
one of them — which is very much the larger, containing all the 
nomina agentis, and also the nouns of relationship naptr and svasr, 
and the irregulär words stf and savyasthr — the r is vriddhied, or 
becomes ar; in the other, containing most of the nouns of relationship, 
with nf and uaf, the r is gunated, or changed to ar. In both classes, 
the loc sing, has ar as stem-final. 

371. Ending*. These are in general the normal, but with the 
ollowing exceptions: 

a. The nom. sing. (masc. and fem.) ends always in ä (for original ars 
or Ars). The voc. sing, ends in ar. 

b. The accus, sing, adds am to the (strengthened) stein ; the accus, 
pl. has (like i- and u-stems) n as masc. ending aud 8 as fem. ending, with 
the r lengthened before them. 

371— J V. Nouks and Adjectives. i;$g 

c. The abl.-gen. blng. chaugcs f to ur (ur us: 169 b). 

d. The gen. pl. (as in i and u-steois) inserts n beforc Am, and 
lengtlicit* tlic dtcin-lliial before it. But the y ol' nf may also remain *>h.»rt. 

e. The above are the xules of the later language. The older preseuts 
certaiu deviations from them. Thus: 

f. The eoding in nom.-acc.-voc. du. is (as unitersally in the Veda) 
regularly ä instead of &u (only ton äu-forms in RV.). 

g. The i of Ire. sing, is lengthened to I in a fcw werds: thus, kartarL 
h. In the gen. pl., the RV. has once Bvfaram, vrithout iuseited n; 

and naram instead of npiam is frequent. 

i. Othcr irregularities of nf are the sing. dat. nare, gen. nsYraa, and 
)oc. nari. The Veda writes always nfnam in gen. pl., but its f is in a 
majority of cases metrically long. 

j. The stem usf f. daicn has the voc. sing, usar, the gen. sing, usras; 
and the accus, pl. also usrds, and lue. sing, uaram (\vhi«h i$ tuctric.dly 
trisyllabic: uspäm), as if in aualogy with i and ü- st eins. Once oeenrs 
usri in loc. &in$r., but it is to bc read as if the regulär trisyllabic form, 
usdri (i'-r the excli;<nge of b and s, seo 181 a). 

k. Fr um et)' come only tnras (apparently) and utfbhia. 

1. In the geii.-loc. du., the r is alinost always to bö read as a sepa- 
rate syllablc, jr, before the ending OS: thus, pitfös, etc. On the contr.ry, 
ixanfindari i* once to bc read nanändri. 

id. For neuter luriu*, See belo\r, 376. 

372. Acccni. Tho nuriituurion followa clo&cly the ruhsa for 
i- und u-stcuis: if on the final of the stein, it continues, as acute, on 
the corresponding syll.iblo throughout, except in the gen. pl., where 
it inny bc (and in the Veda always is) thrown forward npou the 
ending; whcre, in the weakest cases, p becomes r, the endiug has tho 
necent. The two monosyllabie stein a, nf and stf, do not show the 
luonwsyllabic accent: thus (besides the forma already given above), 
nfbhis, nfsu. 

373. Examples of declension. As modeis of this 
inode of iuflection, wc may lake from the tirst class (with 
tJTf är in the strong for ms) the stems ^IrT dÄtr m. ff teer 
.iud f^T avä&y f. sisttr\ from the second class 'with ^" ar 
in ihe stroug forma), the stem FJf[ pitr m. father. 



data sväsä pitä 

A. ^HTT\ F5RT?\ VFin\ % 

dätarain svasäram pitüram 






Ab. G. 









N. A. V. 

I. D. Ab. 

G. L. 





N. V. 





































a. The feminine stem *TlcT m&tf , mother, ia inflected pre- 
cisely like fäcT pitf, excepiing that its accusative plural is 
SfflrTO matfs. 

373—] V. Noüns and Adjectives. 140 

b. Tho poeuliar Vedie Conus have been sufflciuiiily instanced abotc, 
tho oiily ones of otber than sporadic occurreuce beiug the nom. etc. du. 
dätara, svasärä, pitarä, and tbe geu. pl. of nr t naräm. 

c. The nom. pl. forais pitaras and mätaras etc. are founJ used also 
as accus, in tbe epics. 

374. The stein kroatf in. jackal (lit'ly howhr) Substitutes in tho 
middle cases tho correspondiug forma of kr6stu (343 k). 

375. Neutor forius. The gramniarians prescribc a completc 
ueuter declonsion also for bases in ty, prccisely aecordant with that 
of väri or madhu (above, 339, 341). Thus, for cxainple: 




N. A. 













dhatr, dhatar 



a. Tho weakest cases, however (as of i- and u-atems used ad- 
jectivcly: 344), are allowcd also to be foriued like tho corresponding 
luascultuo cases: thus, dhätra etc. 

b. No such acuter forms Chance to oeeur in the Veda, but they begin 
to appear in tbe Brähmanas, under influence of tho common tendency 
(cooipare Germ. Retter, Retterin; Fr. tnenteur, tnenteuse) to give thts 
nomen ay cutis a more adjeetivo cbaracter making it correspond in gonder 
with tbe iiouu wbieb it (oppositively) qtiaUues. Thus, wo havo in 
TU. bharti* and janayitf, o,uulii'yuig antäriksuin; and bhartf-ni and 
janayitfni, qualifying naksatr&ni \ as, in M., grahitfni, «pialifying 

C. Whcn a feuiiuine noun is to be qualiöed in like manucr, the usual 
feminine derivative in i is employcd: thus, in TB., bhartryäa and bhar- 
tryäü, janayitryas and janayitryau, qualifying äpas aud ahorätre; 
and such arc not uncommon. 

d. The RV. shows tbe samc tendency very curiously once in tbe accus, 
pl. mätfn, instead of mätfs, in appositiou with inasculine uouus (KV. 
x. 35.2). 

e. Other neutor forms in KV. are sthätür gen. sing., dhm&tari lue. 
hing.; and for tho nora. sing., instead of -tr, a few more or less doublfitl 
tase«, sthatar, sthätür, dhartari. 


376. a. uro no original adjectives of this doclonsiou: für 
thc quasi-adjeetival character of thc uomis eotuposiug it, seo abovo 
(375b;. Tho feminine stein is made by the snftix i: thus, datri, dhätri. 

b. Roots eudiug iu r (liko those in i and u: 346) add a t to uiake 
a declinable stein, whcn oecurriug as Itnal lueuiber of a Compound: 


1 4 i Declension V m Consonant-stems. [—370 

lliiiH. knrmnkft (yky), vnjrablift (ybhp), biilibft (yhf). Kroin miuio 
f-routu, alao, aro mado stotns iu ir and ur: see bclow, 383 a, b. 

o. Nouns in x »s finale of adjective Compounds aro inflected in 
the same manner as when simple, in the masculine and feminine; in 
the neuter, they would doubtless have the peculiar neuter endings in 
noro.-acc.-voc. of all numbers. 

d. But TS. has once tvatpltaraa, nom. pl., having thee for father. 

Declension V. 

Sterns ending in Conaonants. 

377. All Sterns ending in conaonants may properly he 
classed together, as forming a single comprehensive declen- 
sion: 8i nee, though some of them exhibit peculiaiities of 
inflection, thesc have to do almost exclusively with the stem 
itself, and not with the declensional endings. 

378. In this declension, masculines and feminines of 
the same final are inflected alike; and neuters aie peculiar 
(as usually in the other declensions) only in the nom.-acc- 
voc. of all numbers. 

a. The majority of consonantal slems, liowever, are not 
inflected in the feminine, but form a special feminine deriv- 
ative stem in ^ I (never in 3T ft), by adding that ending to 
the weak form of the masculine. 

b. Exceptions are in general the stems of divisions A and B — 
nainely, the radical steins etc., and those in as and is and us. For 
special cases, see below. 

379. Variations, as between stronger and weaker forms, 
are very general among consonantal steinst either of two 
degrees (strong and weak), or of three (strong, middle, and 
weakest): see above, 311. 

a. The peculiar neuter forms, aecording to the usual 
rule (311 b), are made in the plural from the strong stem, in 
singular and dual from the weak — or, when the gradation 
is threefold, in singular from the middle stem, in dual from 
the weakest. 

370— J Y. NülTNS AM* AlhlF.t TIVHv \4j, 

b. As in the cusc of »tcins cnding in short vowi-U • asyäni, 
varini, inddhüni, dätfni, etc.), a nasal soinetimcs nppenrs in tho 
special ucuter plural cascs wliich \h fuuud nowlicrc eise in inflcction. 
Thus, frora thc stems in as v iß, us, thc nom.-acc.-voc. pl. in -ansi, 
-insi, -ünsi are very common at every period. According to the 
grammarians, thc radicul stcws ccc. (division A» are treated in the 
satne way; but exainples of such neutcrs are of extreme rarity in tue 
lauguage; uo Vedic text öfters one, and in thc lirähmanas aud Sürras 
ha ve been uotod only -hunti (AU. vii. 2. 3), -vrnti (l'B. xvi. 2. 7 et al.\ 
-bhänji iKB. xxvii. 7), -bhfnti (QB. viii. 1. 3»), and -yunji iL(;S. ü. 1. S ; 
whilo in the later lauguage is found hero and there a caso, like 
-cjrunti (Ragh.). -pünsi (Qic,.) ; it may be questioned whether they are 
not later aualogical formations. 

380. The cnding8 are throughout those given above (310) 
as thc *" c iiormar\ 

a. By the genoral law as to finals 150), the s of the now. sing, 
inasc. and fein, is ahvays lost; and irregnlarities uf treatinent of the 
final of thc stein in this casc are not infrccpient. 

b. Tue gen. and abl. &ing. are never distinguished iu form froiu 
one auother — nor are, by ending, the nom. and accus, pl. : but these 
soiuuthnes differ in stem-forui, or in acceut, or in both. 

381. Change in the place of the accent is limited to mouosyllabic 
stems and the participlcä iu ant (aeeeuted on the final;. For dctails, 
seo below, under divisiuns A and E. 

a. Bul a low of thc Compound» of t ,( c root ano or ao bhow an irregulai 
shift ol' acceut in thc oMcst lungua^c: «ee below, 410. 

382. a. For convenience and clearness of presentation, 
it will be well to separate from the general mass of conson- 
antal stems ccitaiu special classes which show kindred pe- 
culiarhies of inllcclion, and may hü liest described together. 
Thus : 

B. Derivative stems in as, is, us ; 

C. Derivative stems in an (an, man, van,; 

D. Derivative slems in in (in, min, vinj ; 

E. Derivative .slems in unt (unt, mant, vunt,; 

F. l'erfcet active parlieiples in väns; 
O. Comparativcs in yäns or yas. 

b. There remain, then, to constitute division A, espe- 
ciully radical .stems, or tliosc ideulical in form with roots, 


tngotlior witli a comparatively small nunihor of oihers whioli 
are infleclcd likc thesc. 

Thcy will bc tnkcn 11p in tho ordcr (lms indicated. 

A. Root-Btems, and those inflected liko them. 

383. The stems of this division tnay l»e rlassified as 
follows : 

I. a. Root-Htcms, having in them no deinnngtrnble dement added 
to a root: thus, fc rcrac, glr song, pkd foot, df<j direction, man (V.) 

b. Stich Sterns, howoyer. are not always precisely identical in form 
with the root: "thus, vic froin )/vac, sraj fron* ^srj, müs Crom i mug, 
vrfc. from } / vraQc(?), üs from |/vaa ihine; — from root« in Anal r tonte 
stems in Ir and ur: thu«, g{r,, stfr; jur, tur, dliur, pur, mür, 
atiir, sphür; and psür from j/psar. 

c. With these may bo ranked the »tcvxn with redtiplicated root, as 
eikit, yavlyudh, van Ivan, aasy&d. 

d. Words of this division in uncomponnded uee are tolerably frcqnent 
in tho older language: thus, In RV. are found more than a hundred of them; 
in AV., abont sixty ; btit in the classical Sanskrit the power of usiitg any 
root at will in thl« way ia lost, and tho examplcs are comparatively few. 
In all pcrlods, however, the adjeetive use af Anal of a Compound is Tery 
common (see below, 401). 

e. As to tho Infinitive use of various cases of the root-noun, sc© 971. 

II. f. Sterns mnde by the addition of t to a final short vowcl of 
a root. 

g. No proper root-stem ends fn a short vowel, although thero are (364) 
examph-s of transfer of stich to short-vowel-dcclensiotis; but i or u or f 
adds a t to make a dcclinable form: thus } -j(t, -C,rüt, -kft. Root* in r, 
however, as has just been seen (b), also make stems in ir or ur. 

h. As regards the frequency and nse of these words, the same if true 
a* was stated above respecting root-stems. The Vedn ofTers cxamples of 
nearly thirty such formations, a few of them (mit, rit, stüt, hrut, vft, 
at?d dyüt if this i" taken from dyu) in independent use. Of roots in r, 
t is added by kr, dhr, dhvr, bhr, vr, sr, apr, hr, and hvr. The roots 
Rä (or gam) and han also make -gat and -hat by addition of the t to 
»n abhrcvintrd form in a (thus, adhvagat, dyugat, dvigat, navagat, 
and aamhat). 

III. i. Mono*yllabic (also a few apparently reduplicated) stems 
not ccrtninly connectiblo with any verbal root in the langnage, but 
having the »spect of root-stems, as containing no traceable Suffix 

W4 t V ,v,i -\ k+u Ao/tx-nrca 141 

M*'«*. Ivku */•///, p*tt« Twl, hfd heart, ap aad wir 
4* Hiimth, k*khhh UtA fc*fc6d tumrnit. 

| h<ttt/ 0/ t'*Hf «wk wht'1% *r« fouud io iaa older Uagmaf*. mml 
<in>. ut tum» t'tHtUw* Ut \%U\1 u%e, whiU Otiten kav« W«n traasfcrred to 

k. MI «im» moro or Ihm» clearly derivative, but made with sufttxcs 

nf min ff« <iv«fti UoIuJihI occitrrisiico. Tbus: 

I il<.ii«rfhvtiH (V ) fi'Mii \»u (Million« with the saföi vat: arvftvat, 
iivAl, ihIvaI, iilvAt, jmrAvAt, pravat, saihvat; — 2. derivatives (V.) 
Im lltl (|Milu|ia MlilitnvUliul Irom tdti), In a fcw itolated form*: thus, 
H|miAlAl, riuvAlAl, vfkAtAt, nutyat&t, aarvatftt; — 3. other dbrlva- 
M «h« in I |iii>i'iii|i il liy vmloiiM towsW: tbiu, daqat, vehat, vahat, sravat, 
ma^aI, VAaliAli iiAiiAti U<Jit, dlvft, yosft, rohft, aarit, harit; 
n»m Ml 1 ,yAli|*l a y4k|*t ; »ml tho numerals for 90, 40, 60, triftgat eto. 
|4 , /n), I »imus in ad: tlm», dfaid, dhfaad, bhaaad, vanad, 
ymadi MiuuAdi fV «loiiito In J |»roordcd by varlous Towels: thus, tqps^aj, 
tMttfAJ, unuAI, bltt»*Ji uvÜ» va^i(j, bhur{j. ni^ij(V); iarj; — 6. « 
ivu • mu« ftttMnft tu » til>t)4iit «|i|uuonUy forin»tivo: thus, jftaa, -dia» 
l»ltd« M«U» Mtifi 'f * loutiuut o( Mii«U«*itUbta caifts, such as vift&p, 

tl|«a\t ( k*|»|ih k VNvWdb» ifidli. pfkvüdh» raghat (?), aarigh, viaruh, 

«MM tiouds'i Iho v\H»t »tvm* an» roguUrty fciuiuiuo aa mohuh 
..,«■ -a-x a\*\\ inavuUwo a* » .•***■* «cyvMtw v^bich b probabty oaly a 
«ut^t-tumo v.»\' \H \U%u a^kx m* \alu#: WK»w. 400. Bat the feaii- 
tituv uo.m wut^.ü vb^K^tu.s »1* £va«lcr. v* vlVa al^> msed eoncreiely: 
^ » hUuIv V ,\ sK\\\\\ K ■ -«.Wh HKMUU kunmutf^ <mmuty, MMnk alao 

1. )..** «# ^V^> U^4\ k rtM4: Ott th* Maatfailsc vsiae. Aad 

vwv vi ^hv «N^iut^Nvi a.%\^ * evitfp-ceviv v>mk*ku Bt^amn^. TWoagk 

«s.Vx u»«« ,. n. fem . ».««..• ^M >fcv^S v *'ta **iva ÄAJ ku 

*^cv x -i v %t^i v» % ^*v >.^J» :j:ä* Vitf 

> .1.. » V 1. 1 N. \» >V 

145 Dbclension V., Consonantal Stems. [—389 

*trin yuj, somotlmcs, In tho oldcr language: thus, nom. sing, yuft (for 
yufikj, accus, yufljam, da. yüfijÄ (but also yujam tnd yüj*); — 
3. The stem -dfc, ts final of a Compound In ihe older language; bot only 
in the nom. sing, masc, and not always: thus, any&dffi, Idffi, kldffl, 
tädfft, et&dfn, aadfn and pratisadffl: bot also Idfk, tadfk/avardfk, 
etc.; — 4. For path and puxha, whieh Substitute more extended stems, 
and for dant, see below, 394 — 6. 

387. Tho vowcl a is longthcncd in strong cases ai follows: 

1. Of ine roots vac, aac, aap, nabh, cfts, in a few instances (V.), 
at the end of Compounds; — 2. Of the roots vah and sah, but lrregularly; 
see below, 403 — 5; — 3. Of ap tcatcr (see 393); also in tt* Compound 
rltyap; — 4. Of päd foot: in the Compounds of this word, in ihe later 
language, the same lengthening is made In the mlddle cases also; and in 
RV. and AV. the nom. sing. neut. is both -pat and -pät, while RV. bis 
once -päde, and pftdbhla and p&tau occur in the Brähmanas; — 6. Of 
naa nose (? naaä nom. du. fem., KV., once); — 6. Sporadlc cases (V.) 
*re: yäj (?), toc sing.; pathaa and -rapas, accus, pl.; vanlvänas, 
nom. pl. The strengtbened forms bhaj and raj are consUnt, through all 
classes of cases. 

388. Othcr roodes of differentiation, by elision of a or contraction 
of tbe syllable containing it, appear in a few stems: 

1. In -han: see below, 408; — 2. In kaam (V), along with Pro- 
longation of a: thus, kaam ä du. , kgomas pl.; kaama 1 instr. sing., ksami 
loc. sing., ksmue abl. sing.; —3. In dvar, eontracted (V.) to dur in weak 
cases (but with some confuslon of the two classes); — 4. In avar, which 
becomes, in RV., aür in weak cases; later it is indeclinable. 

389. The endings are as stated above (380). 

a. Respecting their combinatlon with the final of tho stem, as 
well as the treatment of tho latter when it oecurs at the end of the 
word, the rnles of euphonic combination (chap. III.) aro to be con- 
sulted; tbey reqnire much raore constant and various application here 
tban anywhcre eise in declension. 

b. Attention may be called to a few exceptiotial cases of combinatlon 
(V.): mädbhia and mädbhyaa frora maa month; the wholly anomalous 
paclbhfa (RV. and VS.: AV. has always padbhia) from päd; and aara( 
and aara^bhyaa correspondlng to a nom. pl. saraghas (lnstcad of aarahaa: 
S2S). Dan is apparently for dam, by 143 a. 

c. According to the grammariaus, nenter stems, onless they end in a 
nasal or a semivowel, take in nom.-ac<?.-vo<\ pl. a strengthening nasal before 
the final consonant. But no such cases from neuter noun-stems appear ever 
to bare been met with in usc; and as regards adjectWe stems ending in a 
root, see above, 379b. 

Whitney, Orammar 3. ed. 10 




390. Monosyllabic stems have the regulär accent of such, throw- 
ing the tone forward upon the endings in the weak cases. 

a. But the accusative plural hae ita normal accentuation as a 
weak case, upon the endlng, in only a minority (hardly more than a 
third) of the stema: namely in data«, pathaa, pada«, nidaa, apaa, 
uaaa, jfiaaaa, pumaaa, mftsaa, mahaa; and •ometimea in vftoas, 
sruoaa, hrutaa, sridhaa, ksapaa, vipas, dura«, iaaa, dviaaa, druhaa 
(beeide vacas etc.). 

b. Exceptional inatances, in whlch t weak case has the tone on the 
•tem, occur aa follows: s&dft, nadbhyas, tanft (also tan&) and taue» 
bädhe (infln.), rane and rinau, vaAau, evani, vfpas, kaami, surft 
and sttraa (but eure), Anhas, and vanaa and bfhae (in vanaspati, 
bfhaspati). On the other band, a strong case is accented on the ending 
in mahaa, nom. pl., and kftaam (AV.: perhapa a false reading). And 
presi, inatr. sing., is accented as if prea were a simple stem, instead of 
pra-fa. Vimrdhah U of donbtful character. For the sometimes anomalous 
aocentuation of stems in ao or afio, see 410. 

391. Examples of inflexion. K As an example of 
normal monosyllabic inflection, we may take the fltem- 
c(TQ vÄo f. voice (from VcjH vao, with conetant Prolongation); 
of inflection with atrong and weak stem, crj päd m. foot\ 
of polysyllabio inflection, ST^cT marut m. wind or toind-god\ 
of a monosyllabic root-stem in compoaition, f^cfrT tri vft 
three-fold, in the neuter. Thus: 

N. Y. 



Ab. G. 






















[— 391 

N. A. V. 

I. D. Ab. 









*H?cft fSRrft 

marut&u trivftl 

H^IH^ f^pi\ 

marudbby&m trivfdbby&m 



N. V, 


Plural : 
väcaa, v&oaa padaa 


^ 'S 


^ 'S 


D. Ab. 
















marudbnyaa trivfdbbyaa 




By way of Illustration of the leading methods of treatment of 
a stem-final, at the end of the word and in combination with case- 
endings, characteristic case-forms of a few more stems are her© added. 
Tims : 

a. Sterns in j: yuj-class (219 a, 142), bbiaaj physician: bbisak, 
bbisajam, bhisagbbis, bbisaksu; — mrj-clas* (210 b, 142), aamraj 
universal ruler: samrät,, samrajam, samrifbbis, samr&tau. 

b. Stems in dh: -vfdb increasing: -vft, -vfdbam, -vfdbhis, 
•vftsu; -büdb (155) teaking: -bbut, -büdham, -bbudbbis, -bbutsu. 

0. Stems in bb: -atübb praising: -atup, -stübbam, -stubbhis, 

d. Stems in 9: dfc, (218a, 146) direction: dfk, dfo,am, dlgbbfs, 
dlksü; — vi? (218, 145) the peopU: vi(, vf^am, vifbbfs, vifsu (V. 
viksü: 218 a). 

e. Stems in ■ (228 b, 146): dvlf enemy: dvfy dWsam, dvi^bnia, 

f. Stems in b: dub-claes (232-3 a, 165 b, 147), -düb milhing, 


301— J V. NOUNtf and Adjectivbö. 148 

yielding : -dhuk, -düham, -dhugbhia, -dhukau ; — ruh-claaa (223 b, 
147), -lih lickütg: -\i% t -liham, -li^bhia, -li^au. 

g. Sterns in m (143 a, 212a: only prac,aii, nom. sing., qaoUble): 
-9 am quieting: -c,äii, -c,amam, -c,änbhia, -c,anau. 

392. The root-stems in ir and ur (383 b) lengthen their vowel 
wbon the final r is followed by another conaonant (246 b), and also 
in the nom. Bing, (where the case-ending a is lost). 

a. Thua, froin g£r f. song come gfr (gib), giram, girt etc.; 
gfrau, glrbhyäm, gir6s; gfraa, glrbhfa, girbhyaa, giram, glreu 
(166); uud, in like raanner, from pur f. stronyhold come pur (pAr^), 
püram, purä, etc.; püräu, pürbhyam, pur6a; puraa, pürbbfs, pür- 
bhyas, pur am, pürau. 

b. Thero aro no roots in is (cxcept the eicessifely rare pia) or in 
US; but from the root c,äa with its ä weakened to i (260) come* the 
fiouii &C,(b f. Messing, which is inflccted liko gfr: thua, &c,Ia (äc.lh), 
ao,faam, äqfsä, etc.; ä<;fsäu, Ac,irbhyäm, Ae^aba; Ac,{aa8, Ac.irbbia, 
aqirbhyas, aqfeäm, üi;ihsu. And Bajds togcther is apparently a stcreo- 
typed iioiuinativu cf like formation from tho root jus. Tho form aa(aprü( 
(TS.), from the root-stcm prus, is isolated and anomalous. 

o. These stems in ir, ur, is show a liko Prolongation of vowel also 
in compositlon and derivation: thua, glrv&ga, pürbhfd, dhürgata, 
dhüstva, äqlrda, fujirvant, etc. (but also gfrvan, girvanae). 

d. The native gram mar sets up a class of quasi-radical stems like 
Jigamia detiring to go t made from the desiderative conjugatlon-stem (1027), 
and prescribes for it a dcclonsiou like that of äqia: thua, Jigamia, jiga- 
mlaA, Jigamirbhis, jigamibau, otc. Such a class appears tobe a mere 
flgroent of the grammarians, since no ezample of it has been found quotablo 
from the literature, either oarlier 01 later, and since there is, in fact, no 
niore a destderative stem jigamia than a causatiTe stem gamay. 

393. The stem ap f. trafer is inflected only in the plural, and 
with dissimilatiou of its final beforo bh to d (161 e): thua, tpaa, 
apaa, adbhfs, adbhyaa, apam, apflü. 

a. But RV. has the siug. instr. apä and gen. apaa. In the carlier 
language (cspeclally AV.), and even in the epics, the nom. and accus, pl. 
forma are occasionally confused in use, apaa being employcd at accus., 
and apaa as noiuinative. 

b. Desides the stem ap, casc-forms of thia word are sometimea used 
in couipoaitlon and derivation: thus, for example, ab ja, ftpodevata, 
apomaya, apsumant. 

394. The stein püma in. man is vory irrogular, substitiitlng 
püniana in tho strong cases, and losiug ita a (nocessarily) before 
initial bb of a caao-ending, and likewiae (by analogy with thia, or 
by an abbreviation akiu with that noticed at 231) in the loe. plural. 
The vocutive is (in aecordanco with that of tho soincwhat eiinilarly 

149 Declbnsion V., Consonantal Stems. [—398 

inflcctod porfoct participles: see462a) püman in tho lator languagc, 
bat pümas in the earlier. Thus: pümlo, pümänaam, pumalt, 
pumae, pumsaa, pumsf, puman ; pumänsau, pumbhy im, pumsös ; 
pümänaaa, pumsaa, pumbbls, pumbhyaa, pumsani, pumsvL 

a. The accentuation of the weak forma, it will be nottced, U that of 
a true monoayllabic stein. The forma with bh-endinga nowhere occor in the 
older languagc, nor do they appear to- hate been cited from the later. 
Instances of the confusion of atrong and weak forma aro occaalonally met 
with. As to the retention o( B nnlingnallzed in the weakest caaea (whence 
necessarily followa that in the loe. pl.), aee 183 a. 

b. Thia atem appeara nnder a conaiderable variety of forma in com- 
Position and derWation: thus, aa pums in pumG,eali, pumatva, puma- 
vant, -pumaka, etc.; aa pum in pümvatsa, püibrüpa, puihvat, 
pumartha, etc.; as pumsa in pumsavant; — at the end of a Compound, 
either with its füll inflectfoo, aa in Strlpuma etc. ; or as pumsa, in 
stripumsa, mahäpumsa; or aa puma in strlpuma (TS. TA.). 

396. The stein path m. road ig defective in declension, formt ng 
only the weakest cases, while the strong are made from pantha or 
panthan, and the middle from pathf : see linder an-stems, below, 433. 

398. The stem dant m. tooth is perhaps of partieipial origin, and 
has, like a participle, the forma dant and dat, strong and weak: 
thus (V.), dan, dantam, data, etc.; dataa acc. pl. eto. But in the 
middle cases it has the monosyllablc and not the partieipial accent: 
thus, dadbhfa, dadbhyaa. In noni. pl. oeenrs also -dataa instead 
of -dantaa. By tho gram mar ians, tho strong cases of this word are 
reqtiircd to bo made from danta. 

397. A number of other words of this division are defective, 
roaking part of thetr inflection from stems of a different form. 

a. Thus, hfd heart, mann or maa n. meat, maa m. month, naa 
f. no*e, nie, f. night (not found in the oldor langtiage), pft f. artny, are 
said by the gram mari ans to lack the nom. of all numbers and the accus, 
sing, and du. (the nentera, of courae, the acc pl. also), making them 
rrspectively from hfdaya, mänaa* maaa, nasikft, nic/ft, pftanft. But 
the uaage in 'the older langaage is not entirely in aecordance with thia 
requirement: thus. we find maa ßesh accus, sing.; mala month nom. sing.; 
and naaä nostrils du. From pft oecura only the loc. pl. pr/taü and (RV. , 
once) the aame caae with double ending, prtsüsu. 

308. On the other hand, certain stems of this division, allowed 
by the grammarlans a füll inflection, are used to 611 np the deficien- 
cies of those of another form. 

a. Thua, aarj n. blood, ^akjt n. ordure, yakjt n. Hv«r y d6s n. 
(also m.) fore-arm, have beaide them affective stems In an: aee below, 
432. Of none of them, howeter, is anythlng but the nom. -acc. sing, found 
in the older language, and other cases later are but Tery acantily repreaented. 


b. Of as n. mouth, and ud water, only a cue or two are fouud, in 
the older Unguage, beside fisan and Ssya, and udan and udaka (482). 

390. Some of the alternative stema mentioned aboTe are instantes of 
transition from tbe consonant to a vowel deolenaion: tbut, danta, maaa. 
A nu/aber of other similar cases occur, aporadically In the older Unguage, 
more commonly in tbe later. Such are -p&da, -mäda, -d&ca, bhraja, 
vistapa, dvära and dura, pura, dhura, -dfca, naaft, nidft, ksfpft, 
ksapi, &e&, and perhaps a few others. 

a. A few irregulär Steins will find a more proper place onder the head 
of Adjeetives. 


400. Original adjeetives having the root-form are comparatively 
rare even in the oldest laaguage. 

a. About a dozen are quotable from the RV., for tbe most part only 
in a few scattering cases. But mah great it common in KV., tbough it 
dies out rapidly later. It makes a derivative feminine item, mahl, which 
contlnues in use, as meaning earth etc. 

401. But Compound adjeetives, having a root as final member, 
with tbe value of a presont participlo, are abundant in every pertod 
of the language. 

a. Possessive adjeetive Compounds, also, of the sauie form, are 
not very rare: examples are yataaruo with offered bowl; BÜryatvao 
8un-8kinned\ catuspad four-footed; Buhäxd kind-hearted } JrUndfy; 
rltyap (i. o. rltf-ap) having Streaming water*] sahaaradvar furnished 
with a thousand doors. 

b. Tbe inflection of such Compounds is like that of the simple root- 
stems, mascullne and feminine being throughout the same, and the nenter 
varying only in the nom.-acc.-voc. of all numbers. Bat special, neuter forma 
are of rare oecurrenoo, and masc.-fem. are sorootimes used instead. 

O. .Only rarely is a derivative feminine stem in I form cd : in tbe older 
language, only from the Compounds with ao or ano (407 ff.), those with 
han (402), those with päd, as ekapadl, dvipadl, and with dant, as 
vf Badati, and mahl, amucl (AV.), üpaaadi (?^B). 

Irregularities of inflection appear in the following: 

402. The root han sUiy, aa final of a Compound, is inflected 
somewbat likc a derivative uoun in an (below, 420 ff.), becoming hft 
in tbe nom. sing., and losing its n in tbe middle cases and its a iu 
the weakest cases but only optionally in the loc. sing.). Further, when 
the vowcl is lost, h in contact with following n reverts to its orig- 
inal gh. Tims: 

151 Declension V., Con8onantal Stems. [—404 

Singular. Dual. Plural. 

N. vrtrahi \ vrtrahanas 

A. vrtrahanam / * T vftraghna« 

I. vr/traghnä ] vj»trahabhis 

D^ ntraghn* JvrtrahAbhyäm J^,,«»^.. 

0. /* \ . vr;traghnam 

L. vrtraghnf, -hani /* ^ vrtrahaau 

V. vftrahan vftrahanäu vftrahanaa. 

a. As toMhe change of n to n, see 193, 106. 

b. A feminine is mtde by addtng I to, as usual, the stem-form shown 
in the wetkest ctses: thus, vrtraghni. 

0. An accus, pl. -hanas (like the nom.) also ocr.nrs. Vftrah&bhis 
(RV., once) is the only middle ease-form qnoUble from the older languagc. 
Transitions to the a-declension begin already in the Yeda: thus, to -ha 
(RV. AV.), -ghna (RV.), -hana. 

403. The root vah carry at tho ond of a Compound is Said by 
the gratnmarians to be lengthened to vah in both the strong and 
middle cases, and contractcd in the wcakest cases to üh, whick with 
a preceding a-vowel becoroes äu(137c): thus, from havyavah sacri- 
ßce-btaring (epithet of Agni), havyav&(, havyav&ham, havyauha, 
etc.; havyavdhäu, havyav&gbhy&m, havyäühos; havyavsvhaa, 
bavy&ühas, havyav&gbhia, etc. And C/vetav&h (not qtiotable) is 
said to be fnrther irregulär in making the nom. sing, in vas and the 
▼ocative in vas or väa. 

a. In the earlier languagc, only strong forms of Compounds with vah 
hftvr. becn found (0 oenir: namely. -vät^, • vah am, -v&häu or -vähi, and 
•vahaa. But feminines in I, from the weakest stem — as turyauhl, 
dityäuhi, pasthauhl — are met with In the Brihmanas. TS. has the 
irregulär nom. sing, pas^havat. 

404. Of very irregulär formation and inflection is onc common 
Compound of vah, namely anacjvah (anas-f-vah burden-beariny or 
cart-drmriny, i. c. ox). Its stem-form in the strong cases is anacjväh, 
in the weakest ana<Jüh, and in the middle ana<Jud (perhaps by dis- 
siroilation from ana<Ju4). Moreover, its nom. and voc. sing, are roade 
in vän and van (as if from a vant-stem). Thus: 








m 9 m 









a a_ 















an a<j vahaa 

v,ji» ^-.i> adjäctivbs. 15-) 

:w» t .i iu« only middla case-form niiritlc 
.l lügniimMi atarwing tbe middla tun — as 
,- — o dm with in Bräbmanas etc. 

-uau (of ^ery infrequent occurrea;^ 
JL MS.). 

....Mit aa» m tha Veda a double irreguLant * : 

. *c *ii *-vowel — as also in iu Single «- 

. ..,u%u*» ,RV., tvam sät) — wbile it iooe 

^ «.- . .c u-vowel; and iia a is eithcr prolooged 

.«* .uw«4 -iud w«ak cases. The quotabl* fonns 

k „* iah am aaha, -sähe or -sähe» -nah an 

v -u.>; -aahaa or -a4haa. 

• *r*J • V T*i «•«*« offering) a certain priest or 
^4 i-j» :oaa tbo nom. and voc. sing, avayaa. 

f. (RV. and AV., eacb once). 

. _ . •*- *¥*>*rlryaj conciliaU, avayas i» very 

^ -»**.»» '*** tbo «am« mcaning. But sadhamaa 

.. ^^^ ^ *• ^40«) ibow a timilar apparent aubstitution 

. ,. .«.** * utur long ä for a final root-consonant 

. Ue «»» ;iM tbe alleged cvetaväs (ubove, 403). 

.. t ;ii AÄtf or ac. The root ac ur anc 

.. -*«a ,wjn>jwtiona and otbor word.s, a consitl- 

^.„ ^ ^«a i4juctivea, of quite irregulär formation 

...^ . ->«jteit it aluiost loses ita character of root, 

„^ <^«t.»i**t bare only two stem-forms: a strong 

**» tttsa» tu nom. sing, masc), and a weak in 

<* **» ^ ntiildle in ao a weakest stein in o, 

. ..«ua*,t«%l with a preceding i or u into i or ü. 

^^ < ««m^ t>y antding I'to tbe steni-fonn uaed in 

^ ^ .«*«M*u*i like them. 

^*_» ttoftKttoo w* niay take präüc forward, ea*t, 
fcW >*4iHaite jf«/«*y apart. 

^ -.*4*j£*i* pratyak vievan vfsvak 

^_ j**£^*itoain pratyak vfavancam viavak 
pratica vfeücä 

pratice vfsüce 

praticäs visücas 

praticf vlsüci 

^ % -*;^tgL*ÄV?*u pratici vfsvancau vfsüoi 
^^yäcbhyam visvagbhyäm 

ip<«JU*>« . vfaücoa 



153 Declension V., Consoxantal Stems. [—412 : 

N. V. praficas pr&nci praty aücas pratyaÄci vfsvafioas vfsvafiei 

A. präcas pr&nci praticaa pratyaöci visno&s vfsvafiol 
I. pragbhis pratyagbhis visvagbhis 

D. Ab. prägbhyas pratyogbhyas visvagbhyas 

O. pracätn pratio&m visüc&m 

I,. praksu pratyaksu vfsvaksu 

a. The feminine stems are pricI, pratlci, vfeücl, respectively. 

b. No cxauiplo of the middle, form« excepting the nom. etc. ting. 
neut. (and thi.« gcnerally used as adverb) is found either in RY. or AV. 
In (Im same t-xU is lacking (ho nom. etc. pt. neut. In fiel; bat of this a 
number of example* oeeur in tbe Rrähmanas: thus, präfioi, pratyanci, 
arväfici, samyanci, sadhryafici, anvafioi. 

400. a. Like prane aro inflected ap&fic, aväfic, paräfio, arv&fic, 
adhar&nc, and others of rare oecurrence. 

b. Like pratyäne are inflected nyafic (i. e. n(afic), samyano 
(ßnm+anc, witli irregularly inserted i>, and üdano (weakest stom 
üdic: ud 4-anc, with i inserted in weakest cases only , witli a few 
otlier rare stems. 

c. Like visvaöc is inflected anvafic, also threc or four others of 
which only isolated fonus oecur. 

d. Still inore irregulär is tlryanc, of which the weakest stein is 
tirac,c ti ras -hoc. the other stems are made from tir-f-anc or ac, 
with the inserted i). 

410. The a< rentnation of tbese words is Irregulär, «s regardt both 
the atrins themsclves and their inflected forms. Soroctimes the one dement 
ha» the tone and sometimes the other, xtithout any apparent reason for the 
difTercncc. If the Compound is accentod on the final syllablo, the accent 
is shlfted In UV. to the ending in the weakest cases providod their stein 
shows the contraction to I or Q: thus, praeä, arvaco, adhar&cas, but 
praticä, anücas, samicl. Bnt AV. and latcr texts usually keep the 
arcent upon the stein: thus, pratlci, samici, antici (RV. has praticlm 
once). The phift of accent to the endings, and eten in polysyllabic stems, 
is against all usnal analogy. 

B. Derivative stems in as, is, üb. 

411. The stems of this di vision are prevailingly neuter; 
but there are also a few masculines, and one or two 

412. The stems in SR as are quite numerous, and 
mostly made with the sufnx 13K\ as (a small number also 




with cTH tas and JTO nas, and some are obscure); the others 
are few, and almost all made with the Suffixes ^R is and 
3*T us. 

413. Theii inflection is almost entirely regulär. But 
masculine and feminine stems in SRI &s lengthen the vowel 
of the ending in nom. sing. ; and the nom.-acc.-voc. pl. neut. 
make the samc Prolongation (of ^ a or ^ i or 3 u) before 
the inserted nasal (anusvfira). 

414. Examples of declension. As examples we 
may take ?pn? manas n. mind\ yHfrJH angiras m. Angiras\ 

«fclef«^ hav 

is n. oblation. 






1. H1HH 



Dual : 

v. hhhI 


Ab. q%3JF^ 

..r*. — _ 



-. fr»« 







Ab. G 



. C.C. 


-.Cr. ... 

ha vis 



N. A. 
I. D. 






0. L. 




DECLEN8I0N V., STEMS IN aa, is, ÜB. 


N. A. V. 


D. Ab. 




















In like manner, tJ^TO cäkgus n. eye forms t|HMI cäksusS, 
tld^lllH caksurbbySm, rRtfä odkstlnai, and so on. 

416. Vedic etc. Irregularities. a. In the older tangoage, the 
endlngs -aaam (acc. sing.) and -aaaa (generally nom.-acc. pl. ; once oi 
twlce gen.-abl. sing.) of stein» in aa are not infrequently eontracted to -am, 
-aa — e. g. a^ain, vedbam ; aur&dbaa, an&gaa — and out of «och forma 
grow, both earlier and later, substitute-stems in ft, aa &q& f jara, medb&. 
8o from other forms grow stems in a and in aaa, which exchange more or 
less with thoac in aa throngh tbe wholc hUtory of the langnage. 

b. Moro scattoring irregularities may bc mentioned, as follows: 1. The 
asual masc. and fem. da. ending in & instead of au; — 1. usaa f. datcn 
often prolonga its a in the other strong cascs, as in the nom. sing.: thns, 
usäaam, uaaaa, usasas (and once in a weak case, tisasas); and in its 
instr. pl. occnrs once (UV.) usadbbia instead of uaäbbia ; — 9. from 
to^a« is onoe (RV.) fonnd a sfmilar dual, to^asft; — 4. from svavas 
and Bvatavaa occur in RV. a nom. sing. masc. In van, as if from a stem 
in vant; and in tho Bräh Dianas is fouud the dat.-abl. pl. o f like formition 

c. The stems in ia and us also show transitions to stems in i and 
u, and in iaa and uaa. From Jan ÜB is once (RV.) roade the nom. sing. 
Janas, after the manner of an aa-stem (of. also Janürvaaas (JB.). 

418. The grammarlans regard u^sVnaa m. aa regulär stem -form of the 
proper name noticcd abqre (366 a), but glve it the irregulär nom. \19aiia 
and the toc. \19anas or u$an& or u 9 an an. Forma from the aa-stem, 
eten nom., are sometimes met with in the later ltterature. 

a. As to forms from aa-stems to aban or abar and Ödban or Ödbar, 
sce below, 430. 

417—] V. Noums and Adjectives. 156 


417. a. A fcw ncuter nouns in aa witb accent on the radical 
syllable liave corresponding adjectives or appellatlves in aa, witb 
accent on the ending: thus, for example, apaa work i apaa activ*; 
taras quickness, taraa quick; yac,aa glory, yacfo glorious. A few 
other similar adjectives — as tavaa mighty, vedhaa piout — are without 
corresponding nouns. 

b. Original adjectives in ia do not occur (as to alleged desider- 
ative adjectives in is; sce 392 d). But in üb are found as many ad- 
jectives as nouns (about ten of eacb class); and in several instancet 
adjective and noun stand side by flide, without difference of accent 
such as appears in tbo stoms in aa: e. g. tapua heat&ndhol; vapus 
tconder and wonderful. 

418. Adjective Compounds having nouns of tbis division aa final 
member are very common: thus, aumanaa favorably minded; dirgh- 
ayua long-lived; eukr&cocia having brilliant brightness. The Stem- 
form is the samo for all gondors, and each gender is inflected in the 
usual niauncr, the stems in aa niaking their nom. sing, inasc. and 
fem. in äs (like aögiraa, above). Thus, from Bumanaa, tbe nom. 
and accus, are as followB*. 

Singular. Dual. Plural. 

iü. t. n. ui. f. n. m. . f. 

N. Bumanäe -nas 

A. Bumanasam -nas 
and tbe other casus (savo tbo vocative) are alike in all genders. 

a. In Veda and Brähmana, the neut. nom. sing, ia in a considerable 
nuniber of instances made in aa, llke the other genders. 

b. From dirghayua, in like manner: 

I. dlrghayuBft dirghayurbhyam dirghayarbhU 

etc. etc. etc. 

419. The stem anehaa unrivalled (deflned as meanlng titn* in the 
later language) forms the nom. sing. masc. and fem. aneh&. 

G. Derivative stems in an. 

420. The stems of this division are those made by the 
three Suffixes ?Ran, IR man, and SR van, together with 
a few of more questionable etymology which are inflected 
like them. They are almost exclusively maaeuline and 

421. The stem has a tiiple form. In the strong cases 

f sumanaaäu -naai aumanasaa -nftnsi 

157 Declension V., Stems in an. [—424 

of thc m.uiculinc, (ho vowcl of th<» cnding is prolonged io 
m &; in the weakest cases it is in gener al Struck out 
altogether; in the middle cases, or before a case-ending 
beginning with a consonant, the final Rn is dropped. The 
^ n is also lost in the nom. sing, of both genders (leaving 
HIS as final in the masculine, 9 a in the neuterV 

a. The peculiar cases of the neuter follow the usual 
analogy (311b): the nom.-acc.-voc. pl. have the lcngthening 
to SIT I, as strong cases y thc nom.-acc.-voc. du., as weakest 
cases, have the loss of 9 a — but this only optionall y t not 

b. In the loc. sing., also, the a may be either rejeeted or retained 
(compare the corrosponding usage with r-stems: 373). And aftcr the 
m or v of man or van, when these are precoded by another con- 
sonant, the a is always retained, to avoid a too great accamulation 
of consonant« 

422. The vocative sing, is in masculines the pure stem; 
in neuters, either this or like the nominative. The rest of 
the inflection requires no description. 

423. As to accent, it needs only to be remarked that when, in 
the weakest cases, an acute & of the suföx is lost, the tono iu thrown 
forward upon Jhe ending. 

424. Examples of declension. As such may be 
taken ^TsR rftjan m. king\ **irHl Rtman m. soul, self\ 
iiH«i naman n. name. Thus: : 




















Ab. O. 



N. A. V. 

1. D. Ab. 

Q. L. 




1). Ab. 



rijfii, rdjani 



Rift*, ^raft 

namni, nstmani 






naman, nimm 




namni, nümanl 



... ..T*.. 

























a. The weakest casea of mürdhan m. head, wonld b© accented 
mUrdhni, mürdhne, mürdhnös, mürdhnas (acc. pl.), murdhnam, 
etc.; and so in all similar caaes (loe. sing., mürdhnl or murdhani). 

426. Vedle Irregularities. a. Her«, as eltewhere, the endlng of 
the nom.-aoc.-voc. da. masc. is usually ft instead of ftu. 

b. The brlofcr form (wlth ejected a) of the loc. sing,, and of the neat 
nom.-aee.-YOc. du., Is quite unusual in the oldti langnage. RV. writes 
once C/atadaVnl, but lt U to be read c, atadavani ; and almilax caaea occur 
in AV. (bat also aeveral timea -mni). In the Brihmanas, too, auch forma 
as dhftmani and BftmanI are very much more oommon than «ach as ahni 
and lomnL 

159 Deolbnbion V., Stems in an. [—428 

c. Hut thronghout both Veda and Drähmana, au abbrcvtatcd form of 
thc loe. sirg., with the endlng i omitied, or identical with the stein, is of 
oonsiderably more frequent occurrence than the regulär form : thus, mür- 
dhan, karman, adhvan, bcside mürdhani eto. The n hu all the 
nsual combinations of a final n: e. g. mürdhann asya, mürdhant sa, 
mürdhans tvä. 

d. In the tiom.-acc. pl. nent., also, an abbreviated form is common, 
cndiug in & or (twtce as often) a, instead of ftni: thus, brahma and 
brahma, bcside brahmanl: compare the similar series of endfngs from 
a- stein 8, 329 0. 

e. From a few stems in man is msde an abbrevitted instr. Bing., with 
loss of m as well as of a: thus, mahini, prathini, varint, dftnt, 
prenft, bhünä, for mahimnft etc. And dräghma and rao.mi (RV., 
cach once) are perhaps for draghmana, racmani. 

f. Other of the weakcst oases than the loc. sing, are aoroetlmes fonnd 
with the a of the sufflx retained : thus, for example, bhÜmana, d&mane, 
ydmanae, ukaanas (accus, pl.), etc. In the Infinitive datWes (970 d) 
— tr&mane, vidmane, d&vane, etc. — the a always remains. About m 
numerons are the instances in which the a, omitted in the written form 
of the text, is, as the metre shows, to be restored in readlng. 

g. Thc voc. sing, in vas, which is the nsoal Vedic form from stems 
in vant (below, 454 b) is fonnd also from a few in van, perhaps by a 
transfer to the vant-declension: thns, rt&vas, evay&vas, khidvaa (?), 
prataritvaa, m&taric/vas, vibhavas. 

h. For word* of which the a is not made long in the strong case«, 
see the neit paragraph. 

426. A few stems do not make the regulär lengthening of a in 
the strong cases (except the nom. sing.). Thus: 

a. The ntmes of dirintties, püaan, aryaman: thns, püst, pQsa- 
nam, pösnÄ, etc. 

b. In the Vcda, uksan, bull (bnt also uks&nam); yösan maiden\ 
vfsan virile, bull (bat vfs&nam and vfs&nas are also met with); tman, 
abbrcTiation of atman; and two or three other scattering forma: anarva- 
nam, jemana. And in a number of additional instances, the Vedic metre* 
seems to demand a where & is written. 

427. The stems c, van m. dog and yuvan young have in the 
weakest cases the contracted form c,un and yon (with retention of 
the accentf; in the strong and middle cases they are regulär. Thns, 
9V&, c,vanam, c,ün&, c/üne, etc., c/vabhy&m, evabhis, etc.; yuvft, 
yuvanam, yÄna, yüvabhls, etc. 

a. In dual, RV. has once ytinä for yuvftnft. 

428. The stem maghavan generou* (later, almost exclusively a 
name of Indra) is contracted in the weakest cases to maghön: thns, 
maghava, maghavan am, magh6na, ma^h6ne, eto. 


a. The RV. has once the weak form magh6nas In nom. pl. 

b. Parallel with thii is found the stem maghavant (divislon B); 
and from the latter alone in the older language are made the mlddle caaea : 
thus, maghavadbhia, maghavatsu, etc. (not maghavabbiB etc.). 

429. a. Sterns In a, ma, va, parallel with those in an, man, van, 
and doubtless in many cases derived from them through transitional forma, 
are frequent in both the earller and the later language, particnlariy as final 
mcmbers of Compounds. 

b. A uu ruber of an-stoms are moro or lc&s defectivc, niaking a 
part of their forma from other Btcms. Thus: 

430. a. The stem ahan n. day is in the later language uaed 
only in the strong and weakeat cases, tbe mlddle (with the nom. 
sing., which usually followa their analogy) Coming from aharorahaa: 
namely, ahar noin.-acc. sing., ahobhyäm, ahobhia, etc. (PB. hat 
aharbhis); but ahnä etc., ahni or ahanl (or ahan\ ahn! or ahanl, 
ahani (and, in V., ahä). 

b. In the oldost language, the middle cases ahabhia, ahahhyaa, 
ahaau also occur. 

o. In composition, only ahar or ahaa is used as preceding member; 
as final member, ahar, ahas, ahan, or the derivatives aha, ahna. 

* d. The stem Üdhan n. udder exchanges In like manner, in the old 
language, with üdhar and üdhaa, but has become later an aa-stem only 
(ezcept in tbe fem. üdhni of adjeetivo Compounds): thus, Adhar or Adhaa, 
Üdhnaa, Ödhan or Üdhani, üdhabhia, Üdhahau. As derivatives from 
it are made both üdhanyä and üdhaaya. 

481. The neuter stems akaan eye, aathan bone, dadhan curds, 
aakthan thigh, form in tbe later language only the weakest cases, 
aksna, aathne, dadhnaa, aakthni or sakthani, and so on; the rest 
of tlie inflectiou is made from stems in i, aksi etc.: see abovo, 
343 i. 

a. In the older languago, other cases from the an-stems occur: thus, 
akaani, akeabhia, and akaaau; aathani, aathabhia, and aathabhyaa; 

432. The neuter Steins asan blood, yakan liver, c,akan ordure, 
äaan mouth, udan uater, doaan fort-arm i yüaan broth, are required 
to make their nom.-aec.-voc. in all numbers from the parallel stems 
aarj, yokrt, c,akrt, äaya, üdaka (in older lauguagu udakeV, döa, 
yüBa, which are fully inflected. 

a. Karlier oecurs also the dual doaani. 

433. The stein panthan m. road is reckoned in the later language 
as making the complete set of strong cases, with the irregularity thai 
the nom.-voc. sing, adds a s. The corrosponding middle cases are 
made from pathi, and the weakest from path. Thus: 

161 Declension V., Derivative Stems in an. [ — 438 

froin pantban — pantban, pantb&nam ; panthilnau ; pantbftnas; 
from pathf — patbibhyam; patbibbin, patbibbyaa, patbfsu; 
from patb — patha, patbe, pathaa, patni; patbos; pathaa or 
patbas (accus.)} pathatm. 

a. In the oldest langnage (RV.), howevcr, the strong stem fs only 
panthft: thus, pantbSa, nom. sing.; pantham, acc. sing.; pantb&fl, 
nom. pl. ; and cren In AV., pantbänam and pantbftnas are rare eom- 
pared with the öfters. From patbi occnr also the nom. pl. patbayas and 
gen. pl. patbinam. RV. has once patbas, acc pl., with long a. 

434. The stems mantban m. Btirring-stick, and rbboksan no., an 
epithet of Indra, are gfoen by the grammarlans the same inflection with 
pantban ; bat only a few eases have been found in use. In V. occnr from 
the former the acc. sing, mantham, and gen. pl. matnlnaxn (llke the 
corretponding cases from pantban); from the latter, the nom. sing, rbbu- 
ksaa and toc. pl. rbbnksas, like the eorresponding Vedic forma of pantban ; 
but also the acc. sing, rbbnksanam and nom. pl. rbhoksanas, whlch 
are after qnite another model. 


435. Original adjectire stein» in an are atmest exclusively thoae 
made with the suföi van, aa yajvan tacrißeing, sütvan preuing th§ 
*oma, jitvan conquering. The stem is roasc. and neut only (bat 
aporndic cases of its use aa fem. oeeur in RV.); the corres|>ondirjg 
fem. stem is made in varl: thus, yajvarl, j(tvari. 

436. Adjcctive Compounds having a noun in an aa final mem- 
bor are inflected after the model of noun-stems; and the roasculine 
forma are somelimes nsed also as feminine; bnt nsnally a special 
feminine is made by adding I to the weakest form of the masculine 
stem: tbus, somarSJni, kilälodbni, ekamürdbiil, dnrnamnl. 

437. But (as was pointed out abote: 420 a) noans In an oeenrring 
as final members of Compounds often Substitute a stem in a for that in 
an: thus, -räja, -janma, -adbva, -aha; their feminine is in a. Occa- 
sional exohanges of stems in van and in vant also oeeur: thus, vivasvan 
and vivaavant. 

a. The remalning divisions of the consonantal deciension are 
made up of adjeetivo stems only. 

D. Derivative stems (adjeotive) in in. 

438. The stems of this division are thoae formed with 
the Suffixes ^J in, pR m i n , and fsR vin. They are mas- 

Wbitnty, Oramrear. 8. ed. 11 




culine and neuter önly; the corresponding feminine is made 

by adding | I. 

a. The steine in in are yery numerone, ßince almost any nomn 
In a in the Ungnade may form a posseaaive deriyative adjcctiye wlth 
this ßuffix : taue, bala ttrtngtK, baiin m. n. balinl f. pou—ting UrmgtA, 
$tr<mg. Sterne in vln (1889)» however, are very few, and thoee in 
min (1881) etill fewer. 

438. Their infleeiion is quite regulär, exeept that they 

loee their final ^ n in the middle cases (before an initial 

consonant of the ending), and also in the nom. sing., where 

the masculine lengthens the $ i by way of compensatio!!. 

The voc. sing, is in the maaculine the bare stem; in the 

neuter, either this or like the nominative. 

a. In all these respeeta, it will be noticed, the in-declenslaei 
agreee with the an-declenaton ; but it differe fron the latter in aever 
1 wring the Towel of the ending. 

440. Example of infleotion. As such may betaken 

«ri^R baiin strong. Thus: 














balintu balf&i 



balina« betini 







baiin baiin, bali 

baiin oe 


bälinau balinl HAii n M mk,, 

163 Declension V., Derivative Stbms in in. [—444 

a. Tho derivod feminine stem in inl is inflected, of course, like 
any other feminine In derivative I (864). 

441. a. There are no irregnlaritles in the inflection of ih-ßtems, 
in either the earüer langnage or the later — except the aanal Vedlc 
dual ending in a instead of äu. 

b. Steins In In eichange with Steins in i throoghout the whole hls- 
tory of the tangaage, thote of the one class being developed oat of thote 
of the other often through transitional formt. In a mach smallcr nrnnber 
of cases, stems in in are expandcd to stems in ina: e. g. eäkina (KV.), 
eusmina (B), barhina, bhajina. 

E. Derivative stema (adjeotive) in ant (or at). 

442. These stema fall inlo two sub-divisions: 1. those 
made by the suffix 5irT ant (or SJrT at), being, with a very 
few exceptions, active participles, present and future; 
2. those roade by the possessive Suffixes q?T mant and 
^rf vant (or *TcT mat and 5frT v at). They are masculine and 
neuter only; the corresponding feminine is made by ad- 
ding ^ I. 

1. Participles in ant or at. 

448. The stem has in general a double form, a stronger 
and a weaker, ending respeotively in 5frT ant and CTFT at. 
The former is taken in the strong «cases of the masculine, 
with, as usual, the nom.-acc.-voc. pl. neuter; the latter is 
taken by all the remaining cases. 

a. But, In aecordanee with the rule for the Formation of the feminine 
•tem (below, 448), the fatnre participles, and the presont participles of 
▼erbs of the tud- class or accented a-class (758), and of verbs of the ad- 
clasi or root-class ending in &, are by the gTammarians allowed to male 
the nom.-aec.-voc. da. neat from either the stronger or the weaker stem; 
and the present participles from all other present-stems ending in a are 
reqnired to make the same from the strong stem. 

444. Those verbs, h'owever, which in the 3d pl. pres. 
active lose ^ n of the usual ending fft nti (560 b), lose it 
also in the present participle, and have no distinetion of 

strong and weak stem. 





a. Such are tho reibe forming thelr preeent-etem by redopllcatlon 
withont added a: namely, those of the reduplicatlng or hu-class (656) ind 
the intensives (1018): thaa, from yhxx, preaent-atem juhu, parüciple- 
stem juhvat; lutenaive-stem johu, intensive participle-stem jöhvat. 
Further, the participlea of roots apparenUy containing a contracted redupli- 
cation: namely, oakeat, da^at, daaat, faamt, eac,cat; tbe aorlst parti- 
ciplo dhakeat, and vaghat (t). Vavfdhant (RY. t once), which baa tbe n 
notwithstauding ita reduplication, comes, like tbe desideratWe participlea 
(I03S), from a atem in a: compare vavfdhanta, vavfdhaava. 

b. E?en tbeae verba are allowed by tbe grammarlans to make the 
nom.~acc.-foc. pi. nent. in anti. 

446. The inflection of theae atema is quiie regulär. The 
nom. sing. maac. comes to end in CR an by the regulär 
(160) loss of the two final oonsonants from the etymological 
form 5TRT ante. The vocative of each gender is like the 

446. Stoma accontod on tho tiual ts) Ilabio throw tho acccut 
forward upon the caae-ending in the weakeat caaea (not in the middle 

a. In the dual neut. (as in tbe feminine atem) from euch participlea, 
tbe accent ia anti lf Che n ia retained, atl if it is lost 

447. Examplea of declension. Aa auch may aerve 
HcJt^bhävant being } dc^adant eating } «RRT jiihvat sacri- 

ßcing. ~~ 





Ab. G. 




bhavan bhavat 

adan adat 
adantam adat 

juhvat juhvat 

bhavantam bhavat 

juhvatam juhvat 


















165 Dbolbnbion V., Dbrivativb Stims in *nt [-44a 





N. A.V. H^t >|^ 

bhavantau bhavantt 
I.D.Ab. H^J I M 





adanüta adatf 

N. V. 



D. Ab. 


Plural : 

*Wm ^ *^ S^ffT 

bhaYantaa bhavanti adantaa adanti 

**X\ >*rfw *^ ^% 

bhavataa bhavanti adataa adanti 



juhvatau Jühvatl 

■5wm 5^% 

Juhvataa juhvati 
Juhvataa Juhvati 








•. The Tutore participle bhaviayint may form in nom. eto. daal 
nenter either bhavieyantl or bhavisyatf ; tudant, elther tudantl or 
tudatl; yant ( w), elther yantl or yati And Jühvat, in nom. etc. 
Plural nenter, may make also Jühvanti (beeide juhvati, as given in 
the paradigtn above). 

b. But thete itrong formt (as well aa bhavanti, .du., and ltt litt 
from pretent-etems in unaccented a) are qulte eontrary to feneral analogy 
and of tomtwhat doubtful charaoter. Ko ezample of them lt quotable,' 
elther from the older or from the later languagt. The eaeee ooncerned 
Indoed, would be everywhore of rare occurrenee. 

44a The Vedle derivatlona f rom tüe model M lb0Te ^^ m few 
The dual endlnf &u la only one alxtb et common aa K. Anomaloua aecent 
lt eeen in a eaae or two: acodate, rathirftyatam, and vaghadbhis (If 
thU tt a partleiple). The only lnatanee In V. of nom. etc. pl. neut. la 
ata«, wlth lengthoned a (eompare the forma In ftnti, below, 461 a, 464 o); 
one or two extmplet In anti are quoUble from B. 




a. Such ue tho verbs forming thelr present-stem by reduplication 
withoot added a: namely, thoie of the reduplicatlng or hu-class (656) and 
the intensives (1018): thus, frooi yliu, pretent-item juhu, parüciple- 
•tem juhvatj iiitenstae-stem johu, intensive participle-stem jöhvat. 
Further, tbe participles of roott apparently containing a contracted redupli- 
cation: namely, o&kaat» daeat, dasat, o,äsat, atoeat; tbe aoriit partl- 
ciple dhakaat, and vlghat (?)• Vavydhint (BV., once), whichhasthen 
notwithstauding its reduplication, comea, like tbe desideratWe participles 
(1032), from a stein in a: compare v&vfdhanta, Ttvfdhaava. 

b. E?en tbese verbi are allowed by the grammarians to make the 
nom.~acc.-Toc. pl. nout. in anti. 

445. The inflection of these stems is quiie regulär. The 
nom. sing. masc. comes to end in CR an by the regulär 
(150) loas of the two final consonants from the etymologioal 
form 5TRT ante. The vocative of each gender is like the 

446. Stoma accontoil ou tho tiual tsjllalilo throw tho acccut 
forward lipon the case-endiog in the wcakeat cases (not iu the aiiddle 

a. In tbe dual neut. (as in the feminine item) from such participles, 
tbe accent is anti if (he n is retained, atl if it is lost 

447. Examples of declension. As such may serve 
Hcft^ bhavant being, S^tT adant eating } «RRT jiihvat sacri- 
ficing. Thus: 





Ab. G. 



bhavan bhavat 

adan adat 
adantam adat 

johvat juhvat 

bhavantam bhavat 

juhvatam juhvat 














Dbolbnsiom V., Dbritativb Stbms in ant [—448 


bhavan bhavat 

bhavantftu bhavantl 

adan adat 
adantau adad 



juhvatau jühvatl 



Plnral : 

bhavantaa bhavantl 
bhavatas bhavantl 







0. L. 


adantaa adanti 
adataa adanti 


N. V. 

juhvataa jühvatl 


juhvataa jühvatl 




D. Ab. 





a. The fntare participle bhavisyant may form in nom. eto. dual 
nevter eithor bhaviayantl or bhavisyati; tadant, either tadantl or 
tudarf; yänt (^yä), either yantl or yäti. And juhvat, in nom. etc. 
plaral neutor, may inake also juhvanti (beeide jühvatl, as given in 
the paradigtn above). 

b. Bat these ttrong form« (as well as bhavantl, .du., and lts likt 
Crom piesent-stems in unaccented a) are quifte eontrary to genoral analogy, 
and of somewhat donbtfnl character. Ko ezample of them It qnotable, 
either froro the older or from the later langnage. The eatet ooncerned, 
indeed, wonld be eTerywhere of rare oeeorrenet. 

448. The Vedie derirations from the model aa above given are few. 
The dual endlng Au ia only one ilxth u common as S. Anomalous aecent 
ts seen in a rase or two: acodate, rathir&yatam, and ▼BghadbhlB (if 
this 1s a participle). The only instante In V. of nom. etc. pl. nent is 
santi, wlth lengthoned B (comparo the forma In Bnti, below, 451 a, 454 o); 
one or two examples in anti are qnotable from B. 

448—] V. Noun8 and Adjbotiybs. 166 

449. The feminine participle-etem, aa already atated, 
is made by adding ^ I to either the atrong or the weak 
8tem-form of the maac.-neut. The rules as to whioh of the 
two forma ahall be taken are the aame with those given 
above reapecting the nom. etc. dual neuter; namely: 

a. Participlea from tenae-atema ending in unaccented a add I to 
the Strong Btem-form, or make their feminine in antl. 

b. Sncb are the bhü or unaccented a-class and the dlv or ya-elaat of 
present-stems (chap. IX.), and the deaideratives and eausatifes (chap. XIV.) : 
thus, from yhhü (stein bhava), bhavanti; from y'dlv (atem divya), 
dlvyanti; from bübhüaa and bhavaya (deald. and caaa. of ybhü), 
bubhüeantl and bhaVayanti. 

o. Exceptlona to this rnle are now and then met with, eren from the 
earliest perlod. Thua, RY. ha« jaratl, and AV. the desidcratite atfieatl; 
in B. oeenr YadatI, oooatl, tfpyatl, and in 8. farther tlf (Hall, and the 
causatWe namayatf ; white in the epica and later aaoh casei (tncluding 
dosideratltes and causa Urea) are more numerous (about flfty are quotable), 
though still only spo radle. 

d. Participles from tenae-atema in accented 4 may add the femin- 
ine-aign either to the strong or to the woak atoiu-forni, or may niako 
their feminines in antl or in ati (with accent aa Lere noted). 

e. Such are the present-stems of the tud or accented a-class (761 ff.), 
the s-futuree (932 ff), and the denominatlves (1068 ff.): thaa, from ytad 
(atem tuda), tudanti or tudati; from bhaviayi (fnt of y^bhü), bha- 
viayantl or bhaviayati; from devaya (denom. of deva), devayantl 
or devayatt. 

f. The forma In antl from thU elasa are the prefsillng onea. No 
futnre fem. participle in ati 1s quotahle from the older language. From 
.pres.-stems In a are found there ffijati and aünoati (RV.), tudati aad 
pinvatI (AV.). From denominatlves, devayati (RV.), doraayati aad 
oatrüyatf (AV.). In BhP. oecura dhaksyatl. 

g. Verbs of the ad or root-class (611 ff.) ending in 6 are gtren 
by the grammarians the same optlon u regards the feminine of the prttent 
participle: thus, from Yj&, yanti or yäti. The older language affords no 
ezample of the former, so fax as noted. 

h. From other tenae-atema than thoae already apeeified — that 
ia to aay, from the remaining clasaea of preaent-atema and from the 
intensives — the fominino ia formed in ati (or, lf the atem be other- 
wiae aoeented thaa on the final, in ati) only. 

i. Thus, adati from >/ad; juhvatl from /hu; yunjatt from y'yuj; 
eunvatf from ysu } kurvatl from ykf\ krinatf from )/krI; dedloati 
from dedio (intens, of ydiq). 

167 Dbclbnbion V., Derivative Btbms in ant. [—462 

J. Feminine afonia of thfa eleu are oeeaalonally (bat tho oaoe te nach 
lets froqacnt than ite oppotito: above, o) fonnd witb the nasal: that, 
yantl (AV., once), undantl (QB.; bot probably from the eecondary A-item), 
grhnantl (8.), and, in the eploi and later, such forma aa bruvantl, 
rudantl, oinvantl, kurvantl, J&nantt, musnantL 

460. A few words are participial in form and taflection, thoogh 
not in meaning. Thue: 

a. bfhant (often w ritten vr/hant) great\ il ls infleeted Hke a 
partioiple (with bfhatl and bfhanti in du. and pl. nent). 

b. mahant great; infleeted liko a partioiple, bat witb the irreg- 
nlarity that the a of the endlng is lengthened in the strong forme: 
thue, mah&n, mahantam ; mahanULu (neat mahatf); mahantas, 
mahanti: instr. mahatt etc. 

c. pfaant tpeckUd, and (in Veda only) räoant ihining. 

d. jagat movabUy Uvefy (in the later langnage, aa neuter nonn, %oorld) y 
a reduplteated formation from fgam go\ ita nom. etc. nent. pl. ia allowed 
by the grammariant to be only jaganti. 

e. fbant imatt (only onee, in RV., fhate). 

f. All these form thelr feminine in atl only: thue, br/hati, 
mahatt, pfaatl and räoatl (contrary to the rnle for partioiples), 

g. For dant tooth, whieh ia perhapa of participial orlgin, aee above, 

461. The pronominal adventives iyant and kfyant are lnfleeted 
like adjectives in mant and vant, having (462) iyän and kJyan as 
nom. masc. sing., iyatl and kfyat! as nom. etc. da. neat and aar 
feminine steine, and {yanti and kfyanti as nom. etc. plur. neat 

a. Bot the nent pl. fjfanti and the loe. «Inf. (?) kiyati are fonnd 
in RV. 

2. Possessives in mant and vant. 

462. The adjeotives formed by these two suffixes are 
inflected preoisely alike, and very nearly like the partioiples 
in drf ant. From the latter they differ only by lengthening 
the 9 a in the nom. sing. maso. 

a. The voc. sing, is in an, like that of the participle (in the 
later Irfnguage, namely: for that of the oldest, see below, 464 b). 
The neut nom. etc. are In the doal only atl (or Atl}, and in the plaral 
anti (or anti). 

b. The feminine is always made from the weak stem: thasmatl, 
vatl (or mati, v/atl). Ono or two cases of nl instead of I are met 
with: thus, antarvatnl (B. ind later), pativatnl (C). 




o. The aocent, however, ie never thrown forward (aa in the 
participle) upon the case-ending or the feminine ending. 

468. To illustrate the infleetion of such steine, it will 
be sufficient to give a part of the forma of cppftf pa$omant 
possessing cattle, and M)|cM bhagavant fortunate, blessed. 

Singular : 






pao,uxnantain paoumat 




bbagayantam bhagavat 





N. A. V. 

N. V. 





pae,umantau pa9umati 

paoumantaa pa^umanti 
pagumataa pa^umanti 





bhagavantau bhagavatl 


bhagaTantaa bhagaTantl 

HXRRf^ nnsrfH 

bhagavataa bhagaTantl 


454. Vedio Irregularities. a, In dual maae. nom. etc., A (for 
gu) i« the greaüy preftiling ending. 

b. In toc. sing, masc, the ending in the oldett langnagt (RV.) ia 
almost always in aa instead of an (aa in tht perfect participle: helow, 
462 a) : thui, adri vae, harivaa, bhAnuxnas, haviamas. Such foeatfrei 
in RY. oeeur more thtn a hundred times, while not a tingle unqueettonablo 
lnstanoe of one in an ia to he found. In the othex Vedio texts, vocative« 
in aa are eitremely rare (but bhagavaa and ite contraeiion bhagoa are 
met witb, eten in the later language); and in their producüon of EY. 

169 Dbolbnbion V., Derivative Stbms in ant [—468 

pa*ftaa;e* tho IM tft usnally nhangcd to an. It wan pofntrd out above (426 g) 
Chat tho KV. maa.cs tho voc. In as alao apparetitly front a fow an-stoms. 

o. In RV., tho nom. etc. pl. nent., In the only two instances that 
occnr, ends in anti instead of anti: thus, ghrt&vftnti, pa^omänti. 
No such formt ha?e been noted elsewhere In the older langaage: the 8 V. 
reaHs antl In ita verslon of the eorresponding passages, and a few exaro- 
ples of the tarne endlng are qnotable from the Bribmanas: tho«, t&vanti, 
etaVanti, yavanti, ghrtavanti, pravantl, ftumanti, yugmantL Com- 
pare 448, 461. 

d. In a fe*w (elght ©r ten) more or lest doobtful cases, a confntlon 
of strong and weak forma of stem is made; they are too purely sporadlc to 
requlre reporting. The same is trae of a caae or two where a mascnllne 
form appears to be uted with a feminine noun. 

466. The stem arvant running, steed, has the nom. sing. arv&, 
from arvan ; and in the older language also the voc. arvan and accus, 
arvan am. 

466. Besides the participle bhavant, thcre is another stem bha- 
vant, frequently ased in respectfal address as Substitute for the 
pronoun of the second person (but construed, of course, with a verb 
in the third person), which is formed with the suffix vant, and so 
declined, having in the nom. sing, bhavan; and the contracted form 
bhoe of its old-style vocative bhavaa is a common exclamation of 
address: you y sir! Its origin has been variously explained; but H is 
doubtloss a contraction of bhogavant. 

467. The pronominal adjectlves tivant, et&vant, yavant, and the 
Vedlc Ivant, mavant, tv Avant, etc., are inflected llke ordlnary derivatives 
from nonns. 

F. Perfeot ParÜciples In v&na. 

468. The active participles of the perfeci ten&e-system 

are quite peculiar as regards the modincations of their stem. 

In the strong cases, including the nom.-acc.-voc. pl. neut., 

the form of their suffix is 3fft vftAa, which becomes, by 

regulär process (160), van in the nom. sing., and which is 

shortened to TT van in the voc. sing. In the weakest 

cases, the suffix is contracted into 3*T ua. In the middle 

caaes, including the nom.-acc.-voc. neut. sing., it is changed 

to cj?T vat. 

a. A union-vowel i, if present in the strong and middle cases, 
disappears in the weakest, before ua. 




459. The forins as ihus deecribed are masculine aml 
neuter only; the corresponding feminine is made by adding 
| I to the weakest form of stem, ending thua in 3*ft üaL 

460. Tho accent is always upon the auf fix, whatever be tta form. 

461. Examples of infleotion. To show the inflection 
of these participles, we may take the steme ic|&|U vidvftns 
knowing (which has irregulär loss of the usual reduplioation 
and of the perfeot meaning) from yf%5" ▼*<*! and HfWMlH 
tasthivftns having stood from y&R sthft. 

Singular : 







Ab. G. 

vidvan vidvAt 

vidvinsam vidvAt 





v. fsrc\ ürer^ 

vidvan vidvat 


N. A. V. faStHT faj*ft 

vidvänaAu vidusi 



I. D. Ab. 

Q. L. 













taathivänaftu taathüai 




N. V. 







Ab. G. 













a. The feminine stems of these two participles are f^T? 7 ^ 
vidüel and HWN I taathüsl. 

b. Other ex am pl es of tbe different stems aro: 
from ykf — cakfv&nB, oakfvat, oakrua, cakrusl ; 
from j/nl — ninlvins, ninlvat, ninyua, ninyual; 

from fbhü — babhüviAa, babhüvat, babhÜTua, babhüvüsl; 
from ftan — teniv£na, tenivAt, tenüs, tenüal. 

462. a. In tbe oldest languagc (RV.), tbe TOcatUe stng. nue. (like 
tbtt of vant and man t-itemt : above. 454 b) baj tbe endlng vaa Inatead 
of van: tbos, clkitvaa (changed to -Tan In * parallel paaaage of AV.), 
titirvaa, dldivaa, mltpivaa. 

b. Forma from tbe mlddle atem, In Tat, are extremely rare earller: 
only three (tatanvat and vavftvat, neut. slng. f and jlgprAdbhis, Inttr. 
pl.), are foand In RV., and not one In AV. And In tbe Veda tbe weakeat 
stein (not, aa later, tbe mlddle one) ia made tbe baals of comparlson and 
derltatlon: tbns, vidüstara, Ada^ustara, mltpiüstama, ml^hüsmant. 

c. An example or two of tbe uae of tbe weak stem-forni for cases 
regalarly made from tbe strong are foand in RV.: tbey are cakruaam, 
acc. sing., and abibhyusaa, uom. pl. ; emuaAm, by Its aecent (unleas an 
error), ta ratber from a derivative atem emusA; and $B. bas prosuaam. 
Simlltr instantem, eapeclally from vidv&ns, are now and tben met wirb 
later (aec BR. f under vldvins). 

d. Tbe AV. bat once bhaktivinsas, as If a partlciplal form from a 
noiin; bot K. and TB. give in the correaponding passage bhaktivinaa^ 
cakhv&nsam (RV., once) is of doubtful cbaracter; okivAnsA (RV., onee) 
sIiotts a rcverMon to guttural form of the final of yuc, elsewhere unknowti. 





Q. Comparatives in yftna or yaa. 

463. The comparative adjectives of primary formation 
(below, 467) have a double form of stem for masculine and 
neuter: a stronger, ending in UfF? yins (usually ^OtH lyftn»), 
in the strong cases, and a weaker, in Ufl y&s (or ^ITR Iyas), 
in the weak cases (there being no distinction of middle and 
weakest). The voc. sing. masc. ends in ER yan (but for 
the older language see below, 465 a). 

a. The feminine is made by adding ^ I to the weak 
masc.-neut. stein. 

464. As modeis of inflection, it will be suffioient to 
give a pari of the forms of 9HTH 9reyas better, and of 
JTftalHgarlyaB heatrier. Thus: 

Singular : 



9r6yan 9reyaa 

9r6yansam qreyas 









N. A. V. 

N. V. 






Plural : 









garlyanaiu garlyaal 






Jlflu l fa 




173 C0MPARI80N OF ÄDJECTTVEti. [ — 467 

a. The feminine stems of ihesc adjeetives are *)qtf) 
oreyasl and J|(1uh) gdrlyasl. 

465. a. Tho Vcdlc toc. masc. (aa in the two precedlng divisions: 
454 b, 468 a) is in yaa instead of yan : thus, ojlyas, jyäyas (R V. : no 
ex am pl es elsewhere have been noted). 

b. No example of a iniddle case occars in RV. or A.V. 

C. In the later language are found a very few apparent e*amples of 
strong canoa made from the weaker stem-form: thus, kaniyasam and 
yavlyasam acc. masc, kanlyasäu dn.^.yavIyaaaB nom. pl. 


466. Derivative adjeetive stems having a comparative 
and Superlative meaning ■ — or often also (and more origin- 
ally) a inerely intensive value — are made either directly 
from roots (by primary derivation), or from other derivative 
or Compound stems (by secondary derivation). 

a. The suhjeet of comparison belonga more properly to the chapter of 
derivation ; but It Stands in auch near relation to inOection tbat lt is, in 
aecordanee with the usnal custom in grammars, conveniently and suitably 
rnongh trratod hriefly her*'. 

467. The Suffixes of primary derivation are ^JJ*T Iyas 
(or §TjtH Iyansj for the comparative and Jpg is(ha for the 
Superlative. The root before them is accented, and usually 
strengthened by gunnting, if capable of it — or, in some 
cases, by nasalization or Prolongation. They are much more 
frequently and freely used in the oldest language than 
later; in the classical Sanskrit, only a limited number of 
such comparatives and superlatives are aeeepted in use; and 
these attach themselves in meaning for the most part to 
other adjeetives from the same root, which seem to be 
their corresponding positives; but in part also they are 
artificially connected with other words, unrelated with them 
in derivation. 

a. Thus, from ylcsip hurl com© ksjäpiyas and ksj6pis(ha, which 
belong in meaning to ksipra quick; from j'vr/ encompau coro? varl- 
yas and varistha, which belong to uru broad; while, for example, 


467—] V. Noun8 and Adjbotivbs. 174 

kanlyaa and kanistha are attached by the grammariana to yavan 
young, or alpa atnaÜ; and varelyas and varaia(ha to vfddhi old. 

468. From Veda and Brähmana together, conaiderably nore than 
a hundred inatancea of thia primary fonn&Üon in Iyas and ifth* (in 
inany caaea only one of the pair actually occorring) are to be quoted. 

a. About half of thete (in RV., the deeided majority) belong, In 
meining ti in form, to the bare root in lts adjective value, ai uaed espe- 
cially at the end of compoundi, bat sometlmes also lndependently : thua, 
from y^tap burn comet tapi8(ha excessively burning\ from y'yaj oßer eome 
yajiyaa and yajlatba better and best (or very *oU)$acrificing\ Crom y'yudh 
fight oomea yödhlyaa fighting better ; — in a few inttaneea, the simple- 
root is also round uaed as corretponding positive: taut, JA hasty, rapid 
wich javiyaa and javia(ha. 

b. In a little elaaa of inataneee (eight), the root has a prepoaition 
preflxed, whleh then takes the aecent: thua, igamietha espeeiaUy Coming 
küher; vfoayia(ha best Clearing away\ — in a conple of eaaet (&orami- 
etha, aparftvapistha, aatheyaa), the negative partiele la preflxed; — 
in a tingle word (c.ambhavlatha), an element of another kind. 

o. The worda of thia formation sometimea take an accuaative objcct 
(see 271 e). 

d. But even in the oldeat language appears not infrequently the 
aame attachment in meaning to a derivative adjectiye which (aa polnt- 
ed out above) ia uaual in the later apeeeh. 

e. Besides the examplca that oceur also later, othera are met with like 
vaxia(lia choicest (vara choice) y b4rhia(ha greatest (bfhaat greaf), 
6aia(ha quiekest (öaam quickly\ and so on. Probably by analog? with 
these, like formations are in a few eaaea made from the apparently radieal 
syllablea of words which bare no otherwiae traceable root in the language: 
thua, kradhiyaa and kradhiftha (K.) from kfdhü, Bthaviyaa and 
0th4wia(ha from athüra, o.&eIyas (RV.) from o.4ovant, inlyaa (AV.) 
and Aniafha (TS.) from a$ü; and so on. And yet again, in a few excep- 
tional cases, the Suffixes lyaa and ialha are applied to itemi which are 
themselves palpably derivative: thus, tcletha from lo,& (RV.: only eaee), 
tikanlyaa (AV.) from tlkana* brahmiyaa and brAhmietha (TS. ete.) 
from brahman, dharmia(ha (TA.) from dharman, dra^biffa (TA.: 
instead of darhia(ha) from df^ha, raghfyaa (TS.) from raghu. Theae 
are begtnnings, not followed up later, of the extenaion of the formatien to 
unlimited use. 

f. In naviyaa or navyaa and n4via(ha, from nava naa», and in 
aanyaa from aana old (all RV.), wo have also formations unconnected 
with verbal roota. 

