A Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana

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BIBLIOTHEK

IND06ERMANI8CHER GEAMMATIKEN

BEARBEITET VON

F. BITOHELEB, B. DELBBITOK, E. FOT, H. HTTBSOHHANN,
A. LESKIEN, 0. HETEB, E. 8IEVEBS, H. WEBEB, W. D. WEITNET,

E. wnroisoH.

BAND II.

A Sanscrit Grammar, including both the Classical Language, and

THE Older Dulects, of Veda and Brahhana

BY William Dwight Whitney.

THIRD EDITION.

LEIPZIG,

DRUCK UND VERLAG VON BREITKOPF & HARTEL.
1896.

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SANSKRIT GRAMMAR,

DfCLDDING BOTH THE CLASSICAL LANGUAGE, AKD THE
OLDER DIALECTS, OF VEDA AND BRAHMANA.

BY

WILLIAM DWIGHT f HITNEY,

L4TB PBOPBStOK OW SANSKRIT AND COMPAUATIVS PHIIOLOOT IK TALI OOLLSOB, ITBir-BAVBM.

THIRD EDITION.
THIS WORK IS COPYRIGHT,

LEIPZIG:

BREITKOPF AND HARTEL.

BOSTON:

GINN <Sc COMPANY.

1896.

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Entered according to Act of Coagreis, in the year 1879, by W. D. Whitney in the office
of the Librarian of Congwse at Waehington D. C.

Printers: Breitkopf 6 H&rtel, Leipiig.

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f?'

'fcUut,-*— ^ '^^ -t-J.- n^i^^^i.^^)

1952

PREFACE

TO THE First Edition.

It was in June, 1875, as I chanced to be for a day or
two in Leipzig, that I was unexpectedly invited to prepare
the Sanskrit grammar for the Indo-European series projected
by Messrs. Breitkopf and H^rtel. After some consideration,
and consultation with friends, I accepted the task, and have
since devoted to it what time could be spared from regular
duties, after the satisfaction of engagements earlier formed.
If the delay seems a long one, it was nevertheless unavoid-
able; and I would gladly, in the interest of the work itself,
have made it still longer. In. every such case, it is necess-
ary to make a compromise between measurably satisfying a
present pressing need, and doing the subject fuller justice
at the cost of more time ; and it seemed as if the call for
a Sanskrit grammar on a somewhat different plan from those
already in use — excellent as some of these in many respects
are — was urgent enough to recommend a speedy com-
pletion of the work begun.

The objects had especially in view in the preparation
of this grammar have been the following:

1. To make a presentation of the facts of the language
primarily as they show themselves in use in the literature,
and only secondarily as they are laid down by the native
grammarians. The earliest European grammars were by the
necessity of the case chiefly founded on their native prede-

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vi Preface.

cessors; and a traditional method was thus established which
has been perhaps somewhat too closely adhered to, at the
expense of clearness and of proportion, as well as of scien-
tific truth. Accordingly, my attention has not been directed
toward a profonnder study of the grammatical science of the
Hindu schools : their teachings I have been contented to take
as already reported to Western learners in the existing
Western grammars.

2. To include also in the presentation the forms and
constructions of the older language, as exhibited in the Veda
and the Brahmana. Grassmann's excellent Index- Vocabulary .
to the Rig- Veda, and my own manuscript one to the Atharra-
Veda (which I hope soon to be able to make public*), gave
me in full detail the great mass of Vedic material ; and this,
with some assistance from pupils and friends, I have sought
to complete, as far as the circumstances permitted, from the
other Vedic texts and from the various works of the Brah-
mana period, both printed and manuscript.

3. To treat the language throughout as an accented one,
omitting nothing of what is known respecting the nature of
the Sanskrit accent, its changes in combination and inflection,
and the tone of individual words — being, in all this, ne-
cessarily dependent especially upon the material presented
by the older accentuated texts.

4. To cast all statements, classifications, and so on,
into a form consistent with the teachings of linguistic science.
In doing this, it has been necessary to discard a few of the
long-used and familiar divisions and terms of Sanskrit gram-
mar — for example, the classification and nomenclature of
'^special tenses" and "general tenses" (which is so indefen-
sible that one can only wonder at its having maintained itself
so long), the order and terminology of the conjugation-classes,
the separation in treatment of the facts of internal and ex-

* It was published, as vol. XII. of the Journal of the American
Oriental Society, in 1881.

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PUBFAGB yii

ternal euphonic combination, and the like. But care has been
taken to facilitate the transition from the old to the new;
and the changes, it is belieyed, will commend themselves to
unqualified acceptance. It has been sought also to help an
appreciation of the character of the language by putting its
facts as far as possible into a statistical form. In this respect
the native grammar is especially deficient and misleading.

Regard has been constantly had to the practical needs
of the learner of the language, and it has been attempted,
by due arrangement and by the use of different sizes of
type, to make the work as usable by one whose object
it is to acquire a knowledge of the classical Sanskrit alone
as those are in which the earlier forms are not included.
The custom of transliterating all Sanskrit words into Euro-
pean characters, which has become usual in European San-
skrit grammars, is, as a matter of course, retained through-
out; and, because of the difficulty of setting even a small
Sanskrit type, with anything but a large European, it is
practiced alone in the smaller sizes.

While the treatment of the facts of the language has
thus been made a historical one, within the limits of the
language itself, I have not ventured to make it comparative,
by bringing in the analogous forms and processes of other
related languages. To do this, in addition to all that was
attempted beside, would have extended the w^k, both in
content and in time of preparation, far beyond the limits
assigned to it. And, having decided to leave out this ele-
ment, I have done so consistently throughout. Explanations
of the origin of forms have also been avoided, for the same
reason and for others, which hardly call for statement.

A grammar is necessarily in great part founded on its
predecessors, and it would be in vain to attempt an acknowl-
edgment in detail of all the aid received from other schol-
ars. I have had at hand always especially the very schol-
arly and reliable brief summary of Eielhom, the full and

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▼Hi Peepace.

excellent work of Monier Williams, the smaller grammar of
Bopp (a wonder of learning and method for the time when
it was prepared), and the volumes of Benfey and Mttller.
As regards the material of the language, no other aid, of
course, has been at all comparable with the great Peters-
burg lexicon of Btthtlingk and Roth, the existence of which
gives by itself a new character to all investigations of the
Sanskrit language. What I have not found there or in the
special collections made by myself or by others for me, I
have called below "not quotable" — a provisional designa-
tion, necessarily liable to correction in detail by the results
of further researches. For what concerns the verb, its forms
and their classification and uses, I have had, as every one
must have, by far the most aid from Delbrtlok, in his Alt-
indiscbes Verbum and his various syntactical contribu-
tions. Former pupils of my own, Professors Avery and
Edgren, have also helped me, in connection with this
subject and with others, in a way and measure that calls for
public acknowledgment. In respect to the important matter
of the declension in the earliest language, I have made great
use of the elaborate paper in the Journ. Am. Or. Soc. (print-
ed contemporaneously with this work, and used by me
almost, but not quite, to the end of the subject) by my
former pupil Prof. Lanman; my treatment of it is founded
on his. Myi< manifold obligations to my own teacher, Prof.
Weber of Berlin, also require to be mentioned : among other
things, I owe to him the use of his copies of certain un-
published texts of the Brahmana period, not otherwise access-
ible to me; and he was kind enough to look through vnth
me my work in its inchoate condition, favoring me with
valuable suggestions. For this last favor I have likewise to
thank Prof. Delbrttck — who, moreover, has taken the trouble
to glance over for a like purpose the greater part of the
proof-sheets of the grammar, as they came from the press.
To Dr. L. von Schroder is due whatever use I have been

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Preface ix

able to make (unfortunately a very imperfect one) of the im-
portant Maitrayani-Samhita. *

Of the deficiencies of my mork I am, I think, not less
fully aware than any critic of it, even the severest, is likely
to be. Should it be found to answer its intended purpose
well enough to come to another edition, my endeavor will
be to improve and complete it; and I shall be grateful for
any corrections or suggestions which may aid me in mak-
ing it a more efficient help to the study of the Sanskrit
language and literature.

GoTHA, July 1879.

W. D. W.

PREFACE

TO THE Second Edition.

In preparing a new edition of this grammar, I have
made use of the new material gathered by myself during
the intervening years,** and also of that gathered by others,
so far as it was accessible to me and fitted into my plan;***
and I have had the benefit of kind suggestions from various
quarters — for all of which I desire to return a grateful
acknowledgment. By such help, I have been able not only
to correct and repair certain errors and omissions of the
first edition, but also to speak with more definiteness upon

* Since published in full by him, 1881—6.
** A part of this new material was published by myself in 1885,
as a Supplement to the grammar, under the title **Roots, Verb-Forms^
and Primary Derivatives of the Sanskrit Language'^.

*♦♦ Especially deserving of mention is Holtzmann^s collection of
material from the Mahabharata, also published (1884) in the form of
a Supplement to this work; also BOhtlingk's similar collection from
the larger half of the Ramayana.

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X Prefacb.

very many points relating to the material and usages of
the language.

In order not to impair the applicability of the referen-
ces already made to the work by various authors, its para-
graphing has been retained unchanged throughout; for in-
creased convenience of further reference, the subdivisions
of paragraphs have been more thoroughly marked, by letters
(now and then changing a former lettering); and the par-
agraph-numbers have been set at the outer instead of the
inner edge of the upper margin.

My remoteness from the place of publication has for-
bidden me the reading of more than one proof; but the
kindness of Professor Lanman in adding his revision (ac-
companied by other timely suggestions) to mine, and the
care of the printers, will be found, I trust, to have aided
in securing a text disfigured by few errors of the press.^

Circumstances beyond my control have delayed for a
year or two the completion of this revision, and have made
it in some parts less complete than I should have desired«

New-Haven, Sept. 1888.

W. D. W.

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INTRODUCTION.

Brief Account op the Indian Literature.

it seems desirable to give here such a sketch of the
history of Indian literature as shall show the relation to
one another of the different periods and forms of the lan-
guage treated in the following grammar, and the position
of the works there quoted.

The name ^Sanskrit" (saihskqrta, 1087 d, adomedy elab-
orated, perfected), which is popularly applied to the whole
ancient and sacred language of India, belongs more properly
only to that dialect which, regulated and established by the
laoors oi the native grammarians; has led tor the lajst two
tiiousana years or more an artificial |ifft^ likft that of the
Liatin during most of the same period in Europe, as the
written and spoken means of communication of the learned
and priestly caste; and which even at the present day fills
that office. It is thus distinguished, on the one hand, from
the later and derived dialects — as the Prakrit, forms of
language which have datable monuments from as early as
the third century before Christ, and which are represented
by inscriptions and coins, by the speech of the uneducated
characters in the Sanskrit dramas (see below), and by a limited
literature; the Pali, a Prakritic dialect which became the sac-
red lang^uage'SrKuddhism in Ceylon and Farther India, and is

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xii iNTRODUCfTION.

Still in service theie as such; and yet later and more altered
tongues forming the transition to the languages of modern
India. And, on the other hand, it is distinguished, but
very much less sharply and widely, from the older dialects
or forms of speech presented in the canonical literature,
the Veda and Brahmana.

This fact, of the fixation by learned treatment of an
authorized mode of expression, which should thenceforth be
used according to rule in the intercourse of the educated,
is the cardinal one in Indian linguistic history; and as the
native grammatical literature has determined the form of
the language, so it has also to a large extent determined
the grammatical treatment of the language by European
scholars.

Much in the history of the learned movement is still
obscurse, and opinions are at variance even as to points of
prime consequence. Only the concluding works in the devel-
opment of the gramatical science have been preserved to
us; and though they are evidently the perfected fruits of a
long series of learned labors, the records of the latter are
lost beyond recovery. The time and the place of the cre-
ation of Sanskrit are unknown; and as to its occasion, we
have only our inferences ahd conjectures to rely upon. It
seems, however, altogether likely that the grammatical sense
of the ancient Hindus was awakened in great measure by
their study of the traditional sacred texts, and by their com-
parison of its different language with that of contemporary
use. It is certain that the grammatical study of those texts
(9&kh&8, lit'ly branche^\ phonetic and other, was zealously
and effectively followed in the Brahmanic schools; this is
attested by our possession of a number of phonetico-gram-
matical treatises, pr&ti9SkliyaB (prati 9&khSm bdonging to
each several text), each having for subject one principal
Vedic text, and noting all its peculiarities of form; these,
both by the depth and exactness of their own researches
and by the number of authorities which they quote, speak
plainly of a lively scientific activity continued during a long
time. What part, on the other hand, the notice of differ-

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iKTRODUOnON. xlil

eences between the correct speech of the learned and the
altered dialects of the vulgar may have borne in the same
«ioyement is not easy to determine; but it is not customary
thi^ a language has its proper usages fixed by rule until
the danger is distinctly felt of its undergoing corruption.

The labors of the general school of Sanskrit grammar
reached a climax in the grammarian Panini, whose text^book,
containing the facts of the language cast^to the highly
drtful and difficult form of about four thousand algebraic-
formula-likfi rules (in the statement and arrangement of
which brevity alone is had in view, at the cost of distinct^
ness and unambiguousness), became for all after time the
authoritative, almost sacred, norm of correct speech. ' Re-
specting his period, nothing really definite and trustworthy
is known; but he is with much probability held to have
lived some time (two to foui: centuries) before the Christian
era. He has had commentators in abundance, and has under-
gone at their hands some measure of amendment .and com-
pletion; but he has not been overthrown or superseded.
The chief and most authoritative commentary on his work
is that called the MahSbhSshya great comment^ by Pa-
tanjali.

A language, even if not a vernacular one which is in
tolerably wide and constant use for writing and speaking,
is, of course-, kept in life principally by direct tradition, by
communication from teacher to scholar and the study and
imitation of existing texts, and not by the learning of gram-
matical rules; yet the existence of grammatical authority,
and especially of a single one, deemed infallible and of pre-
scriptive value, could not fail to' exert a strong regulative
influence, leading to the avoidance more and more of what
was, even if lingering in use, inconsistent with his teachings,
and also, in the constant reproduction of texts, to the grad-
ual effacemenl^of whatever they might contain that was
unapproved. Thus the whole more modern literature of
India has been Taninized, so to speak, pressed into the
mould prepared by him and his school. What are the
limits of the artificiality of this process is not yet known.

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xiv Introduction.

The attention of special students of the Hindu grammar
(and the subject is so intricate and difficult that the number
is exceedingly small of those who have mastered it suffix
. ciently to have a competent opinion on such general matters)
has been hitherto mainly directed toward determining what
the Sanskrit according to Panini really is, toward explaining
the language from the grammar. And, naturally enough,
in India, or wherever else the leading object is to learn to
speak and write the language correctly — that is, as author-
ized by the grammarians — that is the proper course to
pursue. This, however, is not the way really to understand
the language. The time must soon come, or it has come
already, when the endeavor shall be instead to explain the
grammar from the language: to test in all details, so far
as shall be found possible, the reason of Fai^dni's rules
(which contain not a little that seems problematical, or even
sometimes perverse); to determine what and how much
genuine usage he had everywhere as foundation, and what
traces may be left in the literature of usages possessing an
inherently authorized character, though unratified by him.
By the term '^classical" or ^ater" language, then, as
constantly used below in the grammar, is meant the lan-
guage of those literary monuments which are written in con-
formity with the rules of the native grammar: virtually, the
whole proper Sanskrit literature. For although parts of this
are doubtless earlier than Panini, it is impossible to tell
just what parts, or how far they have escaped in their style
the leveling influence of the grammar. The whole, too,
may be called so far an artificial literature as it is written
in a phonetic form (see grammar, 101 a) which never can
have been a truly vernacular and living one. Nearly all of
it is metrical: not poetic works only, but narratives, histories
(so far as anything deserving that name can be said to exist),
and scientific treatises of every variety, are done into verse ;
a prose and a prose literature hardly has an existence (the
principal exceptions, aside from the voluminous commen-
taries, are a few stories, as the Da9akumfiraoarita and the
VSsavadatt^). Of linguistic history there is next to nothing

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IiirrRODUOTiON. XV

in it all ; but only a history of style, and this for the most
part showing a gradual depravation, an increase of artificiality
and an intensification of certain more undesirable features
of the language — such hjs the use of passive constructions
and of participles instead of verbs, and the substitution of
compounds for sentences.

This being the condition of the later literature, it is of
so much the higher consequence that there is an earlier
literature, to which the suspicion of artificiality does not
attach, or attaches at least only in a minimal degree, which
has a truly vernacular character, and abounds in prose as
well as verse.

The results of the very earliest literary productiveness
of the Indian people -are the hymns with which, when they
had only crossed the threshold of the country, and when
their geographical horizon was still limited to the river-
basin of the Indus with its tributaries, they praised their
gods, the deified powers of nature, and accompanied the
rites of their comparatively simple worship. At what period
these were made and sung cannot be determined with any
approach to accuracy: it may have been as early as 2000
B. C. They were long handed down by oral tradition, pre-
served by the care, and increased by the additions and
imitations, of succeeding generations; the i^iass was ever
growing, and, with the change of habits and beliefs and
religious practices, was becoming variously applied — sung
in chosen extracts, mixed with other material into liturgies,
adapted with more or less of distortion to help the needs
of a ceremonial which was coming to be of immense elab-
oration and intricacy. And, at some time in the course
of this history, there was made for preservation a great col-
lection of the hymn-material, mainly its oldest and most
genuine part, to the extent of over a thousand hymns and ten
thousand verses, arranged according to traditional authorship
and to subject and length and metre of hymn: this collection
is the Big- Veda Veda of verses (yo) or of hymns. Other
collections were made also out of the same general mass
of traditional material: doubtless later, although the inter-

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xvi Introduction.

relations of this period are as yet too unclear to allow of
our speaking with entire confidence as to anything concern-
ing them. Thus, the SSma-Veda Veda of chanU (sftman),
containing only about a sixth as much, its verses nearly all
found in the Rig-Veda also, but appearing here with nume-
rous differences of reading: these were passages put together
for chanting at the soma-sacrifices. Again, collections called
by the comprehensive name of Yajur-Veda Veda of sac^
rtficial formulas (yajus) : these contained not verses alone,
but also numerous prose utterances, mingled with the former,
in the order in which they were practically employed in
the ceremonies; they were strictly liturgical collections. Of
these, there are in existence several texts, which have their
mutual differences: the VSjasaneyi-SaihhitS (in two slightly
discordant versions, Mfidhyandina and ElS^va), sometimes
also called the White Yajur-Veda; and the various and
considerably differing texts of the Black Yajur-Veda, namely
the TSittijiya-Saihliita, the MftitrSya^I-SaihhitS, the Kapi?-
(hala-SaihhitS, and the ESfhaka (the two last not yet pub-
lished). Finally, another historical collection, like the Rig-
Veda, but made up mainly of later and less accepted
material, and called (among other less current names) the
Atharva-Veda Veda of the Atharvans (a legendary priestly
family) ; it is somewhat more than half as bulky as the Rig-
Veda, and contains a certain amount of material correspond-
ing to that of the latter, and also a number of brief prose
passages. To this last collection is very generally refused
in the orthodox literature the Name of Veda; but for us it
is the mo^t interesting of all, after the Rig-Veda, because
it contains the largest amount of hymn-material (or mantra,
as it is called, in distinction from the prose brfihma^a),
and in a language which, though distinctly less antique
than that of the other, is nevertheless truly Vedic. Two
versions of it are extant, one of them in only a single
known manuscript.

A not insignificant body of like material, and of various
period (although doubtless in the main belonging to the
latest time of Vedic productiveness, and in part perhaps

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Introduction xvii

the imitative work of a yet more modern time), is scattered
through the texts to be later described, the BrShma^ias and
the Stltras. To assemble and sift and compare it is now
one of the pressing needs of Vedic study.

The fundamental divisions of the Vedic literature here
mentioned have all had their various schools of sectaries,
each of these with a text of its own, showing some differ-
ences firom those of the other schools ; .but those mentioned
above are all that are now known to be in existence; and
the chance of the discovery of others grows every year
smaller.

The labor of the schools in the conservation of their
sacred texts was extraordinary, and has been crowned with
such success that the text of each school, whatever may
be its differences firom those of other schools, is virtually
without various readings, preserved with all its peculiarities
of dialect, and its smallest and most exceptional traits of
phonetic form, pure and unobscured. It is not the place
here to describe the means by which, in addition to the
religious care of the sectaries, this accuracy was secured:
forms of texts, lists of peculiarities and treatises upon them,
and so on. When this kind of care began in the case of
each text, and what of original character may have been
effaced before it, or lost in spite of it, cannot be told. But
it is certain that the Vedic records furnish, on the whole,
a wonderfully accurate and trustworthy picture of a form of
ancient Indian language (as well as ancient Indian beliefs
and institutions) which was a natural and undistorted one,
and which goes back a good way behind the classical San-
skrit. Its differences from the latter the following treatise
endeavors to show in detail.

Along with the verses and sacrificial formulas and
phrases in the text of the Black Yajur-Veda are given
long prose sections, in which the ceremonies are described,
their meaning and the reason of the details and the accom-
panying utterances are discussed and explained, illustrative
legends are reported of fabricated, and various speculations,
etymological and other, are indulged in. Such matter comes

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xviii Introduction.

to be called brShma^a (apparently relating to the brahman
or warship). In the White Yajur-Veda, it is separated into
a work by itself, beside the saihhitS or text of veises and
formulas, and is called the ip&toP&^ha-Brfihma^a Brahmana
of a hundred ways. Other similar collections are found, be-
longing to various other schools of Vedic study, and they
bear the common name of BrShma^a, with the name of the
school, or some oth^r distinctive title, prefixed. Thus, the
Aitareya and KSu^Itaki-BrShmai^aS} belonging to the schools
of the Rig-Veda, the Paiioavin9a and Sa4vin9a"Br&hmai?as
and other minor works, to the Sama-Veda; the Gopatha*
BrShmai^, to the Atharva-Veda ; and a JSiminlya- or Tala-
vakftra-Brfthmai^, to the Sama-Veda, has recently (Burnell)
been discovered in India; the T&ittirlya-Br&hniail^ is a col-
lection of mingled mantra and brShmaii^, like the saibhitS
of the same name, but supplementary and later. These
works are likewise regarded as canonical by the schools,
and are learned by their sectaries with the same extreme care
which is devoted to the saibhitfis, and their condition of
textual preservation is of a kindred excellence. To a cer-
tain extent, there is among them the possession of common
material: a fact the bearings of which are not yet fully
understood.

Notwithstanding the inanity of no small part of their
contents, the Brahma^as are of a high order of interest in
their bearings on the history of Indian institutions; and
philologically they are not less important, since they re-
present a form of language in most respects intermediate
between the classical and that of the Vedas, and offer spe-
cimens on a large scale of a prose style, and of one which
is in the main a natural and freely developed one — the
oldest and most primitive Indo-European prose.

Beside the Brahmanas are sometimes found later ap-
pendices, of a similar character, called Arai^yakas (forest^
sections): as the Aitareya-Araijyaka, Tluttiriya-Arai^yaka ,
Brhad-Arai^yaka, and so on. And from some of these, or
even from the Brahmanas, are extracted the earliest Upa*
ni^ads [sittings^ lectures on sacred subjects) — which,

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Introduction. xix

however, are continued and added to down to a compara-
tively modern time. The Upanishads are one of the lines
by which the Brahma^a literature passes over into the later
theological literature.

Another line of transition is shown in the StLtras (lines,
rules). The works thus named are analogous with the
Brahmanas in that they belong to the schools of Vedic
study and are named from them, and that they deal with
the religious ceremonies : treating them, however, in the
way of prescription, not of dogmatic explanation. They,
too, contain some mantra or hymn-material, not found to
occur elsewhere. In part (9rSuta or kalpa-stltras) , they take
up the great sacrificial ceremonies, with which the Brah-
manas have to do; in part (grhya-stltras], they teach the
minor duties of a pious householder; in some cases (sS-
may&cSrika-stltras) they lay down the general obligations of
one whose life is in accordance with prescribed duty. And
out of the last two, or especially the last, come by natural
development the law-books (dharma-9S8tra8), which make
a conspicuous figure in the later literature: the oldest and
most noted of them being that called by the name of
Manu (an outgrowth, it is believed by many, of the Manava
Vedic school); to which are added that of Yftjilavalkya, and
many others.

Respecting the chronology of this development, or the
date of any class of writings, still more of any individual
work, the less that is said the better. All dates given in
Indian literary history are pins set up to be bowled down
again. Every important work has undergone so many more
or less transforming changes before reaching the form in
which it comes to us, that the question of original con-
struction is complicated with that of final redaction. It is
so with the law-book of Manu, just mentioned, which has
well-founded claims to being regarded as one of the very
oldest works of the proper Sanskrit literature, if not the
oldest (it has been variously assigned, to periods from six
centuries before Christ to four after Christ). It is so, again,
in a still more striking degree, with the great legendary

b*

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XX iNTRODUOnON.

epic of the MahSbhSrata. The ground-work of this is
doubtless of very early date; but it has served as a text
into which materials of various character and period have
been inwoven, until it has become a heterogeneous mass,
a kind of cyclopedia for the warrior-caste, hard to separate
into its constituent parts. The story of Nala, and the phil-
osophical poem Bhagavad-GItS, are two of the most noted
of its episodes. The BSm&srai^a, the other most famous epic,
is a work of another kind: though also worked over and
more or less altered in its transmission to our time, it is
the production, in the main, of a single author (Yalmiki);
and it is generally believed to be in part allegorical, re-
presenting the introduction of Aryan culture and dominion
into Southern India. By its side stand a number of minor
epics, of various authorship and period, as the Baghuva&9a
(ascribed to the dramatist Ealidasa), the MSghakftvya, the
BhattikSvya (the last, written chiefly with the grammatical
intent of illustrating by use as many as possible of the
numerous formations which, though taught by the gram-
marians, find no place in the literature).

The PurBijiaB, a large class of works mostly of immense
extent, are best mentioned in connection with the epics.
They are pseudo-historical and prophetic in character, of
modern date, and of inferior value. Real history finds no
place in Sanskrit literature, nor is there any conscious
historical element in any of the works composing it.

Lyric poetry is represented by many works, some of
which, as the Meghadtita and GItogovinda, are of no mean
order of merit.

The drama is a still more noteworthy and important
branch. The first indications of dramatical incliaation and
capacity on the part of the Hindus are seen in certain
hymns of the Veda, where a mythological or legendary
situation is conceived dramatically, and set forth in the
form of a dialogue — well-known examples are the dialogue
of Sarama and the Panis, that of Yama and his sister Yami,
that of Vasishtha and the rivers, that of Agni and the other
gods — but there are no extant intermediaries between these

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Introduction. xxi

and the standard drama. The beginnings of the latter date
horn a period when in actual life the higher and educated
characters used Sanskrit^ and the lower and uneducated used
the popular dialects derived from it, the Prakrits ; and their
dialogue reflects this condition of ^things. Then, however
learning (not to call it pedantry) intervened, and stereotyped
the new element; a Prakrit grammar grew up beside- the
Sanskrit grammar, according to the rules of which Prakrit
could be made indefinitely on a substrate of Sanskrit; and
none of the existing dramas need to date from the time of
vernacular use of Prakrit, while most or all of them are
undoubtedly much later. Among the dramatic authors,
Kalidasa is incomparably the chief, and his 9^kuntalS is
distinctly his masterpiece. His date has been a matter of
much inquiry and controversy; it is doubtless some cen-
turies later than our era. The only other work deserving
to be mentioned along with Kalid^sa's is the MfoohakatikS of
^udraka, also of questionable period, but believed to be
the oldest of the extant dramas.

A partly dramatic character belongs also to the fable,
in which animals are represented as acting and speaking.
The most noted works in this department are the Fafica-
tantra, which through Persian and Semitic versions has made
its way all over the world, and contributes a considerable
quota to the fable-literature of every European language,
and, partly founded on it, the comparatively recent and
popular Hitopade9a (salutary instruction).

Two of the leading departments of Sanskrit scientific
literature, the legal and the grammatical, have been already
sufficiently noticed; of those remaining, the most important
by far is the philosophical. The beginnings of philosophic-
al speculation are seen already in some of the later hymns
of the Veda, more abundantly in the Brahmanas and Ajan-
yakas, and then especially in the Upanishads. The evo-
lution and historic relation of the systems of philosophy,
and the age of their text-books, are matters on which much
obscurity still rests. There are six systems of primary rank,
and reckoned as orthodox, although really standing in no

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Xxii iHTRODUOnON.

accordance with appioved religious doctrines. All of them
seek the same end, the emancipation of the soul from the
necessity of continuing its existence in a succession of
bodies y and its unification with the All^soul; but they
differ in regard to the means by which they seek to attain
this end.

. The astronomical science of the Hindus is a reflection
of that of Greece, and its literature is of recent date; but
as mathematicians, in arithmetic and geometry, they have
shown more independence. Their medical science, although
its beginnings go back even to the Veda, in the use of
medicinal plants with accompanying incantations, is of little
account, and its proper literature by no means ancient.

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CONTENTS.

Chap. Page.

PfiEFACE .......... V

Introduction xi

I. Alphabet 1 — 9

II. System op Sounds; Pronunciation .... 10 — 34
Vowels, 10; Consonants, 13 ; Quantity, 27; Accent, 28.

IlL Rules of Euphonic Combination 34 87

Introductory, 34; Principles, 37; Rules of Vowel Ck)m-
binatio'n,42; Permitted Finals, 49; Deaspiration, 63;
Surd and Sonant Assimilation, 54; Combinations of
Final 8 and r, 66; CouTerslon of s to 9, 61; Con-
version of n to ]^» 54; GonTexsion of Dental Mutes to
Lingnals and Palatals, 66; Combinations of Final n,
69; Combinations of Final m, 71; the Palatal Mutes
and Sibilant, and h» 72; the Lingual Sibilant, 77;
Extension and Abbreviation, 78; Strengthening and
Weakening Processes, 81 ; Qnna and V^^ddhit 81 ;
Vowel-lengthening, 84; Vowel-lightening, 86; Nasal
Increment, 86; Reduplication, 87.

IV. Declension 88 110

Gender, Kumber, Case, 88; Uses of the Cases, 89;
Endings of Declension, 103; Variation of Stem, 107;
Accent in Declension, 108.

y. Nouns AND Adjectives Ill 175

Classi^cation etc.. Ill ; I^eclension I., Stems in a, 112 ;
Declension II., Stems in i and u, 116; Declension
IIL, Stems in Long Vowels (&, i, ti): A. Root-words
etc., 124; Stems in Diphthongs, 130; B. Derivative
Stems etc., 131; Declension IV., Stems in j or ar,
137; Declension V., Stems in Consonants, 141;
A. Root-stems etc., 143; B. Derivative Stems in as,
is, .aeul53; C. Pei;iva^ve S^ems in an, 156: D.
in in, 161 ; B. in ant or at, 163 ; F. Perfect Par-
ticiples in vftAs, 169; Q. Comparatives in yfi&s or
yaa* 172; Comparison, 173.

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xxiv Contents.

Chap. Page.

VI. Numerals 177 — 185

Cardinals, 177; Ordinals etc., 183.

Vn. Pronouns 185 — 199

Personal, 185; Demonstrative, 188; Interrogative,
194; Relative, 195; other Prononns: Emphatic, In-
definite, 196; Nonms used pronominally, 197;
Pronominal Derivatives, Possessives etc., 197; Ad-
jectives declined pronominally, 199.

VIII. Conjugation 200 — 226

Voice, Tense, Mode, Number, Person, 200; Verbal
Adjectives and Nouns, 203; Secondary GoDjugations,
203; Personal Endiogs, 204; Subjunctive Mode, 209;
Optative, 211 ; Imperative, 213 ; Uses of the Modes,
215; Participles, 220; Augment, 220; Reduplication,
222; Accent of the Verb, 223.

IX. The Present-System 227 — 278

Genera], 227 ; Conjugations and Conjugation Classes,
228; Root-Class (second or ad-class), 231; Re-
duplicating Class (third or hu-dass), 242; Nasal
Class (seventh or rudh-class), 250; nu and u-CIasses
(fifth and eighth, or su- and tan-classes), 254; ni,-
Class (ninth or kri-class), 260; a-Class (first or
bhu-class), 264; Accented &-Class (sixth or tud-
class), 269; ya-Class (fourth or dlv-class), 271;
Accented yd-Class or Passive Conjugation, 275;
So-called tenth 'or our-class, 277; Uses of the Pres-
ent and Imperfect, 278.

X. The Perfect-System 279 — 296

Perfect Tense, 279; Perfect Participle, 291; Modes
of the Perfect, 292; Pluperfect, 295; Uses of the
Perfect, 295.

XI. The Aorist-Systems 297 — 330

Classification, 297; I. Simple Aorist: 1. Root-Aorist,
299; Passive Aorist 3d sing., 304; 2. the a-Aorist,
305; II. 3. Reduplicated Aorist, 308; III. Sibilant
Aorist, 313; 4. the 8-Aorist, 314; 5. the i?- Aorist,
320; 6. the eif-Aorlst, 323; 7. the aa- Aorist, 325;
Precative, 326 ; Uses of the Aorist, 328.

XII. The Future-Systems 330 — 339

I. The 8-Future, 331 ; Preterit of the s-Futuro, Con-
ditional, 334; U. The Periphrastic Future, 335;
Uses of the Futures and Conditional, 337.

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Contents. xxv

Chap. ph«.

XIII. Verbal adjectives and Nouns: Partici-
ples, Infinitives, Gerunds 340 — 360

Passive Participle in t& or n&, 340; Past Actire

Participle in tavant, 344; Future Passive Parti-
ciples, Gerundives, 345; Infinitives, 347; Uses of
the Infinitives, 361; Gerunds, 355; Adverbial Gerund
in am, 359.

XIV. Derivative or Secondary Conjugation . . 360—391

I. Passive, 361; II. Intensive, 362; Present-System,
365; Perfect, Aorlst, Future, etc., 370; III. Desider-
atlve, 372; Present- System, 374; Perfect, Aorist,
Future, etc., 376; IV. Causative, 378; Present-System,
380; Perfect, Aorist, Future, etc., 383; V. Denom-
inative, 386.

XV. Periphrastic and Compound Conjugation 391 — 403
The Periphrastic Perfect, 392; Participial Periphras-
tic Phrases, 394; Composition with Prepositional
Prefixes, 395; Other Verbal Compounds, 400.

XVI. Indbclinables 403 — 417

Adverbs, 403; Prepositions, 414; Conjunctions, 416;
Inteijections, 417.

XVII. Derivation of Declinable Stems 418—480

A. Primary Derivatives, 420; B. Secondary Deriva-
tives, 454.

XVIII. Formation of Compound Stems . . .« •. . . 480 — 515
Classification, 480; I. Copulative Compounds, 485;

II. Determinative Compounds, 489; A. Dependent
Compounds, 489; B. Descriptive Compounds, 494;
in. Secondary Adjective Compounds, 501; A. Pos-
sessive Compounds, 501 ; B. Compounds with Governed
Final Member, 511 ; Adjective Compounds as Nouns
and as Adverbs, 512; Anomalous Compounds 514;
Stem-finals altered in Composition, 514; Loose
Construction with Compounds, 515.

Appendix 516—520

A. Examples of Various Sanslirlt Type, 516 ; B. Ex-
ample of Accentuated Text, 518; Synopsis of the
conjugation of roots bhu and k^, 520.

Sanskrit-Index -. 52 1 — 539

General-Index 540 — 551

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ABBREVIATIONS.

AA. Aitareya-Aranyaka.

AB. Aitareya-Brahmana.
A^S. A^valayana-Qraata-SCltra.
AGS. AQvalayana-Grbya-Sutra.
Apast. Apastamba-Sutra.
APr. Atharva-PratiQakhya.
AV. Atharva-Veda.

B. or Br. Brabmanas.

BAU. Brbad-Aranyaka-Upanisad.
BhG. Bbagavad-Glta.
BhP. Bbagayata-Purana.
BK. Bttbtlingk and Rotb (Peters-
burg Lexicon).

C. Classical Sanskrit.
Q. Qftkuntala.

Qatr. Qatrumjaya-Mabatmyam.
QB. Qatapatba-Brabmana.
QQS. 9ankbayana-9rauta-Sutra.
gGS. 9ankhayana-Grbya-SQtra.
CbU. Ghandogya-Upanisad.
^vU. 9v6t^^&tof<^Upani§ad.
DKC. Da9a-Kumara-Carita.
E. Epos (MBh. and R.).
GB. Gopatba-Brabmana.
GGS. Gobbiliya-Grhya-Sutra.
H. Hitopade^.
Har. Harivan^a.
JB. Jaiminlya (or Talavakara) Brab-

mana.
JUB. Jaiminiya - Upanisad - Brab-

mana.
K. Eathaka.

Eap. Kapistbala-Sambita.
KB. Kauflltaki- (or 9^kli^7&i>&*)

Brabmana.
KBU. Eaufitaki-Brabmana-Upani-

sad.
KQS. Katyayana-^rauta-Sutra.
KS. Kau^ika-Sutra.
KSS. Katba-Sarit-Sagara.
EtbU. Katba Upani§ad.

EU. Eena-Upanifad.

LQS. Latyayana-^rauta-Sutra.

M. Mann*

MaiU. Maitri-Upanifad.

MBh. Mababbarata.

MdU. Mundaka-Upanisad.

Mogh. Megbaduta.

MS. Maitrayani-Samhita.

Nais. Naisadbiya.

Nir. Nirukta.

Pafic. Pancatantra.

PB. PaiicaviiiQa- (or Tandya-) Brab-
mana.

PGS. Paraskara-Grbya-Sutra.

PU. Pra^na Upanisad.

R. Ramayana.

Ragb. Ragbavaii^a.

RPr. Rigveda-PratiQakbya.

RT. Raja-Tarangini.

RV. Rig- Veda.

S. SQtras.

SB. Sadvih^a-Brabmana.

Spr. Indiscbo SprUcbe (B{$btlingk).

SV. Sama-Veda^

TA. Taittiriya-Aranyaka.

TB. Taittirfya-Brabmana.

TPr. TaittirTya-PratiQakhya.

I'ribb. Tribbasyaratna (comm. to
TPr.).

TS. Taittiriya-Sambita.

U. Upanisads.

V. Vedas' (RV., AV., SV).

Vas. Vaaistba.

VBS. Varaba-Brbat-Sambita.

Vet. Vetalapancavin^atl.

Vikr. Vikramorva^i

VPr. Vajasaneyi-PratlQakhya.

VS. Vajaseneyi-Sairfbita.

VS. Ean. do. Eanva-text

Y. Tiyftavalkya.

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CHAPTER I.

ALPHABET.

^^' 1. Thb natives of India write their ancient and sacred
language in a variety of alphabets — generally, in each
part of the country, in the same alphabet which they use
for their own vernacular. The mode of writing, however,
which is employed throughout the heart of Aryan India, or
in Hindustan proper, is alone adopted by European scholars:
it is called the devanagari.

a. This name is of doubtful origin and value. A more comprehensive
name is nSgari (perhaps, of the city) ; and deva-nftgari is nfigari of
the goda^ or of the Brahmans.

2. Much that relates to the history of the Indian alphabets is still
obscnre. The earliest written monuments of known date in the country are
the inscriptions containing the edicts of A9oka or Piyadasi, of about the
middle of the third century B. G. They are in two different systems of
characterit, of which one shows distinct signs of derivation from a Semitic
sourcei while the other is also probably, though much less evidently, of the
same origin. From the latter, the Lath, or Southern A^oka character (of
Girnar), come the later Indian alphabets, both those of the northern Aryan
languages and those of the southern Dravidian languages. The nSgari,
devan&gari, Bengali, GuzeratT, and others, are varieties of its northern
derivatives; and with them are related some of the alphabets of peoples
outside of India — as in Tibet and Farther India — who have adopted Hindu
culture or religion.

a. There is reason to believe that writing was first employed in India
for practical purposes — for correspondence and business and the like —
and only by degrees came to be applied also to literary use. The literature,
to a great extent, and the more fully in proportion to its claimed sanctity
and authority, ignores all written record, and assumes to be kept in existence
by oral tradition alone.

Whitney, Orammar. 3. ed. 1

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8-]

1. Alphabet.

3. Of the devanftgari itself there are minor varieties, depending on
diiferenees of locality or of period, as also of indiTidual hand (see examples
in Webei's catalogue of the Berlin Sanskrit MSS., in Rajendxalala Mitra's
notices of MSS. in Indian libraries, in the published fac-similes of in-
scriptions, and so on); and these are in some measure reflected in the type
prepared for priutiug. both in India and in Europe. But a student who
makes himself familiar with one style of printed characters will have little
difficulty with the others, and will soon learn, by practice, to read the manu-
scripts. A few specimens of types other than those used in this work are
given in Appendix A.

a. On account of the difficulty of combining them with the smaller sizes
of our Roman and Italic type, the devanftgaii characters are used below only
in connection with the first or largest size. And, in accordance with the
laudable usage of recent grammars, they are, wherever given, also trans-
literated, in darendon letters ; while the latter alone are used in the other
sizes.

4. The student may be advieed to try to familiarize himself from
the start with the devanSgari mode of writing. At the same time,
it is not indispensable that he should do so until, having learned the
principal paradigms, he comes to begin reading and analysing and
parsing; and many will find the latter the more practical, and in the
end equally or more eflfective, way.

6. The characters of the devanfigari alphabet, and the

European letters which will be used in transliterating them^

are as follows:

short

long

1 ^ a

« 35(T fi

palatal

M *

' \ "^

Vowels: simple i labial

» 3 u

• 3" ti

lingual

^ ^ r

• ^ f

dental

• 5T 1

[" 5J fl

( palatal
diphthongs 1 ^^.^j

u ^ e
w % o

»\ BX

u ^ au

Visarga » : ^

Anus vara i« jl, .^ ii or ih (see 78 c

0.

surd Bitrd asp.

sonant

son. asp. nasal

guttural 17 of) k i* ^ kh

» 3T g

so ^ gh « S'^lT

palatal a t[ c a S" ch

«sr j

» ^ jh «• 3t Jf

Mutes I lingual ^Z ^ "• 7 fb

»I 4

n Jo ^ n XJi jf

dental « cT t » SI thf

M ^ d

^^^ dtk m^ n

labial

n ^ -p m m ph »^b «oJ|bh «Jf

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f^^ Theory op this Mode op Writing. [—9

SemivoweU <

' palatftl «s IT y

lingual « ;[ r

dental «« ^ 1

labial ♦» Sf v

I palatal «• ^ 9

lingual *' ^ 9

dental «• H b

Aspiration « ^ h J 7

To these may be added a lingual 1 "SS, which in some of ^he
Yed texts takes the place of 7 4 when occurring between two

TO» (54).

A few other sounds, recognized by the theories of the Hindu

giaraarians, but either having no separate characters to represent

tbagor only very rarely and exceptionally written, will be noticed

h(k (71 b, Oy 280). Such are the guttural and labial breathings, the

aaaal semivowels, and others.

7. The order of airangement given above is that in

which the sounds are catalogued and debcribed by the native

grammarians; and it has been adopted by European scholars

as the alphabetic order, for indexes, dictiona.ries, etc. : to the

Hindus, the idea of an alphabetic arrangement for such

practical uses is wanting.

a. In some works (as the Petersburg lexicon), t viaarga which is re-
garded as equivalent to and exchangeable with a sibilant (172) is, though
rittea as visarga, given the alphabetic place of the sibilant.

8. The theory of the devanSgarl, as of the other Indian
modes of writing, is syllabic and consonantal. That is
to say, it regards as the written unit, not the simple sound,
but the syllable (ak^ara); and further, as the substantial
part of the syllable, the consonant or the consonants which
precede the vowel — this latter being merely implied, or,
if written, being written by a subordinate sign attached to
the consonant.

9. Hence follow these two principles:

A. The forms of the vowel-characters given in the

t,betical scheme above are used only when the vowel
■ ■

oogl&

©— ] I. Alphabet.

forms a syllable by itself, or is not combined with a precedii
consonant: that is, when it is either initial or preceded
another vowel. In combination with a consonant, other modj
of representation are used.

B. If more consonants than one precede the vow^
forming with it a single syllable, their characters must
combined into a single compound character.

a. Native Hindu usage, in manuscriptB and inscriptions, tr
the whole material of a sentence alike, not separating its words
one another, any more than the syllables of the same word: a
consonant is combined into one written syllable with the initial vc
or consonant or consonants of the following word. It never occu)
to the Hindus to space their words in any way, even where the
of writing admitted such treatment; nor to begin a paragraph
new line; nor to write one line of verse under another: everything,
without exception, is written solid by them, filling the whole page.

b. Thus, the sentence and verse-line ahaih rudrebhir vasubhi^
oarftmy aliam adlty&ir uta vi9vadev&i]^ (Big-Yeda X. 125. 1: see
Appendix B) 1 wander with the Vasus, the Rudras^ I with the Adityas
and the Ail- Gods \6 thus syllabized: a haih ru dre bhi rva subhi
90a ra mya ha mS di tyfti ru ta vi 9va de vSifu each syllable end-
ing with a vowel (or a vowel modified by the nasal-sign anusvfira,
or having the sign of a final breathing, visarga, added: these being
the only elements that can follow a vowel in the same syllable); and
it is (together with the next line) written in the manuscripts after this
fashion:

1

Each syllable is written separately, and by many scribes the
successive syllables are parted a little from one another: thus,

and so on.

c In Western practice, however, it is almost universally customary
to divide paragraphs, to make the lines of verse follow one another,
and also to separate the words so far as this can be done witho^L
changing the mode of writing them. See Appendix B, where the verse
here given is so treated.

d. Further, in works prepared fo\ beginners in the language, it
is not uncommon to make a more complete separation of words by a

Digitized by

Google

) 5 Writing op Vowels. [—10

free nse of the virftma-Bign (11) under final consonants: thus, for
example,

or even by indicatlDg also the combinations of initial and final vowels
(126, 127;: for example,

e. In transliterating, Western methods of separation of words are
of coarse to be followed ; to do otherwise would be simple pedantry.

10. Under A, it is to be noticed that the modes of
indicating a vowel combined with a preceding consonant
are as follows:

a. The short 5[ a has no written sign at all; the con-
^niant-^ign itself implies a following ? a, unless some other
vowel-sign is attached to it (or else the virSma: 11). Thus,
the consonant-signs as given above in the alphabetic scheme
are really the signs of the syllables ka, kha, etc. etc. (to ha).

b. The long 5JT S is written by a perpendicular stroke
ifter the consonant: thus, ^ kS, ^T dhS, ^ hS.

c. Short ^ i and long ^ I are written by a similar stroke,

rhich for short i is placed before the consonant and for

}ng I is placed after it, and in either case is connected with

le consonant by a hook above the upper line : thus, % ki,

f W; ft bhi, >ft bhl; f^ ni, ?ft nl.

The hook aboye, taming to the left or to the right, is hiftorically tbe
entlal part of the character, haTing been originally the whole of it; the
kfl were only later prolonged, so as to reach all the way down beside
consonant. In the MSS., they almost never have the horizontal stroke
wTi across them above, though this is added in the printed characters:
, OTl^nally % kl, sf ki; in the MSS., {%, ^; In print, ^, 5Rt.

cl«. The n-80unds, short and long, are written by hooks

elied to the lower end of the consonant-sign: thus, ^

^ kH: ^ du, ? dfl. On account of the necessities of

b^ination, du and dfl are somewhat disguised: thus, Xr

kzid the forms with ^ r and ^ h are still more irregular:

"^ ra, ar rtl; ^ hu, "^ hfU

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10—] I. Alphabet. 6

e. The r-^owels, short and long, axe written by a sub-
joined hook, single or double, opening toward the right:
thus, ^ kr, ^ kf ; 7 dr, ^ df. In the h-sign, the hooks
are usually attached to the middle: thus, ^ hr, ^ hf .

As to the combination of ^ with preceding r, see below, 14 cL

f • The l-vowel is written with a reduced form of its
full initial character: thus, ^ kl; the corresponding long has
no real occurrence (28 a), but would be written with a similar
reduced sign.

g. The diphthongs are written by strokes, single or

double, aboye the upper line, combined, for ^ o and ^ fiu,

with the S-sign after the consonant: thus, % ke, % kfti;

% ko, ^ kSu.

h. In Bome devan&ga]rt mtnuscripts (as in the Bengali alphabet), the
single stroke above, or one of the doable ones, is replaoed by a sign Uke the
a-sign before the consonant: thus, {3f\ ke, R! kfti; |e|n ko, Ril kftu.

11. A consonant-sign, however, is capable of being made
to signify the consonant-sound alone, without an added vowel,
by having written beneath it a stroke called the virSma
[resty stop): thus, ^ k. '5' d, 5 h.

a. Since, as was pointed out aboye, the Hind as write the words of a
sentence oontlnaously like one word (8 a, b), the yirftma is in general oaUed
for only when a final consonant occors before a pause. Bat it is also oc-
casionaUy resorted to by scribes, or in print, in order to avoid an awkward
or difflcolt eombination of consonant-signs: thus,

fSTlft: ll^bhl]^, fItlOT llteu, 5r^?5r afik^va;
and it is used to make a separation of words in texts prepared for begin-
ners (8d).

12. Under B, it is to be noticed that the consonant
combinations are for the most part not at all difficult to
make or to recognise for one who is familiar with the
simple signs. The characteristic part of a consonant-sign
that is to be added to another is taken (to the exclusion of
the horizontal or of the perpendicular framing-line, or of
both), and they are put together according to convenience.

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7 Combinations op Consonants. [—14

either side by side, or one above the other; in a few oom-
binations either arrangement is allowed. The consonant that
is to be pronounced first is set before the other in the one
order, and abore it in the other order.

a. Examples of the side-by-side arrangement are: HT gga,
5f jja, or pya, sq nma, f8l ttha, vtj bhya, '^ ska, iniT wa,
f^ tka.

b. Examples of the above-and-below arrangement are:
^ kka, lar kva, ^ ooa, IT 2ja, ^ dda, H Pta, ^ tna,
a* tva.

18. In some cases, however, there is more or less ab-
breviation or disguise of the independent form of a con-
sonant-sign in combination. Thus,

a. Of ^ k in ^ kta, ^ kla; and in 'spa la^ etc.

b. Of fT t in fr tta;

o. Of ^ d in 7 dga, ? dna, etc.;

d. Of R m and IT y, when following other consonants:
thus, ^ kya, ^ kma, ^ fima, ^ liya, 7T dma, ts dya,
^ hma, ^ hya, ^ ohya, ^ dhya.

6. Of 51 9, which generally becomes 5T when followed
by a consonant: thus, Q 90a, W 9na, H 9va, ^ 9ya. The
same change is usual when a vowel-sign is added below;
thus, 5 9U, 5T 9^

f. Other combinations, of not quite obvious value, are
HT m^, ^ 11a, 7 ddha, ? dbha, ^ ^^^ *? 9tha; and the
compounds of ^ h: as ^ bi^, "^ hna.

g. In a case or two, no trace of the constituent letters
is recognizable: thus, ^ kfa, ^ jfia.