469. The 8tema in ia(ba are inflected like ordinary aojeotivea 
in a, and make their feminines in ft; thoae in Iyaa have a peeuliar 
declenaion which haa been deacribed above (468 ff.). 

175 Comparison OP Adjbctivbs. [—471 

470. Of pccularities and irregularities of formatlon, iho follow- 
ing may be noticed: 

a. Tbe sufflx lyas has In t few Instancet ihe briefer form yas, gener- 
ali y at alternative with the other: tbns, taviyas and tavyas, naviyas 
and navyas, vaslyas and vasyas, panlyas and panyas; and so from 
rabh and sah; sanyas occurt alone. From bhü 'eome bhüyas and 
bhüyiftha, beside wbich RV. has alio bhivfyaa. 

b. Of roots In ft, tho anal blendt with tbe initial of tbe sofft* to e: 
thai, stheyas, dhestha, y6a(ha; bnt tueb forma are in tbe Veda gener- 
all y to be reeolved, m dhaiatha, yaistha. Tbe root jyft forma Jyeatha, 
bnt jyayaa (Hke bhAyas). 

c. Tbe two roots in I, prl and $rt, form preyas and prtftha and 
c,r6yas and ^reatha. 

d. From the root of fjü come, witbont strcngthening, fjlyas and 
fjiatha; bnt In the older tanguago also, more regnlarly, rajiyaa and 

471. The Suffixes of secöndary derivation are rTJ tara 
and rW tama. They are of almost unrestricted application, 
being added to adjeetives of every form, simple and Com- 
pound, ending in yowels or in consonants — and this from 
the earliest period of the language until the tatest The 
accent of the primitive remains (with rare exceptions) un- 
changed; and that form of stem is generally taken which 
appears before an initial consonant of a case-ending (weak 
or middle form). 

a. Examples (of older as well as latcr occurroncoj are: from 
▼owol-stems, priyatara, v&hnitama, rathftara and rathitama (RV.), 
earutara, potftama, saihraktatara ; — from consonant-stoms, c,am- 
tama, ^a^vattama, mr/^ayattama, tavastara and tavaatama, tuwis- 
(ama, vapus^ara, tapasvftara, ya^asvitama, bhagavattara, bira- 
nyava<*Imattama ; — from Compounds, ratnadhitama, abhibh&tara, 
sukfttara, pürbhittama, bhüyisthabh&ktama, bhüridavattara, 
Qucivratatama, strik&matama. 

b. Bat In tbe Veda the final n of a atem la regnlarly retalned: thus, 
madintara and madfntama, vfsantama; and a few Stoma even add a 
na«al: thns, surabhfntara, rayintama, madhüntama. In a caae or 
two, the streng «tem of a preaent particlple is taken : thns, vrädhanttama, 
sah an t tama; and, of a perfect particlple, the weakeat stem: thns, vidüs- 
(ara, mlcjhüstama. A feminine final I Is shortened: thns, devitamÄ 
(RV.), tajasvinitama (K.). 

471—] V. Nouns and Adjbotivbs. 176 

o. In the older language, the wordi of thii formation are not muck 
more frequent than thoae of the otber: thua, in RV. the atema In tara 
and tama are to thoto in |yas and is(ha ai three to two; in AV., only 
aa aix to tWe: but later the former win a great preponderanee. 

472. These comparativeB and auperlativea are inflected like 
ordinary adjectivea in a, forming their feminine in ft. 

473. a. That (espeoially in the Veda) some atema which are 
nouna rather than adjectivea form derivatives of compariaon ia natural 
enough, conaidering tho uncortain naturo of the division-line between 
aubatantive and adjeetive value. Thus, we have viratara, viratama, 
v ahn i tama, m&tftama, nftama, marüttama, and so on. 

b. The Suffixes tara and tama also make forma of compariaon 
from b ouio of the pronominal roota, aa ka, ya, i (see below, 6S0); 
and from cortain of the prepositions, aa ud; and tho advorbially used 
aecusativo (older, neuter, -taram; later, feminine, -taräm} of a com- 
parative in tara from a proposition is omployed to make a correa- 
pouding coniparalivo to the proposition itself (below, 1110); whilu 
-taräm and -tamäni mako degroes of comparison from a few ad- 
verbs: thus, natarom, natamam, kathamtaräm, kutifataräm, 
mldliutumaui, moaiiiturain, ut<:. 

c. Ily » wholly Imrbarou« combtitatioii, Uiidiug nu Warrant in tho 
earlier and inore genuine uaagec of the language, the auffixea of compariaon 
in their adverbial feminine form, -taräm and tamäm, are later allowed 
to bc added to personal forma of verbs: thna, aidatetaräm (R. : the only 
caae noted in the epics) is more despondent, vyathayatitaräm düturb* 
more, alabhatataräm obtained in a higher degree, hasisyatitaräm will 
laugh more. No examples of thia nae of -tamim are qnotable. 

d. The auffixea of secondary compariaon are not infrequently added 
to thoae of primary, forming double comparativea and auperlativea: thus, 
gariyaatara, creathatara and oreathatama, päplyastara, ptpif (ha- 
tara and -tama, bhüyastaram, etc. 

e. The uae of tama as ordinal suffix ia noted below (487f); with 
this value, it is accented on the final, and makes its feminine in i: 
thus, oatatama m. n., eatataml f., hundredth. 

474. From a few worda, mostly prepositions, degrees of com- 
parison are made by the briefer auffixes ra and ma: thua, 4dhara 
and adhama, apara and apama, avara and avami, üpara and 
upama, intara, antama, parama, madhyama, ca r a m ä , a n U m a. 
ädima, pagoima. And ma ia also used to make ordinale (below, 487). 






476. The simple oaidinal numerals for the first ten 
numbers (whioh are the foundation of the whole class), 
with theii derivatives, the tens, and with some of the higher 
members of the decimal series, are as follows: 

1 ^fi 

io ^TR 






1 £ 

it H5I1H 






3 Br 

3o f^C^frT 






4 *3T 

40 Hdl^lt^ 






* TO 

RO l^TOf^ 






• ^ 

•o «rffc 


> ^fi: 




i HH 

to qnf?r 

IO 8 







s HU 

»o «ffllH 

H-^ l*I< 



m ah arbuda 

9 ^51 

»o SJsrfjT 






to ^TR 

loo Sltf 






a. The aceent sapti tnd aa(4 ls thtt belonging to theie wordi In all 
accentnated texts; iccordlng to the grammartans, they are sapta and 4f(a 
In the later language. See below, 483. 

b. The seriös of decimal numbers may be carriod still further; 
but there are great differences among the different authorities with 

W.kitaty, Oramaar. 3. cd. 





reganl to their nanies; and there is inore or los» of discordanco oven 
from ayüta od. 

c. Thus, in the TS. and MS. we find ayüta, niyuta, prayüta, 
arbuda, nyärbuda, samudra, madhya, anta, par&rdha; K. reverses 
the order of niyuta and prayüta, and insert* badva after nyärbuda 
(reading nyarbudha): theie are probably the oldeat recoided scrlei. 

d. In modern time, tlie only numbera in practical use above thousand 
are laksa (lac or lukh) and koti [crore)\ and an Indiau »um ia wout to 
be pointed thus: 123,45,07,890, to slgnify 123 crores, 4& laUu, 67 ihou 
stand, ciyht hundred and tiincty. 

e. Ai to the allcgcd stcin-forms pancan etc., aeo txdow, 484. Ab 
to the form Bake instead of aas, see abovc, 146 b. The stem dva appearb 
iu compositioii and derivation also as dvä and dvi; oatür in composition 
is accented catur. The older form of aa(a is aa(&: see below, 483. 
Forms in -<jat and -<jati for the tcus are occasionally iittcrchanged: e. g. 
viüqat (MBh. H), trÜKjati (AB.), panoa^ati (KT.). 

f. The other nttnibcrs are expressed by the various couipoBitiou syntactical coinbination of tliose given above. Thus: 

476. The odd nuinbcrs between the eveu tens are uimde by 
prefixing the (accented» uoit to the ton to which its valtie is to be 
aridod: but with various irregularities. Thus: 

a. eka in II becomea ekä, but is elsewbere uuehanged; 

b. dva beromes everywhere dvä; but in 42-7*2 and in 92 it is 
interchangeable with dvi, and in 82 dvi aloue is used; 

o. for tri is substituted its nom. pl. masc. trayaa; but tri itself ia 
also allowed in 43-73 and in 93 } and in 83 tri aloue is used; 

d. aas becomes ao in 10, and makes the initial d of da^a lingual 
(189 d); ehsewhere its final umlergoea the regulär conversion (826 b t 188 b) 
tu ( or 4 or n > a,la> iu 9G the n °' navati is assimilated to it (188 c); 

e. as(a becomes as(& (483) in 18-38, and has eitlier form in the 
aueeeeding conibinatlouj. 

f. Thus: 
li ekäda^a 

12 dvadac,a 

3 t ekatriü^at 
32 dvätrincat 

13 trayodaqa 

u oaturda^a 
i& pancadaqa 
is aodaqa 

17 Baptadac,a 

18 as(iida9a 
iy navada9a 

si ekaaaa(i 
° Idviaaati 

si eka^lti 
52 dvya^iti 

33 trayaatrincat • 3 i tr / If bS trya^iti 

34 Qatu8trinc,at 

is pancatriüijat 

36 aa(triÜ9at 

37 saptatriü9at 

3 s as^ätrinijat 
39 navatriAqat 

64 oatuhsaati ° si eaturaQlti 
ab pancaaaa(i *» pane&9iti 

G6 sa(aa8(i 

67 aaptasaafi 

68 j^t^rt 1 

69 navaaaa(i 

8« sa4a9iti 

87 aapta^iti 

88 aat^9iti 
Sv nAv&9iti 

179 Odd Number8. [—478 

g. The numbere 2l-L , are made like thoso for 31-30 ; (ho iiumber* 
4/-49, 51-69, 71-79, and 91-99 are made llke those for 61-69. 

h. The forma made with dvft and trayas are more usual trjan those 
with dvi and tri, which are hardly to be quoied from the older litcratore 
(V. and Br.). The forms made with aa(& (instead of aa(a) are almost ex- 
cluiively nsed in the older llteratuie (483), and are not lnfreqnent in the 

477. Tho above aro tho normal cxprossions for tho odd num- 
bers. ßut equivalont Substitutes for them are also variously made. 

a. By uie of the adjectives üna deficient and adhlka redundant, in 
compoiition with lesser iiambera which are to be tubtracted or added, and 
either independently qualifyiiig or (more nsnally) in eompositlon with 1 arger 
number» which are to bc increased or dlminished by tho othera: thus, 
tryünaasuj{ih »ixty defieimt by three (i. e. 57); aat&dhikanavatih 
ninety mereased by eight (i. c. 98); ek&dhikaih c,atam a hundred in- 
creased by one (I. e. 101 ) ; paäconarh c,atam 100 lese 6 (I. e. 95). For 
the nines, eapecially, such subatitutes as ekonavinc,ati$ 90 lese 7, or 19, 
are not uncommon ; and later the eka / ii left offT, and ünavin^ati etc. 
have the samc value. 

b. A case-fonn of a »maller number, generally eka one la connected 
by na not with a larger number from which it is to be dedneted: tau*. 
ekayä na tringat (<,'" PB. KB.) not thiriy by one (29); dvftbhy&rh 
ni '«.itim (VIV) not eighty by two ("*); pafiedbhir na catvaxi G,atftni 
(^B.) not fonr hundred by ßve (39li)- t eka am An na p&no&^at (In ordinal) 
49 (TS.); ekaayäi (abl. fem.: 307 h) napafioftodt 49 (TS.); mott often, 
ekftn (1. e. ekät, irregulär abl. for ekaamät) na vincatfy 19; ekan nd 
C,atdm 99. Thia last form is admitted also in the later langaage; the 
others are found In the Brihmanas. 


O. Instante« of multtpHcation by a preflxed number are occaslonally 
met with: thus, trlsapta thriee seven; trinava thriee nine; tridac,d 
thrice ten. 

d. Of course, the number» to bo added together may be expressed by 
independent words, with eonneeiing and\ thus, ndva ca navatfc, ca, or 
nava navatic, ca ninety and nine; dvflu ca vingatio, oa two and 
twenty. But the connective is also (at least, In the older langnage) not 
aeldom omitted: thus, navatir nava 99; tri nc> tarn trin 33 ; acltfr 
aa^&ü 88. 

478. The samc methods are also variously used for fonning the 
odd numbers abovo 100. Thus: 

a. The added number I* preflxed to the other, and takes tho accent: 
for example, ekä*m 101 ; aatic.atam 108; tri ncdcoha tarn 130: 
a8tavinc,atio,atam 128; cdtuhaahasrara (KV.: unless the arcent i« 
wrong) 1004 \ acUisahaaram 1080. 



478—] VI. Numerale 180 

b. Or, the uumber to be added is compounded with adhika redundant, 
and the Compound is eitber inade to qualify tbe otber number or if furtber 
compounded witb it: thus, pano&dhikam oatam or pafio&dhikacatam 
105. Of course, üna dtficient (a* also otber worda äquivalent to üna or 
adhika) may be med in the aamo way: thus, paäconam oatam 05, 
sas^i^ pancavarjita 55; oatam abhyadhikaifa saa(itah 160. 

o. Syntactical combinations are made at convenience: for example daca 
gatam oa llO t c,atam ekam oa 101. 

478. Another usual method (beginning in the Brähmanaa) of 
forining the odd numbers above 100 is to qualify the larger number 
by an adjective derived from the smaller, and identical with the 
briefer ordinal (below, 488): thus, dvadacam catam, 112 (lit'ly a 
hundred of a 12-sort, or characterised by 12); oatuooatv&ri&oam catam 
144; satsaa^am oatam 166. 

480. To multiply one number by another, among the higher or 
the lower denoininations, the siiuplcst and leaat awbiguous method 
is to make of tho uiultiplied number a dual or plural, qualified by 
tbe otber as any ordinary noun would be; and this method is a com- 
mon one in all ages of the language. For example: panoa pafica- 
catas ßve fiftitt (250) ; nava navatayae nine nineties (810) ; acltibhia 
tiafbhis with threc eighties {240) ; panca catani fwe hundred»\ trini 
aahaaränl three thousand$\ aaa({m aahaaränl 00,000; daca ca aahaa- 
rany ast&u ca cat&ni 10,800: and, comb in ed with addition, trinl 
catäni träyaetriÄoatam ca 333; sahaare dve panconam catam eva 
oa 2095. 

a. In an exceptional caae or two, tbe ordinal form appears to take 
tbe place of the cardinal as multiplicand in a like combination: thus, aa(- 
trinfino, ca caturah (RV.) 36X4 (lit. four of tU thirtytix kind); 
trinr ekädacan (RY.) or traya eVadaqäaah (<ftS. viil. 21. 1) i;x3. 

b. By a peculiar and wbolly illogical coiutruction, auch a combination 
as trini sas^atani, which ought to signify 480 (3x100^60), is repeat- 
edly used in tbe Brähmanaa to mean 360 (3 X 100 -f- 60); so also dve 
oatuatrlnqe oate 234 (not 268) \ dv&aaat&nl trXni c.atani 362 \ and 
otber llke caaes. And eveu lt. baa trayah oatacatardhah 3&0. 

481. But the two factors, mnltiplier and multiplied, are also, 
and in later usage moro generally, combiued into a Compound (accented 
on the final); and this is then treated as an adjective, qu&lifying the 
numbered noun; or eise its neuter or feminine (in i) Singular in uaed 
substantively : thus, dacac,ataa 10OO; aa^atalj^ padattbhlrjL (MBh.) 
wiÜi 600 foot-toldiera; .trky&atrihq*t trioata^i sataahaaräfr (AV.) 6333; 
dvic,atam or dvicati 200; aat&dao,acatI 1800. 

a. In the usual absence of aeeentuation , tbere arisea sometimes a 
question as to bow a Compound number shall be understood: wbether aafa* 
qatam, foi example, is astac,atain 108 or aafafatain 80O t and the like. 

18! iNFLEcnoif. f — 489 

482. Tnflertion. The inflection of the eardinnl numerals 
is in many respects irregulär. Gender is distinguished only 
by the first four. 

a. Eka onc is declined after tho manncr of a pronominal adjec- 
tive (Hke sarva, bclow f 624); its plural is used in the scnse of snme, 
refiain tmet. Its dual does not occur. 

b. Occaftional forma of the ordinsry declonsion are met with : thni, eke 
(lor. sing.), ekät (477 b). 

o. In the Ute literature, eka is used in the aense of a eertain 
or oven sometimes almost of a, ab an indefinite article. Thus, eko 
vy&ghrah (FI.) a certain tiger\ ekaamin dine on a eertain day\ haste 
dangam ekam ftdäya (H.) taking a stick in hie hanJ. 

d. Dva two is dual only, and is entirely regulär: thus, N. A. V. 
dvau {dvt, Veda) m., dve f. n.; I. D. Ab. dv&bhyam; 6. L. dvayoe. 

e. Tri three is in masc. and neut. nearly regulär, like an ordinary 
stein in i; but the genitivo is as if from traya (only in the later 
langnage: tho regulär trtn&m occurs once in RV.). For the feminine 
it has tho pqculiar stem tief, which is inflected in general like an 
r stem ; but tho nom. and accus, are alike, and show no strengthening 
of the r; and the r * B not prolonged in the gen. (excepting in the 
Veda). Thus: 

m. n. f. 

N. trayaa trfnl tisraa 

A. tun trtni tlsraa 

I. tribhfs tisfbhii 

D. Ab. trlbhyaa tlsf bhyaa 

G. tray&nftm tisrnim 

L. trisü tisfsu 

f. The Veda has the abbrerlated neut. nom. and accus, tri. Tbo 
acrentfiation tlarbhfa, tisrbhyaa, tisfci&m, and tisrfü Is Said to be 
also allowed in the latrr language. The stem tisr oeenrs in compoultion 
In tisrdhanva (B.) a how with three arrows 

g. Oatur four has catvar (the more original form) in the strong 
cases; in the fem. it Substitutes the stem oataar, apparently akin 
with tief, and inflected like it (but with anomalous change of accent, 
like that in the higher numbers: seo below, 483). Thus: 

m. n. f. 

N. eatvAraa catvaxi oitaaraa 

A. caturaa catviri oitaaraa 

1. caturbhis cataafbhia 

D. Ab. caturbhyae cataafbhyaa 

0. oaturn&m cataarnain 

L. oatursu oataafau. 

482—] VI. Numehals. 182 

h. The u»e of n before am of the gen. masc. and neut. after a Anal 
cunsonant of the stem is (as in aaa: below, 483) a strlking irregnlaiily. 
The more regulär gen. fem. cataafn&m also sometimes occurs. In the 
later language, the accentuation of the final syllable instead of ibe penult 
ii said to be allowed in lnstr., dat.-abl., and loc. 

488. The numbers from 5 to 19 have no distinction of gender, 
nur any generio character. They are inflected, somewhat irregularly, 
as plurals, save in the nom.-acc, where they have no proper plural 
form, but ahow the bare stem instead. Of aas (as of catur), n&m 
ia tho gen. ondiog, with mutual aasimilation (188 b) of atem-final and 
initial of the termination. Asfca (as accented in the older language) 
has an alternative fuller form, aa(st, which is almost exclusively used 
in the older literature (V. and B.), both in inflection and in oompo- 
sition (but soine Compounds with asfa are found as early as the AV.); 
its nom.-acc. is aa^a (usual later: found in UV. once, and in AV.\ 
or aa\i (RV.j, or aat&ü (most usual in RV.; also in AV., B., and 

a. The accent is in many respects peculiar. In all the accented texts, 
the itress of voico lies on the penult before the endings bhia, bhyas, and 
au, from the stetus in a, whate?er be tbe accent of the item: thus, pafi- 
cabhia from panoa, navabhyaa from nava, daeaau from daoa, nava- 
dacäbhie from navadaoa, ek&daoabhyaa from ek&daca, dvftdaoaau 
from dv&daca (aecording to the grammarians, either the penult or the 
Ünal is accented in these forma in the later language). In the gen. pl., 
tho accent in on the ending (as in that of i-, u-, and f -stein») : t litis, pari- 
cadac,änain, saptadao&nam. Tho cases of aaa, and thosc made from 
the steui-forin aafä, have the accent throughout upon the ending. 

b. Exarnples of the inflection of these words are as follows: 

aat&u aa^a 

aa^&bhia aa^abhia 
aat&bhyaa aa^abhyaa 

ast&au aa(aau. 

c. Sapta (in the later language sapta, as as(a for aa^a) and nava 
and daoa, with the Compounds of daoa {11-19), are declined like panoa, 
and with the same shift of accent (or with alternative shift to the endings, 
as pointed out above). 

484. The UinJu graiumarians give to the stems for 5 and 7-19 a 
final n: tau*, panoan, aaptan, as^an, navan, dacan, and eks\dae,an 
etc. Thig, however, has nothing to do with the demonstrably original final 
nasal of 7, 9> and 10 (compare septem, ttooem, (Urem; $cv*n t nine, 
ten)\ it is only owing to the fact that, starting from such a atem-forro, 
their inflection is made to assume a more regulär aspect, the nom.-acc. 
having the form of a neut. sing, in an, and the instr., dat.-abl., and loc. 
that of a neut. or masc. pl. in an: compare nama, namabhis, ntma- 

N. A. 






1). Ab. 









183 Inflbction. [—487 

bhyaa, niimaau — Ihr grii. äIoiic hoing, rathcr, Hko llint (»f an a-it<?m t 
rompare dacanäm will« fndrflnäin «ml nnranara or Atmanilm. N« traco 
whatover of a final n if found tnywhere in tbe language, in InOection or 
derivatlon or compositum, from any of theie wordt (though QB. hu twico 
dacamdac.fa, for the usuaI dac,adac,{n). 

485. a. The tens, viAe,at£ and trlAcat etc., wlth thoir Compounds, 
aro declined rogularly, as feminine steins of the same endings, and in 
all nnmbers. 

b. pata and aahaara aro declined regularly, as neuter (or, rarely, 
in tho later langitage, as maaculine) steins of the saroe final, in all 

o. Tho liko Is true of tlie higher nuinbers — which have, indeed, 
no propor numeral character, but are ordinary nouus. 

486. Construction. As regards their construction with tbe 
nouns enumerated by thom — 

a, The words for / to 18 are in tho main used adjoctively, 
agreeing in case, and, if thoy distinguish gender, in gender also, with 
the nouns: thus, vlrafh with ten heroe&\ ye dev& divy 
ekftdac,a stha ( AV.) what elevcn gods of you are in heaven ; paßcaau 
janeau among the fioe tribes; catasfbhir glrbh(h with four song$. 
Rarely oeeur such combinations as da<ja kalae,ftnftm (HV.) ien pitchers, 
rtünftifa sat 'R.) $ix *ea*om. 

b. Tho numcrals above 19 are construed usually as nonns, cither 
tnking the tmmbered' noun as a dependont genitive, or Standing in 
the Singular in apposition with it: thus, eatam daairji or oataifa 
daainäm a hundred sUtves or a hundred oftlaves; viAc,atyA haribbi^ 
with twenty hay.n; saa(yäm caratsu in 60 autumns; e,atena petyU^ 
with a hundred fetters ; c,at&m sahaaram ayätani nyarbudaib Ja- 
ghana e,akro däayünäm (AV.) the mighty [Indra] slew a hundrld, a 
thoutand, a myriad, a hundred müiion, of demon*. Occasionally they 
are put in the ptural, as if used more adjeoÜ?ely: thus, pafiotyad- 
bhir bänÄl^i with fifty arrows. 

e. In the older language, the numerals for 6 and upward are 
Bometimes used in the nom.-acc. form (or as lf indeclinably) wlth 
other cases also: thus, pafloa kratfau among the fite races; aapta 
rslg&ih of seven bards; sahaaram faibhi^i with a thousand bärds; 
cataib pürbh(h utith a hundred stronjjholds. Sporadic instances of a 
like kind are also met with later. 

487. Ordinal 8. Of the classes of derivative words 
roming from the original or cardinal numerals, the ordin- 
ale are by far the most important; and the mode of their 
formation may best be explained here. 

487—] VI. NuifBRALS. Ig4 

Sonn; of tlie firßt ordinal« aro irrogularly raadu: Uiub, 

a. eka / forma nu ordinal; instead ia used prathama (i. c. prsw 
taina foremost); ädya (from ädi bcginning) appears firat io the Sütraa, 
and ädima much lator; 

b. from dva 2, and trf 3, come dvitiya and trtiya (secondarily, 
through dvita and abbrcviated trita ; 

o. oatur 4, aas 6*, and aapta 7, take the ending tha: thua, 
caturtha, Sascha, saptatha; bat for fottrth are used also turiya and 
türya, and saptatha bclongs to the older language only; paftoatha, 
for ßfth, is excessivoly rare; 

d. tho numerals for 5 and 7 usually, and for 8, } 10, add ma, 
forming panoama, saptama, aa^ama, navama, daqama; 

e. for iWi to I9th, tlie forma are ekädacA, dvädaqfc, and ßo 
on (the same with tho cardinals, except change of accent); but ekaV- 
da9ama etc. occasionally oeeur also; 

f. for the tens and intorvening odd nambera from 20 onward, 
tho ordinal haa a double form — one made by adding the füll (Super- 
lative) ending tama to tlie cardinal : thua, vlftcatitamÄ, trino,attama, 
a^ititama, etc.; the other, ahorter, in a, with abbreviation of the 
cardinal: thua, viAoa 20Ui; trinqa 30th; catväriAe,a 40th; pafica^a 
5()th; aaata 60th; aaptata 70th; a9ita 80 th; navata 90 th; and so 
likcwi8e ekavinca 2 ist; catuetrlÄoa 34th; aataoatvari&G> 48th\ 
dväpaäoä9a 52(1; ekasaa^a ölst; and ek&nnavine,& and ünaviÄo4 
and ekonavifi^a I9th; — and so on. Of thoso two forma, the lattor 
and briefer ia by far the more common, the other being not qnotable 
from the Veda, and extremely rarely from the Brähmanas. From bOth 
on, the briefer form is allowed by the grammarians only to tho odd 
nuuiburs, made up of tena and units; but it is sometimes inet with, 
even in the later language, from the simple ten. 

g. Of tho higher numbera, 9ata and sahasra form qatatami and 
aahaaratama ; but their- Compounds have also the simpler form: thua, 
eka9ata or eka^atatama 10 ist. 

h. Of the ordinals, prathama (and ädya), dvitiya, trtiya, and 
turiya (with türya) form their feminine in ft; all the rest inake it 
in I. 

488. The ordinals, as in other languaget, have other than ordinal 
oftlcos to oll; und in Sanskrit ospeclally tkey aro gonoral adjeetives to the 
cardinals, with a considcrable variety of meaninga, ai fractionals, aa atgnt- 
fying composed of so many parts or so-many-fold, or eontainmg so many, 
or (as was s«u ii at>ove, 478) having so many added. 

a. In a fmctional acuse, the grammarians direet that their aoeont be 
tfhifted to the flrst ayllable: thus, dvitiya half; tftlya third part; eatur- 
tha quarter; and so on. But in accented texts only tftlya third, and 
caturtha (OB.) and turiya quarter, are found so treated; for half ooeurs 



onty nrdh&; mhI cfiturtha (MS. ntr.). paftoanna, und *o oh, uro fwcrnlrd 
ax In thelr use. 

489. There are other numoral derivatives: tbus — 

a. maltipHcative adverbs, as dvie twicc, tris thrice, catoa/oiir 
timeM ; 

b. adverbs with thc snffixes dhä (1104) and <jaa (1106): for 
example, ekadhA in one \cay, gatadhft in a hundred waye; ekaqa« 
one by one, 0,atae4s by hundrede; 

o. collectives, as dvitaya or dvaya a pair, da^ataya or da$at 
a decade; 

d. adjectives like dvika compoeed of (wo, pafioaka coneieting of 
fixe or fixe*: 

and §o on; bni their ireatment belongs rather io thc dictionary, or 
to the chaptcr on derivation. 



490. Thr pronouns difler from the great mass of nouns 
And adjectives chiefly in that they come by derivation from 
another and a very limited set of roots, the so-called pro- 
nominal or demonstrative roots. But they have also many 
and marked peculi&rities of inflection — some of which, 
however, find analogies in a few adjectives; and such ad- 
jectives will accordingly be described at the end of this 

Personal Pronouns. 

491. The pronouns of the first and second persons are 
the most irregulär and peouliar of all, being made up of 
fragments Coming from various roots and combinations of 
roots. They have no distinction of gender. 

491— J 

VII. Pronouns. 


a. Tlicir inficrtion in Ihe laier lunguagc is a follows: 

.Singular : 


Ist pors. 

2d purs. 


mam, ma 

WH, f*T 
tvam, Iva 







mähyam, me 

tubbyam, to 





mäma, mo 

tava, te 





N. \. V. 



I. D. Ab. 


o 'S. 


ü. L. 



and A. DG. 



IM ural: 





asm an, nas 



yusm&n, vaa 


asmabbyam, nas 

yusmabbyam, vaa 



aam&kam, nas 

ynamstkam, was 



187 Personal Pronouns. (-493 




b. The briefer socond fonns for accus., dat., and gen., in all 
numbers, are accentless; and henco tbcy aro not allowed to stand at 
Ihe beginning of a sentence, or elsowhere whero any emphasis is laid. 

e. But they tnay be quallflod by aecented adjunets, at adJectWes: e. g. 
te jayatati of thee ichm a eonqueror, vo vftibhya^ for you ihat werc 
ro»Jincff } naa tribhya^i to us three (all KV.). 

d. The ablativc mat is accentless In oiie or two AV. passagee. 

492. Forma of tho oldor langnage. All tho forma given 
above are found also in the older languagc; which, however, has also 
others that afterward disnppcar froin usc. 

a. Thus, we find a fow tlraes tbc inntr. sing, tvi (mtly KV.: like 
maniai for manie&ysV) ; further, tho loc. or dat. sing, me (only VS.) 
and tve, nnd the dat. or loc. pl. asme (which is by far tho rotnmonest 
of these e-forras) and yuame: their final e is tinrombinable (or pra- 
gfhya: 138b). The VS. makes twice the acc. pl. fem. yusmaa (as It 
yusmän t>o™ too distinctivcly a tnasciiline form). The datlves in bhyam 
are In a number of rases w ritten, and In yet othors to bo read aa it wrlttcn, 
with bhya. with los« of the Anal nasal; and in a rare instance or two we 
bive In llke manner aamstka and yuam&ka tn the gen. plnral. The nsual 
resolutions of semhowel to vowel are made, and are especlally frequent in 
the form» of the second person (tuam for tvam etc.). 

b. But the duals, above all, wear a Tcry dlfferent aspect earlier. In 
Veda and Brihmana and Sütra the nomlnatlves are (with occasional 
exceptions) ävam and yuvam, and only the accusatWes ftvstm and yuv&m 
(but In RV. the dnal forms of Ist pers. chance not to occar, unless In 
vim[?], once, for Ivam) ; the Instr. in UV. is elther yuvabhyäm (oecurs 
also onre in AQS.) or yuvibhyäm ; an abl. yuvat appears onre in KV., 
and Ävat twice in TS.; the gen. -loc. Is in RV. (only) yuv6s instead of 
yuvayos. Thus we have here a disiinetion (elsewbere unknown) of flve 
different dnal rases, by endings in part arordant with those of the other 
two nnmbers. 

493. Peruliar endings. The endlng am, appearing in the nom. 
sing, and pl. (and Vcdic du.) of these pronoun?, will bo found offen, 
though only In sing., among the other pronouns. The bhyam (or hyam) 
of dat. klug. And pl. Is met with only her*»; itt relationshlp wlth the 
bhyam, bbyas, bhis of the ordinary declension i* palpable. The t (or 

493—] VII. Pronouns. 188 

d) of the abl., Ihough her© preeeded by 4 ahort vowel, la doubtlcss the 
same with that of the a-dcclension of nouna and adjeetives. That the nom., 
dat., and abl. endinga ahould be the same in sing, and pl. (and in part 
in the earlier du. also), only the item to which they are added belng dlf- 
ferent, is un parallel ed elsewhere in the language. The element sma appear- 
ing in the plural forma will be found freqnent in the inflection of the 
Singular in othei pronominal words: in fact, the oompound stem aama 
which underlies tho plural of aham seeois to be the same that furnishes 
part of tho singular forma of ayam (501), and its value of w§ to be a 
speciallsation of the meaning these perton*. The genitives singular, man» 
and tava, have no analogies elsewhere; the derlTation from them of the 
adjeetivea m&maka and tavaka (below, 510 b) snggesta the posaibillty 
of their being themselves stereotyped atema. The gen. pl., asmtkam and 
yuamaTram, are certainly of this charaeter: namely, neuter aing. caaeforma 
of the adjeetire stema asmäka and yuamfika, other casea of which are 
found in the Veda. 

494. Stern -form 8. *To the Hindu grauimarians, the Btems of 
the personal pronouns are mad and aamad, and tvad and yuamad, 
because thoae are form» used to a certain extent, and allowed to be 
indefinitely used, in derivation and composition (like tad, kad, etc.: 
see below, under the other pronouns). Words are thus formed from 
thera even in the older language — namely, matkfta and mataakbi 
and aaniataakhi (RV.), tvadyoni and mattaa (AV.), tvatpitr/ and 
tvadvivftoana (TS.), tvatpraaüta and tvaddevatya and yuvad- 
devatya and yusmaddevatya (QB.), aamaddevatya (PB.); but much 
moro numerous are those that show the proper t . <* in a, or with 
the a lengthened to ä: thus, maVant; asmatrft, a ^ tadruh, etc.; 
tvayata, tvavant, tvidatta, tvanfd, tvivaau, tvaWta» etc.; yua- 
m&datta, yusmesita, etc.; yuvavant, yuviku, yuvadhlta, yuvi- 
datta, yuvanita, etc. And the later language also has a few words 
made in the same way, as mädro. 

a. The Vedaa have certain more irregulär combinations, with eomplete 
forma: thus, tväibk&mr. tvamahuti, marhpacyi, mamaaatyi, aame- 
hiti, aharhpürva, ahamuttara* ahaihyu, ahaihsaiia. 

b. From the steine of the gramuiarians come also the derivative 
adjeetives madlya, tvadiya, aamadlya yusmadiya, having a pos- 
sessive value: see below, 516a. 

0. For sva and svayam, see below, 513. 

Demonstrative Pronouns. 

495. The simplest demonstrative, cT ta, which answers 
also the purpose of a personal pronoun of the third peraon, 
may be taken aa model of a mode of deolension usual in* 


Demonstrative Pronouns. 


so many pronouns and pronominal mljcctives that it is 
fairly to be called the general pronominal declension. 

a. Bat this root dm also the special irregularity that In the 
nom. Bing. masc. and fem. it has aaa (for whoee pecuüar euphonie 
treatment see 176a,b) and st, instead of taa and ti (compare Gr. 
b, Tj, to, and Gotb. «a, so, thata). Thus: 














N. A. V. <?t 


1. D. Ab. 
G. L. 










N. ^ 


a. ?n^ 


















406— j VII. Pronounö. 190 

i>. AI». 



tebbyae tibbyaa 

teaäm taaam 

teau taau 

b. The Vedas show uo otber Irrcgularities of Inflection than those 
\\hich belong to all stems in a and ä: namely, tenä sometimss; usnally 
ti for tau, du.; ölten ta for tani, pl. neut.; usually tebhia for tftla, 
instr. pl.; and the ordinary resolutions. Tbe UV. bas one more case-form 
from thc root aa, nauiely aaamin (occurring nearly half at often as taa- 
min); and CbU. bas once aaam&t. 

496. The pcculiaritics of tbc gcneral pronominal dcclcnsion, it 
will be uoticcd, are theae: 

a. In tbo Singular, the uae of t (properl y d) as ending of nom.-acc. 
neut.; the combiuatiou of another element ama vrith tbe root in maac. and 
neut. dat., abl., and loc, and of By in fem. dat, abl. -gen., and loc.; and 
tbe masc. and neut. loc. ciidinjr in, wbicb is restricted to tbls declenston 
(ezcept in the anomalous y&dfcmin, BV., once). Tbe Substitution In B. 
of ai for äs as fem. ending (307 h) was illustrated at 366 d. 

b. Thu dual ia precisely tbat of nouu-stems in a and a. 

C. In thu plural, thc irregularitics are limited to te for taa in nom. 
matte, and the Insertion of a instead of n before am of tbe gen., tbe stem- 
nnal being treated before it in the same manner as before au of tbe loc. 

407. The stein of this pronoun is by the gram mar ians givea 
na tad; and from tbat form come, in fact, the derivative adjeetive 
tadfya, with tattva, tadvat, tanmaya; and numerous componnds, 
such as tacchlla, tajjfka, tatkara, tadanantara, tanmitra, etc. 
These componnds are not rare even in the Veda: so t&danna, tadvfd, 
tadvac.a, etc. But derivatives from the true root ta are also mady: 
espccially adverbs, as tataa, tatra, tathft, tadl; the adjeetives ti- 
vant and tati; and tbe Compound tädfc, etc. 

408. Though the demonstrative root ta is prevallingly of the 
third person, it is also freely used, both in tho earlier language and 
in the later, as quaüfying the pronouns of the first and second person, 
giving emphasia to them : thus, s6 'ham v Mm 7, or I hire\ aa or •£ 
tvam thou there ; te vayam, tee here ; taaya mama of me her*, taamina 
tvayi in thtt there, and so on. 

409. Two other demoustrative stems appear to contain ta as 
au clemeDt; and both, like the simple ta, Bubstitute aa iu the nom. 
siug. masc. and fem. 


191 Demonstrative Pronouns. [ — 601 

a. 'Mio min, tyn, im tnloraMy common (aUhmigh only a tliiril 
•if iu |R»«Hihlo form» occur) iu UV., l>ut rar« in AV., und almosL 
unkoown later, ita nom. sing., in the three genders, is ayaa, syi, 
tyat, and it makes the accusatives tyam, tyftm, tyat, and goes on 
through the reroaining cases in the sarae inanner as ta. It hau in 
RV. the instr. fem. ty& (for tyayä). Instead of syä as nom. sing, 
fem. is also found tyft. 

b. The other is the usual demonstrative of nearer positioii, thu 
herc, and is in frcqiicnt uso through all periods of tho laiiguagc. 
It preBxes e to tho simple root, forming tho nominativos esaa, 098% 
etat — and so on through the whole inflection. 

c. The stem tya has mithor Compounds nor derivatives. Hut 
from eta nre forroed both, in the sarae inanner as from tho simple 
ta, only much less numerous: thus, etaddi (£B.), etadartha, etc.. 
from the so-called stem etad; and et&dfe, ajad et&vant from eta. 
And esa, likc sa (408), is used to qualify pronouns of the Ist nnri 
2d persona: e. g. esä liam, ete voyam. 

500. There is a defective pronominal stem, ena, which is accent- 
less, and henco used only in Situation» whero no etnphasis falls upon 
it It does not occur clscwhere than in the aecusative of all niimbcrs, 
the instr. sing., and the gen.-loc. dual: thus. 

ra. n. f. 

Sing. A. enam enat en&m 

I. enena ouay& 

D11. A. enäu ene ene 

G. L. enayos enayos 

PI. A. enän enäni enaa 

a. Tb© UV. bas enos instead of enayos, and In one or two in5tances 
accenta a form : thus, enam, enaa (?). AB. uses enat also as nom. neut. 

b. As ena is always used substantively, it bas more ncarly than ta 
the Talae of a third personal pronoun, anemphatio. Apparent exainples 
of Its adjcftital usc hcre and there met wlth are doubtless the result of 
ronfosion vvith eta (400 b). 

c. This stem forms neither derivatives nor Compounds. 

601. The declension of two other demonstratives is so 
irregnlarly made up that they have to be given in füll. The 
one, VF}**] ayam etc., is used a« a more indefinite demon- 
strative, this or that\ the other, *tt\ asftü etc., signifies 
especially the remoter relation, yon or yonder. 

a. They are as follows: 

60 1— ] 

VII. Promo ums. 








N. A. 

1. D. Ab. 

G. L. 



1). Ab. 


Singular : 
m. o. 

**% S\ 

ayam idam 

imam idam 






imau ime 



ime imani 
iman imaai 



























amüim adaa 












ami amftni 
am&n amäni 





193 DEMONSTRATIVE». [—603 

b. Thft RAinn form« uro nand In Ihn ol»1»r laiigtiagi», wlihoitl Variation, 
cicopt thtt (an uatial) imä* oocurs for imau and im&ni, und ainÜ for 
amüni; amuyft when med adterblally is aecented on the final, amuy&; 
asäu (with accent, of course, on the flrat, asäu, or witbout accent, asäu: 
314) is used alio as voeative; ami, too, orcurs as Tocattve. 

502. a. The former of these two pronouns, ayam etc., plalnly show* 
Itaelf to be pleced together from a number of defaetive stemt. Tbe majori ty 
of forma eome from the root a, with which, aa In the ordlnary pronominal 
declension, ima (f. sy) U cornblned in the singular. AU thete forma from 
a bave the peculiarity tbat In their Substantive ose they are either aecented, 
as in the paradigm, or accentless (Hke ena and the second form» from 
aham and tvam). The remalning forma are always aecented. From ana 
come, with entlre regularity, anena, anaya, anayoa. The strong cascs 
In dual and plural, and In part in singular, come not less regolarly from a 
stem ima And ayam, lyam, idam are evidently to be referred to a 
simple root I (idam belng apparently a double form: id, like tad etc., 
wltn endlng am). 

b. The Veda has from the root a also the Instrumentals ena* and ay& 
(nsed in general adverbtally), and the gen. loc. dn. ayös; from ima, 
imaeya occurs once in RV., imaam&i in AA., and imaia and imesu 
Iater. The RT. has in a small number oi instances the irregulär accen- 
tuarlon atmai, asya, &bhis. 

c. In analogy with the other pronouns, idam is by tbe graiu- 
roarians rcgardod as represcntative storn of this pronominal declen- 
sion; and it is actually found so treated in a very ein all number of 
Compounds (idammaya and idamrüpa are of Brahma na age). As 
regards the actual stems, ana furnishes nothing furthcr; froui ima 
coines only tho adverb imathä (RV., once); but a and i furnish a 
number of derivatives, mostly adverbial; thus, for exauiple, atas, 
atra, atha, ad-dh*(?); itas, (d (Vedic particle), ida, iha, ftara, im 
(Vedic particle), Idfc,, perhaps eva and evam, und others. 

609. The other prononn, aaau etc., haa amu for iti leadfng stem, 
which in the singular takes In oomblnation, like the a-stems, the dement 
ima (f. sy), and which shifta to ami in part of the masc and neut. 
plural. In part, too, like an adjectlve u-stem, it lengthens its final In the 
feminine. The gen. sing, amusya is the only example in the lang u age 
ef the ending sya added to any other than an a-stem. The nom. pl. ami 
la unlque in form; ita I is (like that of a dual) pragrhya, or exompt 
from comblnatlon with a followlng towoI (138 b). As&ü and adAs are 
also wlthout analogles as regards their endlngs. 

a. The grammarians, as usual, treat adaa as repräsentative stem 
of the declension, and it is found in this character in an extremely 
small number of words, as adomüla; adomaya is of Brahmana age. 
The £B. has also as&unaman. ßut most of the derivatives, as of 

Whitney Gram mar. 3. ad. 13 

608—] VII. Pronouns. 194 

the cum, com© from amu: thua, amutaa, amutra, amutha, amuda, 
amurhi, amuvat, amuka. 

b. In the older lang nage oceuxi the root tva (accentless), moenlng 
one, many a Ott«; it ia oftenest found repeeted, m ans and anotksr. It 
follows the oidtnary pronominal deelenaion. From it it made the (aleo 
aeoentleat) adverb tvadanlm (MS.). 

o. Fragments of another demonitratiT« root oi two are met with: thua, 
amaa he occurt in a formula in AV. and in Brihmanat etc.; av6s aa 
gen.-loc. dual ia foand In RV.; the partiole u pointa to a root u. 

Interrogative Pronoun. 

604. The oharacteristio part of the interrogative pro- 
nominal root is «fi k; it haa the three forma SR ka, fsR kl, 
efi ku; but the whole deolenrional infleotion is from SR ka, 
exoepting the nom.-aco. ging, neut., whieh is from {% kl, 
and haa the anomalous form fiOT kirn (not elsewhere known 
in the language from a neuter 1-stem). The nom. and 
acous. sing., then, are as follows: 



and the rest of the deolension is precisely like that of cT 

ta (above, 486). 

a. The Veda haa ita uaual Tarlatiom, k£ and kebhia for kanl and 
kaia. It alao haa, along wlth kirn, the pronomtnally regulär nenter kAd; 
and kam (or kam) is a freqnent particle. The maae. form kirn, oorree- 
ponding to kirn, occurt u a atereotyped cato In the eombinattone nAkia 
and nxakia. 

606. The grAmmariana treat kirn aa ropreaenutiye atem of the 
interrogative pronoun ; and it ia in fact ao uaed in a not large number 
of words, of which a few — kimmAya, kiihkara, kiinkamjä, küh- 
devata, kühoIlA, and the peculiar kiihyu — go back evea to the 
Veda and Brähmana. In closer analogy with the other pronouna, the 
form kad, a couple of timea in the Veda (katpaya, kadartha), and 
not infreqaently later, ia foand aa firat member of Compounds. Theo, 
from the real roota ka, ki 9 ku are made many derivatives; and 
from kl and ku, eapecially the latter, many Compounds: thua, kAtft, 







195 RBLATIVE8. [—609 

kathlt» katham, kada, katara, katama, karhi ; kfyartt, kldfo, ; kütaa, 
kütra, küha, kva, kuoara, kukarman, komantrin, etc. 

606. Various forme of this pronoun, as kad, kirn, and ku (and 
rarely, ko), at the beginning of Compounds, have passed from an 
interrogative meaning, throngh an exclaroatory, to the value of pre- 
fixos signifying an unusiial quality — either somethiog admirable, or, 
oftener, somethiog contemptible. This use begins in tbe Veda, bnt 
beeomeB rauch more common in later tiiue. 

607. The interrogative pronoun, as in other languagcs, turns 
readily in its independent nse also to au exclaraatory meaning. 
Moreovcr, it is by various added particles converted to an indefinite 
meaning: thus, by oa, cana, cid, api, vä, eithor alone or with the 
relative ya (below, 611) prefixed: thus, ka<j oana any on§\ na k6 
'pi not any one\ yäiii kani oit ichaUoever; yatamat katamao cm 
ychatever out. Occasionally, the interrogative by itself acquires a 
similar value. 

Relative Pronoun. 

608. The root of the relative pronoun is U ya, which 
from the earliest period of the language has lost all trace 
of the demonstrative meaning original ly (doubtless) belonging 
to it, and is used as relative only. 

609. It is inflected vfith entire regularity aecording to 
the usual pronominal declension: thus, 

Singular. Dual. Plural, 

in. it. f. m. n. f. m. n. f. 



im UFT 
yaa yat 

y* ( 

H^ ?Jc^ 

UFT | 

yam yat 

yam I 









d tJlfä 


nt U ft 

ye yani 


y&u yfc ye 

yan yini 









etc. etc, *tc. etc. etc. 

a. The Vcdt shons lts usual variatlons «»f thesc form?: yd for yftü 
and for yani, and yebhis for yafs: yos for yayos also oecurs otiee; 
yen&, with prolonged Anal, is in KV. twke an common as yena Rt»o- 


609 -] VII. Pronouns. 196 

lution» oceux iu yäbhias, aud yeeaam aod yiaaam. The conjunctiou 
y&t is an ablaute form according to ibe ordlnary declanaion. 

510. The use of yat aa repräsentative stem begins very early: 
we have yatk&ma in the Veda, and yatk&rin, yaddevatya in the 
Brähmana; later it grows more general. From the proper root com« 
also a considerable series of derivatives: yataa, yati, yatra, yathft, 
yadft, yadi, y&rbi, y&vant, yatara, yatama; and the Compound 

511. The coinbination of ya with ka to make an indefinite 
pronoun has been notioed above (507). Ita own repetitlon — as 
yad-yat — gives it sometimes a like meaning, won through the dis- 

512. One or two marked peeuliarites iq the Sanskrit use of the 
relative may be here briefly noticed: 

a. A very decided preference for putting thü relative clause before 
that to whlch ii relates: thus, ya£ sunvatah sakh* taamft indr&ya 
g&yata (RV.) who is the friend of the soma-presser, to that Indra fing ye\ 
yam yajnam paribbür aai ea Id deveeu gaoohati (HV.) what offer ing 
thou protectest, Utat in truth goeth to the gods; ye trlaapt&h pariyanti 
balä tes&m dadhätu me (AY.) what thriee seven go about, their strength 
mag he astign to me\ aa&u yö adbarad grhaa tatra aantv ar&yya^ 
(AY.) what house i» gonder in the depth t there let the witchee be\ sah*, 
yan me aati tena (TB.) along with that whieh w mine; haneanfcm 
vaoanam yat tu tan m&m dahati (Müh.) but what the werde of the 
ewane were, that burne me\ earvaaya locanam e,fcstram yaaya nä *sty 
andha eva sa£ (II.) who does not possess leaming % the eye of everything, 
blind indeed ie he. The other arrangement, though frequent eoough» it 
notably leia usual. 

b. A fiequent oonvenion of the •ubject or objeet of a rerb by au 
added relative into a Substantive clause: thua, me *mam pr£ "pat pÄÜ- 
ruseyo yadh6 yah (AV.) may there not reaeh him a human deadly 
weapon (lit'ly, what is euch a weapon); pari no pahi yad dhanam 
(AY.) protect of ut what wealth [there is]\ ap&m&rgö *pa m&rf v u 
ksetriyam capathac, oa yah (AV.) may the cleansing plant cleanee 
away the diteaee and the curse\ puskarena hftam rajyam yao oa 
'nyad vaau kimoana (MBh.) by Puthkara wae taken away the kingdom 
and whatever other property [there was). 

Other Pronouns: Emphatic, Indefinite. 

518. a. The isolated and uninfleoted pronominal woid 
HUH Bvayam (frooi the root sva) signifies seif, oum seif. 
By ita form it appears to be a nom. sing., and it is often- 

J97 Pronominal Derivatives. [—616 

est used as nominativc, but along with words of all person 8 

and numbers ; and not seldom it represents other cases also. 

b. Bvayam ie also usod m a stein in composition: thus, sva- 
yamjä, svayambhti. Bat sva itself (usually adjective: below, 51 0e) 
haa the same valne in composition; and even its inflected forma are 
(in the older language very rarely) usod as reflexive prononn. 

o. In RV. alone are found a few cxamples of two indefinite 
pronouns, sama (accentlcss) awy, evcty, and eima every, all. 

Nouns used pronomipally. 

514. a. The nonn ätman toul is widely employed, in the Sin- 
gular (extremely rarely in other numbers), as reflexive pronoun of all 
three persona. 

b. Tbe noun tanti hody is cmployod in the same manner (but in all 
numbers) in the Veda. 

o. The adjective bhavant, f. bhavatl, is used (as already pointed 
out: 460) in respectful address as Substitute for the pronoun of 
the second person. Its construetion with the verb is in aecordance 
with its true character, as a word of the third person. 

Pronominal Derivatives. 

615. From pronominal roots and stems, as well as from 
the larger olass of roots and from noun-stems, are formed 
by the ordinary suffixes of adjective derivation certain words 
and olasses of words, which have thus' the oharacter of pro- 
minal adjeetives. 

Some of the raore important of these may be briefly noticed here, 

610. Possessives, a. From the representative stems mad etc. 
are formed the adjeetives madlya, aemadiya, tvadlya, ynsmadiya, 
tadiya, and etadlya, which are used In a possessive sense: relatmg 
to me, mine, and so on. 

b. Other possessives are mämaka (also mamaka, RV.) and 
tAvaka, from the genitives mama and tava. And RV. haa once 

c. An analogons derivative from the genltWo amüfya \n &musyi- 
yar^a (AV. etc.) descendant of such and such a one. 

d. It was pointed out above (493) that the "genitives" asm&kam 
•nd yusm&kam are really ttereotyped cates of possessive adjeetives. 


616—] VII. Prohoums. 198 

6. Corresponding to avayam (513) ia the possessive «vi, meaning 
otcn, m relating to all persona and nnmbers. The RV. hat once the 
correaponding simple possessive of the aecond person, tvA thy. 

t. For the uae of sva aa reflexive pionoun, tee above, 518 b. 

g. All tlete wordt form their feminines in ä. 

h. Other derWativea of a like taIuo htve no clalm to be mcntiooed 
bere. Hut (excepting ava) the potaestWet are ao rarely naed aa to make 
but a tmall Agar« in the Unguage, vrhteh prefera ganerally to Indicate the 
poieeitive relaiion by the genttWe case of the prononn itaelf. 

517. By the snffix vant are formed from the pronominal roota, 
with Prolongation of their final vowela, the adjectives maWant, tvi- 
vant, yusmaWtuit, yuv£vant, taWant, etivant, yaVant, meaning of 
my *ort, Kk* me, etc. Of theae, however, only the last three are in 
use in the later language, in the sense of tantus and qttantus. They 
are inflected like other adjeetive stems in vant, making their femi- 
nines in vatl (46S). 

a. Words of similar meaning from the roots I and kl are fyant 
and kiyant, inflected in the saine manner: aeo above, 451. 

518. The pronominal roots show a like Prolongation of vowel 
in eombination with the root drg ta«, höh, and its derivatives -drca 
and (quite rareiy) drkea: thus, mädrg, -drga; tvidfo,, -d^ca; yua- 
midfo, -droa; tadfg, -dfoa, -drksa; etAdfg, -dfo.a, -dfkea; yidfc, 
-dfoa; Idfg,, -dfea, -dfkea; kldfc,, -dfoa, -dfkea. They mean of my 
sort, liks or resembling me, and the like, anü tftdfo, and the followiug 
are uot unconiuion, with the sense of UUu and quali*. The forme in 
djo, are unvaried for gender; those in dfoa (and drkea?) have fe- 
minines in L 

519. From ta, ka, ya come tili $o many, kAti how manyt yati 
a$ many. They have a qnasi-nnmeral ebaraetar, and are inflected 
(Uke the nnmerals pa&oa etc.: above, 488) only in the plural, and 
with the bare stem as nom. and accus.: thus, N.A. tati; I. etc. tati- 
bhia, Utibhyaa. titlntm, tatistL 

580. From ya (in V. and B.) and ka come the comparatives and 
snperlatives yatara and yatamA, and katarA and katama; and from 
i f the eomparative (tara, For their inflection, see below, 688. 

581. Derivatives with the auffix ka, sotnetimes coaveyinf a 
diminutive or a eontemptuous meaning, are made from certaia of the 
pronominal roots and stema (and may, according to the gnmmarisns, 
be made from them all): thus, from ta, takAm, takAt, takaU; from 
aa, eakft; from ya, yakaa, yakat, yake; front asa\6, aaakaVa; from 
amu, amuka. 

a. For the numeroua and froquantly aaad advatba fanaad fraam pro- 
nominal roota, eee Adverb« (below, 1097 f.). 


199 Adjectivbs dbolinbd pronominallt. 1—526 

Adjectives dacllned pronomlnally. 

522. A number of adjeotiyea — aome of them oomiog 
from pronominal roota, othera more or leM analogoua with 
pronouns in uae — axe infleoted, in part or wholly, accord- 
ing to the pronominal deolenaion (like fT tft, 496), with 
feminine ateras in ft. Thus: 

528. Tbe coraparati?ee and auperlativea from pronominal roote 
— nainely, katara and katama, yatara and yatama, and ftara; 
also anya otker, and ita comparative anyatari — are deelined like 
ta througbont 

a. Bat eten from these worda forma made aecordlng to thd adJeetWe 
docltnsion aro aporadically met with (e. g. Itarayam K.). 

b. Anya takes oceaaionally the form anyat in oomposltlon: thus, 
anyatk&ma, anyatsth&na. 

524. Otber worda are to infleoted except in the nom.-aec-voc. 
sing. nent, whera thay have the ordinary adjeetiTe form am, ioatead 
of the pronominal at (ad). 8noh arc aarva all, viowa all, evory, 
eka one. 

a. These, also, aro not withont eiception, at lernst in the earlier 
language (e. g. viovtya, viovtt, vicve RV.; aka loe. sing., AV.). 

526. Yet other worda follow tbe same model uanally, or in tome 
of their aignifications, or optionally; but in other aenaea, or withont 
known rnle, lapae into the adjective infleotion. 

a. 8ucb sre the eomparathres and saperlatlTef from prepotltlonal Storni : 
adhara and adhama, antara and antama, ipara and apami, iwara 
and avama, üttara and uttama, äpara and npami. Of these, pro- 
nominal forma are deddedly more nnmerons from the eomparatlYes than 
from the superl»tl?es. 

b. Fürth or. the superlatlves (without eorreepondlng eomperaÜTes) 
parama, oarama, madhyami; and also anyatama (whose positive and 
eomparatiTe helong to the elass flrst mentioned : 528). 

o. Further, the words para distant, other ; pArwa prior, east; dakfina 
right, $outh\ paqcima behind, weitem; ubhaya (f. ubhayl or ubhayi) 
of both kinds or parties; nema the one, half) and the possetsiTe eva. 

626. Occaslonal forma of the pronominal deelenslon are met with from 
nnmeral adjecti?es: e. g. prathamanyan, trtiy a*y am ; and from other 
words havlng an Indefinite nnmeral charaeter: thus, alpa/tto; ardba hm[f\ 
kevala all; dvitaya of the two kinds-, bthya ouUide — and others. RV. 
has once eam&naemat. 




627. The subject of conjugation or verbal inflection 
involves, as in the other languages of the family, the dia- 
tinctions of voice, tense, mode, number, and peraon. 

a. Further, besides the simpler or ordinary conjugation 
of a verbal root, there are certain more or less fully de- 
veloped secondary or derivative conjugations. 

528. Voice. There are (as in Greek) two voices, active 
and middle, distinguished by a differenoe in the personal 
endings. This distinction is a pervading one: there is no 
active personal form whioh does not have its corresponding 
middle, and vice versa ; and it is extended also in part to 
the participles (but not to the infinitive). 

529. Ad active form is ealled by the Hindu grammariana 
paraamäi padam a toord for another, and a middle form is ealled 
fttmane padam a ward /or one'$ $e{f: the terms might be best para- 
phraaed by transitive and refltxiv*. And the distinction thua expressed 
is doubtless the original foundation of the differenoe of active and 
middle forma; in the recorded condition of the .language, however, 
the antltheaia of transitive and reflexive meaning is in no amall 
meaaure blurred, or even altogether effaced. 

a. In the eplca there ia mach effacement of the dlaUnctton batweea 
active and middle, the cholce of voice being vezy often datennlned by 
metricml considerationa alone. 

580. Some verbs are conjugated in both voioes, others 
in one only; sometimes a part of the tenses are infleoted 
only in one voice, others only in the other or in both; of 
a verb usually inflected in one voice sporadic forma of the 
other oeeur; and sometimes the voice differs aecording as 
the verb is compounded with certain prepositions. 

201 THH8B AHD Mode. [ 

631. The middle forma outside ilie prcsent-systemi (for 
which tliere is a special passive inflection : see below, 708 C), 
and sometimes also within that System, axe liable to be 
used likewiae in a passive sense. 

532. Tense. The tenses are as follows: 1. a present, 
with 2. an imperfecta ciosei j related with it in form, having 
a prefixed augment; 3. a perfect, made with redtiplication 
(to which in the Veda is added, 4. a so-called plu perfect, 
made from it with prefixed augment) ; 5. an aorist, of three 
different forma tions: a. simple; b. reduplicated ; e. sigmatic 
or sibilant; 6. a future, with 7. a eonditional, an augment- 
tense, Standing to it in the relation of an imperfect to a 
present; and 8. a secood, a periphrastic, future (not found 
in the Veda). 

a. The tenses here distingnished (in aeeordanee with prevailing 
usage) as imperfect, perfect, plnperfeet, sad sorisi receive thote 
cames from iheir correspondence in mode of formstion with tenses 
so ealled In other langitages of the familj, especiallj in Greek, snd 
not st all from differenees of time desifmated bj them. In no period 
of Ute Sanskrit lan£uagc is there snjr expresaton of imperfect or 
plnperfeet time — nor of perfect time, ezeept in tbe older langnage, 
wbere the "aorist" hss this value; later, imperfect, perfect snd sorist 
are so many nndiscrimhuited past tenses or preterits: «ee below, 
ander tbe different tenses. 

533. Mode. In respect to mode, the difference between 
the classical Sanskrit and the older language of the Ve«la 
— and, in a less degree, of the Brähmanas — is especialljr 

a. In the Veda. the present tense bas, besides its indicative 
inflection. a aubjunetive, of eonsiderable variety of formstion, an 
Optative, and an imperative (in 2d and 3d persons). Tbe same tbree 
modes are foand, thoagh of mach less freqncnt oeenmaee, ss belonjr- 
ing to the perfect; snd tbej are made also from tbe sorifts, being 
of especial frequency from tbe simple aorist Tbe future bas no modes 
(an occasional case or two are pnrelj exceptiooalj 

b. In the classical Sanskrit, the present sdds to its in- 
dicative an Optative and an imperative — of which last, 

533—] VIII. CONJUQATlüM. 202 

moreover, the first persona are a remnant of the old sub- 
junctive. And the aorist has also an Optative, of aomewhai 
peculiar inflection, usually called the preoative (01 bene- 

634. The present, perfect, and future tenses have eaeh 
of them, alike in the earlier and latei language, a pair of 
participles, aotive and middle, sharing in the various pe- 
culiarities of the tense-formations; and in the Veda are 
found such participles belonging also to the aorist. 

536. Tense-sy stems. The tenses, then, with their 
acoompanying modes and participles, fall into oertain well- 
marked groups or Systems: 

I. The present-system, composed of the present 
tense with iu modes, its partioiple, and iu preterit which 
we have called the imperfeot. 

II. The perfect-system, composed of the perfect 
tense (with, in the Veda, its modes and its preterit, the 
so-called plu perfect) and its partioiple. 

III. The aorist-system, or Systems, simple, re- 
duplioated, and sibilant, composed of the aorist tense 
along with, in the later language, its "precative" Opta- 
tive (but, in the Veda, with its various modes and its 

IV. The future-sy stems: 1. the old or sibilant 
future, with its accompanying preterit, the conditional, 

. and its partioiple; and 2. the new periphrastic future. 

536. Number and Person. The verb has, of course, 
the same three numbers with the noun: namely, Singular, 
dual, and plural; and in eaoh number it has the three per- 
sons, first, second, and third. All of these are made in 
every tense and mode — except that the first persona of 
the imperative numbers are supplied from the subjunetive. 

203 Verbal Adjectives and Nouns. [—540 

587. Verbal adjectives and nouns: Participle». 
The partioiples belonging to the tense-systems have been 
nlready spoken of above (684). There is hesides, Coming 
directly from the root of thc verb, a participle, prevailingly 
of paat and passive (or sometimes neuter) meaning. Future 
passive participles, or gerundives, of several different for- 
mations, are also made. 

688. Infinitives. In the older languoge, a very con- 
siderable variety of derivative abstract nouns — only in a 
few sporadic instances having anything to do with the tense- 
Systems — are used in an infinitive or quasi-infinitive sense; 
most often in the dative case, but sometimes also in the 
accusative, in the genitive and ablative, and (very rarcly) 
in the locative. In the classical Sanskrit, there remains a 
single infinitive, of accusative case-form, having nothing to 
do with the tense-systems. 

589. Gerunds. A so-oalled gerund (or absolutive) — 
being, like the infinitive, a stereotyped case-form of a de- 
rivative noun — is a part of the general verb-system in 
both the earlier and later language, being especially frequent 
in the later language, where it has only two forms, onc 
for simple verbs, and the other for Compound. Its value 
is that of an indeclinable aotive participle, of indeterminate 
but prevailingly past tense-character. 

a. Another gerund, an adverbially used accusativo in form, is 
found, bat ooly rarely, both earlier and later. 

640. Seoondary oonjugations. The secondary or 

derivative oonjugations are as follows: 1. the passive; 2. the 

intensive; 3. the desiderative; 4. the causative. In these, 

a conjugation-stem, instead of the simple root, underlies 

the whole System of inflection. Yet there is clearly to be 

seen in them the oharacter of a present-system, expanded 

into a more or less complete conjugation; and the passive is 

540 -] VIII. CONJÜQATION. 204 

so purely a present-system lhai it will be described in the 
chapter devoted io that part of the inflection of the verb. 

a. Under the same general head belongs the subjeot of 
denominative conjugation, 01 the conversion of noun and 
adjective-stems into conjugation-stems. Further, that of 
Compound conjugation, whether by the prefixion of prepo- 
sitions to roots or by the addition of auxiliary verbs to noun 
and adjective-stems. And finally, that of periphraatic con- 
jugation, or the looser combination of auxiliaries with verbal 
nouns and adjectives. 

541. The characteristic of a proper (finjte or personal) 
verb-form is its personal ending. By this alone is deter- 
mined its character as regards number and perton — and 
in part also as regards mode and tense. But the distino- 
tions of mode and tense are mainly made by the formation 
of tense and mode-stems, to which, rather than to the pure 

root, the personal endings are appended. 

a. In this chapter will bo given a general account of the per- 
sonal endings. and also of the formation of mode-stems from tense- 
stems, and of those Clements in the formation of tense-stems — the 
augment and the reduplication — which are found in more than one 
tense-systeni. Theo, in the following ehapters, each tense-system 
will be taken up by itself, and the methods of formation of Its Sterns, 
both tense-stems aud mode-stems, and their combination with the 
endings, will be deseribed and illustrated iu detail. And the com- 
plete conjugation of a few model verbs will be exhibited in syste- 
matic arrangemüut in Appendix O. 

Personal Endings. 

542. The endings of verbal inflection are, as was pointed out 
above, different throughout in the active and middle voices. They 
aro also, as in Greek, ususlly of two somewhat varying forma for 
the same person in the same voice: one fuller, oailed primary; the 
other briofer, call cd secondary. There are also less pervading differ- 
ences, dependiug upon other conditions. 

a. In the epics, exchanges of primary and sseondary actWo endings, 
(especially the Substitution of ma, va, ta, for man, vaa, tha) are not 


205 Personal Endings. [—645 

b. A condenied Statement of all tho varletles of endlng for eacb per- 
son and nun» bor hcro follows. 

643. Singular: First person. a. Tho primary ending in 
tlie active is mi. The subjunetive, however (latcr imperative), has 
ni instead; and in the oldest Veda this ni is sometimes wanting, 
and the person ends in ä (as if tho ni of äni werc dropped). Tho 
secondary ending is properly m; bnt to this m an a has como to 
bc so persistently prefixed, appearing regniarly whero the tense-stein 
doca not itsclf end in a (▼am for varm or varam in RV., onee, and 
abhüm MS., avadhlm TS. etc., sanem TB., uro rare anomal los), that 
it is convenient to reekou am as ending, rather than m. But the per- 
fect tense has neither mi nor m; its ending is siuiply a (souietlines 
ä: 848 c); or, from ä-roots, äu. 

b. The primary middle ending, aecording to the anaiogy of the 
other persona, would bc regularly me. But no tense or modo, at 
any period of tbe language, shows any relic whatevor of a m in this 
person; the primary ending, present as well as perfect, from a-stetns 
and others alike, is e; and to it corresponds i as secondary ending, 
which blends with the final of an a-steni to e. The Optative has, 
however, a instead of i; and in the subjunetive (later imperative) 
appears äi for e. 

644. Second person. a. In the activo, tho primary ending 
is si, which is shortened to s as secondary; ns to the loss of this 
s after a final radical consonant, see below, 555. But tho perfect 
and the imperative desert hcro entirely tlie aimlopy of the other 
forme. Tho perfect ending is invariably t-ha (or tha: 848c}. Tho 
imperative is far less regulär. The füllest form of its ending is dhi; 
which, however, is more often redticcd to hi; and in the great ma- 
jorify of verbs (including all a-steras, at every period of the language) 
no ending is present, but the bare stein Stands as personal form. 
In a very sniall class of verbs (788-3), Ana is the ending. There is 
also an alternative ending tat; and this is even used sporadically in 
other persons of tho imperative (see below, 570-1). 

b. In the middle voiee, the primary ending, both present aod 
perfect, is se. The secondary Stands in no apparent relation to this, 
being thäe; and in the imperative is found only sva (or svÄ: 848 o), 
which in the Veda is not seldom to be read as sua. In the older 
language, se is sometiuies strengthened to sÄl in the subjunetive. 

646. Third person. a. Tho active primary ending is ti; the 
secondary, t: as to the loss of the latter after a 6nal radical con- 
sonant, see below, 565. But in the imperative appears instead the 
peculiar ending tu; and in tho perfect no characteristic consonant is 
present, and the third person has the same ending as the 6rst 

b. The primary middle ending is te, with ta as corresponding 
secondary. In the oldor language, te is often strengthened to tal in 

645— ] VIII. Conjuoatiom. 206 

the subjunctive. In tho perfect, the niiddle third perton hat, like the 
active, the aame ending with the first, namely • simply; and in the 
ol'der languagc, the third person present also often loses the dlstinctive 
part of its termination, and comes to coincide in form with the first 
(and MS. has aduha for adugdha). To this e perhaps corresponds, 
as secondary, the i of the aorist 3d pers. passive (842 ff.). The im- 
perative has tarn (or, in the Veda, rarely Im) for iU ending. 

646. Dual: First person. Both in active and in middle, the 
dual first person is in all its varieties precisely like the correspond- 
ing plural, only with Substitution of v for the m of the latter: thus, 
vaa (no vaai has boen found to occur), va, vahe, vahi, ▼ahii. The 
person is, of course, of comparatlvely rare use, and from the Veda 
no form in vaa, even, is quotable. 

647. Second and Third persona, a. In the active, the primary 
ending of the second person is thae, and that of the third is las; 
and this relation of th to t appears also in the perfect, and runs 
through the whole series of middle endings. The perfect endinga are 
primary, but have u instead of a aa vowel; and an a haa beeome so 
persistently prefixed that their forma have to be reekoned aa athua 
and atos. The secondary endings ezhibit no definable relation to 
the primary in these two persona; they are tarn and tarn; and they 
are used in the imperative as well. 

b. In the middle, a long a — whioh, however, with the final a 
of a-stems becomes • — has beeome prefixed to all dual endings 
of the second and third persona, so as to form an inseparable part 
of them (didhltham AV., and jihith&m (JB., are isolated anomaUea). 
The primary endings, present and perfect, are athe and fite; the 
secondary (and imperative) are atham and atam (or, with stem-final 
a, ethe etc.). 

o. The Rig-Vedi hat a very few forma in althe and Ute, appartntly 
from ethe aud et© with aabjaoetivo strengtbening (they are all detailed 
below: aee 616, 701» 737, 762, 836, 1008, 1048). 

648. Plural: First person. a.. The earliest form of the 
active ending is maai, which in the oldest language is more frequent 
than the briefer maa (in RV., as five to one; in AV., however, only 
as three to four). In the classical Sanskrit, man is the exelusive 
primary ending; bnt the secondary abbreviated ma belongs also to 
the perfect and the subjunctive (imperative). In the Veda, ma often 
becomes mft (248 o), cspecially in the perfect. 

b. Tho primary middle ending is mähe. This is lightened in 
the secondary form to mahl; and, on the other hand, it is regularly 
(in the Veda, not invariably) strengthened to mabfii in the subjunctive 

649. Second person. a. The active primary ending is tfaa. 
The secondary, also imperative, ending is ta (in the Veda, tfi only 

207 PER80NAL ENDING8. [—560 

once in impv.). Hut in tho perfoct any charactertstic cooBonaut in 
wanting, and tho ending Is aimply a. In tho Veda, the sy Nable na, 
of problematlc origin, ii not infrequently added to both forma of tlie 
endlng, making thana (rarely thanä) and tana. The forma in which 
thia oeenra will be detailed below, ander the different formations; the 
addition is very rarely made excopting to persona of the first general 

b. The middle primary endlng is dhve, which belongs to the 
perfcet as well as to the present In the subjunctive of the older lan- 
gnage it is sometimes strengthened to dhval. The aecondary (and 
imperative) ending ia dhvam (in RV., once dhva); and dhvat ia 
once met with in the imperative (571 d). In the Veda, the ▼ of all 
theae endings ia aometimea to be rosolved into u, and the ending 
becomea dissyllabic. Aa to the change of dh of theae endinga to «Jh, 
aee above, 2S6o. 

560. Third person. a. The füll primary ending ia antl in 
the active, with ante aa correaponding middle. The middle seoond- 
ary ending is anta, to which ahonld correspond an aötive ant; bat 
of the t only altogether questionable traces are left, in the euphonlc 
treatment of a final n (207); the ending ia an. In the imperative, 
antu and ant&m take the place of antl and ante. The initial a of 
all theae endinga is like that of am In the Ist sing., dlaappearing 
after the final a of a tenae-stem. 

b. Moreover, antl, antu, ante, ant&m, anta are all Nable to be 
weakened by the loas of their nasal, becoming atl etc. In the aciive, 
thia weakening takes place only after reduplicated non-a-stema (and 
after a few roota which are treated aa if reduplicated: 890 ff.); in the 
middle, it occurs after all tense-stems save those ending in a. 

c. Fnrther, for the secondary active ending an there is a Sub- 
stitute oa (or ur: 160b; the evidence of the Avestan favors the 
latter form), which is used in the same reduplicating verba that 
change antl to ati etc., and which accordingly appears as a weakcr 
correlative of an. The same na is iho used universally in the per- 
fect, in the optative (not in the subjunctive), in those forme of the 
aorist whose stein does not end in a, and in the imperfect of root- 
atems ending in ft, and a few others (621). 

d. The perfcet middle has in all perioda of the language the 
peculiar endiog re, and the optative has the allied ran, in this pci- 
aon. In the Veda, a variety of other endings containing a r aa dis- 
tinetive consonant are met with: namely, re (and Ire) and rate in 
the present; rata in the optative (both of preaent and of aorist); 
rlre in the perfect; ranta, ran, and ram in aorista (and in an im- 
perfect or two); r&m and rat&m in the imperative; re in the imper- 
fect of duh (MS.). Tho three rate, rat&m, and rata are found even 
in the latcr language in onc or two verbs (620). 

561—] VI. CONJUQATION. 208 

661. Below are given, for convenience, in Ubular form, the 
«ehernes of endings as aeeepted in the claaaical or later language: 
namely, a. the regulär primary endinga, med in the present indicatlve 
and the futnre (and the subjunetive in part); and b. the regulär 
secondary endings, used in the imperfecta the conditlonal, the aorist, 
the optative (and the subjunetive in part); and further, of special 
schemes, o. the perfect endings (ehiefly primary, eepecially in the 
middle); and d. the imperative endings (ehiefly secondary). To the 
so-called imperative endings of the first person is prefixed the A which 
is practically a part of them, though really containing the mode-sign 
of the snbjuDctive from which tbey aro derived. 

66SL Further, a part of the endings are marked with an accent, 
and a part are left unaccented. The latter are those which never, 
undor any circumstances, reeeive the accent; the former are aeeented 
in considerable classes of verba, though by no means in all. It will 
be noticed that, in general, the unaccented endings are those of the 
singular actlve; but the 2d sing, imperative has an aeeented ending; 
and, on the otber hand, the whole series of Ist persona imperative, 
aetive and middle, havo unaccented endings (this being a characteristic 
of the aubjunetive formation which they represent). 

663. The schemes of normal endings, then, are aa follows: 

a. Primary Eidiigs. 







8. d. 






6 vihe 






aö itha 





inti, iti 

ti tU 

inte, ite 

b. 8ecei4ary Eadiigs. 





{, i vihi 



8 ' 



thaa ithAm 





in, üb 

ti itam 

inta, ata, n 

e. Perfect Endings. 





i vihe 






ai ithe 






i tu 


d. Imperative Eidiigs. 

i Ani Ava Ama Ai AvabAi AmahAi 

2 dhf, hl, — tarn ti svi sUhAm dhvim 

j tu tarn intu, itu t£m £tim intim, itAm 

664. In general, the rule is followed that an aeeented ending, if 41a- 
•yllablc, is aeeented on iu flrst ayllable — and the eonstant unlon-vowele 
are regarded, in this respeet, aa integral parta of the endinga. Bat the 

209 Personal Endinqs. -557 

3d pl. ending Ate of tbe pres. indlc. mlddle has in RV. tbe accent ata in 
a nnmbor of verbs («ca 613, 685, 600, 710); and an oeeaaional lnstance 
is met with in otber endings: thus, mähe (see 710, 735). 

555. The secondary ending* of the second and third persona stngular, 
aa eonslsting of an added consonant witbout Towel, sbould regularly (150) 
bc lost whenever tbo root or stem to which they are to be added Itsclf ends 
in a consonant. And this rule Is in general followcd; yet not withoiit ex- 
ceptions. Thus: 

a. A root ending in a dental mute soinHime« drop* this final mnti» 
instead of the added 8 in the second person; and, on the otber band, a root 
or stem ending in B sometimes drops this 8 instead of tbe added t in tbe 
third person — in cither case, rstablishing the ordinary relation of 8 and t 
irt these persons, instead of 8 and 8, and t and t. The examples noted are: 
2d sing, aves (to 3d sing, avet), yvid, AB.; 3d ging, akat, |/kj, ?B. ; 
aghat, rghas, JR. AfS. ; aeakät, j/cak&s, ItT. ; a<jÄt, |/Q&a, AB. Mßb. 
R. ; asrat, j/Bras, VS. ; ahinat, yhihs, rR. TR. GB. Compare also tbe 
8-aorist forms ayä8 and sräs (146 a), in which the samc influcnre Is to 
be secn; and fnrtrrer. ajftit etc. (880 a). and prerative yftt für yäs (837). 
A siroilar lots of any other Ana) consonant Is ezcesslvely rare; AV. has 
once abhanas, for -nak, j/bha&j. There are also a few eaaos where .-• 
lft sing, is irregularly roodeled aftcr a 3d sing.: tbas, atp^am (to atfgat), 
1 tfd, KU., acchinam (to acchinat), ^chid, MBb. : compare fnrther 
the Ist sing, in m instead of am, 543 a. 

b. Again, a Union- towcI is sometimes introduced before tbe ending, 
either a or i or I: see below, 621 b, 631, 818. 880, 1004 a, 1088 a. 

o. In a few isolated cases in thr old**r langiuge. this I is ebanged to 
Ei: see below, 804b, 036, 1068a. 

556. The changes of form which roots and steine itndcrgo in 
their combinations with these endings will be pointed out in detail 
below, imdcr the various formations. Here may be simply mentioned 
in advance, as by far the most important among them, a distinetion 
of stronger :md wenker form of stein in large Hasses of verbs, Stand- 
ing in relation with the necent — the stein being of stronger form 
when the necent falls lipon it, or before an accontless ending, and of 
weaker form when the accent is on the ending. 

a. Of the eiidingt innrked as accented in the scheine, the ta of 2d pl. 
is not infrcqiiently in tlu V.da trented as unaccented, the tone reating on 
the stem, Tvhlch is strengtbened. Mnrh less offen, the tarn of 2d du. 1«> 
treated in the «aine way; other endings, only sporadically. Details are giren 
under the tarious formations br-low. 

Subjunctive Mode. 

557, Of the subjunctive mode (as was pointed ont above) only 
frngraents are left in the later or classical langnage: namely, in the 

Whitnpt «Jramtmr. 3. rft. \\ 

Oi><- i i »aa- k^kj.- 

eo-called firtt persona imperative, and in the nee (679) of the imper- 
fect and aoriat persona witbout augmeat after mat prohibitive. In 
the oldeat period, however, it waa a very freqoent formatioa, being 
three or four times aa common aa the Optative in the Rig-Veda, and 
nearly tbe aame in the Atharvan; but already in the Brahmanaa it 
becomes comparatively rare. Ita varietiea of form are considerable, 
and ■ometimea perplexing. 

658. In ita normal and regulär formation, a special mode-etem 
it made for the aubjunctive by adding to the tenae-atem an a — whleh 
combinea with a final a of the tenae-atem to A. The accent reata 
npou the tenee-stem, which accordingly haa tbe streng form. Taue, 
from tbe ttrong preseot-stem doh (^duh) ia made the aubjunotlve- 
atem dohn; from juh6 (/hu), juhava; from jmnaj iyyvkj), yunaja; 
from aun6 (/au), aunava; from bhiva (/bhü^ bhAvA; from tudA 
(ytud), tudst; Crom uoya (paaa., /vao), uoyi; and ao on. 

669. The atem thna formed ia inflected in general aa an tv-atem 
would be inflected in the indicative, with conatant accent, and A for 
a before the endinga of the firat peraon (783 i) — but with the follow- 
ing peculiarities aa to ending etc.: 

660. a. In the aetive, the Ist sing, has ni as ending: thus, döhlni, 
yunajAni, bh&vAni. But in the Rig-Veda sometimes & simply: thus, 
ayA, brava. 

b. In Ist du., Ist pl. t and 2d pl. } the ending« are the seeondary : thna, 
döhftva, d6hAma, döhan; bhavftva, bhsWAma, bhivAn. 

o. In 2d and 3d du. and 2d pl., the endinga are primary: thus, 
d6hathaa, döhatae, d6hatha; bhivAthae, bhavätaa, bhaWAttuu 

d. In 2d and 3d aing., the endinga are eithex primary or seeondary: 
thus, döhaai or d6haa, dohati or döhat; bhivAai or bhavaa, bhawAtl 
or bhivAt. 

m . e. Ocoasionally, forma with double mode-iign A (by aaalmiUtion to 
the more numeroua suhjunetives from tense-stems in a) are met with from 
non-a-stems; thus, aa&tha from aa; AyAa, ayAt, ayin from • (pl). 

661. In the mlddle, forme with seeondary instead of primary end- 
lngs are very rare, belng found only in the 3d pl. (where they sre more 
frequent than the primary), and in a case or two of the 3d sing, (and AB. 
has once aayAthaa). 

a. The striklng pecullarity of subjunctlTe mlddle infleetlon is the fre- 
quent etrengthening of e to AI in the endlngs. Tals is lese general in the 
very earliest language than later. In Ist sing., Ai alone is found as ending, 
even in KV.; and in Ist du. alao (of rare oecurrenee), only &vAhAl is met 
with. In Ist pl., AmahAi preraila in BV. and AV. (Amahe is found a 
few timea)- t aud is alone known later. In 2d sing., aAi for aa deas 
not oecur in BV., but is the only form In AV. and the Brahmanaa. Iu 
3d sing., tAl for te occurs once in BV., and is the predominant form 

211 Subjunctitb Mode. [—566 

In AV., und thn only ono later. In %\ pl., dhvAi for dhvo le found In 
one wonl In KV., and * fow tlmca In tho ItrahmanM. In Sd pl., ntäi 
for nta Is tbe Brihmana form (of far from frequent occnrrenee) ; It occart 
nelther fn RV. nor AV. No such dual endlnga m thäi and tAl, for the 
and te, aro anywbere found; bot RV. bat In a few worda (nlne: above, 
547 o) aithe and äite, wbleh appear to be a liko atibjuncttre strengthenlng 
of ethe and eta (altbongb found In one tadlcatlve form, k{»p.vaite). Be- 
fore tbe Ai-endlnga, the Towel \a regularly long ä; bnt antAl inatead of 
an Uli fi two or tbree tlmes na et wltb, and onco or twlco (TS. AR.) atAi 
for ätfti. 

588. Tbe subjunctive endinga, tben, In combination wltb the 
subjunctive mode-aign, are aa followa: 

active. middle. 

s. «I. p. g. d. p. 

* ... . s . fäyahti /amahai 

l Ani Ava Ama Ai i» ._ f. 

lAvahe (Amahe 

•c? — » e. «• es-" 

a. And in further combination witb final a of a tenee-etem, the 
initial a of all theae endinga becomes ä: thua, for example, in 2d pera., 
Aei or äs, Athas, Atha, äse, Adhwe. 

563. Bealdee thls proper aubJunetWe, witb mode-aign, In ita trlplo 
form — wltb primary, wltb atrengthened prlmary, and wltb tecondary end- 
ing* — the name of aubjanctive, In the forma "iraperfect aubjaiietlve" and 
"improper sabJunctlTe", his been also given to tbe Indleatlve forma of Imper- 
feet and aorfat when naed, wltb tbe angment omltted, in a modal aenso 
(below, 587): aueh uae belng quite common In RV., bat rapidly dylng ont, 
*o that in the Bribmana language and Uter It ia btrdly met wlth cxcept 
&fter mi prohlbltlve. 

a. At to the general uses of the sobjunctlre, aee below, 574 ff. 

Optative Mode. 

584. a. Aa haa been already pointed out, the Optative ia of com- 
paratively rare occurrence in the language of the Vedaa; bat it gains 
rapidly in frequency, and already In the Brahmanaa greatly out- 
numbera tho subjunctive, and atill later Cornea almost entirely to take 
ita place. 

b. Ita mode of formation ia the aame in all perloda of the 

585. a. The optative mode-aign ia in the aetive voiee a dif- 
ferent ooe, aecording aa it ia added to a tenee-etem endlng in a, or 


666--] VIII. CONJUQATION. 212 

to ono ending in some othor final. Iu tho lattor case, it ia y£, acceuted; 
thiß yä is appended to tbe weaker form of tbe tense-stem, and takea 
the regulär series of secondary endings, with, in Sd plur., ua in- 
Btead of an, and loss of the ä before it. After an a-stem, it ia I, 
unaccented; thia i blende with the final a to e (which then is accented 
or not aocording to the accent of the a); and the e is maintained 
unchanged before a vowel-ending (am, ua), by means of an interposed 
enphonic y. 

b. In the middle voice, the mode-slgn is i throughout, and takea 
the secondary eudings, with a in Ist sing., and ran in 3d pl. After 
an a-stem, the rules as to its combination to e, the accent of the 
latter, and its retention before a vowel-ending with interposition of 
a y, are the same as in the active. After any other final, the weaker 
form of stem is taken, and the accent is on the ending (except in 
one class of verbs, whero it falls upon the tense-stem: see 646); and 
the i (as when combined to e) takos an insertod y before the vowel- 
endings (a, äthäm, atäm). 

o. It is, of co urse, irupossible to teil from the form whether i or i is 
combined with the final of an a-stem to ö; but no good reason appears to 
exist for aasuming i, rather thau the i which shows itself in the other class 
of stems in the middle voice. 

666. The combined mode-slgn and endings of the Optative, then, 
are as follows, in their double form, for a-stems and for others: 

a. for non-a-stems. 

active. middle. 

8. d. p. s. d. p. 




yava yama iya Ivahi 
yatam yäta Ithäs iyäth&m 
yat&m yüfl It4 lyitäm 

b. combined with the final of a-stems. 








eva ema eya evahi 
etam eta ethaa eyäthäm 
etäm eyus eta eyätäm 




o. The yä is in the Veda not seldom resoWed lnto iä. 

d. The contracted aanem, for saneyam, is fonnd in TB. and Äpast. 
Gertain Yedic 3d pl. middle forme in rata will be mentioned below, under 
the various formations. 

667. Precative. Precative forma are auch aa have a aibi- 
lant inserted betweon the optatlve-sign and the ending. Thcy are 
mado almost only from tho aorist stems, and, though allowed by the 
grammarians to be formed from every root — the active precative 
from the simple aorist, the middle from the Sibilant aorist — are 

213 Optative Mode. [—670 

practically of raro occtirronco at ovory poriod of tho language, and 
especially later. 

a. The tnserted s rans in the acttve throngh the whoU serles of per- 
sona; In the mlddle, ft ls tllowed only in the 2d and 3d persona fing, and 
du. and the 2d pl. t and ls qaotablo only for the 2d and 3d sing. In the 
2d sing, act, the preeattvc form, by reaaon of the neoessary lots of the added 
8, is not distlngaishable from the simple Optative; in the 3d sing, act., the 
saroe is the case in the later langnage, whicb (eompare 665 a) saves the 
personal ending t instead of the precative-sign 8; bot ihe RV. usaally, and 
the otber Vedlc text* to some extent, have the proper ending yaa (for 
yAat). As to <Jh in the 2d pl. cnfd., see 828 o. 

b. The accent is as in the simple Optative. 

588. The precative ending«, then, accepted in the later laognage 
including, in brackets, those which are identical with the simple 
optativc), are as follows: 

actlve. mlddlr. 

f. d. p. s. d. p. 

i yrfsam yasva yaama [*y*J [IvahiJ [ImahlJ 

2 [yae] yaatam yästa is^has iyaath&m Icjlhvam 

3 [yitj yaatAm y&sus Ia(a lyaatAm [Iran] 

a. Respecting the precative, see further 921 n*. 

b. As to the general uses of the optative, see below, 673 ff. 

Imperative Mode. 

569. The imperative has no mode-sign; it is made by 
adding its own endings directly to the tense-stem, just as 
the other endings are added to forin the indicative tenses. 

a. Heiiro, in 2d and 3d du. and %\ pl., its forma are indistingnishablo 
front thosc of tho auginctit-preterit from tho same stem with Its augment 

b. Tho mies as to the ose of tho different endings — especially in 
*2d sing., where the variety is considerable — will be glven below, in connec- 
tlon with the varfou* tense-sy*tems. Tho ending tat, however, has so much 
that is perultar in its tue that it ralls for a little explanatlon here. 

570. The Imperative in tat. An imperative form, usually 
having the value of a 2d per», sing., but sometimes also of other per- 
sona and nurnbers, is made by adding tat to a present tense-stera — 
in its weak form, if it havo a distinetion of strong and weak form. 

a. E^amples are: brütÄt, hatÄt, vittAt; pipr/tAt, jahitAt, 
dhatult; krputAt, kurutAt; grhgität, jAnltaV, avatAt, rakaatAt, 
vasatAt; vi^ntAt, srjatät; asyatAt, na^yatAt, chyatAt; kriyatat; 


gamayatat, oyAvayatAt, vArayatat; IpsatAt; JAgftAt. No «samplet 
htre been found from a nasal-class vorb (680), nor any otber than thoso 
here giren from a passive, intensive, or deaidoraUve. The few aecented 
cases indicate tbat the forination follows tbe general rule for ona made with 
an accented ending (662). 

b. Tbe imperative in tat is not a very rare formatlon in the older 
language, belng made (in V., B., and 8.) from abont Afty roote, and in 
toward a bundred and Afty occnrrences. Later, it is very unusual: thus, 
only a aingle example bas been noted in MBh., and one in R. ; and correa- 
pondingly few in yet more niodorn texts. 

671. Ab regards its meaning, tbia form appears to have pre- 
vailingly in tbe Brähmanas, and traceably but mach less distinctly in 
the Vedic texts, a specific tense-value added to its mode-value — as 
signifying, namely, an injunction to be carried ont at a later time than 
tho present: it is (like the Latin forma in to and tote) a posterior 
or future imperative. 

a. Example« are: ihAi *va mA tfsthantam abhyehi *ti brühi 
tarh tu na agataxh pratiprabrütat (£B.) say to her "com* to m* as I 
stand just here" and [afterward] announce her to us as haviny com*; yad 
ürdhvaa tiethA dravine *ha dhattAt (RV.) tohen thou ehalt ttand up- 
right t [then] bestow riches here (and aimilaily in many cases); utkAlam 
ud vah6 bhavo 'dühya prati dh&vatat (A V .) be a carrier up the ascent ; 
after having carried up, run back again\ vanaspatir 4dhi tvä athaayati 
tasya vi Hat (TS.) the tree will ascend thee % \thett] take notc of it. 

b. Examples of its usc as otber than 2d sing, are as follows: Ist sing., 
ävyuaath jagrtäd aham (AV.; only case) let me watch tili day -break; 
as 3d sing. } pünar m£ "vleatAd ray{h (TS.) Ut wealth com* again to 
me, ayaih tyaaya rajA mürdhaparh vi pAtayatAt (5B.) the hing here 
shall make his head fly of\ as 2d du., naaatySv abravan deva^i 
puuar t vahatAd iti (KV.) the gods eaid to the two Acvint "bring them 
back again" \ as 2d pl., &pah . . . deveeu nah sukfto brütAt (TS.) yc 
tcaters, announce u* to the gods as well-doers. In tbe later langnage, tbe 
preraütng value appears to be tbat of a 9d sing.: tbus, bhavAu pratAdftrh 
kurutAt (MBh.) may your tcorship do the favor, enaxh bhavAn 
abhirakaatAt (DKC.) let your excelUnvy protect him. 

o. Aecording to the native grammarians, the imperative in tAt is to be 
used witb a benedictive implication. No instance of such use appears to 
be quotable. 

d. In a certain passage repeated aeveral time« in different Brihmenas 
and Sütrss, and cc-ntainlng a number of forme in tAt used as 2d pl., 
vArayadhvAt i« read instead of vArayatAt in some of tbe texte (K. AB. 
A£S. ffS.). No otber oecurrence of the ending dhvAt has been any w here 

215 USBB OF THE MODES. [—673 

Uses of the Modes. 

672. Of the three modes, the imperative is the one 
most distinct and limited in office, and most unchanged in 
use throughout the whole history of the language. It signi- 
fies a oommand or injunction — an attempt at the exercise 
of the speaker's will upon some one or something outside 
of himself. 

a. This, however (in Sanskrit as in other languages), is by no 
means always of the same foree; the command shades off into a 
demand, an exhortation, an entreaty, an expression of earnest desire. 
The imperative also sometimes signifies an assnmption or concession ; 
and occasionally, by pregnant construction, it becomes the expression 
of something conditional or contingent; bnt it does not aoqnire any 
regnlar use in dependent-clause-making. 

b. The imperative it now and then nted In an interrogative tentence: 
thut, bravüii ko 'dyli 9 vm maya viyujyat&m (R.) tpeak! who »hau 
now be separated by met katham ete gupavantafi kriyantAm (H.) 
how are they to be made virtuou* t kasmai pinga^i pradlyat&m (Vet.) 
to whom ehall the offering be givent 

673. The Optative appears to have as itt primary office 
the expression of wish or desire; in the oldest language, 
its prevailing use in independent clauses is that to whieh 
the name "optative" properly belongs. 

a. Bot the expression of desire, on the one hand, passes natorally 
over into that of reqnest or entreaty, so that the optative becomes 
a softened imperative; and, on the other hand, it comes to signify 
what is generally deslrable or proper, what shonld or ought to be, 
and so becomes the mode of prescription ; or, yet again, it is weakened 
into signify ing what may or can be, what is likely or usnal, and so 
becomes at last a softened Statement of what is. 

b. Further, the optative in dependent clauses, with relative 
prononns and conjnnctions, becomes a regnlar means of expression 
of the conditional and contingent, in a wide and increaslns; variety 
of uses. 

o. The ao-called precative formt (687) are ordinarlly uted in the 
proper optative teilte. Bat in the later language they are occaalonally met 
with in the other ntet of the optative: thut, na hi prapaqy&mi mamft 
'panudy&d yac chokam (DhQ.) for I do not perceive what ehould diepel 
my grief; yad bhüyäeur vibhütayarj (BhP.) that there thould be 
changee. Also rarely with ml: tee 670 b. 


674. The subjunctive, as has been pointed out, becomes 
nearly extinct at an early period in the history of the 
language; there are left of it in classical usage only two 
relics: the use of iU first persona in an imperative sense, 
or to signify a necessity 01 Obligation resting on the Speak- 
er, or a peremptory intention on his part; and tho use of 
unaugmented forms (679), with the negative particle m mft, 
in a prohibitive or negative imperative sense. 

a. And the general value of the subjunctive from the beginning 
was what these relics would seem to indicate: its fundamental mean- 
Ing is perhaps that of requisition, less peremptory than the imperative, 
more so than the optative. But this meaning is liablo to the saoie 
uaodifications and transitions with that of the optative; and sub- 
junctive and optative run closely parallel with one another in the 
oldost language in thoir use in independent clauses, and are hardly 
distinguishablo in depeudent. And instead of thoir being (as in Greek) 
both maintained in iise, and endowed with nicer and more distinctive 
values, the subjunctive gradually diaappoars, and the optative assumos 
alone the offices formerly shared by both. 

676. The difference, then, between imperative and sub- 
junctive and optative, in their fundamental and most char- 
acteristic uses, is one of degree: command, requisition, wish; 
and no sharp line of division exists between them; they 
are more or less exchangeable with one another, and com- 
binable in coördinate clauses. 

a. Thus, in AV., we have in impv.: oataih jlva caridar^ do 
thou live a hundred autumns\ ubh&ü t&ü jlvatSih jaridaa^i let them 
both live to attain old age\ — in subj., adya jiv&ni let me live tki$ 
day\ c,ataih jiväti «jaradah he shall live a hundred autumns; — inopt, 
jivema ^arad&ih c,atäai mau we live hundrede of autumns; sarvam 
ayur jlvyäaam (prec.) / would fain live out my whole term of life. 
Here the modes would be interchangeable with a hardly perceptlble 
change of meaning. 

b. Examples, again, of different modes in coördinate construetion 
are: iyam agne närl patiih videeta • . • suvänä putr&n mibial 
bhav&ti gatva patiih aubhaga vi r&jatu (AV.) mau this waman, 
O Agni! find a spouse; giving birth to tone ehe thall become a Chief- 
taineee; having attained a spouse let her rule in happiness; gopaya 
nah svastaye prabudhe nah punar dadah (TS.) watch over us for 

217 ÜSE8 OF THE MODES. [ — 679 

ottr wrlfarr; grnnt ttnto ns to wake ognin\ Ryan nah fltinüh . . . sd to 
sumatfr bhütv asine (UV.) may there be to ut a ton: Ut that favor 
of Mine be ours. It is not very seldom the cue that versions of 
the same passage in dlfferent texts ahow differeDt modes m various 

o. There is, in fact, nothing in tho earliest employment of these 
modes to provo that they might not all bo spccialized uses of forma 
originally eqnivalent — having, for instancc, a general future meaning. 

576. As examplcs of the less charncteristic use of siibjunctive 
and optative in the older language, in indepcndcnt clauscs, may be 
quoted tho followiog: i ghä t& gacch&n uttara yugäni (RV.) (hose 
later ages trill doubtlets eome\ yod . . . nn marft (ti manyase (II V.) 
if thou (hinkest "/ thall not die" ; na ta nncjinti na dabhAti tdskarah 
[WS.) they tlo not become lost: no thief ran härm them; kasmäi deväya 
havisft vidhema \RV.) to what god thall ttc offer ohlationf agnfnft rayim 
aenavat . . . dive-dive (RV.) hy Agni one may gain trealth erery day , 
utfti 'nftm brahmane dadyAt tathft syona <jivä eyftt (AV.) one 
should give her 1 howecer, to a Brahman : in that case she will be propitiout 
and favorable-, ahar-ahar dadyftt [(f\1.) on* should yire every day. 

677. The uses of tho optative in the latcr Inngtiago are of the 
uttnost variety, covering the wholc ficlil oerupied jointly by the ttvo 
modes in earlier titne. A fcw cxamples froiu a Single text (MBh.i 
will be enough to illustrate them : ucchistam nfti 'va bhunjiyarh na 
kury&ifa pftdadhävanam / »rill not eat of fhc remnant of the sacrijice, 
I teilt not perform the foot-lavation ; jnatin vrajet let her go to her 
relativet; nfti *vaih flft karhicit kuryftt the should not act thut at any 
/mir; katham vidyäm nalam nrpam hotr can 1 knote hing Xalaf 
utaarge samcaya^L syÄt tu vindeta 'pi aukhaifa kvacit hut in case 
of her abandonment there may be u ehance; she may also find happiness 
sometchere; katharh väso vikarteyarh na ca budhyeta me priyft 
how can I cut off the garment and tny beloved not trake f 

578. The latcr uso of tho first persona subjunetive as so-called 
imperative involves no change of construetion from former timc, but 
only restriction to a Single kind of nsc: thus, divyftva Ut ut ttco 
play\ kirn karav&ni te tchat thall I do for theet 

670. The imperative negative, or prohibttive, is from the carliest 
period of the language regularly and usually expressed by the particle 
mi with an augmentless past form, prevailingly aorist. 

a. Thus, pra pata me 'ha ramsthah ( AV.) ffy atray, do not ttay 
here; dvisanc. ea mahyam radhyatu ma eft 'haih dvisate radham 
(AV.* both let my foe be tubjeet to n*e, and let me not be tttbject to myfoe\ 
urv a^yftm abhayam jyotir indra ma no dlrghä abhl nac,an 
tamisrah (RV.) / tvould win broad fear less lighl, O Indra; let not the 
long darknetset come upon us; mit na iyxih pra moslh (RV.j do not 


steal away our lifo; aamtyvasihi m& eucah (MBh.) 60 comforted; do 
not yrieve\ m& bhaielfc or bhäih (MBh. R.) dot not be afraid; ml bhüt 
kälasya paryayah (R.) Ut not a change of Urne take place. Examplea with 
tbe imperfect are: ma bibher na mariayaai (RV.) do not fear; tkou will 
not die; m& smai 'tant aakhln kuruthä^ (AV.) do not tnake fründe 
of theni; mä putram anutapyathä^ (MBh.) do not eorroto for tky ton. 
The relation of the imperfect to the aorist construction, in point of 
frequency, is in RV. about as ono to five, in AV. still leas, or about 
one to six; and though instances of the imperfect are quotable from 
all the older texte, tbey are exceptional and infrequent; white in the 
epica and lator thoy become extromely rare. 

b. A Single Optative, bhujema, is used probibitively with met in 
KV. ; the older laiiguage presents no othor example, aud the construction 
is very rare also letoi. In an oiamplo or (wo, also, (ho procativo (bhüyat, 
R. Paßc.) follows mä 

o. The RV. has once apparently mst with an imperative; bnt the 
passage is probably corrnpt. No other such case is met with in the older 
lauguage (unless Sfpa, TA. i. 14; doubtless a bad reading for Bfpaa); but 
In the epics and later the construction begins to appoar, and become» an 
ordinary form of prohibition : thus, ma prayaoehe w ovare dhanam (O.) 
do not bestow xoealth on a hrd\ sakhi mäi 'vam vada (Vet.) fr Und, 
do not »peak thus. 

d. The QB. (xi. 6. I 1 ) appears to offer a Single example of a true 
subjunetive with mä» n( padyäaäi; there is perhaps something wrong 
about the reading. 

e. In the epics and later, an aorist form not deprived of angment is 
occasionally met with aftcr ma: thus, ma tväm kälo tyagät (MBh.) 
Ut not the timepast thee\ mä valipatham anv agär^ (R.) do not foUow 
VälC» road. But the same anomaly oecurs also two or three times in the 
older language: thus, vyapaptat (£B.), agäs (TA.), anaeat (KS.). 

680. But the use also of tbe Optative with nä not in a prohibltive 
sense appears in the Veda, and becomes later a familiär construction: 
thus, na riayema kadst cana (RV.) may we »uffer no harnt at any 
Urne ; na oä 'tiarjen na juhuyät (A V.) and if he do not grant permiuion, 
Ut htm not $acrißce\ tad u tathä na kuryät (£B.) but he mu$t not 
do that eo] na divä oayita (£GS.) Ut htm not tUep hy day\ na tväm 
vidyur janäfc (MBh.) Ut not people know thee. This in the later 
language is the correlative of tbe prescriptive Optative, and both are 
extreinely common; so that in a text of prescriptive character tbe 
Optative forme may come to outnumber the iodioative and imperative 
together (as is the case, for example, in Manu). 

681. In all dependent construetions, it is still harder even in 
the oldest language to establish a definite distinotion between sub- 
junetive and Optative; a method of use of eltber is scarcely to be 
found to wbich the other does not furnish a practical äquivalent — 

219 U0E8 OF THE MODB8. [—581 

und thon, In tho lator latiguage, sncli tisea are represented by tho 
Optative alone. A few exatuples will bo aufficlent to illua träte thia: 

a. After relative pronouns and conjunctions in generali ja 
vyüiür yiq oa nünaih vyuocban (RV.) whieh have »hone forth [hith- 
erto), and tchich »hau hereafter »hine forth; y6 'to jiyfttft aam&karh 
ea eko *eat (TS.) tohoever »hall be born of her, let htm be one of u»\ 
yö vftf tin vldyit pratyakaaib ea brabmi vedita ayftt (AV.) 
tchoever »hall know ihem face to face, he may pass for a knowitig priest \ 
putrAnftih . . . Jfttin&xh Janayfto, oa y&n ( AV.) of tone born and whom 
thou mayeet btar\ yaaya • • . atithir grb&n ftgaoohet (AV.) to who»e- 
*oever hou»e he may eome a» gueet ; yatamatbft k&mayeta tatbft kuryftt 
(^'B. in whatever way he may choo»e, »o may he do it\ yarhi h6tÄ yaja- 
mftnasya n&ma grbnly&t tarbi brüyät (TS.) when the »acrificing 
priest »hall name the name of the offerer, then he may »peak ; evarüpath 
yadft draetum ioehethär^ (MBh.) tehen thou »halt desire to »ee thine 
own fortn. 

b. In more diBtinctly conditional constructions : yaj&ma devan 
yadi 9aknav&ma (RV.) voe will offer to the god» iftoe »hall be ahle; yad 
agne ey&m abaib tvaih tvarfi vi gbft ayi abaib ayus £e aatyi 
ihi "qiaaft (RV.) if I voere thou, Agni, or if thou teert I, thy wiehes 
»hould be realized on the »pot; yö dyam atiearpftt paraatftn na ea 
mueyfttfti varunaaya rajnafc (AV.) though one »tedl far away beyond 
the »ky y he »hau not escape king Varuna) yad anftqv&n upavaaet kao- 
dhukah syftd yad aenlydd rudrö «aya paqdn abhi manyeta (TS.) 
if he should continue without eating } he would »taroe ; if he »hould eat, 
Budra tcould attack hi» cattle ; pr&rtbayed yadi mäib kagoid dan<)yah 
ea me pum&n bhavet (MBh.) if any man »oever »hould deeire me y he 
should »uffer punishment. These and the like construetiona, witb the 
optative. are very common in the Brähmanaa and later. 

c. In final clauaca: yatbft 'barb 9atrubö 'sftni (AV.) thai I may 
he a »layer of my en ernte s ; grnäna yatbft p{b&tbO andhaji (RV.) that 
hting praised with »ong ye may drink the draught; ur&ü yatbft tava 
qarman madema (RV.) in order that xce rejoiee in thy xcide protection; 
üpa Jftnlta yatbe *yam punar ftgaoobat (^B.) contrioe that »he eome 
hack again; kfpftib kuryftd yatbft mayi (MBh.) »o that he may take pity 
on me. This is in tho Veda one of the moat freqnont tiaes of the 
Rfibjunctive; and in its correlative negative form, with ned in order 
that not or lest (alwaya followed by an accented verb), tt continues 
not raro in the Brähmanaa. 

d. The Indioatlre ia also very eommonly u*ed in final clansea aftfr 
yatbl: thui, y&tbl 'yaifa purueo 'ntariksam anuc&rati ((6.) in order 
that this man may traverte the atmosphere; yatbft na vigbnarji kriyata 
(K.) »0 that no hindrance may ari»e; yatbft 'yarh na9yatl tathft vidbe- 
yam (H.) it must b» »o managed that he perieh. 




e. With the oonditional use of fubjunctWe and Optative is furtbcr to 
be compaied that of the so-callod conditiooal tense: see below, 950. 

f. As U indicated by many of the examples given above, it 1s usual 
iu a conditional sentenee, contaioing protasis and apodosif, to employ always 
the same mode, whether fubjunctive or Optative (or oonditional), in each 
of the two clauses. For the older language, this ls a rule well-nigh or 
quite withont exception. 

582. No distinction of meaning has been established between 
the modes of the present-stem and those (in the older language) of 
the perfect and aorist-systems. 


688. Participles, active and middle, are made Crom all 
the tense-stems — except the periphrastic future, and, in 
the later language, the aorist (and aorist participles are rare 
from the beginningj. 

a. The participles unconnected with the tense-bystems are treated in 
ohap. XIII. (952 ff.). 

684. The general participial endings are 9H ant (weak 
form Oft at; fem. 3tft antl or Sfrft atl: see above, 449) for 
the active, and ^R äna (fem. STHT Änä) for the middle. But — 

a. After a tense-stem ending in a, the active participial suffix 
is virtually nt, one of the two a's being lost in the combination of 
stein-final and suffix. 

b. After a tense-steni ending in a, the middle participial suffix 
is mäna instead of äna. But there are occasional exceptions to the 
rule as to the uso of mäna and &na respectively, which will be 
pointed out in connection with the various fonnations below. Such 
exceptions aro especiaily frequent in the cansative: see 1043 f. 

o. The perfect has in the active the peculiar suffix v&ns (weakest 
form us, middle form vat; fem. usi: see, for the inflection of this 
participle, above, 458 ff.). 

d. For details, as to form of stcm etc., and for special exceptions 
see the following cbapters. 


586. The augment is a short Q a, prefixed to a tense- 
stem — and, if the latter begin with a vowel, combining with 
that vowel irregularly into the heavier or vrddhi diphthong 

221 Augment. [— 687 

(136a). Tt is nlwnys (witliout any cxccption) tlic acccnted 
elemeni in die verbal form of which it makes a part. 

a. In the Veda, the augment Is in a few forius long ä: thus, äna YY 
ävar, ävrrii, ivjrjak, ävidhyat, äyunak, aytütta, äyukaätäm, 
arinak, aräik, («nd yds ta avidhat, RV. li. 1. 7, 9?). 

686. The augment is a sign of past time. And an augment- 
preterit is made from each of the from which the System 
of conjugation is derived: naincly, the hnporfeet, from the present- 
stem; the pluperfcct (in the Veda only), from the perfect-storo; the 
conditional, from the future-stem ; while in the aorist such a preterit 
Stands without any corresponding present indicative. 

687. In the early language, especially in the RV., the oecurrence 
of forius identical with those of augment-tenses save for the lack of 
an augment is quite frequent. Such forma lose in general, along with 
the augment, the specific character of the tenses to which they belong; 
and they are then employed in part non-roodally, with either a pres- 
eut or a past sense; and in part modally, with either a subjunetive 
or an Optative sense — especially often and regularly after mä pro- 
hibitive (679); and this last mentioned use comes down also into tho 
lnter language. 

a. In KV., tho. augmentless form» arc morc than half as common as 
the augmented (about 2000 and 3300), and are made from the present, 
perfeet, and aorist-systems, but considerably over half from the aorist. 
Their non-modal and modal nses are of noarly cqual frequeney. The tense 
\*lue of the non-modally used form» Is more ofien past than present. Of 
the modally nsed forma, nearly a thtrd are construed with mä prohibitlve; 
the rest have twice as often an Optative as a proper subjunetive value. 

b. In AY., the numerical relations are very different. The augment- 
less form* are less than a third as many as the augmented (about 476 to 
1450), and an» prevaillnjrly (more than four flfths) aoristic. The non-modal 
nses am only • tenth of the modal. Of the modally usrd form», about 
four flfths arc construed with mä prohihitive; the rest are chiefly Optative 
in value. Then, in the language of the Bräbmanas (not including the 
mantra-matcrial which they contain), the loss of augment is, save in 
occasional sporadie cases, restricted to the prohibitive coustrnetion with mä; 
and tbe »ante continues to be the casc lator. 

o. The accentuation of the augmentless form» is throughout in aecord- 
ance with that of unaugmented tenses of similar formation. Kxamples will 
be given below, under tho various tenses. 

d. Besides the augmentless aorist -form» with mä prohibitive, therc 
arc also fonnd occasloually in the later language augmentless imperfect-forms 
(vory rarely aorist-forms), which have the same value as if they werc aug- 
mented, and are for the raost part eiamples of roetrical license. They are 
especially frequent in the eplcs (whence some seoret of them are quotable). 



688. The derivation of conjugational and declenaional 
stems fiom ioots by reduplication, either alone or along 
wiih other formative elements, has been already spoken of 
(269), and the formaiions in which reduplication appears 
have been specified: they are, in primary verb-inflection, 
the present (of a ceitain class of verbs), the perfect (of 
neaily all), and the aorist (of a large number); and the in- 
tensive and desideiative secondaiy conjugations oontain in 
theii stems the same element. 

589. The general prineiple of reduplication is the pre- 
fixion to a root of a pait of itself repeated — if it begin 
with oonsonants, the initial consonant and the vowel; if it 
begin with a vowel, that vowel, either alone or with a follow- 
ing consonant. The varieties of detail, however, are very 
considerable. Thns, especially, as regards the vowel, which 
in present and perfect and desideiative is regularly shorter 
and lighter in the reduplication than in the root-syllable, 
in aorist is longer, and in intensive is strengthened. The 
differences as regards an initial consonant are less, and 
chiefly confined to the intensive; for the others, certain 
general rules may be here stated, all further details being 
left to be given in connection with the account of the sep- 
arate formations. 

690. The consonant of the reduplicating syllable is in 
general the first consonant of the root : thus, MVJft papraoh 
from yZRE praoh; ftlTO fifri from yfa fri; 33*1 bubudh 
from VW1- But — 

a. A non-aspirate is substituted in reduplicatioh for an 
aspirate: thus, <gl\ dadhft from yVR\ fsp? bibhf from |/H bhj. 

b. A palatal is substituted for a guttural or for SJh: 

223 Reduplication. [—599 

thuH, VF1\ cakr from ^llkr; f*lfH£ oikhid from vfi^" khid; 
?TO>? jagrabh from VWl grabh; Sf^T Jahr from k^T l&T* 

c. The occaslonal reversion, on the other band, of a palatal in tbo 
radical syllable to guttural form bas been notlced above (910,1). 

d. Of two initial consonants, the second, if it be a 
non-nasal mute preceded by a Sibilant, is repeated instead 
of the flr8t: thus, rTFrT tasfr from yTTT >tr» rTTOT tasthft from 

VT&l sthft; ^Wi - ^ caekand from fWr^ tkand; tlHSkri 
oaekhal from KF^FT ekhal; HOTT CU9 out from VWf 9011t; 
CTFTO pasprdh from yVN spr<*h; JJHJii puephut from vTJC 
ephut: — but TTPT easnft from y&\ en&; HF? aeemf from 
lf*T smj; gci eusru from y^ §ru; ftlffep^ 91911« from yfira 

Accent of the Verb. 

591. The statements which have been made above, and those 
which will be made below, m to the accent of verbal forma, apply 
to those cases in which the verb is actually accented. 

a. But, according to the grammarians, and according to the in- 
variable practice In accentuated texte, the verb Is In the majority of 
ita occurrenccs unaccentcd or toneless. 

b. Tbat is to say, of course, the verb In its proper forms, its personal 
or ao-called flnite forms. Tbe verbal nouns and adjectivos, or tbo Infinitiv«! 
and partlciples, are subjeet to precisely tbe same laws of accent aa otber 
nouns and adjectives. 

599. The general rule, coverlng most of the cases, is this: The 
verb in an independent clause is unaccented, unless it stand at the 
beginning of the clause — or also, In metrlcal text, at the beginnlng 
of a pftda. 

a. For tbe aoeent of tbe verb, as well as for tbat of the vocatlve 
case (above, 814 o), the beginnlng of a pftda counts as tbat of a aentence, 
wbatever be tbe logical connection of tbe pada wlth wbat precedes it 

b. Examples of tbe nnaoeented verb are: agnim I<Je purobitam 
Agni I praise, th$ hous$-pri*st; aa id deveeu gaoehati that, trufy, goo$ 
to ths god$; 4gne sup&yanö bhava O Agni, 60 easg of aectu; idim 
indra e,rn.uhl somapa this, O Indra, soma- drinker, htcr\ namae te 
rudra kfnmarjL homag* to thie, Rudra, \c$ offer \ yajamanasya paodn 
pabi tht $aerißcer % $ eaitU proUct thou. 

o. Hence, there are two prineipal situations in which the verb 
retains its accent: 

593— j VIII. Comjuoation. 224 

603. First, the vorb is acconted whon it Stands at tlio hoginnlng 
of a clauso — or, in verse, of a päda. 

a. Examples of the verb accented at the head of tbe sentence are, in 
prose, Qundhadhvam däivyäya karmane be pure for the divine 
ceremony; äpnöti 'mam lokam he wins this toorld\ — in verse, where 
the head of the sentence is also that of the päda, syäme 'd {ndrasya 
9 arm an i may we be in Indra's protection ; darc&ya ma yätudhstnän 
show me the sorcerers; gamad vajebhir a sa nah may he come with good 
things to us; — in verse, where the head of the clause is with In the pfida, 
tes&m pahi crudhi havam drink of them, hear our call\ sastu matt 
sastu pita sastu cvä sastu vic,patify let the mother sleep, let thefather 
sleep, let the dog sleep, let the master sleep-, vfyvakarman nimai te 
pähy äsmän Vicoakarman, homage tothee; protect us! yuvim . . . rajfia 
üoe duhitä prcche väm narä the king % s daughter said to you "/ pray 
you, ye »w» w ; vayam te vaya indra viddhi au nah pra bharamahe 
we offer thee, Indra, strengthening ; take note of us. 

b. Examples of tho verb accented at the head of the pada when this 
is not the head of the sentence are: athä te an t am an am vidyetma 
sumatinam so may we enjoy thy most intimaie favors; dhäta "syst 
agrüväi patith dadhätu pratikämyam Dhätar bestow upon this girl 
a husband ac cor ding to her wish ; y&tudhänasya somapa jahi prajstm 
slay, O Soma-drinker, the progeny of the sorcerer. 

694. Certain special cases under this head are as follows: 

a. As a vocative forms no syntactical part of the sentence to which 
it is attached 1 but is only au external appendage to it, a verb following 
an initial vocative, or more than one, is accented, es if it were itself Initial 
in the clause or pada: thus, ä^rutkarna cradhi havam O thou of 
listening ears, hear our call/ alte vand&mahe tvä O Sita, we reverenee 
thee ; vfc, ve devä vasavo raksate 'mam all ye gods, ye Vasus, protect 
this man; utä "gao, oakrusam devä devä jlvayathä punah lihewise 
hitn, O gods t who hos committed crime, ye gods, ye maks to live ayain. 

b. If more than one verb follow a word or words syntactically con- 
nected with them all, only the flrst loses its aceent, the others being treated 
as if they were initial verbs in separate clauses, with the ssme adjuncts 
understood : thus, taranir (j jayati kseti pusyati successful he eonquers, 
rules, thrives; amiträn . . . paräoa indra pra mrnä jahi oa our fots, 
Indra, drive far away and slay; asmabhyam jesi yötsi oa for us 
conquer and ßght ; agnlsomä havf sah prasthitasya vitam haryatam 
vrsanä jusetham O Agni and Soma, of the oblation set forth partake, 
enjoy, ye mighty ones, take pleasure. 

e. In like manner (but much less ofton), au adjunct, as subject or object, 
Standing between two verbs and logically belonging to both, is reckoned to the 
flrst alone, aud the second has the initial aceent : thus, jahi prajstih nayasva 
ca slay the progeny, and bring [it\ hither; «jrnotu nah subhagä bodhatu 
tmanä may the blessed one hear us, [and may she] kitidly regard \us\ 

225 Acobht. [— 4J05 

d. It hu« oven como to be i formal nile thst a verb immediately 
followlng «nothor verb la accented: Ihn«, a& yk etam ev&m update 
pUryate prajayä paeubhty (QB.) whoever worships hi»n thus is fltted 
with offspring and cattlt. 

505. Second, the verb is accented, whatever its positlon, in a 
dependent clause. 

a. The dependency of a clause is in the very great majority of casea 
condltioned by the relative pronoun ya, or one of its derivatives or Com- 
pounds. Tb us : y&tfa yajfiaih paribhür aal what offering thou proteetest\ 
6 te yanti ye" aparfau p&cy&n they are eoming who shall behold her 
hereafter; aaha yan me aati tena along with (hat which is mine; yatra 
nah pdrve pitarafc pareyiirji whither our fathers of old departed; 
ady& muriya yadi y&tudh&no aami let me die on the spot t if I am 
a sorcerer-, yathrf 'häny anupürvaih bhavanti as days fottow one 
another in order; y£vad idam bhüvanam vfoTam aati how great this 
whole creation is\ yatkämäa te juhumaa tan no aatu what desiring 
tre sacrifice to thee, let that become ours; yatamaa titr/pa&t whiehevsr 
one desires to enjoy. 

b. The presence of a relative irord In tbe sentence does not, of course, 
accent the verb, unless this is really the predicate of a dependent clause: 
thus, apa tye täyavo yathft yanti they make off like thieves {as thieves 
do); yat atha 1 jagac ca rejate whatever [is] immovable and tnovable 
trembles; yath&k&maih nf padyate he lies down vt his pleasure. 

c. The particlc ca when it roeans if and oed (ea-f-id) if give an 
aceent to the verb : thus, brahmä ced d hast am ograhit if a Brahman 
hos graspcd her Jiand; tvam oa aonia no va<jo jlvätum na mar&mahe 
if thou, Soma, willest us to live, we shall not die; A oa gacch&n mitr&m 
enft dadh&ma if he will eome here, we will make friends with him. 

d. Thcre are a very few passages in whi<h the logtcal dependencc of a 
clause rontaining no subordinating word appears to give the verb its accent: 
thns, eam Acvaparnäc caranti no naro 'emikam indra rathlno 
Jayantu whcn our men, horse-winged, eome into conflict, let the ehariot' 
ßghlern of our aide, O Indra, win the victory. Rarely, too, an imperative 
so following another imperative that its action may seem a conseqnence of 
the latter's is accented: thus, ttiyam A gahi kanvesu au eaeä plba 
eome hiiher quichly; drink along with the Kanvas (i. e. in order to drink). 

e. A few other particles give the verb an accent, in virtue of a slight 
subordinating force belonging to them : thus, esperially hl (with its negation 
naht), vrhich in its füllest value means for, but shades off from that into 
a mere asseverative sense; the verb or verbs connected with It are always 
accented: thus, vi te muficant&m vimueo hl aanti let them reUase 
Amt, for they are releasers ; yao cid dhi . . . anäc, aata 1 iva amaai if 
we, fortooth, are as it were unrenowned; — also ned (na-f-fd), mcaning 
lest, that not: thus, not tvft tapäti afiro arefaä that the sun may not 
burn thee with his beam ; vira\jam ned viochinadäni *ti saying to himssif 

Wlitney, Gramnsr. 3. ed. 15 


686—] VIII. Conjuoation. 226 

"lest I tut off the viräj" (such cases are frequant in the Brähmanas); — 
and tbe interrogative kuvid tchetherf thus, ukthebhi^ kuvld Agamat 
will he come hither for our praisest 

596. But further, the verb of a prior clause is not infrequently 
accented in antithetical conatruction. 

a. Sometimes, the relation of the two clause« is readily capable of 
being regarded as that of protasis and apodosis; but often, also, such a 
relation is tory indUtinct; and tho casca of autithesis shade uff into thoso 
of orditiary coördination, the line betwecn the in appearing to bo ratbcr 
arbitrarily drawn. 

b. In many cases, the antithesii is made distineter by tbe prosence in 
the two clauses of cor relative words, eapccially anya — anya, eka — eka, 
vA — vA, ca — ca: thus, pra-prA 'nye yanti pary anya Aaate some yo 
on and on, others sit about (aa if it whcre white some go etc.); üd vA 
ainoadhvam üpa vA prnadhvam either pour out, or ßll up\ aam oe 
'dhyaavä 'gne pra oa vardhaye *main both do thou thy$elf becotne 
kindled, Agni, and do thou increase this person. But it is also made with- 
out such help: thus, prä 'jAt&h praj& janayati pari prajAtA grhnAti 
the unborn progeny he gener ates, the born he embraces; apa yuamad akra- 
mln nä 'emän upävartate [ihough] ehe hos gone away from you, ehe 
doee not come to us-, n£ *ndhö 'dhvaryur bhavati na yajfiam rakaAnei 
ghnanti the priest doee not beeome blind, the demone do not dcetroy the 
sacrifice; kena sömA grhyante kena hüyante by whom [on the one hand] 
are the somas dipped outf by xchom [on the other hand] are (Hey offeredt 

697. Whcre the verb would be the samu in the two antithetical clause», 
it is not infrequently omitted in the second : thus, beslde complete expres- 
sions liko urvi o& 'ei vasvf oA 'ei both thou art broad and thou ort good t 
occur, much oftener, incomplete ones like agnir amuamin loka aald 
yamö 'am£n Agni was in yonder world, Yama [was] in this; aathntt 
*ny£h prajih pratitia(hanti mAnaenA 'ny&h by bone some ereatures 
stand firm, by fleih others-, dvipac oa aarvaxh no rakea oatuapAd 
yao oa nah avam both protect everylhmg of ours that is biped, and 
also whatever that is quadruped belotigs to us. 

a. Accentuation of the verb in the former of two antithetical clauses 
is a rule more strictly followed in the Brähmanas than in the Veda,«and 
least strictly in the RV. : thus, in RV., abh( dystm mahint bhuvam 
(not bhuvam) abhi 'm&m prthivim mahlm I am superior to the sky 
in greatness, also to this great earth; and even indro vidur angiraaao, 
oa ghor&h Indra knows, and the terrible Angirases. o 

598. Thero are certaiu more or lese doubtful cases in which a 
verb- form is pcriiapa accontod for oiuphasis. 

a. Thus, sporadically before oana in any toise, and in connectloa 
with aaseverative particlea, as kÜa, anga, eva, and (in £B., regularly) 
hanta: thus, hante *m£rh prthivim vibhajAmahAi come on! Ut us 
share up this earth. 

227 IX. PREBBNT-8T8TBM. [—601 



599. Thk prescnt-systcm, or System of forma Coming 
Crom the present-stem, is coniposed (as was pointed out 
abdVc) of a present indicative tense, together with a sub- 
junctive (mostly lost in the classical langunge), an Optative, 
an imperative, and a participle, and also a past tense, an 
augment-preterit, to which we give (by analogy with the 
Greek) the name of imperfect. 

a. These forms often go In Sanskrit gram mar* by the name of 
"special tenses", white the other tense-systems are stylod "general tenses" 
— as if the former were niade from a special tense item or modlfled root, 
white the lattei came, all alike, from the root itsclf. There Is no reaton 
why stich a distinetion and nomenclature should bc retained; since, od the 
one band, the "special tenses* 1 come in one «et of verbs directly from the 
root, and, on the other bind, the other tense-system« are mostly made from 
atema — and, in the casc of Die aorlst, from stems havitig a variety of form 
comparable *hh that of present-steros. 

600. Practically, the present-system is the most prom- 
inent and important part of the whole conjugation, since, 
from the earliest period of the language, its forms are very 
much morc frequent than thosc of all (he other Systems 

a. Thus, in the Veda, the oectirrences of personal forms of this aystem 
are to 1h ose of all others about as three to one; in the Äitareya Rr&hmana, 
as fl>e to one; in the Hitopadeca, as slx to one; In the yakuntalft, as 
eight to one; In Manu, as thirty to one. 

601. And, as there is also great variety in the manner 

in which difTerent roots form their present stem, this, as 

bring their most conspieuous difTcrence, is made the basis 

of their prineipal Classification; and a verb is said to be of 

this or of that conjugation, or class, aecording to the way 

in which its present-stem is made and inflected. 


602—] IX. PRE8ENT-8Y8TBM. 228 

602. In a small minoriiy of verbs, the present-stem is 
identical with the root. Then there are besides (excluding 
the passive and causative) seven more or less. ditferent meth- 
ods of forming a present-stein from the root, each method 
being followed by a larger or smaller numbei of verbs. 
These are the "classes" or "conjugation-classes", as laid 
down by the native Hindu grammarians. They are ar- 
ranged by the latter in a certain wholly artificial and un- 
systematio order (the ground of which has never been dis- 
covered); and they are wont to be designated in European 
works according to this order, or eise, after Hindu example, 
by the root Standing at the head of each class in the Hindu 
lists. A ditferent arrangement and nomenclature will be 
followed here, namely as below — the classes being divided 
(as is usual in European grammars) into two more general 
classes or conjugations, distinguished from one another by 
wider differences than those which separate the special 

603. The classes of the First or non-e-Conjugation 
are as follows: 

I. The root-class (second class, or ad-class, of the 
Hindu grammarians); its present-stem is coinoident with 
the root itself: thus, ?IT ad ea<; $ i go\ qjn ä* *tV; in 
yä go\ feq dvis hate\ 3^g duh milk. 

II. The reduplicating class (third or hu-class); 
the root is reduplicated to form the present-stem: thus, 
§rer juhu from y~§ hu sacrißce\ ^T dadä from K3T dl 
give\ fsH bibhy from \^\ bhy bear. 

III. The nasal class (seventh or rudh-class); a 
nasal, extended to the syllable H na in strong forma, is 
inserted before the final consonant of the root: thus, 
"pTJ rundh (or TQIU runadh) from yj$l rudh ob*truct\ 
giTyufij (or g^yunaj) from V^yni jam. 


TV. a. The nu-cla8s (fifth or BU-class); ihe syllable 
^ du i8 added lo the ioot: thus, W\ aunu Crom yj{ au 
press out\ 5TT3 Rpnu from y'CfTO Rp obtain. 

b. A very small number (only half-a-doxen) of roots 

ending already in ^ n, and also one very common and 

quite irregularly inflected root not so ending (efi kr make), 

add 3 u alone to form the present-stem. This is the 

eighth or tan-class of the Hindu grammarians; it may 
be best ranked by us as a sub-class, the u-class: thus, 

?R tanu from KcR tan Stretch. 

V. The na-class (ninth or krl-class); the syllable 
RT nS (or, in weak forms, sft nl) is added to the root ; 
thus, cffhlTT krlnR (or crfhlft krlnl) from v^fft krf buy\ 
TrPTT stabhnR (or FcPft stabhnl) from vTrW fltabh estab- 

004. These classes have in common, as their most found- 
amental dharacteristic, a shift of accent: the tone being 
now upon the ending, and now lipon the root or the class- 
sign. Along with this goes a Variation in the stem itself, 
which has a stronger or fuller form when the accent rests 
upon it, and a weaker or briefer form when ihe accent is 
on the ending: these forms are to be distinguished as the 
strong stem and the weak stem respectively (in part, both 
have been given above). The classes also form their Opta- 
tive active, their 2d sing, imperative, their 3d pl. middle, 
and their middle participle, in a different manner from 
the others. 

005. In the classes of the Second or s-Conjugation, 
the present-stem ends in a, and the accent has a fixed 
place, remaining always upon the same syllable of ihe 
stem, and never shifted to the endings. Also, the Optative, 
the 2d sing, impv., the 3d pl. middle, and the middle 



participle, are (ns just stated) unlike ihose of the othcr 

606. The classes of this conjugation are as follows: 

VI. The a-class, or unaccented a-class (first or 
bhü-class); the added class-sign is a simply; and the 
root, which has the accent, is (if capable of it) strength- 
ened by guna throughout: thus, >T^ bhava from y*\ bhü 
be] RIT näya from yrfi nl lcad\ mq b6dha from V^{ 
budh wake\ ^ vada from yofj vad speak. 

VII. The a-class, or accented a-class (sixth or 
tud-class) ; the added class-sign is a, as in the preceding 
class; but it has the accent, and the unaccented root 
remains unstrengthened : thus, r?^ tuda froin V7T<£ tud 
thrust\ HsT sr/jd from yTJsT srj let loose] Rcf suvd from 
yn bü givv birth. 

VIII. The ya-class (fourth or div-class); ya is 
added to the root, which has the accent: thus, ^Icy 
divya from yf^ div (more properly ^ dlv: see 766) 
play\ ^Fjjj ndhya from v^FJ nah bind] ^piT krüdhya 
from K^fTCJ krudh be angry. 

IX. The passive conjugation is also properly a 
present-sy stem only, having a class-sign which is not 
extended into the other Systems; though it differs mark- 
edly from the remaining classes in having a specific 
meaning, and in being formable in the middle voiee 
from all transitive verbs. Its inflection may therefore 
best be treated next to that of the ya-class, with which 
it is most nearly connected, difTering from it as the 
a-class from the a-class. It forms its stem, namely, by 
adding an accented yd to the root: thus, Wl adya from 
yVfg ad eat\ f£7J rudhyd from yjfä rudh obstruct\ 
gTEIT budhyd from yWJ budh wake\ ffnj tudyd from 
I^g5" tud thrtist. 

231 00NJU0ATI0N-CLAS8ES. f-^U 

007. The Hindu grammarianH rcckon a tcnth class or cur-olass, 
baving a HaHS-sign aya addcd to a strongthwitM] root (tlma, cordya 
from f^cur), and an infloction like that of tho othcr a- Atoms. Since, 
however, thia stein is not limited to the present-stem. but extends 
also into thc rcst of tho conjugation — whilo it also has to :i grcat 
extent a causative value, and may be formed in that valae from a 
large number of roots — - it will bo best treated in füll alotig with 
the derivative conjugations (chap. XIV., 1041 ff.). 

008. A small number of roots add in the prcscnt-system a oh, 
or Substitute a ch for their final consonaut, and form a stein endicg 
in cha or cha, which is then inflccted llke any a-stem. This is 
historically, doubtless, a truo class-sign, analogous with thc rest; bat 
the verbs showing it are so few, and in Formation so irregulär, that 
they are not well to bc put together into a class, but may best be 
treated as special cases falling nnder the other c lasse? 

a. Roots ariding oh are f and yu. which make the Stoma rocha and 

b. Roots substitutlng ch for their flnat are is, US (or vaa *hine\ 
gam, yam, which make the stems icche\, uccha, gaccha, yaccha. 

o. Of the so-called roots ending in oh, scveral are moro or less 
clearly stems, whose nse has been extended from the preient to other Systems 
of tenses. 

609. Roots are not wholly limited, even in the Utcr langusge, to 
one mode of Formation of their present-stem, but uro somutimes reckoned 
as beloogtng to two or more different con.jugation-rUsse.«. And such variety 
of formatlon is especially freqnent in the Ved.i, bring exhibited by a 
considerable Proportion of the roots thorc oecurrinj»; alrcady in thc Rrähmanas, 
however, a condition is reached nearly «grein;; in thlr, r^ppect with the 
cUssical langnage. The different present-form.itlom somrii-i .•* have differ- 
encei of meanfng; yet not moro important om^ ar«- <>ftcn found belong- 
ing to the samc formatlon, nor of a kind to shnw rlo-uly n differrnce of 
value as origtnally belonging to thc s.parato elasscs of |»ris««nt!i. If anythlng 
of this kind is to be estahlished, it must be from thc derivative conjngations, 
which are separated by no flxed linc from thc prcs«Mit-*ystems. 

610. Wo take up now the different claseos, in the order in which 
they have been arranged above, to describe moro in detail, and with 
illustration, the forroation of their present-steins. and to notice the 
irregularities belonging under each class. 

I. Root-class (second, ad-class). 

611. In this class there is no class-sign; the root itaelf 

is also present-stem, and to it are added directly the per- 


611—] IX. PRESENT-8Y8TEM. 232 

sonal endings — but combined in subjunctive and Optative 
with the respective mode-signs; and in the imperfeot the 
augment is prefixed to the root. 

a. The accented endings (652) regularly Uke the accent — except 
in the imperfect, where it falls on the augment — and before them 
the root remains unchanged; before the unacoented endings, the root 
takes the guna-strengthening. 

b. It li ouly in the Arat three claaees that the eudioga com© Imme- 
diately in conUct with a final conaonant of the root, and that the rules for 
consonant combination have to he noted and applied. In theae classca, theo, 
additlonal paradigms will be gtren, to illuatrate the modea of combination. 

1. Present Indioative. 

612. The endings are the primary (with 5RT Ate in 3d 
pl. mid.), added to the bare root. The root takes the accent, 
and haa gur>a, if capable of it, in the three persona sing. act. 

Examples of inflection: a. active, root ^ i go\ 
strong form of root-stem, ^ e; weak form, ^ i; middle, root 
äs sit, stem äs (irregulär ly accented thtoughout: 628). 

actWo. middle. 

s. d. p. a. d. p. 

i j&{ ^ ^ oft wr% str% 

emi ivaa imaa äse asvahe asmahe 

eai itbaa itha Asse äaftthe iddhve 

3 {jfa 5?^ Txfo stct ^micJ cira^r 

eti itas yanti äste aa&te aaate 

b. root dvie Aal«: strong stem-form, dvee; weak, dvia. For 
rules of combination for the final s, see 226. 

1 dvesmi dvisvaa dvismas dvise dvisvabe dvismabe 

2 dvekei dvi8(haa dvis(ha dviksä dvisitha dwi^ghv* 

3 dvesti dvistaa dviaanti dvis(e dvistte dvifata 

o. root duh milk: etrong stem-form, döh; weak, duh. For rules 
of combination for the final h, and for the converaion of the initial 
to dh, see 222 a, 166, 160. 

1 döhmi duhvas duhmaa duhe duhvahe duhmahe 

2 dh6ksi dugdnas dugdha dbuks* duhithe dhugdhv* 

3 dögdbi dugdhaa duhanti dugdha duh&te duhata 



f— 616 

For ntlon of 




d. rooi Uli tirk\ ntrong atom, 16h; woak, Uli. 
coroblnation of the final h, sco 222 b. 

l lehmi lihvae lihmaa, lihe lihvahe 

1 lekai llfhaa Hcjha likae libithe 

3 letfhi Hfhaa lihanti H<Jhe lihttte 

613. Examplea of the 3d sing. mld. col neiden t in form with the lat 
fing, are not rare in the older langnage (both V. and B); the most frequent 
examples aro fee, duhe, vide, caye; more aporadlo are ölte), bruve, hure. 
To tha of the 2d pl. is added na in athana, p&thana, yätbana. 
The Irregulär aeeent of the 9d pl. mid. is found in RV. in rihate, duhate. 
Examples of the tarne pereon in re and rata also ooeur: thus (besides 
those mentloned below, 629-30, 636), vidre, and, nith auxillary vowel, 
arhire (unless these are to be rank ad, rather, aa perfeet forma without 
reduplication : 790 b). 

2. Present 8ubjunotive. 

614. Subjunctive forma of thia clasa are not nncommon in the 
older language, and nearly all those which the formation anywhere 
admita are quotable, from Veda or from Br&hmana. A complete 
paradigm, aecordingly, is given below, with the few forma not 
ac tu All y quotable for thia olaaa encloaed In brackets. We may take 
aa modele (as abave}, for the active the root i go f and for the mlddle 
tho root fta sit, from both of which numerous forma are raet with 
(although noithor for those nor for any otliers ein tho wholo aoriea 
be found in aetaal nee). 

a. The mode-stems are 4ya (e-f-a) and aaa (aa-f-a) reepectively. 

active. mlddle. 





f fayäni 

m fayaai 

1 w. 

ayäva ayäma tafti 


ayathaa ayatha 
ayataa ayan 





l aa&dhvai 


616. The RV. has no mlddle forma in ai exeept thoae of the flrat 
prrson. The Ist sing. act. in & oceure only in RV., in aya, brava, 
atavft. The 2d and 3d sing. act. with primary endlnga are rery unuaual 
in tbe Brihmanaa. Forma Irregolarly made with long ft, llke thoae from 
preeent-stema In a, are not rare in AV. and B. : tbua, ayaa, ay&t, Ayan ; 
aaftt, bravftt; bravftthaa; aa&tha, ay&tha, bravatha, hanätha; 
adän, dohan. Of mlddle forma with aecondary endlnga are found hananta, 
3d pl., and Ioata, 9d sing, (after mä prohlbltWe), which !• an Itolated 
example. The only dual penon in alt« ia bravaito. 

Öl 6— J IX. PRE8ENT-SY8TEM. 234 

3. Present Optative. 

616. The personal endings combined with the mode- 
signs of this mode (TTi yft in act., ^ I in mid.) have been 
given in füll above (666). The stem-form is the unaccented 
and unstrengthened ioot. 

active. middle. 

s. d. p. s. d. p. 

i $n\ ^tr $m srmfcr yml^ nufln!^ 

iyam iyäva iyama asiya äalvahi aaimahi 

2 $ot^ $mci\ ^n<T mutet it^ wuluraiH^ muta*^ 

iyaa iyatam iyäta aslthas asiyäth&m aaldhvam 

iy£t iyatam iyus äaita aaiyfttam asiran 

a. In the saiuo uianner, froin ydviq, dvisyam and dvisiya; froiu 
|/duh 9 duhyäm and duhlya; froui ylih, lihyam and lihiya. The 
infleotion is so regulär that the example above given is enough, with 
the addition of dvisfya, to flhow the normal accentuation in the 
middle: thus, sing, dvialya, dvisithaa, dyislta; du. dvislvahi, 
dvisiyätham, dvisiyät&m; pl. dvisimahi, dvisfdhvam, dvieiran. 

b. The RV. lias ouce tana in 2d pl. act. (in syätana). 

4. Present Imperative. 

617. The imperative adds, in second and third persona, 
its own endings (with ^cflH atfcm in 3d pl. mid.) directly 
to the root-stem. The stein is accented and strengthened 
in 3d sing, act.; elsewhere, the accent is on the ending 
and the root remains unchanged. The first persona, so called, 
of the later language are from the old subjunctive, and 
have its strengthened stem and accent; they are repeated 
here from where they were given above (614 a). In the 2d 
sing, act., the ending is regularly (as in the two following 
classcs) ftj dhi if the root end with a consonant, and f^r hi 
if it end with a vowel. As examples we take the roots 
already used for the purpose. 


ROOT-CLA88 (8ECOND, ad-CLA88). 







a. Thus, from the roots ^ i and ^TTT aar 

















itam yantu 

ästam asätam aaat&m 

b. From tho roots dvig and duh and lih: 







dvesani dv£säva 
dvi<J<Jh{ dvi8(am 
dve8$u dvis^am 

dves&i dves&vah&i dvftsämahal 
dviksva dvisatham dvi<}4hvam 
dvis$am dvisätam dviaatäm 

dohftni döhäva 
dugdhf dugdham 
d6gdhu dugdham 

döhäi dohävahal döh&mah&i 
dhuksva duh&th&m dhugdhvam 
dugdham duhitam duhatam 

lehani lehava lehama 
H<Jh{ llfham Ufha 
ttflhu lifham lihantu 

lehfti leh&vahal 

liksva lihatham 
llcjham lihatäm 




618. Tho 2d sing, act pndtng tat is found in thc older langnage tn 
« few verbs of this class: namely, vittAt, vitat, brfität, ha tat, y&t&t, 
B tu tat. In 3d Ring, mid., (wo or thrcc \crbn havr In ihn oldcr Unguage 
the ending am: thaa, duham (only KV. rase), vidäm, qayAm; and in 
3d pl. mid. AV. has duhr&m and duhrat&m. Tho use of tana for ta 
in 2d pl. a«t. is quite frrquent in (he Vcda: thus, itana, y&tana, attana, 
ptr. And in stota, eta etana, brav itana, ^astana, h an tana, we ht*e 
examples in the same person of a strong (and accented) stein. 

5. Fresent Participle. 

619. a. Thc nclive participle has the ending CVH int 
(weak 8tem-form W1 at) added to the unstrengthened root. 
Mechanically, it may be formed from the 3d pl. by dropping 
the final ^ i. Thus, for the verbs inflected above, the active 
participles are TJH yant, 3«£?i duhant, fc^tl dviaant, f^T^rf 
lihant. The feminine stem ends usually in Wu »ti: thus, 
Ufft yttti, JT^Ü duhati, feljtft dviaati, f^rft Uhati: but. 
from roots in ä, in dTrft ftntl or Sflcft &ti (449 g*. 


IX. Presbnt-system. 


b. The iniddle partioiple has the ending €VH äna, added 
to the unstrengthened root: thus, ^ITFT iy&na, ,j<£M duhtaa, 
fdMIUI dvisä^a, Jd«fcH liMna. 

o. The root Äs forma the anomalous and isolated tUina (in RV. 
also aaana). 

d. Bat a number of tbese participles in the oider langnage have 
a double accent, either on the ending or on the radical syllable: 
thus, Ie,ana and io,&na, oh&na and öhftna, duhana and duhana (also 
dughana), rihäna and rih&na, vidäna and vid&na, auvftna and 
BÜvana, stuv&na and stavftna and at&vftna — the last baving in part 
also a strong form of the root. 

- 6. Imperfeot. 

620. This tense adds the secondary endings to the root 
as inoreased by prefixion of the augment. The root has the 
guna-strengtheoing (if capable of it) in the three persona of 
the singular active, although the accent is alwaya upon the 
augment. Examples of inflection are: 

a. From the roots ^ i and 5TTCT *b: 

actife. mtddle. 






' S 





tat asvahi 

ästhas iaath&m 



3 ^cT^ ^TT\ Wn\ 

&{t ftitftm ayan 

b. From the roots dvia and 
i advesam advisva adviama 

2 advet advia^am adviama 

3 adve( adviat&m adviaan 

1 adoham aduhva aduhma 

2 adhok adugdham adugdha 
adugdh&m aduhan 

alihva alihma 
aligham all 4ha 
allfh&m alihan 

621. a. Roots ending in & 
take ua instead of an in 3d pl. 

3 adhok 

i aleham 

2 ale( 

3 ale* 

asta as&t&m isata 

duh and 11h: 

adviai adviavahi adviamabi 
advis(has adviaatham advi^^hvam 
advisva advis&t&m advisata 

aduhi aduhvahi aduhmahi 

adugdhas aduh&th&m adhugdhvam 
adugdha aduh&t&m aduhata 

allhi allhvahi alihmahi 

alifh&s alihatham all^hvam 
allfha alihät&m alihata 

may in the later language optionally 
act (the a being lost before it); and 

237 ROOT-CLA88 (8EC0ND, ad-CLA88). [—6516 

in tho oldor Ihoy always do so: thus, Ayue from |/yft» apus from 
yp& probet, abliUB fruui >/bhd. 'Mio nnino citri ittg is also nllowori 
and met with in thc casc of a fcw roots ending in consonants: namely 
vid knote, caks, dvia, duh, mfj. RV. has atviaua. 

b. The ending tana, 2d pl. »ct., is found in Ihe Veda in ay&tana, 
aaaatans, &ftana, Abravltana. A strong stem ff seen in the Ist pl. 
homa, and the 1A pl. abravlta and abravltana. 

o. To save the characterlstic endings in 2d and 3<1 sing, act., the root 
ad inserts a: thus, ädas, ädat; the root aa inserts i: thus, ftaia, aalt 
(see below, 636); compare also 631-4. 

622. Thc use of the persona of this tensc, withont augment, in the 
older langnagc, has been noticed abo*e (687). Attgmentlest imperfecta of 
this CliM an* rather uncommon in the Vcda: thus, han, vea, 74 sing.; 
han v vet, staut, dän (?), 3d sing.; bruvan, duhüs, caksus, 3d pl.; 
vasta, aüta, 3d sing. mld. 

623. The Amt or root- form of aorist is identical in ita formation with 
this imperfect: seo below, 829 ff. 

624. In the Veda (bat hardly outstde of the RV.) are fonnd certain 
2d sing, form», having an imperative valne, made by adding tbe endlng ai 
to the (accented and strengthened) root. In part, they are the only root- forma 
belonging to thc roots from which they come: thus, J6ai (for J6sai, from > / J U8 )t 
dhaksi, parai (Vpj pas*) t pr&ai, bhaksi, ratsi, aatai, hosi; but the 
majority of them have for ms (one or more) of a root-present, or sometimea 
of a root-anrist. heside them: thus, ksesi (flcai rutr), Jesi, darai, nakai 
(|/na^ altain), nesi, matni, mftai (ymhmca.iurr), yiikst, yamal, yftsi, 
yötai, raai, vakai (vvah), v6si, $rosi, saksi. Thelr formal eharacter 
is somewhat dipputed; but they are probably tndteative persona of the root- 
clas«, nsed imperatively. 

626. Forma of this class are made from nearly 150 root«, either 
in the earlier language, or in the later, or in both: namely, from 
about 50 through the whole lifo of thc language, from 80 in the older 
period 'of Vcda, Brähmans, and Sütrn) alonc, nnd from n fcw (about 15) 
in the later period (epie and classical) only*. Not a fcw of these 
roots, howover, show only sporadic root-forms, beside a more usual 
conjugation of somo other clwss; nor is it in all caaes possible to 
separate clearly root-present from root-aorist forms. 

a. Many roots of this class, as of the other claases of the first 
conjugation, show transfers to the second or a-conjugation, forming 
a conjugation -stem by adding a to their strong or weak stem, or 

* Such Statements of numbers, with regard to tho various parts of the 
System of ronjngation, are in all caset taken from the author's Supplement 
to this grammar, entitled "Roots, Verb- Formt, and Primary Derivatives of 
the Sanskrit Language 91 , whcre liets of roots, and details as to formt etc., 
are also given. 

625—] IX. Present-system. 238 

cven to botli: thua, froin /mrj, both mftrja (627) and mrja. Such 
tanafera are met with cven in the oldest language; but tbey usually 
become more frequent later, often establiahing a ncw mode of preaent 
inflcccton by the aide of, or in Substitution for, the earlier mode. 

b. A number of roots offer irregulär! ties of inflection; these are, 
in tbo inain, poiuted out in the following paragraphs. 

Irregulär! ties of the Boot-class. 

626. The routs of the class ending in u have in their strong 
forma the vrddhi inatead of the guna-atrengthcning before an ending 
beginning with a conaonant: thua, from >/8tu, at&ümi, aataut, and 
the like: but aatavam, ataväni, etc. 

a. Hoots found to exhibit litis pcculiarity in actual uso are ksnu, yu 
nnitc, au (or eü) impel, ßku, stu, snu (those in the earlier lauguage), 
nu, ru, aud hnu. RV. has ouce atoei and an&van. Compare also 633. 

627. The root mrj alao haa the vrddhi-vowel in ita strong 
forma: thua, marjmi, amärjam, amärt (160b); and the aaine streng- 
theniug ia aaid to be allowcd in weak forma before endinga beginning 
with a vowcl: thua, mftrjantu, am&rjaa; but the ouly quotablo case 
ia mftrjlta (LQS.). Forma from a-atema begin to appear already 
in AV. 

a. In the other tense-systems, also, and in derivation, mrj shows often 
the vrddhi iustoad of the guna-strongtheiiing. 

628. A nuiubcr of roota accent the radical ayllable throughout, 
both in atrong and in weak forma: thua, all those beginning with a 
long vowel, äs, I<J, ir, ic; and also caka, taks, tri, nina, vas clothe, 
cinj, 9I lie } aud eü. AU theae, except taka and tr& (and tr& also in 
the Vedic forma), are ordinarily coujugated in middle voiee only. 
Forma with the aame irregulär accent ooeur now and then in the Veda 
from other verba: thua, matsva, yakava, aakava, aakava, fdhat. 
Middlo participlea ao accentod have been noticed abovo (619 d;. 

620. Of tho roota mentioned in tho laat paragrapb, c,i Vit haa 
tue guna-atrengthening throughout: thua, caye, C/6se, cAyiya, fayftna, 
and ao ou. Other irregularitica in ita iuflection (in part already noticed) 
are the 3d pl. peraona gerate (AV. etc. have also c,ere), oftratim, 
a$erata (RV. haa alao ao,eran) , the 3d aing. prea. gaye (R.) and impv. 
c,ayäm. The iaolated active form a^ayat ia common in the older 
language; other a-forma, active and middle, oeeur later. 

630. Of the sarue roots, i(J and 19 iusert a uniuu vowcl i before 
certain ending«: thus, igise, Igidhve, igisva (these three being the only 
forma noted in the older language); but RV. haa Ikse beside igise; the 
9*U. hat once 19! te for is^e. The 3d pl. Igire (011 accouut of ita accent) 
is also appareutly present rather than perfoct. The MS. haa once the 3d sing, 
impf, alca (like aduha: 635). 


239 ROOT-OLASS (SBCOND, ad-CLA88). [—636 

631. Tho ronta rud w*j>, nvap *lecp, an hr*nthc % and qvnn hlnw 
insert a union-vowcl i bcfore all tho ondings beginnt ng with a con- 
sonant, except the s and t of 2d and 3d sing, impf., where they insert 
instead either aor I: thus, av&piml, evaaisi, aniti, and anat or 
inlt. And in tho other forma, tho last threo are allowed to accent 
either root or ending: thus, svapantu and evaeantu (AV.), or 
svapantu etc. The AV. h*s svaptu instead of svapitu. 

a. In the older langnage, y/yara makes tho Mine insertions: thus, 
vamiti, avamit; and othor cases occasionally oeeur: thus, Janisva, vasisva 
(j/vas clothel cnathihi, stanihi (all KV), yamiti (JB.), eoeimi (MBh). 
On the otber hand, |/an early makes forma from an a-stem: thns, anati 
(AV.) ; ppie anant (VB); opt. anet (AB). 

638. The root brü speak, say (of very.frequent use) takes the 
union-vowel I after the root when strengthened, before the initial 
consonant of an ending: thus, bravlmi, bravlsi, bravlti, abravis, 
Abravit; bat brümas, brüyam, abravam, abruvan, etc. Special 
occasional irrogularitios aro brümi, bravlhi, abruvam, a brü van, 
bruyät, and sporadic forms frora an a-stem. The subj. dual brav&ite 
has becn notieed above (615); also the strong forms abravlta, 
abravitana (621 a). 

633. So nie of the root« In u are allowed to be inflected like brü: 
namely, ku, tu, ru, and fltu; and an occasional Infttance if met with of 
a form so made (in the older langnage, only taviti noted; in the later, 
only stavlmi, once). 

634. The root am (hardly fonnd In the lator langnage) takes i as 
onlon-Towol: thus, amioi (RV.), amlti and ämit and amlava(TS). From 
^am orcur «jamlsva (VS.; TS. qamisva) and c,amidhvam (TR. etc.). 

635. The irregnlarities of )/duh In the older language hav© been 
already in part noted: the 3d pl. indic. mid. duhate, duhre, and duhrato; 
3d sing. Imp*. duham, pl. duhram and duhratam; impf. act. 3d sing, 
aduhat« (whtrh is found also In tho. I.itcr Ungnade), 3d pl. aduhran 
(beslde aduhan and dubüs); the mid. pple düghäna; and (qulte on- 
exampled elsewhere) the opt. form» duhiyat and dubiyan (RV. only). 
The MS. has aduha Bd sing, and aduhra 3d pl. Impf, mid., apparently 
formed to correspond to the pres. duhe (613) and duhre as adugdha and 
aduhata correspond to dugdhe and duhate: compare aic,a (630), related 
in like maruier to the 3d sing. Ic,e. 

Some of the roots of this class aro abbroviated or otherwise 
weakened In their weak forms: thus — 

636. The root ^H as be loses its vowel in weak forms 
(except where protected by combination with the augment). 
Its 2d sing, indic. is srftf asi (instead of assi); its 2d sing, 
irapv. is ^fu edhi (irregularly from asdhi). The insertion of 


IX. Present-systbm. 


^ I in 2d and 3d sing. impf, has been noticed already 

a. The forms of this extremely common verb, are, then, 
as follows: 






d. p. 

avae amas 

athaa et ha 

ataa aantl 

aa&va aa&ma 

FcP^ FrT 
atam ata, 

wih^ Hg 

atam aantu 












Hl Ifi \\ 














aat&m iaan 

Participle HrT sant (fem. Heft aati). 

b. Besides the forms of the present-system, there is made from 
this root only a perfect, aaa etc. (800), of wholly regulär inflection. 

o. The Vedic subjunetive forms are the usual ones, made upon the 
stem aaa. They are in freqnent use, and appear (aaat especiully) evea 
in late texts where the subjunetive is almost lost. The retolution aÜtm 
ete. (opt.) is common in Vedic verie. As 2d and 3d sing. impf, is a few 
times met with the more normal &s (for aa-s, aa-t). Bthana, 2d pl., was 
noted above (613). 

d. Middle forms from /aa are also given by the grammartans as allow- 
ed with certain prepositions (vi-|-ati), bat they are not quotable; amahe 
and ay&mahe (I) oeeur in the epics, but are merely instantes of the ordi- 
nary epie confusion of voiees (529 a). Gonfusious of primary and secoodary 
endings — namely, ava and ama (not rare), and, on the other hand, sy&vaa 
and ayämaa — are also epic. A middle present indieative is said to ha 
coinpouudod (in Ist and 2d persona) with the nomen agentu in tf (tar) 
to form a periphrastic future iu the middle voiee (but see below, 847). 
The Ist sing, indic. is he; the rest is in the usual relatton of middle to 
active forms (in 2d per*., ae, dhve, ava, dhvam, with total loss of the 
root itself). 

241 ROOT-CLA88 (8EC0ND, ad-CLA88). [—640 

637. The root han *mitc, slay is trcatod somewhat after the 
ninnn'T of nntin-fltfttns in an In dcclcnsion (421): in weak form», it 
loses its n before an initial consonant (ezcept m and v) of a personal 
entling (not in the Optative)) and its a before an initial vowel — and 
in tbe latter case its h, in cootact with the n, is ehanged to gh (com- 
pare 402). Tbus, for eiample: 

Present Indieative. Imperfect. 
s. d. p. s. d. p. 

1 hänmi hanvae hanm&R ahanam ahanva ahanraa 

7 haoai hathas hatha ah an aha tarn ahata 

3 hanti hatoa ghnanti ahan ahatftm aghnan 

a. Its participle is ghnant (fem. ghnati). Its 2d sing. impv. is 
jahf (by anomalous dissimilation, on the model of redupücattng 

b. Middle forma from thtt root are frequent in the Brihmanas, and 
thot* thtt oecur are formed in general aecording to the Mine rules: thnt, 
hate 9 hanmahe, ghnate; ahata, aghndtam, aghnata (in AB., also 
ahata); ghnita (bat also hanlta). Form« from transfer-stems, hana tnd 
ghna, are met with from in early period. 

038. The root vac, be tager is in the weak forme regularly and 
usually contracted to ue, (as in tho perfect: 704 b): thus, nqmaai 
(V.: once apparently abbreviated in RV. to omaai), uc,anti; pple 
aoant, nc/Ana Middle forme (ezcept the pple) do not occur; nor do 
the weak forma of the imperfecta which are given as äuc, va, Auskam, etc. 

a. KV. has in like manner the participle ua&na from the root vas clothe. 

030. The root caa ordtr shows some of the peculiarities of a 
reduplicated verb, lacking (340) the n before t in all 3d persona pl. 
and in the active participle. A part of its active forms — namely, 
the weak forms having endings beginnlng with coosonants (ineluding 
the Optative) — are said to come from a stem with weakened vowe), 
eis (as do the aorist, 864, and soino of the derivatives); but, ezeept- 
ing tho optativo (C/iay&m etc., U. 8. and later), no such forma are 

a. The 3d fing. impf. 1« ac,&t (666 a), and the tarne form it ttld 
to be allowed also as 2d sing. The 2d sing. impT. is c,adhi (with toUl 
Ion of the s); and RV. has tbe strong 2d pl. e&at&na (with anomaloat 
accent); and a-forras, from stem C/&aa, occasionally occur. 

b. The middle inflection is regulär, and the accent (apparently) 
always upon tbe rariieal syllablo (eiste, casate, c,aa&na). 

o. The root däc, toorship has in like manner (RV.) the pple d&c,at 
(not d&cant). 

040. The double so-called root Jaks eat, laugh is an evident redu- 
plication of ghas and haa respeotively. It has the absence of n In aet. 

Wfeitnty, Gnnntr. 3. *d. 16 

640—] IX. Present-system. 242 

3d pcramia pl. and |»|»1o, und llto arcoiii ou llio root beforo vowi'l-ciidiui;*, 
whiiü bolong tu reduplicated vcrb»; and it also takes tho union-vuwel i 
in the manner of rud etc. (above, 631). For iU forma and derivative» 
made with alter Iota of the final Sibilant, aee 233 £ 

641. Certain otber obviously reduplicated verbs are treated by 
the nativo grammarians aß if simple, and referred to thia conjugation: 
euch are the intensively reduplicated j&g? (1020 a), daridrä \1024 a), 
and vevl (1024 a), didhi etc. (676), and cakftB (677). 

II. Reduplicating Class (third, hu-class). 

642. Thia class forms its present-stem by prefixing a 
reduplioation to the root. 

643. a. As regards the consonant of the reduplication, 
the general rules which have already been given above (590) 
are followed. 

b. A long vowel is shortened in the reduplicating syl- 
able: thus, ^T dadft from y^\ d&; fspft bibhl from yift bhl; 
sT^ juhü from y~j£ hü. The vowel ft x never appears in the 
reduplication, but is replaced by ^ i: thus, fspj bibhy from 
yv{ bhr; fwj pipfo from )/qtT pyo. 

c. For verba in which a and & alao are irregularly repreaented in the 
reduplication by i, aee below, 660. The root vj t (V. B.) makes vavartti 
etc. j cakrant (RV.) ia Tery doubtful. 

d. The only root of thia class with initial vowel is r (or ar); 
it takes as reduplication i, which is held apart from the root by an 
interpoaed y: thus, iyar and iyr (the latter has not been found in 
actual use). 

644. The present-stem of this class (as of the other 
classes belonging to the first or non-a-conjugation) has a 
double form: a stronger form, with gunated root- vowel; 
and a weaker form, without guna: thus, from y^T hu, the 
two forms are sT^t juho and spt juhu; from yHi bhl, they 
are fsTH bibhe and fspft bibhl. And the rule for their use 
is the same as in the other classes of this conjugation: the 
strong stem is found before the unaccented endings (662), 
and the weak stem before the accented. 




045. According to all the analogics of the first general conju- 
gution, v?o hIioiiM cxpcct to find Ute ar.iwnt lipon tho root-syllablo 
when this is strengt hened. That is actually the case, howeve.r, only 
in a small minority of the roots composing the class: namely, in hu* 
bhl (no te st-forms in the older language), hri (no test- forms found in 
the older language), mad (very rare), Jan (no forma of this class 
found to oeeur), ci notice (in V.), yu separate (in older language only), 
and in bhr in the latcr language (in V. it goes with tho majority: 
hnt KV. hns bibharti onee, and AV. twice; and this, the later 
accentuation, is found also in the Brfthmanas); and RV. haa once 
iyarsi. In all the rest — apparently, by a recent transfer — it rests 
npon the reduplicating instead of lipon the radical syllable. And in 
both classes alike, the accent is anomalously thrown back upon the 
reduplication in those weak forms of which the ending begins with 
a vowel; while in the other weak forms it is upon the ending (bat 
compare 666 a). 

a. Apparently (the caset with written accent are too few to determine 
tho point eatisfaetortly) the middle Optative endinga, lya etc. (666), are 
rerkoned throughout aa endings with initial vowel, and throw back the 
arcent upon tho reduplication. 

646. The verbs of this class lose the ^ n in the 3d 
pl. endings in active as well as middle, and in the imper- 
feet have 3TT us instead of W\ an — and before this a final 
radical vowel has guna. 

1. Preeent Indioati ve. 

647. The combi nation of stem and endings is as in 
the preceding class. 

Rxamples of inflecti 
stem-form, 5T^t juh6; weak 

on: a. y^ hu sacri/ice: strong 
form, 5T§T juhu (or juhu). 






juhuvaa Juhuxnaa 
juhutae Juhvati 

a. d. 