^. 14. The semivowel ;[ r, in making combinations with
other consonants, is treated in a wholly peculiar manner,
analogous with that in which the vowels are treated.

a. If pronounced before another consonant or combination
of consonants, it is written above the latter, with a hook

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14—] I. Alphabet. 8

opening to the right (much like the sign of the vowel r,
as written under a consonant: 10 e}: thus, o^ rka, ^ r^a,
(^ rtva, TTJ rmya, pp rtsna.

b. Then, if a consonant-group thus containing r as
first member is followed by a vowel that has its sign, or a
part of its sign, or its sign of nasality (anusvSra: 70, 71),
written above the line, the r-sign is placed furthest to the
right: thus, "^ rke, oR rkaii, fsR rki, ^rkl, ^ rko, ^rklA,
1^ rko&.

o. If r is pronounced after another consonant, whether
before a vowel or before yet another consonant, it is written
with a straight stroke below, slanting to the left: thus,
V( pra, U dhra, ^ gra, W( sra, '^ ddhra, ^ ntra, m grya,
TT srva, ^ ntrya; and, with modifications of a preceding
consonant-sign like those noted above (18), ?r tra, ?r dra,
TJf 9ra, ^ hra.

d. When ^ r is to be combined with a following iff ^r,
it is the vowel which is written in full, with its initial
character, and the consonant in subordination to it: thus,

_£ -mm*
^ ^'

16. Further combinations, of three, or four, or even
five consonant-signs, are made according to the same rules.
Examples are:

of three consonants, ^ ttva, ST ddhya, ^ dvya, iCT
drya, OT dhrya, c^ psva, SJT 9oya, ^ 9thya, ^ hvya;

of four consonants, Wi ktrya, ^ fik^ya, ^ 9trya,
fFHI tsmya;

of five consonants, fpf rtsnya.

a. The manuscripts, and the type-fonts as well, differ from one another
more in their management of consonant combinations than in any other respect,
often haying pecularities which one needs a little practice to understand. It
is quite useless to give in a grammar the whole series of possible combinations
(some of them excessively rare) which are provided for in any given type-
font, or even in all. There is nothing which due familiarity with the simple

y

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9 Various Signs. [—18

signs tnd with the above rales of combination will not enable the student
readily to analyse and explain.

16. a. A sign called the avagraha [separator) — namely
>r — is occasionally used in the manuscripts, sometimes in
the mannei of a hyphen, sometimes as a mark of hiatus,
sometimes to mark the elision of initial ^ a after final 17 e
or 3^ o (186). In printed texts, especially European, it is
ordinarily applied to the use last mentioned, and to that
alone: thus, ^ ^J^^^^te *bruvan, nt >I5R)r[^Bo *bravlt, for te
abruvan, so abravlt.

b. If the elided initial-vowel is nasal, and has the anu-
Bvftra-sign (70, 71) written above, this is usually and more
properly transferred to the eliding vowel; but sometimes it
is written instead over the avagraha-sign: thus, for so '&9um&n,
from so aficumSn, either ^ v^rm or ^ J^MH

o. The sign ^ is used in place of something that is
omitted, and to be understood from the connection: thus,
c|)(HHHH^ °rTR °^ vIrasenasutaB -tarn -tena.

d. Signs of punctuation are I and U.

At the end of a verse, a paragraph, or the like, the latter of
them is ordinarily written twice, with the figure of enumeration
between: thus, n \0 \i

17. The numeral figures are

*( 1, :i ^ ^ 3, g 4, H &, M» <^ 7, t: 8, ^ 9, 0 0.
In combination, to express larger numbers, they are
used in precisely the same way as European digits: thus,
t^H ^» ^^0 630, bOOO 7000, «(T:^^ 1896.

18. The Hindu grammarians call the di£ferent sounds, and the
characters representing them, by a kfira {maker) added to the sound
of the letter, if a vowel, or to the letter followed by a, if a consonant.
Thus, the sound or character a is called akftra; k is kakftra; and
so on. But the kftra is also omitted, and a, ka, etc. are used alone.
The r, however, is not called rakftra, but only ra, or repha snarl:
the sole example of a specific name for an alphabetic element of its
class. The anuevftra and visarga are also known by these names alone.

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19—] II. System of Sounds. 10

CHAPTER n.

SYSTEM OF SOUNDS; PRONUNCIATION.

I. Vowels.

19. The a, i, and u-yowels. The Sanskrit has these
three earliest and most universal vowels of Indo-European
language, in both short and long form — ? a and ^ fi,
^ i and ^ I, 3 u and 3" tl. They are to be pronounced in
the ''Continental" or Italian" manner — as in far or farther ^
pin and pique, pull and rule,

20. The a is the openest vowel, an utterance from the expanded
throat, stands in no relation of kindred with any of the classes of
consonantal sounds, and has no corresponding semivowel. Of the
close vowels i and u, on the other hand, i is palatal, and shades
through its semivowel y into the palatal and guttural consonant-
classes; u is similarly related, through its semivowel v, to the labial
class, as involving in its utterance a narrowing and rounding of
the lips.

a. The Panlnean scheme (commentary to Panini's grammar i. 1. 9)
classes a as guttural, but apparently only in order to give that series as
well as the rest a Yowel ; no one of the Prati9akhyas puts a into one class
with k etc. All these authorities concur in calling the i- and u-voweLs
respectively palatal and labial.

21. The short a is not pronounced in India with the full openness
of a, as its corresponding short, but usually as the ^neutral vowel"
(English so-called "short m", of huty son, bloody etc.). This peculiarity
appears very early, being acknowledged by Panini and by two of the
Prati^akhyas (APr. i. 36; VPr. i. 72), which call the utterance eaihvrta,
covered up^ dimmed. It is wont to be ignored by Western scholars,
except those who have studied in India.

22. The a-vowels are the prevailing vowel-sounds of the language,
being about twice as frequent as all the others (Including diphthongs)
taken together. The i-vowels, again, are about twice as numerous
as the n-vowels. And, in each pair, the short vowel is more than
twice (21/8 to 3 times) as common as the long.

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11 Vowels. [—27

a. For more piecUe estimatea of frequency, of these and of the other
alphabetic elementSf and for the way in which they were obtained, see
below, 76.

28. The y- and J-vowels. To the three simple vowels

already mentioned the Sanskrit adds two others, the r-vowel

and the l-vowel, plainly generated by the abbreviation of

syllables containing respectively a ^ r or ^ 1 along with

another vowel: the ^ r coming almost always (see 287, 241-8)

from 35q^ ar or ^ rs, the ^ ) &om 35|^ al.

a. Some of the Hindn grammarians add to the alphabet also a long };
but this is only fbr the sake of an artiiloial symmetry, since the soand does
not occur in a single genuine word in the language.

24. The vowel ^ r is simply a smooth or untrilled
r-sound, assuming a vocalic ofBce in syllable-making — as,
by a like abbreviation, it has done also in certain Slavonic
languages. The vowel ^ 1 is an /-sound similarly uttered
— like the English ^vowel in such words as aJfo, angle,
addle.

a. The modem Hindus pronounce these vowels as r», rt, It (or
even 2rt), having long lost the habit and the facility of giving a vowel
yalne to the pnre r- and ^sounds. Their example is widely followed
by European scholars; and hence also the (distorting and altogether
objectionable) transliterations fi, fl, }i. There is no real difficulty in
the way of acquiring and practising the true utterance.

b. Some of the grammarians (see APr. i. 87, note) attempt to define more
nearly the way in which, In these Yowels, « real r- or ^element is combined
with something else.

26. Like their corresponding semivowels, r and 1, these vowels
belong respectively to the general lingual and dental classes; the
euphonic influence of r and f (189) shows this clearly. They are
so ranked in the Paninean scheme; but the Pritigakhyas in general
strangely class them with the Jihvftmtillya sounds, our '^gutturals" (88).

26. The short r is found in every variety of word and of position,
and is not rare, being just about as frequent as long U. Long f is very
much more unusual, occurring only in certain plural oases of noun-
stems in X (STlby d, 876). The } is met with only in some of the
forms and derivatives of a single not very common verbal root (k}p).

^^ 27. The diphthongs. Of the four diphthongs, two,

the ^ e and ^ o, are in great part original Indo-European

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27—] II. System of Sounds. j 2

sounds. In the Sanskrit, they wear the aspect of being
products of the increment or strengthening of ^ i and 3 u
respectively; and they are called the corresponding go^jia-
vowels to the latter (see below, 235 ff.). The other two, ^ Si
and ^ Su, are held to be of peculiar Sanskrit growth ; they
are also in general results of another and higher increment
of ^ i and 3 u, to which they are called the corresponding
vipddhi-vowels (below, 286 ff.). But all are likewise some-
times generated by euphonic combination (127); and m o,
especially, is common as result of the alteration of a final
5in as (175).

^ 28. The ^ e and ^ o are, both in India and in Europe,
usually pronounced as they are transliterated — that is, as
long e- (English "long a", or e in thet/) and o-sounds, without
diphthongal character.

a. Such they apparently already were to the authors of the
Pratigakhyas, which, while ranking them as diphthongs (saihdhyakiifara),
give rules respecting their pronunciation in a manner implying them
to be virtually unitary sounds. But their euphonic treatment (181-4)
clearly shows them to have been still at the period when the euphonic
laws established themselves, as they of course were at their origin,
real diphthongs, ai (a + i) and au {a + u). From them, on the same
evidence, the heavier or vrddhi diphthongs were distinguished by the
length of their a-element, as at {a + t j and du (a + u] .

b. The recognizahle distinctness of the two elements in the v^ddhi-
diphthongs is noticed by the Prat 9akhyas (see APr. i. 40, note) ; but the
relation of those elements is either deflnad as equal, or the a U made of
less quantity than the i and u.

29. The lighter or gui^a-diph thongs are much more frequent
(6 or 7 times) than the heavier or v^ddhi-diph thongs, and the e and
fti than the o and ftu (a half more). Both pairs are somewhat more
than half as common as the simple i- and u-vowels.

80. The general name given by the Hindu grammarians to the vowels
is Bvara tone-y the simple vowels are called Bamftnfik^ara homogeneow
syUahle^ and the diphthongs are called 8aihdhyaki[fara comhinaUon-syllable.
The position of the organs in their utterance is defined to be one of openness,
or of non-closure.

a. As to quantity and accent, see below, 76fiC, 80 ff.

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1 3 Mutes. [—36

II. Consonants.

81. The Hindu name for 'consonant' is vyafijana manifeHer,
The consonants are divided by the grammarians into ■par9a contact
or mute, anta^sthft, intermediate or semivowel, and Q^man spirant.
They will here be taken up and described in this order.

88. Mutes. The mutes, 8par9a, are so called as involving a
complete closure or contact (8par9a), and not an approximation only,
of the mouth-organs by which they are produced. They are divided
into five classes or series (varga), according to the organs and parts
of organs by which the contact is made; and each series is composed
of five members, differing according to the accompaniments of the
contact.

^^ 33. The five mute-series are called respectively guttural,
palatal, lingual (or cerebral), dental, and labial; and they
are arranged in the order as just mentioned, beginning with
the contact made furthest back in the mouth, coming for-
ward from point to point, and ending with the fiontmost
contact.

^34. In each series there are two surd members, two
sonant, and one nasal (which is also sonant): for example,
in the labial series, ^ p and m ph, ^ b and H bh, and ^m.

a. The members are by the Hindu grammarians caUed respectively ^r«<,
eecondy third, fourihj and hut or ^fth.

b. The surd consonants are known as agho^ ionelesSj and the sonants
as gho^avant having tone ; and the descriptions of the grammarians are in
accordance with these terms. AU alike recognise a difference of tone, and not
in any manner a difference of force, whether of contact or of expulsion, as
separating the two great classes in question. That the difference depends on
vivftra opening, or saihvftra closure (of the glottis), Is also recognized
by them.

^36. The first and third members of each series are the
ordinary corresponding surd and sonant mutes of European
languages: thus, SR k and JT g, cT t and 5" d, q p and ^b.

^ 36. Nor is the character of the nasal any more doubtful.
What ^m is to q p, and ^ b, or s^ n to cT^t and 5" d, that
is also each other nasal to its own series of mutes : a sonant
expulsion into and through the nose, while the mouth-
organs are in the mute-contact.

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36—] II. System op Sounds. 14

a. The Hindu grammarUns give distinctly this definition. The nasal
(anunfiBika passing through the nose) sounds are declared to he formed hy
mouth and nose together; or their nasality (ftntinfiBikya) to he giyen them
hy undosure of the nose.

^ 37. The second and fourth of each seiies are aspirates:
thus, beside the surd mute cR k we have the corresponding
surd aspirate l^Ckh, and beside the sonant 7T g, the corres-
ponding sonant aspirate ^ gh. Of these, the precise char-
acter is more obscure and difficult to determine.

a. That the aspirates, all of them, are real mutes or oontact sounds, and
not fricatives (like European th and ph and ch^ etc.), is heyond question.

b. It is also not douhtful in what way the surd th, for example, differs
from the unaspirated t: such aspirates are found in many Asiatic languages,
and even in some European ; they involve the slipping-out of an audihle hit
of flatus or aspiration hetween the hreach of mute-closure and the following
sound, whatever it may he. They are accurately enough represented hy the
th etc., with which, in imitation of the Latin treatment of the similar ancient
Greek aspirates, we are accustomed to write them.

o. The sonant aspirates are generally understood and described as made
in a similar way, with a perceptible A-sound after the hreaoh of sonant mute-
closure But there are great theoretical difficulties in the way of accepting
this explanation ; and some of the host phonetic observers deny that the modem
Hindu pronunciation is of such a character, and define the element following
the mute as a ^glottal buzz", rather, or as an emphasized utterance of the
beginning of the succeeding sound. The question is one of great difficulty,
and upon it the opinions of the highest authorities are much at variance.
Sonant aspirates are still in use in India, in the pronunciation of the vernacular
as well as of the learned languages.

d. By the Prati^khyas, the aspirates of both classes are called socman :
which might mean either accompanied hy a rush of breath (taking ^man
in its more etymological sense), or accompanied hy a spirant (below, 59).
And some native authorities define the surd aspirates as made by the combi-
nation of each surd non-aspirate with its own corresponding surd spirant ; and
the sonant aspirates, of each sonant non-aspirate with the sonant spirant, the
h-Bound (below, 65). But this would make the two classes of aspirates of
quite diverse character, and would also make th the same as ts, fh as (9, eh
as 09 — which is in any measure plausible only of the last. Panini has no
name for aspirates ; the scheme given in his comment (to i. 1. 9) attributes
to them mahftprfii^La great expiration^ and to the non-aspirates alpaprfii^
smaU expiration.

8. It is usual among European scholars to pronounce

both classes of aspirates as the corresponding non-aspirates

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1 5 Guttural and Palatal Mutes. [—42

with a following h: for example, ST th nearly as in English
boathooky Cfi ph as in haphazard^ U dh as in madhouse^ H bh
as in ahhoVj and so on. This is (as we have seen above)
strictly accurate only as regards the surd aspirates.

88. The sonant aspirates are (in the opinion of most), or at least
represent, original Indo-European sounds, while the surd aspirates
are a special Indian development The former are more than twice
as common as the latter. The unaspirated (non-nasal) mutes are very
much more frequent (5 times) than the aspirates (for the special fre-
quency of bh and original gh, see 50 and 66) ; and among them the
surds are more numerous (2V2 times) than the sonants. The nasals
(chiefly n and m) are nearly as frequent as the surd non-aspirates.

We take up now the several mute-series.

^^^9, Guttural series: ^ k, ^ kh, JT g, ^ gh, ^ fi«
These are the ordinary European k and (7-sounds, with their
corresponding aspirates and nasal (the last, like English ng
in singing).

a. The gattoials are defined by the Prati9akhya8 as made hy contact of
the base of the tongue with the base of the Jaw, and they are called, from
the former organ, Jihv&muUya tongue-root sounds. The Paninean scheme
describes them simply as made in the throat (kai^fha). From the euphonic
influence of a k on a following s (below, 180), we may perhaps Infer that
in theii utterance the tongae was well drawn back in the mouth.

40. The k is by far the commonest of the guttural series occurring
considerably more often than all the other four taken together. The
nasal, except as standing before one of the others of the same series,
is found only as final (after the loss of a following k: 886, 407) in
a very small number of words, and as product of the assimilation of
final k to a following nasal (161).

41. The Sanskrit guttural series represents only a minority of
Indo-Earopean gutturals; these last have suffered more and more general
corruption than any other class of consonants. By processes of alteration
which began in the Indo-European period, the palatal mutes, the
palatal sibilant 9, and the aspiration h, haye come from gutturals.
See these yarious sounds below.

42. Palatal series: ^e, ^ oh, sT j, ^ jh, 31 ft. ■-

The whole palatal series is derivatiye, being generated by the
corruption of original gutturals. The c comes from an original k —
as does also, by another degree of alteration, the palatal sibilant 9
(see below, 64). The J, in like manner, comes from a g; but the

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42—] IT. System op Sounds. 16

SaDskrit j includes in itself two degrees of altera tioD, one correspond-
ing to the alteration of k to c, the other to that of k to 9 (see below,
219). The o is somewhat more common than the j (abont as four
to three). The aspirate ch is very much less frequent (a tenth of o),
and comes from the original group sk. The sonant aspirate jh is
excessively rare (occnrring but once in RV-, not once in AV., and
hardly half-a-dozen times in the whole older language); where found,
it is either onomatopoetic or of anomalous or not Indo-European origin.
The nasal, fi, never occurs except immediately before — or, in a
small number of words, also after (201) — one of the others of the
same series.

43. Hence, in the euphonic processes of the language, the
treatment of the palatals is in many respects peculiar. In some
situations, the original unaltered guttural shows itself — or, as
it appears from the point of view of the Sanskrit, the palatal reverts
to its original guttural. No palatal ever occurs as a final. The j is
differently treated, according as it represents the one or the other
degree of alteration. And c and j (except artificially, in the algebraic
rules of the grammarians) do not interchange, as corresponding surd
and sonant.

^ 44. The palatal mutes are by European scholars, as by

the modern Hindus also, pronounced with the compound

sounds of English ch and j (in church and judge).

a. Their description by the old Hindu grammaiians, however, g^ves them
a not less absolutely simple character than belongs to the other mutes. They
are called tfilavya palatal, and declared to be formed against the palate by
the middle of the tongue. They seem to have been, then, brought forward in
the month from the guttural point, and made against the hard palate at a
point not far from the lingual one (below, 45), but with the upper flat surface
of the tongue instead of its point Such sounds, in aU languages, pass easily
into the (English) eh- and /-sounds. The yalue of the ch as making the
preceding yowel ^ong by position" (227), and its frequent origination
from t + 9 (208), lead to the suspicion that it, at least, may have had
this character from the beginning: compare 87 d, abo^e.

^ 45. Lingual series: Z%, ZX^i ^ 4) ^ 4h, HT i>. The
lingual mutes are by all the native authorities defined as
uttered with the tip of the tongue turned up and drawn
back into the dome of the palate (somewhat as the usual
English smooth r is pronounced). They are called by the
grammarians mtlrdhanya, literally head-sounds, capitah,
cephalics\ which term is in many European grammars

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1 7 Lingual and Dental Mutes. [—47

rendered by 'cerebral8\ In practice, among European
Sanskritists, no_attempt is made to distinguish them from
the dentals: 7 t is pronounced like rT t, I 4 like ^ d, and
so with the rest.

46. The Unguals are another non-original series of sounds,
coming mainly from the phonetic alteration of the next series, the
dentals, but also in part occurring in words that have no traceable
Indo-European connection, and are perhaps derived from the ab-
original languages of India. The tendency to lingualisation is a
positive one in the history of the language: dentals easily pass into
Unguals under the influence of contiguous or neighbouring lingual
sounds, but not the contrary; and all the sounds of the class become
markedly more frequent in the later literature. The conditions of
their ordinary occurrence are briefly these: 1. 9 comes from a, much
more rarely from 9, J, k^, in euphonic circumstances stated below
{180, 218 ff.); 2. a dental mute following 9 is assimilated to it,
becoming lingual (t, fh, i^: 197); 3. n is often changed to i^ after a
lingual vowel or semivowel or sibilant in the same word (189 ff.);
4. ^ which is of very rare occurrence, comes from assimilation of
a dental after 9 (198 a) or h (222); 5. % and 4 come occasionally
by substitution for some other sound which is not allowed to stand
as final (142» 146-7). When originated in these ways, the lingual
letters may be regarded as normal; in any other cases of their
occurrence, they are either products of abnormal corruption, or signs
of the non-Indo-European character of the words in which they
appear.

a. In a certain nnmher of passages numerically examined (below, 75),
the abnormal occurrences of Ungual mutes were less than half of the whole
number (74 out of 159), and most of them (43) were of i^r all were found
more frequent in the later passages. In the Rig-Veda, only id words have
an abnormal (; only 6, such a fh; only 1, such a ^] about 20 (including
9 roots, nearly all of which have derivatives) show an abnormal <jl, besides
9 that have 9<jl; and 30 (including 1 root) show a i^.

b. Taken all together, the Unguals are by far the rarest class of
mutes (about IV2 per cent of the alphabet) — hardly half as frequent
even as the palatals.

/47. Dental series: cTt, grth,5'd,Udh,^ii. These
are called by the Hindus also dantya dental, and are
described as formed at the teeth (or at the roots of the
teeth), by the tip of the tongue. They are practically the
equivalents of our European f, dj n,

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 2

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47 — ] II. System op Sounds. 18

a. But tbe modern Hlndas are said to pronounce tbeir dentals with the
tip of the tongue thrust well forward against the upper teeth, so that these
sounds get a slight tinge of the quality belonging to the English and Modem
Greek <A-80unds. The absence of that quality in the European (especially
the English) dentals is doubtless the reason why to the ear of a Hindu the
latter appear more analogous with his linguals, and he is apt to use the Unguals
in writing European words.

48. The dentals are one of the Indo-Enropean origiDal mute-
classes. In their occurrence in Sanskrit they are jnst about as frequent
as all the other four classes taken together.

vv\ y 49. Labial series: ^ p, Cfj ph, ^ b, >T bh, R m.
These sounds are called o^fhya lahial by the Hindu gram-
marians also. They are, of course, the equivalents of our
;?, i, m.

50. The numerical relations of the labials are a little peculiar.
Owing to the absence (or almost entire absence) of h in Indo-European,
the Sanskrit b also is greatly exceeded in frequency by bh, which
is the most common of all the sonant aspirates, as ph is the least
common of the surd. The nasal m ■ (notwithstanding its frequent
euphonic mutations when final: 212 ff.) occurs just about as often as
all the other four members of the series together.

a. From an early period in the history of the language, hut increasingly
later, b and v exchange with one another, or fail to he distinguished in the
manuscripts. Thus, the double root-forms byh and vph, b&dh and vadh, and
so on. In the Bengal manuscripts, v is widely written instead of more original b.

61. Semivowels: IT y, T r, ^f 1, ^ v.

a. The name given to this class of sounds by the Hindu grammarians is
antahstha standing between — either from their character as utterances
intermediate between vowel and consonant, or (more probably) from the
circumstance of their being placed between the mutes and spirants in the
arrangement of the consonants.

b. The semivowels are clearly akin with the several mute series
in their physical character, and they are classified along with those
scries — though not without some discordances of view — by the Hindu
grammarians. They are said to be produced with the organs slightly
in contact (ifatspi^t^), or in imperfect contact (duhspr^ta).

52. The ^ r is clearly shown by its influence in the

euphonic processes of the language to be a lingual sound,

or one made with the tip of the tongue turned up into the

dome of the palate. It thus resembles the English smooth r,

and, like this, seems to have been untrilled.

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19 Sbmivowbls. [--65

a. The P&ninean scheme reckons r as & lingual. None of the PrSti9ikhya8,
however, doee so; nor are they entirely consistent with one another in its
description. For the most part, they define it as made at ''the roots of the
teeUi". This would give it a position like that of the vibrated r; but no
authority hints at a vibration as belonging to it.

b. In point of freqaency, r stands very high on the list of con-
sonants; it is nearly equal with v, n, m, and y, and only exceeded
by t.

y^ 63. The ^ 1 is a sound of dental position^ and is so
defined and classed by all the native authorities.

a. The peculiar character of an ^sound, as involving expulsion at the
side of the tongue along with contact at its tip, is not noticed by any Hindu
phonetist.

b. The semiTOwels r and 1 are very widely interchangeable in Sanskrit,
both in roots and in suffixes, and even in prefixes : there are few roots contain-
ing a 1 which do not show also forms with r; words written with the one
letter are found in other texts, or in other parts of the same text, written
with the other. In the later periods of the language they are more separated,
and the 1 becomes decidedly more frequent, though always much rarer than
the r (only as 1 to 7 or 8 or 10).

64. Some of the Vedic texts have another /-sound, written with
a slightly different character (it is given at the end of the alphabet,
6 a}, which is substituted for a lingual ^ (as also the same followed
by h for a ^ when occurring between two vowels. It is, then,
doubtless a lingual /, one made by breach (at the side of the tongue)
of the lingual instead of the dental mute closure.

a. Examples are: ^^ fle, for ^ icje, but ^ ifya; hIoo^^
mnha^, for ^^^^ mii^Ufe, but 41bH mi<pivan. It is especially in
the Rig-Yeda and its auxiliary literature that this substitution is usual.

y 66. The ^y in Sanskrit, as in other languages generally,
stands in the closest relationship with the vowel ^ i (short
or long); the two exchange with one another in cases in-
numerable.

a. And in the Veda (as the metre shows) an i is very often to be read
where, in conformity with the rules of the later Sanskrit euphony, a y is
written. Thus, the final i-vowel of a word remains i before an initial vowel ;
that of a stem maintains itself unchanged before an ending; and an ending
of derivation — as ya, tya — has i Instead of y. Such cases will be noticed
in more detail later. The constancy of the phenomenon in certain words and
classes of words shows that this was no merely optional interchange. Very
probably, the Sanskrit y had oTerywhere more of an i-character than belongs
to the corresponding European sound.

2*

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56—] II. System op Sounds. 20

50. The y is by its physical character a palatal utterance; and
it is classed as a palatal semivowel by the Hindu phone tists. It is
one of the most common of Sanskrit sounds.