Juhve juhuvahe 

Juhuae Juhvathe 

Juhute juhvate 




647— J iX. Pkesent-system. 244 

b. Root >T bhy bcar (givcn with Vcdic acccntuation) : 
strong stem-form, few.j bibhar; weak, fepj bibhr (or bibhr). 

i fsprftf RTO fäHTO^ fsßf f3M5% feHR% 
bfbharmi bibhrvaa bibhrmaa bfbhre bibhrvahe bibhrmahe 

bibbarsi bibhrthaa bibhrtha bibhrije bfbhr&the bibhrxlhve 

» fäHfcf ftWrfH ferfH fäWcT feUH fe^ 

b{bharti bibhrta* bfohrati bibhrte bfohr&te bfohrate 

c. The u of hu (like tbat of tbe claas-signs na and a: aee below, 
697 a) is seid to be omissible before v and m of tbe endiugs of Ist du. 
and pl.: thua, juhv&s, juhv&he, etc.; but no auob forma are quotabU. 

2. Present Subjunctive. 

648. It ia not poaaible at present to draw a dietiuct line between 
tboae subjunctive forma of tbe oldcr language wbicb abould be rockoned as 
belonging to tbe present-system and thoae wbicb abould be aaalgned to tbe 
perfect — or even, lo aome caaes, to tbe reduplicated aorist and intensive, 
llere will be uoticcd only tboae wbicb niost clearly bolong to tbls cla^a; 
tbe more doubtful cases will be treated under tbe perfcet-iystem. Eieept 
in flrst persona (wbicb continue in use as ''imperatives" down to the later 
languuge), aubjunctivcs froui roots baving unniistakably a reduplicated 
present-system are of far from frequent oecurrence. 

640. Tbe subjuuctive wode-gtein iu foruicd in tlie uaual uianner, 
with the mode-sign a and guna of the root-vowel, if this is capable 
of such strengthening. The evidence of the fow acceuted forma tuet 
with indicates that the accent is laid in aecordance with tbat of the 
strong indicative forme: thus from /hu, the stein would be juhava; 
from yhhx t it would be bibhara (but bibhara later). Before the 
mode-sigu, final radical & would be, in aecordance with analogies 
elaewhere, dropped: thus, dada from |/da, dAdha from ydhft (all the 
forma actually oecurring would be derivable from the secondary roots 
dad and dadh). 

660. Instead of giving a theoretically complete scheme of 
inflection, it will be better to noto all tho examples quotable from 
the older language (acceuted when fouod so oecurring). 

a. Thus, of Ist persona, we bave in the actlve juhavftni, bibharäni, 
dad&ni, dadh&ni, jah&ni; juhav&ma, dadhftma, jahftma; — in tho 
midille, dadh&i, mimäi ; dadhävahäi; juhavämah&i, dadämahe, 
dadämahäi, dadhämah&i. 

b. Of other persona, we bave with priinary endinga In tbe artive 
bibharaai (with double modt-sign: 560 e), dadhathas, juhavätha (do.) 


ftti'1 juhavatha; In tlio tnlildln, dadhaae; dadhate, rarate, dadhatäl, 
dad&tai ; — with secondtry endtngt, dadhäa, viveaas, Juhavat, bibharat, 
yuyavat, dadhat, dadhanat, babhasat; dadhan, yuyavan, Juhavan. 

3. Present Optative. 

651. To form thia raode, the optative endings given 
above (566 a), as made up of mode-sign and personal endings, 
are added to the unstrengthened stem. The accent is as 
already stated (645 a). The inflection is so regulär that it is 
unnecessary to give here more than the first persona of a 
Single verb: thus, 

«otiTO. middle. 

8. d. p. t. d. p. 

i sf^JT^ j^UN sl^UIH pfa pfaf% j<flM^ 
juhuy&m Juhuy&va Juhuyama Juhvlya juhvivahi Johvlmahi 

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

4. Present Imperative. 

652. The endings, and the mode of their combination 
with the root, have been already given. In 2d sing. act., 
the ending is f^r hi after a vowel, bat fo dhi after a con- 
sonant: gT hu, however, forms sTgrfu juhudhi (apparently, 
in order to avoid the reourrenee of <J h in two successive 
syllables): and other examples of f?| dhi after a vowel are 
found in the Veda. 

653. a. Example of inflection: 

acttve. middle. 

*. d. p. J- d ^ P^ 

i sl^llR W&m iJ^MIM 5^ sJ^c|W^ ^cdM^. 
juhaväni juhav&va Juhavama JuhavSi Juhavavahai Juhavamah&i 

juhudhi juhutam juhuta juhuava juhväth&m Juhudhvim 

juhotu juhutam jühvatu juhutam Juhv&ttm juhvatam 

b. Tho ▼erbs of the other di?Uion differ here, as in the indicatiTe, 
in tho accentaation of their »trong forms ooly: namely, in all the 

663—1 IX. Pkesent-sytem. 246 

first persona (borrowed sttbjunctives', und in the 3d sing, act.: thius. 
(in the older laugiiage; bfbharäni etc., bibhartu, bfbhar&i etc. 

664. Vedic irregularities of inflection are: 1. the occasional uae o( 
streng form» in 2d persons: thus, yuyodhf, ^i^ftdhi (brside 9191hl); 
yuyotam (beaide yuyutam); (yarta, dadata and dadatana, dadh&ta 
and dadhätana (see below, 668), pipartana, juhöta and juhötana, 
yuyota and yuyotana; raräava (666); 2. the use 01' dhi instead of 
hi after a vowel (only in the two inatances juat quoted); 3. the ending 
tana In 2d pl. act.: namely, beaides those juat glven, in jigfttana, 
dhattana, mamattana, vivaktana, didia(ana, bibhitana, jujustana, 
j uhu tana» vavfttana: the caacs are proportionally much more numerous 
in thia than in any otlier class; 4. the ending t&t in 2d sing, act, in 
datt&t, dhattat, piprt&t, jahität. 

6. Präsent Partioiple. 

666. As elsewhere, the active participle-stem may he 
made mechanically from the 3d pl. in die. by dropping 3 i: 
thus, sRSef juhvat, f^RT bibhrat. In inflection, it has no 
distinetion of strong and weak forma (444). The feminine 
stem ends in 3<fi atl. The middle paiticiples are regularly 
made: thus, SrajH jühväna, feJtJIUI bibhr&na. 

a. KV. show9 an irregulär acceut in pipana (Vpa drink). 

6. Imperfeot. 

666. As already pointed out, the 3d pl. act. of this 
class takes the ending 3H us, and a final radical vowel has 
guna beforc it. The strong forms are, as in present indic- 
ative, the three singular active persons. 

667. Kxamples of inflection: 

active. middle. 

s. d. p. s. d. p. 

ajuhavam ajuhuva ajuhuma ajuhvi ajuhuvahi äjuhumahi 
ajuhoa ajuhutam ajuhuta ajuhuthfta ajuhv&th&m ajuhudhvam 
ajuhot ajuhut&m ajuhavue ajuhuta ajulrratAm ajuhvata 

247 IiEDUPLICATlKG CLAB8 (THIRD, hU-CLA88). [—663 

a. Froin y*\ bhy, the 2d and Wd ting. acl. are MpWJ[ 
abibhar (for ablbhar-s and abibhar-t) — and so in all other 
cases where the strong stein ends in a consonant. The 3d 
pl. act. is yfMM^H abibharus; and other like cases are 
abibhayus, aoikayus, asusaytis. 

b. In MS., once, abibhrus Is doubtless a false read in g. 

658. The usnal Vedio irregularities In 2d pl. act. — strong formt, 
and the ending tana — ocour in this tense also : thus, adadäta, adadhäta; 
adattana, ajahätana. The RV. ha« also once apiprata for apiprta 
in 3d sing, mid., and abibhran for abibharus in 3d pl. act. Eiample* 
of angmcntless forma are ^i^li, vires, jig&t; Jihlta, otyta, Jihata; 
•nd, with irregulär strengthening, yuyoma (AV.) V yuyothäs, yuyota. 

660. The roots that form their preseot-stem by reduplication are 
a very small class, especially in the modern langnage; they are only 
50, all told, and of these only a third (16) are met with later. It is, 
however, very difBcult to determine the precise Hmits of the class, 
hecause of the impossibility (referred to abo?e, ander subjunettae: 648) 
of always disttaguishing its forma from those of other reduplicating 
conjugations and partt of conjugations. 

a. Besides the lrregolaritles in tente-lnflection already pointed out, 
others may be noticed as followt. 

Irregularities of the Reduplicating Class. 

660. Besides the roots In r or ar — namely, r, ghr (nsnally 
written ghar), tr, pr, bhr, sr, hr, pro — the following roots haviag 
a or ä as radical vowel take i instead of a in the reduplicating 
sy Nable: g& go, ml mecumr«, mä hello w, 9a, ha remeve (mid.), vae, 
sac; vag has both i and a; rä has i onco in KV.; for sthä, p& drink, 
ghra, han, hi, see below (670-4). 

661. Soveral roots of this class in final & change the & in weak 
forma to i (occasionally even to i), and then drop it altogether before 
endings beginning with a vowel. 

a. Tbis is in close analogy with the treattnent of the Towel of the 
<-la9s-sign of the nft-oltst: below, 717. 

These, roots are: 

662. 9a nharpen, act. and mid. : thus, C,ic,ati, e^Imasi, qlflbi (also 
c^c/ädhi : »bove, 664), c^Ätu, acio&t, cjcjte, cjc/lta. 

663. mä btllow, act., and m& nu4uur* t mid. (rarely also act): thos, 
mimäti, mimlyftt; mimlto, mimate, amimlta; mimlhi, mlm&ta. 
Rv has once mimanti 3d pl. (for mimati). 


IX. Present-system. 


664. hä retnove, mid.: thus, jihite, jihidhve, jfhato; jihiava, 
Jihat&m; Ajihlta, ajihata. £B. Las jihith&m (for jihatham). 

665. h& quit, «ct. (originally identical with the former), inay further 
•horten the I to i: thui, Jah&ti, jahita, jahität (AV.); jahimae (AV ). 
jahitae (TB.), jahitam (TA), ajahitam (TS. AB.). In the optative, 
the radical vowel la lost altogether; thus, jahy&m, jahyus (AV.)- The 
2d sing. impr., according to the grammariana, i« jahihi or jahihi or 
jahahi; only the first appearg quotable. 

a. Forma from an a-atem, Jaha, are made for tals root, and e*en 
derivativea from a quasi-root jah. 

666. r& give, mid.: thu§, raridhvam, rarlthas (impf, without 
augment); and, with i in reduplication, ririhi. But AV. hat rarasva. 

a. In thoae verbs, the accent is generally comtant on the reduplicating 

667. The two roots d& and dh& (the commonest of tho claas* 
lose thcir radical vowcl altogether in the weak forma, being shortenod 
to dad an4 dadh. In 2d sing. impv. act., they form respoctlvely 
dehi and dhehi. In combination with a following t or th, the final 
dh of dadh does not follow the special rule of combination of a 
final sonant aspirate (becoming ddh with the t or th: 160), but — 
as also before s and dhv — the more general rules of aspirate and 
of surd and sonant combination; and its lost aspiration is thrown 
back upon the initial of the root (155). 

668. The Inflection of /dhft is, then, as follows: 

Preseajt lndicitive. 

t. d. p. a. 

1 dAdh&mi dadhvae dadhmaa dadhe 

2 dAdh&ai dhatthaa dhattha dhatea 

3 dadhati dhattaa dAdhati dhatte 




Presest OpUtive. 
i dadhyam dadhyava dadhyama dAdhiya dadhlvahi dAdhimahi 
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

Preseat Imperative. 

1 dAdh&ni dAdh&va dAdhama dadhai dAdh&vahfti didhämahai 

2 dhehi dhattAm dhatta dhatsva dadh&tham dhaddhvam 
9 dadhätu dhattÄm dadhatu dhattam dadhat&m dadhatftm 


1 Adadh&m adadhva Adadhma adadhi Adadhvahi Adadhmahi 

2 Adadhaa Adhattam Adhatta Adhatthäa Adadh&thfim Adhaddhvani 

3 adadhät adhattam adadhua Adhatta AdadhiUm Adadhata 

249 Reduplicatino Clabs (third, hu-CLAS8). [—676 

Partizipien: aci. d&dhat; ml«l. d&dhäna. 

a. In the middte (except impf.), only those form« are here accented 
ftr which there is autbority in the aceentuated teits, m there is discordance 
between the actual accent and that which the analog Im of the class woald 
leid oj to ex pect RV. has onee dhatoe : dadhe and dadhite might be 
perfecta, so far as the form it coneerned. RV. accents dadhlta once 
(dadhlta thrice); several other texte bare dadhlta, dadhlran, dadlta. 

b. The root da is inflected in precisely the same way, with 
change everywhere of (radieal) dh to d. 

660. The older langnage hat irregularitiei as foliows: 1. tbe usual 
strobg forma in 2d pl., dadh&ta and adadh&ta, dad&ta and adadäta; 
1. tbe nsnal tana endings in the same person, dhattana, dad&tana, etc. 
(664, 668); 3. tbe 3d sing, indic. act. dadhe (like Ist sing); 4. tbe 2d 
sing. impv. act. daddhi (for both dehi and dhehi). And R. bas dadmi. 

670. A nntnber of roots have been transferred from tbis to the 
a- or bhü-class (below, 749), their rednplicated root becoming a 
stereotyped stein inflected after the manner of a-stems. These roots 
are as foliows: 

671. In all periods of the language, from the roots atha stand, 
pä drink, and ghra smell, are made the preseats tiathämi, pib&mi 
(with irregulär sonantizing of the eecond p), and Jfghr&mi — which 
theo are inflected not like mfmaml, but like bhavämi, as If from 
the present-stems tia^ha, p(ba, jfghra. 

67S. In the Veda (especially; al*o later), the rednpllcated roots d& 
and dhä are sometimes turned into the a-stems dada and dadha, or 
Inflected as if roots dad and dadh of the a-elass; and Single forma of the 
same character are made from other roots: thus, mimantl (V*n& bettow), 
rarato (yrh give: 3d sing. mid.). 

673. In the Vcda, also, a like secendary stem, Jighna, is made from 
j/han (with Omission of the radieal rowcl, and converslon, nsaai in tbis 
root, of h to gh when in eontact %itb n: 637); and some of the forme 
of aac/o, from ^aac, show the samt; conversion to an a-stem, aaooa. 

674. In AB. (*iii. 28), a similar secondary form, Jighya, is gWen to 
^hi or hä: thu«, jighyati, jighyatu. 

675. A fow so-called roots of the flrst or root-claas are the producta 
of reduplication, more or less obvious: thus, jaka (640), and probably 
c,os (from )/caa) and caka (from ylcftc, or a lost root kaa see). In the 
Vcda is found also aa<*C, from }'aac. 

676. Tho Krarntnariati* rerkon (as alrcady notlcod, 641 ) sevoral root* 
of the most evidently roduplicatc charartrr a* simplf, and b«*longing fo the 
root-olas«. Sonic of these (]*&T* daridrä, vevl) are regulär Intensive 
»tcma, and will be describod below under IntensiTes (1020 a» 1024 a), 
didhi shine, together with Vedtc didi «Äi'we and pipl stcell, are somotiines 
also clas*ed as intensives; bot they have not the proper reduplication of 

676—] IX. PRB8BNT-8Y8TEM. 250 

auch, and niay pcrhaps bo best noticed here, as reduplicated preseiit-stenis 
witb irregularly long reduplicating vowel. 

a. Of pres. indic occora in the older langaage only didyati, 3d pl., 
witb tbe pplea didyat and didhyat, and mid. didye, didhye, didh- 
yäthäm, witb tbe pplet didy&na, dldhy&na, pipy&na. Tbe tubj. ttema 
are dldaya, dldhaya, pipaya, and from tbem are made forma witb botb 
primary (from dldaya) and aeeondary endingt (and tbe irregularly accented 
dldayat and didayat and didhayan). No opt. oecurs. In impv. we bäte 
dldihi (and didihi) and pipihi, and pipyatam, pipyatam, pipyata. 
In impf., adidea and plpea, adldet and adidhet aud apipet (witb 
augmentleaa forma), aplpema (witb stroug form of root), and adidhayus 
and (irregulär) apipyan. 

b. A fcw forma from all tbe tbree sbow tranafer to an a-infl ection : 
tbus, dldhaya and pipaya (impv.), apipayat, etc. 

c. Similar formt from yml beüow are amimet and mimayat. 

677. Tbe atem cakäa shine (sometimea cakäc,) is also regarded by 
tbe graiumariaua as a root, and aupplied aa ancb witb tenses outside tbe 
preaent-ayatem — wbieb, bowever, bardly oeeur in genuine uae. It ia not 
know in the older laitguage. 

678. Tbe root bhaa chvw loses ita radical towol in weak forms, 
taking tbe form bapa: tbua, babhaati, bat bapaati (3d pl), bapeat 
(pple). For babdham, sec 233 f. 

679. Tbc root bhi fear ia allowed by the grammarians to shorten 
ita vowel in we*k forms: tbua, bibhimas or bibhimas, bibhiyäm or 
bibhiyäm; and bibhiy&t et*, are met witb in tbe later Ucguage. 

680. Forma of this claaa from |/jan give birth, witb added i — tbua, 
jajftiae, jajüidhve — are given by the grammarians, bat have neter been 
found in uae. 

681. The roots oi and oit bäte in the Veda reversion of o to k in 
the root-syllable after the redoplication: tbus, oiköai, eikethe (anomalous, 
for oikyäthe), cikit&m, aeiket, oikyat (pple); oikiddhi. 

682. The root vyac baa i in tbe reduplication (from the y), and is 
contracted to vic in weak forma: tbus, viviktaa, iviviktäm. So tbe 
root hvar (if its forma are to be reckoned bere) baa u in reduplieation, 
and coutraots to hur: tbua, juhürth&a. 

III. Nasal Class (seventh, mdh-class). 

683. The roots of this class all end in consonants. And 
tlieir class-sign is a nasal preoeding the final consonant: in 
the weak forms, a nasal simply, adapted in character to the 
consonant; but in the strong forms expanded to the syllable 
R na, which has the accent. 

251 Nasal Class (seventh, rudh-CLAßß). [ — 686 

a» In a fcw of ihn vcrbs of iho class, tho nasal cxtends also Into 
other tense stenis: they are aöj, bhanj, hina: seo below, 694. 

1. Present Indicative. 

684. Example8 of inflection: a. the root g?f yuj 
j'oin: strong stem-form, CR5T yunaj; weak, IT3 ynfij. 

Kor tho rulcs of comblnation of final j, sce 219. 

active. middlo. 

s. d. p. s. d. p. 

i y#? gf^ W^ 5^ S 5 ^ W*% 

yunajmi yunjvaa yunjmas yufija yufljvahe yunjmahe 
yunaksi yunkthaa yunktha yunkse yufij&the yungdhvd 

3 g^fNr 5^ CTSlfa 5% JST^ ir# 

yunakti yunktaa yußjanti yunkte yufljite yufijate 

b. the root JjH rudh ob$truct\ bases *^niU runadh and 
"pTJ rundh. 

For the rules of comblnation of final dh, see 153, 160. 

I "pifelT "pOTT^ "p^Tn^ "p^ "pU% "pEq% 

runadh mi rundh vaa rundhmaa rundh 6 rundh vahe rundhmahe 

runatsi runddhaa runddha runter rundh&the runddhve 

3 ^HlH'» \\~i>\ (rMirt "^ {rUIr? "pU# 

runaddhi runddhaa rundhanti runddha rundh&te rundhate 

c. Instead of yunkthae, yungdhve, aud the like (here and in 
the impv. and impf), it is allowed and more usual (831) to write 
yunthae, yundhve, etc.; and, in like manner, rundhaa, rundhe, for 
runddhaa, runddhe; and so in other like cases. 

685. Vedlc irreguUritle* of inflection are: 1. the ordinary use of a 
%\ sing. mid. like the Ist sing., as vrnje; 2. the accent on t6 of 3d pl. 
mld. in an jäte, indhate, bhunjata. 

a. Yunafikai» in HhP., is doubtless a false reading. 

2. Present Subjunctive. 

686. The stcm is uiade, as usual, by adding a to the strong 
pre*ent-stem: thus, yunaja, runadha. Below are given as if raade 

686—] IX. PRE8ENT-SY8TBM. 252 

front fyuj all ibe forma for wkicb example* have been noted aa 
actually occoring in tbe older laoguage. 

actWe. middle. 

t. d. p. a. d. p. 

1 yunaj&ni yunajara yunajima yunajti yunaJamahaU 

2 yunajaa yunajftdhvli 

3 yunajat yunajatas yunajan yunajate 

687. The RV. haa once anjatas, wblch ia anomalous aa being madc 
from tbe weak tenae-stem. Forma with double mode-aign are met with: 
thns, trn&h&n (AV.), r&dhnavSt aad yunaj&n (?B); and tbe only 
quoUble example of 3d du. act. (beaidea anjatia) la hinaa&taa (?B). 
$B. haa also hinaaävaa aa Ist du. act: an elaewhere unexampled form. 

8. Present Optative. 

688. The Optative is made, aa elaewhere, by adding the 
compounded mode-endings to the weak form of preaent- 

stems. Thua: 

aoÜTe. middle. 

a. d. p. a. d. p. 

i gnnw gfmsr vg&m jator ir§ftaf% gsrof% 

yuüjystm yunjyava yunjyama yunjlya yunjlv&hi yuftjimihi 
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

a. AB. haa once the anomalous lat sing, act vrnjlyam. And forma 
like bhafijly&m -yät, yunjly&t, are here and tbere met witb in the 
epica (bhunJIy&tAm once in GGS.). MBh., too, bat once bhufijltam. 

4. Present Imperative. 

688. In this c)a8s (aa the roota all end in consonanta) 
the ending of the 2d sing. act. is alwaya fö dhi. 

active. mtddle. 

a. d. p. s. d. p. 

jwsuIh irmt Jgmi ipü tpsra^ *jHym«£ 

yunaj&ni yunaj&va yunajaxna yunaj&i yunaj&vahfti yunajamahfti 
yungdhi yunktam yunkta yunkava yunjeith&in yungdhvam 

W*¥ 9^ 3*3 W\ W*K H 5 ^ 

yunaktu yunktam yunjantu yunktam yunjitam yunjitam 

253 Nasal Class (sbvbnth, rudh-CLASS). [—694 

690. Is no oconrrenee, so far as notod, of the endlng tat In 
vcrhn of this «las*. The Vrda hu, a* nsual, sotneUtnrs strong form*, and 
sometimrs the etidin* tana, in the 2d pl. aet. : thus, unatta, yunikta, 
anaktana, pinas(ana. 

6. Present Partioiple. 

691. The participles are made in this class as in the 
preceding ones: thus, act. y^H yunjdnt (fem. U^rll yufijatl); 
mid. yyH yunj&nd (but RV. has indh&na). 

6. Imperfeot. 

692. The example of the regulär inflection of this tense 
needs no introduction : 

actke. middle. 

s. d. p. t. d. p. 

«y-w^ m&* otw snjfo müs«^ wjwt^ 

ayunajam ayuftjva ayuftjma ayuftji ayunjvahi ayunjmahi 
ayunak ayunktam ayunkta ayufikthas ayunj&tham ayungdhvam 

ayunak ayunktam ayunjan ayunkta ayunjatftm ayufljata 

a. The endings • and t are neeessarily lost In tho nasal class 
throughout in 2d and 3d sing, act., unless saved at the expense of the 
final radical consonant: which is a case of very rare occnrrence (the 
only qnotablo cxamplcs were givcn at 666 a). 

693. The Veda shows no irregataxities In this tense. Occurronces of 
augmentless forms are found, especially in 2d and 3d sing, «ct., showing 
an accent like that of the present: for eximple, bhinat, prnak, vrnik, 
pinak, rinak. 

a. The Ist sing, tct atrnam and aoohlnam (for atrnadam and 
aochinadam) were noted above, at 666 a. 

694. Tho roots of this class nutnber about thirty, more than 
half of thcrn being fonnd only in the earlier langnage; no new ones 
tunke their first appearanco lator. Three of them, afij and bhafij and 
hins, carry their nasal also into other tense-systems than the present 
Two, rdh and ubh, roake present-systems also of other classes having 
a nasal in the class-sign: thus, rdhnoti (nu-class) and ubhnati 
(nä-class . 




a. Many of tbe roots mako forma fron» tecondary a-atems: thua, froin 
afija, unda, umbha, chinda, tfnha, pinsa, pj-nca, bhufija, rundha, 
c,inBa, etc. 

Irregularities of the Nasal Class. 

605. Tbc root tfh combines trnah w ith ti, tu, etc. into trne^bi, 
trnecjhu; and,, according to the grammarians, has also such form 8 as 
tf nehmt : sec above, 224 b. 

696. The root hina (by origin apparently a desirieratlve frora yhan) 
accents irrogularly the root-syllablc in the weak formt: thns, hfnaailti, 
hinate, hinaäna (but hinasat etc. and hinayät £B.). 

IV. Nu- and u-classes (fifth and eighth, au- and tan-classes). 

607. A. The pre8ent-8tem of the nu-class is uiade by 
ad ding to the root the syllable *? nu, which then in the 
strong forms receives the accent, and is strengthened to *U n6. 

B. The few roots of the u-class (about half-a-dozen) 
end in *? n, with the exception of the later irregulär efi kj 
(or kar) — for which, see below, 714. The two classes, 
then, are closcly correspondent in form; and thcy are wholly 
accordant in innection. 

a. Tbe u of either class-sign is allowed to be dropped before 
v and m of the Ist du. and Ist pl. endings, oxcept when the root 
(nu-class) ends in a consonant; and the u before a vowel-ending 
becoines v or uv, according as it is preceded by one or by two 
consonanta (120 a). 

1. Preaent Indioative. 

698. Examples of inflection: A. nu-class; root 
H au press out\ strong form of stein, CTft aun6; weak form, 





i g=ttfa ^r^ gjra^ 

8un6mi sunuvaa sunumas 
8un6ai aunuthaa eunutha 



d. p. 

sunuvahe sunumahe 

aunuse eunvatbe sunudhve 

255 Nu- AMD U- (FIFTII AND EIOHTH, BU- AMD tan-CLA88E8). [ — 700 

3 ynlfH täo m *v FFTiTT tHft ^i\r\ y-clrl 

sun6ti sunutaa suvanti sunute aunväte sunvate 

a. The forma sunvaa, sunmaa, sunvahe, sumnahe are alter- 
native with those given hcre for Ist du. and pl., and in practiee are 
more common. Frora ^tp, however (for example), only the formt 
with u can occur: thus, äpnuvaa« apnumahe; and also only ftpna- 
vanti, ftpnuve, äpnuvate. 

B. u-class; root FR tan Stretch: strong form of stem, 
rRl tano; weak. fR tana. 


i rRtfa n^H^ rt~HH^ rpl rF«J% cF*l% 

tanömi tanvas tanmas tanve tanvahe tanmahe 
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

b. The inflection is so precisely like that given aboyo that it 
is not worth writing out in füll. The abbreviated forma in Ist dn. 
und pl. are presented here, instead of the füll er, which rarely occur 
(aa no double consonant ever precedes). 

600. a. In the older language, no strong 2d persona dn. or pl. y 
and no thana-ending, chance to occur (bnt they are nnmerons in the 
ImpT. and impf.: see bclow). The RV. has several cases of the irregulär 
accent in 3d pl. mid. : thus, krnvatä, tanvate, manvate, vrnvatä, 

b. In HV. occur also sevcral 3<1 pl. mid. in Ire from prcscnt-stems 
of this class: thus, invire, rnvire* pinvire, c,rnvire, eunvire, hlnvire. 
Of theae, pinvire, and hinvire might be perfecta without reduplicatlon 
from the seeondary roots pinv and hinv (below, 716). The 2d sing. mid. 
(with passive value) C/rnvisö (RV.) is of anomalons and qnestionable 

2. Present Subjunotive. 

700. The subjunctive mode-stem is made in the usual manner, 
by ndding a to tho gunatcd and accentcd clnss-sign: thus, eunava, 
tanava. In the following scheine are given all the forma of which 
rxamples have been met with in actual use in the older language 
from either division of the claas; some of them are quite numerously 
represented there. 

artWe. middle. 

s. d. p. s. d. p. 

1 sunavani eunaväva eunavama eunavai eunav&vahai ennavamah&i 

2 sunavae eunavatha eunavase eunavaithe 

i eunavat aunavan l 8un , vli eunavanta 


701— ] IX. PRESENT-SY8TEM. 256 

701. 0f the briefer Ist sing. Act., RV. bas krnav& and hinavft. 
Forms with double niode-sign oeeur (not in KY.): tbus, krnavat and 
karavät (AV); asnavfttha (K.), krnavätha (VS.; but -vatha in 
Känva-tcit), karavätha (?B.). On tbe other band, aonavat&i is fonnd 
once (in TS.). Forms like äpnuväni, ardhnüvat, a9nuvat, met wltb 
now and tben in tbe older texts, are doubtless to be regarded as false 
readings. RV. bas in a Single passage krnv&ite (instead of krniv&ite); 
the only form in aithe is a9naväithe. 

3. Present Optative. 

702. The combined endings (566) are added, as usual, 
to the weak tense-stem: thus, 

active. middle. 

s. d. p. s. d. p. 

1 ü^H, iö uw UIM 1 * 1 ?f^ jf#i% tj*4ln(^ 

aunuyam aunuyava sunuyäma eunvlya aunvivahi sunvlmahi 
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

a. From y/äp, the middlo optative would be äpnuvfya — and so 
in otber likc caaea. 

4. Prosent Imperative. 

703. The inflection of the imperative is in general like 
that in the preceding classes. As regards the 2d sing, act., 
the rule of the latei languagc is that the ending f^C hl is 
tak^n whenever the root itself ends in a consonant; other- 
wise, the tense- (or mode-) stem Stands by itself as 2d per- 
son (for the eailier usage, see below, 704). An ezample of 
inflection is: 

active. middle. 

8. d. p. s. d. p, 

IWiSh ^HcJiW H*HIH Wfö tHeJM^ JJ*WIH^ 

aunaväni aunaväva sunavama eunavai Bun&vavah&i sunavamahai 

93 WX W 9!F T*™"\ W^ 

sunu eunutam eunuta aunuava aunvatham sunudhvam 

Bun6tu sunutam aunvantu aunutam aunvätam Bunvatam 

257 Nil- AND U- (FIFT1I AND RIUIITII, 811- AND tan-jCLAS8ES. [—706 

a. From yhp, tln; 2<l riiir. act. wonM l»o Apnuhf; froin |/a$, 
a^nuhi; from fdhrs, dhrfuuhf; and so on. From f/*P» too, would 
be made ftpnuvantu, äpnuv&th&m, Äpnuvatam, apnuvat&m. 

704. In the earllett languagc, the rule as to the Omission of hi 
after a root with flnal vowel doea not hold good: in RV., su«*h forms as 
inuhi, krnuhf, cinuhf, dhünuhi, cjnuhi, sprnuhi, hinuhi, and 
tanuhi, sanuhi, are nearly thrice as frequent in use as inü, 9rnu, 
sunü, tanu, and thelr like; in AV., however, they are only one sixth 
as frequent; and in the Brahmanas they appear only sporadicaliy: even 
ejnudhi (with dhi) oeeurs §e*eral tiines in RV. RV. has the Ist sing, 
art. hinava. The ending tSt is found in krnutät and hinut&t, and 
kurutAt. The strong stem-form is found in 2d du. act. in hinotam and 
krnotam; and In 2d pl. act. in krpöta and krnotana, grn6ta and 
9rnotana, eun6ta and sunötana, hinöta and hinotana, and tanota, 
karöta. The ending tana oecurs only In the forms just quoted. 

5. Present Partie iple. 

705. The endings 5ftT »nt and SJF? ftna are added to the 
weak form of tense stem: thus, from /R su come act. VF^R\ 
sunvant (fem. IMrfl sunvati), mid. h^H sunv&na; from K?R 
tan, HHH taavant (fem. rF^cft tanvati), cMm tanvftna. From 
yWl Äp, they are STnjertM*pnuvant and MIIHM ftpnuväna. 

6. Imperfect. 

706. The combi nation of augmented stem and endings 
is aecording to the rules already stated: thus, 

active. middle. 

s. d. p. s. d. p. 

*KJ"W*i, wjf mmhm ynl^i 5ra*R% mhhm(^ 

aeunavam asunuva asunuma aaunvi aaunuvahi aaunumahi 

asunos aaunutam asunuta asunuthaa asunv&th&m äaunudhvam 

asunot osunut&m fannvan asunuta asunv&t&m asunvata 

a. Herc, ab elsewhere, the briefer forms asunva, asunma, aaun- 
vahi, aaunmahi are allowed, and more usual, except from roots 
with ßnal consonant, as dhrs: which makes, for exarople, alwaye 
adhrsnuma etc., and also adhranuvan, adhrspuvi, adhrsguvath&m, 
adhrsuuvätam, adhrsuuvata. 

Whitney, Cframmar. 9. fd. 17 


707— J IX PRESENT-8VSTEM. 258 

707. Strong stem-forms and tana-ending are fouud only in KV., in 
akrnota, akfnotana. Anginen tles» forms with accent aro minv&n, 

708. About fifty roota inake, eitler exclutively or in part, their 
preaent-forma after the manner of tbe nu-claaa: half of them do a«> 
ouly in tho older language; tbree or four, only in the later. 

a. At to transfers to the a-conjugation, see below, 716. 

709. The roota of the other diviaion, or of the u-claas, nre 
extremely few, not exceeding eight, evon including tr on account 
of tarutA RV., and han on account of the occtirrence of hanomi 
once in a Sütra (PGS. i. 3. 27). BR. refer the atem inu to in of the 
u-clasa inatead of i of the nu-claaa. 

Irregularities of the nu and u-olasses. 

710. The root trp bs pleased is said by the grammarlans to retain 
the n of iu class-sign unlingualixed in the later language — where, howeTcr, 
forma of conjugation of this claas are vury rare; whlle in the Veda tho 
regalar change is made: thas, trpnu. 

711. Tbe root cru hear ia contracted to gy before the class-sign, 
forming 9^6 and 9fnu aa atem. Ita forma crnviee and crnvire 
have been noted above (609 b). 

712. The root dhü shakc in the later language (and raroly in 
B. and S.) ahortena ita vowel, making the stem-forma dhun6 and 
dhux&u (earlier dhünö, dhünu). 

713. The so-called root ürnu, treated by the natlve grammariant aa 
diaayllabic and belonging to tbe root-class (I), is properly a present-stem 
of thit class, with anomalous contraction, from the root VT (or var). In 
tbe Veda, it has no form« which are not regularly made according to the 
nu-class; but in the Brähmana languago are found sometimes such formt 
as ürnäuti, as if from an u-root of the root class (686); and tbe gram- 
marians make for it a perfect, Aorist, future, etc. Its 2d aing. imp* act 
is ürnu or ürnuhl; its Impf., fturnos, äurnot; iu opt. mid., ürnuvita 
(K.) or ürnvita (TS). 

714. The eztremely common root m kr (or kar) maJke 

is in the later language inflected in the present-system ex- 
cluaively according to the u-clasa (being the only root of 
that class not ending in ^ n). It has the irregularity that 
in the strong form of stem it (as well as the class-aign) has 
the guna-strengthening, and that in the weak form it is 

259 NU- AND U- (FIFTII AND E10IITH, SU- AMD tan-) CLASSB8. [—714 

cliange<l to kur, no ihai the iwo forms of «lern are ^Tff kar6 
and zfiji kuru. The class-sign 3 u is always dropped be- 
fore ? v and *T m of ihe Ist du. and pl., and also before 
ij y of the opt. act. Thus: 

1. Prosen t Indicativo. 



































2. Fresent Optative. 


kuryam kuryava kuryama kurviya kurvlvahi kurvlmahi 







3. Present Imperative. 

*Hli«l «h^M «»i^IM ^^ ^(c||c|^ 

karavftni karaväva karavama karavai 

karavavah&i karavamahai 


kurutam kuruta 




kurusva kurvatham kurudhvam 
-IHM IM «fieJrJW 

kurutam kurv £ tarn kurvatAm 
4. Present Participle. 
^icfr! kurvant (fem. «torfl kurvati) ^dml kurv&na 

dkaravam akurva 

5. Imperfeot. 



sFjrpr y^^iH^ y^4raiM *h^um 




akurutam akuruta akuruthas akurvfttham akurudhvam 

akurutam akurvan 

akuruta akurvatam akurvata 


716— J IX. Present-system. 260 

715. lu KV., this ruut u reguUrly iuücclod in thc prcaeiu-ayatciu 
accordiug to the nu-class, uiaking thc steni-fornis kfno and krnu; the 
only exceptions are kurmaa once and kuru iwice (all In thc tenth bock); 
in AY., the nu-forms are still more thau six times Is frequent as thc 
u-forma (nearly half of which, nioreoter, are in prose passagea); bat in 
the Brähinana lauguage aud later, the u-forins are used to the excluiion 
«•f the others. 

a. As Ist sing. pre*. act. is found kurmi in the epos. 

b. What irregulär foruis from kf as a verb of the nu-class occur in 
thc older Uuguago bave beeu alrcady uoticed above. 

c. The isolated form tarnte, from ytf, shows an apparent analogy 
with these u-forma from kr\ 

716. A few verbs belonging originally to these classes have beeu 
shifted, in part or altogether, to the a-class, their proper claas-sign 
haviog beeu stereotypcd as a part of the root. 

a. Thua, in KV. we find forma both from the stein inu (yi or in), 
and also from inva, representing a derivative quasi -root inv (aud thesc 
latter alone occur in AY.). So likewiae forma from a stem fnva beeide 
those from rnu (l'r); and from hinva beside those from hinu (yhi). 
The so-callcd roots jinv and pinv are doubtleas of the same origin, althongh 
uo funus from the stem pinu are met with at aiiy period — unless pinvire 
(above, 690 b) be so regarded , aud AY. has the participle pinvant, f. 
pinvatf. Tlio grammarians set up a root dhinv, but only forma from 
dhi (stem dhinu) appear to occur iu the prebent-system (th<* aorist 
adhinvlt is found in PH.). 

b. Occaaional a-forina are met with also from other roott: thus. 
cinvata etc., dunvasva. 

V. Nft-class (ninth or kri-class). 

717. The class-sign of this class is in the strong forms 

the syllable ^TF nä, accented, which is added to the root; 
in the weak forms, or where the accent falls upon the end- 
ing, it is ^Tf ni; but before the initial vowel of an ending 
the § I of ^ nl disappears altogether. 

1. Present Indicative. 

718. Kxample of inflection: root srft krl buy: strong 

form of stein, efifafT krinä; weak form, cftUlil krlnl (before 
a vowel, sRfal krln). 

201 NI-CLA88 (KINTII, krI-CLA88). [—722 

urtivr. tnliMle. 

«. •!. p. «. «I. p. 

i sh t ui i fH dOu i Wt^ *luiHw^ srftäl chluil«^ ehluHM^ 

krlnimi krinivas krinimaa krine krlnlvahe krlnlmahe 
krlnäai krinithas krinitha krlnise krlnäthe krlnldhve 

kriniti krinltaa krlnanti krinlt* krlnite krlnate 

710. In the Veda, the 3d sing. mid. has ibe tarne form wiih the Ist 
in grne; the pecnliar accent of 3d pl. mid. Is seen in punate and rinate; 
And vrnlmahe (beside vrnlmahe) occors once in RV. 

2. Present Subjunctive. 

720. The subjunctive forma which have been found exempllfied 
in Veda and Brähmana are given below. The subjnnctive mode-atero 
is, of course, iodistinguisbable in form from the strong tense-stera. 
And the 2d and 3d sing. act. (with secondary endings) are indiatin- 
guiahable from angmentless imperfecta. 




d. p. 

s. d. p. 

i krinani 



krinftf krinavahii krlnamahfti 

i krinaa 





:i krinat 


kr in an 

krinätäi krin&ntät 

3. Present Optative. 

721. Ulis mode is formed and inflected with entire 
regularity; owing to the fusion of tense-sign and mode-sign 
in the middle, so nie of its persons are indistinguishable from 
augmentless imperfecta. Its first persons are as follows: 

active. middle. 

s. d. p. s. d. p. 

i sjflUllUIH^ ohlunuM chluflum sfiluflu ^ftafei% ttfuOMi$ 

kriniyam kriniyiva krinlyäma krlnlya krlnlv&hi krinlm&hi 

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

4. Present Imperative. 

722. The ending in 2d sing, act., as being always pre- 
ceded by a vowel, is P£hi (never ftl dhi); and there aie no 
examplcs of an Omission of it. Hut this person is forbidden 

722—] IX. Present-system. 262 

to be formcd in thc classical languagc fiom zoois ending in 
a conaonant; for both class-sign and ending is substituted 
the peculiaz ending CfFT 5na. 

active. middle. 

t. d. p. s. d. p. 

i ttiluilft chlillM tfiluim Spffil *1UIW^ chlüllH^ 

krinani krlnäVa krinama krinai krinaVah&i krinlmah&i 

i <*0uREfc «tftaita^ cfiluilH shlufta shiuirai^ «htofliw 

krinlhf krinitam krlnitA kriniava krinltham krinidhvaxn 

3 thluilcj ^luflrlli^cnluitj *lufldl^ «tilulMI*^ «♦JluidlH^ 
krinatu krinitam krinantu krinitam krinäUUn krfpitUm 

a. Examplea of the ending Ana in 2d sing. act. are a^ana, 
grhfinA, badh&nA, stabh&nA. 

723. Tlie ending Ana is known also to the earliest language; of the 
cxamples just glven, all are found in AV., and the flrst two in UV.; oihen 
are ia&na, muaAna, akabhana. Dut AV. has also grbhnihi (also AB.), 
and even grhn&hi, with strong stem; BhP. has badhnihi. Stroug stemt 
are further found in grnähi and strnAhi (TS.), prnähi (TB.), and 
c,rinähi (Äpast), and, with anomalous accent, punfthl and ornähf (SV.); 
and, in 2d pl. act, in punata (RV.). The ending tat of 2d sing. act. 
occurs in grhnlt&t, j&nitat, punität. The ending tana is found in 
punitana, prnitana, c,rinitana. 

5. Present Partioiple. 
724. The participles are regularly formed: thus, for 
example, act. chldlti krlnänt (fem. trOuicO krlnati); mid. 
shluiH krlnänä. 

6. Imperfeot. 
726. There is nothing special to be noted as to the 
inflection of this tense: an example is — 

active. middle. 

s. (1. p. s. d. D. 

akrin&m akrinlva akrinima akrlni akrinivahi akrinlmahi 

akrinaa akrinitam akrinita akrinithaa akrinathAm akrinidhvam 
akrinAt akrinitam akrinan akrinita akrinAtam akrinata 

263 Nt-CLA88 (NINTH, krl-CLASfl). [—732 

786. It ha* bonn poititnl out ahove that augmentlc** pcraon* of thls 
Iniise «r« Im part liHlistingiilahable in form Crom anbJonctWe and opUtlvo 
persona. Such at certatnly belong here tre (in V.) ksir^am; acnan, 
rip&n ; grbhnata, vrnata. The AV. ha« once minlt instead of minatt. 
MBh. has a<jnl8 after ml. 

a. AB. has the falte form aj&nlmaa, and In AA. occurs avp^Ita as 
3d plnral. 

727. The roots which form their present-systems, wholly or in 
part, after the manner of tbis class, are o?er fifty in number: bat, for 
ftbout tbree fifths of them, the forme are qootable only from the older 
language, and for half-a-dozen they make their first appearance lmter; 
for less than twenty are they in use throngh the whole lifo of the 
langnage, from the Veda down. 

a. A« to teeondary a-stems, see 731« 

Irregularities of the nft-cla88. 

728. a. The roots ending in ü shorten that vowel before the 
claas-sign: thus, from )/pü, puniti and punlte; in like manner also 
jü, dhü, lü. 

b. The root vli (BS.) forma either vllnä or vlinft. 

729. The root grabh or grah (the former Vedic) ii weakencd 
to grbh or grh. 

a. As the perfeet also in weak forma has grbh or gfh, it la not 
ea*y to see *hy the grammarians shonld not ha*c written y lnstead of ra 
in the root. 

730. a. A few of the roots have a more or less persistent nasal 
in forma outside the present-system ; such are withont nasal before 
the claes-sitfn: thus, grath or granth, badh or bandh, matli or 
manth, skabh or skambh, stabh or etambh. 

b. Tho root jfiä also loses its nasal before the class-sign: thus, 
j&niti, j&nite. 

731. Not rarely, forme showing a transfer to the a-conjttgation 
are inet with: thus, even in RV., minati, minat, aminanta, from 
|mi| in AV., errja from Yw, later, grhjpa, Jana, prtya, mathna, 
etc. And from roots pr and mr are formed the stems prn.4 and 
mrri&j which are inflected after the manner of the a -class, as if from 
roots prti and mp^. 

732. In the Veda, an apparcntly denominative iufloction of a 
8tem in Aya is not infrequent beside the conjugation of roots of this 
class: thus, grbh&ya, mathayati, ac,rathäyas, ekabhayata, astabh- 
Ayat, prusftyante, musAyat, and so on. See below, 1066 b. 

733— J |IX. Pkesent-system. 264 

Second or a-Conjugation. 

733. We come now to the classes which compose the 

Second or a-Conjugation. These are more markedly 

similar in their mode of inflection than the preceding classes ; 

their common characteristics, already stated, may be here 

iepeated in summary : They are : 1 . A final a in the present- 

stem; 2. a constant accent, not changing between stein and 

ending; 3. a briefer form of the Optative mode-sign in the 

active, namely I instead of yä (combining in both voices 

alike with a to e); 4. the absence of any ending (except 

when tat is used) in 2d sing. impv. act.; 5. the conversion 

of initial ä of the 2d and 3d du. mid. endings with final a 

of the stem to e; G. the usc of the füll endings ante, anta, 

antäm in 3d pl. mid. forma; 7. the invariable use of an 

(not us) in 3d pl. impf, act.; S. and the use of mäna instead 

of äna as ending of the mid. pple. Moreover, 9. the stem- 

final a becomes & before m and v of Ist personal endings — 

but not before am of Ist sing, impf.: here, as before the 

3d pl. endings, the stem-final is lost, and the short a of the 

ending remains (or the contraryh thus, bbavanti (bhava -|- 

anti), bhavante (bhava -|- ante) , abhavam (abhava + am). 

a. AU these characteristics belong not to the inflection of the 
a-present-system alone, but also to that of the a-, reduplioated, aud 
aa-aorists, the s-future, and the desiderative, causative, and demou- 
inative present-stema. That ia to aay, wherever in conjugation an 
a-stem is found, it ia infiected in tho aarae manner. 

VI. A-class (first, bha-class). 

734. The present-stem of this class is made by adding 
9 a to the root, which has the accent, and, when that is 
possible (235, 240), is strengthened to gu$a. Thus, >R 
bhava from \ij bhü; 5T7T jäya from kÜT ji; «TFI bodha from 
y&m budh; flq sarpa from VW\ srp; — but 3? vdda from 
yQ($ vad; sfftl kricja from i'sfftl krlcjL 

265 A-CLA88 (FIRST, bhü-CLA88). [—737 

1. Prosont Indicative. 

736. The endings and the rules for their combination 
with the stein have been already fully given, for this and 
the other parte of the present-system; and it only remains 
to i 11 us träte them by examples. 

a. Rxample of inflection: root H bhü be\ stem >TO 
bhava (bho + a: 181). 

actite. middle. . 

8. d. p. T t. d. p. 

i >^Tfq Hsnsm **m\ to w*&^ nsiri^ 

bhavami bhavavaa bhavamae bhave bhav&vahe bhavamahe 

2 HörfTT. >WK\ TOST TOfl $$t TO& 
bhavaai bhavathaa bhavatha bhavaae bhavethe bhavadhve 

bhavati bhavataa bhavanti bhavate bhavate bhavanta 

b. The V. has bat * ilngle eiample of the thana-endlng, namely 
vadathana (and no other In any clau of thle conjugatlon) . The lit pl. 
mid. man&mahe (RV., once) is probably an error. RV. hu oöbhe once 

as 3d Singular. 

2. Present Subjunotive. 

736. The mode-stem is bhavft (bhava ~f-a). Sabjunctive forma 
of this conjugatlon are very numerous in the older langnage; the 
following echeme instances all that have been found to occur. 

active. middle. 

8. d. p. *. d. p. 

t bhav&ni bhavftva bhav&ma bhav&i bhavftvahäi bhavamahäi 

1 llltZ 1 bhivMhM bhAvath * ibWvtaL bWvMhv« 

Ibhivttl ,. . ... . ,. , Ibh&vSt« .. . ... IbhAvtnU 

' IbhAv« bhivÄU " bh * Vfa WvttU bh * THt * ibh*vtotli 

737« The 2d da. mid. (bhav&ithe) doee not ehance to occur in thii 
claas; and yat&ite is the only exaniple of the 3d perton. No such pl. 
mid. form» as bhavadhve, bhavanta are made from any class with stem- 
flnal a; such as bhavanta (which are yery common) are t of course, prop- 
crly angmcntles? imperfecta. The Brähraanas (especially £B.) prefer the 
TA sing. act. in aai and the 9d In ät. AB. hat the 3d sing. mid. haraULi; 
and a 3d pl. in antäi (vartantal KB.) hat been noted once. RV. has 
examples, aroä and madä, of the briefer Ist sing, act 

738 — ] IX. Present-system. 266 

3. Prosen t Optative. 

738. The scheine of Optative en dinge as combined with 
the final of an a-stem was given in füll above (666). 

actlve. middle. 

s. d. p. s. d. p. 

i mn\ >w* w? h^ij >mf^ wt% 

bhaveyain bhaveva bhdvema bhaveya bhavevahi bhavemahi 
bhaves bhavetam bhaveta bhavethäa bhaveyäthäm bhavedhvam 

bhdvet bhavet&m bhaveyua bhaveta bhaveyatam bhaveran 

a. Tho RV. hat once tbc 3d pl. mid. bharerata (for one other 
example, sec 762 b). AY. has udeyam from ^vad. 

b. A fww iustaiicu* uro uiel wiih of middlo !ld pcrt»oiit> front a->tcm* 
in lta and (vury rarely) Iran, instead of eta and er an. For convonlencc, 
tlicy may bc put togcther huro (oxcrpting tho uiore numcrous cautativu 
formt, for which see 1043 c); they aro (so far as notcd) these: nayita S. 
and later, o.ansita 8., crayita 8.; dhayita S., dhyayita U., hvaylta 
Aü. S. and hvayiran S., dhinäylta V. An active form $analyit C. is 
Uolated aud anomalous. 

4. Preaent Imperative. 

739. An example of the imperative iüflectiou is: 

activo. niiddh». 

•. d. p. s. d. p. 

i >reift >rr >rara m >ft?3% >*m% 

bhaväni bhavava bhaväma bhaväi bhavävahäi bhavamahfii 
bhava bhavatam bhavata bhavaava bhavethäm bhAvadhvam 

3 H^g ^m\ h^h *wn\ ^m^ ^fim 

bhavatu bhavatam bhavantu bhavatam bhavet&m bhavantim 

740. Tho onding tana in 2d pl. act. is ad rare in thii whole conjuga- 
tion a* ia thana in the present: the V. affords only bhajatana in the 
a-cla&s (and nahyatana in the ya-rlass : 760 o). The endlng tat of 2d 

sing, a«t., n the other hand, ia not rare; the KV. has avatit, OffttAt, 
dahat&t, bhavatät, yaoehatät, y Acatat, räkaatat, vahatat ; to which 
AV. adds jinvatfit, dhavatät; and tho llrihmanai bring otbor example«. 
MS. has twice avadätu (parallel texti both tinie* avaditi): coniparo 
t-imilar case» in the a-class: 762 0. 

207 A-CLA8S (FIRST, bhü-CLA88). [—744 

5. Present Partioiple. 

741. The endings S|H snt and *?R mftna are added (o 
the pre8ent-8tem, with loes, before the former, of the final 
stem-vowel: thue, act. H^H bhavant (fem. >1cftft bhdvantl); 
mid. >HMM bhdvamftna. 

a. A small number of middle partlclplcs appcar to be made from 
stcros of thta clats (ts of other a-classes: tee 768 6, 1043 f) by the 
sufflx &na instead of mftna : thu*, namftna, paeäna, ciks&i^a, avajana, 
hvayftna (all epie), majjftna and kasftna (Uter); and there are Vedic 
examplet (as cy&v&na, prathänA, yat&na or yat&na, oümbh&na, all 
RV.) of which the character, whether present or aorist, ts doabtfnl: comptre 
840» 852. 

6. Imperfeot. 

742. An example of the imperfeot inflection in: 

active. middle. 

8. d. p. s. d. p. 

SN^iT 3^0(13 5W^FT x 5f>R SMelNf^ ?Wc|IM(^. 

abhavam abhaväva abhav&ma abhavo abhavävahi abhavftmahi 

q>|^q^ ^T^rTn^ Witt CPH^II^ W^ll 1 ^ ^FIB^ 
abhavaa abhavatam abhavata abhavathäs abhavethftm abhavadhvam 

SPRr^ SWNrflM^ SWoR^ Witt ^WHIH^ Witt 

abhavat abhavatam abhavan abhavata Abhavatam abhavanta 

743t No forma in tana are made in this tenae from any a-claaa. 
Kiamples of augmentleaa forma (which are not uncommon) are: cyavam, 
avaa, dahaa, b6dhat f bharat, oaran, na^an; bftdhathfts, vaxdhata, 
(jocanta. Tho subjunctivcly nsed forma of 2d and 3d aing. act are more 
frequent than those of either of tho proper subjunetive persona. 

744. A far larger number of roots form tbeir present-system 
ncconling to tho a-class than aecording to any of the other claases: 
in the K V , they are about two hundred and forty (nearly two fifths 
of the whole body of roots); in the AV., about two hundred (nearly 
the same proportion) ; for the wbole language, the proportion is still 
larger, or nearly one half the whole number of present-stems : naroely, 
over two hnndred in both earller and latcr hinguagc, one handred 
and ROvcnty-fivo in tho older alone, ncnrly a hundred aud fifty in tho 
lntei alone. Among these are not a few transfers from the classes 
of the first conjugation: see those classes above There are no roots 
endtng in long ft — except a few which niake an a-stem in some 
anomalous way : below, 740 a. 

745— J IX. PRESENT-SV8TEM. 268 

Irregulär! ties of the a-class. 

746. A few verba have irregulär vowel-changea in forming the 
prcsent-stem : thua, 

a. üh consider haa guna-etrengthening (againat MO): thui, 6hate. 

b. krp (or krap) lament, on the contrary, remaina nnchanged: thua, 

o. guh hide haa Prolongation iostead of guna: tbui, gÜbati. 

d. kram stride reguUrly leugtbent iU rowcl in tbe actWe, bat uot 
in tbe middle: tbui, kr&mati, kramate; bat tbe vowel-quantltiee are 
somewhat mizcd up, eveu from tbe oldest language down; — klam tir% ia 
•aid to form klamati etc., but is not quotable; — oam witb tbe prepo- 
sition & rin$e the mouth forma äcämati. 

e. In tbe later language are found occasional formt' of tbia claat from 
mrj toipe ; and tbey tbow tbe aame vrddhi (inatead of guna) wblcb belonge 
to tbe root in its more proper inflection (627): thua, m&rjaava. 

f. Tbe graiuuiariaua give a utiniber of root« In urv, wbicb tbey declare 
to lengtben tbe u in tbe preseut-atem. Only tbree are found in (quite 
limited) use, and tbey abow no forma anywhere witb abort u. AU appear 
to be of 8econdary formation from roota in r or ar. Tbe root muroh or 
mürch coagulate has likewise only ü in quotable forma. 

g. Tbe onoinatopoetic root a(hiv spew ia w ritten by tbe grammariana 
as afbiv, and declared to lengtben its Towel in tbe preeent-ayatem : com- 
pare 240 b. 

746. The roots dario. bite, ranj color, aanj hang, svafij embrace, 
of which the nasal is in otber parte of the conjugation not conatant, 
lose it in the present-system : thua, dacati etc.; aanj forma both 
aajati and aajjati (probably for eajyati, or for aaajati from aaaa- 
jati); math or manth haa mathati later. In general, aa the preeent 
of tbia class is a atrengthening formation, a root that haa auch a nasal 
anywhere has it here also. 

747. Tho roota gam go and yam reach make the present-steras 
gaocba and yaccha: thua, gacchämi etc.: aee 608. 

748. Tbe root aad sit forma aida (conjectured to be contracted 
from aiada for aiaada): thua, afdämi etc. 

749. Transfers to tbia claas from other classes are not rare, as 
has been already pointed out above, both throughout the preaent- 
syatem and in occasional forma. The most important oaaea are the 
following : 

a. The roots in ä, athft stand, pft drink, and gbrA ante/1, forui 
the present-stems tiafha (tia(ha\ml etc.), piba (pfbami etc.), and 
jlghra (jigbrftmi etc.): for these and other aimilar oaaea, aee 671-4. 

b. Secondary root- forma like inv, jinv, pinv, from simpler roots 

209 ACCENTED &-CLAS8 (8IXTIF, tud-CLAB8). [ — 762 

of th«! nn-r.luH.M, uro oitlicr fouwl alongiiiflo tlioir original*, or havo 
<:r«»w<l<*il thcso out of iibo: »ee 716. 

750. (>n the other band, the root dham or dhmft blow form» 
its prescut-stem from the morc original form of the root: thuv. 
dh&mati etc. 

VII. Accented d-class (sixth, tud-class). 

751. The present-stem of this class ha« the accent on 
the class-sign 1% d, and the root remains unstreng then ed. In 
its whole inflection, is follows so closely the model of the 
preceding class that to give the paradigm in füll will be 
unneeessary (only for the subjunetive, all the form 8 found 
to oeeur will be instanced). 

762. Kxample of inflection: root foul vi9 enter \ stem 
T^nn vied: 

1. Fresent Indioative. 

active. middle. 

f. d. p. 8. d. p. 

i fä9llfa fasHMH N5HMH fast EniH^' f^lHl% 
vic&mi vicjdvas vi^&mas vic,e vicj&vahe vicjatmahe 
rtr. etc. etc. etc. et**, etc. 

2. Present Subjunetive. 
t vicäni viedva vi^axna vi^ai vi^&vahäi vi^dmah&i 

• pSu "«*- vi ' in {Ä «** vi,änul 

a. A Single example of the briefer Ist ting. act. ts mrksd. The only 
für ms in äithe and äite aie prnaithe and yuvaite. 

3. Present Optative. 

vic,eyam Vi<;eva vielem a viceya vic^vahi vioämahi 
etc. etc. etc. cfc. etc. etc. 

b. The RV. has the ending tana onre In tiretana 2d pl. act, and 
rata in juserata Bd pl. mid. 

762— J IX. Present-system. 270 

4. Prosen t Imperative. 

The first persons having been given above as subjuno- 
tives, the second are added here: 

viqk vi(jdtam vi9&ta vigaava vi^ethäm vicjddhvam 

etc. etc. etc. etc. otc. etc. 

o. The ending tat is found in KV. and AV. In mrgat&t, vrhatat, 
Buvatät ; otber eiamples are not infrequent in tbe Brähmana language : 
thus, khidatat, ohyatät, proohatat, vi^atät, er j at&t; and later, apr^a- 
tfit. The 3d sing. act. nudftta and mufioätu oeeur in Sutras (cf. 740). 

6. Present Participle. 

The active participle is f^WfT vi9&nt; the middle is 
fculHM vi9dmftna. 

d. Tho feininino of tbo active participle is usually niade Crom the 
strong stem-form: thus, viQanti; but sometimes from tho weak : tbus, 
siüoanti and ßincati (KV. and AV.), tudanti and tudati (AV.): neu 
abote, 449 d, e. 

e. Middle participles in Ana instead of mana are dhuvana, dhre&ria, 
li9&na, 9yäna, in the older language; kr^ana, muncäna, spr^&na in 
tbe later (rf. 741 a). 

6. Imperfect. 

i M&Hl^ MNUIN MfeüllH sfijin 4|£miMGfc «ÖHIIHf^ 
avi9am aviQ&va avi9&ma avi9e avi^avahi aviq&mahi 
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

f. Examples of angmentless forms accented are arjas, arjat, tir&nta. 

g. The a-aorist (846 ff.) is in general the äquivalent, as regards lts 
forms, of an imperfect of tbis class. 

763. Sterns of the a-claaa are inade from nearly a buodred aod 
fifty roota: for about a third of these, io botb the earlier and the 
later language; for a half, in the earlier only; for the remainder, 
nearly twenty, only in tho later language. Ainong them are a nambor 
of transfera from tho claases of the non-a-conjugation. 

a. In aome of these transfers, as prn, * n ^ mr V (731), there takes 
place almost a settin$~up of independent roots. 

b. Tbe stems iooha, uooha, and roohi are reckoned as belongiog 
respectively to the roots is desir*, vaa skine, and r go. 

o. Tbe roots written by tbe Hindu grammarians witb final o — 
namely, oho, do, 90, and ao — and formlng the present-stems ohya* 

271 ACCENTBD &-CLA8S (8UTH, tud-0LA68). [—769 

dyä, cys\, nyh, «r« moro prnpnrly (ns havhtg » n »cconüvl h In tho atnm) 
in be rcckoniMl to thls cUü than lo Iho ya-class, where tho natlve cliui- 
flcatlon puts them (tee 761 g). They appear to be analogona with tbe 
Sterns kaya, ava, hva, noted below (766). 

764. Thp roots from whleh a-stems are made bave certaln notleeable 
ptcuUrities of form. Hardly any of them bare lorig ▼owels, and none have 
long lnterlor ▼owels; Tery few bare final *owels; and none (save two or 
three transfers, and ylajj be athamed, which does not occnr In any aeeen- 
tnated text, and is perhaps to be referred ratber to tbe a-class) have a as 
radical Towel, except as tbis forma a combination with r, nhich Is tben 
redoced with lt to j or some of the usual Substitutes of f. 

Irregularities of the a-olaas. 

766. The roots in i and u and ü change those vowels into iy 
and uv before the class-sign: thus, ksiya, yuva, ruva; auva, etc.; 
and ava, hva occur, instead of suva and huva, in tbe older language, 
while TS. has the participle ksyant. K. has dhüva from ydhü. 

766. The three roots in \ form the present-stems kira, gira 
(also gila), tira, and are sometimes written as kir etc.; and gur, Jur, 
tur are really only varieties of gj, jf, tr ; and bhur and aphur are 
evidently related with other ar or r root-forms. 

a. The common root praoh ask makes the Btem pfeoha. 

767. As to tbe stems -driya and -priya, and mriya and dhriya, 
sometimes rcckoncd as belonging to thls class, see below, 773. 

768. Although the present-stem of thls class abowa In general 
a weak form of the root, there are nevcrtheless a number of roots 
belonging to it which are strengtbened by a penultimate nasal. Thus, 
tho stem muftoa is made from ^muo release; sifioa from |/aic tprinkU\ 
vinda from ^vid find; kynta from y^krt cut; piAoa from Vpio 
adnrn; tr/mpa from yt?p ct\joy\ lumpa from yiup hreak; limpa from 
y\ip xmear; and occasional forma of the same kind are met with from 
a few others, as tunda from ytud thrutt ; bf Aha from ybfh $tretigth*n ; 
drftha (beside df&ha) from y&fh tnakefirm; cumbha (beeide cumbha) 
from ycubh shine; TS. has cpithati from yqrath (instead of orathnftti); 
uftcha, vindha, aumbha, are of doubtfal character. 

a. Nasali zed a-stems are also in sereral lnstances made by transfer 
from tho nasal class: thus, unda, umbha, r/flja, piAsa, ynfija, rundha, 

VIII. Ya-class (fourth, div-class). 

769. The present-stem of thia class adds JJ ya to the 
accented but unstrengthened root. Its inflection is also pre- 

759—| IX. PUESENT-ÖYSTEM. 272 

ciseiy like that of the a-class, and may bc preaented in the 
same abbreviated form as that of the a-class. 

760. Example of inflection: xoot ^ nah bind\ 
stem ^f?]' nahya. 

1. Present Indicative. 

tctire. middle. 

3. d. p. s. d. p. 

nahyämi nahyavas nabyämas nahye nahyivahe nahyamahe 
«tc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

2. Present Subjunotive. 

1 nahyäni nahyäma nahyäi nahy&vahai n&hyamahai 

2 {nah 7 ^ 1 nahyäaai nahyadhväi 

3 { x h y ftt nahyatas nahyftn nahyätai nahyantäi 

a. A 3d pl. mid. in antai (jäyantäi) oecurs once in TS. 

3. Present Optative. 

i ^X\ R#? #T RWJ R#rf^ =i#rf% 

nahyuyam nahyeva nahyema nahyeya nahyevahi nahyemahi 
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

b. For two or tbree 3d ting. mid. forms in Ita (for eta), »ee 738 b. 

4. Present Imperative. 

nahya nahyatam nahyata nahyaava nahyetham nahyadhvam 
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

o. Of tbe ending tana t RY. haa one example, nahyatana; the end- 
ing t&t is found in asyatat, khy&yatat, na<?yatat. 

5. Present Partioiple. 

The active participle is H«jüti nahyant (fem. H«JJrfi nah- 
yanti); the middle is H<M*tH nahyamana. 

6. Imperfeet. 


anahyam anahyäva anahyäma aaabye anahyävahi anahyamahi 
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

273 Ya-CLA88 (FOÜRTH, div-CLA88): [—761 

d. Kiamplee of angmentless formt sbnwtiig tbe accent belonging to thc 
preaent-systrin tre g&yat, paqyat, pa?yan, jayathis. 

761. Tbe ya-claaa stems are more than a hundred aod thirty in 
number, and nearly half of them have forma in use in all periods of 
the langlinge, about forty occurring only in the earliei, and about 
thirty only in the modern period. 

a. Of tbe roots making ya-steme, a very contlderable part (over flfty) 
signify a State of feellng, or a oondition of mind or body: thiii, kup he 
angry, klam he weary, keudh he hungry, muh he confused, lubh hr 
lustful, C.UB he dry t etc. etc. 

b. A furtber nurober have a more or lest distinctly passive sensc, 
and are in part evident and in part preaumable trsnsfers from tbe passive 
or ysV-class, with change of accent, and sometimes alto witb aasomption of 
aettve endings. It ii not potalble to draw precltely the limita of tbe divi- 
tion; bot there are in tbe older langusge a mimber of clear cases, in whirh 
the accent wavers and change«, and tbe othen are to be Judged by analogy 
with them. Thus, ymuo forme mücyate once or twire, beeide tbe usual 
mueyat«, in RV. and AV. ; and in the Brihmanas tbe former it the 
regulär accent. Simllar changes are found also in ya-forms from other 
roots: thus, from ksi destroy, ji or jyft injure, tap heat, dfh make firm, 
pao cook, pf ßU, ml damage, rio leave, lup break, h& leave. Active 
forma are early made from tome of these, and they grow more common 
Uter. It is wortby of special mention that, from tbe Veda down, jtyate 
is hörn etc. is fonnd as altered passive or original ya-formatlon by the slde 
of fjan gice hirth. 

c. A considerable body of roots (about forty) difler from the above in 
baving an apparently original transitive or neuter meaning: cxamplee are 
as throw, nah bind, pao, see, päd go, cUs clasp. 

d. A nu raber of roots, of various meaning, and of somewhat doobtful 
character and relations, baving present-stems ending in ya, are by the natlve 
gTamroarians w ritten with final dipbtbongs, II or e or o. Thus: 

e. Roots reckoned as ending in &i and belonging to tbe a- (or bhü-) 
das«, as gfti sing (gayati etc.). As these sbow abnndantly, and for the 
inost part exclusively, ft-forms outstde the present-systero, there seems to 
be no good reasou why tbey shonld not Tather be regarded as ft-roots of 
the ya-clsss. Tbey are keft burn, gk sing, gl& he weary, tri save, dhyft 
think, pyä fill up, mlft relax, rä hark, vft be bloten, o,yä coagulaU, o,rft 
boit, styft siiffen. Some of them are evident extensions of simpler roots 
by thc addition of ä. TMe secondary roots täy stretch (beeide tan), and 
c&y observe (beside ci) appear to be of timilar character. 

f. Roots reckoned as ending in e and belonging to the a- (or bhü-) 
class, as dhe xuek (dhayati etc.). These, too f have ft-forms, and some- 
tim- * i-forms, outside the present System, and are best regarded as a-root«, 
citltcr with ä *cakened to a belore the class-sign of thls class, or witb & 

Whitn«j, Gram mar. 3. *d. lg 

761— J IX. Present-system. 274 

weakened to I or i and Infiocted according to the a-class. They are dha\ 
such, m& exchange, vä weaoe, vyft envelop, hvA coli (secondary, from 
hü). At of klndred form may be raentioned day $hare and vyay cxpsnd 
(probably denominative of vyaya). 

g. A few roots artificially written with final o and reckoned to the 
ya-class, witb radical vowel lost before the class-sign: thus, do cut t bind, 
prei. dyati etc. These, as having an accented a in the bign, have 
plainly no right to be put in this class; and they are better referred to the 
A-class (see above, 753 o). Outsid« the prüsetit-systcm they show ä- and 
i-forms; and in that systcin tlic ya is «»ftcii resolved into ia in the oldest 

762. The ya-class is the only one thui far described which show« 
any tendency toward a restriction to a certaln tariety of meaniug. In this 
tendency, as well as in the form of its sign, it appeart related wlth the 
class of distinctly deflued meauing which is next to be taken up — the 
passive, with ya-sign. Thongh very far from belng as widcly used as the 
latter beside other present-systems, it is in some cases an intransitive 
conjugation by the slde of a transitive of some other class. 

Irregularities of the ya-olass. 

763. The roots of this class euding in am lengtuen their vowel 
in forming the present-stein: they are klam, tarn, dam, bhram, 9 am 
be quiet, oram : for examplc, tamyati, 9 ramyati. From ksam, how- 
ever, only kaamyate oecurs; and c,am Uibor inakes c,amyati (B.j. 

764. The root mad has the same lengthening: thus, mstdyati. 

766. The roots in Iv — namely, dlv, slv, ariv or oriv, and 
■fhiv (from which no forma of this dass are quo table) — are written 
by the grammarians with iv, and a similar lengthening in the present- 
ay stera is prescribed for them. 

a. They appear to be properl y diu etc., since their vocalixed final 
in other forma is always ü; div is by this proved to hare nothing to do 
with the assumed root div s/u'/ie, which changes to dyu (361 d): compare 
840 b. 

766. From the roots jr and tr (also written as jur and tir or tur) 
eome the stems jirya and tirya, and jdrya and türya (the last two only 
in RV.); from pr comes pÜrya. 

767. The root vyadh is abbreviated tovidh: thus, vfdhyati. And 
any root which in other foruis has a putiultlmate nasal loses it heru: thus, 
df hya from drAh or drh , bhra9ya from bhraric, or bhrac. ; rajya from 
rafij or raj. 

275 ACCBNTED y&-CLA8S (PA88IVE). [—771 

IX. Accented ya-class: Passive conjugation. 

768. A certain form of present-stem, inflocted with middle 
ending8, is used only in a passive sense, and is formed 
from all roots for which ihere is occasion to make a passive 
conjugation. lls sign is an accented IT ya added to the 
Toot: thus, ^pJJ hanya from \^{ han slay x WJX äpyd 
from yWR ap obtain, JT^DT grhya from yl\<£ gyh (or grab) 
setze: and so on, without any reference to the class accord- 
ing to which the active and middle forms are made. 

769. The form of the root to which the passive -sign is added 
is (since the accent is on the sign) theweakone: thns, a penulttmate 
nasal is dropped, and any abbreviation which is raade in the weak 
form* of the perfeet (704), in the aorist Optative (922 b), or before 
ta of the passive participle (064), is made also in the passive present- 
system: thus, ajya from VafiJ, badhya from yl>andh, ueya from 
i/vao t ijy& from VyaJ. 

770. On the other hand, a final vowel of a root is in general 
liable to the same changes as in other parts of the verbal System 
where it is followed by y: thus — 

a. Final i and u are lengthened: thus, mlya from |/mi; sOya 
from } su; > 

b. Final Ä is nsually changed to I: thus, diya from yM; hiya 
from jlift: but jftÄya from yjfia, and so khyftya, kh&ya, mnäya, etc.; 

o. Final r >» ^ n general changed to ri: thus, kriya from f/kr/; 
but if preceded by two consonants (and also, it is claimed, in the root 
r). it has instead the guoa-strengthening: thus, smarya from i'smr 
(the only quo table case); — and in those roots which sbow a cbange 
of r to ir and ur (so-called f-verbs: see 342), that change is made 
here also, and the vowel is lengthened: thus, eirya from fer; pürya 
from ypf. 

771. The inflection of the passive-stem is precisely like 
that of the other a-stems; it differs only in accent from that 
of the class last given. It may be here pTesented, therefore, 
in the same abbreviated form: 

a. Kxample of inflection: root ^f ky make\ passive- 

stem fcfi 'J kriya: 


771—] IX. Present-system. 276 

1. Prosont Indioative. 

s. d. p. 

kriye kriyavahe kriyämahe 
etc. etc. etc. 

2. Prosont Subjunotive. 

b. The forma noticed as occurriug in the older languago are alone 
here instanced: 

S. d. p. 

i kriy&i kriyamahäi 

2 kriyadhväi 

c. The 3d pl. unding antäi \s i'ound oncc (uoyantfti K ). 

3. Prosont Optative. 

kriyeya kriyevahi kriyeinahi 

etr. rt<\ et«\ 

d. No forma of the nasaivc optutivc chanrc lo occur in KV. or AV.j 
tbey are found, Lowover, in iltc Urühmanas. Clil : . Las oncc dhmäyita. 

4. Prosont Imperative. 

i UhUM rstiU^iiH WKWFl 

kriyasva kriyetham kriyadhvnm 
etc. rlc. etc. 

6. Proaont Participlo. 

e. This is macle with the sufnx RTR mäna: thus, fWiUH|l(| 

f. In use, tbis participle is well distinguished fron» the other passiv«* 
participle by its diatinctively picsent muaning: thus, krta c/o/ie, but kriya- 
m&na in process of doing } or heiny ihm: 

6. Imperfect. 
äkriye äkriyuvahi akriyämahi 

rti*. < U\ ot«"- 

g. Tbf pasbive-*ign i> ne\er r«->olved int»» iu in the V. da. 

772. Tbc routs tan und khan uaually form tluir passiven t'roiu 
parallel roots in ä: thtts. täyätc, khäyätc (but alao tanyato, khan- 

277 So-callbd Thnth OR OW-CLA88. [—776 

ynlc) ; nnri «Ihnm, in liko inannnr, tnakofl oillior dlmmyato or dhmllyato. 
I ho corrcftpoiidiiig form lo K)an, natiioly jayate (above, 761 b), is 
apparently a transfcr to ttic preccding class. 

773. By their form, mriyate di*s, and dhriyate maintain* ittelf, 
is st fad fast, are passives from thc roots mj die and dhf hold; although 
neither is used in a proper passive sense, and mr is not transitive 
except in thc derivative form mp? (above, 731). Witb theo are to 
bo compared tho stems ä-driya heed and ft-piiya be busy, whieb are 
porhaps peculiar adaptations of incaning of passives from tbe roots 
dr pierce and pr fiU. 

774. Kxnmplc* of the transfer of rtemi from tbe ya- or passive 
claas to the ya- or intransitive class wero given above (761 b); and it waa 
also pMnted out that actlve instead of mlddlc eodlngs are occaslonally, erren 
in the earlier langnage, astumed by forma properly passive; eiamples are 
i dhmäyati and vy aprusyat (9^.), bhüyati (MüU.). In the eptet, 
howeTer (as a part of their general confuHon of actlve und mlddlc formt: 
529 a), active cndlngs are by no means Infrcquently taken by the passiv«: 
thti«, c,akyati, qrüyan^, bhriyantu, ijyant-, etc. 

The so-called Tenth or cur-Class. 

775. As was noticed above (607), the Hindu grainmarians — and, 
nfter tbeir example, roost European also — recognizo yet another 
conjugation-class, coürdinate witb thosc already described; its stems 
show thc class-sign aya, added to a gcnerally strengthened root (for 
details as to the strengthening, see 1042). Though thts is no proper 
da**, btit a secondary or derivative conjtigation (its stems are partly 
of causntive formation, partly denominative with altered accent) an 
abbrcvi&tcd example of its forras may, for the sake of aecordance 
tvifh other graromaTs, be added here. 

a. Exninpte: root eint think, meditate; stem cintaya: 

active. middlc. 

Pres. Indic. cintayftmi cintaye 

Subj. cintayäni eintayai 

Opt. eintayeyam eintayeya 

Pple. cintayant cintayamäna 

Impf. aeintayam icintaye 

b. Tho Inflcction. of coursc, Is the tarne with of other forma from 
a-«tem* (733 a). 

c. The middle partlciple, in the later Iangoag* , it more often made 
with äna instead of m&na: thu«, ointayftna see 1043 f. 

776— J IX. Phrüent-system. 278 

Uses of the Present and Imperfect. 

776. Thü uses of the uiode-fonua of tliu prcsent-systeni havo 
been already briefly treatcri in the prcceding cbapter (572 ff.). The 
tensc-uses ot' the two inriicative tenses, present and imperfect, call 
here for only a word or two of explauation. 

777. The present hus, besides tta strictly present use, the same 
subsidiary uses which bcloug in general to the tense: namely, the 
exprcssion of habitual action, of future action, and of past actiou in 
lively narration. 

a. Examples of luture meanini! are: imam ced vä ime cinvate 
tata eva no 'bhibhavanti ((,-B.) nrily if thvsv build this m/>, then they 
will straiyhtway get the better of tts; agnir ätmabhavaih prftdftd yatra 
vänehati näisadhah (MBh.) Agni ijave hin oun presence wherever the 
Nishadhan shou/d desire ; svägatam te 'stu kixh karomi tava (K.) wel- 
come to thee; xvhat skull I do for theef 

b. Examples of pa-t meaiiiug arc : üttarä sur adharah putra iaid 
dänuh 9aye sahävatsä na dhenüh (UV. ) the mother was otvr, the soh 
undvt'i thert Dänu lies, likc a cow with her calf\ prahasanti oa tam 
keeid abhyasüyanti cä 'pare akurvata day&rh kecit (MBh ) some 
ridicule her, some revilc her, some pitied her; tato yasya vaoanat tatra 
'valambitas taxh aarve tiraskurvanti (II.) thereupon they all fall to 
reproaching him bij whose advice they had alighted there. 

778. In connection with certain particles, the present has rather 
uiorc defiuitely the valuo of a past tensc. Thus: 

a. With pura fonner/y: thus, saptarsin u ha sina väi pura 
rksä (ty aoaksate (£B.) the seven sages, namely , are of old called the 
bears\ tanmätram api cen mahyaih na dadäti pur& bhavän (MBh.) 
if you have neuer before gicen nie eoen an atom. 

b. With tbe asseverative particlo snia. thus, cramena ba ßma vtl 
tad deva jayanti yad esäm jayyam aaa rsayac, ca (V 11 ) <" trutit % 
both gods and sages utere wont to win by penance what was to he w*m ; 
avi8(ah kalinä dyüte jiyate sma nalaa tadä (MBh.) then Nala, being 
possvssed by Kuli, was beuten in play. 

c. Nu uxaiuple of thU \,a>t coiiätrtictinn is found in either KV. or.W., 
or elscwhere in the metrical parts of the Vuda. In the Brübmaiias, only 
habitual artion is expressed by it. At all periods of tbe Ungunge, tbe use 
of sma with a verb as pure asseverative particle, with au effect on the 
tensc-incaning, is very common; and tbe examplea latcr are bardly to bu 
di&tinguished from the present of lively narration — of wblcb the uholc 
construetion is doubtless a form. 

779. The imperfect has retnained unehauged in valuc tbrough 
the whole history of tbe languagc: it is the tense of narration; it 
expresses simple past tinic, without any other iuiplication. 

a. Contpare wbat is sald latcr (end of chap. X. and ebap. XI.) as to 
the valuc of the other past tenses, tbe perfeet and aori*>t. 




780. The perfect-system in the later language, as has 

been seen above (636), consists only of an indicative tense 

and a participle — both of thom in the two voices, active 

and middle. 

a. In the oldest language, the perfect has also its modes and 
its augment-preterit, or pln perfect, or is not less füll in its apparatus 
of forma than is the present-system (see 808 ff.). 

781. The formation of the perfect is cssentially alike 
in all verbs, differences among them being of only subord- 
inate consequence, or having the oharacter of irregularities. 
The characteristics of the formation are these: 

1. a Stern made by reduplication of the root; 

2. a distinetion between stronger and weaker forma of 
stem, the former being used (as in presents of the First 
or non-a-conjugation) in the Singular active, the latter in 
all other persona; 

3. endings in some respects peculiar, unlike those of 
the present; 

4. the frequent use, especially in the later language, of 
a union-vowel ^ i between stem and endings. 

782. Reduplication. In roots beginning with a con- 
sonant, the reduplication which forma the perfect-stem is 
of the same character with that which forms the present- 
stem of the reduplicating conjugation-class (see 643) — but 
with this exception, that radical 5! a and 9T ft and J? x (or 
*5Tf ar) have only ^ a, and never ^ i, as vowel of the re- 
duplicating 8yllable: thus, from ^ VXßH com es the present- 

stem faq pipr\ but the perfect-stem W\ papr; from ym mä 

t ■ t 

782 — J X. PeRFEGT-SYSTUM. 280 

mcumwv com es thc prcsent-stem fipTT mim&, but ihe perfect- 
stem RJTT raamä; and so on. 

a. Irregularities of roots with initial consonantt will begircn below. 784. 