^^57. The ^ V is pronounced as English or French v

(German to) by the modern Hindus — except when preceded

by a consonant in the same syUable, in which case it has

rather the sound of English to; and European scholars follow

the same practice (with or without the same exception).

a. By its whole treatment in the euphony of the language, however,
the V stands related to an u-vowel precisely as y to an t-vowel. It
is, then, a v only according to the original Roman value of that
letter — that is to say, a u7-sound in the Eoglish sense; though (as
was stated above for the y) it may well have been less markedly
separated from u than English w, or more like French ou in out etc.
But, as the original w has in most European languages been changed
to V (English), so also in India, and that from a very early time : the
Paninean scheme and two of the Prati^akhyas ( VPr. and TPr.j distinctly
define the sound as made between the upper teeth and the lower
lip — which, of course, identifies it with the ordinary modern t^-sound.
As a matter of practice, the usual pronunciation need not be seriously
objected to; yet the student should not fail to note that the rules of
Sanskrit euphony and the name of ^semivowel'' have no application
except to a ti'-sound in the English sense: a t;-sound (German tc) is
no semivowel, but a spirant, standing on the same articulate stage
with the English ^A-sounds and the /.

58. The V is classed as a labial semivowel by the Hindu phonet-
ical authorities. It has a somewhat greater frequency than the y.

a. In the Veda, under the same circumstances as the y (above, 55 a),
V is to be read as a vowel, u.

b« As to the interchange of v and b, see above, 50 a.

59. Spirants. Under the name tinman (literally heatj
steam^ flattis), which is usually and well represented by
spirant, some of the Hindu authorities include all the remain-
ing sounds of the alphabet; others apply the term only to
the three sibilants and the aspiration — to which it will here
also be restricted.

a. The term is not found in the Paninean scheme ; by different treatises
the guttural and labial breathings, these and the visarga, or all these and
anusv&ra, arc also (in addition to the sibilants and h) called u^man (see

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21 Sibilants. [—62

APr. 1. 31 note). The organs of utterance are described as being in the
position of tbe mute-series to which each spirant belongs respectively, but
unclosed, or unclosed in the middle.

^60. The H^8. Of the three sibilants, or surd spirants,

this is the one of plainest and least questioned character:

it is the ordinary European s — a hiss expelled between

the tongue and the roof of the mouth directly behind the

upper &ont teeth.

a. It is, then, dental, as it is classed by all the Hindu aathorities.
NotwithstandiDg the great losses which it suffers in Sanskrit euphony,
by conversion to the other sibilants, to r, to visarga, etc., it is
still very high among the consonants in the order of frequency, or
considerably more common than both the other two sibilants together.

^ 61. The ^ 9. As to the character of this sibilant, also, "^

there is no ground for real question: it is the one produced

in the lingual position, or with the tip of the tongue

reverted into the dome of the palate. It is, then, a kind of

f^-sound; and by European Sanskritists it is pronounced

as an ordinary $h (French ch, German 8ch)j no attempt

being made (any more than in the case of the other lingual

sounds: 45) to give it its proper lingual quality.

a. Its lingual character is shown by its whole euphonic influence,
and it is described and classed as lingual by all the Hindu author-
ities (the APr. adds, i. 23, that the tongue in its utterance is trough-
shaped). In its audible quality, it is a «A-sound rather than a^-sound;
and, in the considerable variety of sibilant-utterance, even in the
same community, it may coincide with the sh of some among
ourselves. Tet the general and normal sh is palatal (see below, 68);
and threrefore the sign f, marked in accordance with the other lin-
gual letters, is the only unexceptionable transliteration for the Hindu
character.

b. In modern pronunciation in India, 9 is much confounded with kh;
and the manuscripts are apt to exchange tbe characters. Some later gram-
matical treatises, too, take note of the relationship.

62. This sibilant (as was noticed above, 46, and will be more
particularly explained below, 180 ff.) is no original sound, but a
product of the lingualization of a under certain euphonic conditions.
The exceptions are extremely few (9 out of 145 noted occurrences:
76), and of a purely sporadic character. The Big- Veda has (apart

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es— ] II. System op Sounds. 22

from >/ sah, 182 b] only twelve words which show a 9 under other
conditions.

a. The final (} of a root has in some cases attained a more independent
value, and does not revert to b when the euphonic conditions are removed,
hut shows anomalous forms (225-6).

S \ ^ 63. The 51 Q. This sibilant is by all the native authorities

classed and described as palatal, nor is there anything in

its history or its euphonic treatment to cast doubt on its

character as such. It is, then, made with the flat of the

tongue against the forward part of the palatal aich — that

is to say, it is the usual and normal ^A-sound. By European

scholars it is variously pronounced — more often, perhaps,

as & than as sh,

a. The two ^A-sounds, f and 9, are made in the same part of the
mouth (the f probably rather further back), but with a different part of
the tongue; and they are doubtless not more unlike than, for example, the
two ^-sounds, written \ and t ; and it would be not less proper to pronounce
them both as one sh than to pronounce the Unguals and dentals alike. To
neglect the difference of a and 9 is much less to be approved. The very
near relationship of f and 9 is attested by their euphonic treatment, which
is to a considerable extent the same, and by their not infrequent confusion
by the writers of manuscripts.

64. As was mentioned above (41), the 9, like c, comes from the
corruption of an original A;-soand, by loss of mute-contact as well as
forward shift of the point of production. In virtue of this derivation,
it sometimes (though less often than c) "reverts" to k — that is> the
original k appears instead of it (43); wliile, on the other hand, as a
«A-sound, it is to a certain extent convertible to f . In point of frequency,
it slightly exceeds the latter.

. 66. The remaining spirant, ^ h, is ordinarily pronounced

like the usual European surd aspiration h.

a. This is not, however, its real character. It is defined by all the native
authorities as not a surd element, but a sonant (or else an utterance inter-
mediate between the two) j and its whole value in the euphony of the language
is that of a sonant: but what is its precise value is very hard to say. The
Paninean scheme ranks it as guttural, as it does also a : this means nothing.
The Prati^akhyas bring it into no relation with the guttural class-, one of
them quotes the opinion of some authorities that "it has the same position
with the beginning of the following vowel" (TPr. ii. 47) — which so far
identifies it with our h. There is nothing in its euphonic influence to mark
it as retaining any trace of gutturally articulated character. By some of

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23 ViSARGA. [—69

the natiTe phonetists it is identlfled with the aspiration of the sonant
aspirates — with the element by which, for example, gh difPers from g«
This view is supported by the derivation of h from the aspirates (next
paragraph), by that of 1 -f- li ^om ^ (^)} &nd by the treatment of initial
h after a final mote (108).

66. The h, as already noticed, is not an original sound, but
comes in nearly all cases ^om au older gh (for the few instances of
its deriyation from dh and bh, see below, 228 g). It is a vastly
more frequent sound than the unchanged gh (namely, as 7 to 1): more
frequent, indeed, than any of the guttural mutes except k. It appears,
like j (219), to include in itself two stages of' corruption of gh: one
corresponding with that of k to o, the other with that of k to 9;
see below, 223, for the roots belonging to the two classes respectively.
Like the other sounds of guttural derivation, it sometimes exhibits
"reversion" (48) to its original.

^ 67. The : l^, 01 visarga (visarjanlya^ as it is uniformly
called by the Prati^akhyas and by Panini, probably as belong-
ing to the end of a syllable) ^ appeals to be merely a surd
breathing, a final A-sound (in the European sense of A),
uttered in the articulating position ot the preceding vowel.

a. One Praa9akhya (TPr. U. 48) gives jnst this last description of it.
It is hy Tarioos authorities classed with h, or with h and a: all of them
are alike sounds in whose utterance the month-organs have no definite
shaping action.

68. The visarga is not original, but always only a substitute
for final s or r, neither of which is allowed to maintain itself unchanged
(170 ff.). It is a comparatively recent member of the alphabetic
system ; the other euphonic changes of final s and r have not passed
through visarga as an intermediate stage. And the Hindu authorities
are considerably discordant with one another as to how far h is a
necessary substitute, and how far a permitted one, alternative with
a sibilant, before a following initial surd.

09. Before a surd guttural or labial, respectively, some of the
native authorities permit, while others require, conversion of final s
or r into the so-called jihv&muliya and upadhmSnl^a spirants. It
may be fairly questioned, perhaps, whether these two sounds are not
pure grammatical abstractions, devised (like the long }-vowel: 23 a)
In order to round out the alphabet to greater symmetry. At any
rate, both manuscripts and printed texts in general make no account
of them. Whatever individual character they may have must be,
it would seem, in the direction of the (German) cA- and /-sounds.
When written at all, they are wont to be transliterated by x ^^d ^•

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70—] II. System op Sounds. 24

^ 70. The I anusvSra, ±l oi ih, is a nasal sound lacking
that closure of the organs which is required to make a
nasal mute or contact-sound (36 j; in its utterance there is
nasal resonance along with some degree of openness of the
mouth.

71. There \a discordance of opinion among both the Hindu phonetists
and their modern European successors respecting the real character of this
element; hence a little detail is necessary here with regard to its occurrence
and their views of it

a. Certain nasals in Sanskrit are of serrile character, always to be
assimilated to a following consonant, of whatever character that may be.
Such are final m in sentence-combination (218), the pennltimate nasal of
a root, and a nasal of increment (255) in general. If one of these nasals
stands before a contact-letter or mute, it becomes a nasal mute correspond-
ing to the latter — that is, a nasal utterance in the same position of the
mouth-organs which gives the succeeding mute. If, on the other hand, the
following consonant does not involve a contact (being a semivowel or spirant),
the nasal element is also without contact: it is a nasal utterance wi^
unclosed mouth-organs. The question is, now, whether this nasal utterance
becomes merely a nasal infection of the preceding vowel, turning it into a
nasal vowel (as in French on, 0it, uii, etc., by reason of a similar loss of
a nasal mute)} or whether it is an element of more individual character,
having place between the vowel and the consonant; or, once more, whether
it is sometimes the one thing and sometimes the other. The opinions of
the Pratigakhyas and Panini are briefly as foUows:

b. The Atharva-Pratl9akhya holds that the result is everywhere a
nasalized vowel, except when n or m is assimilated to a foUowing 1; in
that case, the n or m becomes a nasal 1: that it, the nasal utterance is
made in the 1-position, and has a perceptible 1-character.

O. The other Prati9akhyas teach a similar conversion into a nasal
counterpart to the semivowel, or a nasal semivowel, before y and 1 and v
(not before r also). In most of the other cases where the Atharva-Prati9akhya
acknowledges a nasal vowel — namely, before r and the spirants — the others
teach the intervention after the Towel of a distinct nasal element, called the
anuBv&ra afUr-tone.

d. Of the nature of this nasal afterpiece to the vowel no intelligibly
clear account is given. It is said (RPr.) to be either vowel or consonant;
it is declared (EPr., VPr.) to be made with the noso alone, or (TPr.) to be
nasal like the nasal mutes ; it is held by some (RPr.) to be the sou^t tone
of the nasal mutes; in its formation, as in that of vowel and spirant, there
is (RPr.) no contact As to its quantity, see further on.

e. There are, however, certain cases and classes of cases where these
other authorities also acknowledge a nasal vowel. So, especially, wherever

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25 Anusvara. [—78

a final n is treated (208-9) as if it were ns (its historically older form) ;
and also in a small number of specified words. They also mention the
doctrine of natal vowel instead of anusvftra as held by some (and TPr.
is uncertain and inconsistent in its choice between the one and the other).

ft In Panini, finally, the preyailing doctrine is that of anuBvftra
everywhere; and it is even allowed in many cases where the Prati9akhyas
prescribe only a nasal mute. But a nasal semivowel is also allowed instead
before a semivowel) and a nasal vowel is allowed in the cases (mentioned
above) where some of the Prati9akhyas require it by exception.

g. It is evidently a fair question whether this discordance and uncertainty
of the Hindu phonetists is owing to a real difference of utterance in different
classes of cases and in different localities, or whether to a different scholastic
analysis of what is really everywhere the same utterance. If anusv&ra
is a nasal element following the vowel, it cannot well be any thing but
either a prolongation of the same vowel-sound with nasality added, or a
nasalized bit of neutral-vowel sound (in the latter case, however, the altering
influence of an i or u-vowel on a following b ought to be prevented, which
is not the case: see 183).

72. The adsimilated nasal elementi whether viewed as nasalized
vowel, nasal semivowel, or independent anusv&ra, has the value of
something added, in making a heavy syllable, or length by position (79).

a. The Prati9akhyas (VPr., RPr.) give determinations of the quantity
of the antiav&ra combining with a short and with a long vowel respectively
to malce a long syllable.

78. a. Two different signs, i and ^, are found in the manuscripts,
indicating the nasal sound here treated of. Usually they are written
above the syllable, and there they seem most naturally to imply a
nasal affection of the vowel of the syllable, a nasal (anunfiaika) vowel.
Hence some texts (Sama- and Yajur-Vedas), when they mean a real
anuBv&ra, bring one of the signs down into the ordinary consonant-
place; but the usage is not general. As between the two signs,
some manuscripts employ, or tend to employ, the r where a nasalized
(anunftsika] vowel is to be recognized, and elsewhere the i; and this
distinction is consistently observed in many European printed texts;
and the former is called the anunftsika sign: but the two are doubt-
less originally and properly equivalent.

b. It is a very common custom of the manuscripts to write the
anuBV&ra-sign for any nasal following the vowel of a syllable, either
before another consonant or as final (not before a vowel), without
any reference to whether it is to be pronounced as nasal mute, nasal
semivowel, or anuavSra. Some printed texts follow this slovenly and
undesirable habit; but most write a nasal mute whenever it is to be
pronounced — excepting where it is an assimilated m (213).

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73—]

II. System op Sounds.

26

0. It is conyenient also in tranBliteration to distinguish the as-
similated m by a special sign, ih, from the anusvftra of more inde-
pendent origin, ft; and this method will be followed in the present work.

74. This is the whole system of sounds recognized by the written
character; for certain other transitional sounds, more or less widely
recognized in the theories of the Hindu phonetists, see below, 230.

75. The whole spoken alphabet, then, may be arranged
in the following manner, in order to show, so far as is
possible in a single scheme, the relations and important
classifications of its various members :

Son.

a, S

\»-n 8'i*

^y

-♦v^

► Vowels

i

, i

T, T

}

n,

u

A-ii M»

•T4 "Ol

•01

2>6I

•7a

,

y

r

1

V

Semivowels

4-»

ft<«5

■»

«^et

n

ft

9

n

m

Nasals

•a

'li

1-08

4-«l

4-M

ft

Anusvara

•61

h

Aspiration

lOT

1?

Visarga

1-ai

9

9

9

Sibilants

I-5T

1-45

»•»

gh

jh

.Jh

dh

bh

asp.

•15

•fl

•03

■n

i-at

s

J

4

d

b

unasp.

•8S

kh

•M

ch

•71

th

2-8&

th

•46

ph

asp.

Mutes

•u

•IT

•06

•M

•n

k

c

t

t

P

unasp.

I'M

I'M

-m

9-»

^•4<

Gutt.

P«l.

Ling.

Dent.

Lab.

Surd

Son.

Surd

a. The figures set under the characters give the average per-
centage of frequency of each sound, found by counting the number
of times which it occurred in an aggregate of 10,000 sounds of con-
tinous text, in ten different passages, of 1,000 sounds each, selected
from different epochs of the literature: namely, two from the Rig-Yeda,
one from the Atharva-Veda, two from different Brahmanas, and one
each from Manu, Bhagavad-Gita, Qakuntala, Hitopade^a, and Yaaa-
vadatta (J.A.O.S., vol. X., p. cl).

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1

27 Quantity. [—79

III. Quantity of sounds and syllables.

76. The Hindu grammarians take the pains to define the
quantity of a consonant (without distinction among consonants
of different classes) as half that of a shoit vowel.

77. They also define the quantity of a long (dirgha)
vowel or diphthong as twice that of a shoxt (hrasva) vowel —
making no distinction in this respect between the gui^a-
and the v^ddhi-diphthongs.

78. Besides these two vowel-quantities, the Hindus
acknowledge a third, called pluta (literally stoimining\ or
protracted, and having three moras or three times the quantity
of a short vowel. A protracted vowel is marked by a follow-
ing figure 3: thus, ^^ S3.

a. The protracted vowels are practically of rare occurrence (in
BY., three cases; in AV., fifteen; in the Brahmana literature, decidedly
more frequent). They are used in cases of questioning, especially of
a balancing between two alternatives, and also of calling to a distance
or urgently. The protraction is of the last syllable in a word, or in
a whole phrase; and the protracted syllable has usually the acute tone,
in addition to any other accent the word may have; sometimeB it
takes also anusvfira, or is made nasal.

b. ExampleB are: adh&^L svid ftsiad up&ri Bvid ftsidt (RV.) was
it, foraooihj below f was it, forsooth, above f id&m bht!lya3 idasm fti
(AY.) saying, is this more, or is thatt &gna3i p&tniva3^ B6niam piba
(TS.) O Agni! thou with thy spouse! drink the soma,

o. A diphthong is protracted by prolongation of its first or a-element :
thus, e to ftsi, o to ft3u.

d. The sign of protraction it also sometimet written as the result of
accentual combination, when so-called kampa occurs: see below, 87 d.

79. For metrical purposes, syllables (not vowels) are
distinguished by the grammarians as heavy (guru) or light
(laghu). A syllable is heavy if its vowel is long, or short
and followed by more than one consonant ("long by po-
sition"^). Anusv&ra and visarga count as full consonants in

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79-—] II. System op Sounds, 28

making a heavy syllable. The last syllable of a pSda (pri-
mary division of a verse) is reckoned as either heavy or
light;

a. The distinction in terms between the di£Ference of long and short in
TOwel-sound and that of heavy and light in syllable-construction is valuable,
and should be observed.

IV. Accent.

80. The phenomena of accent are, by the Hindu gram-
marians of all ages alike, described and treated as depend-
ing on a variation of tone or pitch; of any difference of
stress involved, they make no account.

81. The primary tones (svara) or accent-pitches are two:
a higher (ud&tta raised), or acute; and a lower (anud&tta
not raised), or. grave. A third (called svarita: a term of
doubtful meaning) is always of secondary origin, being (when
not enclitic: see below, 85) the result of actual combination
of an acute vowel and a following grave vowel into one
syllable. It is also uniformly defined as compound in pitch,
a union of higher and lower tone within the limits of a
single syllable. It is thus identical in physical character
with the Greek and Latin circumflex, and fully entitled to
be called by the same name.

82. Strictly, therefore, there is but one distinction of tone in the
Sanskrit accentual system, as described by the native grammarians
and marked in the written texts : the accented syllable is raised in tone
above the unaccented; while then further, in certain cases of the
fusion of an accented and an unaccented element into one syllable,
that syllable retains the compounded tone of both elements.

83. The Bvarita or circumflex is only rarely found on a pure long
vowel or diphthong, but almost always on a syllable in which a vowel,
short or long, is preceded by a y or v representing an originally acute
i- or u-vowel.

a. In transliteration, in this work, the udfttta or acute will be
marked with the ordinary sign of acnte, and the svarita or circumflex
(as being a downward slide of the voice forward) with what is usually
called the grave accent: thus, 4, acute, ya or va, circumflex.

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29 Accent. [—86

84. The Prati^akhyas distingaifih and name separately the circumflexed
tones arising by different processes of combination: thus, the circumflex is
called

a. Kf&ipra (quick), when an acute i- or u-vowel (short or long) is
converted Into y or v before a dissimilar Towel of grave tone : thus, vyilpta
from vi-apta, apsvknt&r from apsu antir.

b. Jfttya (native) or nitya (oum)j when the same combination lies
further back, in the make-up of a stem or form, and so is constant, or
belongs to the word in all circumstances of its occurrence : thus, kvk (from
kua), Bvhx (B^ar), nyak (nfak), badhnya (budhnfa), kanyli (kan£&),
oadyaB (nadl-aa), tanva (tanA-fi).

o. The words of both the above classes are in the Veda, in the great
majority of cases, to be read with restoration of the acute vowel as a separate
syllable: thus, apsu ant&r, euar, nadlas, etc. In some texts, part of
them are written correspondingly: thus, Buvar, tandv&, budhnfya.

d. Pra9lifta, when the acute and grave vowels are of such character
that they axe fused into a long vowel or diphthong (128 o) : thus, divi Va
(RV. AV. etc.), from divi iva; Budgfttft (TS.), from BU-udgStft; nfti 'vk
*9niyat (?B.), from n& ev& a^nly&t.

e. Abhinihita, when an Initial grave a is absorbed by a final acute
6 or 6 (185 a): thus, te 'bruvan, from t^ abruvan; sd 'bravit, from
b6 abravit.

85. But further, the Hindu grammarians agree in de-
claring the (naturally grave) syllable following an acute,
whether in the same or in another word, to be Bvarita or
circumflex — unless, indeed, it be itself followed by an
acute or circumflex; in which case it retains its grave
tone. This is called by European scholars the enclitic or
dependent circumflex.

a. Thus, in t^na and t6 oa, the syllable na and word ca are
regarded and marked as circumflex; but in ttoa t6 and t6 ca Bvkr
they are grave.

b. This seems to mean that the voice, which is borne up at the higher
pitch to the end of the acute syllable, does not ordinarily drop to grave
pitch by an instantaneous movement, but descends by a more or less per-
ceptible slide in the course of the following syllable. No Hindu authority
suggests the theory of a middle or intermediate tone for the enclitic, any
more than for the independent circumflex. For the most part, the two are
identified with one another, in treatment and designation. The enclitic
circumflex is likewise diylded into a number of sub-varieties, with different
names: they are of too little consequence to be worth reporting.

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86—] II. System of Sounds. 30

86. The essential difference of the two kinds ot circamflez is
shown clearly enough by these facts: 1. the independent circumflex
takes the place of the acute as the proper accent of a word, while
the enclitic is the mere shadow following an acute, and following it
in another word precisely as in the same word; 2. the independent
circumflex maintains its character in all situations, while the enclitic
before a following circumflex or acute loses its circumflex character,
and becomes grave; moreover, 3. in many of the systems of marking
accent (below, 88), the two are quite differently indicated.

87. The accentuation is marked in manuscripts only of the older
literature: namely, in the primary Vedic texts, or saihliit&s, in two
of the Brahmanas (Taittiriya and Qatapatha), in the TaittirTya-Aranyaka,
in certain passages of the Aitareya-Aranyaka, and in the Suparnadhyaya.
There are a number of methods of writing accent, more or less different
from one another: the one found in manuscripts of the Rig- Veda,
which is most widely known, and of which most of the others are
only slight modifications, is as follows.

a. The acute syllable is left unmarked; the circumflex, whether
independent or enclitic, has a short perpendicular stroke above; and
the grave next preceding an acute or (independent) circumflex has a
short horizontal stroke below. Thus,

qfn^ agnfm; sT^tf?T iuh6ti; fF^T tanv^; ^ kva.

b. But the introductory grave stroke below cannot be given if an
acute syllable is initial ; hence an unmarked syllable at the beginning
of a word is to be understood as acute; and hence also, if several
grave syllables precede an acute at the beginning of a sentence, they
must all alike have the grave sign. Thus,

^: Indra^i; ^ t6; ^fprftf kari(?yisi; HN^ilHI tuvijata.

c. All the grave syllables, however, which follow a marked cir-
cumflex are left unmarked, until the occurrence of another accented
syllable causes the one which precedes it to take the preparatory
stroke below. Thus,

g^!^ft^fH^ Budf ^ikaaaifadf k ;
but ^<i^n^^*4JJ Nln^BudtQikasaifadrg g&vftm.

d. If an independent circumflex be followed by an acute (or by
another independent circumflex), a figure 1 is set after the former
oircumflexed vowel if it be short, or a figure 3 if it be long, and the
signs of accent are applied as in the following examples:

t^L^critT: apsv kint&ll^ (from apsu ant&]|^);
|IUI^^(f^: rfiyds v&ni^ (from rftyo av&nih).

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31 Accent. [—89

The rationale of this mode of designation is not well understood; the
Pritl9akhyafl give no accoont of it. In the scholastic utterance of the syllahle
80 designated is made a peculiar quaver or roulade of the voicOf called
kampa or viluunpana.

e. The accent-marks are written with red ink in the manuscripts, being
added after the text is written, and perhaps often by another hand.

88 a. Nearly accordant with this, the Rig-Veda method of designating
accent, are the methods employed in the manuscripts of the Atharva-Yeda,
of the Yajasaneyi-Samhita, and of the Taittiriya-Samhita, Brahmana, and
Aranyaka. Their differences from it are of trifling importance, consisting
mainly in peculiar ways of marking the circumflex that precedes an acote
(87 d). In some manuscripts of the Atharva-Yeda, the accent-marks are
dots instead of strokes, and that for the circumflex is made within the
syllable instead of above it.

b. In most manuscripts of the Maitrayani-Samhita, the acute syllable
itself, besides its surroundings, is marked — namely, by a perpendlcnlar
stroke above the syllable (like that of the ordinary circumflex in the RY.
method). The independent circumflex has a hook beneath the syllable, and
the circumflex before an acute (87 d) is denoted simply by a figure 3,
standing before instead of after the circumflexed syllable.

O. The Qatapatha-Brahmana uses only a single accent-sign, the horizontal
stroke beneath the syllable (like the mark for grave in RY.). This is put
under an acute, or, if two or more acutes immediately follow one another,
only under the preceding syllable. To mark an independent oircamflex, it
is put under the preceding syllable. The method is an imperfect one, allow-
ing many ambiguities.

d. The Sama-Yeda method is the most intricate of all. It has a dozen
different signs, consisting of figures, or of figures and letters combined, all
placed above the syllables, and varying according both to the accentual character
of the syllable and to its surroundings. Its origin is obscure; if anything
more is indicated by it than by the other simpler systems, the fact has not
been demonstrated.