783. For roots beginning with a vowel, the rules of 
reduplication are these: 

a. A root with initial 3 a before a single final consonant 
repeats the 3 a, which then fuses with the radical vowel to SRft, 
(throughout the whole inrlection): thus, sn^r ad from y^ ad 
ecit] and in like manner SITsT äj, 9H an, 5fTH äs, WR£ äh. The 
root U x forms likewise throughout 5HTJ" ä* (as if from 5fJ" ar . 

b. A root with 5 i or 3 u before a single final conso- 
nant follows the same analogy, except in the strong forma 
(sing, act.); hcro the vowel of thc radical syllable has guna, 
bccoming ^ o or ^T o; and before this, the reduplicating 
vowel maintains its independent form, and is separated from 
the radical syllable by its own semivowel: thus, from j'OT 
is comes <R Is in weak forms, but JITT iyes in strong; from 
1<3^I uc, in like manner, come 3*1 üc and 35rfa uvoc. The 
root ^ i. a single vowel, also falls under this rule, and forms 
$*J ly (y added before a vowel) and ^J iye. 

c. Roots which begin with vowels long by nature or by 
position do not in general make a perfect-system, but use 
instead a periphrastic formation, in which the perfect tense 
of an auxiliary verb is added to thc aecusative of a verbal 
noun (see below, chap. XV.: 1070 ff.). 

d. Tu this rulf, ho\u-v» r, j/fip obtaiti (probubiy origiiitlly ap: 1087 f) 

«Mh.stitutes an cx< rpliuii. making thc i:on»taiit perfect -stein ap (a> if from 
ap: aliuvi-. 11 1. AU» .»ro mci w Uli U\ö (KV.) »ml ldire frum |'i«J. und 
irire (\ .) lr.»m j'ir. 

e. For tlie »oeulUr reduplU-ation an. bclongiiif to cerUiu rooti «ith 

initial vowel», see below. 788. 

784. A uuiuber of roots beginning with va and ending with a 
Single consonant, which in various of their verbal forma and deriv- 
atives abbreviate the va to u, do it also in the perfect, and are 
treated liko roots with initial u (above, 788 b , except that they reUin 

28 1 Rbduplication. [—788 

the fnll form <>f root in the strong persona of thc singular activc. 
Tims, from yvac npeak comc üo and uvao; frotn yv*B rfwcU coine 
üe and uvas; and so on. 

a. The roots showtag this abbreviation are vac, vap, vad, va$, 
vaa, vah; and vä tteave is Bald to follow the same rule. 

b. A Single root bcginning with ya, namely yaj offer, has the 
same contraction, forming the fitem 3 iyaj and Ij. 

o. Occasionfl cxceptfona aro met wfth : as, vavftca and varaks* 
(KV.); vavApa and vaväha and vavähatue (K. and later); yeje (V.). 

785. A number of roots having ya after a first initial consonant 
takc i (from the y) instead of a in the reduplicating syllable: thus, 
from v vyac comes vivyac ; from ^pyÄ couics pipyeV 

a. These roott are vyac, vyath, vyadh, vyÄ, jyÄ, pyft, syand; 
and, in the Veda, also tyaj, with oyu and dyut, wbicb hat« the root- 
▼owcl u. Othcr sporadic cases occur. 

b. A Single root with va is treated in the same way: namely 
svap, which form» susvap. 

c. These rooti are for the mos! pari abbrevlatcd in the weak forme: 
»er below, 794. 

786. A considcrable numbor of roots have in the Veda a long 
vowel in their rednplication. 

a. Thus, of root* reduplicating with & : kan, klp, gfdb, tfp, tffl, 
dfh, dhf, dhfs, nam, man, mrj, m^c», ran, radh, rabh, vafio, van, 
vaq, vafl clothc, vRc;, vfj, vft, vrdli, VfB, Qftd prerail, sah, flkambh. 
Soni. of thcsc O'-cur only in isolated raaes; many hare also forma with 
short vowel. Most are Vodic only; bnt dädh&ra is common also In the 
Hrähmana language, and is even found loter. As to jlgf, see 1020 a. 

b. Of roots rcdiiplirating with I: the so-called roots (676) dldhl and 
didl, whlch mskc the prrfect from the tarne stem with the present: thua, 
didctha, dfdaya; dldhima. dldhyus (also dldhiyus, dldiyus). Iltit 
pipl ha« pipyc, pipyus, etc., with short i. In AV. ncmra onc* jlhlcja, 
und in AK. (arid AA.) blbhäya. 

c. Of roots reduplicating with ü tu, jü, and c,ü (or <JVÄ). 

787. A few roots bcginnlng with the (derivative: 42) palatal mutes 
and aspir.itlon sliow a reverslon to tho more original guttural in the radleal 
syiUble after the rednplication: thus, yd forma eiki; j cit formt oiklt; 
I ji forma jigi; yhi forma jighi; \ hau formt jaghan (aud the tarne 
r^versions appear in other rcduplicated form* of theae roots; 216, 1). A 
root da protect Is said by the grammarians to form digi ; but neither root 
nor perfert I* quotable. 

788. A small number of roots with initial a or r &r) show the 
anomalous rednplication An in the perfeot. 

a. Thns (the formt oecurring malnly in the older languagc only): 

788— J X. Perfect-system. 282 

yahj or aj, whirh lorin» cito pro*, anakti, has tue perfect anafija 
and ftnaje etc. (with anajä and anajyät); 

yaq attain (from which com es once in KV. anag&mah&i), has the 
weak form» finacma etc. (with opt. anao,yam), axiale etc. (and L£S. 
hat änacadhve), and the strong forms änanc,a and anac,a — along with 
the regulär &C,a etc.; 

> T/dh (from which conies onco f nadhat) has anr/dhüs and änfdhe; 

\XO or arc has &n?oua and &nrce, and later änaroa and anarous; 

^arh hat (in TS.) änrhüs; 

anäha (KV., onco) has been roferrcd to a root ah, elsewherc unknown, 
and explained as of this formation; but with altogether doubtful proprlety. 

b. Tbe later grammar, then, sets up the rule that root« beginnlag 
with a and cnding * ith more than one consonant ha^e an as their regulär 
redaplication ; and such perfecta are taught from roots llke akf, arj, and 
afio or ao; but tbe only other quotable forms appear to be Snarohat 
(MBh.) and änaraat (TA.); which are accordingly reckoned as "plu perfecta". 

789. Gnu or two iudividual cases of irregulär ity are tho following: 

a. Tho cxtreinely common root bhü be has the anomalous rodu- 
plication ba, lormiug tho stein babhü; and, in tho Veda, y*ü forma 
in Hke mannei saaü. 

b. The root bhf bear has in tbe Veda the anomalous reduplication Ja 
(as also in intensive: 1002); but RV. has once also the regulär babhre, and 
pple babhräna. 

C. The root s^hiv spew forms either tis^hiv (£H. et al.) or (i8(hiv 
(not quotable). 

d. Vivakvän (KV., once) is doubtlcst participle of /vac, with 
irregulär reduplication (as in tbe present, 680). 

790. Absence of reduplication is met with in souie cases. Thus: 

a. The root vid know has, from the earliest period to the tatest, 
a perfect without reduplication, but othorwise rcgularly made and 
inflected: thus, veda, vettha, etc., pple vidvana. 1t has the mean- 
ing of a present. The root vid ßnd forms the regulär viveda. 

b. A few otber apparcutly perfect forms lacking a reduplication are 
found in RV. : tbey are taksathus and taksus, yamatus, ekambhathus 
and akambhua, nindima (Cor ninidiinaP), dhise and dhire (P dhä), 
and vidre and arhire (P see 613). And AV. SV. have oetatua. The 
participtal words dao, väns, uricJhvänB, ßähvans are common in the oldest 
language; and RV. has once jänüaas (fjn&), and khidvas (voc), perhaps 
for oikhidvaa. 

o. A few sporadic cases also are quotable from the later language, 
ebpecially from the eplcs: thus, karsatus, oesfa and eestatua, bhra- 
jatua, sarpa, canaus and oanaire, dhvansire, aranaire, jalpire, 
edhire; also tbe pples oansiv&ns and daroiv&na, the latter being not 

283 Strong and Weak Stem-forms. [—793 

791. Kor an anomalona ruo or two of redupltcated prcposltion, aec 
b.low, 1087 f. 

792. Strong and weak stem-forms. In the three 
persons of the singular active, the root-syllable is accented, 
and exhibits usually a stronger form than in the rest of the 
tense-inflection. The difference is effected partly by strength- 
ening the root in the three persons referred to, partly by 
iveakening it in the others, partly by doing both. 

793. As regards the strengthening: 

a. A final vowel takes either the guna or vrddhi change 
in Ist sing, act., guna in 2d, and vrddhi in 3d: thus, from 
vHl bhl, Ist jsft bibhe or f^t bibhfti; 2d fsft bibhe; 3d 
f^t bibhfti; from VW\ kr, Ist *\<h\ oakar or ^FüTTJ" oakftr, 
2d tHT3" oakar, 3d Sffiqf oakftr. 

b. But the ü of j/bhü remains unchanged, and adds v before a 
rowel-ending: thus, babhöva etc. 

o. Medial SJ a before a Single final consonant follows 
the analogy of a final vowel, and is lengthened or vriddhied 
in the 3d sing., and optional ly in the first: thus, from yW\ 
tap, Ist rTcFJ tatap or rTrTFJ tatftp, 2d rTrFJ tatap, 3d fTfTTq 

"N. "^ -V ' %. 


d. in the parlier languago, ho\rcver, Ihc weaker of the two fornis 
allovred by tbese rnlcs in the flrst perton la almost cxclusively in usr- : thnf , 
in oiily bibhaya, tatapa; 3d bibhaya, tatäpa. Rxceptiont are oakara 
and jagrtha (doubtful reading) in AV , cokftra in ATS. and RAT. CV 11 - 
cakara), jigftya in A£S., as flr&t pemoti«. 

e. A medial short vowel has in all three persons alike 
the guna-strengthening (where this is possible: 240): thus, 
from y^ druh com es 3*Ug dudroh; from yfe$\ vig comes 
(cfclvi vivec ; from yefifj k r t comes rrsfiff oakart. 

f. An initial short vowel before a Single final consonant is to be 
treated like a medial, but tho qttotable examplcs are very few: naroely. 
iyesa from fis «eck, uvocitha and uvooa from yuc, uvosa from 
|/ua. As to roots i nnd r, whose vowcls nre both initial and final, 
soc nbove, 783 a, b. 

g. These rules arc said by the grammarfans to tpply to the 2d sing, 
aln-ayc when it ha« «Implc tha as ending; 1f it hat itha (below, 707 d), 

783— J X. Pekflct-system 2S4 

the acrent Is allowcd tu Uli 011 any one of the »yllahles of the wori). aitd 
the root-syllablu if untcc- nted has sometimes tlu- weak form (ti«iuely. In 
contr&oted steine with e for medial a: below, 794 6; und in ccrtaiu oib«T 
verbs, as vivijitha). The earlier Uuguage, ho*evcr, affords 110 example 
of a 2d sing., wbatever its endiug, accented 011 any other thau the radical 
syllable, or failiug tu conform to the rules of streugtheniug as giveii ahore 
(in a, c, e). 

h. Occasional instauces ol »tiriigthcning in other than the Singular 
persona are uiet with: thus, yuyopima and (KV.) 
(Kel .). and, in the epics, cakartua and cakartire, oakaraatua, jugu- 
hire, nanämire, bibhedus, vavähatua, vivec,atua, vavaraua. The 
roots df, pf, and $f, and optioually jg», are taid by the grtru mar laut to 
havi* the sfrong steoi In weak forois; but no example* apptar to be quotable. 
AV.. however, has onre jaharus (probably a false r.ading); and in the 
latir language oeeur caakare (fkf scattcr) and taatare. 

i. Tbc root mfj has (as in the present-system: 627) Vfddhi instead 
of guna in strong form«: thus, mamärja; and yguh (also m in preiuiit: 
745 c) has ü instead of o (but also juguhe 1'.). 

794. Ab regards the weakening iu weak forma: 

a. It Las been seen above (783 b) that roots beginning with i or 
u fuse reduplicating and radical syllable together to I or ü io the 
weak forma; and (784) that roots contracting va aud ya to u or i 
iu the rcduplicatiun do it also in the root in weak forma, the two 
Clements here also conli'scin^ tu ü or i 

b. A few roots having ya and va aftcr a nrst initial conionant, and 
reduplicating fron» the semivowel (785), contract the ya and va tu i and 
u : thus, vivic from j'vyac, vividh from ^vyadb (but vivyadhus 
MBh), Busup from j svap. 'fhc ext« nded roots jy&, py&, vya, C,VÄ, 
hvä show a sirniUr apparcut euntractiou, niakiiig the'r weak form» f i um 
the simpler roots ji, pi, vi, (JÜ, hü, while hv& niu&t and qvÄ luay gel 
thetr strong forins also from tbu Mino (and unly jijyäu b quotable from 
the othurs). 

c. The root grabh or grab (if it be written thus: see 729 a) eou- 
tiactt t» gfh, uiakiug the three forma of stein jagrah (Ist and 21 sing. 
ac'Oi jagräh (Hl), and jagyh; but prach (if it be so written: see 756a) 
reniains uuehanged throughout. 

d. Some roots omit in woak forins of this toiue, or iu souic of thoni, 
a nasal which is found in its .-»troug forms: thus, we bive oakradft etc. 
(KV.) from lkrand; tataare (KV.) from yt&ha; dadacviA» (KV.) tron 
idafKj; bedhus, bedhe, et\ (AV.) fn.m i'handh; 8 ejus (<;1U from 
Veaöj; oaekabhäna (AV.) from j/ekainbh; taatabhüs etc. (V.), 
taatabhäna (V.B.), from >/8tambh Oompare also 788 a. 

e. A uuraber of roots havitig medial a between single conaonanta 
drop that vowcl These are, in the later language, gain, khan, jan, 

285 Strong and Weak Stem-foiuis. [—796 

hon, ffhtin; tlioy form Ihi» weak atoms jagm, eakhn, Jajfi, jaghn 
(cuiijpnro 037\ jaka (couipuro 040): but UV. hat) onco jajanus. 

f. In thc old language are found In like manncr mamnathe arid 
maranate from ^ man ; vavne from >/van; tatne, tatniee, tatnire 
from i tan ^bcsidc tatane, and täte, na if Trum f/ti); paptima and 
paptüfl and paptivän« from ypat (beiide pet-fortns ; below, g) ; papne 
frotn }/pan: sa<jcima and Saccus, and saqcire, from f/sao. 

g. Roots in general having medial a before a Single final con- 
sonant, and beginning also with a Single consonant that is repeated 
unebanged in the reduplication — that is, not an aspirate, a guttural 
mute, or h — contract thoir root and reduplication together into one 
syllablc, hnviug e ts its vowel: thus, )/sad forms the weak stein aed, 
j/pac forms pec, y yam forms yem; and so on. 

h. Certain roots not hating the form bere deflned are declared by the 
grammartans to undergo the same rontraction — roo*t of them optionally; 
and examples of them are in general of very rare oecurrence. They are aa 
follow*: r&j (K.C.) and rädh (radh?), notmithstanding their long towel; 
phan, phal (phelire C), bhaj (oecurs from HV. down), thoogh their ini- 
tial I* chnnged in rednpliration; trap, tras (tresus K.C). qrath, ayam, 
evan, tlsough thoy begin with more than one conitonant; dambh (debhüa, 
UV , from the woaker dabh), though it ends with more than one; arid 
bhram (bhremus etc. KSS.), bhraj, granth, svanj, in spite of more 
reason? than one to the contrary. And £B. has 06 jus from yaafij, and 
KB. ba« CTomus from pqram. On the other band, RV. bas once rarabta- 
ma, and R. b.iH papatus, fnr petus, from j'pat. 

i. This rontrartion 1* allowed also in 2d sing. act. when the ending 
U itha: thos, tenitba beside tatantha (but no eiiroples «r»< quotable 
from the older language). 

j. The roots Qac. and dad (from dft: 072) are «ald to rejeet the 
contra« tlon; but no perfect forma of elther appear to have been met with 
in ose. 

k. Front ytj (or tax) oeenrs terus (lt.)} and jerus frotn yft ta 
authorUrd by the grarnmariatis — botb against the general anategy of roots in f. 

1. Koots ending in ä lose their ä beforo all endings beginning 
with a vowel, including those endings that assume the union-vowol i 
,780) — unless in the latter case it be preferred to regard the i aa a 

wc:ikcm.'ri form of the Ä. 

795. Kndings, and their union with thc stem. 
Tht 1 ;r«*ncr;il scheine of endings of the perfect indicalive has 
Ihtii nliciidy given (563 c); and it has also heen pointed out 
(543 a that roots ending in SfT 8 have 5t ftu in Ist and 3d 

sing, nrtive. 

795—) X. PERFECT-SV8TEII. 286 

u. Tlu ciiding ni a a insituil i>r ma is found In c^uc.rumaB (K.C.). 
For the alhged occurrcuce ol" dhve instead of dhve In 2d pl. nild., »eo 826 C. 

796. Those of the endings which hegin with a con- 
sonant — namely 21 tha, r\ va, v\ ma in active ; T\ so, : ^ 
vaho, Vfcg mähe, ?J dhve, 7 ro in middle — arc very often, 
and in the later language usually, joined to the base with 
the help of au intcrposcd union-vowcl $ i. 

a. Tho union-vowcl i ig found widcly used also in other partb of the 
general verbal system : uamcly, in the sibilant aorist, the futurrs, and the 
verbal nouns and adjeetives (as also in other clasaes of derivative *n»ms). 
In the later language, a certaln degree of correspondence is seen auiong the 
di (Terelit part» of the same verb, as regards their use or non-u*e of the 
connective: bul tliis correspondence is not so dose that general rulea rei- 
pecting it can be given with ad van tage; and it will bc best to treat each 
foruiation by itself. 

b. Tho perfeet is the tcoso in which the uso of i has establinhod 
itself most widely und firwly in the later language. 

797. The most important rules as to the use of l i in 
the later language are as follows: 

a. The j re of 3d pl. mid. has it always. 

b. The other consonant-endings, except 7k tha of 2d 
sing, act, take it in ncarly all verhs. 

c. But it is rejeeted throughout by eight verbs — nauiely Iqp makc, 

bhf bcar, sr/ go t vy vhoose, dru run } Qru hear, stu praise, mvxx flow. 
and it is allowably (not usually} rejeeted by souie others, in general 
accordancc with their usage in other formations. 

d In 2d sing, act., it is rejeeted not only by the eight 
verbs just given, but also by many others, ending in vowels 
or in consonants, which in other formations have no ^ i; 
but it is also taken by many verbs which rejeet it in other 
formations; — and it is optional in many verbs, including 
those in SIT ä (of which the SIT & is lost when the ending 
is ^T itha), and most of those in * i, 3 I, and T u. 

e. The rulos ol tlu: graiuniariaiis, espuctully as regard* the uso of tha 
or itha, run out into infinite detail, and are not wholly consistent with 
one another; and, as the forma are very infrequent, it is not possible to 
criticise tho biatciuonts made. and to toll how thry arc found cd on the 
facl» of usagt*. 

287 Endinqs. [—800 

f. Willi ÜHh i, .1 final i <>r I is iiol romliinofl, but obang- 
ed into y or iy. The of j'bhü bccorocs üv tlirotighctit beforc a 

798. In the oldor langtiage, thc usage is in part qnite other- 
wisc. Thus: 

a. In the RV., the uulon-vowel i is Uken by roots ending In con- 
sonants prorided the last syllable of tbe stem U a heavy one, but not other- 
»isc: thus, Aaitha, uvöcitha, viveditha, bat tatantha and vivyaktha; 
ücima, paptima, aedima, yuyopima, bnt jaganma, jagfbhma, yuyuj- 
mn; üciae, jajfiiee, aaa&hiae, bat vivitae and dadfkae; bubhujmahe 
and ^ä^admahe etc. (no examples of ivahe or imahe riiance to oceur, 
nor any of clther idhve or dhve); Ijire, jajfiire, yetire, tatakaira, 
but cÄkJpre, vividre, daduhre, paaprdhre, tataare (and so on: 
twenty-two form«). The only exccption In RV. Is vettha from yvid, 
withoot i (in Br M also ftttha from ^ah: below, 801 a). The other Vodic 
teits present nothing inconsistent with this rule, *but in the Brihmanas 3d 
pl. forms In Ire are made after llght syllables also: thus, aaarjire, bubudh- 
ire, yuyujire, rurudhire. 

b. In roots ending with a vowel, the early usage Is more nearly llke 
the later. Thus: for roots in ä the rule is the aame (except that no 2d 
sing. In itha is met with), as dadhima, dadhiaa, dadhidhve, dadhir* 
(the only persona with i quotable from RV. and AV. ; and RV. has dadhre 
twico); — roots in j appear also to follow the later rule: as cakfae), 
papree, va\rj*ae, vavfmahe, but dadhriae and jabhriae, and in 8d 
pl. mid. both cakrir6 and dadhrire; — |/bhü has both babhdtha 
(usoally) and babhüvitha, but only babhüvima (A\ ). But there are 
found, against thc lator rulen, auauma, cicyuae, juhiire), and juhüre, 
without i: the iustaiiccs are too few to found a rule up'»n. 

799. The ending rlre of 3d pl. mid. is found in RV. In s)x forms: 
namely, eikitrire, jagr/bhrire, dadrire, bubhujrira, vividrire, aaarj- 
rire; to which SV. ndd« dudiihrire, and TB. dadr/<jrire. 

800. Kxamples of inflcction. Hy way of illustra- 
tion of the rules given above may he given in füll the per- 
fect indicative inflection of the following verbs: 

a. As example of the normal inflection of a root with 
final oonsonant, we take the root WJ budh knote its strong 
form of perfect-stem is 5RFJ bubodh; weak form, SfeJI 

aethe. mlddle. 

9. d. p. «. d. p. 

o oo oo oo oo v oo v 

bubödha bubudhiva -dhixna bubudhö -dhivahe -dhimahe 

800— j 

X. Pekpect-system. 


2 cCTrftTO J =TTOOT ^3*1 


bubödhitha -dhathus -dha 

3 ^fol 

bubudbiae -dhathe -dhidhve 

O OO O "S. ooo -s. OO OO oo " 

bubödha -dhatus -dhus bubudtye -dhäte -dbire 

b. The as»erted variety of po?sible accent in 2d sing. acl. (abore 793 g) 
needs to be uuted botb in thU and in tbe reinaining paradigins. 

c. As example of the normal inflection of a root wilh 
riual i or u-vowcl, wo may take the root ^ft ni lead: its forma 
of stein are [*iiu ninay or Him ninfiy, and FRf ninl. 

ninaya, ninaya »inyiva ninyima ninye ninyivahe ninyimahe 

O -N 

ninetha, ninäyitha ninyatluts ninya ninyise ninyathe ninyidhve 

ninaya ninyatus ninyüa ninye ninyato ninyire 

d. Tlic root kri would m:ikc 129aj in weak forma cikrlyivA, 
cikriyatuB, cikriyus, «iic; aud jbhü i.s iuüected as followB in the 
active (niiddlc fonu*» not quotuble!: 

i babhüva babhüvivä babiiüvima 

i bubhutha, habhüvitha babhüvathU8 babhüva 
i babhüva bubhüvdtus babhüvus 

Otlicr roota in u or u rliaugo llii» to uv 1>cIok; the initial vowcl of 
au ciidin^. 

u. \s (!x;uii|>h: of \\\r lulIrcUoii of a root fiiiliii«^ in HT tl, 
wo may takc <£T da yivv. its form* of stein are ^cT dadä and 
3"^" dad ior ^ dadi: see above, 794, 1). 

dadau dadiva 

dadima dade 


dadatha, daditha dadathua dada 

*m ^ 

o -v 


dadivahe dadimihe 
dadathe dadidhve 






dade dadäte 

f. The UV. ha« om-e papra ior papräü (and jahd ior jahau f). 


289 ElAlfPLEB of Inflection. f— 800 

g. Ah examplo of a root with medial 3 a showing fiteion 
of root and reduplication, resulting in medial ^ e, in the 
weak forni8 (794g), we may take FR tan streich: tts forma 
of etem are rTrR^tatan or HrlH tatin, and ?N ten. 

i FTFR, FTFTH r^R r^fä*T rfä äPw^ Flf=R% 

tataua, tatana teniva tenima tene tenivahe tenimahe 

i rH*S|. FffTO r^H8IH rfa FfäÄ FNÄ ftfä& 

tatantha, tenitha tanathua tena teniee tenithe tenidhve 

tatin a tenatue tenue tone tenäte tanlra 

h. The root Jan, with the others which expel medial a in weak 
forme (704 e), makes jajantha or jajftlthi, jajfiivi, Jajfiua ; jajfte, 
jajnimahe, Jajftire; and so od. 

i. As example of a root with initial ^ va oontraoted 
to 3 u in the reduplication, and contracted fiith the redu- 
plication to T3T ü in weak forme (784), we may take SR vao 
«peak: its forme of stem are 333 urao or 3«|!tJ uvic, and 

333. 33R 3f33 3^33 

uvaca, uv&ca üciva ücima 

333*1. 33f33 3it|8IH 33 

uvaktha, uvacitha Qoathus üca 


















3 33R 3»^^ 33«^ 

nvaca ücatus Clcüs 

j. In liko mariner, KynJ forma iyaja or iyaja, iyaetha or iyajitha; 
ije, tyiee, and so on; >uo has uvoca and uvöcitha in the etrong 
forma, and all the rest like vao. 

k. Of the four roots in ff r? mentioned at 707 o, the 
inflection is as follows: 

i 33iT. 33iTJ 33i3 33i3 wirT *M«J«£ 4-wfy 

cakara, cakara cakr/va cakrma cakre cakfvahe oakrmahe 

i Wirft ^^H. 337 33T3 33T& 31i& 

cakartha cakrathus cekra eakrfe cakräthe oakfdhve 

3 3^ *&Wl ^l ^ ^^ ^t 

cnkara eakratue oakcoe cakre eakrlte cakrire 

Whitney, Oramaar. 9. #4. 19 

800—] X. PBRF10T-8Y8TEM. 290 

1. Of the roota in ft r in generale the firet persona are 
made as follows: 

dadhara, dadhara dadhriva dadhrima dadhre dadhrivahe dadhrimAhe 

m. We may fürt her add here, floally, the actire inflectlon (die mlddU 
ia not iu uae) of the perfect of as be t which (llke babhüva and oakarav, 
giren above) la freqoently employed aa an auilliary. 

i aea aaiva aaima 

2 aeitha aaathua aaa 

3 äsa aeatus Saus 

801. A few miscellaneous irregulaiities call still for 


a. The root ah speuk occurs only in the perfeet indicatlve, and 
only in the 3d persona of all numbers and in the 2d sing;, and da., 
in active (and in 2d sing, the h is irregularly changed to t before 
the ending): thus, ftttha, iha; ahathus, ahatua; ahus (in V., only 
äha and ahus are met with). 

b. From y/vft tceave, the 3d pl. act. üvus oceura in BY. t and na 
other perfect form appeara to hate been met with in uae. It ia allowed 
by the grammariana to be inflected regularly aa vä; and alao aa Tay (the 
preaent-atem ia vaya: 761 f), with contractlon of va to u In weak forma; 
and further, in the weak forma, aa aimple u. 

o. The root vy* envelop haa in BV. the perfect-forma vivyathus and 
vivye, and no othera have been met with in uae ; the grammariana require 
the atrong forma to be made from vyay, and the weak from vi. 

cL The root i go forma in KV. and AV. the 2d alng. act. iyatha 
beaide the regulär iyetha; and beaide Irire from ylr, BY. haa aeveral 
tlmes erire. 

e. RY. haa an anomaloua aocent in d&dree and dadrora (beeide 
dadrkse) and the pple dadr$äna. And oiketa (once, beaide eiketa) ia 
perhapa a kindred anomaly. 

f. Peraona of the perfect from the ir- forma of roota in changeable r 
(242) are titirua and tistire (both KV.); and they bare correaponding 

g. The baatard root ürnu (713) ia aaid by the grammariana to make 
the perfeot-atem urnunu; the roota maJJ and nao are aaid to Inaert a 
naaal in the 2d fing, active, when the ending ia aimple tha: thua, ma< 
manktha, nanans^ha (alao mamajjitha and necitha). 

h. Furihur may b<> notoil aanaJJatuB (Mllh.: ^aaflj, which haa In 
paaaivo Iho aonoiidury form SoJJ), rurundhatue (lt.), trni diuliiliua (HhP). 

i. The auomaloua ajagrubhaisaih (All. vi. 215) eooum a l'oruiatioii on 
the perfect-ateni (but perhapa for sjigrabhisan, deeid.Y). 


291 Participlb. [—806 

Porfoct Partioiplo. 

802. The ending of the active participle is cffn väns 
(thal is to say, in the strong forme: it is coniracted to 3^ 
üs in the weakest, and replaced by cpf vat in the middle 
forma: see above, 458 ff.). It is added to the weak form 
of the perfect stein — as shown, for example, in the dual 
and plural of the active inflection of the given verb; and, 
mechanically, the weakest participle- stem is identical with 
the 3d pl. aotive. Thus, qffi l ^ bubudhvfas, i HHVl l H ^ 
ninlväns, rT^^ta oakfv&ns. 

803. If the weak form of the perfect stem is monosyl- 

labic, the ending takes the union-vowel ^ i (which, however, 

disappears in the weakest cases): thus, hPmIH tenivina, 

3*i^HlH üolvftns, sffgeffq jajfilvina, mf^ejlH »dlväna (from 

K^TJ" ad: 783 a), and so on; e^etfn dadlv&ns and its like, 

from roots in 91 §, are to be reckoned in the one class or 

the othcr according as we view the ^ i as weakened root- 

vowel or as union-vowel (794, 1). 

a. But participles of wbicb the perfeet-stem It monosyllablc by ab- 
sence of the reduplicatlon do not take the union-vowel: tbus, vidvAna, 
»nd in v . dftcvins (SV. d&qivans), ml^hvfos, sähvtns, khid- 
vaAs('); and K. has also dadvafis (AV. dadivärHs and onee dadftvat&a) 
from ydli (or dad : 678); an an-ä<jväÄB (|/aQ eat) occur* in TA. and 
TH Hut AV. has vicjv&ös and varjiväfiB (In negativ« fem. fWarjusi). 

804. Other Vedic irregularities calitng for notice are few. The long 
vowcl of ihr reduplkatlon (786) appears in the participle at in the indlcatlre: 
thns, vftvrdhv&hB, saaahvAns, jQJuv&ns. RV. and AV. bare sasavins 
from ystin or Bä, RV. makei the participial forma of ytf or tar fron 
different moriiflcationft of the root: thus, titirvsfns, but tataruaas. Re- 
spectfng the o<casional eichanget of strong and weak stem in inflection. 
see above, 462 c. 

805. a. Fr »m roots gam and ban the Veda makes the strong stem* 
jdganväns (an to the n, see 9 IS a) and jaghanvins; the later language 
allows either the*e or the more regulär jagmivftns and jaghniv&Al (the 
weakest atem-forms belng everywbero jagmüs and jaghndfl). RV. bat 
.lifo tatanvaÄs. 

806—] X. Perfbgt-system. 292 

b. From tbree rooU, vid Jind, vic,, and dr/9, the Ufer tanguage allowa 
tirong participle-atema to be made with the union-vowel, aa well as in tke 
regulär manner without it: thus, Tivio,ivtns or viviovaiis; dadj^iväÜLa 
occura in KthU. PB. baa onoe oicohidivaAs. 

806. The ending of the middle participle iß Ana. It 
is added to the weak form of perfect-stem, as thia appeara 
in the middle inflection: thus. 3ÖTOH bubudhlni, fäRTR 
ninyana, ^R dad&na, cHH ten&nA, sT^H jajfitaa, 3^FT 

a. In the Veda, the long reduplicating vowel la ahown by many middle 
partlciplea: thua, v&vrdhAna, vAvaaana, dfcdrhfcga, tütojtna* etc. 
RV. haa Q,ac,ay&na from yqi (wlth irregulär guna, aa In the preeent- 
ayatem: 628 J; tiatir&na from j^str; and ouce, wlth mftna, saarmAnA 
from yaf. A few partlciplea with long redupl. vowel bare it irregularly 
accented (aa if rather intensive: 1018): thus, tÜtujäna (alao tütujana), 
bäbadh&na, o£c,adAna, c.Üc.i^j&na, c,ÜouvAna. 

807. In the later laoguage, the perfect partlciplea have nearly gona 
ont of use; even the actlve appears but rarely, and is made from 
very few verbt, and of the middle hardly any examples are quotable, 
•ave such as the proper name yuyudhAna, the adjective anüoAna 
learned in scripture, etc. 

Modes of the Perfeot. 

808. Modes of the perfect belong only to the Vedic language, 
and even are seidorn found outaide of the Big- Veda. 

a. To draw the line aurely and dUtlnctiy between theee aad the 
mode-foruis from other reduplicated tenae-atoina — the preaent-atem of the 
reduplicating claea, the reduplicated aoriat, and the intenalve — la not poa- 
alble, aiuee no crlterion of form exiata which doea not In aome casee lall, aad 
alnce the gcueral equivalence of modal forma from all atema (682), and the 
common uae of the perfect aa a preaent In tbe Veda (828), deprive na of 
a criterlon of meaning. There can be no reaaonable doubt, however, that 
a conaiderable body of forma are to be reckoned here; optatlvea like Ana- 
o,yAm and babbüyAs and babbüyatt, imperatlvea like babbütu, aubjuno- 
tivea like jabbarat, ahow auch distinctite characterlatica of tbe perfect 
formation that by their analogy other aimllar worda are eonSdently olaaaed 
as belonging to the perfect 

808. Tbe nurmal metbod of making such forms would appear 
to be as follows: from a reduplicated perfect-stem, as (for example) 
mumuo, au imperative wonld be made by simply appendiog, as 
usual, the imperative endings; the derived subjuoctive mode-atom 
would be uiumöoa (acceuted after tbe analogy of tbe strong forma 


293 MoDES. [—81t 

of tho porfoct indicntlvo), ard would tako oitlicr prittiary or socondary 
ondings; mnd tho optativo modc-stoms would be mumuoyA In tho 
active, and mumacl (accent on personal endloga) in the middle. 

And the great majori ty of the forms in question (about three 
quarters) are made in these ways. Thus: 

810. Examples of the regulär snbjunotive forniation are: 

a. with secondary endings, active: 2d fing., paprathas, oAk alias, 
mAmahas, pipr&yas, bubodhas, rAran>as; 3d sing., oAkanat, JabbArat, 
rftranat, sAsahat, paspar^at, piprayat; Ist pl. t oAkAnAma, tatAn&ma, 
c,üc,avAma; 3d pl., tatAnan, paprathan (other pertont do not oeeor). 
Thli ig the largest clait of eatet. 

b. with prtmary endings, active: here teem to belong only da\dbAr- 
fati and vavartati: eompare the formation with different accent below, 
811 a. 

c. of middle forma ooenr only the 3d sing. tatApate, gaoAmate, 
yuyöjate, jujosate (SV.; RV. hat jujosate); and the 3d pl. cAkAnanta, 
tatananta (and perhapt two or three othert: below, 811 b, end). 

811. Bot not a few tabjnnctiTci of other 'orm&tion occar; thut: 

a. With atrengthened root-tyllable, at above, bat with aoeent on the 
reduplication (at in the majority of present-forma of the redopllcating elasa : 
above, 645) Here the formt with primary endingi, active, preponderate, 
and are not tery rare: for example, Jüjotasl, Jujoeati, Jojofathma, 
jüjosatha (other persona do not oeeur). With teeondary endings, Jujofa*, 
jujosat, and jüjosan are the formt that belong moat dittinctly here (tince 
dadAc,as and sÜQÜdaa etc. are perhapt rather sorlats). And there U no 
middle form but Jujosate (RV. : teo above, 810 o). 

b. With unstrengthened root-tyllable oeeur a amall body of forma, 
whlch are apparently also accented on the redoplication (aeeented examplet 
are found only In 3d pl. mld.): that, active, for ezample, mnmuoas; 
vavrtut, vividat, c,Oc,uvat; the only middle form* are dadhfeate, 
▼Avrdhate, .'tri sing.; and cakramanta, dAdhfsanta, rurucanta (with 
dadabhanta, paprathanta, mAmahanta, juhuranta, wMch might alto 
belong claewhere: 810 c). 

c. Accented on the ending are vÄvrdhanta and oakrpanta (whieh 
are rather to be cailed aagmentlett plaperfectt). 

d. An to forma with double mode-algn, or tranafera to an a-conjugaüon, 
see below, 815. 

819. Examples of the regulär optative formation are: 

a. In active: ist sing., Anac,yAn), jagamyAm, paproyAm, ririo- 
yäm; 2d sing., vavrtyAa, ▼Wio.yAs, 9uc,rüy&s, babhüyAs; 9d alng., 
jagamyAt, vavrtyAt, tutujyät, babhüy&t; 7d da., JagmyAtam, querü- 
yitara; Ist pl., sAsahyama, v-avrtyÄtna, güguyAma; 3d pl., tatanyus, 
vavrjyus, vavrtyue. The forma are qnltc nnmeroot. 


812—] X. PERPB0T-8Y8TBM. 294 

b. In mtddlo, the forma are few: uainely, Int atng., vavftlya; %ä 
•ing., vavrdhlthas, oakeamlthaa ; 3d sing., jagrasita, vavrtlta, 
mamr/jita, dudhuvita, ^u^uclta; Ist pl., vavrtlmahi. And saaa- 
hlafhäa and ririsla^a appear to furnish examplea of precative Optative 

o. There ia uo irregulär mode of Formation of perfect optaüvee. Indi- 
vidual Jrregularitiet are ehown by certain forma: tbue, oakriyäa, paply&t, 
^UQrÜyäe and ^u^rüyätam, witb treatment of the final ai before the 
paeaive-aign yk (770) j anajyat witb thort initial; ftyrftA from f'grij 
Jaksiyat la anomalous: ririses in tbe only form that abowa a union-vowel 
a (uulca* also siaet, from ys&). 

813. Of regulär im p erat Ire formt, only a very amall number are to 
be quoted: namely, active, o&kandhi, rärandhi, oikiddhi, titigdhi, 
mumugdhl, QUQugdhf, and piprihf ; o&kantu, rärantu, mumoktu, 
and babhütu; mumuktam and vavfktam; jujuf(ana and vavfttaaa 
(nnless we are to add mamaddhf, mamattu, mamattana); — mlddle, 
vavyUva and vavfddhvam. AY. bas once dadr^rim. 

814. As irregulär Imperatives may be reckoned aeveral wbicb abow 
a unlon-vowel a, or have been tranaferred to an a-conjugation. Such are, 
in tbe active, mum6oatam and jujoaatam (2d du.), and mum6oata 
(2d pl.); in tbe middle, piprayaava (only one found wlth accent), and 
mamahasva, vävfdhaeva, vav?aaava (2& » l "g ), and mimahantam 
(3d pl.: probably to be accented -aava and -An tarn). 

815. Sucb imperativea as tlieao, taken in oonne'.tlon witb eome of 
tbe subjuuctivutj givou abovo (and a few of the "pluperfect" forma: below, 
820), auggost aa plausible tbe aesumptlon of a double preeunt-stero, witb 
redupllcatlon and added a (will» wblch tbe deelderatlve atoma would be 
comparablo: below, 1028 (f.): for exaiaple, jujoaa from y/juf, from wl.lch 
would come jüjoaaei etc. and jüjoeate (811a) aa indieative, jujoeaa 
etc. aa aubjunctively uaed augmentleaa imperfect, and jujoaatam et im- 
perative. Most of tbe forms given above aa aobjunctivet witb primary 
ending lack a marked and constant aubjunetive ebaracter, and would paee 
fairly well aa indicatlvee. And it appears tolerably certain tbat from one 
root at least, vr/dh, auch a double stem is to be recognixed ; from w&vfdha. 
come readily vävfdhato, vävfdh4nta, and from lt alope can come regu- 
larly vav?dha8va, vävfdhete and vSvfdhfttt (once, RY.) — and, yet 
more, tbe participle vavfdhant (RY. ; AY. vavfdhaiit : an iaolated case) : 
yet even here we have also vavrdhlthäa, not w&vfdhethäa. To aaaume 
double preaent-stems, bowever, in all tbe caaee would be bigbly implau- 
sible; it ia better to reeognite tbe formation aa one begnn, but not car- 
ried out. 

a. Only one other aubjunetive witb double mode-eign — namely, 
papfoaai — ia found to aet beeide vaYfdhitl. 

816. Forma of ditferent model are not very seldom made from tbe 
aame root: for oiample, from y'muo, the aubjunetive« mumöoaa, mumo* 

295 Plupbrfbct. [—821 

oati, and mumucaR; from yäh^, dadhareatl and dadhr/*ate; front 
Kpri, Ihe Imperatives piprlhi and piprayasva. 


817. Of an augment-preterit from tbe perfect-stem, to wbich the 
name of pluperfect is given on the ground of ita formation (though 
not of üb tneaning), tbe Veda presenta a few examplea ; and one or 
two forma of the later Unguage (mentioned abo?e, 788 b) have also 
been rnferred to it. 

a. Tbcre <• mueb of the ume dlfflcuUy In dfetlngulahing the plnperfect 
m the perfect modee from kindred rednplleated formationa. Between 1t and 
the aorist, however, a difference of meanlng helpa to make a Separation. 

818. The normal plnperfect should ihow a atrong atem in the singalar 
•ctive, and a weak one elaewhere — thua, mumoo and mumno — with 
•ngroent preflxed and eecondary endlnga added (na in 3d pl. act M ata in 
3d pl. mld.). 

a. Of forms mado aeeording to this model, we ha?e f In the acüve: 
ist «ing., ajagrabh&m and aoaoaksam (which, by Its form, might be 
aorist: 860): 2d sing, ajagan; 3d sing., ajagan and aoiket; 2d da., 
amumuktam ; 2d pl. ajagan ta, and ajagantana and ajabhartana (a 
atrong form, aa often in this peraon: 556 a); 3d pl. (perhaps), ama- 
mandus and amamadas. To theae may be added the angmenüeea 0&ka\n 
and rar an, oiketam and oakaram. In the mtddle, the 3d pl. aoakriran 
and ajagmiran (with Iran Inatead of ata), and the aagmentleae 2d sing. 
jugQrthäa and sutupthae, are the moat regulär forma to be fonnd. 

819. Several forma from roota ending in eonaonanta aave the endingf 
In 2d and 3d sing. act. by lnaerting an I (555 b): thua, abubbojla, 
avivecis; arireoit, ajagrabhlt (avavarlt and av&vacUlm are rather 
intensives): and tbe augmentleaa jihiAsia (accrntY) and dadharait belong 
with them. 

880. A fow forma ihow a atem ending in a: they »i<\ In the aetlve: 
M alng., aaasvajat, adikitat, aeakrat; in tnc mlddle: 3d sing., apip- 
rata; *2d du., apaapfdhetham ; 3d pl., atitvisanta (which by lu foraa 
mlght be aorist), adadfhant .; and oakradat, cakrpanta, ▼avydhanta, 
juhuranta, would perhaps be beat elaeilfled her« aa augmentleaa forma 
(eompare 811, above). 

Utes ol the Perfect 

881. l'erfects are quotablc aa rnade from more tban half the 
roots of tbe language, antl they abound in nse at every period and 
in almost all branebes of tbe Hterature, though not alwaya with tbe 
same value. 

a. Arcording to the Hindu grammariana, the perfect ia uaed in the 

821— J X. Pbepsot-bybtbm. 296 

namtion of facta not wltneesed by the narrator; bat there U no «tMim» 
of lii being either exclufeively or dlstinetlrely so employed et any perlod. 

b. In the later language, it ie eimply a preterit or paet tenee, 
äquivalent with the imperfect, and freely interchangeable or coör- 
dinmted with it It ii od the whole leae common than the imperfeet, 
although the preferencea of dtfferent authore are diverse, aod it eome- 
timee exceeda the imperfeet in frequenoy (compare 927). 

o. The perfecta veda and Aha are eveiywhere need with preaeat 
valne. In the Brihmanaa, alao othere, eapecially dftdhara, also dldaya, 
bibhftya, etc. 

822. In the Brahmanas, the distinction of tense-value between per- 
fect and imperfect is almoft altogether lost, as in the later language. But 
In most of tbe texU the imperfeet is the ordlnary tenso of namtion, tho 
perfeet being only ezceptionally uaed. Thut in PB., the imperfecta axa to 
the perfecta as more than a handred to one; in the Brihmana parte of T8. 
and TB., as o?er thirty-four to one; and m thote of MS. in abont the 
tarne proportion; in AB., as more than fonr to one, the perfeet appearing 
mostiy in cerulu passages, whare it takes tbe place of imperfect. It U 
only in QB. that the perfeet is much more eommonly used, and even, to 
a considerable extent, in coördiuation with the imperfect. Thronghoat the 
Brahmanas, however, the perfeet partieiples bare in general the troe "per- 
fect" valae, indicating a completed or proximate past 

823. In tbe Veda, the case is ?ery different The perfeet is need 
as past tense in Darration, but only rarely; aometimes also it has a tme 
"perfeet" sense, or signifles a completed or proximate past (like the aoriat 
of the older langnage: 828); bat oftenest it has a Talae bardly or not 
at all distingaishable in point of time from tbe preaent. It is thas the 
equiTalent of imperfect, aorlst, and preaent; and it oecors codrdinated with 
tbem all. 

a. Examples are: of perfeet with preaent, na oramyaati na vi 
mufioanty ete vayo na paptuh (RV.) they weary not nor ttop t theyßy 
like birde; ae v d n rajft kaayati oareaninam arän na nemi^ pari 
ii babhüva (RV.) Ae in truth rulee hing of nun; he embraeee them mit, 
ae the wheel the epokee; — ot perfeet witb aorlst, üpo rurnoa yuwatfr 
ni y6aft . . . abhud agnf^ aamidhe manua&nam akar jy6tir bstdh- 
aminft timftnai (RV.) «Ae u come beaming like a young meiden; Agni 
hath appearedfor the kindling of mortale ; ehe hath made lighi, driving aw e jy 
the darkneet; — of perfeet with imperfect, ahann ahim anv apia tat arda 
(RV.) Ae tlevo the dragon, he penetrated to the watere. Such a cobrdtnatiea 
as this last is of constant oceurrence in the later langnage: a. g. mnmude 
•püjayao oai 'nftm (R.) Ae wae glad, and paid honor to her; vaatrante 
Jagraha ekandhadeoe 'arjat taaya arajam (MBh.) »he took hold of 
the end of hü garment t and dropped a garland on hie ehouldore. 

297 Vahietie6 or Aorist. [—824 



824. Undbr the name of aorist are inoluded (as was 
pointed out above, 532) three quite distinct forma tions, each 
of which has its sub- varieties : namely — 

I. A simplk aorist (equivalent to the Greek "second 
aorist"), analogous in all respects as to form and inflection 
with the imperfect. It has two varieties: 1. the root-aorist, 
with a tense-stem identical with the root (cor respon ding 
to an imperfect of the root-class); 2. the a-aorist, with a 
tense-stem ending in *% a, or with union-vowel C| a before 
the endings (corresponding to an imperfect of the a-class). 

II. 3. A rbduplicating aorist, perhaps in origin iden- 
tical with an imperfect of the reduplicating das«, but having 
come to be separated from it by marked peculiarities of form. 
It U8ually has a union-vowel Q a before the endings, or is 
inflected like an imperfect of one of the a-classes; but a 
few forma occur in the Veda without such vowel. 

HI. A sigmatic or sibilant aorist (corresponding to the 
Greek f 'first aorist"), having for its tense-sign a TT « added 
to the root, eithcr directly or with a preceding auxiliary 
l i; its endings are usually added immediately to the tense- 
sign, but in a small number of roots with a union-vowel 
SJ a; a vcry few roots also are increased by T\ n for iU 
formation; and according to these difTerences it falls into 
four varieties: namely, A. without union-vowel *% a before 
endings: 4. s-aorist, with *T n alone added to the root; 
r». is-aorist, the same with interposed ^ i; 5. sis-aorist, 
the same as the prcceding with H 8 added at the end of 
the root; B. with union-vowel C| a, 7. aa- aorist 

826— J XI. AORI8T-BY8TEM8. 298 

825. All these varieties are houud löget her and made 
into a single complex System by certain correspondences of 
form and meaning. Thus, in regard to form, they are all 
alike, in the indicative, augment-preterits to which there doet 
not exist any corresponding present; in regard to meaning, 
although in the later 01 classical language they are iimply 
preterits, exchangeable with imperfecta and perfecta, they 
all alike have in the older language the general value of 
a completed past or "perfect", translatable by have done and 
the like. 

826. The aoriat-syatem it a formatlon of iufrequent occurrence In 
mucb of tbe clasaical Sanskrit (Us forma are found, for example, only 
twenty-one tiines in the Nala, eight in the Hitopadeca, aeven in Manu, ilz 
each in the ßhagavad-Gitä aud ^Sakuntala, and sixty-slx times, from four- 
teen roou, in the flrat book, of about 2600 lines, of the Ramiyana: com- 
pare 827 b), and it posseases no participle, nor any modes (excepting in 
the prohibitive use of ita augmentleaa formt: aee 578; and the so-called 
precative: aee 821 ff.); in the older language, on the other haud, it ia 
quite common, aud has tbe vhole variety of modea belonging to the preaeut, 
and tometimea participlea. Ita description, accordingly, muat be gWen 
mainly aa that of a part of the oldor language, with due notice of ita ree- 
triction in later use. 

827. a. In the RY., nearly half the roots oecurring ahow aoriat forme, 
of one or anotber clasa; in the AV., rather lcss than one third; and in the 
other texta of the older language comparatirely few aorista occur which are 
not found in theae two. 

b. More than ifty roote, in KV. aud AV. together, make aoriat forme 
of more than one daaa (not taking into account the reduplicated or "cause- 
tiTe" aorist); but 110 Uw appeara to underlie this variety; of any relation 
auch aa ia taught by the grauimariaiia, between acliTO of one clasa and 
iniddle of anotber aa cor relative, tbere U no trace dlseoverablc. 

o. Examplea are: of clastes 1 and 4, a4ham and dhasoa from 
\6hh, ayuji and ayukeata from fjruj; — of 1 and 6, agrabhatn and 
agrabhlema from fgrabh, rnfs^haa and marfiethfta from Km|f; — 
of 1 and 2, arta aud arat from yx\ — of 2 and 4, avidam and aritai 
froiu fvid find, anijam and anaikalt from fnij ; — of 2 and 6, aand- 
mi aud aa&niaam from fsan; — of 2 and 7, aruham and arukfat 
from früh; — of 4 aud 6, amataua and imldlnus) from ymmd; — 
of 4 and 6, htamahi and h&sieua from fbA; — of 1 and 2 and 4, 
atnata and atanat and atan Iroiu ftan; — of 1 and 4 aud 6, abudh- 
ian aud abhutai and bödhiaat from ybudh, aatar and str/flya and 


I. RoOT-A0R18T. 


astarls Crom ^etr Offen Ihn ftccond, or serond and third, elait U rep- 
roirn 1*5(1 hy only an tsolatcd form or two. 

1. Simple Aorist 

888. Tliis Is, of the tlirec prineipal dhrisions of aorist, tbe one 
least rerooved from the analogy of forma already explained; H is 
like an imperfecta of the root-class or of the a-clasa, withoot a corres- 
ponding preaent indicativo, but with (tuore or less fragmentarily) all 
the other parts which go to tnake up a complete preaent-systoro. 

1. Root-aorist. 

829. a. This formation is in the later language limited 
to a few roots in CTT ft and the root >T bhü. and is allowed 
to be made in the active only, ihe middle using instead 
the 8-aorist (4), or the is-aorist (5). 

b. The roots in CTT & take 3TJ us as 3d pl. ending, and, 

as usual, lose their CTT ft before it; q bhü (as in the perfect: 

793 a) retains its vowel unchanged throughout, inserting 

^ v after it before the endings CR am and CR an of Ist 

sing, and 3d pl. Thus: 

•. d. p. 


■ Wl 
ad am 

2 Cl^R 






ad ata 



abhÜTam abhQva 

adAt&m adus 










For the classical Sanskrit, this is the whole story. 

830. In the Veda, these same roots are decidcdly the most fre- 
quent and conspieuous represcntntivns of the formation: especially 
the roots gft, da, dhä, pft drink, sthä, bhü; wliile sporadic forma 
aro mado fnim jfta, prA, aA, ha. As to their middle forma, see 
holow, 834 a. 

a. Iiiütrad of abhüvain, RV. hts twice abhuvam. BkP. has agan. 

3d pl., instead of agua. 

831. But aorists of the aame class are also made from a num- 
ber of roots in r\ and a few in i- and u-vowels (short or long) — 

881—] XI. AORIST-8Y8TBM0. 300 

with, as reqnired by the analogy of tbe taue with an imperfees of 
tbe root-class, guna-strengthening io the three persona of tbe Singular. 
a. Thui (in tbe actlve), from /oru, aoravam and aorot; from /OTi, 
Acres and aorot; from ^kr maks, akaram and akar (for akara and 
akart); from vr «ftc/ote, aVar (685 a); and ao astar, aapar. Dual and 
plural forma are mucb leaa Irequent tban aingnlar; but for tbe meet pari 
tbey alao abow an Irregulär atrengthening of tbe root-*owel : tbus (incladiag 
augmentleaa forma), akarma and karma and akarta, vartam, apartam, 
ahema and Abetana, bbema, acravan ; regulär are only avran, akran» 
abyan, and Acriyan. 

832. Furtber, from a few roots witb medial (or initial) vowel 
capable of gvuaa-strengthening and hatfug in general tbat strengthen- 
ing only in tbe Singular. 

a. Tbui, Abbedam and abhet from /bhid; Amok from ^moo; 
yojam from /yuj; rok (VS.) from yru$ % arodham and arudhma from 
/rudh; avart from /vrt; vark from yvrj (AT. baa once avrk); adar- 
9am from /drc/, irdbma from y\äh; and adrqan, avrjan, ao,vitan, 
Hut ohedma, witb guga, from i'ohid, and adarcma (TS.) from yäft. 

833. Again, from a larger number of roots witb a as radicai 
Towel : 

a. Of tbeae, gam (witb n for m wben final or followed by m: 148a, 
818 a) ia of decidedly moat freqnent occurrence, and abowa tbe greateet 
variety of forma: tbus, agamam, agan (2d and 3d sing.), Aganma, 
aganta (atrong form), agman. Tbe otber caaea are akran from |/kram; 
atan from ytan; abbrat from ^bhraj; aakan from i'akand; asrat 
from t^arane (? VS.); dhak and daghma from /dagb; anafc (685 a) 
and anas(äm from /nag; aghaa or agbat, agbaattm, agbaata, and 
aksan (for aghsan, Uke agman) from /gbaa; and tbe 3d pl. In ua, 
akramus, ayamus, dabbus, nrtua (pf.*). mandüe. 

834. So far only active forma bave been oonsidered. In tbe 
rniddle, a considerable part of the forme are such as are bald by tbe 
grammarians (881) to belong to tbe s-aorist, witb Omission of the a: 
tbey doubtless belong, however, mostly or altogether, hero. Tbus: 

a. From rooti ending in vowela, we bave adnitbfta, adblta (alao 
ahita), and adbimabi; aditb&s, adita, and adimabi (and adTmahi 
from ydh cut)\ Aoltap); slmAbi*, Aetbitbas and astnita and aetHran, 
formt of ft-roota ; — of r-rooU, akri, Akrtbaa, Akrta, akratlm, akrata 
(and tbe anomalous kranta); avri, avrtbaa, avrta; arta, arata; mrtbaa, 
amrta; dbrthae; adrtbaa; astrta; ahrtbae; gürta; — of i and u roota, 
tbe only exawplea are ahvi (? AV., once), Abümahi, and aoidbram. 
Tbe absence of any analogiea whateYer for the Omission of a l in auch 
forma, and the occurrence of avri and akri and akrata, show tbat tbelr 
referenoe to the s-aoriat ia probably witboat sufflcient reaaon. 

b. As regarda roota ending in consonanta, tbe eaae ia more queatioB- 
able, aince Ion of a after a final conaonant before tbas and ta (and, of 


30 t 1. Root-aori8t. [—830 

tonnte, would be in many r\no» reqtilred by etiphnnir. rulo (233 o IT.). 
Wr find, howrvcr, iuch unmlatakable mlddle inflectluit of the rout-aorlftt aa 
ayuji, ayukthäa, ayukta, aynjmahi, ayugdhvam, ayujran; Af(a 
and ä^ata; nan$i; apadi (Ist sing.) and apadmahi and apadran; 
amanmahi; ganvahi and aganmahl and agmata; atnata; ajani 
(Ist ding.) and ajftata (3d pl.); from ^gam are made agathaa and agata, 
from ytan, atath&s and atata, and from ^man, amata, wltb treatroent 
of tho final Hke tbat of han in pretent inflection (037). The ending ran 
ii cipcoially frtqnent in 3d pl., being taken by a nnmber of verbt which 
have no other middle penon of tbla aoriit: thus, agrbhran, asrgran, 
adrgran, abudhran, avrtran, ajuaran, akrpran, aaprdhran, avaa- 
ran, aviqran; and ram 1« foand beside ran in adr^ram, abudhram, 

o. From roois of whfcb tbe Anal would comblne witb a to kB, it 
eeems more probable tbat aorist-forms ibowtng k (instead of a) bofore the 
ending belong to tbe root-aorist: such are amukth&s (and amtlgdhTam), 
aprkthäa and aprkta, abhakta, avrkta, aaakthäa and aaakta, rik- 
th&a, vikthaa and vikta, arukta; apraa^a, ayaafa, aspaa(a, asrafhaa 
and aarfta, and mra^häa would be tbe samc in elther caae. 

d. There remain, ai casep of more doubtful beloi.ging, and probably 
to be ranked In part witb the 011« formation and in part with the other, 
acoording to thelr period and to the oceurrence of other persona: ohitth&a, 
nutthaa and anutta and anuddhvam, patth&a, bhitth&a, amatta, 
atapthäa, alipta, aarpta; and flnally, arabdha, alabdha, aruddha, 
abuddha, ayuddha, and drogdhaa (MBh.: read drugdhaa): aee 888. 

Mode« of the Root-aorist. 

835. Subjnnctive. In subjunctive uie, forma identical with the 
augm<?n<)e«8 indicttive of tbia aorfst are mach more frcquent than the more 
proper subjnnctiTes. Those to which no correaponding form with augment 
occur« bavc bccn gWen abovo; the other« 1t is unneceaaary to report in 

836. a. Of true aubjunctWes the forma with primary endings are 
qulte fr». In the actWe, kar&ni, g&ni, gamäni (for bhuv&ni, aee be- 
low, o); karaai; ath&ti, diti and dhAti (which are almost indicative in 
▼•lue), karati, joaati, padäti, bhedatl, rftdhati, warjati; athAthas, 
karathaa and karataa, darQathaa, eravathaa and qravataa; and 
(apparently) karanti, gamanti. In the middle, joaase; idhata (?), 
karate, bhöjate, yojate, varjate; dhethe and dhaithe; kar&mahe, 
dhamahe, gamämah&i. 

b. Forma with secnndary endings are, in the actitc, darrjam, bho- 
jam, yojam; karaa, tarda s, parcaa, yamaa, radhaa, varas; karat, 
gämat, garat, joaat, daghat, padät, yamat, yodhat, rAdhat, varat, 
vartat, qravat, saghat, sparat; karAma, gamAma, rAdhAma; gaman, 

836—] XI. AOKI8T-8Y8TEM8. 302 

garan, dar9An, yaman. No mlddle forma are claaaiflable wltb conndence 

o. Tbe aeriea bbuvam, bhüvas, bhüvat, bb&van, tnd bhuvaUil 
(compare abhuvam: 830 a), tnd tbe iioHted ^r&vrnt, are of doubtful 
beionginga; witb a different accent, tbey would teem to be of tbe next 
claaa; bere, a gu^a-strengtbening would be more regulär (bat sota tbe 
absence of guga in tbe aorlat indicative and tbe perfeet of /bbtt). 

837. Optative. The optative actlve of thii aorist conetttutee, wltb 
a s interpoaed between mode-sign and personal endinga (587), tbe praca- 
tlve active of tbe Hindu gramuiarians, and ts allowed by tbem to be made 
from every Terb, tbey reeognizing no conneotion between it and tbe aoriet. 
But in tbe 2d aiag. tbe tnterpoaed a is not distinguisbable from tbe personal 
ending; and, after tbe earlleat period (aee 838), tbe ending crowds out tbe 
•ibilant in tbe 3d sing., wbicb tbus eomes to end In ysU inatoad of yia 
(compare 655 a). 

a. In tbe older language, bowever, pure Optative formt, wltbout tbe s, 
are made from tbis tense. From roots in ft occur (witb cbange of A to • 
bofore tbe y: 250 d) deyam, dheyftm and dheyua, and stbeyama; 
iu u-vowels, bhüyama; in y, kriy&ma; in eonsouants, a$yam and 
aqyama and a^yna, vrjy&m, 9aky&m, yujyava and yujyAtam, sahysV- 
mi, and trdyua. 

b. Tbe Optative middle of tbe rooi-aoriat is not recognized by tbe 
Hindu grammarians as making a part of tbe precative formation. Tbe RY. 
bas, bowever, two precative forma of it, namely padls(a and mao!f(a. 
Mucb more common in tbe older language are pure opUtive forma: namely, 
a$Iya and a^mahi (tbis optative is especially common), indblya, gmiya, 
muriya, ruoiya; arita, uhita, vurlta; idhimabi, na^mahl, naal- 
mahl, prolmahi, mudimahi, yamlmahi ; and probably, from ft-roots, 
elmabi and dhlmahi (wbicb migbt alao be augmentlesa indicative, tince 
adhlmahl and adhit&m also ocour). All tbete forms except tbe tbree 
in 3d sing, migbt be preeative aecording to tbe general understanding of 
Ibat mode, as being of persona wbicb even by tbe native autborities are not 
claimed ever to exbibtt tbe inserted Sibilant. 

838. Precative aetive forms of tbis aorist are made from tbe aarlieat 
period of tbe language. In RV., tbey do not occur from any root wbicb 
bas not also otber aorist forms of tbe tarne claas to tbow. Tbe RY. formt 
are: Ist sing., bbüyasam; 2d sing., avyäa, jfieyäa, bhüyaa, mrdby&a, 
sahyaa; 3d sing, (in -yia, for -yaat; RY. hat no 3d sing, in yftt, wbicb 
is later tbe universal ending), avyäa, a^yaa, rdhyaa, gamyäa, dagby&a, 
peyaa, bhüyaa, yamyaa, yüyaa, vrjyaa, «jrüyaa, sahyaa; Ist pl., 
kriyaama (beside kriy&ma: 837 a). AV. Las six Ist persona sing, in 
-yaaam, one *2d in -yäa, ono 3d in -y&t (and one iu -y&a, in t RY. 
pasbage), tbroe Ist pl. in -yaama (beeide one iu yama, in a RV. pasaage), 
and tbe 2d bhüyaatha (doubtlets a false reading: TD. bas -ata iu tbe 
correspouding paasage). From tbia time on, tbe pure optative forma neaxly 

303 1. Root- AORIST. [—840 

di*ap|xvu (Ihn rirn|itlonn an* givnn in 837 a). Hui the preratlve forum af> 
nnwliere common, exeepllng ae made front |/bhü; and front no other root 
ii anything ltke • eomplete eeries of persons quotable (only bhflylsra 
and bhüyastam belng wanting; and these two peraonf have no repreient- 
ative from any root). AU together, active Optative or precatlve forma are 
madc in the older latiguage from ovcr flfty tooU; and the ople and elassteal 
texts add them from bardly a dozen more: so* further 9S5. 

839. Imperative. Imperative forma of the root-aoriet am not rare 
in the carly langnage. In the middle, Indeed, altnost only tbe 2d aing. 
oecurt: it ia accented either regularly, on the cndtng, aa kfeva, dhiava, 
yukeva, or on the root, as matava, yakeva, vaAava, raava, aakava; 
diava and rnftsva are not fountl witb aeeent; the 2d pl. I« repreaented 
by kfdbvaui, vofbvam. In the actlve, all the persons (2d and 3d) are 
found in use; examples are: ?d sing., kfdbf, Vfdhi, 9agdhf, ^rudhf, 
gadhl, yarbdhf, gahi, mahl, s&hi, mogdh{; 3d sing., gaihtu, data, 
astu, 9rotu, s6tii; 2d du., dätam, jitam, 9aktam, qrutam, bhütam, 
apftam, gatam, riktam, ▼ofbatn, aitam, autam; 3«l du., only gaih- 
tarn, datam, vofham ; %\ pl., gäta, bbütä, ^ruta, krta, gata, data, 
dh&tana; 3d pl., only dh&ntu, qruvantu. These are the moft regalar 
form?; but irregularitles as to both accent and strengthentng are not infre- 
quent. Thns, strong forma in 2d du. and pl. are yaihtam, varktam, 
vartam ; karta, gaibta (once gaihta), yathta, vartta, beta, 9r6ta, a6ta ; 
and, wlth tana, kartana, gathtana, yathtana, sotana, and the Irregulär 
dhetana (|/dhä); in 3d da., g am tarn Much more irregulär are y6dbi 
(inatead of yuddhf) from |/yudh, and bodh{ from both |/budh and ybhü 
(Initead of buddhf and bhQdhi). A Single form (3d sing.) In tat ta 
foand, namely 9aat&t. We find krdhi also Uter (MRb. RhP.). 

a. As to 2d persons Singular In bI from the simple root nsed In an 
imperative sense, aee above, 824. 

Participles of tbe Root-aorist. 

840. In the oldoat language, of tho UV , aro found n number of 
participles which must be reckoned as belonglng to Ulis formation. 

a. In the active, thoy an extrcmely few: namely, krant, citant (?), 
gmant, athant, bbidant, vrdhant, dyutant- (only In eomposltton), 
and probably rdhant. And RhP. baa mrajant (but probably by error, for 

b. In the middle, they are In RV. mnch more nnrreroua. The aeeent 
Ia nsually on the final of tho atem: thus, araga, tdhana, krfina, jutaga, 
treäna, nidäna, piqana, prc&ni, pratb&ua, budhana, bhiyana, 
manlna, rnand&na, yuj&na, rueäna, Tip&na, vrl?a, ur&r^a, ^ubh- 
Ant, aad&na, auv&na or avana, arjana, aprdb&na, biy&na; — but 
sometlm*s nn (he rootsyllable: thna, eftana, oyavana, rüh&na, üh&na 
(pres. *'), vas&na, (jumbhana; — while a few show both accentuatlons 

040—] XI. AOEIST-SYSTBMS. 304 

(compare 619 d): thns, dr?ana »ad dftina, dyutlna and dyütana, 
yatana »od yatana ; «od oetana and hrayina occor ooly in eompoeidoa. 
A T«ry fcw of these are found once or twlce in other texte, aamely citana, 
dyntana, rubana, wasina, sraväna; and -knpAna occurs onee lo 

Apast. (siT. 28. 4). 

841. All together, the rooU exhibiting in the older language 
forme which are with fair probability to be reckoned to the root- 
aorist-sy stein are about a handred and thirty; over eighty of them 
make euch forma in the RV. 

Passive Aorist third person Singular. 

842. A middle third person Singular, of pecnliar formation and 
prevailingly passive meaning, is made from many verbs in the older 
language, and has become a regulär pari of the passive conjugation, 
being, according to the grammarians, to be substitnted alirays for the 
proper third person of any aorist middle that is used in a passive 

848. This person is formed by adding ^ i to the root, 
which takes also the augment, and is usually strengthened. 

a. The endlng i belongs eleewhere onfy to the flrst person; and ihia 
third perion apparently Stands in the tarne relatlon to a flrst in i as do, 
lu the middle voice, the regulär 3d sing, perfeot, and also the frequent 
Vedio 3d sing, present of the root-clan (618), which are identlcal in form 
with their res pect! tö flrst persons. That a foller endlng has been lost off 
is extremely Im probable; and hence, as an aorist formation from the simple 
root, this is most properly treated here, in eonnection with the ordinary 

.844. Before the ending $ i, a final vowel, and usually 
also a medial Sf a before a Single oonsonant, have the vrddhi- 
strengthening ; other medial yowels have the guna-strengthen- 
ing if capable of it (240); after final dl I ia added II y. 

a. Kxamples (all of them quotable from the older langnage) are: 
from roots ending in A, ajüäyi, adblyl, apftyi; in other ?owels, aorflyi, 
astävi, ahavi, akari, astari; — from rooU with medial i, u, r, aeeti, 
aochedi, aoesi, abodhi, amooi, ayoji, adaro^, asarji, varhi; from 
roois with inotlial a Hirengthuiiod, agami, apadi, ayanii, avaoi, vapi, 
asSdi (these are all the earlier ceses); with a unehanged, only ajani (and 
KV. has once Jani), and, in heavy syllables, amyakfi, vandi, oanal, 
syandl ; with medial A, abhraji, arAdbi ; — from roots with initial 
Towel, Ardhi (only oase). 

b. According to the grammarians, eertain roots in am, and y'wadh, 
reuin the a unchanged : quotable are ajani (or ajani), agami (or agAmi), 

305 Simple Aorist: 2. a-AORi8T. [—840 

asvani, avadhi, alao araci; und iKcro arc noted beatdoe, from roota 
sometimee ahowing a naeal, adangi, arambhi, arandhi, ajambhi, 
abhaftji or abhaji, alambhi (alwaye, wlth prepoiitioni) or alabhi, 
aatambhi; (B. hu aaafiji. 

c. Augmentleaa forma, •■ In all otbcr llke caaea, aro inet wlth, wlth 
dther indlcatire or anbjanettYe valne: examplee (beaidee the two or three 
already fiten) are: dhayi, oraVi, bh&ri, reo!,, vedi, rooi, Jini, ptdi, 
sAdi, ardhi. The aecent, wben preeent, la alwaya on the root-ayllable 
(SV. dhayf ia doubtleaa a falae readlng). 

845. Theae forma are made in RV. from forty roota, and all the other 
earller texta eombined add only aboat twenty to the nurober; from the 
latcr langnage are quotable thlrty or forty more; in the eplca they are 
nearly unknown. When they come from roota of neater meaning, ae gam, 
päd, sad, bhraj, radh, ruo, safij, they have (like the lo-called passive 
partlclple in ta: 958) a valae eqai?a)ent to that of other mlddle forma; 
In a eaae or two (RT. tu. 73. 3[?]; VS. ii?iil. 16; TB. ii. 6. 10») they 
appear ©Ten to be used tranaittvely. 

2. The a-aorist. 

846. a. This aorist ig in the laier language allowed to 
be made from a large number of roota (near a hundred). 
It i8 made in both voicea, but ia rare in the middle, moat 
of the rodU forming their middle aocording to the a-claaa 
(878 ff.) or the ia-claaa (898 ff.). 

b. Ita cloaeat analogy ia with the imperfect of the a-claaa 
(751 ff.); it8 infleetion ia the aame with that in all partioulara; 
and it takes in general a weak form of root — aave the roota in 
H r (three or four only), which have the guna-atrengthening. 

o. Ae example of infleetion may be taken the root 

ftjrj Bio pour. Thu8: 

. acti?e. middle. 

a. d. p. a. d. p. 

i 9fN\ **RWM mIHtIIM Sffä^ MpMqHfo> MKwmPft 

asicam asic&va aaio&ma aaioe asio&wahi aaioamahi 

i yftwM^ Mfa-w^ Mfiwd ?rfn^m^ mw^i^ 1 5rf¥rain^ 

aaioae aaioatam aaioata aaieathaa aaieeth&m aaloadluram 
aaioat aeioatä^ aaioan aaioata aaioatam aaloanta 

Waltaay, Or»M«*r. 3. ad. 10 

847—] XI. Aorist-Systems. 306 

847. Tb« a-aoriat makea fti the RV. a amall flgure beeide the root- 
aorlat, belog repreaented by leaa tban balf tbe latter'a nnmber of roota. ll 
beeomee, however, more common later (it ia tbe only form of aorUt wbleb 
ia made from more *erba in AV. tban in RV.); and in Yeda and Brehmana 
togetber about eigbty roota eiblbit tbe formatlon more ot leaa fnliy. Of 
tbeae a large nnmber (fally ball) are of tbe type of tbe roota whicb make 
tbelr preaent-ayatem according to tba A-olaea, bering a ▼owel capable of 
guna-strengthentng before a final eonaonant (764): thua, witb i, ehid, 
bbid, nij, ric, riB, lip, vid, 1919(988), 2<jie, 91*8, 9US, sie, sridb; 
— witb u, krudh, ksudb, gub, dus, dyut, druh, pua, budb, bbuj, 
muo, mruo, yuj, ruc, rud, rudh, muh» ruh» 911c; — witb r, rdb, 
krt, grdb, grh, trp. tre, trh, drp, dr<j, dbrs, nrt, mrdh, mrf, vrt» 
vrdb, vra, srp, krs. A amali number end in rowela: thua, r, kr, ST 
(wbieb bave tbe gunev-atrengthening througbout), hi (? abyat once In 
AV.), and sereral in A, apparent transfere from tbe root-claaa by tbe weak- 
ening of tbeir A to a: thua, kbyA, bvA, vyA, 9VÄ, and dA and dbA; 
and Aatbat, regarded by tbe grammariana aa aoriat to ywm throw, ia donbt- 
leaa a like formation from yatbA. A few bave a penultimate na*al in tbe 
preaent and elaewhere, whloh in tbta aoriat ia lost: tbua, bhra&9» tann, 
dbvans, arans, krand, randh. Of leaa claaaiflable cbaracter are rnq, 
kram, gam, gbaa, tarn, 9 am, 9ram, tan, san, aad, Ap, das, yaa, 
9ak, dagb. Tbe roota pat, na9, vao form tbe tenee-atema papta, 11098, 
vooa, of wbieb tbe flrst ia palpably and tbe otber two ere probably tbe 
result of reduplicatlon ; but tbe language bat loat tbe aenae of tbeir belog 
aacb, and makea otber reduplicated aoriata from tbe aame roota (aee be- 
low, 854). 

a. afany of tbeae aoriata are aimply tranafera of tbe root-aorist to an 
a-inflection. Gonapicuona examplea are akarat etc. and agamat etc. (in 
tbe earlieat period only akar and agan). 

848. Tbe inflection of tbia aoriat ia in general ao regulär tbat It will 
be auffleient to gWe only examplea of Us Vedic forma. We may taka aa 
aiodel avidam, from /vid find, of wbieb tbe Yarioua peraona and modee 
aro more frequent and in faller variuty tban tboae of any otber *erb. Only 
tbe forma aetually quotable aro instanced; tboao of wbieb tbe examplea 
found are from otber ?erbe tban vid are bracketed. Thua: 

actlve. middle. * 

a. d. p. a. d. p. 

1 avidam avidäva avidama avide favidavahi] AvidAmabi 

2 avidas [avidata] [avidatbas] 

3 Avidat Avidan favidata] [avidetAm] Avidanta 

a. Tbe middle forma are rare in the earlier language, aa in tbe later: 
we ha?e Abve etc., aknye etc., Avide (?) and avidanta, avooatbAa 
and avooAvabi (and avidamabe QB. and aaioAmabe KB. are doubtleaa 
to be amended to -mabi). 

307 Simple Aorist: 2. a- aorist. [—853 

b. AugimMilirmn forum, wllh liirilciitlve or ftiiltjitftctivc valiie, are not 
lnfrcqnent. Kxampte*, ahowing aecent on the tenfte-slgn, aeeordlng to the 
gencral analog! et of the formatton, are: ruham, srpaa, bhuJAt, vidat, 
aratftm, vocata, ^akan; vidata and vyata (3d iing.) t arämahi, 
^ie&mahi, vidanta, budhanta, mrsanta (for eiceptiom as rrgarda 
accent, tee below, 853). 

Modea of the a-aoriat. 

848. The subjunctlve forma of thla aorist are few; thoae whlch occnr 
are lnttanced below, in the method whlch was followed for the indicatNe: 

i [vidaVa] vidama [vld&mahe] 

7 \ Vi £fo viditbaa vidätha 

s vidit [vid&tfti.P] 

a. The ending thana ia found once, in rieathana. Of tnlddle forma 
occnr only ^(ffttfti (AV.: bot doabtleas miareading for ^ffy&tai) and 
gisamaho (AV., for RV. ^it&mahi). The form aadathas aeema an indlc- 
atWe, made from a secondary present-stem. 

850. The optativea are few In the oldeat langoage, bot beeome more 
frequent, snd in the Brfthmann are not rare. Examplea are: in ftive, 
bhideyam, videyam, saneyam (TB. once aanem); widea, gamea; 
gamet, vocet; gametam; gamema, fakema, aanema; vareta; in 
mHdle, (only) videya; gamemahi, vanemahi: ruhethaa etc. in the 
epica mast be viewed rather aa pre»ent forma of the a~e1a»a. 

a. A sfngle middle precaÜTe form occnra, namely videffa (AV., 
ence); it ia io isolated that how mach may be inferred from It la Tery 

851. A complete sertee of aetive imperative forma are made from 
/Bad (including aadatana, 2d pt.) f and the middle eadanttm. Otber 
imperatUea are T^ry rare: namely, nana, sara, ruha, vidi; ruh&tam» 
vidatam; khyata. TS. haa once vrdh&tu (compare 740). 

Partioiplea of the a-aorist. 

852. a. The actWe partlciples trpaat, rfaant or riaant, wfdhant, 
qisant, oucant, a&dant, and (In participlal Compound«, 1808) krtant-, 
gnhant-, vidant- (all RV.), are to be aasigned wlth plaualblllty to tkia 

b. Ltkewl*« tho middlo partMpie* guham&na, dhraam&na, daaa- 
mftna (?), nr-tamana, ^ucAm&na, and pcrhapa Trdhäna, aridh&na* 

Irregularities of the a-aorist. 

853. A few Irregularitlca and pecollarittea may be notieed here. 
The roota in r, which (847) show a atrengthening llke that of the 


858 — ] XI. ÄOBI8T-8Y8TEIIS. 308 

präsent of the nnaceented a-cleea, have likewife the aecent upon the 
radical •yliible, like thtt claaa: thui, from y\ 9 aranta (augmentleee 3d 
pl.), eaxat and aira. The root ssd followe the tarne rüle: thoa, aada- 
tam; and from /aan are foand sinas and sanat.and sanema and 
sana, beaide aaneyam and sanema. It ia qoaatlonable whether taste 
are not true analoguea of the bbtt-claaa (unaecented a-elaaa) preaent-eyeteaa. 
On the other band, ruhat (beaide ruhim, rubava, rubataxn), ?ifat 
and c,{aatai (?), and riaant or riaant are more iaolated eaaea. Ia Tiew 
of auch aa theae, the forma from the atem bhttva and cruva (8880) 
are perhapa to be referred hither. From /vao, the optatiye ia aeceated 
▼oooyam, voces, vooema, vooeyus; elaewhere the aceent ia on the root- 
•yiiable: thoa, v6ee, v6oat, v6oati f v6oanta. 

854. a. The atem voo haa in Vedic nae well-nigh aaanmed the 
Talne of a root; ite forma are *ery varioue and of firequent nae, ia RV. 
especUDy far outnnmbering in occurrencee all other forma from yVao. 
Beaidea those already gWen, we find vooa (lat ting. lmpv.) and ▼ooattl» 
vooavahai; vooes, vooeya, vooemahi; vooatAt (2d elng.), vooatu, 
vooatam, vocata. 

b. Of the atem neea only ne^at oecnra. 

o. The root eta (aa in aome of lu preaent formt: 888) ia weakened 
to oie, and makea aolsam. 

855. Iaolated forma which htve more or leaa completely the 
aspect of indicative preaenta are made in the oldeat langnage from 
aome roota beeide the aoriet-syatema of the firat two claaaee. It mnat 
bo left for maturer researeh to determine Low far they may be relies 
of original preaenta, and how rar recent productions, made in the way 
of eonveraion of the aoriat-atem to a root in valne. 

a. Such forma are the following: from yk$ mak* % karsl, krtbaa» 
krtba, kr**; from /gern, gatha; from yd gathsr, ceti; from ydlk 
g%V4 % diti, datu; from ydhä. put, dbAti; from fpft thrmk, pathaa, 
panü; from y'bbr, bharti; from /muo, muoantl; from yruöh; mdh- 
maa (?); from yvft, vartti. 

II. (3) Reduplicated Aorist 

858. The reduplicated aoriat ia different from the other 
forma of aoriat in that it haa come to be attached in almoet 
all caaea to the derivative (cauaative etc.) conjugation in 
mr eya, aa the aoriat of that conjugation, and ia therefore 
liable to be made from all roota which have auch a oonjn- 
gation, beaide the aoriat or aoriata which belong to their 
primary conjugation. Since, however, the connection of 

309 3 - Reduplioated Aorist. [—869 

the two i8 not a formal one (ilie aorist being made directly 
from the root, and not from the causative stem), but rather 
a matter of established association, owing to kinship of 
meaning, the formation and inflection of this kind of aorist 
is best treated here, along with the others. 

857. Its characteristic is a reduplication of the radical 
syllable, by which it is assimilated, on the one hand, to 
the imperfect of the reduplicating class (658 ff.), and, on the 
other hand, to the so-called pluperfect (817 ff.). But the 
aorist reduplication has taken on a quite peculiar character, 
with few traces left even in the Veda of a different Kon- 
dition which may have preceded this. 

858. a. As regards, indeed, the consonant of the re- 
duplication, it follows the general rules already given (590). 
And the quality of the reduplicated Towel is in general as 
in the formations already treated: it needs only to be noted 
that an a-Yowel and v (or ar) are usually (for exceptions, 
see below, 860) repeated by an i-vowel — as they are, to a 
considerable extent, in the reduplicated present also (660). 

b. Hut in regard to quantity, this aorist aims always at 
establishing a diversity between the reduplicating and radical 
syllables, making the one heavy and the other light. And 
the preference is very markedly for a heavy reduplication 
and a light root-syllable — which relation is brought about 
wherever the conditions allow. Thus: 

859. If the root is a light sy Kable (having a short 
vowel followed by a Single consonant), the reduplication is 

made heavy. 

a. And this, usually by lengthoning the reduplicating vowrl, with 
I for radical a or y or J (in the Single root containing that vowel): 
thus, arlrisam, adüduaam, ajtyanam, avlvfdham, aolk)pam. The 
great majori ty of reduplicated aorist« are of this form. 

b. If, bowever, the root begins with two consonant«, so that the 
reduplicating syllable will be heavy whatever the quantity of its yowel, 

868—] XI. AORI8T-8YSTEM8. 310 

the vowel remaius short: thus, aoiksipam, aoukrudham, atitraaam, 

860. If the root is a heavy syllable (having a long 
vowel, or a short before two coneonants), the vowel of the 
reduplication is short: and in this case 9 a or 91 ft, and 
$r f (if it occurs), are reduplicated by 1% a. 

a. Thus, adidiksam, abubhüsam (not quotable), adadakaam, 
adadhftvam, atataAaam. And, in the cases in wblch a root shoold 
both bcgin and cud witb two consonanta, both syllables would be- 
necessarily heavy, notwithstanding the short vowel in the former: 
thus, apapraeoham, aoaakandam (but oo such forma are found in use). 

b. A medial y is allowed by tbe granimarians to retaln the atrengthen- 
ing of the cauaatlve stein, t-»getber with, of courae, reduplication by a: thua, 
aoakarsat, avavartat (beside atfkfaat, avivftat); but no such forme 
bave been met witb in uae. 

o. Tiieee aoriata aro not distinguisbable In form from the so-called 
pl u perfecta (81711.). 

861. a. In onlor, howovor, to bring about the favored rulation 
of boavy rednpücation aud light ratlical syllable, a heavy root is 
Bometiiues rnade light: eitber by shortenlng its vowel, as in aiiradham 
froua y'r&dh, avivaoam froui yv&q, asiaadham from y'aftdh, ajtjiwam 
from ^jlv, adldipam (K. and later: KV. haa didlpas) from f'dip, 
ablbhisam from i^bhis, aaüauoam from f/sCto; or by dropping a 
penultimate nasal, as in aoikradam from y'krand, aalsyadam from 

b. In those cases in which (1047) an aorist is formed directly 
from a causal stein in ftp, the & is abbrevlated to i: thns, attf(hip- 
am etc., ajijftipat (but KSS. ajijfiapatt, Jlhipas, ajljipata (bot VS. 
ajljapata); but from orap comes agicrapftma (QB.). 

862. Example» of this aorist from rooU with initial vowel are very 

rare; the older language bas only ftmamat (or ama m at) from ^tm, 
ftpipan (VB. : BAU. ftpipipat) from y'Äp, and arpipam (augmentleae) 
from tbe causative stem arp of \'f — in which latter tbe root is exeess- 
ively abbrevlated. The grammariana give otber aimilar formations, as aroi- 
cam from j'aro, Äubjijam from i'ubj, Srjiham from ymrh, ftieiksam 
from yikq, ardidbam from y/fdh. Couipare the aimilar reduplication in 
deaiderative stema: 1028 b. 

863. Of special irregularitios may bo roentioned: 

a. From fdyut is made (V.B.) the Uem didyuta, taking its reda- 
plicating vowel from the radlcal semivowel. From f'gup, instead of JQgtt- 
pa (HS.), JB. bas jugüpa, and some texts (BS.) have Jugupa; aad 
jihvara (B.) is met with beside the regulär Jihvara (V.B.). In oaooha- 

311 3. Reduplicated Aorist. [—867 

da f Nlr.), and tho morn or Ina« douhtful papratha and Qaqvaoa and 
aaavaja (KV.) wo bare a instead of i in ihn rvduplieatlon. 

b. In support of their falle tiew of thts aorlit at made from the 
causativc slem Instcad of directly from the root, the natUe grammarlant 
trich that roofs ending In an u-vowel may redupllcato with I, as repreeent- 
Ing the & of the strongthencd stein: thus, blbhaya from bh&v-aya, ai 
well as bübhuva from bhO. No example of such a formation, howeyer, 
Is met wtth exrcpt apiplavam (£B., once); agtlnat it we Und dudruva, 
bübhuva, rürnva» c,ucruva, and others. 

o. At to apaptam, avooam» and anec,am, tee abore, 847. 

884. The inflection of the reduplicated aorist is like 
that of an itnperfect of the second general conjugation: that 
is to say, it has 9 a as final stera-vowel, with all the pe- 
ouliarities which the presence of that vowel conditiona (733 a). 
Thus, from ySR Jan give birth (stem jljana): 

active. middle. 

s. d. p. s. d. p. 

ajijanam ajljanäva ajljanama ajljane ajljanSvahi ajljanamahi 

i MsflsH^ «RsMH*^ q?fi?RrT WfkMQIt^ MUfettal*^ ysfl^HMM^ 
ajljanas ajljanatam ajljanata ajijanath&a ajljaneth*m ajtyanadhvam 

ajijanat ajljanatam ajljanan ajljanata aJIjaneULm ajljananta 

865. The iniddle forma are rare io the older langtiage (the 3d 
pl. is dccidodly tho most common of thoiD, belog made from eieren 
root«; the 3d 8. from seven); bat all, both active and middle, are 
quotablo oiccpt Ist und 2d du. niiddlo and Ist du. active. 

a. Atitape appesrs to be once used (RV.) as 3d sing., wlth passive 

866. A final r has the guna-strongthening before the endings: 
thus, aeikarat, aplparam, atltaras, dldaras, adldharat, amlmarat, 
avlvaran, Jihvaras. Of similar strengthened forma from I and u-roota 
are found apiprayan (TS), ablbhayanta (RV.), apiplavam ((B.), 
aeueyavat (K), ac;iicravat (MS.), atuetavam (RV.). Not many roota 
ending in other vowels than \ make thia aoriat: aee below, 868. 

867. Forms of the Inflection wfthout unton-vowel are occatlonally 
mo\ with: namely, from roots rndlng in confonants, sfavap (2d sing., 
augm^ntlos») from |/svap, and ac,icnat from y'cnath; from roota in \ 
or ar, didhar (2d sing.), and ajlgar (2d and 3d sing.); for roots In i- 
and u-Towels, see 868. Of 3d pl. In US are foond almost only a form 

867— j XI. AORI8T-8TSTEM8. 312 

or two from I- and u-roott, witb gru^a before tbe endiag: tbns, a^iorayua, 
acucyavua, aeuoravus, aauaavua; bat also ablbhajua ($B.), and (MBb.). 

868. In the later language, a few roots are said by tbe gram* 
marians to make tbis aorist as a part of thelr primary eonjngation: 
tbey are gri and qvi t dru and sru, kam, and dha euch (^rl and dha\ 

*. In the older language are found from Yqri a^iOTet and svQiorayus 
(aotieed in tbe precedtng paragrapb) and aojqriyat (9 B ); from ^dro, 
adudrot and adudruwat (TB.: not med at aoritt); from ysrn, aanarot 
and (augmentleea) susros and auarot; from ykam, aolkametam and 
-manta (B.S.). Of forma analogoua with tbeae occur a nomber from ioota 
in u or ü: tbas, anünot and nünot from y'nu; yfiyot Crom Yju. 
separate] düdhot from j'dhü; apupot from ^pü; tütoa and tfttot from 
ytvt\ asusot from ^aü; — and on« or two from roots in i or I; tarnt, 
eiset from ysi (or sa) bind; amlmet from ymft beüow\ apipre* (witk 
apiprayan, noticed abo?e) from /pri (and tbe "imperfecta" from dldhl 
etc., 676, are of eorretponding form). And from j'oyu are made, witk 
union-vowel I, aouoyawlt and aouoyavltana. Few of tbete formt possaaa 
a neoettarily cantatiTe or a deddedly aorittie Yalue, and it ii Tery doabtfal 
wbetber tbey tbonld not be attlgned to tbe perfect-tyatem. 

b. From ibe later language are quotable only a^ioriyat etc. (8d iL, 
-yan or -yua) and adudruwat. 

Kodes of the Beduplioated Aorist. 

869. a. As in other preterit formations, the augmentleas indieatlve 
persona of thia aorist are used subjunctively, and they are very muek 
more frequent tban true subjunctives. 

b. Of tbe latter are found only rlradhft (ist Bing.); titapasi; 
oik|pati and alsadhatl, and piapr^ati (at If corroapondiiig to an Indlc- 
atlve apisprk, like agiqnut); aud perbapt tbe ltt tlng. nüd. oa^vaoal. 

o. Tbe angmentlett indieatlve formt are aeeented in general oa tbe 
reduplication : tbus, dfdharas, nfnaoaa; jftanat, pf parat; jijanan; 
also sisvap; but, on tbe otker band, we bare also piparat, ^iorathas 
and gionathat, and dndrawat and tusfawat (wbieb may perbapt belong 
to tbe perfect: compare 810). According to tbe native giammkrians, tbe 
accent rettt eitber on tbe radical tyllable or on tbe one tbat followt it 

870. Optative formt are eyen rarer. Tbe leatt qneationable esse it 
tbe middle "precatlve" ririsiata (ririsiata bat been ranked above witk 
aasahlata, at a perfect: 812 b). Ouoyuvlmahi and ouoyavlrata be- 
long eitber bere or to tbe perfect-syttom. 

871. Of imperative«, we bave tbe indubitable formt püpurantu and 
oierathantu. And jigrtam and Jigrta, and didhrtam and didhrta, 

313 Sibilant Aorist. [—870 

aml jajastam (all UV. only), and porbnps BUQÜdata (A.V.), tro to be 
reforrcd hJthrr, rs corrcspomling to thc tndicatlvos (withoui union-vowcl) 
ajlgar and adldhar: thelr thort redoplieating vo*el and thelr aecent 
atifmilate tbem closely to tbe redoplicsted imperfecta (060 ff.), with whicb 
wc ar* probably to regard this aorist u nltlmately related. 

872. No participle is found belonging to the reduplicated aoriet. 

878. The number of roots from wbich tnis aorist is met witb 
in the earlier language is about a hundred and twenty. In the later 
Sanskrit it is unnsual; in the series of later texte meotioned above 
(820) it occurs only twice ; and it has boen found quotable from hardly 
6fty roots in the whole epic and classical literature. 

III. Sigmatic or Sibilant Aorist. 

874. a. The common tense-sign of all the varieties of 
this aorist is a TT ■ (convertible to *f s: 180) which is added to 
the root in forming the tense-stem. 

b. This Sibilant has no analognes among the class-signt of tbe present- 
System; but lt is to be coropared with that wblcb appears (and llkewlse 
with or witbout the same union-vowel i) in the Sterns of the future tense- 
system (932 ff.) and of the deaideratlvo conjugation (1027 ff.). 

o. To the root thus increased the augment is prefixed 
and the secondary endings are added. 

875. In the case of a few roots, the sibilant tense-stem 
(always ending in 5T ka) is further increased by an9a, 
and the inflection is nearly like that of an imperfect of the 
second or a-conjugation. 

870. a. In the vast majori ty of cases, the sibilant is 
the final of the tense-stem, and the inflection is like that 
of an imperfect of the first or non-a-conjugation. 

b. And these, again, fall into two nearly equal and 
strongly marked classes, according as the sibilant is added 
immediatcly to thc final of the root, or with an auxiliary 
vowel ^ i, making the tense-sign *7T is. Finally, before this 
yi is the root is in a very small number of cases increased 
by a^R, making the whole addition T7TO sis. 

877—] XI. AORI8T-8Y8TBN8. 314 

877. We have, then, the following Classification for the 
yarieties of sibilant-aorist: 

A. With ending8 added directly to the Sibilant: 

4. with CT b simply after tlie root: s-aorist; 

5. with ^ i before the H s: is-aorist; 

6. the 8ame y with T\ s at end of root: sis-aorist. 

B. With 1% a added to the sibilant before the endings: 

7. with sibilant and 1% a: sa-aorist. 

a. As regards the distinction between the fourth and flfth formt, 1t 
inay bo said in a gcneral way that thoae roota incline to take the auiiliary 
i in the aorist which take it also in other formationt ; but it Is impoaalble 
to lay down any strict rules aa to thit accordanee. Compare 908. 

4. The s-aorist. 

878. The ten8e-8tem of this aoriot is made by adding 
H s to the augmented root, of which also the vowel is usu- 
ally strengthened. 

879. The general rules as to the strengthening of the 
root-Yowel are these: 

a. A final vowel (including ft r) has the vrddhi-change 
in tbe active, and (excepting $r r) guna in the middle: thus, 
from y^% lead, active stem Spfa an&is, middle stem Q^ta anea; 
from yTS 9m hear, snifrqr a^&us and ETOfa a^os; from 
|/eR kr make, WHH akftrs and 5RW akrs. 

b. A medial vowel has the vrddhi-change in the active, 
and remains unaltered in the middle: thus, from y»«^ ohand 
seem, active stem Jbfc&IHJ aoohants, middle stem EVeSFH 
aoohante; from yffQ rio leave, ST^qJ arftiks and Mf|d ariks; 
from y'JH rudh ob&truct, M(lrH arftuts and CT^rH aruts; 
from VT\R srj pour out, CIRTqT aeräks and SRfö asrks. 

880. a. The endings are the usual secondary ones, with 
3R us (not SR an) in 3d pl. act., and 3?T ata (not SRI anta) 
in 3d pl. in id. 

315 Sibilant Aorist: 4. b-aorist. [—889 

b. Hut before TT n and fT t of 2d and 3d sing, act. is in 

the laier language always inserted an ^ I, making the end- 

ings ^T Is and CT It. 

o. This Insertion is unknown in the earliest language (of the RV.) : 
seo below, 888. 

881. a. Before ondings bcginning with t or th, the tense-sign s 
is (S33 o-e) omitted aftor the final consonant of a root — unless this 
be r, or n or m (converted to anuev&ra). 

b. The same Omission is of course made before dhvam after a con- 
sonant; and after a vowel the Sibilant is either omitted or assimilsted (the 
cquivalence of dhv and ddhv in the theorles of the grammarians and the 
pra'tioe of the manuscripts makes it lroposstble to tay which: 232); snd 
then the ending becomca ^hvam, provlded the sihllant, if retained, would 
have been s (226 o): thus, astotjhvam and avr<}hvam (beside astoe- 
ata and avfaata); dj"<Jhvam (^dr tegard: (,'B., oncc), whteh ls to 
drthäe (2d p'ng.) as avr/^hvam and avrsata to avri and avrthäs; and 
kj-dhvam (M.). 

c. Arrordtng to the grammarians, the Omission of 8 before t and th 
tnk»'s place also aftoT a short vowel (the case can orcur only in the 2d and 
3d sing, niid.); but we have secn above (834 a) that this is to be viewed 
rather as a anbstitution in those persona of the forma of the root-aorist. 
Neither in the earlicr nor in tho later language, however, doea any example 
orcur of An aorist-form with 8 retained after a ahort vowel before these 

d. After tho final sonant aspirate of a root, the Sibilant before the 
same endings is said by the LI Inda grammarians to disappear altogether, the 
combination of tlie a«pirate with the th or t of the ending being then 
made aerordiiig to the ordinary rule for such eases (160): thus, from the 
M'»m aräuta, for aräudh-s, Is mado arftuddha, as if from arftudh -f- ta 
«1 iro»*.tly . No < xample of such a form is quotaWe fron» the literature; but 
the combination is cstablishcl by tho oecurrence of other aimilar rases 
(233 f). In th" middle, In like manner, aruts -f-ta becomes aruddha, 
as if from arudh-f-ta; but all such forms aduiit also of being understood 
as of thr root-aorist. Those that have been found to oeeur were gUen 
above (834 d); probably they beloug at least in part to this aorist. 

e. From the three nasal roots gam, tan» man are raade the 2d and 
3<i sing. mid. persona agathäs and agata, atathäe and atata, and amata 
(amathas not q'jotable), reckoned by tho native grammarians as 8-aorlst 
forms, made, after ioss of their final root-nasal, with loss also of the Sibilant 
nftor a short vo W el. They are doubtless better referred to the root-aorist. But 
JH. has a correspouding Ist sing, atasi from )/tan. 

882. As examples of the inflection of this variety of 




Sibilant aorist we may take the rooU 4t nl fead, and flFf 
obid cut off Thus: 

actlye. middle. 


1 #>^ 











^*f% ^orf% 

aneevabi anaamahi 
aneethaa anes&tham ane^hvam 
inee^a anes&tftm an es ata 



















a. From > x rudb cöstruct, tho 2d and 3d du. and 2d pl. act and 
the 2d and 3d öing. lnid. would be arauddbam, arauddhftm, 
ar&uddba, aruddbaa, aruddba; from y'nrj pour out, aarftftam, 
asr&at&m» aarftaV*. asra^bas, asrf^a; from j/dro, «00, adraa^am ©tc. 
(aa from irj). But from )/kr do tho aarne persona in the actlve aro 
akarafam, ak&rst&m, akarefca; from ytan stretch they are atftnetam» 
at&nat&m, at&Aata. 

883. The Omission of a in the actlve persons (aoobftittam, Aoohftit- 
t&m, aocb&itta) is t esse of ?ery rare oeenrrence ; sil the quoUble exam- 
ples were given tbove (233 e). As to tLe llke Omission In middle persons, 
see 881. The GhU. haa twicc avastam for av&ts-tam (yVaa dweü): 
this may be viowed as anolhec case of total disappuarauce of the Sibilant, 
and consoquent lestoratlon of the final radical to its original form. 

317 Sibilant Aorist: 4. s-aorist. [— 

884. (tarUin roota in R wcaken tho R in middle inflection to i 
(as also in the root-aorist: above, 834 a): these are said to be sthR, 
dl, and dhR; in the older language have been noted idisi and adisata 
from yAfk give (and adisi perhaps once from j'dl bind), adhisi and 
adhisata (with the Optative dhislya) from ydhft put, and asthisata; 
also agisthRs and agisata from f/gft go (with adhi). 

a. The middle inflection of the aoritt of ydft would be, then, 
according to the grammarians: adisi« adithls, adita; adisvahi, 
adisRth&m, adisRtRm; adismahi, adi<jthyam t idisata. 

886. Roots endlng In changeable r (so-ealled roota In f : 942) are 
said by the grammarians to convert thif towel to Ir in middle formt: thus, 
astlrsi, astlrsthas etc. (from ^str); of such forma, however, hat been 
round in the older langnage only aklrsata, PB. 

880. The s-aorist is made in the older language from abont a 
hundrcd and forty roots (in RV., from about seventy; in AV., from 
about fifty, of which 6fteen are additional to those in RV.); and the 
epic and classical literature adds but a vcry sraall nutnber. It has in 
tho Veda certain peculiarities of stem-forroation and inflection, and 
also the füll series of modes — of which the Optative middle is re- 
tained also later as a part of the "precative" (but see 926 b). 

887. Irregularities of stem-forroation are as follows: 

a. The strengthening of the root-syllablo is now and then irregularly 
made or omitted: thus, ayokslt (AB.), ehetsls (B.S.; also oeenrt in 
MBh., which has further yotslfl), rotsls (KU.); amatsus (RV.) , ayRihsi 
and arRutsi (AB), asftksi etc. (V.B. : i'sah), mRftsta (A V.) and raifisttm 
(FA.); lopsiya (U); and MHh. has drogdhas. From yssj 'it made 
säfikslt (U. eti*.), and from i'majj» amUÜcsIt (not q notable). The form 
ayunksmahi (BhP.) it doubtless a false reading. 

b. A radical final nasal is lost in agasmahi (KV.) and gasRthRm 
(TA.) from y'gam, and in the optativee maslya and yasimahi (RV.) 
from */inan and van. 

c. The roots hü, dhü, and nü hate ü tnstead of o in the middle: 
thos, ahüsata, adhüsata, anösi and ax&ÜsRtRm and anQsata; y'dhur 
(or dhürv) makes adhürsata. 

d. V B has once atrRsatRm for atrRstRm (^trft). 

888. The principal peculiarity of the older language in regard 
to inflection is the frequent absence of I in the endings of 2d and 
3d sing. act.. and tho conscqucnt lo** of ihn consonant-ending, and 
sometimcs of root-finals (160). The forma without i are the only ones 
found in RV. and K., and they outnumber the others in AV. and 
TS.; in the ßrähmanas they grow rarer (only onc, adrak, occurs in 
OB.; one, ayftt. in KR.; and two, adrRk and ayR(, in (JB.; PB. has 

889—] XI. A0RI8T-8Y8TBM8. 318 

889. If the root ends in a vowel, only the consonant of Ibe ending 
it necessarily lost: thus, apras (for both apris-s and apria-t) from ypML; 
and in like manner abfis from yh&; — ajiis (for ajais-t) from m/Ji ; and 
in like manner ao&is from yd, and nais (augmentlees) from /nl; — and 
y&us (for ayaus-t) from yyu. 

a. But (aa in otber like eaaes: 666 a) the ending U sometüaea preeer* 
Ted at the expente of the tense-sign; and we bare in 8d aing. ajftit (be- 
lide aj&is and aj&ialt) from >/ji j and in like manner ac&it, aorsUt, 
abait, nait (no examplea ha?e been noted except from roota in i and I): 
compare ayäa and sraa, 2d sing., 890 a. 

890. a. If the root (in eitber it* simple or strengthened form) ends 
in a consonant, the tense-sign is lost wltb the ending. Thus, abhir (for 
abbäre-t: beside abbarsam, abhara^am) from ybbf ; otber like eaaes 
are abär, and (from roou in ar) akaär, ataär, asvar, bvar. Farther, 
araik (686 a: for araika-t) from yrio\ like eaaes are a^vait from 
yqvitf and (from roots with medial u) adyftut from j'dyut, araut from 
)/rudb, and mäuk from p'muo. Kurther, from roots endlug in the Pala- 
tals and h, aprak from /pro, aarak from yarj, abbak from ybhaj, 
adrak from >'drg, adbak from ^dab; but, with a different chango of 
the final, ay&t from y'yaj, apr&t f^m /prob, av&f from /Tab, and 
asr&( from )/Brj;*and (abo?e, 146 a) sraa appears to stand twice in AT. 
for aras-s from /sri; RV. bas also twiee ayia from y'yaj. Further, 
from roots ending in a nasal, atan from /tan, kbftn from )/kban, ayan 
and anan from yyyam and nam (148 a). 

b. If, again, tbe roots end in a double consonant, the latter of the 
two is lost along irith tense-sign and ending: thus, aeobin (for aeobants-ti 
beside »acobantta aud aoohantaus) from /onand; and other like eaeee 
are akr&n, askan, and aayan. 

891. A relic of this peeullarity of the older lnflection hat boen 
preserved to the later language in the 2d sing, bhiis, from yhbL 

Kodes of tbe s- Aorist. 

892. The indicative forma without augment are uaed In a aub- 
junctive senae, eapecially after ma prohibitive, and are not unoommon. 
Examplea with accent, however, are extremely rare; there haa been 
noted only vaAai, middle; judging froui this, the tone woald be found 
on the radical ayllable. According to the Hindu graminariana, it may 
be laid on either root or ending. 

893. Proper aubjunctive forma are not rare in UV., but are 
markedly leaa common in the later Vedio toxta, and very aeldom met 
with in the Brähmanaa. They are regularly made with guna-atrength- 
ening of the radical vowel, in both actlve and middle, and with accent 
on the root. 


319 Sibilant Aorist: 4. b-aorist. [—806 

a. Thn forniR willi |irlmi»ry Midingaaw: In antlvo, atoeApl ; dar aas I ; 
neaati, paraatl, pAsati, mataati, yoaatl, vakeati, aakaati; dasathaa, 
dhAaathaa, paraathaa, vakaathaa, varaathaa; pAaataa, yamaataa, 
yakaataa, vakaataa; dhAaatha, neaatha, paraatha, matsatha; — 
In middle, namaAi, maiksAi; maAeaae; kramsafa, trAaate, daraate, 
maAeate, yakaate, rAaata, vaAaate, a&kaate, hftaate; träaAthe (not 
trAsAithe, as we ahould rather ex pect); namsante, maAsante: and, 
with the fuller endlng in 3d fing., maeAtAi. 

b. Tbo forma with secondary endtnga are (acttve only): jeaas, vakaaa; 
daraat, neaat, pake at, paraat, preaat, yakaat, y6sat, vaAaat, vaka at, 
veaat, aataat, ohantsat, etc. (iome twenty othera); yakaat Am; vaA- 
aftma, aäkaAma, atoaAma; paraan, yamaan, yoaan, raaan, vakaan, 
9eaan, qroaan. Of theee, yakaat and vakaat are round not rarely in 
the Brihmanaa; any othera, hardly more than iporadlrally. 

894. Of irregularitiea are to be noted the followlng: 

a. The forma dfkaaae and prkaaae (2d sing, mld.) lack the ffupa- 

b. Jeaam, stoaam, and yofam (AV. yüaam, with ü for o ai in 
anQaata etc.) appear to be flrat persona formed ander government of the 
analogy of the aecond and third — anlesa they are relica of a atate of 
thinga anterior to the vfddhl-strengthening: in wbl«*h eaae Jeama ia to 
be compared with thetn (we ahould expect jAiama or jeaAma). 

c. From roota tn A are made a few forma of problematie character: 
namely, yeaam (only eaae In RV.), khyesam, jfieaam, geaam and 
geama, deama, eeaam and eet, atheaam and etheaua. Their vtlue 
is opUtive. The analoty of jeaam and jeama auggeata the poaaibiltty of 
their derivation from i-forms of the A-roota; or the Mbllant tnlght be of 
a precatlve character (thus, yA-I-a-am). That they really bclong to the 
ia-aoriat appeara highly iniprobable. 

d. The RV. haa a few difflcult flrat persona middle in ae, whlch are 
perhaps best noted here. They are: 1. from the simple root, krae, hlae 
(and ohiaeP), atuae; 1. from preaent-atema, areaae, rnjase, yajase, 
gAyiae, grniae and puniae. They bave thr valuc of indlcatlve preaent. 
Compare b^low, 807 b. 

805. Optative forma of thia aoriat are mado in the middle only, and 
thoy havo in 2d and 3d alng. alwaya tho precathe n before the endlnga. 
Those found to oceur in the older language are: diaiya, dhialya, bhak- 
aiya, maalya (for ma&alya), mukaiya, rAelya, lopelya, sakalya, 
atralya; maAaia^häa; daralata, bhakalata, ma&alata, mrkalata; 
bhakalmahl, dhukaimahi, maAaimahi, vaAalmahi, v aal mahl, 
eakalmahi; maAairata. FR. haa bhukaialya, whlch ahoold belong to 
n oia-aoriM. The RV. form traalth&m (for trAalyAthAm or trAaAthAm) 
in an Isolated anomaly. 

a. Tliis nptative makea a part of the acrepted w precaiive w of the later 
language: sce below, 923, 925 b. 

896—] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS. 310 

896. ImperatWe persona from tbis aorist Are extremely rar«: ve Aad 
tbe 2d sing. tct. neaa and parea and the 2d pl. yaihaata (Crom a-aUma, 
and sbowing rather, therefore, a tieatment of the * aoritt-ttem ae a laot), 
aod tbe 3d sing. mid. raaat&m and pl. riaantaip (of wbicb tbe eame 
may be aaid). 

Partioiplet* of the s-aoriat. 

897. a. Acti?e partictplea are dakaat or dhakaat, aad aakfat 
(botb RV.). 

b. If rfijaae (above, 894 d) is to be leekoned aa an a-aoriat form, 
rnjasana is an a-aorlit participle; and of a kindred eharacter, aaparautlf, 
are argasana, 6hasana> jrayaa&na, dhiyaaini, mandaalna, yama- 
s&na, rabhas&na, vrdhaa&na, aahasana, gavaaina, all in RV ; wita 
namas&na, bhiyaaana, in AV. In RV. occuri alao once ^hffnmffTjfi. 
apparently au a-form of an a-aorist of yöhl. 

5. The ia-aorist. 

898. The tense-stem of this aorist adds the general 
tense-sign H s by help of a prefixed auxiliary yowel ^ i, 

making OT is, to the root, whioh is usually strengthened, 
and which has the augment. 

899. The rules aa to the strengthening of the root are 

aa follows: 

a. A final vowel haa vjddhi in the active, and guna'in 
the middle: thus, WlfejN ap&vis and €Rf§PT apavif from 
y*\ pQ cleanse] MrllH^ atfiria, act., from yff t? pass\ 3QfQY 
a^ayia, mid., from y$JH 9I He. 

b. A medial vowel haa guna, if oapable of it, in both 
voices: thus, MdfälN ale^, aet. and mid., from yi^nff U9 
tear\ d()hlN aroois from VJjR ruo shine\ *WWI avaifif 
from y^p vra rain ; but QsfH^^ajIvia from Ksfter jlv live. 

o. Medial 51 a is sometimes lengthened in the aotive; 
but it more usually remains unchanged in both yoioes. 

d. Tbe roots in tbe older langnage wbicb abow tbe lengtbenlag ata 
kan, tan, ran, stan, avan, han, vraj, aad, mad, oar, taar, STar, 
jval, das, traa. From ran, san, kram« vad, rakf , and aah oceox forme 
of botb kiuda. From t'math or manth are made tbe Uro ttemt TP^thlf 
and manthia. 

321 Siwlant Aorist: 5. Ib-aorist. [—903 

900. a. Of exceptio!" fn»y be notcd: j/mrj has (ab elscwherc: 027) 
vrddhi Instead of gana : thoe, amArJisam ; ystf has astarls, and yqx 
has aqarit (also a<jarAit in AV.), with guna in active. 

b. The root grabh orgrah has (aa in future et«\, helow, 930 e, 960) 
long i insiead of i beforc the aibtlant: thos, agrabhlama, agrahisla, 
agrabhlaata. The roou in changeable jf (ao-called roota In f : 242), and 
yv\ are said by the grammarians to do the same optional ly; bat no fonns 
with long I from euch roota have been foond quotablr. A 8Qtra (PGS.) 
has once anayla^a from |/nl (doubt)ess a falte readinp). 

901. The endings are as in the preceding formation 

(3TT us and SJcT ata in 3d pl.). Hut in 2d and 3d sing.. 

the combinations is-t and la-t are from the earliest period 

of the language contraoted into ^f Is and ^FT It. 

a. The 2d pl. mid. should end always in i<Jhvam (or i<J<Jhvam 
from ia-dhvam: 220); and tbis 1b in fact the form in the only eiam- 
ples quotable, namely ajani<Jhvam, arti<)hvam, AindhicjUivam, ve- 
picjhvam; as to the rules of the native grammarians respecting the 
matter, see 220 o. 

902. As examples of the inflection of the is-aorist may 
be taken the roots 1 pQ cleame, and «TO budh xcake. Thus: 

actirc. middtc. 

s. d. p. s. d. p. 

i M ' j i faMHL ym ^ y w&m wfafa toi% Mufam i ^» 

apAviaam apAviava apAviama apavisi apavisvahi apaviamahi 
apAvia apftvieVam apAvie^a apavis^haa apaviaAthAm apavitjLhvmm 
apAvit apAviatAm apAviaua apavls^a apaviaAtam apaviaata 

Jsnrfw^ q^tfar? ^tfT^^T SRlfafa 5Rtfo?% SRif jsrrf% 

abodhiaam abodhisva abodhisma abodhiai abodhisvahi abodhiamahi 

etc. et«*. etc. et«*. etc. etc. 

903. The nuiuber of roots from which forma of tbis norist have 
been noted in the older language is ncarly a hundred and fifty (in 
KV, about eighty; in AV., morc than thirty, of which a dozon are to thoso in KV.) , the later toxts add less than twenty. 
Atnong these are no roots in A; bat otherwise they are of every 
vnriety of form (rnrest in final i and I\ Active and middlc persons 
are freely inarie, hut spariugly from the same root; only ahoat fifteci. 

Whitn*. T » Gram mar. .1. ed. 21 

908—] XI. AOR15T-8Y8TEM8. 3M 

rootß have both active and middle forma io the older langnage, and 
of theae a part only exceptionally in the one Toiee or the other. 

a. No rule appeara to gorern the eboice of uaage between the 
ie- and the a-aorist ; and in no 8 mall nnmber of caaes the aame root 
abows forma of both claaaea. 

904. Irregularitles tre to be noticed as foliowt: 

a. The contracted forma akramim, agrabhlm, and avadhlm (wftk 
auginenlless vadium) are'fuund In lit sing. act. 

b. For a^arit occurs in AV. aoar&it; also (in a part of the manoacrftpts) 
c.arSia for carie; agrahäiaam is found In AB. (also the monatroos form 
ajagrabh&iaam : aee 801 i). Ajayit, wlth short i In the ending, ocenra 

in TS. 

o. AV. Las once nudifthaa, without guna. 

d. The forms atärima (UV.), avädiran (AV.), and badhithaa 
(TA.), though they lack the Sibilant, are perhaps to he refarred to thU 
aorist: compare avita, 908. A few similar caaes oecar In the eptcs, and 
are of like douhtful chuacter: thoa, jftnlthäa, mtdith&a, vartithaa, 
cahkithaa, and (the causative: 1048) aghätayithaa. Agrhltäm and 
grhithaa and grhita, if not false readings for grhnl-, are probabry 
irregulär present-formattons. 

Hodes of the is-aoriat. 

906. As usual, augiueutlcss indicative forms of this aori*t are more 
common than proper subjunctives. Exainples, of all the persona found to 
occur (and including all the accented words), are, in the acti?e: O&nataam, 
vadhim ; mathf a, vadhia, yAvia, aavla ; avlt, JÜrvit, mathlt, vaVdh- 
it, veclt; mardhiatam, doaiatam, hinaiatam; avigtam, janlefm, 
bAdhis^äm; cramiama, v&disma; vadhia(a and vadhia(ana. math- 
iatana, hi Asiat*; hvarisus, grahlaua; — in the middle: rftdhlei; 
janisthaa, maraiathfia, vyathiathaa; kr Ami ata» janiata, paTifta, 
prathiata, mandifta; vyatnismahi. The accent is on che root-syllahle 
(tArisua, AV. once, is doubtless an error). 

906. a. Of subjuncti?e forms with primary endlngs occur only the 
1 t sing. act. davia&ni, and the Ist pl. mil. (wiih unstrengthened e) 
yftciaamahe and aaniaamahe. 

b. Forms with secondiry endings are almost limited to 2d and 3d 
sing. act. Thero are found : aviaae, kanisas, tariaae, rakaiaaa, vadh- 
ia as, vädisaa, vesiaaa, canaiaaa; k&riaat, jambhiaat, JöatfAi, 
takaiaat, täriaat, nindiaat, pariaat, bodhieat, mardhiaat, yäoieat, 
yodhiaat, rakaiaat, vaniaat, vyathiaat, canaiaat, aaniaat, a&viaat. 
They are made, it will be noticed, with entire regularity, by addlng a to the 
tense-stem in ia before tho endings. The only oth'jr persons found to oecur 
are the 9U pl. act. aaniaan and mid. aaniaanta (and TS. hat vantaanta. 


323 Sibilant Aorist: 5. Ib-aorist. [—011 

for thc problotnatic vanusanta of RV), which arn also rcgnlar. BhavIsAt 
(AH. otioo) la a soIlUry example of a form wild double mode-algtt; canis- 
that (KV.; SV. tnatead janis^hat) aeema hopeleaaly corrupt. The radieal 
syllable alwaya hat' tbe accent, and tta vowel aaaally accorda wlth that of 
ihe indieative: bat we have Man- in the aubjanctire againat asanisam 
(u to cay- and ran-, see below, 008). 

007. The middle optatlvc of this aoriat alte formt a pari of the ac- 
cepted "precatlve" of the later langaage (828, 0S6 b). 1t la rery rare at 
all perloda, being made In RV. from only live roots, and in AV. from two 
of the atme and from three addltional onca (alx of the eight have other 
is-forms); and the remalning texte add, to far aa notlced, only four other 
roots. All the forma fonnd to occnr are aa followa: Janisiya, indhifllya, 
edhiBiya, rucislya and rocielya, gmialya; modiele^has ; janisls^a; 
vaniBlfta; sahislvahi; idhielmahi, edhisimahi, Janielmahi, tariel- 
mahi, mandislmahi, vandielmahi, vardhielm&hi, Bahielmahi and 
Bähislmahi. The accent ls on the endlng, and this would lead na to ex- 
pect a weak form of root throtighout; bat the asage in this rcgpect appeare 
to be vartous, and the easea are too few to allow of setting up any role. 
The forma Janlseyam and -ya, from a aeeondary a-atem, occar in K. 

008. Of imperative forma, we have from >/av a seriea: namely, 
avi<J<Jh{, avis^u, avisfam, avita (if this, aa seema probable, stand« 
anotnalously for avis(a) and avlBfana; two of thete are of unmistakably 
imperative form. Other forma occnr only in 2d da. and 2d pl., and are 
accordlngly soch aa mtght also be subjanetivea ased imperatlvely (which 
is fnrtber made probable for two of them by their aecentaatlon on thn 
root-syllable): thoy are kramistam, gamistam, oanietam, oayis^am 
(.igalnst aeftyisam), taristarn, yodhiB(am, wadhlatam, onathistam; 
rapis^ana (againat ar&nisuB), onathietana. 

000. No worde having a participlal ending after is are found 
anywhere to oecur. 

010. This i« thc only aortat of which forme aro mado in tho 
snconri.iry and denominative conjngations: sec below, 1036, 1048, 

6. Tho flis-aoriflt. 

011. According to the gram mari ans, this aorist is made 
from roots in *TT & (including fi? mi ßx, ftf mi (or ml) damage 
nnd z\) IT ding, which Substitute forms in R), and from 
nrj nam bou\ TFT yam ra/r/*, and JT] ram be content, and is 
used only in the active; the corresponding middle being of 
the 8-form (878 ff.). Its inflection is precisely like that of 
the is-aorist; it is unnecessary, thon, to give more than 


911—] XI. A0RI8T-SY8TBMB. 324 

its Erst persona, which we may form from the rooU QT yl 
go and *R nam botv. Thus : 

i. d. p. 8. d. p. 

ayaaisam ayasisva ayaaisma anaihsiBam anaihsiBva anaihsifma 

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

912. Tho Bis-aoriit U properly only a aub-form of tbe if-aoriat, 
hiving tbe tense-sigu auJ endings of the Utter added to a form of root 
increased by an added s. It is of extreme rarity In tbe older langnaga, 
being made in RV. only from tbe rooU ga $\ng and y* go % and in AV. 
only from hä leave, and doubtleai also from pyft fill up and van »in 
(aee below, 914 b); tlm remaining older texts add jfiajfcnoi* (B.), jyft ovor- 
power, dhya think (<, B. once : tbe edition reada -dhft-), and ram 6# con- 
tent (SV.: a bad variant for BY. raalya); otber Bribmana forma wbteb 
migbt be also of tbe B-aorlst are adrfislt, av&slt, and ahv&slt; and bhuk- 
sisiya (PB. S.) raust he regarded as an anomalous formation from fl>hnj, 
unless we prefer to ad mit a secondary root bhuka, like bhaka from bhaj. 
In tbe later language have been found quotable from otber roots only glaBis, 
adhmaaft, anathslt, apaait, mliala, and amniirisna. 

a. Tbe participle häsamana and causative h&aayanti (RV.) sbow 
that h&a bad assumed, e?en at a very early perlod, tbe valne of a secon- 
dary root beeide ha for other formt tban tbe aorlst. 

913. Tbo whole serle* of oldor indicative forma (omitting, aa donbt- 
ful, tbe 2d and 3d biog.) ia as follows: agaaiaam, aj&aaiaam, ayaa- 
isam, adhyaaieam; ajyaaie^am, ayasiB^am; ajfiaaisma; aj&aaifct*, 
ayaaisma; agaaisus, ayaaiauB (aksisue is from >^aka attain). 

a. Form» without augment are tbese: jfiaaiaam, raihaiaam, hiai- 
sam; haaiatam; haaiatam; haaia^a; häsiauB, gaaiauB, jfiaflisu*. 
Tbe accent would doubtless be lipon tbe root-syllable. 

914. a. Of proper snbjunctives are found two, g&aiaat and yaaiamt 
(both RV.). 

b. Optatives are not less rare : namoly, yaaiaisth&a and pyaaiBlmahi 
(for wbicb tbe AV. manuscripts read pya^ialmahi, altered in tbe edition 
to pyäyia-); and doubtloas vaiujielya (AV., twice) is to be corrected to 
vansialya, and belcngs bere. As to bhukaiflya, see above, 919. 

o. The accent of yaeistam (like aviafcam, 908) shows it to be a 
true imperative form; and yäaiB^a (KV., once) is doubtless the ssme, witb 
anomalous i for i. 

915. Mldille forma of this aorist, it will be noticcd, occur from tbe 
optatife onlyj but, considerlng tbe great rarity of the whole formation, we 
are bardly justiflod in concluding that in the sncient language the middle 
persons in -siei, -aia^haa, etc., were not allowable, like those in -ifi, 
-iffhäB, and tho others of the ia-aorist. 

325 Sibilant Aorist: 7. sa-aorist. [—919 

7. Tho flft-aoriBt. 

916. In the later language, ihe root« allowed to form 
this aorist end in 5T c, *T a, or qf b — all of them «ounds 
which in combinaiion with ihe tense-sign make €T k«; and 

they havc $ i, 3 u, or f? x «• radical vowel. 

a. T1u-y an« ** followi: di^; ri$ f 11$, vi$, kll$, kru$ f ru$ t mf$, 
nprq; tvt«, dvie, 9Ü9, vis, kre; dih, mih, lih, guh, duh, ruh, trh, 
VTh, Btfh ; from about hilf of tbem sa-formi, earlier or later, are qnotable. 
Some of thcm may. or with cerUln meanlngs mast, take aoritts of other form f. 
And a few are nllowed to drop both tense-nign and onfon-rowel a In rer- 
lain pertons of tho mlddle: tbat Is, tbey may make insiead forma of tbo 

917. As the ten8e-8tem ends in H a, the inflection is 
in the main like that of an imperfect of the second general 
conjugation. But (according to the grammarians: the forma 
unfortunately have not been found quotable) the tat sing, 
mid. ends in 3 i instead of ^ e, and the ?d and 3d du. 
mid. in H\9\\i\ ftthftm and MIH IM ÄtÄm, as in imperfect« of 
the other conjugation. Roth active and middle inflection 
is admitted. The root is throughout unstrengthened. 

918. As example of inflection we may take the root 
f|$T die point. Thus: 

active. roiddle. 

*. d. p. f. d. p. 

adiksam adikgäva adikeAma axiikei adlksAvahi adika&mahi 

adiksas adikgatam adikeata adikeath&a adikaftth&m adiksadhyam 

adiksat adlkgatÄm adikean adikaata idikaät&m adiksanta 

919. In the earlter langnage, tbo formt of the SA-aorlit are bardly 
raore tban sporadic. They aro isade in RV. from seren rooU; in AV., 
from two of these and from two othen; and the remalning teits add ten 
moro, making nineteen in all (the later language makes no tddltioni to 
thl* number). As later, all have i or u or f at root-rowel, and a final 
con«on»nt which rombines with 8 to ka; bat there are in the üft also two 

919— -] XI. Aorist-Systems. 326 

endlng in j, namely mrj and vrj. All tbe examplea noted are glvau 

a. So f ar aa tbe middle formt are coneerned, tbis aoritt would be fuily 
explained ae a tranifer of certain s-aorisU to an a-inflection. Tbe marked 
difference in tbe ttrengtb of radical Towel in tbe active, however, ttandi 
in tbe way of tbt encceuful applleatiou of tocb an ezplanation to tbe aettve 

920. a. In tbe jndicatiye, we find, in theacttYe: avrkaam; adrukaaa, 
adhukeae, aruksas, akrukeaa, aaprkaas (and MBb. addt amrkaaa); 
adikaat, amikeat, alikeat, avikeat, akrukeat, aghukeat, adukaat 
and adhukaat, arukeat, avrkaat, akrkaat, Amrkeat, aaprkaat; 
aghukeatam; arukeama, amrkeama, avrkaam«; adhukaan, apik- 
ean (/pie), arukaan, aaprkean; — in tbe middle, only akrkaathaa 
(flcra)» adhukeata, and amrkeanta (and MBb. addi amrkeataf). 

b. Forma wltbout anginen t (no true aubjunctWea occur) are, in tbt 
actiye: drkeam, mrkeam; dukeaa, rukeaa, mrkeae; dvikaat; 
mrkeata; dhukeAn aud dukean; — in tbe middle, dvikeata, dukeata 
and dhükeata, dhukeAn ta. 

o. Tbere are no optttive forma. 

d. ImperatiTe are: in tbe active, mrkeatam; in tbe middle, dhuk- 

e. Tbe few accented forma witbout augment wbicb occur bave tbt 
tone on tbe tenae-elgn aA, in analogy witb tbe a-aoriat (2) and tbe lmper- 
fect of tbe A-claai : a tingle eiception ia dhükeata, wbicb probably needa 
emendaüon to dhükeata. 

f. Tbe aaplration of initial d and g, after loaa of tbe aapirated qnallty 
of tbe root -final (165), ie aeen in forma from tbe roota duh and gab, bat 
not from druh (only a tingle caae, AB.); RV., howeyer, bat alto adukaat 
and dukeaa, dukaAn, dukeata. 


921. As tbe Bo-callcd preoative ie allowed by tbe gramnuriaiia 
to be made in tbo later language from every root, and in an iiide- 
pendent way, witbout reference to tbe mode of formation of the 
aoriät from the aatne root, it ia deairable to put togetber here a brief 
stutement of the rulea given for it. 

922. The precative active ia made by adding the active 
precative endings (above, 668) directly to the root. Hut: 

a. Of Ün»l rooi-vowüla (.ia befuro tbo paMiivu-itlgii yA: 770), i aud 
u are lengtheued; r !i o« u »Ny changed to pi, but to Ir and üp In thoee 
roota wbicb elaewhere tbow ir- and ur- formt (ao-oalled f-rooti : 242), and 
to ar in r and emr, & it cltauged to e in the roota da, dha, ethft, pt 
i/röiÄ, g& sing, and a few othera, in part optlonally. 

327 Prbcatiti. [—824 

b. Tho root in gcncral assumea ili weakeat form : a pennltlmate nasal 
in lost, ts fn badhyasam from i/bandh ; tho root» whlth aro abbre.viated 
in Ibe weak persona of the perfeel (794) hat« ibe tarne abbrevlatlon here, 
as in ueyasam, ijyasam, vidhyasam, supyasam, g^hyasam; Yqta 
formt ^iaySsam (compare 039, 864 o): and to on. 

o. It bat bcen pointed ont above (837) that the actlre preeatl?e 1t an 
optattre of the root-toritt, with a problematic Insertion of a Sibilant between 
mode-stgn and ending. 

929. a. The precative middle is made by adding the 
niiddle precative endings (above, 668) to the root increased 
by n b oi yn is — that is, to the tense-stem of an s-aorist 
or of an is-aorist (but without augment). 

b. The root is strengthened according to the rules that 
apply in forming the middle-stem of the s and of the ia- 
aorists respectively : in genera), namety, a final vowel is 
gunated in both formations; but a medial vowel, only be- 
fore ^f i". 

C. At was pointed out above (667) the middle precative 1t really the 
optatire of certtin aorists, wlth the Insertion of a Sibilant between mode- 
tign and ending only (so far at authenticated by use) in the 2d and 3d 
slngolar. In the older langnage, such formt are oftenest made from the 
8-aorist (896) and the ia-aorist (907); but also from the root-aorlst (837 b), 
the a-aorift (860 a), the reduplicated soritt (870), and the sis-aorlst 
(914 b); and even from the perfect (812 b). 

924. As example of inflection, rre may take the root 
>1 bhü bc, which is said (no middle aorist or precative from 
it is quotable) to form its middle on the is-stem. Thus: 

8. d. p. 

i Wim H?jre? >TOTF*? 

CS. ^ CS es. 

bhüyasam bhüyasva bhOyasma 

i to >iimHM >mnT? 

CS. "S CS *S CS 

bhflyas bhüyaetam bhdyasta 

3 HUTfT muiww hu ihm 

CS. "n CS *S CS O -S 

bhQyät bhOyastam bhayaaus 

0*4— J XI. AoRJtiT-SYSTEMS. 32b 

•• d. p. 

bhavisiya bhaviaivahi bhavislmihi 

bhavisisthaa bhavisiyasthäm bhavisi^hvam 

bhaviaia(4 bhaviaiyastam bhavisiran 

a. The forms giren by tbe grammarians as 2d and 3d dual are of 
very qnestionable value, as regards the place aaaigned to the tibllant. 
Those persona, and the 2d pl., have neyer boen met with In uae. For the 
qaestlon reapecting tbe ending of the 2d pl., aa dhvam or fhvam, see 
226 c. 

025. a. The precative acttae la a fotm of very rare occurrence In tbe 
clasaical langnage. In each of the texts already more tban once referred to 
(Manu, Nala, Bbagayad-Oiti, (akuntali, flltopadeca) it occura once and no 
more, and not half-a-ilozen forma bave been found quotable from tbe eplca. 
As to its value, see 573 o. 

b. The precative middle is Virtual ly unfcnown in the whole later 
literature, not a Single occarrence of it bating been brougbt to ligbt. Tbe 
BhP. bas once rfriaia^a, which is also a RV. form, belonging probably to 
tbe reduplicated aorist: see 870. 

Uses of the Aorist. 

026. The uses of the aorist mode-forms (as has been already 
pointed out: 582) appoar to accord with those of the mode-forms of 
the present-sy stem. The predilection of the earlier language, con- 
tinued sparingly in the later, for the augtuentless forms in prohibitivo 
expression after m£ was sufficiently stated and illustrated above 

a. The tense-value of tbe aorist indicati?e bas also been more tban 
once referred to, and calls only for eomewhat more of detail and for Illus- 
tration bere. 

027. The aorist of the later language is aimply a pret- 
erit ; equivalent to the imperfect and perfect, and frequently 

coördinated with them. 

a. Thus, tatah aa gardabhaih lagugena tac^ay&maaa; tena 
'bau pafioatvam agamat (II.) thercupon he beat th* donkty with a stick; 
and hereof the latter died\ tatah bä vidarbhän agamat punarji; tim 
tu bandhujanar^ samapüjayat (MBh.) thrreupon ehe went back to 
Vidarbha ; and her kindred paid her rewenc? ; pritimäu abhüt, uvaoa 

329 Urbs op tue Aori8t. [— 989 

cal 'nnm (MHIt.) he tcnx fitletl trith affcction, and naid to him; tarn adft- 
hnt krtw^hiilh no 'hliiid riivynvnptifl Inda (lt.) he hurncd him trith 
waod, and he became then a heavenly form. 

028. The aorist of the older language has the value of a proper 
"p^rtcct": thnt is, it signifies somcthing past which is viewed as 
corapleted with reference to the present; and it requires accordingly 
to be rendered by onr tense raade with the auxiliary have. In general, 
it indicates what has just taken place; and oftcnest something which 
the Speaker ha» experienccd. 

a. Kxamples from the Veda Are: pari 'me gim anesata pary 
agnim ahrsata, deveev akrata cravah ka iman i dadharaati (RV.) 
i hese here have ltd ahout a cow, they have carried a round the fire, they 
have done honor to the gods — who »hall venture anything against themf 
yam ftfch&ma manaaft so 'yam t 'gÄt (RV.) he trhom %oe (formerly, 
Impf.) sought with our mind has (tww, aor.) cotne; yene 'ndro havfe& 
kftvy abhavad dyumny üttamah, idam tad akri dev& aaapatna^i 
kilä *bhuvam(RV.) that libation by which Indra, making it, hecame (Impf.) 
ofhighest glory y I havenow made, yegods; I have become free from enemien. 

b. Fxampl*»* from the Brähmiin* language an»: b& hä 'smifi jyog 
uväsa... tato ha gandharvih sam üdire: jyog vä iyam urvacj 
manuayeav avätalt (£B.) she tived with him a long time. Then the 
Gandharvas said to one anothtr, "this Urvacl, forsooth, has dtreit a long 
time among mortals"; tasya ha dantäh pedire: taih ho'väca: apat- 
eata vä asya dantah (AH.) his teeth feil out. He *aid to him: "his teeth 
truly have fallen out*; fndraeya vrtram jaghnüaa indriyam vlryam 
prthivlm anu vy &rchat tad öaadhayo virüdho 'bhavan sa 
prajipatim üpft 'dh&vad vrtram me jaghnuaa indriyam viryam 
prthivlm anu vy Ärat tad 6eadhayo virüdho 'bhüvann {tt (TS.) 
of Indra, trhen he had slain Vritro, the force and might ireftt atray into the 
earth y and hecame the herb* and plantn; he ran to Prajäpati, saying: "my 
force and might, öfter slaying Vritra, have gone atray into the earth, and 
have hecome the herbs and plant**; svayam enatn abhyudetya brüyäd 
vrätya kva 'vätslh (AV., in proao passage) going ttp to him in pcr*on, 
let him say: " Vrätya, where hast thou abode"? yad idanlm dvftü vivada- 
mftnftv ey&t&m aham adar^am aham acrftuaam Iti ya eva brüy&d 
aham adar<jam iti tasmft eva qraddadhyAma (V^O ifnow two should 
come disputing with one another, [the one] saying "i have seen~, [the other) 
"I have heard", we should believe the one who said "I have seen*. 

920. a. This dlstlnction of the aor IM from tho Imperfect and p^rfoct 
as tensea of narratlon la rery common in the Brahmana language (in ein ding 
the older tipaninhads and the Sütras), and is closely obaerred; rlolatlon of 
It la Tery rare, and Is to be regarded u either dne to corruption of text or 
Indl^atire of a late origin. 

b. In the Vedlc hymns, the same dlstinction is preralent, bat I* both 
l^fs clear and less strictly maintained ; many patsages woald ad mit an 

929— J XII. FüTUKE-SYSTEMß. 330 

Interpretation implying cither eenae; and evident aorlst-fonna are eometinea 
used narratively, whllc imperfcct-fornis are aleo occaaionaUy employed in 
the aoritt sense. 

930. Tue boundary bttween what hat just been and wbat ia ia an 
evaneacent one, aud U someUmea overstepped, ao tliat an aoriat appearfl 
where a present might itand, or waa e?en rather to be expeeted. Taus: 
svasaathe bhavatam indave na iti aomo vii r*J6 *ndtu> ooml- 
y&i 'väi 'ne etad rajna asade *oik|pat (AB. i. 29. 7) "6« y« comfor- 
table seats for our Indu", he sags; Indu is hing Soma: by this means he 
ha$ made them (inatead of makes them) suitablefor hing Soma to sit upon\ 
varunir apo yad adbhir abhlainoati varunam eväf *nam akar 
(MS. iv. 3. 10) the waters are Varunas; in that he bepours htm with waters, 
he hos made htm Varuna\ panoabhir vyagharayati pstnkto yajfiö 
yavän eva yajnaa tarn alabdhä 'tho yavän eva yajnaa taimnd 
rakaänsy apahanti (MS. iii.2. 6) he tmears with ßve ; ßvefold is the offer- 
ing; as great at is the offer in g } of it he hos [therebg] taken hold; them, as 
great as is the off er ing, from it he smites awag the demons. This idiom la 
uict with in all the Urähinanaa; but it ia eapecially frequeut In the MS. 



931. The verb has two futures, of very differeot age 
and characler. The one has for tense-sign a Sibilant followed 
by T\ ya, and is an inheriiance from the time of Indo- 
European unity. The other is a periphrastic formation, made 
by appending an auxiliary verb to a derivative noun of 
agency, and it is a recent addition to the verb-system; iU 
beginnings only are met with in the earliest language. The 
former inay be called the a- future (or the old future, or 
simply the future); the latter may be distinguished at the 
periphrastic future. 

331 Thb 8-futurb. [—934 

I. The »-future. 

932. The tense-sign of this fuiure is the syllable RT sy4, 
added to the rooi either directly or by an auxiliary vowel 
$ i (in the latter case becoming ^PJ iayi). The root has 
the gu?a-strengthening. Thus, from y^T dft give is formed 
the futuie tense-stem ^THT disyd; from y^ i go, the stem 
J^U e?yd; from yg^ duh milk, the stem tJTfJJ dhoksya; 
from y*\ bhü be y the stem >|fcj^l| bbavisya; from YWX Tdh 
thrive, the stem felftl&U ardhiayi; and so on. 

a. But from f/jiv /im the stem is Jlvisyi, from /oka sprinkU it 
is ukaisya, and so on (240). 

b. There are hardly any Vedlc cases of resolutton of the tenie-fign 
sya tnto siaj RV. has ksealantas oncc. 

933. This tense-stem is then infleoted precisely like a 
present-stem ending in Q a (second geneial eonjugation: 
733 a). We may take as modeis of inflection the future of 
V^T dft give, and that of y^\ kr make. Thus: 

actWe. mlddle. 

a. d. p. s. d. p. 

i < i HnfH ^tpjt^ ^nrnr^ ^TF& <IUIM^ {lUIIM^ 

dasy&mi dasysWaa daay&mas daay6 daayivahe daayAmabe 
daayaei dasyatbas dasyatba daayaae dasyetbe daayadbve 

daayati daayatas daayanti daayate daayete daayante 

i Sif^OTfa <4ift&UMt^ ^r^IHM^ ^if^ ^ i f^JN^ *üf^OTi% 

karisyazni karisyavas karisyamaa kariay6 kariayftWabe karia ytmabi 

•tc. etc. etc. eto. etc. etc. 

a. In the eptcs are foand occaeional catei of Ist du. and pl. in va and 
ma: e. g. ramsyäva (R.), bhaksyäva (cauiatWe: MBh.); eay&ma 
(MBh.), vatjyftma (R). 

934. With rogard to the nse or non-use of the auxiliary vowel 
i before the Ribilant, thero is a degree of general aecordance between 
this tense and the other future and the desIderaÜTc; but it is by no 
means absolute, nor are any definite rules to be laid down with re- 
tard to it (nnd 80 much the lese, because of the infrequeney of the 
two latter formatioo» in actual nse): between this and the aorist 

034— J XI 1. FUTUltB-SYtfTBMS. 332 

(a-aoriat on tho one aide, or ia-aoriat on the other), any correepondence 
18 still lese traceable. Practically, it ia neceaaary to learn, aa a mat- 
ter of ueage, how any given root makea theae varioue parta of ita 
conjugational ayatem. 

935. Below is added a etatement of the usage, aa regards tbe auxillary 
vowel, of all the roots fonnd qootable — for the moet part, tn the form of 
* speeification of those which add the tenae-sign directly to the root; In 
bracketa are fürt her meiuloned the other roots which aecording to the gram- 
mariana also refuse the auxiliary vowel. 

a. Of roota ending in vowela, the great majority (excepting thoae in 
r) take no i. Thus, all in ä (numerous, and nnneceaiary to speeify: bat 
compare o below) ; — those in i, at kai potsu, oi gaiher t ci «of#, ml» ai 
or aft bind (aiaya), hi; from i, kai destroy, and ji oeeur forma of both 
classes; cri [and Qvi] haa i; — those in i, as kri, bhl, ml, wll; bnl cl 
lie and nl have both forma [and <JI takes i]; — thoae in u, aa oyu, dru, 
plu f cru, hu; but au prss» out and atu have both forma [and kau». 
kanu, du, yu, ru, anu take i]; — of thoae in ü, dhü and bhü take i; 
aü has both forins. But all in r (numerous, and unneceaaary to apaclfy) 
take i [those in changeable r, or so-called f-rooU (248), are aaid by the 
grammariana to take either i or I; no I-forms, however, are quotable]. 

b. Of roots ending in mute«, about half add the tenae-algn directly. 
Tims, of roots ending in gutturals, oak; — in palatals: in o, paYO, muo, 
ric, vac f vic, vrac,o, aio (but yfto takes i); in oh, praoh; in J, bhaikj, 
mrj (märkeya and mrakaya), yaj, bhuj, yuj, vrj, arj [also bhrajj, 
rafij, aafij, avanj, nij, ruj], »Mio tyaj, bhaj, and maJJ (mankeya and 
majjisya) have both for ms, and vij (vijiaya and vejieya) and vraj 
take i; — in dentals: in t, krt cut and vrt [also ort and nft] make 
both forma; in d, ad, päd, cad /«//, akand, ayand, ohid, bhid, vid 
ßnd, nud [also had, khid, avid, kaud, tud]; while, aad (aataya and 
aidiaya) and vid know make both forms [also chrd and trd], and vad 
has i ; in dh, vyadh (vetaya), r&dh, aidh sueeeed, budh, yudh, rudh, 
vrdh [also a&dh, krudh, keudh, o,udh], and bandh and aidh repet 
have both forms; in n, tan, while man and han have both formt; — in 
labials : in p, äp f kalp, gup, typ, arp (arapaya and earpeya) [also 
oap, lip, lup], while tap, vap, avap, drp, aml k|p have both formt; 
in bh, yabh and rabh, labh having both forms; in m, ram, while kram, 
keam, nam, and yam make both formt. 

o. Of the roota reckoned by the grammarians as ending in semivowela 
(761 d-g) all take i. And vä or vi weave, vy& or vi tnvtlop, and hvi 
or hÜ call take a y-form, as in their present-system, to which then i it added: 
thus, vaylaya, vyayiaya, hvayiaya (but also hvaaya). 

d. Of roota ending in spiranU, the' minority (about a third) are wlth- 
out the auxiliary vowel. They are: roots in o, dio, vio, dro, (drakaya), 
■Pr9 (aprakaya) [also danc,, rty, li(j f kruo,, mroj, while na? be lo$t 
has both forms (nankeya and nao,ieya); — in a, pia, via, oia [alio 

333 The s-futurb. [—938 

tvla, dvle, glla, tua, dua, pua t qua|, whlle kja ha* both formt (krak- 
aya and karaiaya); — In s» vaa «Arne, vam ciothe [alsoghaa], while vaa 
dwell has both forms; — in h, mih, duh, droh [also nah, dih, lih], 
wbile dah, vah, sah and roh ha*e both formt. 

e. In the older Unguage, a major Ity (about Are nlnths) of simple roots 
add (he sya withoat auxiltary i; of the futaret occarrlng in the Uter 
Unguage only, nearly three qa arters haye the i, thls being generally Uken 
by any root of late origin and derivative character — as it ls also nniformly 
uken fn secondary oonjugation (1010, 1036, 1050, 1068). 

930. As the root is ttrengthened to form the stein of thls future, so, 
of a root that has a stronger and a weiter form, the stronger form is used : 
thas, from j/bandh or badh bind, bhantaya or bandhiaya. 

a. By an Irregulär strengthenlng, nafiksya (beside naoiaya) is made 
from yn&q be lost, and maflkaya (beside majjiaya) from y'majj sink. 

b. But a few roots make future-stemi in the Uter Unguage withoat 
stretigthening: thas, likhiaya, mlliaya (also TS.), vijieya (also vejiaya), 
aiaya (^Bä or ei), sQsya (939 b), aphufiaya; and ^vyadh makes 
vetaya from the weaker form vidh. 

c. The £B. has once the monstrous form acjnuvieyämahe, made 
upon the present-stem a^nu (097) of y*$ attain. And the Uter langoage 
makes aldiaya and Jahiaya from the present-stems of fsad and yh&. 
Gompare further hvayiaya etc., 936 c. Alto khyayiaya from j/khyä 
(beside khy&aya) appears to be of similar eharacter. 

d. A number of root* with medial f strengtheti it to ra (841): thus, 
kraksya, trapaya, drapaya, drakaya, mraksya (beside markaya), 
spraksya, arakaya, arapaya (beside aarpsya), and mradiaya (beeide 
mardiaya); and |k|p forms klapaya (beside kalpiaya). 

e. The root grab (also lts doublet glah) takes I instead of i, as it 
«Ines also in the aorint and elsewherc. 

937. This future is cotnparatlvely rare in the oldest Unguage — in 
part, apparently, because (ho uses of a future are to a Urge extent answered 
by subjunetive forms — but becomes more and more common later. Thus, 
the KV. has only serenteen ocearrences of personal forms, ftom nine different 
roots (with participles from slx additlonal roots); the AV. haa flfty ocearrences, 
from twenty-flve roots (with participles from seveti more); but the TS. has 
ocearrences (personal forms and participles together) from o*er slxty roots; 
and forms from more than a hnndred and flfty tooU are qaoUble from the 
older (ext*. 

Modes of the s-future. 

938. Morie-forms of the future are of the utmost rarity. The only 
example in the older Unguage is kariayAsj, 2d sing. sabj. »ct., oecarrlng 
once (or twire) in RV. (AB. has once notay&vah&l, and OB. haa eayft- 
mahai, taAayämahfti, sthaayftmahai, bot they are doubUeas false 

938 — ] XU. FüTURE-SYSTEMS. 334 

readiuga for -he. Two or thrce Optative formt are found In tbe epica: thaa, 
dhakayet and manayeran (MUh.), and drakayata (R.){ aleo an Imper- 
ative patayantu (Har.). And several 2d pl. mld. in dhvam are qnoiable 
from theepica: thus, vetayadhvam, aaviayadhvain, and (the cauaaüve) 
k&layiayadhvam (Pß.) aud jivayieyadhvam (MBh.: and one taxt haa 
mokayadhvam at i. 133. 13, wherc tbe othex readi mokfayadlrvam), 
and bhavisyadhvam (MBh. K.) : it ii i matter of quaation whetaer taese 
are to be arcounted a real imperative formation, or an apio tubatitatlon of 
■econdary for priniary endiiiga (couipare 642 a). 

Farticiples of the s-future. 

030. Participles are made from the future-stem precisely 
aa from a present-stem in tja: namely, by adding in the 
active the ending H nj, in the middle the ending *|H mtna; 
the accent remains upon the steni. Thus, from the verba 
instanced above, ^THTrT däsyänt and ^THFRTH däayamlna, 
^if^QtT karisyant and efcQ&UHim kariayamftna. 

a. According to the grainmarian*, the feminine of the active partlclplo 
ia made either in anti or in atlj but only tbe former haa been notad aa 
occurring in the older lauguage, and the latter ia everywbere extremely 
rare : see above, 440 e, f. 

b. In KV. occura ouce eüsyanti, Irom )/sü, witb anomaloua aecent- 

Preterit of the a-future: Conditional. 

040. From the future-stem is made an augment-preterit, 
by prefixing the augment and adding the secondary endings, 
in precisely the same manner as an imperfect from a present- 
stem in ^ a. This preterit is called the conditional. 

a. It atauds related to the fature, in form and meaniog, aa the Fronen 
conditional aurais to the future aurai, or aa the Eugliah would haoe to 
will have — nearly aa tbe German würde haben to werde haben. 

b. Thus, from the roots already instanced: 

active. middlu. 

s. d. p. 8. d. p. 

adaayam adäayava Adäayama adäaye adaay&vahi adaayamahl 


335 TlIR CONDITIONAL. [—043 

2 mjmH^ ^TnurT\ mjTfm luiuram^ m \ ktiw\^ vt i ww ^ 

ad&syas adaayatam adaayata adaayathäa ad&syeth&m adftsyadhvam 

3 ^^TTÜr^^lHJHIM^^^TnR^ U^IHJH ^lUldl^ M4JHItl 
adaayat ad&syatftm adasyan adäsyata adaayetam adaayanta 

y^^jM^ Wir^iiM «MiH^jm w.r^ m^mME ? » M*i(mmf$ 

akarisyam akarisyäva akarisyama akariey e akariey Ävahi akarisy ämahi 
etc. ctr. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

041. The conditional is tbe rtrest of all the formt of the Sanskrit 
▼erb. Tbe RV. has bat a Single examplc, abharisyat was going to carry 
of, and none of tbe Vedk texta furnlsbes anotber. In tbe Brihmanas it 
is bardly more common — cxccpt in ^R., wbere It Is met with more than 
flfty times. Nor does it, likc tbe future, become more frequent later: not 
an example otuts in Nali Rhagavad-Gitl, or Hitopad^a; only one in 
Manu; and two in Cakuntalä. In tbe wholc MRh. (Holtzmann) it is found 
abont twenty-flve times, from thlrteeti roots. The middle forms are ex- 
trem ely few. 

II. The Periphraslic Fulure. 

042. a. This formation contains only a Single indicative 
active tense (or also middle: see 047), withoui modes, or 
participle, or preterit. 

b. It consists in a derivative twmen ageiitis, having the 
value of a (uture active participle, and used, either with 
or without an accompanying auxiliary, in the office of a 
verbal tense with future meaning. 

043. The noun is formed by the suffix FT tf (or WJ( 
tar); and this (as in its other than verbal uses: see 1182) 
is added to the root either directly or with a preoeding 
auxiliary vowel ^ i, the root itself being strengthened by 
guna, but the accent resting on the suffix: thus, <$TfT dfttf 
from yZJ dR give ; ef^r karti from y% kr 1 make ; *?fafT bhavitf 
from \ft\ bhü be. 

a. A* regards the presonee or absenec of tbo vowel i, tbe usage Is 
said by the grammarlans to be generaNy the wmc as In the S-future from 
the saroe root (abo?e, 035). Thp mont Important exreptlon is that the 
roots in r t,k « no V : lha8 » kartf (against karieya) ; roota han and gam 
show the atme difference; wbile vr/t, vrdh, and syand ha*e i bere, tbough 




not iu the a-future. Tl.e few forius whicb occur in the older 
agree wiib theae «tatements. 

044. In the third persona, the nom. maac. of the nouo, 
in the three numbers respectively (373), ia uaed without 
auxiliary: thus, HfeJHI bhavitfi he oi she or it will be\ 
HfeRTlft bhavitärau both will be\ H^HI^H bh&vitÄraa they 
icill be. In the other persona, the flrst and aecond persona 
present of yW\ as be (636) are uaed as auxiliary; and they 
are combined, in all numbers, with the aingular nom. masc. 
of the noun. 

a. Thua, from K^T da give\ 

s. d. p. 


i ?TrnfFT 





d&ta dätlräu dätaraa 

b. Occasionally, iu tbe epks and later (almoit nover in tbt older 
language), the norm of tho tent« aa given above U in rarious reapeeta do- 
parted from: tbua, by ue > of tbe auxiliary in tbe 3d person alao; by ita 
ooiiasiou in tbe Ist or 2d person; by iiireraion of tbe order of noun and 
auxiliary; by interpoaition of otber worda between them; by ute of a dual 
or plural noin. with the auxiliaiy; and by use of a feminine form of tbe 
noun. Exampltfü are: vaktä 'ati (Mßh.) he will speak; nihant* (MBh.) 
/ shall or thou will strikt down } yoddhä 'nam (K.) / shall ßght, ahaih 
draat& (MBb.) / shall *ee, kartä 'haih te (BhP.) / will do /or th$c f 
tvaih bhavitä (MUh. Megb.) thou teilt be; asmi ganU (MBb.) / shall 
go\ pratigrahitä tarn asmi (MBb.) I will reeeivs her, hanta tvam aal 
(MBh.) thou wilt slay\ kartär&u avah (MBb.) we two shall do\ draafry 
asmi (MBb.) 1 (f.) shall set, udbhavitri (Näif.) shs will incrta*e y 
gantrl (Y.) she will go. AB. bas onw aota aa 2d sing., thou wiltprtss; 
Jl'B. niakes tbo conibination <?mao&n&ni bhavitaraa the ccmsUrU* 
will be. 

o. An optativu of the auxiliary appeara to be once uaed, in yoddhft 
ay&m I would fight (R. I. 11. 25 Peterson; but tbe Bombay edltion reada 
yoddhuxh y&ayäini). 

845. The accent in theae combinationa, aa in all the ordinary 
caaes of collocation of a verb with a preceding prodicata noun or 

337 Prripiirastic? tirnme. [—948 

adjectivo (692), is on tho noun itaolf; and, unliko all tho truo verbal 
forma, the combination reiains ita accent everywbere evon in an in- 
depeodent clause: thus, tarhi vi atinas v rö bhavitasmi (QB.) ihm I 
»hall be out of danger (wbere bhavisyami, if used, would be accent- 
less). Whether in a dependent clause tbe auxillary verb would take 
an accent (595), and wbetber, if so, at tbo expense of tbe accent of 
tbe noun (as in tbe case of a preposition compounded with a Verb- 
form: 1083 b), wo are witbout tho means of determining. 

940. In the Vedt, the nomina agentis in tf or tar, Ifke variom other 
<lerlv%tiTe nouns (271), bat wlth etpeelal frequency, are med in partlelptal 
coiistruction, governing the accnsattve if they come from roots whoae verbal 
forma do so (1 182). Often, also, they are med predlcattvely, with or withoot 
accompanying copnla; yet withoot any implieatlon of time; they are not the 
beginningt, bnt only the forernnnere, of a new tense-formation. Generally, 
when they h*Te a partlcipial value, the root-syllable (or a preflx preeedlng 
It) das the accent The tense-uae beging, bnt rather sparlngly, in the 
Hrähmanas (from which ahout thirty forma are q notable); and it growa more 
common later, thongh the perlphrastic futnre it nowhere nearly to freqnent 
as the a-future (it Is qnotahle later from aboot thirty addttional roota). 

947. a. A few laolated attempti are made in the Brihmanas to form 
by analogy middle perrons to thia futnre, with endinga correaponding after 
the usual fashion to those of the aettve peraons. Thw», TS. hae once pra- 
yoktaae I will apply (aUnding related to prayoktaami at, for example, 
9ise to c&smi); £B. has qayitaae thou »halt lie (simllarly related to 
cayitaai); and TO. haa yastasmahe we will make o ff er in g. Bat tn TA. 
is round (I. II) yae^iÜie as Ist sing., ahowlng a phonetic oorreepondence of 
a problomatic character, not elsewhere met wlth In the langnage. 

b. On the basia of fach tentatite formatlons aa these, the natlve 
grammarians set op a complete middle inflectlon for the perlphrastic future, 
as followt: 

f». «I. p. 

t dätahe dfttaavahe d&taamahe 
2 d&tase dfttaa&the d&t&dhve 
.1 data d&tarau dätaras 

c. Only a tingle example of such a middle has been brooght te llght 
in the later language, namely (the causatite) darcayitahe (Nilf.). 

Uaes of tho Futures and Conditional. 

948. As the s-future ia tho commoner, so also it is the one 
more indefinituly used. It expressed in general what is going to take 
place at sorae time to corae — but often, as in other languages, add- 
lng on the one band an implication of will or Intention, or oa tbe 
other bnnd that of promise or threatening. 

WhltDfjf, Gram aar. J. rd. 22 

948—] XII. FUTUKE-bY8TEaf8. 338 

a. A few examples are: varaiay&ty AiaAmah parj&nyo ▼fftlmftn 
bhaviayati (<JB.) it is going to rain ; Parjanya ie going to be rieh in renn 
this year; yaa tan nA veda klxn fei kariayati (RV.) trÄaaMr tfoat not 
knoxo that, what will he do wiih vertet i väi vayAm agni dhiaylmahA 
'tha yüyAm kirn kariayatha (QB.) w>* are going to buiid the twoßree; 
then what will you do t tarn indro *bhy ädudräva haaiayAn (CB.) Ami 
Indra ran at, inUnding to slay; yady ev£ kariay&tha a&kAm davifr 
yajniyäao bhaviayatha (RV.) if ye will do thus, ye shall be wortky of 
the sacrifice along with the gods; d&nt&a te oatayanti (AV.) thy teeik will 
fall out; na mariayaei ma bibheh (AV.) thou ehalt not die: be not 
afraid; brühi kva y&syaai (MBh.) teil ue; where are you going to got 
yadi mftih praty&khyäsyaal viaam Aathäaye (MBb.) if you »hall rejeet 
me % I will resort to poison. As in other languages, the tenie 1t also some- 
times used for the expression of a conjecturc ot prcsumptlou : tau«: ko 
'yaxh devo gandharvo vä bhaviayati (MBh.) who ie thiet he ie doubtleee 
a god } or a Oandharva; adya svapayanti(MBh.) they muet be sleeping now. 

b. The sphercs of future and dealderati?e border upon one anotfcer, 
and the onu ia sometinic* inet with where the otiter rulgbt hu axpocted. 
fixamples of the future taken in a quasi-deatderatlre sense are es follows. 
yad däcuae bhadram kariayAai tAve 't tÄt aatyAm (RV.) what 
favor thou willest to hcstow on thy worshiper, that ofthee becometh actual 
{is surely brought about)\ yathä 'ny&d vadiayant s6 'ny&d wAdet 
(?B.) as \f intending to say one thing, one were to eay another. 

848. The periphrastic future is defined by tho grainuiariana aa 
expressing souiething to be doue at a definite titne to come. And 
this, though but faintly traceable in later uae, ia a distinct charaotar- 
latic of the formation in the language where it first makea ita ap- 
pearance. It is eapecially often uaed aloug with ovaa tomorrow. 

a. A few examplet are: adyA vaxaiayati ... ov6 vraa(t(IIS.) it ie 
going to rain today; it will rain tomorrow; yatar&n v& ime Qva\i kami- 
taraa te jetftraa (K.) whichtver oftwo parties theee shall choose tomorrow, 
they willconquer; pr&t&r yaa(tamahe (TB.) we shall eaerifiee tomorrow 
morning; ityahe vah paktaami ((B.) on such and such a day I will 
cook for you; tan ma ekftm ratrim Ante oayitaae j&tA u te 'yAih 
tarbi putr6 bhavita (QB.) Uten you shall lie with me one night, and at 
that titne Utis son of yours will be born. In other cases, thit deflnitaneat 
of time ia waniing, but an einphasig, aa of apecial eertalnty, aeema perhapt 
to beloug to the form: thus, bibhr/hi m& pärayiayami tvcVti: kiimln 
m& pärayiay&af 'ty aughA im&h aarvAJi prajst nlrvofnat, tAtaa tv* 
pärayitaaml 'ti (fB.) support me and I will save you, said it. Front 
what will you save tne t said he. A fiood is going to carry of all theee 
creatures; from that I will save you, eaid it; paridevayftm oakrirt) 
mahao ohokabhayam prftptaama^ (GB) they sei up a Itmentation : "wo 
are going to meet with great pain and dreadP; yaje *yakai yaa^Aha oa 
(TA.) / sacrifice, I huve sacrijicetl, and I shall sacrijice. In yet other cases, 


In ihn nlder Ungitago orrn, and yct mor© In the Utor, thl* futoro appears 
to b© eqnlTilent to the other: thna, prajay&m enath vijft&täsmo yadi 
vidvan va juhoty avidv&n vä (AB.) w hi» children we »hall knote htm, 
whether he i» one ihat »acrißce» with knowledge or without knowledge; vak- 
tlsmo vä idatfa devebhyarji (AB.) we »hall Uli thi» to the god»; yadi 
avärtho maml *pi bhavita tata evaih svärthaih karisyämi (MBb.) 
if later my own affair »hall com» up t thsn I will attend to my own ajfair; 
kathaifa tu bhavitäsy eka itl tväih nrpa oooimi (MBh.) but how will 
you gtt along alon»t that, O hing, i» the cauee of my grief about you. 

950. The conditional would seem to be moat original Ir and 
properly used to signify that sometblng wo» going to be done. And 
this value it has in Its only Vedlo ocenrrence, and ocoasionally elte- 
where. ßnt usnally it bis the sense ordioarily ealled "conditional"; 
and in the great majori ty of its oeenrrences it it found (like tbe sub- 
junetive and the Optative, when nsed with the saYne value) in both 
clauaes of a conditional sentence. 

a. Tb its, yo vftraya einam atra 'bharisyat pra taih janitrl 
vidusa uväca (UV.) him, tcho tea» going here to carry off Vritra» wealth; 
hii mother proclaimed to the knowing one; c,atäyuih gäm akariayam 
(AD.) / tea» going to mähe {»hould haue made) the cow live a hundred year» 
(In othrr rcnioni of tbe fame story is added tbe otber clause, in which tbe 
conditional bat a value more rerooved from its original: thon, In OB., if 
you, villa in, had not »lopped {prägrahlayatj] my mnuthY, tata eva 'sya 
bhayaik vi 'yäya kasmäd dhy abheeyad dvitlyäd väl bhayaih 
bhavati (^B.) thereupon hi» fear departed; for of tehom wo» he to he 
afraidf occaeion of fear ariee» from a second pereon ; utpapäta oiraih 
tan raene yad vasa^ paryadhäayata (V n ) he leaped up; he thoughl 
it long that he »hould put on a garment; sa tad eva n£ 'Tindat 
prajapatir yatra *hoeyat (MS.) J*rqjäpati, verily, did not then find 
tchere he wo» to {»hould) »acrißce; evaih cen n& 'vaksyo mürdbä te 
vyapatisyat (OB.) if you »hould not »peak thu», your head would ßy 
n ff\ 8a y*d dhäi 'tavad eva *bhavisyad yavatyo hai *va *gre praji^ 
8fa(aa tävatyo hai 'vä 'bhavisyan na prä 'janieyanta ((B.) •/ he 
had heen only »o much, there trould have heen only »o many living creaturt» 
a» ttere created at ßr»t; they would have had no progeny; kilh vi 
'bhavieyad arunas tamaa&ih vibhettä taxb oet aahaaraklrano 
dhuri nft 'karieyat (V ) would the Daten, for»ooth, be the »catterer of 
the darknes», if the thoueand-rayed one did not »et her on the front of 
hie chariotf 


961— J XIII. Verbal Adjeotivbs and Nouns. 340 




961. a. Tiioöe verbal adjoctives, or participlcs, which are in ade 
from tense-steins, and so constitute a pari of the varioiia tense- 
systenis, have been already treated. It remains to describe certain 
others, which, being made directly from the root itaelf, belong to the 
verbal System as a whole, and not to any partioular part of U. 

b. The infioitive (with a few sporadic exceptions in the older 
language) also comcs in all cases from the root directly, and not from 
auy of tho derivud tonsc-steius. 

o. Tho saiuo is truu of the so-called gerunds, or indeclhiablu 

Passive Participle in ta or na. 