89. In this work, as everything given in the devanfigari characters
is also given in transliteration, it will in general be unnecessary to
mark the accent except in the transliterated form; where, however,
the case is otherwise, there will be adopted the method of marking
only the really accented syllables, the acute and the independent
ciroomflex: the latter by the usaal svarita-sign, the former by a small
u (for udatta) above the syllable : thus,

^ fndra, §& igne, T^ Bvar. ^pjg nady^is.

a. These being given, everything else which the Hindu theory recog-
nizes as dependent on and accompanying them can readily be understood
as implied.

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90—] II. System op Sounds. 32

90. The theory of the Sanskrit accent, as here given (a consistent and
intelligible body of phenomena), has been OYerlaid by the Hindu theorists,
especially of the PTati9akhyas, with a number of added features, of a much
more questionable character. Thus:

a. The unmarked grave syllables following a circumflex (either at the
end of a sentence, or till the near aproach of another acute) are declared
to have the same high tone with the (also unmarked) acute. They are
called praoaya or praoita (accumulated: because liable to occur in an
indefinite series of successive syllables).

b. The circumflex, whether independent or enclitic, is declared to begin
on a higher pitch than acute, and to descend to acute pitch in ordinary
cases: the concluding instant of it being brought down to grave pitch,
however, in the case of an independent circumflex which is immediately
followed by another ascent of the voice to higher pitch, in acute or inde-
pendent circumflex (a kampa syllable: 87 d).

o. Panini gives the ambiguous name of ek&(pniia.-(monoione) to the
praoita syllables, and says nothing of the uplifting of the circumflex to
a higher plane ; he teaches, however, a depression below the grave pitch for
the marked grave syllable before acute or circumflex, calling it sannatara
(otherwise anudfittatara).

91. The system of accentuation as marked in the Vedic texts appears
to have assumed in the traditional recitation of the Brahmanic schools
a peculiar and aitiflcial form, in which the designated syllables, grave and
circumflex (equally the enclitic and the independent circumflex), have acquired
a conspicuous value, while the undesignated, the acute, has sunk into in-
significance.

92. The Sanskrit accent taught in the native grammars and
represented by the accentuated texts is essentially a system of word-
accent only. No general attempt is made (any more than in the
Greek system) to define or mark a sentence-accent, the efiTect of the
emphasis and modulation of the sentence in modifying the independent
accent of indiyidual words. The only approach to it is seen in the
treatment of vocatives and personal verb-forms.

a. A vocative is usually without accent except at the beginning
of a sentence: for further details, see 314.

b. A personal verb-form is usually accentless in an independent
clause, except when standing at the beginning of the clause: for
further details, see 591 ff.

98. Certain other words also are, usually or always, without
accent

a. The particles oa» vft, u, sma, iva, oid» avid, ha, and the Vedic
kam (or k&m), gha, bhala, samaha, Im, aim, are always without
accent; also yathft in RY. (sometimes also elsewhere) in the sense of iva,
at the end of a p&da or verse-division.

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33 Accent. [—96

b. Tbe s&me is troe of oerUiii prouoans and pronominal stems: mft,
me, n&n, naB» tva» te, vSm, vas (491 b), ena (600)» tva (508 b),
sama (518 o).

c. The cases of tlie pronominal stem a are sometimes accented and
sometimes accentless (502).

d. An accentless word is not allowed to stand at the beginning
of a sentence; also not of a p&da or primary division of a verse; a
p&da is, in all matters relating to accentaation, treated like an in-
dependent sentence.

94. Some words have more than a single accented syllable.
Such are:

a. Certain dual copulative compounds in the Veda (see 1255), as
mitravdmi^ dyavftpf thivl. Also, a few other Yedic compounds (see
1267 d), as b^hasp&ti» t&nun&p&t.

b. In a few cases, the further compounds and derivatives of such
compounds, as dyav&p^thivlvant, bfhaspatipranutta.

o. Inflnitiye datives in tavfti (see 872 a), as ^tavftf. dpabhar-
tav&i.

d. A word naturally barytone, but having Its final syllable protracted
(see 78 a).

e. The particle vav& (in the Brahmanas).

95. On the place of the accented syllable in a Sanskrit

word there is no restriction whatever depending upon either

the number or the quantity of the preceding or following

syllables. The accent rests where the rules of inflection

01 derivation or composition place it, without regard to any

thing else.

a. Thus, (ndre» agnftu, {ndrei^a, agnfnft, agninam, bfihuoyuta,
anapacynta, parj&nyiyinvita, abhimfttif&h&y Anabhimlfttavar^a,
abhi^aatioatana, hira]^yava9imattama9 c&taQoatvari&9adak9ara«

96. Since the accent is marked only in the older litera-
ture, and the statements of the grammarians, with the
deduced rules of accentuation, are far from being sufficient
to settle all cases, the place of the stress of voice for a
considerable part of the vocabulary is undetermined. Hence
it is a general habit with European scholars to pronounce
Sanskrit words according to the rules of the Latin accent.

Whitney, Orammar. 3. ed. 3

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97—] in. Euphonic Combination. 34

97. In this work, the accent of each word and form will in
general be marked, so far as there is authority determining its place
and character. Where specific words and forms are quoted, they
will only be so far accentuated as they are found with accent in
accentuated texts.

CHAPTER III.

RULES OF EUPHONIC COMBINATION.

Introductory.

98. The words in Sanskrit, as in the other languages related
with it, are in great part analysable into roots, suffixes of derivation,
and endings of inflection, these last being added mostly to stems
containing suffixes, but also sometimes directly to roots.

a. There are, of course, a certain number of uninflected words —
indecUnahles, particles; and also not a few that are incapable of analysis.

99. The Sanskrit, indeed, possesses an exceptionally analysable
character; its formative processes are more regular and transparent
than those of any other Indo-European tongue. Hence the prevailing
method of the Hindu native science of grammar, which sets up a
certain body of roots, and prescribes the processes by which these
may be made stems and words, giving the various added elements,
and laying down the rules by which their combination is effected. And
the same general method is, for like reason, followed also by European
grammarians.

100. The euphonic laws, accordingly, which govern the combination
of suffix or of ending with root or stem, possess a high practical im-
portance, and require to be laid down in preparation for the topics
of declension and conjugation.

101. Moreover, the formation of compounds, by joining two or
more simple stems, is extremely frequent in Sanskrit; and this kind
of combination has its own peculiar euphonic rules. And once more,
in the form of the language as handed down to us by its literature,
the words composing a sentence or paragraph are adapted to and
combined with one another by nearly the same rules which govern
the making of compounds; so that it is impossible to take apart and
understand a Sanskrit sentence without knowing those rules. Hence

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35 Introductory. [—103

mn increased degree of practical importance belonging to the subject
of euphonic combination.

a. This euphonic interdependence of the words of a sentence is un-
known to any other language in anything like the same degree; and it
eannot hut be suspected of being at least In part artificial, implying an
erection into necessary and invariable rules of what in the living language
were only optional practices. This is strongly indicated, Indeed, by the
evidence of the older dialect of the Vedas and of the derived Prakrltic
dialects, In both of which some of the rules (especially that as to the hiatas :
see 118) are often violated.

102. The roots which are authenticated by their occurrence in
the literary monuments of the language, earlier and later, number
between eight and nine hundred. About half of these belong fully
to the language throughout its whole history; some (about a hundred
and fifty) are limited to the earlier or pre-classical period; some,
again (over a hundred and twenty), make their first appearance in
the later language.

a* There are in this number roots of very diverse character. Those
occurring only later are, at least in great part, presumably of secondary
origin; and a certain number are even doubtless artificial, used once or
twice because found in the root-lists of the Hindu grammarians (108).
But also of the rest, some are plainly secondary, while others are ques-
tionable; and not a few are variations or differentiated forms of one another.
Thus, there are roots showing respectively r and 1, as rabh and labh,
mroo and mluc, kfar and kfal; roots with and without a strengthening
nasal, as vand and vad, mand and mad; roots in ft and in a nasal, as
khft and khan, gft and gam, Jft and Jan; roots made by an added ft,
as trft from t^, mnft from man, peft from bhaa, yft from 1; roots the
product of reduplication, as Jakf from ghas, dudh firom dhu; roots with
a final sibilant of formative origin, as bhakf and bhikf from bhaj,
nak^ from na^, ^ruf from Qm, hfts from hft; root-forms held apart by
a well-established discordance of inflection and meaning, which yet are
probably different sides of one root, as k^ drag and k^ plough, vid know
and vid Jhtd, y^ enclose and y^ choose ; and so on. In many such cases
it is doubtful whether we ought to acknowledge two roots or only one; and
no absolute rule of distinction can be laid down and maintained.

108. The list of roots given by the Hindu grammarians contains
about two thousand roots, without including all those which students of
the language are compelled to recognize. Considerably more than half of
this number, then, are unanthentioated by use; and although some of
these may yet come to light, or may have existed without finding their
way into any of the preserved literary documents, it is certain that most
are fictitious: made in part for the explanation of words falsely described
as their deriyatives, but in the main for unknown and perhaps undiscoverable
reasons.

3*

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103—] IIL Euphonic Combination. 36

a. The roots nn&athenticated by traceable use wlU be made no account
of In this grammar — or, if noticed, will be specified as of that character.

104. The forms of the roots as here used will be found to differ
in certain respects from those given by the native grammarians and
adopted by some European works. Thus:

a. Those roots of which the initial n and 8 are regularly converted
to n and § after certain prefixes are by the Hindu grammarians given as
beginning with i^ and f; no western authority follows this example.

b. The Hindus classify as simple roots a number of derived stems:
reduplicated ones, as didhi» Jfigf* daridrft; present-stems, as nrnn; and
denominative stems, as avadhir, kamfir» sabhSg, mantr, Bfintv, arth»
and the like. These are in European works generally reduced to their
true value.

0. A number of roots ending in an ft which is irregularly treated in
the present-system are written in the Hindu lists with diphthongs — e or
ft! or o; here they will be regarded as ft-roots (see 251). The o of such
root-forms, especially, is purely arbitrary; no forms or derivatives made
from the roots justify it

d. The roots showing interchangeably ^ and ir and Ir or ur and
ur (242) are written by the Hindus with ^ or with f, or with both. The
f here also is only formal, intended to mark the roots aS liable to certain
modifications, since it nowhere shows itself in any form or derivative. Such
roots will in this work be written with f.

e. The roots, on the other hand, showing a variation between ^ and
ar (rarely ra) as weak and strong forms will be here written with ^ , as by
the native grammarians, although many European authorities prefer the other
or strong form. So long as we write the unstrengthened vowel in vid and
91, in mud and bh^, and their like, consistency seems to require that we
write it in BfJ and kf also — in all cases alike, without reference to what
may have been the more original Indo-European form.

105. In many cases of roots showing more than one form, the selection
of a representative form is a matter of comparative indifference. To deal
with such cases according to their historical character Is the part rather of
an Indo-European comparative grammar than of a Sanskrit grammar. We
must be content to accept as roots what elements seem to have on the
whole that value in the existing condition of the language.

106. Stems as well as roots have their variations of form (311}.
The Hindu grammarians usually give the weaker form as the normal
one, and derive the other from it by a strengthening change; some
European authorities do the same, while others prefer the contrary
method; the choice is of unessential consequence, and may be deter-
mined in any case by motives of convenience.

107. We shall accordingly consider first of all, in the present
chapter, the euphonic principles and laws which govern the combination

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37 Introductory. [—109

of the elements of words and of words as elements of the sentence;
then will be taken up the subject of inflection, under the two heads
of declension and conjugation; and an account of the classes of
uninflected words will follow.

a. The formation of conjugational stems (tense and mode-stems;
also participles and infinitive) will be taught, as is usual, in connection
with the processes of conjugational inflection; that of uninflected
words, in connection with the various classes of those words. But
the general subject of derivation, or the formation of declinable stems,
will be taken up by itself later (chap. XYII.); and it wUl be followed
by an account of the formation of compound stems (chap. XVIII.).

108. It is by no means to be expected of beginners
in the language that they will attempt to master the rules
of euphonic combination in a body, before going on to learn
the paradigms of inflection. On the contrary, the leading
paradigms of declension may best be learned outright,
without attention, or with only a minimum of attention,
to euphonic rule. In taking up conjugation, however, it
ia praotically, as well as theoretically, better to learn the
forms as combinations of stem and ending, with attention
to such laws of combination as apply in the particular cases
concerned. The rules of external combination, governing
the make-up of the sentence out of words, should be
grappled with only when the student is prepared to begin
the reading or the formation of sentences.

Principles of Euphonic Combination.

100. The rules of combination (sarhdhi putting together)
are in some respects different, according as they apply —

a. to the internal make-up of a word, by the addition
of derivative and inflectional endings to roots and stems;

b. to the more external putting together of stems to
make compound stems, and the yet looser and more accidental
collocation of words in the sentence;

c. Hence they are usually divided into rules of internal
combination, and rules of external combination.

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110—] III. Euphonic Combination. 38

110. In both classes of oases, however, the general principles
of combination are the same — and likewise, to a great extent, the
specific rules. The differences depend in part on the occnrrenoe or
non-occurrence of certain combinations in the one class or the other;
in part, on the difference of treatment of the same sound as final of
a root or of an ending, the former being more persistent than the
latter; in part, on the occurrence in external combination of certain

/ changes which are apparently phonetic but really historical; and, most

/ frequent and conspicuous of all, on the fact that (157) vowels and

/ semivowels and nasals exercise a sonantizing influence in external

y / combination, but not in internal. Hence, to avoid unnecessary repe-

^ tition as well as the separation of what really belongs together, the

rules for both kinds of combination are given below in connection

with one another.

111. a. Moreover, before case-endings beginning with bh and a
(namely, bhy&m» bhis, bhyas, su), the treatment of the finals of stems
is in general the same as in the combinations of words (pada) with
one another — whence those endings are sometimes called pada-end-
ings, and the cases they form are known as pada-cases.

b. The importance of this distinction is somewhat exaggerated by the
ordinary statement of it. In fact, dh is the only sonant mate initial of an
ending occurring in conjugation, as bh in declension; and the difference
of their treatment is in part owing to the one coming into collision nsually
with the final of a root and the other of an ending, and in part to the fact
that dh, as a dental, is more assimilable to palatals and Unguals than bh.
A more marked and problematic distinction is made between su and the
verbal endings si, sva, etc., especially after palatal sounds and §.

c. Further, before certain of the suffixes of derivation the final
of a stem is sometimes treated in the same manner as that of a word
in composition.

d. This is especially the case before secondary suffixes having a
markedly distinct office, like the possessive mant and vant, the abstract-
making tva, the suffix of material maya, and so on; and it is much
more frequent in the later language than in the earlier. The examples are

\ sporadic in character, and no rule can be given to cover them: for details,

vy see the various suffixes, iu chap. XYU. In the RV. (as may be mentioned

here) the only examples are vidyiinmant (beside garutmant, kakdd-
mant, etc.), p^^advant (beside datv&nt, marutvant, etc.), dh^advfn
(beside namasvin, etc.), <}agmk (beside ajm&, idhm&, etc.), nqminiiya
(beside manasm&ya, etc.), and ahaihsni, kiihyu, 9aiiiyu9 and afthoyu,
duvoyu, islqpdhoyii (beside namasyu, vacasyd, etc.); and the AV.
adds only s&hovan (RV. sahavan).

112. The leading rules of internal combination (as already stated:
108) are those which are of most immediate importance to a beginner in
the language, since his first task Is to master the principal paradigms of

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39 General Prikoiplbs. [—117

inflectioii ; the roles of external combination may better be left untouched
until he comes to dealing with words in sentences, or to translating. Then,
howeyer, they are indispensable, since the proper form of the words that
eompose the sentence is not to be determined without them.

a. The general principles of combination underlying the euphonic
rules, and determining their classification, may be stated as follows:

118. Hiatus. In general, hiatus is forbidden; every
syllable except the initial one of a sentence, oi of a word
or phrase not forming part of a sentence, must begin with
a consonant (or with more than one).

a. For details, and for exceptions, see 125 ff.

b. In the earlier language, howeyer, hiatus in every position was
abundantly admitted. This appears plainly from the mantras, or metrical
parts of the Veda, where in innumerable instances y and v are to be read
as i and n, and, less often, a long vowel is to be resolved into two vowels,
in order to make good the metre: e. g., vftryft^ftm has to be read as
vfiri-E-i^ftmy sva^vyam as su-aQ-vi-am, and so on. In the Brahmanas,
also, we find tvac, Bvar» dyftue described as dissyllables, vyfina and
satyam as trisyllables, rfijanya as of four syllables, and the like. See
further 129 e.

114. Deaspiration. An aspirate mute is liable to
lose its aspiration, being allowed to stand unchanged only
before a vowel or semivowel or nasal.

115. Assimilation. The great body of euphonic
changes in Sanskrit, as elsewhere, falls under the general
head of assimilation — which takes place both between
sounds which are so nearly alike that the difference
between them is too insignificant to be worth preserving,
and between those which are so diverse as to be practically
incompatible.

116. In part, assimilation involves the conversion of
one sound to another of the same series, without change of
articulating position; in part, it involves a change of position,
or transfer to another series.

117. Of changes within the series, the most frequent and im-
portant occur in the adaptation of surd and sonant sounds to one

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117—] in. Euphonic Combination. 40

another; but the nasals and 1 have also in certain cases their special
assimilative influence. Thus:

a. In the two classes of non-nasal mntes and spirants, surd and sonant
are wholly incompatible ; no surd of either class can either precede or follow
a sonant of either.

b. A mute, surd or sonant, Is assimilated by being changed to its
correspondent of the other kind; of the spirants, the surd s is the only one
having a sonant correspondent, namely r, to which It Is convertible in ex-
ternal combination (164 ff.).

O. The nasals are more freely oombinable: a nasal may either precede
or follow a mute of either kind, or the sonant spirant h; it may also follow
a surd spirant (sibilant) ; no nasal, however, ever precedes a sibilant in the
interior of a word (it is changed instead to anuBV&ra); and in external
combination their concurrence is usually avoided by insertion of a surd mute.

d. A semivowel has still less sonantizing influence; and a vowel least
of all: both are freely preceded and followed by sounds of every other
class, in the interior of a word.

e. Before a sibilant, however, is found, of the semivowels, only r and
very rarely 1. Moreover, in external oombination, r is often changed to its
surd correspondent s.

But

f. In composition and sentence-collocation, initial vowels and semi-
vowels and nasals also require the preceding final to be sonant. And

g. Before a nasal and 1, the assimilative process is sometimes carried
further, by the conversion of a final mute to a nasal or 1 respectively.

118. Of conversions involving a change of articulate position, the
most important are those of dental sounds to lingual, and, less often,
to palatal. Thus:

a. The dental s and n are very frequently converted to 9 and n by
the assimilating influence of contiguous or neighbouring lingual sounds : the s,
even by sounds — namely, 1- and u-vowels and k — which have themselves
no lingual character.

b. A non-nasal dental mute is (with a few exceptions in external
combination) made lingual when it comes into collision with a lingual sound.

o. The dental mutes and sibilant are made palatal by a contiguous
palatal.

But also:

d* A m (not radical) is assimilated to a following consonant, of
whatever kind.

e. For certain anomalous cases, see 151.

119. The euphonic combinations of the palatal mutes, the palatal
sibilant, and the aspiration, as being sounds derived by phonetic
alteration from more original guttnrals (42 ff.), are made peculiar

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41 General Principles. [—124

and complicated by two oironmstances: their reyergion to a gn^ttnral
form (or the appearance of the unaltered guttural instead of them:
43); and the different treatment of j and h according as they represent
one or another degree of alteration — the one tending, like o, more
to the guttural reversion, the other showing, like 9, a more sibilant
and lingual character.

120. The lingual sibilant 9, also of derivative character (from
dental s), shows as radical final peculiar and problematic phenomena
of combination.

121. Extension and abbreviation of conso-
nant-gToups. The native grammarians allow or require
certain extensions^ by duplication or insertion^ of groups of
consonants. And, on the other hand, abbreviation of cer-
tain other groups is allowed, and found often practised in
the manuscripts.

122. Permitted Finals. The permitted occurrence
of consonants at the end of a word is quite narrowly
restricted. In general, only one consonant is allowed after
the last vowel; and that must be neither the aspiration,
nor a sibilant, nor a semivowel (save rarely ^ 1), nor an
aspirate mute, nor a sonant mute if not nasal, nor a palatal.

128. Increment and Decrement. Besides these

more or less regular changes accompanying the combination

of the parts that make up words, there is another class of

a different character, not consisting in the mutual adaptations

of the parts, but in strengthening or weakening changes of

the parts themselves.

124. It is impossible to carry through a perfectly systematic
arrangement of the detailed rules of euphonic combination, because
the different varieties of euphonic change more or less overlap and
intersect one another. The order observed below will be as follows:

1. Rules of vowel combination, for the avoidance of hiatus.

2. Rules as to permitted finals (since these underlie the farther
treatment of final consonants in external combination).

3. Rules for loss of aspiration of an aspirate mute.

4. Rules of surd and sonant assimilation, including those for final
B and r.

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124—] III. Euphonic Combination. 42

5. Rales for the conversion of dental sounds to lingual and
palatal.

6. Rules for the changes of final nasals, including those in which
a former final following the nasal re-appears in combination.

7. Rules regarding the special changes of the derivative sounds
— the palatal mutes and sibilant, the aspiration, and the lingual
sibilant.

8. Rules as to extension and abbreviation of consonant groups.

9. Rules for strengthening and weakening processes.
Everywhere, rules for more sporadic and less classifiable cases

will be given in the most practically convenient connection; and the
Index will render what help is needed toward finding them.

Rules of Vowel Combination.

125. The concurrence of two vowels, or of vowel and
diphthong, without intervening consonant, is forbidden by
the euphony of the later ox classical language. It is avoided,
according to the circumstances of the case, either by fusion
of the two concurrent sounds into one, by the reduction of
one of them to a semivowel, or by development of a semi-
vowel between them.

a. For the not infrequent cases of composition and sentence-combi-
nation in which the recent loss of a 8 or y or v between vowels leaves
a permanent hiatus, see below, 132 if., 175-7; for certain final vowels
which are maintained unchanged in sentence-combination before an Initial
vowel, see 138.

b« A very few words in their admitted written form show interior
hiatus; snch are tltAVL sieve (perhaps for titasu, BR.), pr&uga wagon-
pole (for prayuga?); and, in RY., suutL

c. The texts of the older dialeoi are written according to the enphonic
rales of the later language, although in them (see 113 b) the hiatus is
really of frequent occurrence. Hence they are not to he read as written,
but with constantly recurring reversal of the processes of vowel-combination
which they have been made artificially to undergo. See farther 128 e.

d. Also in the later language, hiatus between the two p&das or primary
divisions of a metrical line is tolerably frequent, and it is not unknown in
sporadic cases even In the interior of a p&da.

e. The rnles of vowel combination, as regards botii the resulting
sound and its accent, are nearly the same in internal and in external
saihdhi.

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43 Vowel Combination. [—127

126. Two similar simple vowels, short or long, coalesce,
and form the corresponding long vowel : thus, two a-vowels
(either or both of them short or long] form m S; two i- vowels,
^ I; two u-vowels, 3" tl; and, theoretically, two y- vowels
form f| fj but it is questionable whether the case ever
practically occurs. Examples are:

H ^iKsi: sa o& 'praja^ (ca + apraja^) ;
Mrflcf atl 'va (ati + iva) ;
Hn)«i^8tlktam (su-uktam);
^Isiwlrl^rajfi "sit (rfijfi + fisit);
M^46i(! adhl9varatL (adhi-l9varatL) ;
si^H*^juhtlpabhyt (juhfl — upabh^).

a. Ab the above examples indicate, it wiU be the practice everywhere
in this work, in transliteration (not in the devanSgari text), to separate
independent words; and if an initial vowel of a following word has coalesced
with a final of the preceding, this will be indicated by an apostrophe —
single if the initial vowel be the shorter, doable if it be the longer, of the
two different initials which in every case of combination yield the same result.

127. An a- vowel combines with a following i-vowel to
^ e; with an u-vowel, to 5JT o; with S T, to ^ ar; with

5T I (theoretically), to 55^ al; with ^ e or^ 5i, to^ 51; with "^^^ M "*
3^1 o or a|t fiu, to 3tt fiu. Examples are: ,/

(\^^ rSjendra (rSja-indra);

J^rTlM^W : hitopade9atL (hita-upade9atL] ;
t/ Hc^Rl : maharfi^ (maha-r9i]|;L);

^ 8&i 'va (sS-f-eva);

^IstUUH TSjSi9varyam (rSja-fti9VMryam);

f^cJJc+iH: divSukasa^ (divS-okasa^);

^ V NMM j varSu^adham (jvara-Su^adham).

a. In the Vedic texts, the vowel y is ordinarily written unchanged
after the a-vowei, which, if long, is shortened: thus, maha^^i^ instead of
maharfi^. The two vowels, however, are usually pronounced as one syllable.

b. When successive words like indra & ihi are to be combined, the
first combination, to indrft, is made first, and the result is indre " 'hi
(not indr&l " 'hi, from indra e 'hi).

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128—] III. Euphonic Combination. 44

128. As regards the accent of these vowel combinations, it ia
to be noticed that, 1. as a matter of course, the union of acute with
acute yields acute, and that of grave with grave yields grave ; that
of circumflex with circumflex cannot occur; 2. a circumflex with
following acute yields acute, the final grave element of the former
being raised to acute pitch; a grave with following acute does the
same, as no upward slide of the voice on a syllable is acknowledged
in the language; but, 3. when the former of the fused elements is
acute and the latter grave, we might expect the resulting syllable
to be in general circumflex, to represent both the original tones.
Panini in fact allows this accent in every such case; and in a single
accentuated Brahmana text (QB.), the circumflex is regularly written.
But the language shows, on the whole, an indisposition to allow the
circumflex to rest on either long vowel or diphthong as its sole basis,
and the acute element is suffered to raise the other to its own level
of pitch, making the whole syllable acute. The only exception to
this, in most of the texts, is the combination of { and i, which be-
comes i: thus, divi Va, from divf iva; in the Taittirlya texts alone
such a case follows the general rule, while a and u, instead, make
a: thus, Budgfttft from Bu-udg&tft.