962. Hy the accented suffix cT ta — or, in a compar- 
atively 8 mall numbex of verbs, R na — is formed a verbal 
adjective which, when Coming from transitive verbs, quali- 
fies anything as having endured the action expressed by 
the verb: thus, ^fT datta given\ 3W ukta spoken. Hence 
it is usually called the passive participle; or, to distinguish 
it from the participle belonging to the passive present- 
system (771), the past passive participle. 

a. When made from an intransitive or neuter verl>> the 
same participle, as in other languages, has no passive but 
only an indefinite past sense: thus, Ifcf gata gone\ HcT bhüta 
heen\ nlclct patita fallen. 

963. In general, this participle is made by adding ff 
ta to the bare verbal root, with Observation of the ordinary 
rules of euphonic combination. 

a. Soiuc rooU, huwevcr, requiro the prefixion of the auxiliary 
vowüI i to tlie öiiffix. For thiw*, and for tho vorba that add na 
iiibtead of ta, so«: below, 960, 967. 

341 Pamivb Pabticiflb irUor na. f— 956 

b. As to thc aecent wkea thc root is precedcd by a prcpoattion, 
tcc 1085 a. 

954. The root before rf ta has usually ita weakeat form, 
if there is anywhere in thc verbal System a distinction of 
ueak and strong forma. Thus: 

a. A pennltimate nasal is not scldom dropped: ex am pl es are 
akta ^aAJ » baddha f^bandh , c,rabdha lYcrambh*, daafA [y danc*, 
nranta <ynrnhn : , ba^ha (} barirr . 

b. Koota which are abbreviated in thc wcak forma of the per- 
fict (794) sufTer thc aame abbreviatton her«: examplcs aro uktA 

Vvac, ufta > y vaa «Aus«), uptA () vap: also vapta), tiQhk (^vah), 
auptA (^avap), IsfA (VjmlU viddhA tj'vyadh) ; — and, by a aimilar 
procedura, sprach (or praoj makea prft*» Kbhranc, makea bhrafa 
(beeide the regulär bhraatA), and j'crA boil makea c,rtA (beaide orAtA). 

c. Final A is veakened to I in gitA ( |' gA si»?), dhltA ( ^dh A tu e*), 
plta (}'ph (hink) aphita; and jlta, TitA, cltA are made fron Ihr root« 
J7*t vyä, cya, (or jl etc.); — and further to i in oh ita (beeide chltA), 
dita (vdä dinde and da bind), drita (P ydrA üeep), hita ()dhA;»tif: 
with h for dh; bnt dhita also oecurs in V.). mitA (^ml mensvre), eitA 
laUo cAta), aitA, athltA. 

d. A final m is lost after a in gatA, nata, yatA, rata (from ygam 
etc.); and a final n in kaata, tatA, matA, hatA. As to the other root* 
in am and an taking ta, see 955 a, b. 

e. Morc isolatrd ra«es are -Uta (RV. : |/av), u tA or Uta (F'vA irrere), 
ciatA (also cästa: fcäs), mürtA (referred to > müroh). A* to -gdha 
and jagdha, s*«e 238 f. 

f. On thc other band, |/avad makes avAttA. 

955. Of uiore irregulär character are thc following: 

a. A number of roota ending in am retnin the nasal, and Icngthcu 
tho radical vowcl (as also in so tue uthers of thrir forma : (hiin, 
kAmtA, krAmtA, klArhtA, kaAmta, oAmta, tAmtA, dAmtA, bhrAmta, 
▼AmtA, oAmta Ocam be quie(\ orAmtA (from \ kam etc.); and onc 
in an, dhvan *ound, makea dhvAntA. 

b. A few root» in an make thelr partlclple from another toot-form 
in Ä thus, kh&ta, JAtA, -vAta, sätA; dham hat both dhamitA and 
d hm ata. 

o. CerUiii root« in Iv uke their yQ-form (765 a) : Ihm, dyütA (ydir 
}>lay), athyOtn, ayütA; but ymiv makes -mQta 

d. From roots in rhanpeable r (generali? faiinp na* 957 b) are mailc 
also pQrtA (l'pr fiü\ besido prta), cirta and oQrtA (yc,r eriitA); and 
cirta is further made from ) ort mix. 

966— J XIII. Verbal Adjectivbs and Nounb. 342 

e. Doubl» forms are mugdha aud müt^ha, BA^ha and ao^ha, dhÜrta 
and dhruta, hvrta and hruta. 

f. The root da give makes datta (from tbe secondary root-forni dad; 
but dAta also in V.). But tbe anomalously contracted form -tta (as if 
for dAta, with tbe radical vowel lost)' is also frequent in compositum, **- 
pecially witb prepotltloiu : tbus, atta, anutta, parltta, pratta, pratltta ; 
rarely witb otber elements, a* devatta, punartta, mÄruttaf?). And tbe 
same abbreviated form comes from j/dÄ dividt iu Avatta. 

g. Tbe rootf maklng particlples in botb ta and ita, or ta and na, or 
in all tbree, will hv. uuiud in tbe uext two paragrapbs. 

966. The Buffix with 3 i, or in the form ^rf ita, it 
used especially with roots having finaU that are only with 
difficulty, if at all, combinable with FT t according to the 
usual analogies of the language, and often with roots of a 
secondary, derivative, or late character; but also not Beidom 
with original roou. 

a. Tbus, of roots presenting difflculties of combinatlon: — 1. all that 
end in two consonants (ßave tbosc of wbicb ono consonant is lost by a woak- 
oning process : 964 a, b) : e. g. faul, valg, vanoh, lajj, ubj, eef \, 
ghürn, katth, nind, jalp, oumb, umbh, khall, pinv, oana (also 
9asta), raka, hinB, garh (in all, ovur flfty); but taka makea tasfa; — 
2. all tbat end in lingual« (including a after a or &): e. g. at, trufc, pa(h, 
lu^h, I<J, vrucji, bhan, kas, bhfte; — 3. all tbat end in surd spiranU: 
e. g. likh, grath, nAth, kuth, riph, guph; — 4 all tbat end in 1: e. g. 
oal, gil, mil, lul, khel; — 6. all tbat end in otber persisteut semlTOwals : 
namely, oarv (also oürna), jiv (for tbe otber roots in Iv, aee 966 o), 
dhAv rwt t ßev, day, vyay, pQy ; — 6. ujh. — Tbis data Inclndes more 
tban balf of tbe wbole number tbat take only ita. 

b. Of otber roots ending in consonants: — 1. in gutturale, oak, fhAuk 
(gak bas botb ta and itu); flAgh; — 2. in palatals, ao (also akna), 
uo, kuo, khac, yAo, ruo; ajP, küj, vraj, also tyaj and mrj in late 
texts (usually tyakta and mrstA) ; — 3. in dentale, at, pat, QOUt, alao 
yat in epos (elsewberu only yatta) j krad, khAd, gad, oud, nad, mud, 
mrd, rad, rud, vad, vid know, hrAd; also nud in epos (eliewhare 
nutta aud nunna); mad bas botb matta and madita (the majority 
of roou in d take na: 967 d); edh, ksudh, gadh, dudh, nAdh, 
bAdh, Bpardb; an, in, kvan, dhvan, pan, ran riny, van, atan, 
6 van, and dhvan (also dhvAnta); — 4. in labials, oup, yup, rup, 
and usually kup (kupta late) and lap (lapta cplc), occasionally kfip, 
gup, tap, drp, vap, $ap, wbile jap bat» botb ta aud ita; grabb 
(grbhitA), ^ubh, Bkabh, aud occasionally lubh, wbile kaubh and 
Btabh bavtt botb form«; tim, dbam, 9am labor, Btim, and ksam In 
epos (also kaAlhta);— 0. iu spirants, a$ eat, 19, kty, krf, VA9, 9*9, 


343 Passive Participle in ta or na. [—967 

whllo piQ bas both formt, and m^ take* ita only Uta; ia send, Ia, kua, 
tra, tvia, prus, mla', rüa, bea, brea, also raua exropt Ute, white dbra, 
rtia, and hff ahow both formt; äs, bhas, bbaa, raa, las, vaa clothe, 
haa, »Ho as throw occasionally, while kaa, gras, yaa, vaa shins, vaa 
dtrell, 9A8 (with ^is^a and 9&ata), Qvas, and hras make both formt; 
in, grab (grhlta), jah (secondary form of bä). man, ran, and occasionally 
Üh remove, white gäh hat both form«. 

c. Of roots endlug In vowels, only 9I /i>, which makes 9*yita (will* 
guna of root, as eltewhere: 620). 

d. In general, a root maintains Ita füll form before ita; bat there 
tre a few exceptions: thnt, grbhtta and grbita (the root being reckoned 
as grabh and grab : see 720), udita (also v ad ita in the later language), 
usita (j/vas $hine\ beside ua(a), uaita (>/vas dweli: also tporadlcally 
vasita and ua(a), ukaita (^vaka increase), 9ftbita (^9ratb). From 
y mrj are made both mrjita and marjita (with ttrengthenlng as In present 
and elsewhere: 627), beside mre^a. 

e. Instead of i. long i is taken tu grbblta and grbita. 

057. The suffix t? nd (always without auxiliary ^ i) is 
taken instead of H ta by a number of toots (about seventy). 

a. Cerfatn roots in A: thut, kaft, glä, drä ;».»», drä sUep, (alto 
dritaP), mla (alto mläta), vä blow (also vftta), qyi (also 9ln4), atyft, 
ha Uave (ahn hlna and häta), ha" go fnrlh; und da divide roaket dln4 
(also dita and -tta). Further, certain roots in i- and u-vowele: thus, kai 
drxtroy (keina; also kaita), <JI, pl, II ding, vli, 9I or 97t coagulate 
(beside qyana and qlta), bri (beside hrlta), du burn (alto düta), lü, 
9Ü; and dlv himtnt make« dyQna (rompare 765). 

b. Hoots in r, which before the sufflx beromes Ir or ür: tbe formt 
an-, arna (late; beside rta), klrna (j'kr teatter), girna (^gr stcallotr), 
jirna and jürpa (y jr trotte (t'cay), tirna and türna (also türta), dirn4 
iydf pierce: also drta). pürna (>/pf^//: also pürta and prta), mürnA 
(ymr crush), qirnft (KQf ertuh: also <jirta and 9ürtaP), atlrna (alto 
strta) Of like rharacter with these are Irna from |/lr, clrna (beside 
carita) from ^car, gürna (beside gürta) from Kgur, a teeondary form 
°f gfi anc * c&rna (beside carvita) from j/carv, which it also plalnly a 
secondary root. 

C. A few root* ending in j (which becomos g brfore the suffli agalnst 
the nsual rnle of internal combination : 216 f): thus, bhagna (^bhafkj). 
bbugna (f^bhuj bttid), magna (|/majj), rugna, vigna (betide vikta). 
Kurther, two or three ending in c (similatly treated): thus, akna (^ac 
or afto: also acita and afioita), vrkpa ( >/vra9c), and apparently -prgna 
(RV., once: with doubly irregulär chango of root-flnal, from f/pre). And 
one root in g, lagna. 

957 -j XIII. Verbal Adiectives and NoUKb. H4-J 

d. A considerable number, some of them very common oiies, nf roots 
in d (whicb, agalnst ordiuary rule, hccouiet n before the nufoi: 167 b). 
The forma are: unna (also utta), arnnaP, klinna, ksunna, kswinna, 
khinna, channa, chinna, chfn^a, tunna, trnn4, nunna (aliu nutta 
and nudita), pann4, bhinna, vinna (\ vid Jind: ako vitt4), qanna 
(l'cad/a/l)» eann4 (also satta), akanna (fakand), syasn4 (^ayand), 
Bvinn4 t hanna. And 4nna food, in tpite of lu diflfcrent accent, appea» 
10 be a like formatiou from y*& tat. 

968. The native grainmarianß reckon as participle* of tliiß for- 
mation a few iniacellaneoua derivative adjoctivea, coming froui rooU 
which do not make a regulär participle: auch are kaama burnt, ki/o4 
emaciated, pakv4 ripe> phulta expanded, qüaka dry. 

Fast Aotive Partioiple in tavant (or na van t). 

969. From the past passive paitioiple, of whatever 
formation, is made, by adding the possessive suffix ^f^ 
vant, a secondary derivative having the meaning and con- 
struction of a perfect aotive partioiple: for example, fTrT 
ef^efH tat krtavan having done that\ tarn niglrnavftn having 
stoallowed him down. Its infleotion is like that of other 
derivatives made with this suffix (462 ff.); its feminine endo 
in epft vati; its accent remains on the participle. 

960. Derivative words of this formation are found in BV., but withoat 
anything like a partlcipial value. Tue AV. hu a Single example, with par- 
tlcipial meaning: acitävaty 4titbftu oncs giltst having eaten (loc. abi.). 
In the Brähmaau also lt is hardly met with. In the later language, however, 
it comes to be qulte common. And there it is chiefly nsed predleatively, 
and oftenest wlthout copnla expressed, or with the value of a personal Verb- 
form in a past tense: primarily, and not seldom, signifying Immedlate put, 
or having a true "perfect" value ; but also (like the old perfect and the old 
aorist in later use) Coming to be freely used for indefinite Urne, or with the 
value of the im perfect (779). For example : mäm na kaeoid dff tavin 
no one has seen (or sato) me\ sa nakulam vy&paditavan Ae deetroyed 
the ichnewnon ; or, with copula, mahat kr/oohram pr&ptavaty asi tkou 
hast /allen upon great miserg. Although originally and properly made 
only from transitive verbs (with an object, to which the participle In ta 
Stands in the relation of au objective prodicative), it Is flnally found also 
from intransitive»: thus, oütena samgritawatl (y.) hos beeome united 
with the mango-tree\ gatavati (ib.) ehe ha* gone. 

a. The aanie participle is also made In the secondary conjugatloas: 
e. g. darcitavant having shoion, prabodhitavant having awakened. 

345 Gerundivbs. [—963 

b. Fwwesnives alao In in made from passive partic-lples are some- 
tlmc<» found used in an analoguos tnauner, nearly aa perfcct acute partlct- 
ples : e. g. la^in having sacrijiced, vijitino manyam&nar; (AR.) thinking 
thcmtelvcs in have conquered. 

Future Passive Fartioiples: Gerundive». 

961. Ccrtain derivative adjectives (for ihe mos! pari 
more or lcss clearly secondary derivatives) have acquired in 
ihe language a value as qualifying something which is to, 
ot which ought to, suffer ihe action expressed by the root 
from which they come; and they are allowed to be made 
from every verb. Hence they are, like more proper par- 
ticiples, sometime8 treated as a part of the general verbal 
System, and called future passive participles, or gerundives 
(like the Latin for ms in ndus, to which they correspond in 

962. The Suffixes by which such gerundives are regu- 
larly and ordinarily made are three: namely JJya, rTcJJ tavya, 

and NHlU anlya. 

a. Derivative* in ya having this value tre made lu all periodf of the 
langnage, from the earliett down; the other t*oare of more modern origin, 
betng entirely wanting in the oldest Veda (RV.), and hardly known In the 
later. Other derivative« of a simtlar chtracter, which afterward disappear 
from ose, are fonnd in the Veda (966). 

963. Tho MifHx ya in its gcrundivo uae hns nothing to dia- 
tinguisli it from the same suffix aa cmployed to make adjectives and 
nounB of other character (soe below, IS 13). And it exhibits also the 
eame variety in the treatment of the root. 

a. The original valoe of the «ufflx is ia, and as such it has to be read 
in the very great majorlty of its Vedlc oceurrencet. Hence the conrersion 
of e and o to ay and av beforo it (aee below). 

b. Thus: I. Final ä becomes e before the sufBx: deya, dhyeya, 
khyeya, meya (perhaps dft-ia etc., with euphonic y interposed); bat 
RV. has once -jftäya. — 2. The other vowels either rernain nnchang- 
ed, or have the guna or the vrddhi strengthening; and e nsnally 
and o always are treated before the ya as they would be before a 
vowel: thus, -kaayya, jayya, bhayya, Uyya; n&vya, bh&vya, havya, 
bhSvya; varya: and, in the later language, niya, jeya, dhüya (such 
cüBes Are wanting earlier). In a few instances, a short vowel adda t 

963 — J XIII. Verbal Adjeotives and Nounö. 340 

beforo the suffix : thus, itya, mltya, o,rutya, stutya, krtya (the only 
Vedic examples). — 3. Medial a remains unchanged or i* lengthened: 
thus, dabhya, vandya, aadya; mädya, vioya. — 4. Medial 1-, u- f 
and r-vowels are uncbanged or have the guna-strengthening: thus, 
i<}ya, guhya, dhreya; dveaya, y6dhya, marjya. 

o. The RV. has ahout forty exauiples of thls gerundive, and the AV. 
adds half as many more. Except in bhavia (once), the accent in BY. 
ia alwaya on the root; AV. has several caaes of accent on the 1 of the 
auffli (hence written ädya, fic,ya, -vy&dhya, •dharaya). Aceordlng to 
the grammarians, the accent is on the root or eise the ending ia et reu m- 
flexed: alwaya the former, lf the ya follow a vowel. 

964. a. The suffix tavya is a secondary adjeetive derivative 
from the infinitival noun in tu (below, 968), made* by adding the 
suffix ya (properly fa, whence the accent ya), before which the final u, 
as usual (1203 a), has guna-streugthoning, and is resolved into av. 

b. Hence, as regards both the form taken by the root and the 
use or Omission of an auxiliary vowol i bofore the tavya, the ruloa 
are the saiue as for the formation of the infioitive (below, 968). 

o. No example of tbis formation ia found in RV., and in AV. oecnr 
only two, jani tavya and hinsitavya. In the Brihmana language it be- 
ging to he not rare, and is made both from the simple root and from the 
dorlved coujugational stoius (ncat cliaptcr); in tho classlcai language it i» 
still more frequent. Accorriiug to the grainmariaiis, tho accent of the word 
is oither ci reu lullet on tht: final or acutu on the ponult: tliua, kartavyk 
or kartavya; in tho accontuaird toiU, It is always the furnier (the avroiii 
tavya glven to certatu gerundlve* in the Petersburg leairons is an error, 
growlng out of the aiubiguous accentuatiou of ^H.: 88 o). 

966. a. Tbe suffix anlya is in like manner the produet of 
secondary derivation, made by adding tbe adjeetive suffix lya (1216) 
to a nomen actionis formed by the common suffix ana. 

b. It follows, thon, as regards its mode of formation, the rulea 
for the suffix ana (below, 1150). 

o. Tills derivative also is unknown in RV., and tu AV. is found only 
in upajivaniya and amantranlya (in both of which, luoreover, it* dU- 
tinet gerundlve value admits of question). Iu the Brihmanaa (where less 
than a dozen examples of it have been noted), and in the laUr language, 
it is less common than the gerundlve in tavya. Iti accent, aa to all the 
derivatives with the suffix lya, is on the penult: thus, karaaiya. 

966. Otber formatlons of kindred vaiue are found in the Vcda as 


a. Gerundlvea in tua or tva, apparently made from the influitival 
noun In tu with the added suffix a (1209). Thoy are kaxtua (in two 
oecurrences kartva), -garhtva, j an tua, jetua, naihtua, vaktua, eötua, 

347 iNriNiTivBS. [—868 

snfttua, bAntua, betua, bötva; and, with anxlliary i (or I), Janitva, 
aanltva, bbAvitva. 

b. Gerandires In enia or enya (compare 1817): they are Ikfenia, 
l^enia, oarenia, d^enia, -dviaenia, bbQeenya, yudbenia, varenla 
(and bhajenya BhP.) ; with one example from an apparent aorltt-stom, 
yaihsenya, and three or four from seeo.idary verb-atems (see below, 1018, 
1088, 1068 a). 

o. Gerundive« in ayia (once ayya: compare 1218): they are dak- 
eayia, panäyia, vidiyia, gravayia, hnaväyia ; with a few from aeeon- 
darjr oonjngation-stems (below, 1018, 1038, 1061, 1068a); and stuaeyia 
it of dose kindred with them. 

d. A few adjectirea tn elima, as pacelima, bhidellma (only these 
q notable), are reckoned as gerandlvet by the grammarians. 

867. The division-line between participial and ordinary adjec- 
tives is lese strictly drawn in Sanskrit than in the other Indo-Euro- 
pean languages. Thus, adjectives in u, as will be seen later (1178), 
from secondary conjugational Sterns, hsve participial value; and in 
the ßrahmanas (with an example or two in AV.) is found widely and 
cotninonly used a participial adjective formed with the suffix uka 


968 The later language has only a Single Infinitive, 
which is the aocusative caae of a verbal noun formed by the 
suffix FT tu, added to the root usually directly, but often also 
with aid of the preceding auxiliary vowel ^ i. The form of 
the infinitive ending, therefore, is TTR tum or ^T itum. The 
root ha8 the guna-strengthening, and is accented. Thus, for 
example, JffiJl ötum from y^ i; r firI I J kartum from \^f\ kr; 
^fjrj 1 ? oaritum from yrTf oar ; HfeJHM bbavitum from y*\ bbü. 

a. As regards the nse or Omission of i, the Infinitive (as also 
the gerund in tva: 881} follows in general the analogy of the passive 
participle (856). Examples are (with the gerund added) as follows: 
dagdha, dagdbum, dagdbvä from Kd*b; bbinna, bbettum, bbittvt 
from j/bhid; matA, m An tarn, matvt from ^man; fifba, vo^bum, 
fi<Jhva from )/vah; patitA, pAtitum, patitvä from y'pat; yftoita, 
yacitum, yaoitva* from ^yac; cayitA, o.ayitum, gayitvi from yql. 
But certain exceptions and special oases requiro notice. Thus: 

b. Of rooU having no quoUblc participle, Infinitive etemt in tu are 
mtde from ad, sagb; in itu from uficb, üb contider, kfap, lupfch, 
lok, svar; and in both from yabh. 

968—| XIII. VEHBAI. Ad.IECTIVES amd Nouns. 348 

0. Of roots maklug participlcs of both forma, in Infinitive stein In 
tu ouly is quo table for keip, kaubh, tap, tyaj, mrt}, lubh, vm «Amt, 
<jak, Btabh; only in itu for gab, carv, jap, mad, yat, van, Q*ns, 
9vaa; in both for as throw> üh remove> gup, oar, mrj (mlrafu, mftr- 
jitu), lap, vas dwell } <jap, qäß. 

d. Also in a number of othcr cases (besidcs those already notlced) an 
inünitive stem is made both with and without i. Thus, in additlon to the 
moro regulär form, a stem in itu is occasionally met with from roots a<} 
attain, ia wek, bandh, bhaj, yaj (ijitum), rudh obxtruct, ruh, vra, 
aad (ßidituin), sah, han, hr; and one in tu from roou aa, bhaa, vid 
know. Both forma occur also from certain am-roots, namely Dam, ysUD, 
ram, and, wich & bcfore tu as in the pple, kram aud bhram (kaam 
has only kaamtu, against the analogy of kßämta]; further, from certaiu 
roots in variable r, namely tr (tartu, tarltu), vr Cover (vartu, varftu), 
and str (ßtartu, staritu, starltu) (but from $r crush occur only carltu, 
9aritu, and from vr choo&e only varltu ; while gr swallow and pr ᚠ
niako their Infinitive from other root-forms, namely giritum, pürltum); 
further, from a few vowcl-roots, namely nf, oyu, ßü (sdtu); and flnally 
from kra, nrt, 9U0. 

e. Against the analogy of the participle, Inflnitive-stcms in itu aftcr 
a flual consonant are made from the roots av, kaan, khan and Jan (the 
pples comlng from kh& And j&), guh, jabh, tarn, div play and div 
lammt (both devitu), majj, vrt, vrdh, srp; and after a final vuwel, 
from roots in Ü, namely pü, bhü, aü (also sütu), aud from 9H and «jvi; 
as to roots in variable r, sce just above, d. 

f. As the iufluitive is made from the (aoeentvd and) strengthened 
root, so it natarally has, as a Vale, the stronger or füll er root-form whero 
a weaker or contracted form is taken by the participle (and gerund in 
tvä): 0. g. vaktu against ukta (and uktva), yaefu agaiust iffa (aud 
iß(vä), bandcjhum against baddha (and baddhvä), aud bo 011. Deserv- 
ing special notier are gätu (/g& situ/) agaiust Rita, and dhätu f^dhft 
suck) agaiust dhita; aud m» from du yive aud ha laaw aro mad«: only 
dätu and hätu ; but dhä put, mä mcasure, and etha add to the regulär 
dhätu, m&tu, sth&tu the Ute form* -dhitu, -mitu, -ßthitu; and sä 
or ai has s&tu, setu, and -situ; v& tveaoe (pple Uta) ha* both vsttu 
and Ötu; hü or hvä has havitu, hvayitu, and hv&tu. The root vyadh 
makca its only quotable Infinitive, veddhum, from its vidh-forju; from 
saftj or saj ocour both sanktu and aaktu. The anomalous epic forma 
ijitum (v'yaj) »"d aiditum (| aad), were mentloned above. The root 
grah makes grahitum. 

g. In the latcr language, the infinitive-stem forms possessive Com- 
pounds wiili käma aud manaa (»npccially the former): e. g. ßvaptu- 
käma ha v ing the wish to s/eep, yaa T ukäma desirous of sacrificing, 
vaktumanas mimied to speak. 

h. in veiy rare instantes, dative infliiitive* lu tave or tavii arc 

319 INPINITIVB8. [—970 

rntdo frort» ihn Infinitiv* *tom In the latar langiiago (as ahnndantly In the 
earllcr: 970 b): thus, pratihartave (Bhl\). Ami jlvaae (973 a) Is 
onoc foand in MBb. (1. 3. 67 = 732), In a qaail-Vedlc hymn to the Aovlns. 

969. In tbe Vcda and Brähmana, howevor, a nuinber of verbal 
n 0UD8, nomina actionis, in various of their cases, are used in con- 
structions which assirailate them to the Infinitive of other languages 
— although, wcre it not for these otber later and more developed 
und pronounccd Infinitive«, the constructions in question might paas 
as ordinary case-constructions of a somewhat peculiar klnd. 

970. The nouns thus used infinitlvely are the following: 

a. The root-noun, wlthout derivative suffii, is so used In itß 
accusative in am, its dative In e or (froro ä-roota) AI, iU genitlve 
and ablative is as, and its locative in 1. 

b. The verbal noun in tu is so used in its accusative in tum, 
its dativo in tave or tavai, and its ablative and genitive In tos. 

Of other nouns only slngle cases, generally datives, are reckoned as 
used wltli Infinitive valuc; thus: 

c. Front the verbal noun in aa, the dative in aae; and also, in 
an cxtremely small number of instances, a dative in se (or ae), from 
a noun for med with s simply. 

d. Froin nouns in man and van, datives in mane and vane. 

e. Froin nouns in ti, datives in taye, or (from one or two verbs) 
in tyfti 

f. Froin nouns in i, datives in aye. 

g. From nouns in dhi and ai, datives in dhyäi and ayai. 

h. A few infinitives in sani are perhaps locatives from nouns in 
an added to a root increased by a. 

i. From a Single root, dhr 5 , are made infinitively nsed forme in 
tari, of which tho grammatical character is qucstionable. 

j. Among all tlicsc, the forma which have best right to special treat- 
ment as Infinitives, on aecount or belog or peculiar formatlon, or from 
safflxes not found In other uses, or for both reasons, are thoae In fe aani, 
tarl, dhyäi, and tavai. 

k. Except tbe various cases or the derivative in tu, and of Ihe root- 
noun, these Inflnltlves are almost wholly unknown outside the Rlg-Veda. 

1. Other sufflxes and forms than thoae notlced above mlght be added; 
for lt is imposslble to draw any flxed line between the oses elatsed aa 
Infinitive and the ordinary case-oset: thos, prajapatim praenam aitam 
(TS.) they went to a*k Prqjäpati; vio,vam jlvam praauv&ntl carayal 
(KV.) quickening every living being to motion; apar^ aarmaya oodayan 
( RV.) impeUiny the %oater$ tojtow; qaknuyad grahan&ya (Inssead of tbe 
usual grahitum : V B ) ma y &* a ^ e *° apprehmd; a taman&t (insu ad of 
the usual tamitoh: S.) untii exhaustion. And tbe «o-called Infinitives 

970—] XIII. Verbal Adjectives and Nouns. 350 

are found coördlnated In the Mine aentence wiih common nouna, and eren 
wlth Compound nouna: e. g. caritave . . . AbhogAya ift*J* rty4 (BV.) 
fo go abroad, to #q/oy, to steh wtalth\ ArtatrA^Aya na prahartum 
anftgaai (Q.) for the rescue of the dietreeeed, not for hurlim* ai iks 

More special rulea aa to the Yarioua formationi are aa followa: 

971. The root-noun used aa Infinitive haa the tarne form (exeept tkat 
1t doea not take an added t : 383 f), and the aame accent, botb when simple 
and when com bin ed wlth prepoaitions, aa in Ita other usea. In the Texy 
great majority of instancee, it 1s made front roota ending in a ooneonant; 
but alio from a few in ft (khyft, dt, dhft, p&P, mft, yft) t from two or 
three in i- and u-vowels (hi, ml, bhü), and from one or two in changeablo 
y, which takes the ir-form (tir, ßtir). 

a. The roota in ft form the accus, in im, the dat. in Ai, the abl. In 
Aa (underaUnding avaaä before a aa for avaala and not avaaai In RV. 
iii. 53. 20), and the locatWe in e (only two examplea, of which one ia per- 
hapa bettor onderstood aa dativo). 

972. The Infinitive noun in tu in made freely from roota of erery 
form. The root takea the guna-strengthening, If capable of lt t and ofton 
adds the aaxiHary vowel i before the sufflx (aocording to the rnlea already 
stated, 968). The root U accented, unleaa the nonn be combiued with • 
prepoattion, in which case the later haa the aecent instead: thua, kArttun, 
etave, hAntoa; but nikartum, nlretave, nlrhantoa. 

a. The dacWe in tavAi ia in two reapecta anomalous : In havlng the 
heavy feminine endlng ai along with a atrengthened U; and In taking a 
double accent, one on the Topt or on the preflxed prepositton, and the other 
on the endlng ai: thus, Atavai, hAntaval, Atyetaval, Apabhartavat. 

973. a. The inflnitlvo in aae 1a made in RV. from about twenty- 
flve roota; in AV. and later there have been noted no other examplea of 
it. In nearly three quartors of tho easos, tho accont Is on the aufAx: «. g. 
ffijAae, jivAae, bhiyAae, tujaae; tho exceptiona are oAkaaae; dhayaae 
(with y inaurtud before the sufflx: 258); and Ayaae, bhAraae, aparaee, 
hAraae (with guna-atrengthening of the root). Strengthening of the root 
la also ahowu by javaae, dohaao, bhojaae, qobhAao. In puayaaa Ia 
seen, apparently, the preaent-stein instead of the root 

b. The ending Be is extremely rare, being found only In JifA and 
perbaps atuaA, and one or two still more doubtful caaet. 

974. Infinitive» in mane are made from only flve roota: thaa, trA% 
mane, damane, dArmage, bhArma^e, and (with different accent) vid- 
mAno. From yd& comcs dAvAne ; turvAtye may come directly from ^tf, 
or through the secondary root turv; dhÜrvai^e la rather from ^dhürr 
than from. y/dhvr\ 

975. a. The iiifluitivca in tay are iafAye (^i|), pltaye (ypft 
ih-ink), vitAye, afttAye, mid perhaps ütAye (ütAye n$n to help Ata m#a: 

351 Inpinitivbs. [—981 

KV). In tyäi, the only cxamplea notod are ityfti (UV.) and sa^hyfli 
(MS. AB.). 

b. Wlth aye are formod is/aye, tojaye, dr^aye, mahaye, yudhaye, 
sanaye; and citaye (VS.), grhaye (K.> 

876. The cuding dhyfti I», more tban any other, Irregulär and vari- 
oui in its treatment. It has always an a before tt; and in the majorlty 
of raten It 1s accontcd upon thti a, and added to a weak form of root: 
thus, oucadhyfti, ppjadhyäi, dhiyadhy&i, huv&dhy&i. But (ho form 
of root is the strong one in a fow raset: namely, ^ayadhyai, Btavadh- 
yti, taradhyat, jaradhyäl, mandadhyfti, vandadhyäi. In half-a- 
dozen forma, again, the root has the aecent: namely, ksaradhy&i, gamadh- 
y&l, yajadhyäi (bat once or twice also yajadhy&i), vahadhy&i, 
sahadhy&i, bharadhy&i. In a single instanre, pibadhy&i, the sofflx 
it added dtsttnctly to a pretent-i tem ; and in one, vftvrdhadhyäi, to a 
perftet 8 tem. Finally, in a number of instances (ten), tbls Infinitive it 
made from a causative stein in ay: thus, m&dayadhy&i, risayadhyäi, etc. 

a. This Infinitive Is by no means rare In RV., belng made in thlrty- 
flve different forma (wlth seventy-two occarrcnces). Hut lt is hardly known 
outside of the RV.; the AY. hai it bat once (in a pasaage found also in 
KV.); and elsewhere half-a-doien examples have been notieed, in mantra- 
passages (one of them TS. falsely reads gamadhye); in the Brihmana 
langinge proper it appetrs to be entlrely wanting. 

077. An example or two are met wlth of an influltive in ay&i: thus, 
röhisyfti (TS), avyathisy&i (K. Kap.; MS. avyathlae; VS. vyathisat), 
and perhaps -dhasyfti (PGS.). 

078. The inflnltives in aanl are: isaTji (?) from y^ send, -bhüf&rji 
from ^bhQ; qüs&gl from ^qü or o,vft; neaagl from ynl; sakfarjA 
from yaah; paraapl from |/pr/, tarisAtyi from ytf\ and gfnlasvtyt and 
-8tf^Ia4r^i from W%X * nc * *tr — the last containlng evident präsent tense- 
slgns (compare the ist sing, greise, 884 d). 

078. The only Infinitive in tari Is dhartari (wlth lu Compound 
vi dhartari), from f'dhr. 

Uses of the Inflnltives. 

980. The nses of the so-called Infinitiv es are for the moet part 
closely aecordant with those of the corresponding cases from other 
abstract nouns. Thus: 

981. The aecusative, wblch is made only from the root-notm and 
the noun in tu, is used as objeet of a verb 

a. Espeeially, of formt from the root <jak be abU, and arh be worthy, 
have the right or the power. Thus, c,akema tv& samfdham (RV.) may 
%ce acemnplish thy kindling; mft oakan pratidhtm fgum (AV.) may they 
not be abU to fit the arrow to the dring \ mano vi imArh asvdyft^ pary- 

981—] XIII. Verbal Adjbctivbs and Noüns. 

äptum arhati manah pari bhavi tum (TS.) the mind, forsooth, com mt 
otice attain and surpass her ; k6 hy etaayä *rhati guhyam nimm ffr4- 
hltum (?B.) for who is worthy to take hie teeret namet In the Veda, che 
constrnetion with tbese verbi is ouly one amoug others; In the Biihmana, 
1t becomes the greatly prevalent one (three quarters or more of «11 the caeea). 

b. Further, of *erbs of motion (next most freqnent case): thne, 
dstkai^&ni h6tum eti (TS.) he goes to eacrißce (hinge pertaining to 
sacrißeial gifte ; indram pratfram emy Ayufr (RV.) I §o to Indra for 
(i. e. beeeech of him) the lengthening out of li/e; — of ydhf persist ttt, 
under take: as, s4 idam jät&h Barvam evk dagdhum dadhr« (Q B.) 4«, 
ae eoon ae born, began to burn thie universe; — of Yerbs meaning dtmire, 
hope, notice, know, and the llke : as, pä^än vioftam vettha a4rva\n 
(AV.) thou knoweet how to hosen all bonds ; taam&d agnim nft " driyeta 
parihantum (VB) there/ore one should not be careful to smother the 
fire; — and of others. 

082. Of the Infinitive dativea, the fundamental and uaual aonae 
is that expressed by for, in ordtr to, for the purpoee of. 

Examples are: vi^vaifa jivaxfa earaaa bodhaymntl (RV.) awakeming 
every living creature to motion; tan dpa yata pfbadhyai (RV.) oom* 
to drink thern ; naf 'tarn te dev£ adadur 4ttave (A V.) the gode did 
not give her to thee for eating\ präi "d yudh4ye daayum indra^i 
(RV.) Indra went for ward tofight the demon; e&kaur no dhehi vikhyfti 
(RV.) give us sight for looking abroad. 

Some peculiar construetions, however, grow out of thla uae of the in- 
flnitive dative. Thus: 

a. The noun which is iogically the subjeet or the objeet of the action 
expressed by the infinltive is frequently put beiide lt in the datlre (by a 
conatruetion which is in part a perfoctly simple one, hut which is stretched 
beyond its natural boundariea by a kind of attractlon): thus, cakaxm 
adry&ya pantham anvetavst u (RV.) he tnade a track for the suh to 
follow (made for the eun a track for hie foüowing); qiqito ^fflga 
rakaobhyo viuikae (RV.) he whets hie hörne to pierce the dmnons; 
rudraya dhanur ä tanomi brahmadvfse c,4rave hantavi u (RV.) 
I stretch the böte for Rudra, that with hie arrow he mag elay the brahmta- 
hater; aßmäbhyam dfqäye süryäya punar dätam asum (RV.) may 
thvy grant Ufa again, that we may eee the sun. 

b. Au infinite with ylsj makc is used nearly in the aense of a 
cauiativu verb: thus, pra 'ndham (jrorjaih o4kaaaa otave kfthafy (UV.) 
ye make the blind and lame to eee and go\ agnim aamfdhe oakaurthm 
(RV.) thou hast made the fire to be kindled. Of similar charaoter Is an 
utcasioiul coiistruitiou with auother verb: as, y4d im uc,maai kartave 
karat t4t (RV.) what we wieh to be done, may ho do that; kavinr 
iooh&mi aamd^e (RV.) / desire to eee the sage*. 

c. A dative inflnitive is not seldom used as a pradieate, sometincs 

353 Vbmb op the Infinitive«. [—984 

wlth, but more usaally withoot, a eopala expressed: thns, agnir Iva na 
pratidnfee bhavati (TS.) like fire, he ie not to be resisted; mahlmt to 
anyena na saihnioe (VS.) thy greatness is not to be attained by another; 
n4klm fndro nfkartave n4 oakra$ parlqaktave (RV.) Indra ie not 
to be put downy the mighty *me i$ not to be overpowered. 

d. Soraettmes an Infinitive so used wlthont a copuU hat quite nearly 
tbe value of an imperative: tbns, tyi me yag4s& . . . &uoi]6 huvadhy&i 
[aati] (RV.) these glorious ones »hall the son .of Ueij invoke for me; 
Büktebhir vafc . . . indra nv agni avase huv4dhy&i [sta^] (RV.) 
u>ith your hymni shaV ye call now on Indra and Agni for aid\ vandadhya 
agnini n4mobhi^ [aemi] (RV.) let me greet Agni with homage; aemikft- 
eaq oa eür4yo Werft tq&a tarls4nl (RV.) and let our saeriJUers ero$$ 
all regiom; tan nftf *vani k4rtavai (MS.) that must not be done to; 
brahmadviear; o,4rave hantava u (RV.) let the arrovo $lay the brahma- 
haters. Tbe tnflnitlves in dhyfti and sani (wbieb latter U In all lta uses 
aceordant witb datlves) are tbote In wblcb tbe Imperative Talne Is most 
dlstinotly to be reeognlted. 

e. In tbe Brähmanas and Sütras (especlally in ^B.) tbe datlve In tav&i 
lt not teldom uied witb a verb slgnifying epeak (brü, vac, ah), to eipress 
tbe orderlng of anythlng to be done : thns, taem&d 6f adhinftm ev4 mdl&ny 
ucchettav&i brüyftt (£B.) therefore let him direct the roote of the plante 
to be cut up {epeak in order to their eutting up : ef. y© vaeiyft ad&naya 
▼4danti who dieeuade from giving the eow : A V.). 

988. Tbe ablatlve Infinitive — which, like the accus» tive, is made 
only from Ibe root-nouo and that in tu — is fouod especially with 
the prepositloos t until and port before. 

a. Thut, t tamitor^ (TS. etc.) until exhaustiun; purst vftca^ pr4- 
vadito^ (TS.) before utteranee of the voiee. In tbe Bribmana language, 
this Is the well-nigh exclnsive eonstraetlon of the ablatlve (it oecnra also 
witb prftk, arvftk, etc.); in tbe Veda, the latter is nsed also after rte 
without, and after several verbs, as trft and pft prottct, yu separate, bhl, ete. 

b. In a fow Instance*, by an atlraction similar to that iltnstrated 
above for the datlve (982 a), a noun dependent on tbls Infinitive ls pot In 
the ablatlve beeide it: tbns t pnrft vigbhya^ aampravadito^ (PB.) 
before the utteranee together of the voiees; tr&dhvaih kaxtfd avapadaji 
(RV.) save us from falling down into the pit; purft dakelntbhyo netoti 
(Äpast.) before the gifte are taken away. 

984. The genitire Infinitive (baving the Barne form ob the ab- 
latlve) is In common use in the Brihmana langoage as dependent on 
Igvari lord % maeter, employod adjectively in the sense of eapmble or 
likely or txposed io. 

a. Examples are: tt [dev4t&^J levari enaih pradahari (TS.) 
they are likely to burn him up; 4tha ha vi iovaro 'gnini oitvt klih- 
eid däuritam apattc* vi vft hv41ito^ (£B.) so in truth he is liable, 

Wkito»j, Onaur. 3. ad. 23 

884—] XIII. Verbal Adjbotivbb amd Nouns. 354 

öfter piling the ßre % to meet with eome miehap er ether, er im etag ger; 
Icvaram väi ratbantaram udg&tuo oakeufr pramathltot^ (PB.) the 
rathantara ie Kable to knock out the eye of the ehanter. 

b. The datWe iß med In QB. inatead of the genitive in a ringle 
parate (lovaräü janayitavaf) ; and, lu the later language, lometinea the 
aceuaative In tum. In a caee or two the meto, ring, nom. tyrara^ U 
uaed, without regard to the gender or number of the wotd whteh It quelltet: 
thua, taaye "ovarafc praja papiyaal bbavlto^ (0B.) hie •rageny ie 
liable to deteriorate. And in a very few initaneea the word Igwewa Ie 
omitted, and the genitive hae the aame velue without it: thne t dwm meullay« 
amdinam abhi pratyetotji (AB.) two may be added to the noon libmtiom; 
tato dlkeitah pftman6 bhavitofc ($B.) then the eomecraUd ü liabie 
to get the itch. 

o. This couatniction with lovara, whlch it the only one for the geni- 
tive Infinitive in the ßrähmana, it unknown in the Veda, where the geat- 
tlve is fonnd in a very am all number of ezamplet with madbyi, and with 
tho root 19: thua, madbyft karto^i (RV.) 1V1 the mitist 0/ mtüom; iqm 
r*y6 datoh (RV.) he ie matter 0/ the giving of ureaUh; loa y6totji (EV.) 
i$ able to keep away. 

886. Unleaa the innnitivea in eani and tari are loeative in forai 
(their uaea are thote of datives), the locatlve Infinitive it eo rare, and hae 
to little that it pecnliar in itt uae, that it it hardly worth making any 
aecount of. An ezample ie ueaao budhi (RV.) at the awakening of the 

888. In the Veda, the dativo Infinitive forme are very miich 
more nuraeroua than the aecueative (In RV., their oecurreneee an 
twelve timee »b many; in AV., more than three timea); and the ae- 
cueative in tum Ie rare (only four forn» in RV., only eight in AV.). 
In the Brähmanaa, the aceuaative hae rleen to comparatlvely mueh 
greatcr frequency (ita forma are nearly twlce as many aa thote of the 
dative); but the ablatlve-genitive, which ie rare In the Veda, hae 
also coiuo to füll equality with it. The dieappearance in the olaaeieal 
language of all exeepting the aceuaative in tum (but eee 868 b) ie a 
matter for no emall surpriso. 

887. The later Infinitive In tum ie ofteneat naed In eonatruetioaa 
correspondlng to thoae of the earlier aceuaative: thue, na Tftapam 
ac,akat soejihum he could not reetrain hü teare; tarn draa(um arbaal 
thou oughtest to ste htm; prftptum icobanti they deeire to obtain; aaih- 
khyfttum ftrabdham having begun to eount. But alao, not infrequently, 
in tliose of the other caaee. So, eapeeially, of the dative: thua, 
avaathatum athanantaram ointaya deviee another place to etay im; 
tvam anveetum ihä "gatah he hae eome hither to eeek /er theo] — 
but likewiae of the genitive: thua, eamartbo gautum ca p able ef 
going; aamdbfitum Iqvara^ able to mend. Even a oonatruotion aa 
nominative is not unknown: thua, yuktam taaya may& 

355 Gbbuhds. [—990 

nayiturh bh&ryAm (MBh.) t> it proper Jnr me to eomfort hie wi/e; 
na naptararh svayaih nyftyyani faptum evam (H.) it ie not tuitabU 
thun to curte onee own grandton; tad Taktuni na p&ryata'f^fttr.) it 
is not potaible to edy that. 

988. In the Uter language, m in tbe eerller, the Infinitive In eer- 
ttln connectiona Jiaa what we look lipon m a paaalre value. Thns, kartum 
arabdhah hegun to be made; ^rotuih na ynjyat« it ie not fit to be 
heard {Jor Hearing). Tills It espeelally freqaent aJong wich tbe passive 
forma of t^ak: tbua, tyaktuih na fakyate) it eannot be abandoned\ 
$akyav ihft "netum they two can be brought hither; na oa ▼ibhfltayarji 
$akyam aväptum ürjitft^ nor are mighty eueceeeee a thing eapable of 
being attained. . 


989. The so-called gerund is a stereotyped case (doubt- 
less instrumental) of a verbal noun, used generally a§ ad- 
junct to the logical subject of a clause, denoting an accom- 
panying or (more often) a preceding aotion to that signified 
by the verb of the clause. It has thus the Virtual value of 
an indeclinable participle, present or past, qualifying the 
actor whose action it doscribes. 

a. Thus, for example: grutväi 'va oft *bruvan and Hearing (or 
havimj heard) they epoke; tebhya^ pratijnayft *thäi 'tln paripa- 
pracoha having given them hie promiee^ he then queetioned them. 

990. The gerund is made in the later language by one 
of the two Suffixes Wt tvÄ and U ya, the former being used 
with a simple root, the latter with one that is compounded 
with a prepositional prefix — or, rarely, with an element 
of another kind, as adverb or noun. 

a. To tbia distribntion of uaet bctwecn tbe two auf flies tbere are 
oerasiotial exccptions. Thns, gerunds In ya from simple roota are not 
rrry rare in the eplc langoige (e. g. gfhya, Ufya [f^TM dweü], aroya, 
ikjya, cintya, tyajya, laksya; alao from causetires and denomlnatlves, 
as vRcya, yojya, plävya), and are not nnknown elaewhere (e. g. arcya 
and Ikaya M., prothya AGS., sthftpya fvfj). And gerunds In tTÄ 
from rotnponndod roota are inet with In conatderable nnmbers from AY. 
(only pratyarpayitvt) down: e. g. aamlrayitTt MS., Tirooayitri 
TA., utksiptvft U., pratyuktv* 8., pratyasitvä 8., prahaaitvä 
MRh., eaibdar^ayitvä MBh., Tlmuktv* R., nivadayitr* R., proktva 
Pafic. anupltvä VRS.: tbe great majority of them are made from the 
cantattre stem. 


990 — ] XIII. VKUUAL AIIJECT1VE8 AND NouNft. 356 

b. Tbe preflxion of tbe negativa partkle, a or an, doee not cauets 
the gerund to take the form In ya: thut, akrtvft, anlrayitvfc (bat R. 
haa aointya). Of Compounds with other than verbal preflxt-e, RV. bat 
punard&ya, karnagfhya, pädagfhya, haatagfhya, aramkftya* 
akkhalikftya, mithaapfdhya; AV. has furtbar namaakftya. 

991. The suffix OT tvft has the acoent. It is usually 
added directly to the root, but often also with interposition 
of the auxiliary vowel \ i — with regard to which, as well 
as to the form of the root before it, the formation nearly 
agrees with that of the participle in ff ta (962 ff.). 

a. Exauiplcs of tbe general accordance of passive participle, In- 
finitive, and gerund in regard to the use of i were giveo abovo, 
988 a; further specifications are called for, as followi: 

b. Tb« quotable roots in variable r (242) change it to Ir: thua, 
tirtva, atlrtva (al o atrtva); and oar makea aUo oirtvä (liko oünaa); 
— roou tu & «Low in gciiural the aaiue weakeuiug ai in the participle; but 
Crom dhkput is quotable ouly dhitv£ (hitra), from mimtature mitvt 
and mitva, from d& give ouly dattva, from oh& ohiyitvft; — of roou in 
am, krain and bhram and yam make forma botb with and witbout i 
(as tu tbe inflnitive), but rani hau ratvä and ramtvi, and dam and vam 
maki: damitvä and vamitvä. 

O. Tbe auxiliary vowcl 1« taken by rooU gras, mus, aap, and 0,4a 
(Qäaitv&) (whose partioplus bave botb form«)} alao by cay, nrt (nar- 
titvä), lag, and avaj (agahist aualogy of ppK')i * ,,d ouo makea eorttvä. 
On tbe otber band, from ruj (rugr^a) and wrae,o (vrk^a) come ruktvt 
and vra^v^. And both for ms are made (aa also in influitivc or participle) 
from oar, vaa dxcell (usfvA, usitvi), nl (nltvt, nayitva), and mrj 
(mrsfva, marjitvft). 

d. Wbilc tbe formation is in general one reqnirlng, Uke tbe passive 
participle (e. g. uptva, liko upta; uditvÄ, like udita), a weak or weakened 
root, tbere arc some caae« In wbioh it is made from a strong or strength- 
eued root-forin. Thus (besldcs the instancrs already given: Ohayltva, 
ramtvft, cteitva, c&yitvft, oooitva, nayitwa, mlrjitva), we find 
charditva (Apast.), da&s v v&, and spharitwft, and, from a number of 
roou, a second strong forru beside tbe more regulär weak one: namely, 
anktva, bhanktvft, bhuAktva, syanttvä (beeide aktvi etc.); eayltwa, 
amayitva, sinaritvft (beside citvi etr.); roditva (beeide ruditra), 
and aüiOitv& (beside siktvft). Tbe last shows the influence of tbe 
present-stem \ as do aUo marjitv& (above) and jighrltvt (x/ghra). Tbe 
form a v hutvi (Apast.) is doubtleaa a falsa readlng, for fthytttra. 

992. The suffix ZJ ya is added directly to the root, 
which is accented, but has its weak form. A root ending 

357 Grritnd in ya. f— 003 

in a short vowel takes HT tya instead of 7J ya: thus, flfrTT 
-jitya, frjrll -etutya, ^FU -kftya. 

a. Roots in variable f (942) change that Towel to Ir or ür: thus, 
kirya, girya, tirya (and tttrya), dirya, pürya, $irya, stirya (aUn 
atftya); — roott in ä have for Che most part -aya; bot dhft suek maket 
dhiya, and doable formt are foand from g& »ing (giya, giya), pft drink 
(paya, ptya), da give (d&ya, dadya), da divide (daya, ditya), ml 
mcaaure, exchangr (m&ya, m(tya), s& bind (aäya, aya); II eling has 
laya or llya, a* tf an &-verb; and khan and dham make khäya and 
dhmaya, from their ä- formt; — tbe roots in an and am making their 
participle in ata (064 d) make tbe gernnd in atya, but also later in anya, 
amya (e. g. gatya, gamya; hatya, hanya; bot tan maket aa seeond 
form taya, and from ram only ramya ls quotable) ; — Che roott in Iw 
add ya to their Iv-form : that, s^hlvya, sivya; — a few roott in i and 
u add ya tn tbe itngthened vowel betidet addlng tya: that, i go (Iya 9 
(tya; also ayya), ol gather (olya, o(tya), and pln, yu imtfo, su, stu 
(pltiya, plutya, etc.); while kti dutroy hat only ksiya. 

b. Tbis gernnd, thoagh accented on the root-ayllable, ia generally a 
weakening formation: thua are made, without a ttrengthening nasal found 
in aome otber formt, ioya, ajya, idhya, üdya, ubhya, grathya, taoya, 
da$ya, badhya, bhajya, lipya, lupya, vlagya, frabhya, sajya, 
skabhya, stabhya, syadya, evajya; with weakening of other kinda, 
gfhya and gfbhya, pfcchya, üoya, udya, üpya, usya (vaa dwell), 
uhya, vidhya, viya, vjqoya, spfdhya, httya; — bat from a nomber 
of roott are made both a stronger and a weaker form: that, manthya and 
mathya, märjya and mf jya, rundhya and rudhya, fansya and $as- 
ya, ^aaya and ^isya, akandya and skadya, sransya and sraaya; — 
and only ttrong formt are foand from roott ard, av, oiy, ql ($ayya), aa 
well as from rertaln roots with a eonttant natal : e. g. unoh, kamp, 
nand, lamb, <jaflk; isolared caaea are oaya (^ue Aiirn), prothya (aleo 

o. Other special ea*et are uhya and ühya (füh rernove), gurya and 
gtirya, gühya and gQhya 9 ruhya and rühya, bhramya and bhramya, 
ayya (beside (tya, lya), ghrftya and jighrya; and ürnutya (beeide 

003. The older language has the tarne two genind formations, 
baviog the same distinetion, and uted in the same way. 

a. In RV., howe*er, the final of ya It In the great majority of In- 
stanees (fally two thlrdt) long (at If the instrumental endlng of a deriv- 
ative noun In i or ti). In AV., long ä appeara only onee in a RV. 


b. Instead of tvä alone, the Veda hat three forme of the eafflx, namely 
tvi, tvaya, and tri. Of thete three, tvl It decidedly the comraoneet In 
RV. (thirty-n>e occarrences, agalnst twenty-one of tvä); bat It it onknown 

99»—] XIII. Verbal Adjrctiybs amd Noras. 358 

In AV., and very rare eleevhere in the older language; traya U fovmd nlne 
tlmes in BV. (only once ontside tbe tenth Book), twico in AV., and but half-a- 
dozen timcs elsewhere (in QB., onee from a cauaaÜYe stein: epac/ayitvmya). 
The historlest relation of the three formt U obacnre. 

o. Two other genind sufflxes, tvinam and tvinam, are mentioned 
by the grammarlans aa of Vedic use, bot they have nowhere been feund 
to oeeur. 

994. The use of this gerund, though not changing in iU ohar- 
acter, becomes mach more frequent, and oven exceaahre, in the later 

a. Thns, in the Nala and Bhagarad-Gitä, whieh bave only one tenth 
as many verb-forms as RV. t tbere aie more tban three timea as many cx- 
amplea of the gerund as in the latter. 

b. In general, the geruud ie *«i adjunct to the subjeet of a sentencr, 
aud ex presse« an act or condition belonging to the subjeet: thus, vajrena 
hatvst n£r apar^k aaearja (RV.) smiting toith his thwtderbolt, he poured 
forth the waters ; nltvi aomaeya vavfdhe (RV.) having drunk of the 
soma t he wuxed strong; te yajnaaya rasam dhltvt vidühya yajnaih 
yüpena yopayitva tird 'bhavan (yB.) having sueked out the aap oftha 
o ff er mg ) having milked the offering dry, having blocked it toith the saerifieimi 
post t they disappeared; grutvÄi 'va o& 'bruvan (MBh.) and having heard t 
they said\ tarn ca düre dr^va gardabhi 'yam iti matvft dhftvitat} 
(II.) and having seen him in the dütance, thinking *it is a she-ass\ he rem. 

o. But if tho loglcal subjeet, the real ageut, it put by the eonatrnetion 
of the seutciice In a depemlont rase, it is still qiialifled by tho gerund: 
thut, atrfyaih dfa(väya kitavam tat&pa (RV.) it distreues the gambler 
(1. e. the gambler is distressed) at seeing his wife; taifa häi *naih dff(v£ 
bhlr viveda (£B.) fear came upon him (i. e. he was afraid) when hm 
saw him; vidhlya proeite vfttim (M.) when he stays away after provid- 
ing for her svpport; kiih nu me ay&d idaih kftvi (MRh.) what t 1 
wonder t would happen to me if I did this ; — and cspecitlly, when a passive 
form is givon to tho seilten«-^ tho geruud ([uaUflcs the agunt in the Instrumental 
case (282 a): thus, tatah oabd&d abhijnaya aa vyaghrona hata^ (B.) 
thereupon he was slain hy the tiyer, who recognized him by his voiee; 
tvayl aa rajä cakuntalfim puraakrtya vaktavyah (£.) presenting 
(Jakuntalü, thou must say to the hing; hansin&ih ▼aoanaih c/rutvft 
yathft me (gen. for instr.) n&iaadho vftah (MBh.) as the Nishadhan 
was chosen by me on hearing the words of the swans'. this oonstruetion 
is eitremely common In much of the later Sanskrit. 

d. Occasionally, the gerund quaiifles an agent, espeeially an indefinite 
onc, that is uneipressed: tbus, tada 'träi Va paktv* khaditavyah 
(H.) then he shall be eatm [by us] cook ing him on the spot\ yad anyaaya 
pratijnaya punar anyaaya diyate (M.) that t after being promised (lit. 
when one hos promised her) to one t she is given again to an other; auointya 
co 'ktam suvioärya yat kftam (11.) what one says ufUr mature though t } 

359 US£8 OP TAB GlRUND. [-096 

and dort aftrr füll deliheration. Ilrnco, ■CHI innre elllpilriilly, after alam: 
thuK, alarh vicärya (V) enough of heeitation; tad alarh ta vanarh 
gatvi (R.) «o Aar« <rone tüifA ^omjf to the forest. 

e. Other lest regulär eonstraciloDS are met witb, «special)? In the 
older language : thnt, In the manner of a partlelple wlth man and the Uke 
(868 a), as tarn hiAsitve Va mene (SB.) he thoughi he had hurt Amt ; 
tä adbhir abhisioya nJJaayai "v* 'manyata (AB.) having eprmkled 
them with water, he believed himeelf to have exhemeted tkem; — In the 
rnanner of a partlelple formlng a oontlnuoue teose nith yi (1076 a), as 
indram evtl 'tair arabhya yanti (AB.) by meane of them they keep 
iaking hold of Indra ; — m quallfylng a tnhordinate memher of the aentenoe, 
as puro^aqam eva kürmarh bhütvt sarpantam (^B.) to the $aeri- 
ßcial cake creeping about, having beeome a tortoiee; ayodhyam • • . 
saphenäih sasvanäih bhütra jalormim Iva (R.) into Ayodhyd, like a 
surge that had beert foamy and roaring ; — even absolute!?, aa Atithyena 
val devä if(v& tint samad avindat (f B.) when the gods had eacri- 
ficed with the guest-offering, ttrife befel them. 

f. As in the two ezamplei before the last, a prtdleate word wlth 
bhütvä is put in the aame caae wlth the subject: thua, fartber, tad iyam 
evai v tad bhütvä yajati ((B.) so having thu$ beeome thie earth he 
makee offer ing; yena vamaneni 'pi bhütva (Vet) by whcm, even when 
he had beeome a dwarf The eonttraetion le a rare one. 

g. A number of gerunds ha*e their meanlng attenuated ■ometlmee to 
the semblance of a prepoaitlon or ad ▼erb: such are adhikftya making a 
mhjeet of 1. e. respecting t of; adaya, upagf/hya taking, I. e. with; ud- 
di<;ya pointing toward, I. e. at; asadya, arriving at t I. e. along, by; 
ärabhya beginning, i. e. from; sambhüya being with, I. e. with; sarhhatya 
striking together, I. e. in unison; prasahya ueing forte, I. e. violentfy; 
tyaktvÄ, parityajya, muktvä, vihäya, uddhftya, varjavitva leaving 
out etc., i. e. excepting, without; and othera. Examplet are: e,akuntalAm 
adhikftya bravlmi ((,'.) I am epeaking of fakuntalä; tarn uddioya 
ksiptalagu^A^ (n.) having thrown the eudgel at htm; nimittaxh kirhold 
äsAdya (II.) for eome reason or other. 

h. The gerund ia in the later langaage sometlroea found in compo- 
sition, as if a nonn-stem: e. g. prasahyaharana taking with violenee; 
pretyabh&va exietence öfter death; vibhajyap&tha separate enuneiaiion; 
sambhüyagamana going together. It Is al*o often repeated (1800), In a 
distributive sense: e. g. aa vfti sammfjya-sammfjya pratapya-pra- 
tapya pra yaoohati (£B.) in eaeh cate, öfter wiping and warming them, 
he handx them over; gfhitvA-gfhltva (K£S.) at eaeh taking; unnamyo- 
*nnamya (Pafic.) every time that they ariee. 

Adverbial Qerund in am. 

996. The aecusative of a derivati?« nomen attionie in a, nted 
advcrbially, assumes sometimes a value and construction so acoord- 

996—] XIV. Sbcondary Cokjugation. 360 

ant with tbat of the usual gerund that it oannot well be called by 
a different name. 

a. No extmple of a pecnlitr gerandial conatruetion with euch a form 
occura either in RY. or AY., althongh a dozen adverbial aeoneatives are to 
be claaaed aa repretenting the formatloo: thue, abhyAkr&mam, prat&Jk- 
kam, pra$6dam, nilayam, abbiakandam, ete. ThU genind ie round 
especially in the Brihmanas tnd Sütras, where lt ie not rare; la the eplce 
it ii extremely infrequent; later, alao, it occurt very aparlngly. 

b. A flntl Towel hts vfddhl-strengthening before the sufflx: thue, 
nAvam, gr&vam, kAram; final A addt y: thue, khyAyam, ylymm; a 
medial ▼owel bas gur^a (if captble of it: 240): thut, kaepam, kroqam, 
vartam (bat lksam, püram); a medial a before a tingle consonant ie 
lengthened: thut, kr&mam, o&ram, grftham, svAdam (but grantham, 
lambham). The accent ia on the radictl tylUble. No uncompounded ex- 
aniples are found in the older language, and oxtremely few in the later. 

o. Examplee are: k&mam vi imäny AfigAni vyatytaam Qeta 
(QB.) he liet changing the position of thete limb» ai pteasure; ÜttarAm- 
uttarAm qaTrhArh samAlambham röhet (V^.) oe would dimb, takiug 
hold of a higher and ever a higher litnb ; apariau mahanAgam ivA 
'bhiaamairam didrkaitarah ( V^O hereafter, running together at it were 
about a great snake, they will with to tee him\ namAny AsAm ateUii 
nAmagräham ((B.) with teparate naming of thete their nanu»; yö 
viparyaaam uvagdhati (V u ) whoeuer buriet it uptide down; bAhütkae- 
pam kranditum pravfttA ($.) the proeeeded to ery t throwing up her 
arrnt (with arm~totting); navacütapallavAni dar^am-dar^am mmdhu* 
karAgAm kva^itAni ^rAvam-^rAvam paribabhrAma (DKC.) ho 
wandered about, conttantly teeing the young shoott of the mango, and hear- 
ing the humming of the beet. Repeated forma, like thoae in the last ex- 
ample, are approred in the lator language; they do not oeeur earlier (but 
inatetd of them the repeated ordlnary gerund: 994 h). 



996. Sbcondary conjugations are those in whioh a 
whole gystem of forma, like that already described as made 
from the simple root, is made, with greater or less com- 
pleteness, from a derivative conjugation-stem; and is also 

36 1 Passive. [—908 

ustially connected with a certain definitc modification of 
the original radioal sense. 

a. We have seen, Indeed, thtt the tense-systems are »ho for the moet 
ptrt made from derlvative-sterns; and even that, In aorae eases, auch atema 
tNume the appearance and ralue of roots, and are made the basis of a 
complete conjugational system. Nor it tbere any dlttlnct dlvision-llne to 
be drawn between tense-systems and derivative eonjugatlona; the latter are 
present-systems whlch bäte been expanded Into conjugationa by the additlon 
of other tentes, and of partlclples, inflnitWes, and so on. In the earlleat 
language, tbeir forma ootaide of the pretent-ay stein are still qnlte rare, 
hardly more than sporadlc; and e*en later they are — with the eioeption 
of one or two formst Ion • which attain a oomparatire freqnehcy — mach lese 
common than the corresponding forma of prtmary eonjugation. 

907. The secondary eonjugation« are: I. Passive; 
II. Intensive; III. Desiderative; IV. Causative; V. Denom- 

a. The passive is elaased here m a secondary eonjugation becaose of 
its analogy with the others In respect to specific value, and freedom of 
formatlon, althongh it doea not, llke tbem, make Ita forma ootaide the 
present system from its present-stem. 

I. Passive. 

008. The passive oonjugation has been already in the 
main described. Thus, we have seen that — 

a. It has a special present-system, the stem of which 
is present only, and not made the basis of any of the re- 
maining forms: this stem is formed with the acoented class- 
sign IT ya, and it takes (with exeeptions: 774) the middle 
endings. This present-system is treated with the others, 
above, 768 ff. 

b. There is a special passive 3d sing, of the aorist, 
ending in l i: it is treated above, 842 ff. 

o. In the remaining tenses, the middle forms are used 
also in a passive sense. 

d. Bat the passive use of middle forms is not common; it is oftenest 
met with in the perfeet. The partlciple to a great extent takes the place 
of a paet passive tense, and the gerundlre that of a fntnre. On the other 

998—] XIV. Secondart Conjuqation. 362 

band, In the oldest language (BY.), middle formt of other present-syttems 
are in a conslderable nnmber of cases employed witb passive meeaing. 

e. Accordlng to tbo grammarians, tbere may be formed fron some 
verbs, for passive use, a special stem for tbe aorUt and the two fatale 
Systems, coinciding in form witb tbe pcculiar 9d sing. aorUt. 

f. Thus, from y&A (aor. 3d sing. adayi), beeide avdfisi, daayt, 
d&tähe, also adiyiy 1, diyieye, dayitihe. Tbe permission to make tbis 
doublo forniation oiteuds to all rooti cndtng tu voweU, and to grab, dr/q, 
and han. No sucb passlvo forma ocrur In tho oldcr Isnguage, and not keif* 
a-doten are quotable from the lator (wo And adliayiai and aethayiaft In 
DKC, and aniyieata in Kuval.). 

g. As to tbe slleged passive inflection of tbe peilpbrasttc perfect, see 
below, 1072. 

h. Besides the pariiciple from the preeent tenee-etem 
(771. 5), the paasive has a past participle in <T ta (962), or 
^ na (967), and future participlee, or gerundives, of variou* 
forniation (961 ff.), made directly from the root. 

999. As already pointed out (282 a), the language, especially 
later Las a decided predilection for the paasive form of the sentenoa. 
This is gi von in part by the use of finite passive forins, bat oftener 
by that of the. passive participle and of the gerundive: the participle 
being taken in part in a present sense, Imt inoro usually in a paat 
(whuthür indefinite or proximale paat), and soinetimett with a copula 
expressed, but much oftener without it; and tho gerundive repreaent- 
ing eithor a pure future or one with the senso of necessity or dutj 
added. A further exauiplc is: tatrfti "ko yuvä brahmarjo dfftaji: 
tarn df8 v v& kamena plcjita aamj&ta: aakhyi agre kathitam: aakhi 
puruao 'yam grhitvft mama mätufc aamlpam anetavyar^ (Vet) 
there the taw a young Brahman; at tight of him «As feit the fange of 
love; the taid to her friend: ?friend t you mutt take and bring thi$ man 
to my mother n . In soine stylos of later Sanskrit, the prevailing ex- 
proasion of past time is by means of the passive participle (thus, in 
Vet., an extreme case, more than nine tenths}. 

a. As in otber lauguages, a 3d sing, passive is freely made from 
intransitive as well as transitive verbs: thus, ih& "gamyatam eome hitker\ 
tvayft tatr&i 'va athlyatäm do you stand juet there; sarvair Jalam 
ftdäyo '<Hiyat&m (n.) let all ßy up with the net. 

II. Intensive. 

1000. The intensive (sometimes also called frequent- 
ative) is that one of the secondary conjugations which ig 
least removed from the analogy of formaüons already 

363 Intensive. [—1009 

described. It is, like the present-system of the second con- 
jugation-class (642 (f.), the inflection of a reduplicated ttem, 
hut of one that is peculiar in having a strengthened redu- 
plioaiion. It is decidedly less extended beyond the limiis 
of a present-system than any other of the derivative con- 

a. The intensive oonjugation signifies the repetition or 
the intensifieation of the action expressed by the primary 
conjugation of a root. 

1001. Aceording to the grammarians, the intensive 
conjugation may be formed from nearly all the root* in the 
language — the exoeptions being root* of more than one 
syllable, those conjugated only causatively (below, 1066), 
and in general those beginning with a vowel. 

a. In fact, howcter, intenst?es In the later language tre ▼ery rare, 
so rare tbtt it it hard to teil preoltely what Taloe is to be giren to the 
rulee of the nttite grammar reepeetlng them. Nor are they at all common 
earller, except (oomparatirely) in the RV., whlch contains aboat sii eevenths 
of the whole nnmber (rather o^er a hmidred) qnotablo from Teda and Brih- 
mana and Sütra-texta; AV. hat lest than half aa many aa RV., and many 
of them in RV. passages ; from the later language are qnotable aboat twenty 
of these, aboat forty more, bot for the most part only in an oecurrencc 
or two. 

b. Hence, in the deaerlption to be gWen below, the aetoal aapect of 
the formation, aa exhlbited in the older language, will be had primarily and 
cspecUlly In ▼low; and tho cxamples will be of forma fonnd there in uae. 

1002. The strong intensive reduplication is madc in 
three different ways: 

I. a. The reduplicating syllable is, aa elsewhere, composed of a 
eingle consonant with following vowel, and, so far as the consonant 
is concerned, follows the rules for present and perfect reduplication 
(590); bat the vowel is a heavy one, radical a and r (or ar) being 
reduplicated with a, an i-vowel by e, and an u-vowel by o. 

Rtamples are: vivad, b&badh, cäcvas, rarandh; dadf, dadhr/; 
cekit, tetij, nenl, vevli; 900110, popruth, ooskn, johü. 

II. b. Tbc reduplicating syllable has a final consonant, taken 
from the end of the root. With an exception or two, this consonant 
19 eitber r (or its Substitute 1) or a nasal. 

1008—] XIV. Secondary Conjuqation. 364 

Examples are: earear, oaloal, aars?, marmjj, Jarhff; omAkram, 
janghan, tanstan, dandac, (j/dafto, or dao,), Janjabh (fjambh or Jabh), 
tan tan (y'taAB or tan), nannam (^ntm), yamyam (y/yam). The nasal 
is asstmilated to the initial consonant. 

o. Only roota having a or pi vowel make thia form of reduplication, 
bat with such roota it is more common thsn eitber of the otber forma. 

d. Irregulär foroiations of thia claas are: with a final other tkan r 
or n in tbe reduplication, badbadh; with a final nasal in tbe rednpli- 
cation which ia not found in tbe root, jafigah (RV.), jaftjap (£B.; and 
jangüyat PB. is perhaps from ygw, tbo later lauguage hat furtber 
dandah); with an anomaloua initial consonant in reduplication, jarbhur 
from ybhur (compare tbe Yedic perfect jabhira from ybhf, 788 b), 
galgal from j/gal; with varioua treatment of an f or ar-element, dardar 
and dardir, oarkar and oarkir, tartar and tartur, oaroar and oar- 
our, Jargur and jalgul. 

e. The roota i and r; are tbo only ones with vowel initial forming an 
latent Ire atem: i niakes iyay (? PU., once); f makes tbe irregulär alar 
or alf. As to the atem iya, see below, 1021 b. 

III. f. The reduplication is dissyllabic, an l-vowel belog added 
after a final consonant of the reduplieating syllable. Thia l-vowel it 
in the older languago short before a double consonant, and long be- 
fore a Single. 

Examplüi are: ganlgam (but ganigmatam), warlvft, raniVfth, 
caniekad, aanievan; navfnu, davidyut (and tbe particlples davldhwat 
but tavltuat). A Single exceptio» aa to tbe quantity of tbe 1 U dawi- 

g. Thls method of reduplication is followed in tbe older language 
by about tbirty roota. Thns, of roota baviug final or penultimate n (once 
m), and n in tbe reduplieating syllable, pan, phan, aan, ewan, han; 
gam; krand, C/oand, skand, syand; of roots having final or medial f, 
and r in tbe reduplieating syllable, kf make, tf, bhf, VJ, mrj, mf^, 
VTJ» v rt, srp; also mluo (malimluo); — fürt her, of roots aaauming In 
tbe reduplication a n not found in tbe root, only vah (fB. : the grasa- 
mariaiis allow also kae, pat, päd ; and panlpad is quotable later; and A£8. 
bas oanlkhudat, for which TB. kanikhunat); flnally, of tooia 
having u or ü as radical vowel, with av before the I-Towel, tu, dhü, 
nu, dyut. 

h. In thia ciasa, tbe generai rules aa to tbe form of tbe reduplieating 
consonant (690) are violated in tbe caae of ghanigban and bharibhf, 
and of ganlgam, karikr (but tbe regulär oarlkr also oecurs), kanl- 
krand, and kaniakand (but also oaniekand ot-cur*); also in kanlkhun. 

i. The re vorsion to more original guttural form after the reduplleation 
in oek|t ( tn( i janghan and gbanlghan, ia In aeeordance with what takes 
place elsewhere (216, 1). 

365 Intensive. [—1006 

1003. The same root is allowed to form its intensive stein In 
tnore than ono way. 

Thai, in the oldcr lanfruage, d&dr and dardr; dädhr and dardhr; 
cäcal and oaroar (and carour); tartar (and tartur) and tarltr; 
jaftgam and ganlgam; janghan and gbanlghan; pamphan and 
panlphan; marmrj and marlmrj; marm^ and marlmrc; varvr/t 
and varlvrt; jarbbr and bharlbhr; dodhü and davldhft; nonu and 
navinu; bäbadh and badbadk. 

1004. The model of normal intensive infleotion is the 
present-system of the reduplicating conjugation-elass (642 ff.); 
and this is indeed to a considerable exten t followed, in 
respect to endings, strengthening of stern, and accent. But 
deviations from the model are not rare; and the forms are 
in general of too infrequent occurrence to allow of satis- 
factory Classification and explauation. 

a. The most marked irregularity is tho frequent Insertion of an 
I between the stem and ending. According to the granimarians, this 
is allowed in all the strong forms before an ending beginning with 
a consonant; and before the I a 6nal vowel has gnna-strengthening, 
but a medial one remains unebanged. 

Prosen t-Sy stem . 

1006. We will take up the parte of the present-system in their 
order, giving first wbat is recogniied as regulär in the later language, 
and then showing how the formation appears in the earlier texts. As 
most grammarians do not allow a middle infleetion, and middle forms 
are fow even in the Veda, no attempt will be made to sct up a par- 
ariigm for the mlddln volcc. 

1006. As example of infleetion may be taken the root 
fir^" vid know, of whioh the intensive stem is stf^J" vevld, 
or, in strong forms, 5RJ" ve*ved. 

a. Neltber from this nor from any other root ara mora than a few scat- 
terlng forma actually quotablc. 

1. Present Indicative. 




vevedmi, vevidlmi 



1006—] XIV. Secondarv Conjugation. 366 

vevetai, vevidiei vevitthas vevltthi. 

3 Z&fa. 4N<1iri %feffl^ cf&^ifl 

vevetti, veviditi vevittas vevidati 

b. From ygr hü, the singular forma with auxiliary vowel 
would be $fi«£cfjfl| johavlmi, s?)c£cflfc| johavlai, 31^4Hh 

1007* a. The forma found in the older language agree in general 
with the paradigm. Kxamples are: Ist sing., earkarmi, vevefmi; 7& 
sing., alaral, dardarei; 3d sing., alarti, dadharti, veveti, nanektJ, 
janghanti, kanikrantti, ganlgaihti; 3d du., jarbhrtaa; lstpl., nonu- 
mas; 2d pl., J&gratha; 3d pl., d&dhrati, n&nadati, bharibhrati, 
varvrtati, davidyutati, nenijatl, and, IrreguUrly, veviaanti; and, with 
the auxiliary rowel, johavlmi» o&kacimi; oetkaolti, nonavUi, darda- 
rlti, jarbhuriti. No stcm with dissyllabic reduplicatiou takes the auxil- 
iary I in any of its forma. 

b. A Single dual form with I and strong atem oecurs: namely, tar- 

o. The middle forms found to occur are: lat sing., j6guve, nemija; 
3d sing., nenikte, sarsrte; and, with irregulär aecent, tetikte, dadis/(o; 
with irregalar loss of final radieal nasal, nannate; with ending • iaetaad 
of te, oekite, jangahe, jöguve, yoyuve, b&badhe, and (with irregulär 
aecent) badbadhe; 3d du., sarsr&te; 3d pl., dedioate. 

2. Prosen t Subjunotive. 

1008. a. Subjunctive forms with priuiary endings are oxtremt-ly rare: 
there have been notlced only janghanäni, jagaraai (AV.); and, iu the 
iiitriillo, tuntut)u(tu (Dil du ). 

b. Forum wilh socondary ttiidings aro'iuorc fr«N|ucnt: thua, *id sing., 
Janghanas, jalgulaa; 3d sing., jagarat, oekitat, bobhavat, oarkrfttf, 
janghanat, barbfhat, maxmrjat, marmj^at, parpharat, dardirat, 
caniekadat, davidyutat, aanievanat; Ist du., jafighanava; Ist pl., 
carklrama, vevid&ma; 3d pl., pstpatan, 969110*01, oarkiran; and, 
with double mode-sign, oikacän (AV.). Of the middle are found only 
3d persona plural: thus, janghananta, jarhrsanta, marmrjanta, nonu- 
vanta, Qo^uoanta. 

8. Preaent Optative. 

1009. This modo would show the unstrengthened atem, 
with the usual endings (666), accented. Thua: 

367 Intensive. [—1019 

■• d. p. 

i 3fa\im^ ^ftun %ßrom 

vevidyam vevidyava vevidyam a 
etc. etc. etc. 

a, The Optative is repreaented by only an extmple or iwo in the older 
language : thus, aetive, vevieyat (AV.), jagf?** (KB.), jagriyat (AB.), 
jagfyima (V8. M8. ; bot jagriyima TS.); UV. has only oftkanyat (pft.?); 
mlddle, nenijlta (K.). 

4. Preaent Imperative. 

1010. The regulär forma of the imperative, including 
the usual subjunctive first persona, would be as follows: 

•• d. p. 

vevidäni vevld&va vevidftma 

2 %fäft "e)£lrW^ ^fff 

veviddhi vevittam Tevitta 

vevettu, veviditu vevittim vevidatu 

1011. a. Older imperative forma are leaa rare than opUtlvo. The 
flrat persona have been given above (jafighanani, the only aeeented ex- 
ample, doet not correspond wlth the model, but Is In eonformity with the 
aubjunetUe of the reduplietting preaent); the proper Imperative* are: 24 
sing., d&drhf, dardr/hi, carkr/dhi, jlg^hl, nenigdhi, r&randdhl; the 
endlng tat is found in carkitlt and Jigftftt; and the latter (m was 
pointed out above, 671 b) ia used In AV. m flrat peraon elng.; barbfhi 
abows an elaewhere unparalleled loaa of h before the endlng hl; 3d aing., 
dadhartu, vevea(u, dardartu, marmarttu; 2d du., Jlgrtam; 3d da., 
jagrtam; 2d pl., jagrta; caftkramata (RV., once) haa an anomalona 
union- vowel. In the raiddle voice ia found only nenikfva (£B.). 

b. Of imperative forma wlth aaxiliary I, RV. bat none; AV. ha« 
v&vadltu and johavitu, and such are aometimea found In the Brihmaoas; 
AV. has also, againat rule, t»ft«»AwfM tn d JanghanThl ; VS. hat C&ka^Ihi. 

5. Preaent Partioiple. 

1012. The intensive participles, both active and middle, 
are comparatively common in the older language. They are 
forrned and inflected like those of the redupliemting preaent, 
and havc the accent on the reduplieating syllable. 

1018—] XIV. Secondary Conjuqatiom. 368 

Exauiple* are: active, oikaqat, n&nadat, oekitat, memyat, 9Ö90- 
cat, roruvat, dardrat, marmrjat, janghanat, nannamat, p4nl- 
phanat, kanikradat. davidyutat; — ml adle, bibadh&na, memyftna, 
cekitana, yöyuv&na, röruo&na, jarbhurtna, aarartna, janjabhftna, 
nannamäna, dandao,äna. No middle parttitlple ahowe thc diaayllabie 

1013. a. Ou accouut o( their accent, rarahina, rtrakfin*. and 
jähre äna (beside jarhraäna) are probably to be regarded as perfect parti- 
ciples, although uo other perfect forma with Leavy reduplleatioo fiom tue 
same routs occur. Tbe inference ls, however, reudered uncertain by tbe 
unmittakably intensive badbadhana and marmrjana (beiide marmrjftna). 
Aa to o.Üo.ueana etc., see 806 a. 

b. Tbe RV. haa ouce janghnatas, gen. sing., with root-vowel cast 
out; kanikrat appeara to be nsed once for kanikradat; lf oftkat is to 
be referred to ^kä (Grasaiuann), it ii tbe only example of an intensive 
froui a 100t In i, and Ita accent ia anomalous. MarmfoantM (AB.) U 
perbaps a falsa raadlng; but forma with tbe nasal irrogularly retalned are 
foand repeatedly In ihr eplrs and later: tbus, lelihan, dedlpyantlm 
(Mßh.), jäjvalant (MHh. lt.), sariarpantau (BbP.), rarat^nti (R.) 