129. The i-vowels, the u-vowels, and S y, before a
dissimilar vowel oi a diphthong, are regularly converted each
into its own corresponding semivowel, IT y or cf y or ^ r.
Examples are:

^rill«t ity aha (iti + ftha);
niijci madhv iva (madhu+iva);
ii^slif duhitrarthe (dtihitr-art£ef;
^CfHT Btry asya (strl+aBya):
c(^ vadhvSi (vadhtL-Si).

a. But in internal combination the i and u-vowels are not seldom
changed instead to iy and uv — and this especially in monosyllables,
or after two consonants, where otherwise a group of consonants
difficult of pronunciation would be the result. The cases will be
noticed. below, in explaining inflected forms.

b. A radical i-vowel is converted into y even before i in perfect
tense-inflecUon: so ninsrima (nini+ima).

o* In a few sporadic cases, i and u become iy and uv OTon in word-
composition: e. g., triyavi (tri + avi), viyafiga (vi + a&ga), Buvita
(BU + ita): compare 1204 b» c.

d. Not very seldom, the same word (especially as found in dlfTerent
texts of the older language) has more than one form, showing Tarions treatment

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45 VowHL Combination. [—181

of an i- or n-vowel : e. g. Bvkr or Buvar, tanv^ or tanuve* budhnyk
or budhnfyay riltry&i or rttriyfti. For the most part, doubtless, these
are ooly two vtys of writiog the same pronanciatioii, su-ar» budhnfa,
and so on ; and the disoordance has no other importance, historical or phonetic.
There is more or less of this difference of treatment of an i- or u-element
after a consonant in all periods of the language.

e. In the older langnage, there is a marked difference, in respect to
the frequency of Towel-combination for ayoiding hiatus as compared with
that of non-combination and consequent hiatus, between the class of cases
where two yowel-sounds, similar or dissimilar, woold coalesce into one (126,
127) and that where an 1- or u-Towel would be converted into a semi-
vowel. Thus, in word-composition, the ratio of the cases of coalesced vowels
to those of hiatus are in RV. as five to one. In AV. as nineteen to one,
while the cases of semivowel-conversion are in RY. only one in twelve, in
AV. only one in five; in sentence-combination, the cases of coalescence
are in both RY. and AY. about as seven to one, while those of semivowel-
conversion are in RY. only one in fifty, in AY. one in five.

f* For certain cases of the loss or assimilation of i and a before y and
V respectively, see 233 a.

130. As regards the accent — here, as in the preceding case
(128), the only combination requiring notice is that of an acute 1- or
a- vowel with a following grave: the result is circnmflex; and snch
cases of circumflex are many times more frequent than any and all
others. Examples are:

oUf^J vyu^tl (vi-urti); ^5P-Mt[(h abhy&roati;
7{^ nadyftu (nadi-ftu);

ftsfe" flvifta (su-i^ta); rF^?T tanvis (tand-w).

a. Of a similar combination of acute f with following grave, only a
single case has been noted in accented texts: namely, vij&fttr ^t&t (i. e.
VJJfi&t^ et&t: (^B, xiv. 6. 8ii); the accentuation is in accordance with the
rules for i and u.

181. Of a diphthong, the final i- or u-element is changed

to its corresponding semivowel, tr y or cf v, before any vowel

or diphthong: thus, ^ e (really ai: 28 a) becomes Wi ay,

and ^ o (that is, au: 28 a) becomes iER av; ^ fti becomes

mcr Ay, and ^^ Su becomes SR? ftv.

a. No change of accent, of course, occurs here; each original
syllable retains its syllabic identity, and hence also its own tone.

b. Examples can be given only for internal combination, since in external
combination there are farther changes: see the next paragraph. Thus,

^ naya (ne-a); ^M nSya (nSi-a);

Her bhava (bho-a); yrm bh&va (bhSu-a).

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132—] ni. Euphonic Combination. 46

182. In external combination, we have the important
additional rule that the semivowel resulting from the con-
version of the final element of a diphthong is in general
dropped; and the resulting hiatus is left without further
change.

188. That is to say, a final ^ e (the most frequent
case] becomes simply ^ a before an initial vowel (except
^ a: see 186, below), and both then remain unchanged;
and a final ^ 5i, in like manner, becomes (everywhere)
qr 5. Thus,

rT**MIHI: ta Sgatftl)^ (te + 5gat51;i);

RTT^ ^ nagara iha (nagare + iha);

cTFTT **(<(IH tasmS adadSt (tasmSi + ftdadSt) ;

{HMI >ifhH striyS uktam (striySi + uktam).

a. The later grammarians allow the y in such combinations to he either
retained or dropped; bat the uniform practice of the manuscripts, of eyery
age, in accordance with the strict requirement of the Yedlc grammars
(Prati9akhyas), is to omit the semiyowel and leave the hiatus.

b. The persistence of the hiatus caused by this omission is a plain
indication of the comparatively reeent loss of the intervening consonantal
sound.

c. Instances, however, of the a7oidance of hiatus by combination of the
remaining final vowel with the following initial according to the osual rules
are met with in every period of the language, from the RV. down; but
they are rare and of sporadic character. Compare the similar treatment of
the hiatus after a lost final 8, 176-7.

d. For the peculiar treatment of this combination in certain cases by
the MS., see below, 176 d.

134. a. The diphthong o (except as phonetic alteration of final
as: see 176 a) is an anasnal final, appearing only in the stem go
(361 o), in the yoc. sing, of u-stems (341), in words of which the
final a is combined with the particle u, as atho, and in a few inter-
jections. In the last two classes it is uncombinable (below, 138o,f};
the vocatives sometimes retain the v and sometimes lose it (the
practices of different texts are too different to be briefly sUted); go
(in composition only) does not ordinarily lose its final element, but
remains gav or go. A final as becomes a, with following hiatus,
before any vowel save a (for which, see the next paragraph).

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47 Vowel Combination. [—136

b. The cf V of SBR? ftv from ^ Su is usually Tetained:
thus,

rllcM tftv eva (tau+eva);

3Hlic(-^ilUl ubhSv indr&gnl (ubhSu + indrftgnl).

c. In the older languAge, however, it is in some texts dropped be-
fore an U-Yowel: thus, ta ubhftu; in other texts it is treated like fti, or
loses its u-element before every initial vowel: thos, ta ev&, ubht in-
drfigni.

186. After final ^ e or 3^ o, an initial ^ a disappears.

a* The resulting accent is as if the a were not dropped, but
rather absorbed into the preceding diphthong, having its tone duly
represented in the combination. If, namely, the e or o is grave or
circnmflex and the a acute, the former becomes acute; if the e or
o is acute and the a grave, the former becomes circumflex, as usu-
ally in the fusion of an acute and a grave element If both are
acute or both grave, no change, of course, is seen in the result.
Examples are:

^ vJSlcp? te *bruvan (ti abruvan);
nt ^J5^cftrT BO 'bravit (sdl)^ abravTt);
l^fHdoyl >rfn: hinsitavyo *gni^^ (hifisitavya^ agnil^);
yi^-^il vS'sIoJIh yid indro 'bravit (ydd indral)^ dbravit);
mrRFOT >^s|41h y4d r&jany6 'bravit (ydd rSjanyd^
dbravit).

b. As to the use of the avagraha sign in the case of snch an elision,
see above, 16. In transliteration, the reversed apostrophe, or rough breath-
ing, will be used in this work to represent it.

C. This elision or absorption of Initial a after flnal e or o, which in
the later language is the invariable rule, is in the Veda only an occasional
occurrence. Thus, in the RV., out of nearly 4500 instances of such an
initial a, it is, as the metre shows, to be really omitted only about seventy
times; in the AY., less than 300 times out of about 1600. In neither
work is there any accordance in respect to the combination in question
between the written and spoken form of the text: in RV., the a is (as
written) elided in more than three quarters of the cases; in AY., in about
two thirds; and in both texts it is written in a number of instances where
the metre requires its omission.

d. In a few cases, an initial ft is thus elided, especially that of
fttman.

e. To the rules of vowel combination, as above stated, there
are certain exceptions. Some of the more isolated of these will be

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186—] III. Euphonic Combination. 48

noticed where they come up in the processes of inflection etc.; a few
require mention here.

186. In internal combination:

a. The augment a makes with the initial vowel of a root the
combinations fti, fiu, fir (vrddhi-vowels: 286), instead of e» o» ar
fgu^a-vowels), as required by 127: thus, ftita (a + ita) fiubhnfit
(a+ublmftt)» ftrdhnot (a+r^hiiot)-

b. The final o of a stem (1208 a) becomes av before the suffix ya
(originally la: 1210 a).

o. The final Towel of a Btem is often dropped when a secondary suffix
is added (1208 a).

d. For the weakening and loss of radical Towels, and for certain inser-
tions, see below, 240 £f., 257-8.

187. In external combination:

a. The final a or & of a preposition, with initial ^ of a root, makes
fir instead of ar: Thus, firohati (&-hrohati), avfirchati (ava+rchati)»
upfir^ati (^B.: upa+r^ati; but AY. upaxi|anti).

b. Instances are occasionally met with of a final a or fi beiug lost
entirely before initial e or o: thus, in verb-forms, Kv* efyfimas Afi.,
up' e^atu etc AV.; in derivatives, as upetavya, upetf; in compounds,
as da^oni* yathetam» and (permissibly) compounds with o^fha (not rare),
otu (not quotable), odaiia» as adharo^tha or adhar&u^thay tilodana
or tilftadana-, and even in sentence-combination, as !▼* etayas* a^vln'
eva, yath' ooi^e (all RY.), tv* eman and tv* odman B.; and always
with the exclamation om or oiiik&ra.

o. The form uh from y^vah sometimes makes the heavier or v^dhi
(285) diphthongal combination with a preceding a-vowel: thus, prfiu<}hi»
akQftuhi]^ (from pra + Hijihi. etc.).

138. Certain final vowels, moreover, are uncombinable
(pragrhya), or maintain themselves unchanged before any
following vowel. Thus,

a. The vowels i, u and e as dual endings, both of declen-
sional and of conjugational forms. Thus, bandhu fisftte im&u; glri
ftrohatam.

b. The pronoun ami (nom. pi: 501); and the Vedic pronominal
forms a8m6, yu^m^, tv6 (402 a).

o. A final o made by combination of a final a-vowel with the particle
u (1122 b): thus, atho» mo» no.

d. A final i of a Vedic locatiye case from an i-stem (886 f).

e. A protracted final vowel (78).

f. The final, or only, vowel of an interjection, as aho» he» &, U u.

g. The older language shows occasional exceptions to these rules : thus,
a dual I combined with a following i, as ni^&ti *va; an a elided after o,
as iktho *ai\ a locative i turned into a semivowel, as v6dy asyibn.

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49 Permittbd Finals. [—141

Permitted Finals.

189. The sounds allowed to occur as finals in Sanskrit
words standing by themselves (not in euphonic combination
with something following] are closely limited^ and those
which would etymologically come to occupy such a position
are often variously altered, in general accordance with their
treatment in other circumstances, or are sometimes omitted
altogether.

a. The variety of consonants that would ever come at the end of either
an inflected form or a derivative stem in the language is very small : namely,
in forms, only t (or d), n, m, 8; in derivative stems, only t, d, n, r, 8
(and, in a few rare words, j). But almost all consonants occur aa finals
of roots; and every root is liable to be found, alone or as last member of
a compound, in the character of a declined stem.

140. All the vowel sounds, both simple and diphthongal,
may be sounded at the end of a word.

a. But neither f nor I ever actually occurs; and ^ is rare (only as
neuter sing, of a stem in x or ar, or as final of such a stem in composition).

Thus, {ndra» QivdyS, &kftri, nadl, datu» oamd» Janayitf» &gne,
^iviyfti, vayo, agn&u. >^

141. Of the non-nasal mutes, only the first in each series,

the non-aspirate surd, is allowed; the others — surd aspirate,

and both sonants — whenever they ly^ould etymologically

occur, are converted into this.

Thus, agnim&t for agnim&th» suh^ for suhf d, virut for virudh,
triiitdp for trif ^bh. . /

a. In a few roots, when their final (sonant aspirate) thus
loses its aspiration, the original sonant aspiration of the
initial reappears: compare ^ h, below, 147.

Thus, dagh becomes dhak, budh becomes bhut, and so on.
The roots exhibiting this change are stated below, 166.

b. There was some question among the Hindu grammarians as to
whether the final mute is to be estimated as of surd or of sonant quality;
but the great weight of authority, and the invariable practice of the manu-
scripts, favor the surd.

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 4

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142—] III. Euphonic Combination. 50

142. The palatals, however, form here (as often else-
where) an exception to the rules for the other mutes. No
palatal is allowed as final. The ^ o reverts (48) to its
original SR k: thus, ofl^ vSk, ^«^|i|oh aiihomuk. The W oh
(only quotable in the root ^^ praeh) becomes Z t- thus,
^n?r prSf. The sT j either reverts to its original guttural oi
becomes 7 t, in accordance with its treatment in other com-
binations (219): thus, ftqcR bhi^ak, f^^l^ virSt. The ^ jh
does not occur, but is by the native grammarians declared
convertible to Z t-

148. Of the nasals, the ^ m and ^ n are extremely
common, especially the former (IT ni and H b are of all final
consonants the most frequent); the QI qi is allowed, but is
quite rare; ^ ft is found (remaining after the loss of a fol-
lowing gR k) in a very small number of words (886 b, o,
407 a); t^fi never occurs.

a. But the final m of a root is changed to n (compare 212 a,
below) : thus, akran from kram, &gan, ajagan» aganlgan from gam,
inftn from nam, ayftn from yam, pra9&n from 9am ; no other cases
are quotable.

144. Of the semivowels, the cT 1 alone is an admitted
final, and it is very rare. The ^ ^ ^ (^^^ ^^ nearest surd
correspondent, H s: 145) changed as final to visarga. Of
IT y and cf v there is no occurrence.

145. Of the sibilants, none may stand unaltered at the
end of a word. The H 8 (which of all final consonants
would otherwise be the commonest) is, like ^ r, changed to
a breathing, the visarga. The ^ 9 either reverts (48) to its
original ^ k, or, in some roots, is changed to ^ t ("^ accor-
dance with its changes in inflection and derivation: see
below, 218): thus, f^ dik, but fsRT vit. The ^9 is like-
wise changed to Z %: thus, ^TFRT prSvrt.

a. The change of Q to f is of rare occurrence : see below, 226 d.

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51 Pbbmittbd Finals. [—160

b. Final radical s is said by the grammariant to be obanged to t ; but
no sue example of tbe cooTorslon is quotable: see 168; and compare
555 a.

146. The compound ^ k^ is prescribed to be treated
as simple ^ ? (not becoming of) k by ISO, below) . But
the case is a rare one, and its actual treatment in the older
language irregular.

a. In tbe only RV. cases where tbe kf has a qoasi-radical character —
namely aniik from an&kf, and &myak from ymyakf — tbe conTorsion
is to k. Also, of fonns of tbe s-aorist (see 890), we baye adhSk. aarftk,
arftiky etc (for adhftk^-t etc.); bat also aprftf, ay&t> av&t» aarftt (for
aprakf-t etc.). And RV. has twice ayfis from ^yaj, and AY. twice erfts
from ysfj (wrongly referred by BR. to )/8ra&B), both 2d sing., where the
personal ending has perhaps crowded ont tbe root-final and tense-sign.

b. Tbe numeral faf iix is perhaps better to be regarded as ^akf, with
its ki} treated as 9, according to the accepted rule.

147. The aspiration ^ h is not allowed to maintain
itself, but (like sT j and ^ 9) either reverts to its original
guttural form, appearing as qF k, or is changed to Z t —
both in accordance with its treatment in inflection: see
below, 222. And, also as in inflection, the original sonant
aspiration of a few roots (given at 155 b) reappears when their
final thus becomes deaspirated. Where the ^ h is from
original ? dh (228 g), it becomes cT t.

148. The visarga and anusvara are nowhere etymolog-
ical finals; the former is only the substitute for an original
final H 8 or ^ r; the latter occurs as final only so far as
it is a substitute for IT m (218 h).

149. Apart from the vowels, then, the usual finals,
nearly in the order of their frequency, are : ^ IT m, ^n,
H t, e|) k, ^ p, 7 t; those of only sporadic occurrence are
:? ft, ^ 1, in ^; and, by substitution, - lii.

150. In general, only one consonant, of whatever kind,
is allowed to stand at the end of a word; if two or more
would etymologically occur there, the last is dropped, and
again the last, and so on, till only one remains.

A*

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150—] III. Euphonic Combination. 52

a. Thus, tudantB becomes tudant, and this tudan; udafio-B
becomes adafik(142)» and this udaii; and aohftntat (B-aor., 3d sing.,
of yohand [890 b]) is in like manner reduced to aohftn.

b. Bat a non-nasal mate, if radical and not suffixal, is retained
after r: thus, iA from urj, vktk from yvi^i» avart from yvxt, 4mfirt
from ymfjy soh&rt from suhftrd. The case is not a common one.

c. For relics of former doable finals, preserred by the later language
under the disguise of apparent euphonic combinationB, see helow, 207 ff.

161. Anomalous couTersions of a final mute to one of another class
are occasionally met with. Examples are :

a. Of final t to k: thus, 1. in a few words that have assumed a
special value as particles, as Jyok, tfij&k (beside tBikt)^ fdhak (beside
fdhat)» p^ak, drftk; and of kindred character is kh&dagd&nt (TA.);

2. in here and there a verbal form, as sftvi^ak (AV. and VS. Kan.),
dambhi^ak (Apast), avi^yak (ParaskOt filialak (VS. MS.; ^ ftharat);

3. in root-finals or the t added to root-stems (883 e), as -dh^k for -dh^
(Sutras and later) at the end of compounds, BU^ruk (TB.), PlT^^u (SV.);
and 4. we may further note here the anomalous efikf va (AB. ; for intava,
l/idh) and avfikaam (AB.), and the feminines in kni from masculines
in ta (1176 d).

b. Of final d or t to a lingual: thus, pad in Vedie pa^bhia,
p&<3lgrbhi, p&<jlbi9a; upfinA<jLbhy&m (gB.); vy avftf (MS. iii. 4. 9}
j/vaa shine), and perhaps &p& *r9.\ (MS.; or ^raj?).

o. Of k or J to t, in an isolated example or two, as samyAt, ^uqpt,
vi^vaaft (TS. K.), and pray&teu (VS. Ts.; AV. -k^u).

d. In Taittlriya texts, of the final of anu^tubh and triftubh to a
guttural: as, anuftuk oa» tri^tugbhia^ anu^tugbhyaa.

e. Of a labial to a dental: in kakdd for and beside kaki&bh; in
saihstdbhis (TS.) from )/Bn>; and in adbhis, adbhy&a, from ap or
ftp (393). Excepting the first, these look like cases of dissimilation; yet
examples of the combination bbh are not very rare in the older language :
thus, kakabbhyftm» triftubbhis, kakubbha]^<}A» anuffub bhi.

f. The forms pratidhu^aa, -9ft (Taittlriya texts) from pratidoli are
isolated anomalies.

162. For all the processes of external combination —
that is to say, in composition and sentence-collocation —
a stem-final or word-final is in general to be regarded aa
having, not its etymological form, but that given it by the
rules as to permitted finals. From this, however, are to be
excepted the s and r: the various transformations of these
sounds have nothing to do with the visarga to which as

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53 Dbaspiration. [—165

finals before a pause they have — doubtless at a com-
paiatively recent period of phonetic history — come to be
reduced. Words will everywhere in this work be written
with final 0 or r instead of l)^; and the rules of combination
will be stated as for the two more original sounds, and not
for the visarga.

Deaspiration.

168. An aspirate mute is changed to a non-aspirate
before another non-nasal mute or before a sibilant; it stands
unaltered only before a vowel or semivowel or nasal.

a. Such a case can only arise in internal combination, since the
proeeeses of external combination presuppose the redaction of the aspirate
to a non-aspirate sard (162).

b. Practically, also, the rales as to changes of aspirates concern
almost only the sonant aspirates, since the sard, being of later deyelopment
and rarer occorrence, are hardly ever foand in sitaations that call for their
application.

164. Hence, if such a mute is to bb doubled, it is
doubled by prefixing its own corresponding non-aspirate.

a. Bat in the manascripts, both Yedic and later, an aspirate mute
is not seldom found written double — especially, if it be one of rare occur-
rence: for example (RV.), aUikhali» jUl\)liati

166. In a few roots, when a final sonant aspirate (C|
gh, q[^dh, H^bh; also ^ h, as representing an original ^ gh)
thus loses its aspiration, the initial sonant consonant (7f g
or ^ d or Sf b) becomes aspirate.

a. That is to say, the original initial aspirate of such roots is restored,
-when its presence does not interfere with the euphonic law, of comparatiyely
recent origin, which (in Sanskrit as in Qreek) forbids a root to both begin
and end with an aspirate.

b. The roots which show this peculiar change are:
in gh — dagh;

in h (for original gh) — dah, dih, duh, druh» df^ guh ; and
also grah (in the later desideratiye Jigh^kfa);

in dh — bandh, bftdh» budh;

in bh — dabh (but only in the later desideratiye dhipsa for which
the older language has dipsa).

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165—] III. Euphonic Combination. 54

o. The same change appears when the law as to finals causes the loss
of the aspiration at the end of the root: see above, 141.

d. But from dah^ duh, druh, and guh are found in the Yeda
also forms without the restored initial aspirate: thus, dakfat; adaki^at;
duduk^a etc.; Jugukfa; mitradruk.

e. The same analogy is followed by dadh, the abbreviated substitute
of the present-stems dadhft, from ydhft (667), in some of the forms of
conjugation: thus, dhatthas from dadh + thas, adhatta from adadh-}-
ta» adtiaddhvam from adadh+dhvam, etc.

f. No case is met with of the throwing back of an aspiration upon
combination with the 2d sing. impv. act. ending dhi: thus, diigdhl,
daddhi (RV.), but dhugdhvam, dhaddhvam.

Surd and Sonant Assimilation.

156. Under this head^ there is especially one very -marked
and important difference between the internal combinations
of a root or stem with suffixes and endings, and the external
combinations of stem with stem in composition and of word
with word in sentence-making: namely —

157. a. In Internal combination, the initial vowel or

semivowel or nasal of an ending of inflection or derivation

exercises no altering influence upon a final consonant of the

root or stem to which it is added.

b. To this rule there are some exceptions : thus, some of the deriyatives
noted at 111 d; final d of a root before the participial suffix na (957 d);
and the forms noted below, 161 b.

o. In external combination, on the other hand, an initial

sonant of whatever class, even a vowel or semivowel or

nasaJ, requires the conversion of a final surd to sonant.

d. It has been pointed out aboye (152) that in the rules of external
combination only admitted finals, along with 8 and r, need be taken
account of, all others being regarded as reduced to these before eombining
with initials.

158. Final vowels, nasals, and ?r 1 are nowhere liable

to change in the processes of surd and sonant assimilation.

a. The r, however, has a corresponding surd in b, to which it is
sometimes changed in external combination, under circumstances that
favor a surd utterance (178).

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55 AssuaLATiON. [—161

150. With the exceptions above stated, the collision

of surd and sonant sounds is avoided in combinations —

and, r^^nlarly and usually, by assimilating the final to the

following initial, (or by regressive assimilation.

Thus, in internal combination: ktsi, &tti, atth&8» att4 (>^ad +
si etc) ; ^agdhl, 9agdhv&m (/9ak + dhietc.) ;— in external combination,
ibhud ay&m, Jy6g Jiva, ^^ a^it&ya^, triftub &pi, dig-gaja, fa^-
ahkt arc&d-dhuma, brh&d-bhftnu, ab-J&.

160. If, however, a final sonant aspirate of a root is

followed by cT t or ST th of an ending, the assimilation is in

the other direction, or progressive : the combination is made

sonant, and the aspiration of the final (lost according to 163,

above] is transferred to the initial of the ending.

Thns, gh with t or th becomes gdh; dh with the same becomes
ddh, as baddh& ()/budh + ta)» ruddhitB (yrundh -|- thas or tas);
bb with the same becomes bdh, as labdhi (yiabh-f-ta), labdhva
(f/labh-f-tva).

a. Moreover, b, as representing original gb, is treated in the same
manner: thns, dugdb&y d6gdbum from dub — and compare rfifbi
and U^ba from rob and lib, etc., 222 b.

b. In this eombination, as the sonant aspiration is not lost but transferred,
the restoration of the initial aspiration (165) does not take place.

c. In dadb from ydhJBL (165 e), the more normal method is foUowed;
the db is made sard, and the initial aspirated : thns, dbattbas, dbattas.
And BV. has dbaktam instead of dagdbam from /dagb; and TA. has
inttam instead of Inddbftm from yidb.

161. Before a nasal in external combination, a final

mute may be simply made sonant, or it may be still further

assimilated, being changed to the nasal of its own class.

Thus, either tAd nAmas or t&n nAmas, vig me or vafl me» bA<jL
mabin or bAi^ maban, triftub nonAm or tri^tum nUnAm.

a. In practice, the conversion into a nasal is almost invarjably made
in the manuscripts, as, indeed, it is by the Pratioakhyas required and not
permitted merely. Even by the general grammarians it is required in the
compound fAi^J^vati, and before mfttrft, and the suffix maya (1226):
thus, vSfimAyay mfnmAya.

b. Even in internal combination, the same assimilation is made In
some of the derivatives noted at 1 1 1 d, and in the na-partioiples (857 d).
And a few spondio instances are met with even in verb-inflection: thus.

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lei— ] III. Euphonic Combination. 56

Btifinoti, Btiflnuyfit (MS. ; for 8tighn-)» mpinita (L^S. ; foi lafdn.-)^
jSnmayana (KS. ; for jSgm-) ; these, however (like the double aspirates,
154 a), are donhtless to be rejected as false readings.

162. Before 1, a final t Is not merely made sonant, bat fully
asBimilated, becoming 1: thus, t&l labhate, ulluptam.

163. Before ^ h (the case occurs only in external com-
bination], a final mute is made sonant; and then the ^ h
may either remain unchanged or be converted into the
sonant aspirate corresponding with the former: thus, either
rrf^^ tdd hi or rTfe tdd dhi.

a. In practice, the latter method is almost invariably followed ; aod the
grammarians of the Prati9akhya period are nearly unanimous in requiring it.
The phonetic diiference between the two is very slight

Examples are: vig ghut&l^ 9&<Jl4hotft (^at+hotfi), taddhita
(tat + hita), anuftub bhi.

Combinations of final H^s and ^ r.

164. The euphonic changes of H b and ^ r are best
considered together, because of the practical relation of
the two sounds, in composition and sentence-collocation,
as corresponding surd and sonant: in a host of cases H 8
becomes ^ r in situations requiring or favoring the occur-
rence of a sonant; and, much less often, ;^ r becomes H s
where a surd is required.

a. In internal combination, the two are far less exchangeable with
one another: and this class of cases may best be taken up first.

165. Final r radical or quasi-radical (that is, not belonging to
an ending of derivation) remains unchanged before both surd and sonant
sounds, and even before su in declension: thus, pfpar^i, catarth&,
oatiEir^u, ptlrij^u.

166. Final radical b remains before a surd in general, and usu-
ally before s, as in ^assi, 9fi8Bva» fi8Be» ft^I^^u (the last is also
written ft9ihfa: 172): but it is lost in dsi ()/as+8i: 686). Before
a sonant (that is, bh) in declension, it is treated as in external com-
bination: thus, ft^irbhlB. Before a sonant (that is, dh) in conjugation,
it appears to be dropped, at least after long & : thus, ^ftdhi, Qa^&dhi,
oak&dhi (the only quotable cases); in edhf (j/as+dhi: 636) the
root syllable is irregularly altered; but in 2d perss. pi., made with
dhvam, as ftdhvam, 9&dhvam» ar&dhvam (881 a)» vadhvam [Y'vtm

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57 Final s and p. [—169

eMhe]j it is, on account of the equivalonce and interchangeability of
dhv and ddhv (232), impoBsible to say whether the 8 in omitted or
converted into d.

a. Final radical n is very rare; RY. (twice, both 2d pers. sing.) treats
&ghaa from ^^ghas in the same manner at any ordinary word ending
in as.

b. For certain cases of irregnlar loss of the 8 of a root or tense-stem,
see 23d b-e.

167. In a very few cases, final radical a before a is changed to
t (perhaps by dissimilation): they are, from /vas dwell (also sporad-
ically from vas shine, QB., and* vas cloihej Har.)> the future vatsy^bni
and aorist ivatsam; from /ghas, the desiderative stem jfghataa.

a. For t as apparent ending of the 3d sing, in s-verhs, see 655 a.

168. According to the grammarians, the final 8 of certain other rooUi,
used as noan-stems, hecomes t at the end of the word, and hefore bh and
an : thus, dhvas, dhvadbbis, aradbhyas, sratsn. Bnt genuine examples
of such change are not quotable.

a. Sporadic cases of a like conTorsion are found in the Veda : namely,
mfidbbfa and mftdbhy&s from mi»: o^&dbhis from of&a; Bv&tavad-
bhyas ttom ar&tavaa; av&vadbhia etc. (not quotable) from av&vas.
But the actuality of the conversion here Is open to graye douht; it rather
seems the snhstitatlon of a t-stem for a 8-stem. The same Is true of the
change of vftfra to vat in the declension of perfect participles (458). The
stem ^au^TuJcL (404), from anas-vah, is anomaloas and isolated.

b. In the compounds duqohunft (dua-^nnft) and p&ruoohepa
(para8-9epa), the final a of the first memher is treated as if a t (208).

168. As the final consonant of derivative stems and of inflected
forms, both of declension and of conjugation, a is extremely frequent;
and its changes form a subject of first-rate importance in Sanskrit
euphony. The r, on the other hand, is quite rare.

a. The r is found as original final in certain case-forms of stems in
f or ar (368 if.)-, in root^stems in ir and ur from roots in ^ (383b);
in a small number of other stems, as avkr, ihar and Adbar (beside
Allan and ddhan: 430), dvar or dnr, and the Vedic v&dhar, u^ar-,
vasar-y vanar-, ^rutar-* aapar-, aabar-* athar- (cf. 176 o); in a
few particles, as ant&r, prftt&r» punar; and in the numeral oatur
(482 g).

b. The euphonic treatment of a and r yielding precisely the same
result after all vowels except a and &, there are certain forms with regard
to which it is uncertain whether they end In a or r, and opinions diifer
respecting them. Such are ur (or tta) of the gen.-abl. sing, of ^-sterns
(371 o), and ua (or ur) of the 3d plur. of verbs (550 o).

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170—] ni. EuPHOKio Combination. 58

170. a. The H 8, as already noticed (145), becomes
visarga before a pause.

b. It is retained unchanged only when followed by
rT t or ST th, the surd mutes of its own class.

c. Before the palatal and lingual surd mutes — ^^o and
^ eh, 7 t and 7 fh — it is assimilated, becoming the sibilant
of either class respectively, namely ^ 9 or cr f .

d. Before the guttural and labial surd mutes — ofi k and

1^ kh, ^ p and ^ ph — it is also theoretically assimilated,

becoming respectively the jihvSmUlIya and upadhm&nlya

spirants (69); but in practice these breathings are unknown,

and the conversion is to visarga.

Examples are: to b. tatas te» cakfus te; to c. tata9 oa,, tasy&g
chayft; pada? (alati; to d. nala^ kfimam, pmrufalj^ khanati; ya^a^
prfipa, vrkjfatL phalavftn.

171. The first three of these rales are almost universal; to the
last one there are namerous exceptions, the sibilant being retained (or,
by 180, converted into f), especially in compounds; but also, in the
Veda, even in sentence combination.

a. In the Veda, the retention of the sibilant in compoands is the general
rule, the exceptions to which are detailed in the Yedic grammars.

b. In the later language, the retention is mainly determined by the
intimacy or the antiquity and frequency of the combination. Thus, the final
sibilant of a preposition or a word filling the office of a preposition before
a verbal root is wont to be preserved ; and that of a stem before a deriyatlTe
of ykf, before pati, before kalpa and k&ma, and so on. Examples are
namaskara, vftcaspati, ayufk&ma, payaskalpa.

c. The Vedic retention of the sibilant in sentence'Collocation is detailed
in fnll in the Prati9akhyas. The chief classes of cases are: 1. the final of
a preposition or its like before a verbal form; 2. of a genitive before a
governing nonn: as div&8 putr&h» i^&B pad6; 3. of an ablative before
p&ri: as him&vatas p&ri; 4. of other less classifiable cases: as dyftuf
piti, trff piitva» y&s p&ti^, parldhf? p&t6ti» etc.

172. Before an initial sibilant — ^ 9, cr 9, T\ s — H s

is either assimilated, becoming the same sibilant, or it is

changed into visarga.

a. The native grammarians are in some measure at variance (see
APr. ii. 40, note) as to which of these changes should be made, and in

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59 Combinations op Final b. [—176

put ibey allow either at pleatnre. The nsage of the manusoripts is also
diseordant; the eonrerslon to visarga is the preralent practice, thongh the
iibilant is also not infrequently found written, especially in South-Indian
manuscripts.' European editors generally write visarga; but the later
dictionaries and glossaries generally make the alphabetic place of a word the
same as if the sibilant were read instead.

Examples are: manuh svayam or manus svayam; indrah ^Orah
or indra^ ^tirah; tft^ ^a,% or tSf ^af.

173. There are one or two exceptions to these rules:

a. If the initial sibilant has a surd mute after it, the final B may be
dropped altogether — and by some authorities is required to be so dropped.
Thus, vSyava stha or vftyava]^ stha; catustanftm or oatuhatanftm.
With regard to this point the usage of the different manuscripts and editions
is greatly at Taiiance.

b« Before ts, the 8 is allowed to become visarga, instead of being
retained.

174. Before a sonant, either vowel or consonant (ex-
cept ^ r: see 179), H s is changed to the sonant ^ r —
unless, indeed, it be preceded by ^ a or 3srr ft.

Examples are: devapatir iva* Qririva; manur gaochati, tanur
apBu; Bvaafr ajanayat; tayor adp^iakftmall^; sarvftir gtugi&ih; agner
manve.

a. For a few cases like du4&9a9 d&t^a^ see below, 199 d.

b. The exclamation bhOB (466) loses its s before vowels and sonant
consonants; thus, bho nfiifadha (and the s is sometimes found omitted
also before surds).

c. The endings ^^ as and i^TTH fis (both of which are
extremely common) follow rules of their own, namely:

176. a. Final SBFR as, before any sonant consonant and
before short 35( a, is changed to ^ o — and the 9 a after
it is lost.

b. The resulting accentuation, and the fact that the loss of a is only
occasional in the older language of the Veda, haye been pointed out above,
135 a, o.

Examples are: nalo n&ma, brahma^yo vedavit; manobhava;
hantavyo *8mi; anyonya (anyas -f anya), ya9ort]iam (ya^as-f
artham).

e. Final 35|^as before any other vowel than ^ a loses
its H 8, becoming simple ^ a; and the hiatus thus occasion-
ed remains.

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175—] III. Euphonic Combination. (i\ 60

d. That is to say, the o from as is treated as an origloal e is treated
in the same situation: see 13SU3. /

Examples are: b^hada^va uvftoa, ftditya .iva, n&maukti,
v&syaifti. /

176. EzceptioDB to the rales as to final as a^B:

a. The nominative mascnllne pronouns ska anfd e^&s and (Yedic)
sy&8 (496 a, 499 a, b) lose their s before any Unsonant: thus, sa
dadar^a he saw, e^ purufa)^ this man] bat so *bravlt ?ie said,
puru^a ei|^.

b. Instances are met with, both in the earlier and in the later lan-
guage, of effacement of the hiatus after alteration o&as, by combination
of the remaining final a with the following initial vowel; thus, tato
VAca (tatas-f-uv&ca), payof^i (payas +11991% adhfisana (adhas +
asana): compare 133 c, 177 b. In the Veda, such a combination is
sometimes shown by the metre to be required, though the written text has
the hiatus. But sa in RY. is in the great majority of cases combined with
the following vowel: e. g., b6 'd for b& id, sa 'smfti for si asmfti,
sftu 'fadhil^ for si b^adhil^i and similar examples are found also in the
other Yedic texts.

c. Other sporadic irregularities in the treatment of final as occur.
Thus, it is changed to ar instead of o once in RV. in av&s, once in SY.
in ivas (RY. &vo), once in MS. in dambhi^as; in bhuvas (second of
the trio of sacred utterances bhiis, bhuvas, svar), except iu its earliest
occurrences; in a series of words in a Brahmana passage (TS. K.), viz.
jinv&r, ugr&r, bhlm^, tvef4r, ^rut&r, bhtit&r, and (K. only) ptlt&r;
in Janar and maliar; and some of the ar-stems noted at 169 a are perhaps
of kindred character. On the other hand, as is several times changed to o
in RY. before a surd consonant; and s&s twice, and y&s once, retains its
final sibilant in a like position.

d. In MS., the final a left before hiatus by alteration of either as
(o) or 6 (133) is made long if itself unaecented and if the following initial
vowel is accented: thus, sitrft 6ti (from stiras+^ti), nimpyAtft {ndrfiya
(from -yAte+fnd-), and also kftry^ 6ka- (from kftryks, because virtually
kftrias); but ftdity& {ndra^ (from ftdity&s + Indrah), et&ftare (from
et^ + itare).

177. Final sgnH Sa before any sonant, whether Yowel or

consonant, loses its T\ s, becoming simple ^ fi; and a hiatus

thus occasioned remains.

a. The maintenance of the hiatus in these cases, as in that of o and
6 and fti (above, 133-4), seems to indicate a recent loss of the intermediate
sound. Opinions are divided as to what this should have been. Some of
the native grammarians assimilate the case of &s to that of fti, assuming

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61 Combinations op Final r. [—180

the eoDTeiBion to fiy in both alike — but probably only as a matter of
fonnal conyenience iii lole-making.

b. Here, too (as in the timilar caset of e and fti and o: 188 O9
176 b), there are examples to be found, both earlier and later, of effaeement
of the hiatns.

178. Final ^ r, in general, shows the same form which

H 8 would show undei the same conditions.

•>»

ak Thus, it becomes vlsarga when final, and a sibilant or viaarga
before an initial surd mate or sibilant (170): thus, mdatS puna^,
dv&B tat, 8va9 oa, oatu^oatvariA^at ; and (lllo,d) prfttast&na,
antaetya* oatu^^aya, dhustva; prftta^ karoti» anta^pftta.

b. But original final r preceded by a or ft maintains itself un-
changed before a sonant: thus, punar eti, pr&tarjit» &kar jyotl^
&har d^unna, vSrdhl.

o. The r is preserved unchanged even before a surd in a number of
Vedic compounds: thus, aharp&ti; svarcanas, sv&rcak^as, svarpati,
srar^a, avar^ati; dhor^fiUl, dhortjah; ptirpati, v&rkary&y a^Irpada,
punartta; and in some of these the r is optionally retained iu the later
language. The RY. also has &var t&mah once in sentence-combination.

d« On the other hand, final ar of the verb-form avar is changed to
o before a sonant in several cases in RY. And r is lost, like s, in one
or two cases in the same text: thus, ak^a (ndti^» &ha ev&.

179. A double r is nowhere admitted: if such would occur, either
by retention of an original r or by conversion of s to r, one r is
omitted, and the preceding vowel, if short, is made long by compen-
sation.

Thus, puna ramate, n^pati rlUati» matA rih&n, Jyotiratha»
duroha^A.

a. In some Yedic texts, however, there are instances of ar changed to
o before initial r: thus, Bv6 rohava.

Conversion of ^s to ^9.

180. The dental sibilant H s is changed to the lingual
tST 9, if immediately preceded by any vowel save 5f a and
3BrT 5, or by gR k or IJ* r — unless the H s be final, followed
by T r. "

a. The assimilating influence of the preceding lingual vowels and
semiTowel is obyious enough ; that of k and the other rowels appears to
be due to a somewhat retracted position of the tongne in the mouth during

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180—] III. Euphonic Combination. 62

their utterance, cauiing its tip to reach the roof of the month more easily
at a point further back than the dental one.

b. The general Hindu grammar prescribes the same change after a 1
also; but the Prati9akhyas give no such rule, and phonetic considerations,
the 1 being a dental sound, are absolutely against it Actual cases of the
combination do not occur in the older language, nor hare any been pointed
out in the later.

0. The YOwelB that cause the alteration of s to 9 may be called
for brevity's sake "alterant" vowels.

181. Hence, in the interior of a Sanskrit word, the dental s is
not asually found after any vowel save a and ft, but, instead of it
the lingual 9. But —

a. A following r prevents the conversion: thus, usra* tiaras,
taniiBra. And it is but seldom made in the forms and derivatives of
a root containing an r-element (whether r or 7), whatever the position
of that element: thus, sisarti, sisftam, Barl8n>^ tistire, parisrat.
To this rule there are a few exceptions, as vift^, vl9tar&, nf^ffta,
vifpardhae, g&viftl^ft* etc. In aju^ran the final 9 of a root is
preserved even immediately before r.

b. This dissimilating influence of a following r, as compared with
the invariable assimilating influence of a preceding r, is peculiar and prob-
lematical.

o. The recurrence of 9 in snccessiye syllables is sometimes avoided by
leaving the formers unchanged: thus, sisakfl, but sifakti; yftBisiffliftSy
but yftsiijimahi. Similarly, in certain desiderative formations: see below,
184 e.

d. Other cases are sporadic: RY. has the forms siaioe and sisiouB
(but sificatua), and the stems rbfea* kiBt&» bfaa* btL8&» bfsaya; a
single root pis, with its derivative pesuka. Is found once in QB,; MS.
has mpsm^a; mi^sala begins to be found in AY.; and such cases
grow more numerous; for puiiiB and the roots nifiB and hiiiB, see below,
183 a.

182. On the other hand (as was pointed out above, 62), the
occurrence of 9 in Sanskrit words is nearly limited to cases falling
under this rule: others are rather sporadic anomalies — except where
9 is the product of 9 or k^ before a dental, as is draQfum, ca^t®,
tva^far: see 218, 221. Thus, we find —

6U Four roots, kaQ, la^, bha^, bhfif, of which the last is common
and is found as early as the Brahmanas.

b. Further, in RY., afa* kav&i|fa, ca^&a, c^a, j&lfi^a, p&^ya,
ba^k&ya, v&faf (for vak^atP), kf^^hft; and, by anomalous alteration
of original s» -ffth (turfiflth etc.), ifftijiia, upaftut» and probably apfift^i
and aQtbiv&nt* Such cases grow more common later.

O. The numeral fa^, as already noted (149 b), is more probably fakij^

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63 CONVBRfllON OF 8 TO 9. [—186

183. The nasalization of the alterant vowel — or, in other words,
its being followed by anusv&ra — does not prevent its altering effect
npon the sibilant: thus, haviAfi, partUi^i. And the alteration takes
place in the initial s of an ending after the final 8 of a stem, whether
the latter be regarded as also changed to 9 or as converted into
visarga: thus, haviffu or havil^fu, paru^u or panilj^fu.

a. Bat the 8 of puma (394) remainB unchanged, apparently on
aeoonnt of the retained sense of its value as puma; also that of yhitkf
because of its value as bins (hlnasti etc.); yzdhs (RY. only) is more
questionable.

184. The principal cases of alteration of a in internal combination
are these:

a. In endings, inflectional or derivative, beginning with a— thns,
8u; Bi» 869 8va; 8 of sibilant-aorist, future, and desiderative; suffixes
ana, bdxl, ay a, etc. — after a final alterant vowel or consonant of root
or stem, or a union- vowel: thus, juhofi, ^ei|^, anftii^am, bhavi^yfiml,
9U9rQfe9 de^ijia* ji^nu, vikfu, akfirfam.

b. The final a of a stem before an ending or suffix: thus: havifft,
havifas, etc., from havia; ^ak^tmmant, ^ocifka, mftntma, manufya,
jyotiftva.

O. Roots having a final sibilant (except 9) after an alterant vowel are
— with the exception of fictitious ones and pi8» niji8» hifia — regarded as
ending in f, not a; and concerning the treatment of this 9 in combination,
see below, 226-6.

d. The initial a of a root after a reduplication: thus, aifyade,
au^vftpa, aifftaati, ooi|fkQyate, aanifva^t.

e. Excepted is in general an initial radical a in a desiderative stem,
when the desiderative-sign becomes 9: thus, aialr^ati from ye^g aiaaakfati
from yaafiij. And there are other scattering cases, as treaua (perf. from
ytraa), etc.

186. But the same change occurs also, on a considerable scale,
in external combination, especially in composition. Thus:

a. Both in verbal forms and in derivatives, the final 1 or u of a
preposition or other like prefix ordinarily llngualizes the initial a of
the root to which it is prefixed; since such combinations are both of
great frequency and of peculiar intimacy, analogous with those of root
or stem and affix: thus, abhlf^, pratlft^^, nffikta, vi^itek; anu-
9vadh&m» au^ka; the cases are numberless.

b. The principal exceptions are in accordance with the principles
already laid down: namely, when the root contains an r-element, and when
a recurrence of the sibilant would take place. But there are also otheis,
of a more irregular character; and the complete account of the treatment
of initial radical a after a prefix would be a matter of great detail, and not
worth giving here.

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186-—] III. Euphonic Combination. 64

o. Not infireqoently, the initial a, usually altered after a certain
preflx, retains the altered sibilant even after an interposed a of angmeot
or reduplication: thus, aty afth&t* abhy a^thim, pary afa^vajat. vy
a^ahanta, ny aQadfima, nir a^tfl^ftpayan, abhy a^iftcan, vy aQfabh-
nftt; vi ta^the, vi ta^fhire.

d. Much more anomalous is the occasional alteration of initial radical
8 after an a-element of a prefix. Such cases are ava ffambh (against
ni stambh and prati stambh) and (according to the grammarians) ava
^an.

186. In other compoundB, the final alterant vowel of the first
member not infrequently (especially in the Veda) lingoalizes the
initial a of the second: for example, srudhiftliira, pit^fvasr, g09tli&,
agniftom&y antm^ubh, trifaibdhi, divi^&d, parame^t^^, abhi^en^,
pit|p^^» puruf tut&.

6U A Tery few cases occur of the same alteration after an a-element:
thus, sa^tabh, ava^^ainbha, savya^tbi* apft^fha, upa^tut; also
ysah, when its final, by 147, becomes f: thus, satr&filt (but satr&-
saham).

187. The final a of the first member of a compound often be-
comes 9 after an alterant vowel: thus, the s of a prepositional prefix,
as nif^fdhvan, dtmf&ra (for dtmft&ra), ftvi^lqrta; and, regularly, a
8 retained instead of being converted to visarga before a labial or
guttural mute (171 a), as havifp^ jyotifkft; tapo^pa.

188. Once more, in the Yeda, the same alteration, both of an initial
and of a final 8, is not infrequent even between the words composing a
sentence. The cases are detailed in the Prati9akhya belonging to each text,
and are of very various character. Thus:

a. The initial 8, especially of particles: as u fu, h{ fma* Um u
fvit; — also of pronouns: as hi 9&^; — of verb-forms, especially from
yas: as hi fthi, divl ffha; — and in other scattering cases: as u ^fuhi,
ni 9thir&m» tri ^adh&sthft, kdhi 9i^6^» n&kl^ 9&]|^, y^uh yTraTiTi4m,
agnf^ 9^ve.

b. A final 8, oftenest before pronouns (especially toneless ones): as
agnff fvft, nif t®» lyuf \^t ^ucif (v&m, s&dhi^ ^va; — but also in
other cases, and wherever a final s is preserved, instead of being turned
into visarga, before a guttural or labial (171): as trf^ putva, tyn^
kfi^otu, vtsto^ p&til^ dyft^ piti^ vibhif p&tftt.

Conversion of ^ n to QT 9.

189. The dental nasal ^ n, when immediately followed
by a vowel or by ?T n or i? m or Ttj or ^v, is turned in-
to the lingual QT igi if preceded in the same word by the

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65 CONVBBSION OP n TO IJ. [ — 191

lingual sibilant oi semivowel oi vowels — that is to say,
by 'T^ 9, ^ r, or fff r oi ^f — : and this, not only if the
altering letter stands immediately before the nasa], but at
whatever distance from the latter it may be foimd: unless,
indeed, there intervene (a consonant moving the front of
the tongue: namely) a palatal (except IT y), a lingual, or a
dental.

a. We may thus figure to oarBelyes the ratumaU of the process: in
the marked procllrity of the language toward lingual utterance, especially
of the nasal, the tip of the tongoe, when once reyerted into the loose lin-
gnal position by the utterance of a non-contact lingnal element, tends to
hang there and make its next nasal contact in that position; and does so,
unless the proclMty is satisfied by the utterance of a lingual mute, or the
organ is thrown out of adjustment by the utterance of an element which
causes it to assume a different posture. This is not the case with the guttur-
als or labials, which do not move the ftrout part of the tongue (and, as the
influence of k on following s shows, the guttural position favors the succes-
sion of a lingual): and the y is too weakly palatal to interfere with the
alteration (as its next relative, the i- vowel, itself lingualizes a s).

b. This is a rule of constant application; and (as was pointed
out above, 46) the great majority of occarrences of igi in the language
are the result of it.

190. The rule has force especially —

a. When suffixes, of inflection or derivation, are added to roots or
stems containing one of the altering sounds: thus, mdr^i^, mdrdi^Sm,
virile, v^bii^I, vart^i, datp^» h&rfii^ dv^^fti^, kru^aml* ^p^ti,
kfubhai^, gbr^A, kte^a» v^to^i^ rug^i, dr&vli^, if&^i* pur&i^
rtt^as, dkk^a^a, ciklr^amfti^a, kfpam&^a.

b. When the final n of a root or stem comes to be followed, in inflection
•r derivation, by such sounds as allow it to feel the effect of a preceding
altering cause: thus, from }/ran, r&i^nti, r&]^ati» rSraj^a, arfi]|^faB;
f^om brahman, br&hma^ft, br&hmfii^, brfthmapA, brahmai^a,
br&hma^Tant.

o. The form pijjiak (RY. : 2d and 3d sing, impf.), from j/pif, is wholly
anomalous.

191. This rale (like that for the change of s to 9) applies strictly
and especially when the nasal and the cause of its alteration both lie
within the limits of the same integral word; but (also like the other)
it is extended, within certain limits, to compound words — and even,
in the Veda, to contiguous words in the sentence.