6. Imperfeot. 

1014. The i in perfect is regularly inflected as followa: 

s. d. p. 

avevidam avevidva avevidma 



avevet, avevidis avevittam avevitta 

*ER3cL tMbtpr^ SRfarTT^ q^ßl3T^ 
avevet, avevidit avevlttam avevidua 

1015. The lmperfoct forins found In tbe earllet texts are not iiuuior- 
ous. Tbey are, inoluding tbose from wbich tbe augniout U omltted, aa 
followa: in actlve, lat aing., aoakaoam, dedioam; 2d sing., ajlgar, 
adardar, dardar; 3d sing., adardar, adardhar, avarivar, dardar, 
kaniekan, davidyot, navinot; 2A du., adardrtam; Ist pl., marmrjmA; 
3d pl., anannamus, adardirua, aoarkreus, ajohavua, anonavua; 
and, with auxiliary 1, in 3d sing., avftvaolt, avftvaolt, avftvmrit, 
ayoyavit, aroravit, ajohavlt; and, lrreguiarly, in 3d du., avftva^ItAm. 
The middle forms are extremely few: namely, 3d sing., &dedif(a, Anan- 
nata (with loss of the final radloal in a weak form of root){ Sd pl. 
marmrjata, and avava^anta (wbich, if it belonga here, ibowi a transfer 
to an a- stein). 

369 Intensive. [—1017 

1016. Derivative Middle Inflection. From every 
intensive stem, as above described, may be formed in the 
present-system a further derivative conjugation which is 
formally identical with a passive, being made by the accented 
sign JJ ya, along with middle endings only. It has not, 
however, a passive value, but is in meaning and use in- 
distinguishable from the simpler conjugation. 

a, A final vowel before tbis ya is' treated as before the passive- 
sign ya (770). 

b. The inflection is preeisely like thtt of any other stem endint; 
In a in the middle voiee: thus, from ffarj, intensive stem mannrj, 
is made the present indicative marmrjye, mannr/jyaae, marmrjy&te, 
etc.; optative marmfjyeya, marmrjyethfts, marmrjyeta, etc.; im- 
perative marmrjyasva, marmfjyat&m, ofe; participle marmfjysV 
mäna; imperfect amarmrjye. amarmrjyath&s, amarmrjyata, etc. 
snbjunctive forms do not occar. 

o. In t T«ry few spondic cases, thete ya-formf are gWen a paulve 
▼»lue: thas, janghanyamina In MflU.; bambhramyate, didhmst» 
yamftna, peplyamana in tho later Unguage. And active particlples 
(620 a) are not nnknown: thus, dedlpyantlm (MBh.), dodhttyant 
(MBh. BhP). 

1017. This kind of intensive inflection is more common 
than the other in the later language; in the earlier, it is 
comparatively rare. 

a. In KV., ya-forms are made from eigbt roota, n>e of which have 
also form« of the simpler conjugation; the AV. adds ono more; the other 
rar Her textn (so far aa observed) about twenty more, and half of tfcem have 
llkewlse formt of the simpler conjugation. Thua: from Kmfj» marmrj- 
yate etc., and marlmrjyeta; from ytf t tartüryante; from ^car, 
carctlryamAna; from ynl, nenlyeran, etc.; from fvl, vevlyate; from 
yrih, rerihyate etc.; from vij, vevtjyate; from ymku, oofkOyaa* ete.; 
from Kdic,! dedic/yate; from ykäq f o&kaoyate ete.; from /vad, 
vftvadyamAna; from ^nam, nannamyadhvam; from yvh, wanlvfth- 
yeta etc. (with lengthened root-vowel, elsewhere unknown); from f'kraild, 
kanikradyamftna; from y^jt, vartvartyamana ((B.: shonld be 
varivfty-); from ymjq, amaiimr/c.yanta (£B. ? tbe text read* amarlmrt- 
syanta); from yyup, yoyupyante etc.; (mm fnud, anonudyanta; 
from ^vli v avevllyanta; from fjabh, jafijabhyate etc.; from yjap, 
ja&Japyamäna; and so on. 

Whitney, Grammar. 3. «4. 24 

1018—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 370 


1018. The grammarians are at varianoe aa to whether 
a perfect may be formed directly front the intensive stem, 
or whether only a periphrastic perfect (below, 1070 ff.) 11 
to be admitted. 

a. No example of an intensive periphrastic -perfect bat anywhere com« 
to light (except from j&g|> : 1020 a). A few unmiatakable perfect forme axe 
made froin the inteusively reduplicated root in RV. : namely, davidh&va 
and nön&va, 3d sing., and nonuvus, 3d pl.; and there occur further 
dodr&va (TS.), yoyfiva and lelaya (MS.), and lelaya (? $B.), all med 
in the sense of presents. To them may be added jigara lit sing, ead 
jftgara 3d sing.: but as to these, see below, 1020a. 

Aorist, Future, etc. 

1010. As to the remaining parte of a füll verbal con- 
jugation, also, the grammarians are not agreed (occurreneee 
of such forma, apparently, being too rare to afford even 
them any basis for rules); in general, it is allowed to treat 
the intensive stem further as a root in Alling up the scheine 
of forma, using always the auxiliary vowel ^ i where it is 
ever used in the simple conjugation. 

a. Thus, from yvid, intensive stem vevid, would be made the 
aorist avevidisam with precative vevidyasam, the futures vewid- 
isy&mi and veviditasmi, the participles vevidlta, vevlditavya, etc., 
the Infinitive veviditum, and tbo gerunds veviditvä and -vevidya. 
And, where tbe intenaivo conjugation is the derivative middle one, 
the aorist and futures would take the corresponding middle form. 

b. Of all this, in the ancient langnage, there is hardly a traee. Tbe 
RV. has oarkrse, 3d sing. intd., of a formatlou like hise and stuf* 
(884 d), and the gerundives vitantastyya, and marmrjenya and veYrr- 
dbenya; and £B. has the participle vanivahiti, and the infinit!?* dedlyl- 
tavai. As tu jägarisyant and jagarita, see the next paragrapb. 

1020. Tbero are Systems of inflection of certain roots, the ia- 
tenaive ch.tracter of which ia questioned or questionable. Thus: 

a. The root gr (or gar) wakt has froin tbo flrst no p rose 11 t-«y stem 
ssv« uiio willi Intensive r<-<lu|>licati<>n ; and its hituiislvo stom, jigf. bcglna 
early tu uäsuioo the valuo of a root, and form a completer coujugatltm ; 
while by the graiumariaus this stem is reckoned as if simple and herang- 
ing to the root-class, and is inflected througbout aecordingly. Those of 
its form« which oerur In the older lauguage haTe been given along with 

371 Intensive. [—1024 

thft othnr Intrnnives abovo. They ar«, for the present-system, the mmo 
wich thoHo acknowledged aa regulär later. The older perfcet It llke ihe 
other intensive perfects foand In RV.: namely, jlgara etc.; with ihe 
partlclplo jagrvslns ; tnd a future jigarifya-, t passive particlple jigarita, 
and a gerundlve jlgaritavya, aro met with in ihe Brahmanaa. The old aorist 
(RV.) ig the uiual redoplleated orso-called causative aorist: thu*, ajlgar. The 
grammariaus give it In the later langnage a perfect with additional rednpli- 
cttion, Jajägära etc., an ia-aorist, aj&garisam, with precative j&garyaaam, 
and everythlng eise that is needed to make np a eomplete eonjugation. 
The perf. JaJIgära I? quotable from the epica and later, aa alao the peri- 
phnstic Jägaram ftaa. And MBh. haa the matllated Jlgrmi, » nd »!•<> 
a-forms, as jlgarati and j&gramana. 

1021. a. The stem irajya (actite only) regulato^ from whlch a 
nurober of forma are made In RV., has been vlewed as an intensive from 
|/raj or rj. It lacks, however, any analogy with the IntenslTe formation. 
The um« Is true of iradh propitiate (only iradhanta and iradhyal, 
apparently for iradhadhyäi). 

b. The middle stem lya, not infrequent iu the oldest langnage, ia 
oftcn called an intensive of yi go, but wlthout any propriety, aa it has no 
antlogy of form whatever with an Intensive. The isolated Ist pl. Imahe, 
common in RV., is of questlonable character. 

1022. The root II totter, with eonstant intensive redopllcatioii. lell, 
is quite Irregulär In Infleetion and aecent : thna, prea. t leläyati and lelä- 
yate, pplrs lel&yantl and lelayatas (gen. aitig.) and lel&yamana, impf, 
alelftyat tnd alelet and aleliyata, perf. lelftya and lelaya (?). 

1023. The RV. anomalous form dart (or dard), 2d and 3d sing, 
from ydf or dar, Is doubtfully referred to the Intensive, as if abbrevlated 
from dar dar. RV. has onc<» avarlvua (or -vur) wbere the sense requlree 
a form from yvjt, as avarlvrtus. The form rar an ata (RV., once) aeems 

1024. A markcd intensive or frcquentative meanlng is not alirays 
easily to be traoed in the forms classod as intensive; and in sorue 
of thcm it is qnite effaced. Thus, the roots oit, nij, via use their 
intensive present-systero as If it werc an ordinary conjugation-class; 
nor is it otherwise with gr Ü&gr). The grammarians reckon the 
infleetion of nij and vis as belonging to the reduplicating present- 
system, with irregularly strengtheued redupücation; and tbey treat in 
the sanie wny vic and vij; jfigr, ns wo liavc secn, they aecount a 
simple root. 

a. Also daridra, Intensive o( ydr& m/i, is made by the graramariAn.« 
a simplo root, ami furnished with a eomplete set of rnnjngatlonal forma: 
m dadaridrau; adaridr&sit etc. etc. It docs rot oeenr in the oldor 
language (unless daridrat TS., for whtch VS. MS. rcid daridra). The 
•o-ralled root vevl ßxtiitr is a pure Intensive. 


1025—] XIV. Sbcondary Conjugation. 372 

1025. lt ia allowcd by tho grainmarlanii to inake Crom tbe intensive 
item also a paasiYe, desiderative, causative, and to on: thiif, from vevid, 
poti. vevidye; desid. vevidisämi; caui. vevidayämi; deiid. of cause- 
tire, vevidayisami. But auch formationi are excestively rare; quotable 
are varlvarjayantl AV., jägarayant TB. etc.; dadb&rayati JB., 
dandaoayitv& DKG. 

III. Desiderative. 

1026. By the desiderative conjugation ia signified a de- 
sire for the action or condition denoted by the simple rooi: 
thus, ftsJlfH pibftmi / drtnk, desid. famWlPl pipaaami / wish 
to drink\ sfledfa jivami / live, desid. ßisilkjNlfa julviftmi 
/ desire to live. Such a conjugation is allowed to be formed 
from any simple root in the language, and also from any 
causative stem. 

a. The desiderative conjugation, although its forma outside the 
present-system are extremely rare in the oldest language, is earlier 
and more fully expanded into a whole verbal System than the inten- 
sive. Its forma are also of increaaing frequency: much fewer than 
the intensives in RV., more numerous in the Brahmanas and later; 
not one third of the whole number of roota (about a hundred) noted 
aa having a desiderative conjugation in Voda and Brahinana have 
such in RV. 

1027. The desiderative stem is formed from the simple 
root by the addition of two characteristics : 1. a reduplioation, 
which always has the accent; 2. an appended H aa — which, 
however (like the tense-signs of aorist and future), somettmea 
takes before it the auxiliary vowel ^ i, becoming ^«T i#a. 

a. A few instances in the concluding part of QB. in which the accent 
is otherwiae laid — thus, tif(baset, yiyaaantam, vividis&ntl, Ipaantaa 
— moit probably be regarded as error«. 

1028. The root in general remains unchanged; but with 

the following exceptions: 

a. A final i or u is longthcncd bofore sa: thus, oikslsa, oikisa, 
jigisa; cucrüaa, juhüsa, ouksüsa. 

b. A final r becomea Ir or ür before sa: thus, oikiraa, Utlraa 
(also irregularly tütüraa RV.), didhiraa, aisirsa, tiatlraa (also tu- 
stüraa), Jibirsa; bubbürsa, mumürsa (the only examples quotable). 

373 DE8IDBRAT1VB. [—1029 

c. Itafnrn isa, a final i- or u- or f-vowcl nccoasarily, and a 
pcnultimatc i or u or p optionally. Iinvo the guna-strongtbening; no 
exaroplcs are quotnble froin the older texU; later occur cieayisa, 
oicarisa; cikartisa, ninartisa, mimardisa, vivaraisa, ou^obhiaa; 
but rurudiaa 

Morc special cxceptions are: 

d. A fow roots in & weaken thts vowel to I or eten i: thus, jiglaa 
frr.m |/g& go\ piplsa (hesldc plpftaa) from )/pft drink, jihlaa (AV.) 
from >/ha remove (jihlto: 004); didhisa (beside dhitaa) from ydh&. 

e. A fuw roots In an or am lengtben tbe vowel : thus, Jlg&naa (beside 
Jigamisä) from ^gam; jighänsa from yhan; mimänaa from ym&n, 
and tit&nsa from yt&n. 

f. Reversion to guttural form of an Initial after tbo reduplication is* 
seen in ciklsa from ^ci, olkitaa from j/cit, jigisa from j/Ji, jighänsa 
from Khan; and ^hi is taid to make Jighlsa (no oecurrence). 

g. Tbe roota van and aan make.viväaa and aisäaa, from the root- 
forms vä and aä. 

h. The root jlv formt Jujyüsa ftB.: jijivisa, VS.); and tbe otber 
rooti in iv (786) are requlred to make tbe aame change before aa, and to 
bäte guna before isa: thus, auayQsa or aiaevisa from yslv. Bvap 
forms susupsa. DhOrv forma dudhQrsa. 

i. Initial 8 is usually left unehanged to 8 after tbo reduplication 
wben the desideratlve sign has 8 (184 e): thus, aisanksa (£B.: f/sanj), 
and sueyüsa and sisanisa, aecording to the grammarians; but tUQtQsa 
i* met with 

j. Further may bo mentioned as prescrlbfd by tbe grammarians : 
ninanksa (or ninacisa) from > na$ be lost; mimanksa from t'majj 
(oecura in mimanksa); mimärjisa (or mimrksa) from ^mrj. 

1029. The consonant of the reduplication follows the 
general mies (580); the vowel is ^ i if the root has an a- 
vowel, or f? p, or an i-vowel; it is 3 u if the root has an 
u-vowel. Hut: 

a. A fcw roots have a long vowel in the reduplicating syllable: thus, 
bibhataa from y^badh or b&dh; mimänaa from }'man; and tütürsa(RV.) 
from ytur\ dadhisu (AV.) ar.d dadanksu (C.) are probably false forms. 

b. From yac is made (£B.) aoiolaa, and from yedh (VS.) 
edidhisa (with a mode of reduplication like that followed eomatlmes in 
the ri-duplicating aorist: 882). In tbe older language, thfese are the only 
roots with initial vowel which form a deslderatire stem, except ftp and 
rdh, «hieb liave abbrevinted »tom*: *ee the next paragrapb. In the later 
language oeeur furthor eelaisa (^is sesk) and Ioiksisa ()/Iks); and tbe 
grammarians add otbers, as arjihisa (j/arh), undidisa (^und), ardi- 
dhiea (vfdh). 

1028—] XIV. Secondary Conjuqation. 374 

0. RV. hu the stems fnaksa and fyakaa, regarded as desiderative« 
from yyn&q attain tud yaj, wlth mutilated redoplloatlon. 

1080. A nu ruber of roots, including some of very com- 
mon use, form an abbreviated stem apparently by a con- 
traction of reduplication and root together into one syllable: 
thus, ^cq Ipsa from ymR ftp; f^fH ditaa from ylj dft. 

a. Such abbreviated stems are found in tbe older Ianguage ai followfc: 
dhitaa (besido didhiaa) from ^dh&; ditsa (beeide didaaa) from ydfti 
dipsa (dhipsa JB.) from v'dabh ; oika a from yoak ; aikf a from y'aah : 
these are foond in RV. ; in AV. are added Ipsa from y&p (RV. bat apaa 
once), and Irtsa from ^r/dh; the other texte furnish lipaa (£B.) or 
Upsa (TB.) from yiabh, ripaa (OB.) from yrabh, pitaa (£B.) from 
ypad, and dhlkaa (?B.) from y&ah (not ydih, tinoe no rooU with I aa 
medial vowel show tbe contracted form). In tbe later Ianguage are fürt her 
found pitaa from ypat also, jülpaa from tbe cauaatWe quaal-root jftap 
(below, 1042 j), and the anomalous mitaa from )/ma mtasur* (allowod 
also from roots mi and ml) ; and tbe grammariana gire ritaa from /rftdh. 
Also mokfa is (very questionably) Wewed aa a desiderative atem from 

1081. The use of the auxiliary vowel ^ i is quite rare 
in the early Ianguage, but more common later; and it is 
allowed or prescribed by the grammarians in many stem* 

which have not been found in actual use. 

a. It is deolared to follow io general, tfaongh not withont ex- 
ceptionfl, necessary or optional, the analogy of the futurea (934, 
848 a). 

b. No example of tbe use of i Is found in RV., and only one taeh in 
AV. (pipatisa), VS. (jijivisa), and TS. (Jigamlfa). The other eiamplee 
noted in the early tezta are aoioisa, oikramiaa, jigrahiaa (with I for i, 
aa elsewhere in this root), eioariaa, edidhisa, jijanisa, didlkaiaa, 
bib&dhi&a, ruruoisa, vivadiea, vividiaa, oio.äaia a, tistighlsa, jihifi- 
aiaa: most of tbem are found only in (,'B. Stoma alao witbout the auxil- 
iary vowel tro mado from roots gam, grab, car, JIv, pat, b&dh, vid. 

1082. Inflection: Preaent-System. The desider- 
ative stem is conjugated in the present-system with per- 
fect regularity, like other a-stems (788 a), in both roiees, in 
all the modes (including, in the older Ianguage, the sub- 
junetive), and with paxticiples and imperfect. It will be 
sufficient to give here the first persona only. We may take 

375 Drsiderative. [—1032 

a« active model §rq Ipsa scek to obtain, Crom y*W\ &p obtain\ 
a* middlc, (eifrig titiksa endure, from yf^jf tij fo «Aar/? (tee 
below, 1040). 

1. Present Indicative. 

»etite. middle. 

>. d. p. s. d. d. 

ipsämi fpsavas IpsAmas titiksa tittkaavahe titiksamahe 
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

2. Present Subjunctive. 

i pnft §vm §zm f?rffl!i fnEnd^ fHHfH i M^ 

fpe&ni ipeäva ipsama tiUks&i tftikeavahai titikffimah&i 
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

3. Present Optative. 

ipseyam ipeeva ipsema tftikseya tltiksevahi tltikaemahi 
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

4. Present Imperative. 

i p? §m\ £*?? fnf?ww fofTRtar^ fHfcwy^ 

ipsa ipeatam fpsata titiksasva titikaetham titiksadhvam 

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

6.. Present Partdoiple. 

^iT^ipsant (f. ^rfl ipsantl) frifrkWIUI titikeamäna 

6. Imperfeet. 

äfpsam afpsava äipsama atitikse atittksavahi atitikaamahi 

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

a. There uro almoat no irregularltles of inflectlon to be reported frera 
the older language. No ist pl. In masi, or 2d pl. In thana or tana, li 
met with; of the imp*. in tat, ooly IpsatAt. The qaotable anbjiincttve 
form« are thoie In sani, 8&t and aat« 8 an, and Santa. KBU. hae jljfiaslta 
(cf. 738 b). But the fem. pple sisaaatl (inttead of sifisantl) occort 
onee or twice In the older texte; and RV. has dldhisana. 

b. In the eplrg and later are found aporadfc formt of the non-a- 

108Ä— J XIV. Seoondary Conjugation. 376 

conjugation: thua, sisr/kamaa (BbP.), titikamahe and bubhüaate 9d 
pl. (MBb.) ; and tbe fem. participlea lipaatl and oikirsatl (MBb. : againat 
449 b). TL© anomalous jigh&naly&t occura alao tu MBh. and Yas. 

1083. a. Deaiderative forma outaide tbe preaent-aystom are 
extremely rare in the oldeat language. The RV. haa only perfect 
forma from a atem mimika — thua, mimike&thua, mimiksatus, 
mlmlkana; mimlkae, mimikfire — along with the präsent forma 
mimikaati, mlmlkaa etc., mimlkeant (pple) : they ahow that mimika 
or mikf baa taken on the character of an independent root. In AV. 
are found two aoriat forma, irtala and aolkitsle, and a participle or two 
from mimänaa (aee below, 1037 a, 1039 a) — all of them from atema 
which bave loat their diatinct deaiderative meaning, and come to bear 
an independent value. The forma noted from the other earlier texta 
will be givcu in füll below. 

b. In the later language, a complete System of verbal 

forma is allowed to be madc in the dcsiderative conjugation, 

the deaiderative atem, less its final vowel, being treated aa 

a root. Thus: 

1034. Perfect. The deaiderative perfect is the peri- 

phrastic (1070 ff.). 

a. Thua, ipaäm oakara etc.; titike&m oakre eto. Such forma 
are mado in £B. from >/^kram, dhürv, badh, ruh; and In ChU. 
from man. 

b. Apparent perfect forma of tbe ordinary kind made from mimlkf 
in RV. bive been noticed in tbe preceding paragrapb. And AB. (▼III. 21. 10) 
baa once didasitha thou halt desired to give. 

1035. Aorist. The aoriat is of the is-form: thua 

q(lHNH^ ftipsisam, «iftfofoft atitiksisi. 

a. Tbe AV. baa aoikitaia, and irtala (augmentlesi, witb mft pro- 
blbitiTe: 579). TB. baa aipalt; QB. airtait, aolkirals and aJighaAala, 
and amimansiathaa ; KB. jijnaalai; JUB. aipsiama; and AA. adhit- 
aiaam. No examplea bat« been found in tbe later language. 

b. A precatit e ia alao allowed — tbaa, Ipayaaain, titikaialya; but it 
never occura. 

1086. Futures. The futures are made with the auxil- 
iary vowel $ i: thus, ffiumifo Ipsisyami and |fl«rilfcl 
Ipaitaami; faidfaftA titikaiaye and frlfrlKlrll^ UÜkfÜiha. 

a. Tbe £B. baa tltikalayate and didrkaitarae. Such forma es 
jijnaay&maa (MBb.), didhakayami (R.), and mlmanayant (GGS.) are 
doubtleaa preaenta, witb -sya- blunderingly for -am-. 

377 Desidbrattvb. [—1089 

1037. Verbal Noun« and Adjcctivcs. These too 
are made with thc auxiliary vowel $ i, in all cases where 
that vowel is ever taken. 

a. In the otder language have been noted: participle in ta, mlmaA- 
BiU (AV, OB), Jijyüsita (AB), «jucjrüsita and dhlksitA (^B.); — 
gerandlve 1n tavya, llpeitavya (AB.), didhy&sitavya (fB); In ya, 
jijfiäaya (fB.) ; — gerund in tva, mlmÄneitva (K.). 

1038. Of other declinable items derived from the deaideratire stein, 
by far the raost common are the adjective In ü — e. g. titlkf u, dipau, 
blbhatsü, Bis&sü (RV. once didfksu) — and the abstract nonn in et — 
e. g. Ipeft, blbhatai, mlmanst, c,uc,rÜ8a — both of which are made 
with increaaing freedom from an early epoch of the language : eapeclally the 
former, which haa the value and constrnction (271 a) of a preaent parti- 
ciple. A few adjectiret in enya (having a gernndtve character: 966 b) 
occur in the earlier language: thua, didrks6nya (RV), quc,rÜ86nya (TS.), 
ninlsenya (PB), jijfiaaenya (AB.), and, with irregulär reduplicatlon 
(apparently) papfka6nya (RV), dadhisenya (JB.); and didf/kaeya (RV.) 
is a simitar forroatlon. RV. haa also aiaäaAni and runüca&ni, and Bisa- 
eatu(P). In the later language, besidea some of the formationa already 
instanced (ihose in u and &, and in Bya and sitavya), are found a few 
derivatives in aka, aa clkitsaka, bubhüaaka; in ana, aa jijfiaaana, 
didhyäsana; and, very rarely, in anlya (clkitsanlya) and tf (quc, rüsitr) ; 
further, aecondary derivativen (dniibtlcsa) In in from the noun in a, aa 
Ipein, jiglsin (onc or two of these occur in the older langnage). And of 
an adjective in a we have an example In bibhatsA (BS., and later), and 
perhaps in avalipsa (AVP.), auch worda aa ajugupsa, duc,cikitaa, are 
rather to be underetood aa possessive Compounds with the noun In a. As 
to noun-stems in ia t see 392 d. 

1039. Derivative or Tertiary Conjugationa. A 
passive is allowed to be made, by adding the passive-sign 
TJ ya to the desiderative root (or stein without final a): thus, 
^TTTrT Ipsyate it is desired to be obtained, — and a causautive, 
by adding in like manner the causative-sign mj aya (1041): 
thus, ^HUlfM IpsAy&mi / cause to desire obtainment. 

a. Of these formationa in the older langnage are found mlmanayA- 
mina (doubtless to be read for -a&mana, k\.\ lipay&mana (V B -)» * nd 
rurutsyamäna (K). Half-a-doten anch pasaivea are qtioUble later, and 
orte or two cautative«: e. ar. eikitsyate, vivakayate, jijnaayate; eikir- 
sayant, eikiteayisyati. 

b. For the desiderative conjugation forin od on causative stems, 
which is found aa early as tbe Brabmanas, see below, 1062 b. 

1040—] XIV. Secokdary Conjuoation. 378 

1040. Souio atüins wliich aro desiderative in form havo lost the 
peculiaiity ot' dcsiderativü meaning, and assumed tho value of Inde- 
pendent roots: exaniples are cikits eure, jugupa despise, titikf endure, 
bibhate abhor, mim&Aa ponder, ouo,rüf obey. Doubtleaa aome of the 
apparont roots in tbe language with sibilant final are akin with the 
deaideratives in origin: e. g. oüta, desiderative of o,ak. 

a. On aecount of the near relation of dealderatiye and fatuie (cf. 
948 b), the forcier ia occaatonally found where the latter was rather to be 
ezpectetl: tbiia, r&jfinaxh prayiy&aantam (£B.) a hing about to depart 
prfina uooikramlfan (Chi).) the breath on the point of expiring\ um* 
müraur ivft 'bhavat (II.) he was fain to die. 

IV. Causative. 

1041. a. In the later language is allowed to be made 
from most roots a complete causative oonjugation. The 
basis of this is a causative stem } formed by appending the 
causative-sign mj äya to the, usually strengthened, root. 

b. Hut by no means all conjugation-stenis formed by 
the sign mj äya are of causative value; and the grammariani 
regard a part of them as constituting a conjugation-ola**, 
the tenth or our-class, aecording to which roots may be 
inflected as aecording to the other classes, and either alone 
or along with others (775). 

c. In RV., the proportion without eauaatlre value ia fully one third. 
The foruiation ia a more obvioualy denomiuatite one tban any of the otber 
conjugation-claaaea, an intermediate between them and tbe proper denom- 
ioativea. A. cauaativo meaning bas established itaelf in eonneetton with 
the formatioo, and become pre dominant, though not exeluaive. A number 
of roota of late appearance and probably derivative eharacter are included 
in the clasa, and aome palpablo denominativea, which lack only the nanal 

donominative accent (below, 1066). 

d. Tlie cauaative formatioo ia of inuch more frequent ute, and mora 
dccidedly cipanded into a füll conjugation, tban either the intensive or the 
desiderative. It ls made from more thau three b und red roota In tbe early lan- 
guage (in RV., from about one hundred and nfty); but in the oldest, ita 

forma outaide the preaeut-aystem are (apart from the attached redupllcated 
aoriat: 1046) exceedingly few. 

1042. The treatment of the root before the cauiatire- 
sign mj aya is as follows: 

379 Causatiyk. [—1042 

a. Modini <»r initial i, u, r, | havo tho guna-atrengthening (if 
capablo of it: 240); tlmt, vedaya frora >/vid, codaya from f/ond, 
tarpaya from j'trp; »nd kalpaya from ylcjp (only example): but 
cint&ya, gulphaya, drnhaya. 

b. Bot a few roots lack tho strengthrning: theiie arc t In tbe older 
I anginge, oit (citaya and oetaya), la, il, ria (riaaya and reaaya), 
vip (vipaya and vepaya), tuj, tur, tue (tuaaya and toaaya), dyut 
(dyutaya and dyotaya), ruo (ruoaya and rocaya), cuc (cuoaya and 
cooaya), cubh (gubhaya and (jobhaya), krp, mr^, sprh ; and grabh 
makes In RV. grbhaya. Dua and guh lengthcti tho vowul Instead. MrJ 
somctimes haa vrddhi, aa in other forma: thu». m&rjaya (beside mar* 
Jaya). On tbe other band, guna appears Irregularly (240 b) In arevaya 
(beeide crlvaya), he^aya, mekaaya. SimiUr irrcgularlties in tbe later 
langaage are giraya, tulaya (al«o tolaya), ohuraya (also choraya), 
muaaya, aphnraya. No forma madc without strengthening bave a causatite 
value in thc older langusgt. 

o. A final vowel haa tho vrddhi-strengthening: thus, o&yaya, 
?äyaya, oyAvaya, bh&vaya, dharaya, aaraya. 

d. But no root in i or 1 bas vrddhi in tbe Veda (unlcts pftyaya 
[k, below] coro ©9 from pl ratber than pA) — a*, Indced, regulär causa- 
tives from such roots are hardly quotable: only RV. has kfayaya (bealdo 
kaepaya) from |/kai possess; fox a few alternativcly permltted form?, see 
below, ]. In B. and S., however, oceur cäyaya and aayaya (|/ai or a&); 
and later -Ayaya, oSyaya, amäyaya, ^äyaya, n&yaya. 

e. A few roots bare a form also with guna-strengthening: thus, oyu, 
dru, plu, yu separat*, gru, pü, atu, am; jr tcatte away % dr pitrce, ar, 
amr, hr;*vr choose makes varaya later (it is not found in V.; epic also 

f. A medial or initial a in a light syllable is sonietimes length- 
ened, and sometlmes remains uncbanged: thn», bhajaya, avSpaya, 
ftdaya; Janaya, grathaya, anaya (but mandaya, valgaya, bhakaaya). 

g. Tho root* in tbe older Ungnade whlch kcep their short a are Jan, 
pan, s van, dhan, ran, atan, gam (gamaya on«*c in RV.), tarn, dam, 
raj (usually rafijaya), prath, crath, cnath, vyath, avad, eh*d pleasc 
(also chandaya), nad, dhvaa (also dhvanaaya), rah, mab (also 
manhaya), nabh (also nambhaya), tvar, avar, hval. In tbe later 
langaage, further, kvan, jvar, trap, day, pan, rac, ran ring, vadh, 
val, vag, glath, akhal, athag. Botb forma are made (eliber In tbe 
earlier or In tbe later langaage, or in botb taken together) by ad, kal, 
kram, kaam, khan, ghat, cam, cal, jval, tvar, dal, dhvan 9 nad, 
nam, pat, bhram, math, mad, yam, ram, lag, lal, warn, vyadh, 
9 am T>e quiet, gram, gvaa, avap. The roots whieb lengtben tbe *owel 
are decidedly tbe more numerous. 

h. If a nasal Is taken in any of tbe strong forma of a root, it usnally 
appears in tbe causatite stem: e. g. dambhaya, dangaya. indhaya, 

1042—] XIV. Seoondary Conjuqation. 380 

limpaya, rundbaya, qundbaya, kr/ntaya, dr/Abaya. From * nu ruber 
of rooti, atema both wlth and without tho nasal are made: thua (bcaidea 
thoae mentioned above, g), kufkoaya and kocaya, grantbaya and gratb- 
aya, bfAbaya and barbaya, bbraA^aya and bbrAoaya, 9undbaya 
and ^odhaya, safijaya and eajjaya, aifioaya and aeoaya. In a fow of 
theae ia aeeu the inflaence of prcseut-st «ins. 

i. Most roots in final A, and the root y, add p before the oon- 
jugation-aign : thua, dApaya, dbApaya, ath&paya; arpaya. 

j. Such stems are made in tbe older lauguage from tlie roots kfA, 
kbyA, ga sing (alao gAyaya), glA, gbra, JÄA, da give, dA divid; drA 
run, dbA put and dbA such, mft meaaure, ml A, yÄ t vÄ bloto, atbA, ml, 
bA retnove; the iater language adds ksmä, dbmft, aud bA Uav*. From 
jfiA and snA are found in AV. and later the ihortened forma Jfiapaya 
and anapaya, and from c,rA only r^rapaya (not in RV.). Alao, in tbe 
later language, glA forma glapaya, and mlA forma mlapaya. 

k. Stein* from A-roota ahowlng no p are, earller, gAyaya (alao g(pav- 
ya) from ygA sing, obAyaya, pAyaya from )/pÄ drink (or pl), pyAy- 
aya from f/pya or pyAy; aAyaya from y*h (or ei); also, iater, bvAy- 
aya from /bvA (or bü); — aud further, from roota vA weav; vyA, aad 
qä (or rji), accordiug to tho grammariana. 

1. The tarne p is taken also by a few i- aud 1-roota, witb other 
accompanying irregülarities: thus, in the oldcr language, kaepaya (RV., 
beaide kaayaya) from /kfi possei*; jApaya (VS. and later) from s/Ji; 
lApaya (TR. and later; later alao lAyaya) from yit ding; qrApaya (VS., 
once) from y$ri; adbyApaya (S. and later) from adbi-f-yl; — iu tat 
later, kaapaya (beeide kaayaya) from j/kai destroy; mApaya from 
}/mi; amApaya (beeide amAyaya) from ^ami; hrepaya from yhxi; 
— and the grainmariaus make furthe,r krApaya from fkrl; oApaya (beeide 
oAyaya) from yd gather; bbäpaya (beeide bbAyaya aud bbiaaya) 
from f/bbi; repaya from >/ri, and vlepaya from yvll. Moreoyer, yruh 
makea ropaya (Ö. and later) beside robaya (V. and later), and fknü 
makea knopaya (Ute). 

m. More anomaloua cases in which the so-called causatWe ia palpably 
the denominatlve of a derived 110 un, are: palaya from /pA proUct; prir^aya 
from yprl; linaya (accordiug to grainmariaus) from yil; dbünaya (not 
causatiYe in aense) from ^dbü; bbiaaya from i'bbl; gbAtaya from ^ban; 
aphavaya from ^apbA or apbAy. 

n. In the Prakrit, the causative atcm is made from all roota by tbe 
additiou of (tbe equlvalent of) Apaya; and a numbox (about a dozen) of 
likc fortnations aro quotablo from Sauskrit texta, moatly of the latost period : 
but three, kric^äpaya, jivApaya, aud dikaApaya, occur in the epiee; 
and two, arjApaya and kaAlApaya, eren in the Sütraa. 

1043. Inflection: Present-System. The causative 
steril is inflected in the present-system precisely like other 


Ca U 8 ATI VE. 


ntemfl in ^i (733 a): it will bc sufficicnt to give hcre in 
gencral tHe first persona of the different formationa, iaking 
as model the stem UT^TT dbaraya, from yTJ dbr. Thut: 

1. Present Indioative. 






dh&rayami dbArayAvas dhärayämas 
etc. etc. e(c. 

b. d. p. 

dharaye dharayavahe dharayamahe 

etc. etc. etc. 

a. Tbe Ist pl. act. in maai greatly outnamber« (aa ten to one) that 
in niB8 in both RV. and AV. No cxample oecurs of 2d pl. aet. in thana, 
nor of 3d sing, mid. In e for ate. 

2. Present Subjunotive. 

For tho subjiiDctivo niay be inntaoced all tbe forma noted aa 
oecurring in tbe older language: 

dhArayAni dhArayAva dharayAma 








dbArayAthaa dharayatha 

dbArayataa dhArayAn 



Idhärayätäl %XIXtM ^ y 
b. Only one dual mid. form in alte oecurs: mAdayaite (RV.). Tbe 
only KV. mid. form in fti, except in lU da., U mAdayAdhvAi. Tbe 
primary endinga in 2d and 3d sing. act. are more common tban tbe eecoodary. 

3. Present Optative. 

dharayeyam dharayeva dhArayema 




1048—] XIV. Secondabv Conjuqation. 382 


dh&rayeya dh&rayavahi dharayemahi 
etc. etc. etc. 

o. Optative formt are yery rare in the oldest langnage (fonr In RY. t 
two in AV.)j they become more common In tbe Bräbmanas. A 3d aing. 
mid. in ita inatead of et« (cf. 738 b) occurs onee in B. (k&maylta AB.), 
is not yery rare in S. (a score or two of examplea are quoUble), and 
is also fouud in MBb. and later. Of a corresponding 3d pl. in Iran only 
oue or two instantes can be pointed out (kämaylran AfS., kalpayfran 

4. Präsent Imperative. 


dharaya dh&rayatam dh&rayata 

etc. etc. etc. 


2 wftnrar wpfen^ mpre^ 

dh&rayasva dh&rayeth&m dharayadhvam 
etc. etc. etc. 

d. Imperative perions witb tbe ending tat occur: dharayat&t (AV.) 
and cy&vayatät (£B.) are 2d sing. ; patayatat ((B.) is 3d sing. ; gamt- 
yat&t and oy&vayat&t (K. etc.), and varayatät (TB,) are used aa 2d pl. 
Värayadhvät (K. etc.) is 2d pl., and tbe only known exainple of sucb 
an ending (sca above, 548 b). 

6. Present Partioiple. 
U\{Ut\ dh&rayant UI(UHIUI dhftrayamftna. 

e. Tbe feminine of tbe active participle is regularly and usually niade 
in antl (448 o). But a very few exaiuples in ati are inet witb (one iu 
the oldiir Unguagc: namayatl Äpast.). 

f. The middle participle in mäna is in ade tbrougb tbe wbolo bislory 
of tlu: languagi*, from KV. (only yfttayamäna) down, and is tbe ouly 
oue luvt wiih in the earlier Uuguage (for Iray&naa f sie t j t MS. ii. 7. 12, 
i> evitlently a fal»e reading, perbaps for fraya naa). Hut dccidedly more 
common in the epics and later is oue foruied witb Ana: e. g. kimayllkt, 
cintayäna, palayana, veday&na. It is quotable from a karger uumber 
wf roou than U the more regulär participle in Diana. Aa it occurs in no 
acceiiiiiated teit, its aecont cannot be given. 


3S3 CAU8ATIVE. [—1046 

6. Imperfect. 


i ^TTJTR 9t||(lll4 CFJIfUlM 

adh&rayam adh&rayäva adharay&ma 
etc. etc. etc. 


adhäraye adhärayftvahi adh&ray&mahi 
eti\ etc. etc. 

1044. As wm tbove polnted out, the formations froro the eauMtlre 
stein aya outside the present-eyatem are In the oldcat langaage Tery 
limited. In KV. are found two forma of the fature in ayämi, one paaeive 
participle (codita), and ten influitWes In dhyäi; also ooe or two deri?- 
atWe itouni In tf (bodhayitf, oodayitrf), flve in isnu, seven In itnu, 
and a few in a (atip&raya, nidh&raya, v&camlfikhaya, vtyvamejaya), 
and in u (dh&rayu, bhavayu, mandayü). In AV., also two a-futare 
formt and four gerunde in tvÄ; and a few deritatiTe noon-atema, from 
one of whicb la made a perlphraatio perfect (gamay&m cak&ra). In the 
Brähmanaa, verbal derivative forma become more numeroua and varioae, aa 
will be noted in detail below. 

1045. Perfect. The accepted causative perfect is the 
periphrastic (1071a); a derivative noun in ft is made from 
the causative stem, and to its accusative, in im, is added 
the auxiliary: thus, 

U\[U\ *H)I( dh*rayirh oakära (or ftaa: 1070b) 

U\(ü\ ^mT dhftraytm cakre 
a. Of this perfect no example occora In RV. or SV. or WS., only one 
— gamayäm cakära — in AV., and but 1ta1f-a-doz*n in all the varioua 
te\ts of the Hla^k Yajur-Veda, and theoe not in the mantra-parta of the 
text. They are also by no mcana frequent In the Brähmanaa, except in 
(,'B. (wiiere they abound: chiefly, perhaps, for the rcaaon that this work 
usea in considerable part the perfect inatead of the imperfect as lta narrativt* 

1046. Aorist. The aorist of the causative conjugation 
is the reduplicated, which in general has nothing to dt» 
with the causative stem, but is made directly from the root. 

a. It has bern already fully descrlbed (above, 866 tf.) 

b. Its Association with the causative is probably fouoded ort an 
original intensive character belooging to it as a reduplicated form, 
and ts a matter of gradual growth ; in the Veda, it is made from a 


considerable nainber of roots (in RV., more than a third of ita ln- 
stances; in AV., about a fiftb) whlch have no causative stein in aya. 

o. The causative aorist of ytf dhy, then, is as follows: 

i m<1m(h^ m{Im^h Utfkiim 

adidharam adidharäva adldharftma 
etc. etc. etc. 

1 s^Hit «{Hit 14.4 MflmiHfq 

adidhare adidhar&vahi adldharftmahi 

etc. etc. etc. 

Ad oxample was inflected in füll at 864. 

1047. lo a few cases, wbere the root bas assumed a pecttllar 
form before tbe causative sign — as by tbe addition of a p or f 
(above, 1042 i ff.) — tbe reduplicated aorist is made from this form 
instead of from tbe simple root: thus, atifthipam from athftp (stem 
ath&paya) for /athä. Aorist-sterns of this character from quasi-roots 
in ftp aro arpipa (^r)» JiJapa or jljipa, jijaapa or jijnlpa, o,iorapa, 
tisthipa, Jlhipa; tbe only othor exainple from the older language U 
blbhisa from bhis for ybhl. 

1048. Hut % few sporadic formt of an is-sorist from cauaative coa- 
jugation-stems are met with: thus, dhvanayit (RV.; T8. bas instead tbe 
wholly anomalous dhvanayit), vyathayla and äilaylt (AV.), pyaVyayif- 
y häB and av&dayisthäs (KBU.), In tbe older language (RV. bat also 
ÜnayiB from a denoiniiutivo stein); in the Uter, ahladayiaat* (DKO.), 
and probably aghatayith&s (MBh.; for -iafbäa: cf. 804 d). Tbe passive 
3d sing, aropi, from the causative ropaya, bas a lata oecurrenee (Qair.). 

1048. A precative is of couree allowed by tbe grammarlans lo •* 
made for the causative conjugation: in the middle, from tbe causative stem 
with the auxlliary i substltnted for ita final a; in the active, from the 
form of the root as streugtheued in the causative stem, but without the 

causative sign: thus, 

MIUIHH dhäryaaam etc. MI(RlMiU dhaVraylflya etc. 

This formatiou is to be regarded as purely flctltious. 

1050. Futur es. Both futures, with the conditional, 
are made from the causative stem, with the auxiliary I ! y 
which takes the place of iU final €f a. Thus: 

qi(ilr^UliM dharayieyimi ete. t||||Tj&4J dhftrayiaya etc. 
UTvin^m dharayisyant t|l|Rj^JHIUI toirayifwama^a 

385 CAU8ATIVE. [—1051 

^JTfftTOTn adhftrayieyam etc. 3E4|(fl|&lj adhftrayiaye elc. 

Periphrastio Future. 

UlfRjHllfM dbftrayitaami etc. 

a. It has been mentloned above tbat RV. and AV. contafn only two 
<*x*niples each of the s-future, and none of tho pcrtphrafttlf. Tbe forrorr 
begin to appear in the ßrihmanas more namerotisly, but Mill iparingly, 
nith participles, and conditional (only adh&rayisyat V B J alftpayieya- 
thÄB Chi).); of the latter, £ß. affordi two inatancea (pftrayltaaml and 
Janayitäsi). Examples of both formatlom are quotable from the later 
language (inrluding the middle form dare, aylt&he : 947 o). 

1051. Verbal Nouns and Adjectives. These are 
made in two different ways: either 1. from the füll causa- 
tive stem (in the same mannet as the futures, just des- 
cribed); or 2. from the causatively strengthened root-form 
(with lose of the causative-sign). 

a. To the latter class belong the passive participle, as dhftrita; 
tbe gerundive and gerund in ya, as dhftrya, -dhftrya; and the gerund 
in am, as dhftram; also, in tbe oldor language, the root-infinitive, 
as -dhftram etc. (070 a). To the former class belong the Infinitive 
and the gerund in tvft, as dhftrayitum, dhftrayitvft, and tbe gerundive 
in tavya, ns dhftrayltavya (also, in the older langnage, the infinitives 
in tavfii and dhy&i, as j&nayitav&f, Irayadhy&i, etc.). The auxillary 
i is taken in every formation whieb ever admits that vowel. 

b. Examples of tbe passWe participle are: Irita, v&sita, ortvita. 
Ruf from the quaai-root jftap (104SJ) ii mi^e jfiapta, witboot Union- 

c. Examplrs of the Infinitive and g^rtind In tvft are: jösayitum, 
dharayituin; kalpayitva* arpayitvaw Botin the epics, and even later, 
influitiveg are oc asionally made with lose of the eauaatite-ilgn : e. g. 
c,esitum, bhftvitum, dh&ritum» mocitum. 

d. Kxample* of the gerunds in ya and am are: -bhajya, -ghftrya, 
-pftdya, -vftaya, nftyya, -ath&pya; -bhajam, sthftpam. Bat stemt 
Bhowing in the root-»\ Nable no difference from the root retaln ay of the 
rauRative-sIgn In the gerurid, to diftingutsh it from «hat hclonging to the 
primary conjugation : e. g. -kramayya, -gamayya, -janayya, -jvalayya, 
-kalayya, -c/amayya, -racayya, -ftpayya. 

e. Example* of the gerundire in tavya are: tarpayltaryk, gam- 
ayltavya, hvftyayitavya ; of that in ya, athipya, hirya, yftjya; of 
tbat In aniya, ath&paniya, bhftvanlya. 

Whitney, Ormmmar. 8. *d. J5 


f. Examples of other formations ocurring in the older language an 
as followi: root-inflnitive, -athäpam, -viaas; — Infinitive in tu, other 
cases than accusative, -janayitave; janayitav&f, payayltaval, -900t- 
ayitavai; o&mayitoa; — Infinitiv© in dhyai, iaayadhyai, Irayadnyai, 
tanaayadhyai, näoayadhyai, mandayadhyal, madayadhyai, ria- 
ayadhyai, vartayadhyai, vajayadhyai, lyandayidhyli (all RV.); 
— gerundive in äyya, panayayya, sjprhayayya, trayayäyya (? yträ>). 

g. Other noun-derivativea from the causative stem are not infrequent, 
being decidedly more nomerous and varioos than from any other of Che 
lecondary conjugation-stams. Examples (of other klnda than thote inatanoed 
in 1044) are: Arpana, dapana, prlnana, bhiaana; jnapaka, ropaka; 
patayälu, spr/bayalu; janayati, jfiapti. 

h. AU the classes of derivative«, it will he notieed, follow In regard 
to aceent the analogy of aimilar formatiom from the limple root, and ahow 
no influence of the special aceent of the ceusative-atem. 

1052. Derivative or Tertiary Conjugationa. 
From the causative stem are made a passive and a dfr- 
siderative conjugation. Thus: 

a. The passive-stem is formed by adding the ugual 
passive-sign IT yd to the causatively strengthened root, the 
causative-sign being dropped: thus, WU<$ dh&ryäte. 

b. Such passives are hardly fonnd in tho Veda (only bhajya- AV.% 
but some thirty instances are met wlth in the Brahmanas and Sütras: ex- 
amples are jfiapyi- (TS.), •ädya- (K.), pidya- (AB), vadya- (TB.), 
■thäpya- (OB.); and they become qnite common later. 

o. The desiderative stem is made by reduplication and 
addition of the sign ^tf isa, of which the initial vowel replaoes 
the final of the causalive stem: thus, f^-HlfUtyfrl didhErayifati. 

d. These, too> are found bete and there in the Brahmanas and later 
(about forty stvms are quotable): examples are pipayayisa (K.), bibhgv- 
ayisa and cikalpayifa and lulobhayisa (AB.), dfdrapayiaa and ririklli- 
ayisa (^B.), and so 011. 

e. As to causatives made from the intensive and desiderative Sterne, 
see above, 1025, 1039. 

V. Denominative. 

1053. A denominative conjugation is one that has for 
its basis a noun-stem. 

a. It is a view now prevallingly held that most of the preeent- 
«ystems of the Sanskrit verb, along with other formations analogoot whh a 

387 Denominative. (—1056 

pr<-*rn< >.i«-m an« in ilicir ultintata nrigin denominative; and that many 
apparcnt roota are of tlic stm« cbaracter. The donorainatives whirh are to 
ralled differ from theae only in ibat tbelr orlgln U recent and nnditgulsed. 

1054. The grammarian8 ieach that any noun-stem in 
the langungc may be converted, without other addition than 
that of an q a (as union-vowel enabling it to be inflected 
aecording to the second general conjugation) into a present- 
stem, and conjugated as such. 

a. nut such formalions are rare in actual tue. The RV. has a few 
isolated aml doubtful r sample*, the clearest of whieh it bhiaaktl he heah, 
from bhieäj physicinn; it is made üke a form of the; abbiaoak 
seem* to bo fts imperlect aecording to the naaal eltsi; and patyate he 
rules appears to bo a denominative of pati m<uter\ other possible case* 
are itanas etc., krpar^anta, tarusema etc., vanuaanta, bhurajanta, 
vananvati. From the other older texte are quotable kavyant (TS.), 
aotonat (TN), unmülati (SR.), avadh&mahe (V£S.). And * eonsider- 
able nnmbcr of instand«, moMly isolated, are found in the later language: 
e. g. kalahant (MUh.), arghanti (Pafic), abjati (<>tr.), gardabhati 
(SD), utkanthate (SD.), jagannetrati (Präs.), kelic,vetaaahaara- 
pattrati (Pra.«.j. 

1055. In general, the base of denominative conjugation 
18 marie from the noun-stem by means of the conjugation- 
sign 77 yä, which has the accent. 

a The idnitity of thit ya with the ya of the so-called eausative 
conjngatfon, äs making with the final a of t nonn-ftem the eaotative-slgn 
aya, i« hardly to bc quesrioned. Wbat relation it ansUin* to the ya of 
the ya-dafts (750), of the passive (768), and of the derivative totenaive 
Stent (1010), is rauch moro doubtful. 

1050. Intormodiato botwoen the denominative and eausative 
conjugations stnnds a class of verbs, pltioly denominative in origio, 
bnt baving the eausative accent. Examples, beginn ing to appear at the 
earltest period of the langnage, are mantrayate speaks, iahe» counsel, 
(from rn antra, f/man -f- tra), kirtayati cotnmemoratt* (from klrtl, 
ykr praU,), arthayati or -te makes an ohjeet of, teeks (from artha goal % 
ohjert. varnaynti depicU (froin varna color), kathayati or -te give$ 
the how nf nm/thing, relatrs (frotn katham howf), and so on. These, 
aloiig with likc formt from roots which havo no other present-syttem 
thougl« thoy may make scattcring formt outtide that System from 
the root directly*, or which bave tbis besido other present-systems 
without causativo meantng, are reckoned by the grammarians as a 
separate conjugation -class, the cur-class (above, 607, 775). 


1057 — ] XIV. Seoomdary Conjuqation. 388 

1057. Denominatives are fonäed at every period in the 
history of ihe language, from the earliest down. 

a. They are frequent in RV. f which contains oyer a h und red, 
of all yarieties; AV. has only balf as many (and personal forme from 
hardty a third as many: from the rest, preaent participles, or deriv- 
ative nouns); AB., lcsa than twenty; QB., bardly more than a dozen; 
and -so on. In the later language they are quotable by bundreda, 
but from the vaat majority of Steins occur only an ezample or two; 
the only ones that bave won any currency are tbose that bave assumed 
the character of "our-clasa" verbs. 

1068. The denominative meaning is, as in other lan- 
guages, of the greatest variety; aome of the most frequent 
forma of it are: be like, act as } play the part of; regard 
or treat as; cause to be, make into; use, make applicaiion 
of; desire, wink for, craoc — that which is signified by Che 

a. The modes of treatment of the stem-final are also yarioua; 
and the grammarians make a certain more or less definite aaaignment 
of the varieties of meaning lo the yarieties of form ; but tbis allot- 
ment finds only a dubious support in the usages of the worda aa met 
with even in the later language, and still less in tbe earlier. Ilcnco 
the formal Classification, according to the final of the noun-atem 
and the way in which tbis is treated before the denominatiye sign yi, 
will be tbe best one to follow. 

1059. From Sterns in a. „ a. The final a of a noun-atem 
oftenest remains uncbanged: thus, amitrayati play* the enemy, ü 
hoetile\ devayati cuUivates the gocU, ie pious. 

b. But final a is also often longthenod: thus, aghlyati plana 
mischte/ ; priyäyate holde dear\ a^vly&ti teeke /er horses\ ao,anfty4tt 
desires /ood. 

o. While in the Veda the variout modes of denominatlve fomatloa 
are well distributed, no one ibowing a marked preponderance, in the Uter 
langnage the' vait majority of denominati?e« (fully eeven eighths) are of 
the two kindi juit noticed: namely, made from a-atema, ajid of tbe lorm 
aya or ftya, the forraer predominating. And there ii aeen a declded ten- 
dency to give tho deaorainativei In aya an active form and transitive mean- 
ing, and thoie in &ya a iniddle form and intransitive or reflexive meaning. 
In not a fcw case», parallel formationg froni the tarne atem üluttrate thls 
distinction: e. g. kaluaayati makes turbid, kalufiyate is or becosnm 
turbid\ tarunayati rejuvenates, tarunäyate is rejuvenated-, oithilayati 
loosens, cithiläyate grows hose. No diatinct tracea of tkls distinctoa are 

389 Denominativ«. f— 1064 

prognirahlc in the Vcda, although thcre. alao eorrospondlng form« with short 
a and with long & sometlmei stand lide by aid*. 

d. Final a la sometimet changed to I (fcry rarcljr 1): Ihm, adhvariyati 
perform* the sacrißce; tavielyatl is mighty; potrfyatl or putrlyati desire* 
a sott; määalyati crave* ßesh; sajjiyato i* ready\ candrakAntlyati u 
moon*tonelike, Not flfty stems of tbis form are quotablo. 

e. It is occaslonally dropped (after norr): thus, turagyatl i* rapid; 
adhvaryati perform* the tacrißec. 

f. Othcr modei of treatment are eporadic: thui, the addition of 8, as 
in stanasyati seek* the breast; the cbange of a to e, as in vareyati 
play* the wooer. 

1060. From Sterns in A. Final a usoally remaius, as in gopäy- 
ati plays the herdsman, protect*; pjtanayatl fighU ; bnt il Is sometimea 
treated in tho other methods of an a-steni ; thus, pf tanyati ßghts ; tilotta- 
mlyati acts Tilnttama. 

1061. From stems in i, I, and u, ü. Such stems are. (especially 
tho«r in ti, Ü) vory rare. They show regiilarly I and Q befotv ya: thus, 
nrAtlyati (also -tiy-) phts injury\ janiyati (also -niy-) seek* a teife; 
sakhlyati desire* friendahip; nariyate turn* vornan-, — $atrüyati acte 
the Joe ; fjüyati is straight; vasüyati de*iret teealth; aaüyatl grumbles, 
is discontented . with short u, gätuyati sets in motion. 

a. More rarHy, i nr u I« treated as a (or eise is gunated, with losi 
of a y or v): thus, dhunayati crime* unorting; laghayati make* easier. 
SmiKtini'*, as to a (ahovr, 1068 f), a sihilant is added : thus, avlsyati 
t.« vehement; urueyati saves. From dhl, RV. makes dhiyiyate. 

1062. From other rowel-stoms. a. Final f Is chsnged to rl: 
thus, mätriyati treat* as a motiter (ouly quotable exaniple). 

b. The diphthongs, in the few cases that ooeor, ha*e thelr final Cle- 
ment changed to a semiTOwel: thus, gavyati *eek* caltle, goes a-raiding. 

1063. From c.o nso n an t- st e ms. A final coiifottaat usually remains 
beforr ya: thus, bhisajyati play* the physicians eures; uksanyati acts 
lue a bull; apaayati m act\ve\ namaayati pays rererence; Bumanasyate 
is favorahly dixposed; tarusyati ßghts. 

a. Nut a final n is sometimes dropped, and the proceding towel treated 
as a fluni: thus, rfijAyate or röjlyati is kittgly, from rfijan; -karma- 
yati from -karman; svämiyati treats as master, from Sv&min: wrfaV- 
yate from vfsan is thc only e\aniple quotable from the oMer language. 
Sporndic cnses oeeur of other final consonantt similarly treated: tbna, oja- 
yate from ojao, -inanäyate from -manas; — while, on the other band, 
ah a-vowcl is orcasionally added to such a consonant before ya: thus, iaa- 
yati from is, satvanayati from satvan. 

1064. The largest class of consonantal stems are those showing a 8 
brfore the ya; and, as has hecn seen above, a sibllant Is sometimes, by 
anslogy, added to a final towel, maklng tbe denoraiti^e-slgn ▼irtually aya 

1064— J XIV. Secondary Conjuuation. 3U0 

— or even, with a also added aftcr an i- or u-vowel, aaya; and IhU comrs 
to be recognizi'd by iho graiumariana as au independent sign, foraiing denom- 
inativea that express desire: tbus, aumakbaayate w mrrry\ jivanaaya- 
(in -ay£ loce of life)\ vpjasyati desires the male (the oaly quotuble e&im- 
plea); madhuayati or madhvaayati longa for honey kalrasyati crmve* 

1065. Tbo grammariant reckon aa a special clast of denominative» 
in kftmya wbat aro really ouly ordinary onca made from a Compound iiouk- 
atem baving käma aa lts final member: thua, rathakftmyati long* für 
the chariot (K.: oniy oxample found iu tbe older language); arthakftm- 
yati desire* wealih \ putrakftmyati wishes a son (tbe only quotable exaiu- 
plea); coming from tbe posaeaaite Compounds ratbakftma etc. And artbä- 
päyati treats as properlt/ ia a (aole quotable) example of a steiu kaviug 
tbe Prakritic cauaatire form (1048 n) t 

a. Sterns, of anomalous formation are drftgbaya from dfrgba, draejh- 
aya from drgba, and perbapa mradaya from mfdu. 

1066. a. A number of denominatiTe stems oeeur in tbt Veda fi»r 
wbieb no corresponding noun-stems are found, altboogb foi all or nearly 
all of tbem related words appear: tbus, afiküy£, atabhüya, iaudbya; 
dhisariya, risanya, ruvaijya, huvanya, laa^ya; ratbarya, $ratbarya 9 
saparya; iyaaya (V B )i iraaya, da Y aaya, makbaaya, panasya 9 aa- 
caaya. Tbose in anya, espccially, look like tbe beginnings of a n»w 

b. Having still more tbat aspect, bowerer, are a Vedic group of Modik 
in äya, wbich in general bave allied tbemselves to preseut-systams of tko 
n&-olasa (732), and are found alongaide tbe forma of tbat claaa: tau», 
gfbb&yati beside gr/bb?ati. Of sueb, RV. bas gr/bbäya, mathäya* 
prua&ya, mueaya, cjrathaya, akabh&ya, atabhiya» A few otbrra 
bare no nä-claas rompaniona: tbus,« dam&ya, 9amtya, tudaVyi (AV.)j 
and panftya, na^iya, vfaäya (^vr/a wm), vaaiyi (^vaa dothe), and 
perbapa acj&ya (v^ac^ attain). 

o. Here may be mentioned also quasi-denomlnatitee made from oiio- 
matopoetic combinatlons of sounds, generali y witb repatitlon: a. g. ki^aki- 
t&ya, thatatbataräya, misamia&ya, 9ara^a\ra\ya. 

1067. Tbe denominatiTe stems in RV. and AV. witb cauiative aecent- 
uation are : RV. aftkbaya, artbaya, iaaya (also ifaya) 9 ürjaya, rtaya. 
kfpaya, mantraya, mi/gaya, vavraya, vajaya (also vajaya), vilaya, 
eusvaya (also auavaya) ; A V. adds kirtaya, dhüpaya, pfclaya, vlrayai, 

a. Tbu acceut of anniya and haataya (RV.) ls wbolly anomalous. 

1068. Inf lection. The denominative stems are in- 
flected with regularity like the other stems ending in 9 a 
(733 a) throughout the present-system. Forms outside of 

391 Dknominatiye. [—1009 

that System — cxcept from the stems which are reckoned 
lo thc causalivc or cur-claas, and which follow in all re- 
6pect8 the rtiles for that class — arc of the utmost rarity. 

a. In RV. occurs no forin not he long! ng to the present-tyftom, eicept 
ünayie (witb m£ prohibitive), an is-aorist 2d sing, (ff. 1048). Furt her 
examples of thb aorist are äsOyit (f B.), päpayis$A (TS.: pl., witb mft 
prohibltive), and avrs&yisata (VS. etc.). The form aaapary&it (AV. 
xlt '}. 20), witb ai for I (666 o), mlgbt bc aorist; bot, as the metre 
shows, is probably a corrupt ruading; amanaay&it, certainly imporfect, 
appear« to occur in TB. (ii. 3. $3). Other forma begin to appoar in tbe 
Bribmanas: c. g. the fotnrca gopiyisyatl (£B.), meghlyieyant, kan- 
«Jüyijyant, (jlkäyiByant (TS.), the parti.iples bhieajyitA (? .IB. -jita) 
and iyasita (£B.), kan<Jüyit4 f <;IkltA, and mcghita (TS.), tbe gernnd 
saih^lakanya (£B.), aud so on. In tbe later laitgnage, also, form» out- 
sido tbe present-aystcm (ezcept tbe psrtlciple fn ta) are only tporadir ; and 
of tertiary eonjtigation form» there are hardly any: rxamples are thc causa- 
tWes dhümftyaya and asüyaya (MBh.) t and thc desideratlve abhisisena- 

yl?a (V«9 )• 

b. Nonn-dcrivative» from denominaftive atems follow the analogy of 
those from causative stems (1061g). In the nlder language, those in u 
an<t ä (ospicially thc former) are mueh the moil numernos; later, that in 
ana prcTall* over all others. 



1060. One periphrastic formation, the periphrastic 
future, has beeu already described (942 ff), since it has 
hecome in the later language a recognized part oC every 
verbal conjugation, and since, though still remainig essen- 
tially periphrastic, it has been so fused in its parts and al- 
tered in construction as to assumc in considerable measurr 
thc 8emblance of an integral tense-formation. 

Hy far the niost important other formation of the 
class is — 

1070 — J XV. Periphhastic and Compound Conjiriation. 392 

The Periphrastic Periect. 

1070. This (ihough almost unknown in the Veda, and 
coming only gradually into use in the ßrähmanas) is a 
tense widely made and frequently used in the classical 

a. It is made by prefixing the acusative of a deriva- 
tive noun-stem in EJT ft (accented) to the perfeet tense of an 
auxiliary verb: namely, of >/eR ky make, more often of 
|/€IH as be } and very rarely of YH bhü be. 

b. In the older Unguage (see below, 1073 d), kf li almost the only 
auxiliary used in making tbis tense, as occurrlng very few ttmes, and bhu 
never. Liter, alao, bhü is quitc rare (it is found nlne timet In MBb., 

six tinius in Hgb., and a few tlinoj ulauwbere), but aa galns vory greatiy 
in currency, baving become tbe usutl auxiliary, wbile ky is only exceptional. 

o. Somewbat similar formations witb yet otber auxiliaries are not 
absolutely unknown \u tbe latcr Unguage: tbus varay&rh praoakramua 
(MBh.), püray&m (etc.) vyadhua (VTracaritra), mfgayftm avätalt (ib.). 

1071. The periphrastic perfeet oecurs as follows: 

a. It is the aeeepted perfeet of the derivative urajuga- 
tions: intensive, desiderative, causative, and denominative; 
the noun in CR ä being made from the present-stem whioh is 
the general basis of each conjugation: thus, from yTO budh y 
intensive «iNMIH bobudhftm, desiderative 3HcM IM bubhutastm, 
causative 4 NU IM bodhayim ; denominative M *l U l*^mantray- 

b. Tbe fonuaüou from causative steins (including eboso denominative« 
whieb have assumed tbe aspcot of causatives: 1058) ls by fat the most 
frequent Only a few desideratWes are quotable (1034 a), and of Inten- 
sives only jftgaräm iaa (1020 a; besids jajig&ra). 

o. Most roots beginning with a vowel in a heavy syl- 
lable (long by nature or long by position) make this perfeet 
only, and not the simple one: thus, gTHFT^&sftm from ytTIH^ 
äs sit] ^TFT Iksftm from y^Ika see] 35tfn^ujjh*m from 
K3?K ujh formte] ^ITH edhftm from ylgl edh thrive (the 
only examples quotable). 

393 Peripiirastic Perfect. f— 1073 

d. Kxcftptf»! an- the rot.u ap und aftch, and thosc hcginiring with a 
beforo two consonant* (and taking an ai redtiplteation : 788). 

e. The rooti (that is, stems reckoned by the grammarians as roots) of 
rnore lhan one tyllable bäte thelr perfeel of tbit formation : thus, oak&aam. 
But ürnu (713) is sald to form ürnon&va only; while jigr (1080) 
makes a perfect of either formation, and daridrä (1094 a) is sald to do 
the satne. 

f. A few other rooti make tbe periphrastic in addltlon to the usnal 
rcduplicated perfect. Thus, in the older langitagc only are foond tbe ftems 
cayfim, tayäm, nilayäm, väs&m (yva& dweU), vidam (|/vid know), 
vyayäm, and the rodtiplicatcd stems bibhay&m and juhavam; tbe Uter 
language adds ayim v jayam, dayam, nayftm, smay&m, hvayam, and 
the rcdupllcated bibharäm; and the grammarians teach üke formations 
from US, käs, and the reduplicating hri. The stero U made in every case 
frora the present-stem with guna of a final rowel. 

1072. The periphrastic perfect of the middle voiee is 
made with the middle infleeiion of y^fx kr. For passive 
use, the auxiliaries WR rs and >? bhü are said to be allowed 
to take a middle inflectiou. 

a. One or two late examples of bhü with middle inflectiou have been 
pointed out, but none of as. 

b. 1t is unnecessary to give a paradigin of Ulis formatioD, as 
the inflection of the auxiliaries is the satue as in their indepcodent 
use: for that of j^kr, sce 800k; of ybhü, soe 800 d; of v as, soe 800m. 

c. The ronnection of the notin snd amiliary is not so close that otber 
worda are not occasionally allowed to come between tbem : tbns, mimän- 
sam eva cakre (fB.) he tnerefy tpcmlated ; vidam va idam ayam 
cakära (JB.) he verily Jchcic this ; prabhrancnyam yo naghusam ca- 
kftra irho made Naghusha fall headlonff (Bgh.). 

1073. The above is .in acenunt of the periphrastic formation 
with a derivative nouu in am as it nppears cspeciaily in the latcr 
hinguage; earlier, its aspect is rather that of a tnore general, but 
(juite infrequent, coinbinatiou of such a noun with various forms of 
the root kr. Thus: 

a. Of the periphrastic perfect orcur* only a Single example in tbe 
«hole body of Vedic texts (metrical): namuly, gamayäm cakära (AV.). 
J vi the Brähmarus examples from rausative stems begin to appear more 
tri ely, but am e*crywhere few in nunibcr except in ^'B. (which has them 
from twenty-fonr roots, and a few of Ihese in sevoral oemrrences). From 
«lesiderative stems they are yet rarer (only seven occiirrencet, dt* of tbem 
in i^'B.: sce 1034a); and froni intensive;« thry are tinknown. The peri- 
phrastic perfecta of pritnary conjngation wrre noted ahove (1071 f: in £B., 

1073— J XV. Peeiphrabtio and Compound Conjugation 394 

eight iteaii and abont eighty occurrencei, chiefly from Iks, bhl, and vid; 
that from vid U found in Che greateat number of texte). 

b. Forma with the aorist of tbe auxiliary are in the oldeat Brähmanaa 
at nnmeroue as those with the peifeet. Thui, with akar occnr ramayim 
(K.)t Janay&n and aädaytm and avaday&m and athäpayim (MS.); 
and with akran, vid&n (TS. TB. MS.)- With the aoriat optati?e or pre_ 
cative has been found only pftvayixh kriyät (MS.). 

o. Like coinbinations with other tensei are not entirely unknown: 
thui, juhaväih karoti (WS.). So also in tüü later language, where aave 
been found quotable half-a-dozen such caaes as vidftih karoti (Pafic), 
vi darf* karotu and kurvantu (Pafic. etc.). 

d. Only two or three caaee of the nie of aa inftead of kr es auxil- 
iary are met with in the older language: they are mantray&m aaa (AB. 
OB.), janayäm aaa (5*U.), »nd iks&m aaa (C£S.). 

e. A aingle example of an accented aoxlliary U met with in the accent- 
nated texte: naraely, atiraoayaxh oakrua (£B.). Ai was to be expected, 
flroin the naturo of the combination, the noun alao retaina iti accent (coio- 
pare 845). 

Participial Periphrastic Phrase«. 

1074. The frequent use, especially in the later language, 
of a past or a future passive participle with the copula (or 
also without it) to make participial phrases having a value 
analogous to that of verb-tenses, has been already noticed 
(OBB). Hut other similar coinbinations are not unknown in 
any period of the language, as made with other auxiliaries, 
or with other participles. 

a. They occur eten in the Veda, bat are far more common and 
conipicuous in tho Brähmanaa, and become again of minor account In Ina 
later language. 

1076. Exainplüß of the various formations are as follows: 
a. A (usually present) participle with tho tensei of the *erb 1 go. 
This it the combi nation, on the whole, of widest and moat freqnent oeenr- 
rence. Thus : ayajvano vibhajann eti vedah (RV.) he ever givee away 
the wealth of the non-offerer\ yathä aücyft vaaah aarhdadhad iyld 
evam evfti 'täbhir yajfiaaya chidraih aaihdadhad eti (AB.) just ot 
one tvould mnnd [habitually] a garment with a ncedle, 90 toith theem an« 
tuende any def-ct of the sacrifice ; agnir va idarh väiovanaro dahann 
Äit (PU.) Agni Väicvänara kept burning this creation; te 'surfch paraV 
jiti yanto dyäVftprthivf üp&^rayan (TB.) (hose Asuras, getting beute*, 
took refuge with heaveu and earth ; te «eya grharji pa^ava upamüryi- 
manä iyuh (<,'B.) the animah. Ai* famity. would be continuaVy dotroyed. 

395 Participial Phrase«. [—1076 

b. Tbc Kam«! with tho vrrb car go {eoutinuaUy or habitually) signifying 

still morc dfctiurtly than the proccding .1 cmttinued or habltual artlon. Thus: 

agnaV agm'9 carati pravist,ari (AV ) Agni i$ comtautly pre seilt in the 

ßre\ adancjyarb danc^ena ghnanta? caranti {VW.) they male a practica 

of beattng tcith a rod tchat is undeserving of punishment. 

o. The ssmc with the verba äs sit and Bthä stund, with a liko inMii- 
ing. Thu% juhvata flsate (K.) ihey continue sacrificing ; te *pakramya 
prativ&vadato *tis(han (AH.) they, having gönn off, kept vehementty 
rtfusing. In tho latrr language, ethft is tbe ▼erb ofteneat used, with prrrii- 
(»te.4 ol varlnus klnd, to make a vcrbiil phrase of continuance. 

d. A present or futtire or perfect partlciple With as an<] bhO br. 
The partielle Is oftenest a future one; as only U uteri in the Optative, 
bhü usually in other form». Tho«: yah pürvam anij&nah syät (AK.) 
\rhnerer may not have made sacrißce before; aamlvad eva yajfie kur- 
vAnft äs an (Oh.) ihey did the same thing at the sacrißce; parikrifanta 
änan (MS.) they teere ptaying about; yatra suptva* punar na 'vadrÄ- 
syan bhavati (<,'H.) trhen, after sleeping, he is not going to fnll axfcep 
ayain, havyaih hi vakayan bhavati (AH.) for he is intendiny to carry 
the satri/icr; dfisyant syät (K.) may he going to gire\ yena vahanena 
syantsyant syit (£B.) tcith tehat rehicle he may be about to dric*. Truo 
expressions for perfect and plupeifect and future perfect Urne aro cspablo 
of bring made by such means, and now and then aro made, bat in no 
regulär and continued fashion. 

Composition with Prepositional Prefixes. 

1076. AH the form8, personal and other, of verbal con- 
jugation — of both primary and secondary conjugation, 
and even to some extent of denominative (so far as the 
denominaüve siems have become assimilated in value to 
simple roots) — oeeur very frrquently in combination with 
certain words of direction, Clements of an adverbial character 
(see the next chapter!, the so-called prepositions (aecording 
to the original use of that term , or the verbal prefixes. 

a. Practirally, in the later language, it is as tf a eompounded root 
were formed, out of root and preflx, from wbieh then the whole conjugation 
(with derivatives: bclotr, rbap. XVII.) is made, Just as from the simple 
root. Yet, o.veu there l^anri still meru tu the older language: 1081 a-c), the 
rombinatton is so loose, and the members retaiu so mtich of their independent 
\olu» 1 , that in most dictionarics (that of Sir Monier Williams \% sn eicepttou) 
th«> ronjug.ifion of caeh root with preflxc* is treated under the simple root. 
and not in thr alphabclic order of the preflx. Derivative nt.rds, ho*e*er. 

1076—] XV. Periphrastio and Compound Conj uq ation. 396 

are by universal agreement given in thetr independent alphabetic place, llke 
simple words. 

1077. Tho8e veibal prefixes which have value aa auch 
throughout ihe whole hiatory of the language aie given 
below in alphabetic order with their fundamental meanings: 

srffl" ati across, beyond, past, over, to ezcess] 
IjrffJ ddhi above ) over, on, on to\ 
5R anu öfter, along, toward; 
*M^ antAr between, among, within\ 
Wl dpa away, forth, off\ 
5rftl dpi unto, dose upon or on\ 

Sfft abbi to, unto, against (oflen with implied violence) ; 
SR dva down, off\ 
m & to, unto, at\ 
3^" üd up, up forth or out] 
3*J üpa to, unto, toward] 
fäf nl down] in, into\ 
pro nia out, forth ; 
t?JT parä to a distanca, away, forth] 
qf^ pdri round ab out, around\ 
V( prd forward, onward, forth, fore ; 

trfft prdti in reversed direction, back to or against, 
in return] 

fe vi apart, asundvr, away, out) 
?W adm along, with, together. 

a. Some of theae, of courae, are uaed touch moro widely and froquently 
thait others. In ordor of frequency in tbe older language (aa estimated by 
tbe number of roota with which tbey aro found used in RV. and AV.), tbey 
stand aa followa : pra, &, vi, aam, abhi, ni, ud v pari, anu, upa, prati, 
ava, nia, ati, apa, par&, adhi, api, antar. Api la of very limited 
use aa prefix in tbe later language, bavlng becoiuc a conjunctiou, too, also 

b. Tbe ineaninga given above are ouly the leading onee. In eombinaiioua 
of root and preflx tbey und ergo nouch modiflcation, botb Uteral and flguraüvt 
— yet aeldom in such a way tbat tbe Steps of tranaition i'rom tbe fund- 
amental sense arc not easy to traue. Sometime«, indeed, the value of a 

397 Verbal Prepues. [—1081 

root is hnrrily porreptibly mndiflcd by Ihe addition of Che prcils. An in- 
tensive for<o In not tnfrcijuciitly given by pari, vi, and 8 am. 

1078. Pro fixes essentially akin with the above, but more dis- 
tinctly adverbial, and of more restricted use, are theae: 

acha (or acha) to, unto: tolcrably frequent in RV. (uaed with 
over twenty roots), but alrcady unusual in AV. (only two roots), quite 
restricted in B., «od entirely lost in the later laoguage; 

ftvls forth to tight, in vietc: used only with the roots bhQ, aa 9 
and kr; 

tiraa through, cro*$tcay$\ out of tight: hardly used except with 
kr, dha, bhQ (in RV., with tbree or four others); 

puroa iw front , forward: ueed with only half-a-dozen roots, 
cspecialiy kr, dhä, i; 

prädus forth to vietc: only with bhü, aa, kr. 

a. A fcw others, a* bahia outside, vlna" without, alam (with bhQ 
and kr) aufficienily, proper ty, aäkaät in vietc, are (tili lest reraoted from 
ordiirary adverbs. 

1079. Of yet more limited use, and of noun- rather than adverb- 
value, are: 

crad (or c,rathP), ooly with dhft (in RV., once also with kr): 
craddhä helicre, credit; 

hin, only i»hh kr (and abaolete in the cJaaaical laoguage): hifikr 
make the sound hing, low, murmur. 

a. And beside theae stand yet more fortuitous eombinations : tee 
below, 1081. 

1080. More than one prefix may be set beforc the same 
root. Combinations of two are quite usual; of three, much 
less common; of more than three, rare. Their order is in 
general determined only by the requirements of the meanirig, 
each added prefix hringing a further modification to the 
combination before which it ig set. Hut SIT ä is almost 
never aHowed, either earlier or later, to be put in front 
of any of the others. 

a. The very rare cases of apparent preflxton of & U> atiother preflx 
(as ftvihanti MRh., ftvitanvftn&h BhP) aro perbapa best cxpUtned as 
ha\iug the a used liMlependciitly, as an adterb. 

1081. In classical Sanskrit, the prefix Stands immediately 

hefore the verbal form. 

a. In tho earlier tangusge, bowever (especially in the Veda; in 
the Brähmana less often and more reetrictedly), ita position is quite 


froo: it may hü separatcd from the verb by another word or wurd*, 
and may cven couio uftor the form to whicb it belongs; it may also 
stand alonc, qualifytng a verb that is understood, or conjointly with 
auother prefix one tbat iß expressed. 

b. Thus, aa devän e 'ha vaksyati (UV.) he shall bring ihm gods 
hither; pra na ayünai täriaat (AV.) may se Ungtken out our lices; tsW 
a yfttam üpa dravat (UV.) do ye two eotne hither quickly; gAmnd 
väjebhir i eA nah (UV.) may he com* with gißt hither to im; p4rl 
marh pari me prajäih pari nati pahi yad dhanam (AV.) proieet in«, 
my progeny, and tohat tveahh we own ; yAtah aadyA i oa parft oa yAnti 
( AV.) from whence every day they advance and retire; vy ahAlh eArvena. 
papmAna [avrtam] vf yAksmena aAm ayna& (AV.) I have eeparaUd 
from all evil t from disease, [I have jointd myself] with lifo; vi ny 
enena paeyati (AH) for hy it he mm; vf vi eaA prajayA pac/ubhir 
rdhyate (Tb.) he is deprived of progeny and eattle. 

o. Tbrett or four bitUncea ha*e been cited from tbe Uter langaaga 
of a pruflx separatcd from, or following, a rurb; perbaps tbe prettx in every 
auch cate ad mit* of being regardcd aa au ad verb. 

1082. As regards the accent of verb-forma compounded with 
prefixes, only tbo caso needs to be considered in wbieb the preis 
Stands (aa nhvajs in the later language) immediately before the verb; 
otborwise, verb and prefix aro treated aa two indepondont worda. 

1083. a. A personal verbal form, as bas beon seon abovo (682), 
is ordinarily unaccented; before such a form, the prefix bas fta own 
accent; or, if two or inore preoede the same form, the one neareat 
tbe latter is so accented, and the otbers lose their accent. 

b. If, however, tbe verb- form is accented, tbe prefix or prefixe* 
lose their accent. 

o. That is, in every case, tbe verb along with its normally 
situated prefix or prefixes so far constitutes a unity that the whole 
coinbination is allowed to take but a Single accent. 

d. Kxauiplei an:: pare *hi nftri punar e *hi kaiprAm (AV.) gt» 
away t woman; come again quickly ; Atha 'ataih viparetana (KV.) than 
scatter ye away to your home\ aamaoinuava 'nuaamprAylhi (AV ) 
gather together, go forth together aßer ; yAd grhan upodäfti ( A V.) whrn 
he goes up to the houte\ ev£ oa tvAih sarama ajagAntha (RV.) n*iit 
that you, Saramä, have thut come hither; yena "viB$itar>praviveclthe 
'pAh (KV.) envehped in which thou didst enter the waters. 

1084. A prefix. however, not seldom bas a more indepeudent 
valuo, as a geucral adverb of directiou, or us a prepositiou ;in tlic 
usual modern senso of tbat term), belonglng to and governing a noun; 
in such case. it is uot drawn in to form part of a verbal Compound. 
but has iU own accent. The two Linda of use sbade into ouo another, 
and are not divisible by any distinet and fixed line. 

399 Verbal Prbfixeh [—1087 

a. Thirc K in KV. .1 conulrtcrable mintber of catca (eome thirty) in 
which the pada-text givc* untiecessarfly, and probably wrongly, an lnde- 
pendent acecnt to a prefix bcfore an acrentcd tcrb (or otber prcflx): re- 
aolving, für examplc, aruhat into & aruhat, vyacet into vi acet, 
abhyavarait into abhf avarelt, vyasarat into v\ & aaarat (iimtcad of 
ä- aruhat ••tc). 

1085. In combination with the non- personal parts of tlic vorb- 
syMcm — with participlcs, infinitives, and gernnds — the gencral rule 
in that the prefix loses its acecnt, in favor of the other momber of tho 
Compound. But the prefix iostead has sometimes the accent: namely, 
when combined — 

a. with the passive participle in ta or na: thus, pareta gone 
forth; antarhita concealed; avapanna fallen; aampürna eompltte 
(cf. 1284<. 

b. But fome exceptiona to thia rnle are tuet »with : e. g., in RV., nicita» 
niakrtä, praeaata, nisatta, etc.; in AV., apakrita. 

o. with the Infinitive in tu (872), in all its cases: thus, aaih- 
hartum to collect; apidhätave to cover up\ avagantoa of descending. 
The doubly necented ilativc in tavaf retains its final accent, biit 
throws the other back upon the prefix : thus, anvetavai for follow- 
ing ; apabhartaväi for carrying off. 

1088. The closeness of combination between the root and the 
prefix is indicated not only by their unity of accent, but also by the 
euphonic mies (e. g. 185, 192), which altow the uuittial adaptatious 
of the two to bc raade to sonie extent as if they were parto of a 
unitary word. 

1087. A few special irrcgularities call for notice: 

a. In the later langnagc, api, adhi, and ava, in connection with 
certaiu roots and their derivative», soirctimes lose the initial vowel: namely,