Whitney, Gnmniar. 3. ed. 5

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192—] III. EUPHONIO GOMBIHATION. 66

192. Especially, a preposition or similar prefix to a root, if it
contain r or end in eapbonic r for a (174), very often lingualizes the
n of a root or of its deriyed stems and forms. Tbns :

a. The initial n of a root it usnally and regularly so altered, in all
forms and deriratlves, after parft» pari, pra, nir (for nia), antar, dur
(for dua): tVus, p&rft i^ya, p&ri ^lyate, prd igiudaava; pai^utti,
parij^ama, pra]^av&» nin^, duri^&^a. Roots suffering this change are
written with initial i^ in the native root-lists. The only exceptions of im-
portance are n^, nabh, nand, and na^ when its q becomes 9 (as In
pr&nafta).

b. The final n of a root is lingaalized in some of the forms of an
and han: thns, pra 'i^ti, prfti^ pr& ha^yate, prah&?ana.

o. The class-signs nu and n& are altered after the roots hi and mi:
thus, p&rl hii^omi, pr& miji^anti (but the latter not in the Yeda).

d. The 1st sing. impy. ending Sni is sometimes altered: thus, pr4
bhavfi^.

6. DerivatiYes by suffixes containing n sometimes have 1^ by influence
of a preposition: thus, prayai^

f. The n of the preposition ni is sometimes altered, like the initial
of a root, after another preposition: thus, pra^ip&ta, praijldhi.

193. In compound words, an altering cause in one member sometimes
lingualizes a n of the next following memher — either its initial or final
n, or n in its inflectional or derivative ending. The exercise of the altering
influence can he seen to depend in part upon the closeness or frequency
of the compound, or its integration by being made the base of a derivatlTe.
Examples are: g^r&ma^I, tri^&man* iiriii^aB&; v^trah&i^am etc. (but
vrtraghna etc.: 195a), npn&i^aB, drugha^^; pravaha^a, nxvinA^
p^ya^a, pit^ai^; svarg^i^a, durga^i, uar&y&m^e, tryaftgaiyftm.

194. Finally, in the Veda, a n (usually initial) is occasionally lingu&l-
ized even by an altering sound in another word. The toneless pronouns
naa and ena- are oftenest thus affected : thus, p&ri i^aa, prfi{ "nftn, Indra
ei^m; but also the particle nd like: thus, var ^4; and a few other
cases, as var ]^ama» punar jgiayamaai, agn^r kvei^. More anomalous,
and perhaps to be rejected as false readings, are such as trli^ iman and
akfa^ &va and suhar^ r^al^ (MS.), and vy^a^ va (Apast).

195. a. The immediate combination of a n with a preceding guttural
or labial seems in some cases to hinder the conversion to r^ : thus, v|*traghiia
etc., kfubhnati, tipnoti (but in Veda tfp^u), kfepnu, Bxu^umn&.

b. The RY. has the exceptions uftr&n&m and rftffi^&i&m.

Conversion of dental mutes to Unguals and palatals.

196. When a dental mute comes in contact with a
lingual or palatal mute or sibilant, the dental is usually
assimilated, becoming lingual or palatal respectively.

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67 Dental Mutes to Linguals and Palatals. [—199

The casea are tbe following:

197. A dental sturd mute or nasal, or the dental Bibilant, when
immediately preceded by a 9, is everywhere converted into the cor-
responding lingual.

a. Under this rule, the oombinations 9^ ^fh, and 91^ are yery common ;
^ is rarely to written, the viaarga being put instead of the former sibilant
(172): thns, Jy6tlhipi instead of jy6tiffu.

b. Mach less often, dh is changed to <}h after final 9 of a root or
tense-stem, with loss of the 9 or Its conversion to 4 ^ "^ ^^^ <^*

o. Those cases in which final 9 becomes \ before an (e. g. dvitsu:
226 b) do not, of conrse, fall under this mle.

198. In the other (comparatively infrequent) cases where a dental
is preceded by a lingual in internal combination, the dental (except
of su loc. pi.) becomes lingual. Thus:

a. A n following immediately a 1^ made such by the mle glren at
189, abore — or, as it may be expressed, a double as well as a single n
— is subject to the lingnalization : thus, the participles an^j^ Iqftu^a,
k^vini^ ch^^&y tp^i^i and, after prefixes (185 a), ni^ai^a^ pari-
▼in^a, vi^a^igLa* vi^yai^^a. But TS. has ddhi^kanna, and RT. ykivh
^kanniuii.

b. Only a yery few other instances occur: iffe and ti^a from yi^;
^a^^lha (also fatjLdba and ^<}ha), and fai^am (^af + nftm: anomalous
gen. pi. of ^af: 483). A small nnmber of words follow the same rule in
external combination: see below, 199.

o. But t&4hi (Vedlc: yta^ + dhi) shows loss of the final lingnal
after assimilation of the dental, and compensatory lengthening.

d« Some of the cases of abnormal occurrence of 4 sre explained in a
similar way, as resnlts of a lingnalized and afterward omitted sibilant before
d: thns m<Jl& from nisda, >^pi<} from pisd, ^m^ from mrsd. For
words exhibiting a like change. in composition, see below, 199 c.

199. In external combination —

a. A final t is directed to be assimilated to an initial lingnal mute:
thus, tat-^a» ta4 <}ayate, ta^fl^ftlini, ta^ <}hftxikate: but the case
nerer occurs in the older language, and yery rarely in the later. For final
n before a lingual, see 206 b.

b. An initial dental after a final linguallusnally remains unchanged;
and Bu of the loc. pi. follows the same rule: thus, ^k\trui<^a,t, inn^
div&h, ekarat tv&m; fatso* rafBu.

o. Exceptions are: a few compounds with fa§ six showing double r^
(198 b): namely, f&i^avatiy faijua&bhi (and one or two others not
quotable); and JB. has ^a^ igiramimita.

d. In a few compounds, moreover, there appears a lingnalized dental, with
compensatory lengthening, after a lost lingual sibilant or its representatlye :

5*

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199—] III. Euphonic Combination. 68

namely, in certain Yedic compounds with doB: dti<Jl&bha, dQ4^» d^^hl.
du]^a» duna9a (compare the anomalous puro^^ and -^a^a: pura8 +
yd&q) ; and, in the language of erery period, certain compounds of ^a^,
with change of its vowel to an alterant qaality (as in vo<}hiim and 80<}hiixii:
284 b): i^d^qa, ^^ha (also ^a^ipia and f^^dht), foijant.

e. Between final \ and initial 8, the insertion of a t is permitted —
or, according to some authorities, required: thus, ^4^ Bah&srfi^ or ^k%t
Bah&srfih.

200. The cases of assimilation of a dental to a contignoas palatal
occur almost only in external combination, and before an initial palatal.
There is bat one case of internal combination, namely:

201. A ^ n coming to follow a palatal mute in internal
combination is itself made palatal.

Thus, y&ciia (the only instance after o), sraJM, jajfi6, ajfiata,

202. a. A iinal cT t before an initial palatal mute is
assimilated to it, becoming ^ c before ^ c or S" ch, and sT j
before sf j (^ jh does not occur).

Thus, uo carati, etac chattram, vidynj jftyate; y&tayijjana,
vidyujjihva, b^b^oohandas, Baccarita.

b. A final ^ n is assimilated before sT j, becoming of fi.

c. All the grammarians, of every period, require this assimilation of
n to j ; but it is more often neglected, or only occasionally made, in the
manuscripts.

d. For n before a surd palatal, see below, 206.

208. Before the palatal sibilant ^ 9, both cT t and ^ n

are assimilated, becoming respectively ^ c and 31 fi; and

then the following ^ 9 may be, and in practice almost

always is, converted to ^ oh.

Thus, vedavio ohtira^ (-vit 911-), tao ohmtvft, hrcchaya (h^4-
9aya); b^hafi ohefah or 9e9ah, svapafi chete or 9ete.

a. Some authorities regard the conversion of 9 to ch after t or n as
everywhere obligatory, others as only optional; some except, peremptorily
or optionally, a 9 followed by a mute. And some require the same con-
version after every mute save m, reading also vlpftf chutudrX, ana^
chuoi, anuftup ohfircuil, 9uk ohuoi. The manuscripts generally write
oh, instead of coh, as result of the combination of t and 9.

b. In the MS., t and 9 are anomalously combined into fi 9: e. g.
t&fi 9at&m9 etftvafi9&B.

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69 Combinations op final n. [—207

Combinations of final ^n.

204« Final radical n is assimilated in internal combination to a
following sibilant, becoming anasyftra.

Thus, v&ftai, vkhsva^ vktaat, ma&By&te, JighfiAsati.

a. According to the giammariaos, it is treated before bh and 8U In
declension as in external combination. But the cases are, at best, exoess-
iTely rare, and RV. has r&&su and vdiisu (the only Yedic examples).

b. Final n of a derivative snfflx is regularly and usually dropped before
a consonant in inflection and composition — in composition, even before a
Yowel; and a radical n occasionally follows the same rule: see 421 a» 439,
1208 o, 637.

o. For assimilation of n to a preceding palatal, see 201.
Thus remaining cases are those of external combination.

205. a. The assimilation of n in external combination to a follow-
ing sonant palatal and the palatal sibilant ^ have been already treated
(202 b, 208).

b. The n is also declared to be assimilated (becoming if) before
a sonant lingnal (4* 4^ 9)) bat the case rarely if ever occurs.

206. A n is also assimilated to a following initial 1, becoming
(like m: 218 d) a nasal L

a. The manuscripts to a great extent disregard this rule, leaving the
n unchanged; but also they in part attempt to follow it — and that, either
by writing the assimilated n (as the assimilated m, 213 f, and jast as
reasonably) with the annsv&ra-sign, or else by doubling the 1 and putting
a sign of nasality above; the latter, howeyer, is inexact, and a better way
would be to separate the two Ts, writing the first with virftma and a nasal
sign abOTe. Thus (from trin lok&n):

manuscripts Jfidl+H or ^nSH+H ; better jft^ ^°r»l1.

-Sw >. >. •>»

The second of these methods is the one oftenest followed in printed texts.

SK)7. Before the lingual and dental sibilants, 9 and a, final n
remains unchanged; bnt a t may also be inserted between the nasal
and the sibilant: thus, tan 9&t or tant 9&t! niahan s&n or ma-
htnt 84n.

6U According to most of the grammarians of the Prati^akhyas (not RPr.),
the insertion of the t in such cases is a necessary one. In the manuscripts
it is yery frequently made, but not uniformly. It is probably a purely
phonetic phenomenon, a transition-sound to ease the double change of sonant
to surd and nasal to non-nasal utterance — although the not infrequent
cases in which final n stands for original nt (as bharan, abharan,
agnimftn) may have aided to establish it as a rule. Its analogy with the
conyersion of n 9 into iioh (203) is palpable.

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208—] ni. EuPHONio Combination. 70

208* Before the surd palatal, lingual, and dental mutes, there is
inserted after final n a sibilant of each of those classes respectively,
before which the n becomes annsvftra: thus, dev&&9 oa, bhvft^^
ohidyate* kum&rftfts trin, abharafts tata^, dadha&9 (425 o) oamin.

a. This rule, which in the classical language has established itself in
the form here given, as a phonetic lole of unvarying application, really
involves a historic survival. The large majority of cases of final n in the
language (not far from three quarters) are for original ns; and the retention
of the sibilant in such cases, when once its historical ground had been forgotten,
was extended by analogy to all others.

b. Practically, the mle applies only to n before o and t, since cases
involving the other initials occur either not at all, or only with extreme
rarity (the Veda does not present an example of any of them). In the Yeda,
the insertion is not always made, and the different texts have with regard
to it different usages, which are fully explained in their Prati9i]Lhya8; in
general,. it is less frequent in the older texts. When the ^ does not appear
between n and o, the n is of course assimilated, becoming fk (203).

209. The same retention of original final s after a nasal, and
consequent treatment of (apparent) final fin» In, un, fn as if they were
ftfts, IhBt vdiBf fhn (long nasalized vowel with final s), shows itself
also in other Yedic forms of combination, which, for the sake of unity,
may be briefly stated here together:

a. Final ftn becomes && (nasalized ft) before a following vowel: that
is to say, fi^, with nasal vowel, is treated like fis, with pure vowel (177):
thus, dev&L 6 'h&, upabaddhftii ib&, maliaA asi. This is an extremely
common case, especially in RV. Once or twice, the s appears as ^ before
p: thus, 8v&tavft&^ pftyul^.

b. In like manner, a is treated after nasal i, u, f as it would be after
those vowels when pure, becoming r before a sonant sound (174), and
(much more rarely) ^ before a surd (170): thus, ra^ml^ iva, BantbSir
yuvansrtb&r lit, n^iir abh{; n^&l^L patram (and nffi^ p-, MS.).

O. RV. has once -lA before y. MS. usually has aA instead of ftji.

210. The nasals n» i^. &, occurring as finals after a short vowel,
are doubled before any initial vowel: thus, praty&iixi ^d efi, udy&nn
ftdity&^, ftB&nn-ifa.

a. This is also to be regarded as a historical survival, the second
nasal being an assiudlatiou of an original consonant following the first It
is always written in the manuscripts, although the Yedic metre seems to
show that the duplication was sometimes omitted. The RY. has the com-
pound TT^ms^aqvtu

211. The nasals ii and 9 before a sibilant are allowed to in-
sert respectively k and f — m n (207) inserts t: thus, praty^^ak
sdma))^

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71 Combinations OF FiKAL m. [—219

Combrnations of final ^m.

212. Final radical Tf m, in internal combination, is as-
similated to a following mute or spirant — in the latter case,
becoming anusTftra; in the former, becoming the nasal of
the same class with the mute.

a. Before m or v (as when final: 143a), it is changed to n: thus,
from y'E^am come &ganma» aganmahi, ganvahi, jaganv^u&s (which
appear to be the only quotable cases). According to the grammarians, the
same change is made in the Inflection of root-stems before bh and m : thus,
pra^anbhlB, pra^ftnsu (flrom pra^ftm: pra+V^^am). No derived noun-
stem ends in m.

b. The (B. and K^iS. have k&mvant and 9&mvant.

218. Final Tf m in external combination is a servile sound,
being assimilated to any following consonant. Thus:

a. It remains nDcbanged only before a vowel or a labial mute.

b. But also, by an anomalous exception, before r of the root rSj in
Bamrcsj and its deriTatives samr^fii and s&mrl^ya.

c. Before a mate of any other class than labial, it becomes the
nasal of that class.

d. Before the semivowels y, 1, v it becomes, according to the
Hindu grammarians, a nasal semivowel, the nasal counterpart of each
respectively (see 71).

6. Before r, a sibilant, or h, it becomes anosvSra (see 71}.

f. The manuscripts and the editions in general make no attempt to
distinguish the nasal tones produced by the assimilation of m before a follow-
ing semivowel ttom that before a spirant.

g. But if h be immediately followed by another consonant (which can
only be a nasal or semlYowel), the m is allowed to be assimilated to that
following consonant This is because the h has no position of the mouth-
organs peculiar to itself, but is uttered in the position of the next sound.
The Prati9akhyas do not take any notice of the case.

h. Cases are met with in the Veda where a final m appears to be
dropped before a vowel, the final and initial vowels being then combined
into one. The pada-text then generally gives a wrong interpretation. Thus,
saihv&nano 'bliayaihkar&m (RY. vlll. 1. 2; pada-text: -nana ubh-^
SY. -nanam).

i. It has been pointed out above (73) that the assimilated m is
generally represented in texts by the anoBvftra-sign, and that in this
work it is transliterated by xh (instead of a nasal mute or t).

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214—] III. Euphonic Combination. 72

The palatal mutes and sibilant, and ^ h.

214. These aoonds show in Bome situations a reversion (48)
to the original gutturals from which they are derived. The treat-
ment of J and h, also, is different, according as they represent the
one or the other of two different degrees of alteration from their
originals.

215. The palatals and h are the least stable of alphabetic sounds,
undergoing, in virtue of their derivative character, alteration in many
oases where other similar sounds are retained.

216. Thus, in derivation, even before vowels, semivowels, and
nasals, reversion to guttural form is by no means rare. The cases
are the following:

a. Before a of suffix a, final 0 becomes k in a&U, ^vaAka, arU,
piki, vfikA, 9aka, parka, mark&, TfkA^ pr&tika etc., reka, s^ka,
moka, rok&, q6kA, toki, mxdkkf vraakA; — final J becomes g in
^figi, bh&ga, bhag&» yfiga, aikga, bhafigi, safiga, svaiigay ffiga,
tufiga, yufiga, varga, m&rga, nqpgi, varga, aarga, nega, vega, bh6ga,
70g&» y6ga, loga, r6ga; — final h becomes gh in aghA, inagh&, argli&,
dirgh& (and dr jghiyas, dragfaiffha), degha, megh&, ogha» d6gha,
dr6gha, m6gha; and in dughftna and m^ghamSna. In neka (KniJ)
we ha?e farther an anomalous substitution of a sard for the final sonant of
the root

b. In another series of deriTatives with a, the altered sound appears:
examples are aj&, ylUa, 9uo&» 90ca, vraj&, vevlj&» yuja, urji» d6ha.

o. Before the suffixes as and ana, the guttural only rarely appears:
namely. In iikkas, 6ka8, rbkas, ^bkas, bh&rgas, and in rogana; also
In abhog^a.

d. Before an i-vowel, the altered sound appears (except in ftbhogf,
6i^a&8» tigiti, moki, sphigi): thus, fij{, tujf, ruci, 9&C1, vivioi,

6. Before u, the guttural reappears, as a rule (the oases are few) : thus,
a&ka, vanko, reku» bhfgu, mirgoka, raghu (and r&ghiyaAa).

f« Before n, the examples of rerersion are few, except of J (becoming
g) before the participial ending na (957 o): thas, r^kigiaSy vagnu (with
the final also made sonant); and participles bhagn&y rugiji^, etc.; and
apparently pfgi^a from ^pfo.

g. Before m (of ma» man, mant, min), the guttural generally
appears : thus, rukm&, tigm&» yngma, f gma (with sonant change) ; tak-
xnAn» v&kman, s&kman, yugm&n; r^ikmant; n^^ ^^ vfigmin
(with sonant change): — but 4jman, ojin4n, bhujm&n.

h. Before y, the altered sonnd is used: thus, pacya, yi^ya, yiHiyu*
ynijtk, hhiaiju. Such cases as bhogya, yogya* negya, okya are doubt-
less secondary derl?atiYes fh>m bhoga etc.

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73 Combinations op final Palatals. [—218

i. Before r, the cases are few, and the osage apparently diyided: thns,
takra, sakra, vakr&, ^ukri, vigri, iigr&, tugra, mrgra, v&£ikri;
Imt TiiirtL and pi^ra(?).

J. Before v (of the suffixes va* van^ vin, etc., and participial v&iis)
the guttural is regularly preserved : thus, ^kvi, pakv&» vikva; vikvan,
(kvan, rikvan, 9iikv'aii, m^gvaiiy tagvan, yngran; t^^^Ant, p^k-
vant; vSgrvin, vagvand, vagvanu (with ftirther sonant change); vivak-
viiia, ririkva&B, vivikvaiifl, rurukv^u&By ^uQnkviba; ^u^ukvani,
^9tikY4ni: also before the union-vowel i in okivaAa (RV., once). An
exception is yAJvan.

k. The reversion of h in derivation is comparatively rare. The final
j which is analogous with q (219) shows much less proclivity to reversion
than that which corresponds with o.

1. A like reversion shows itself also to some extent in co^Jugational
stem-formation and inflection. Thus, the initial radical becomes guttural
after the reduplication in the present or perfect or desiderative or intensive
stems, or in derivatives, of the roots oi, oit, ji, hi, han» and in J&guri (y}^);
and han becomes ghn on the elision of a (402, 637). The RV. has
vivakmi from y'vao and vftvakre from }/va£io; and SY. has Bas^^gmahe
(RV. HB^-). And before ran etc. of 3d pi. mid. we have g for radical j
in aargran, asrgram, aBasfgram (all in BY.).

217. Final r[ c of a root or stem, if followed in internal
combination by any other sound than a vowel or semivowel
or nasal, reverts (48) to its original guttural value, and shows
everywhere the same form which a oFi k would show in the
same situation.

Thus, v&kti, uv^tha, v&kiji, vak^yami, vagdhi; vfigbhis,
vftkfu; Qkt&» nkiha, vakt&r.

a. And, as final o becomes k (above 142), the same rule applies
also to o in external combination: thus, -vik oa» vag &pi» va£i me.

Examples of o remaining unchanged in inflection are: ucy&te,
ririord, vfic£» mumuom&he.

218. Final ^ 9 reverts to its original ^ k, in internal

combination, only before the H s of a verbal stem or ending

(whence, by 180, 5f k^) ; before cT t and BT th, it everywhere

becomes ^ 9 (whence, by 197, Tg 9t and "^ 9th) ; before ^ dh,

>T bh, and H su of the loc. pi., as when final (145), it

regularly becomes the lingual mute {Z \ ox "^ 4).

Thus, dvikfata, velqfyami; v&ffi, vift^* didei^tu; dldi4<pii>
vi^Lbhls.

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218—] III. Euphonic Combination. 74

a. But a few roots exhibit the reversion of final 9 to k before
bh and su, and also when final (146): they are dig, d^» Bp|^» and
optionally na^; and vi^ has in V. always vik^u, loc. pi., but v{(,
vi^bhls, etc. Examples are diksam^ita, d^gbhis, h^disptk, n&k
(or nat).

Examples of 9 remaining unchanged before vowels etc. are: vtqi,
vivi9yas9 avigran, a9nomi, va^mi, u^m&si.

b. A 9 remains irregularly unchanged hefore p in the compound vi9p4ti.

219. Final sT j is in one set of words treated like ^ c,
and in another set like ^ o.

Thus, from ynj; dyukthas, dyukta, yufikte, yukti, y6ktra»
yokfyami, ynkfu; yungdhi, dsrugdhvam, yngbhis.

Again, from m^j etc.: imq^k^t, sraki^yami; marij^, m^^t^

a. To the former or yt^-clasa belong (as shown by their quotable
forms) about twenty roots and radical stems: namely, bhaj, saj, ^jraj (not
v.), raj coloTy svnj, majj, nij, tij, vij, 1 and 2 bhuj, ytij, ruj, v|j,
afijy bhafij, 9ifij; ttrj, 8r^» bhif^, &8TJ» — ^l^^^ stems formed with
the suffixes f^ and ij (888. IV), as t^^i^, vajgiij; and ^vQ, though
containing the root yaj.

b. To the latter or mi'j-class belong only about one third as many:
namely, yid» bhrajj, vraj, rSj, bhrltf, mpj, 8|j.

o. A considerable number of j-roots are not placed in circumstances
to exhibit the distinction; but such roots are in part assignable to one or
the other class on the evidence of the related languages. The distinction
appears, namely, only when the J occurs as final, or is followed, either in
inflection or in derivation, by a dental mute (t, th, dh), or, in noun-
inflection, by bh or su. In derivation (above, 216) we find a g some-
times ftom the mpj-class: thus, mftrga, B&rga, etc.; and (216,1) before
Yedlc mid. endings, sas^fgrnahe, as^pgran, etc. (beside Bas^jrire) —
while from the yuj-class occur only yuyrUre, ayujran, bublrajrire,
with j. And MS. has vl9va8^k from l/spj.

220. Final oh falls under the rules of combination almost only
in the root praoh, in which it is treated as if it were 9 (pra9 being,
indeed, its more original form): thus, prak^yami, p|i}t&, and also the
derivative pra9n&. As final and in noun-inflection (before bh and su),
it is changed to the lingual mute: thus, prfti^vlvftka.

a. Mfb*t& is called the participle of muroh, and a gerund m&rtva
is given to the same root. They (with mltrti) must doubtless come firom a
simpler form of the root.

b. Of Jh there is no occurrence: the grammarians require it to
be treated like 0.

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75 COKBINATIOMS OF FINAL Iq^, h. (— 8S3

281. The compound k^ is not infrequent as final of a root (gener-
mHj of demoDBtrably secondary origin), or of a tense-stem (s-aorist:
see below, 878 ff.) ; and, in the not very frequent cases of its internal
eombinatioD, it is treated as if a single sound, following the rules
for 9: thus c&k^e (oakf+Be), oiilqiva; c&^, iMa^^a^^ torft^tam,
as^rfta, tv&^far. As to its treatment when final, see 146.

a. Thus, we are taught by the grammarians to make such forms as
gor&t» sor4<LbliiB, gor&tfu (from gor&k^); and we actually have ^k^
fa^bhis, ^atsu from ^akf or ^a^ (146 b). For jagdha etc. from Vjak^,
see 238 f .

b. In the single anomalous root vra^o, the compound 90 is said to
follow the rales for simple 9. From it are quotable the future vrak^sr&ti,
the gerands vp^fva (AY.) and y^ktvl (RV.)) *^<1 ^he participle (967 c)
vfkn&. Its o rererts to k in the derivative vraska.

222. The loots in final ^ h, like those in sT j, fall into
two classes, exhibiting a similar diversity of treatment, ap-
pearing in the same kinds of combination.

a. In the one class, as duh, we have a reversion of h (as of o)
to a guttural form, and its treatment as if it were still its original gh:
thus, Mlmk^am, dhokfyami; dugdh&n, dugdhd; idhok, dhuk,
dhugbhis, dhnk^u.

b. In the other class, as ruh and sah, we have a guttural re-
version (as of 9) only before b in verb-formation and derivation : thus,
^^TtLkfaty rolq^yami, s&kfiyd, sakf&ni. As final, in external combi-
nation, and in noun-inflection before bh and su, the h i}ike q) becomes
a lingual mute: thus, ttirafa(» p^^tana^fujl ayodhy&h, torasfu^bhis,
tnrfti^fsii. But before a dental mute (t, th, dh) in verb-inflection
and in derivation, its euphonic effect is peculiarly complicated:
it turns the dental into a lingual (as would 9); but it also makes
it sonant and aspirate (as would <}h: see 160): and further, it
disappears itself, and the preceding vowel, if short, is lengthened:
thus, from rub with ta comes ru<pi&, from leh with ti comes 164hi,
from gnh with tar comes g^ii^l^&r, from meh with turn comes m6<}htim,
from Uh with tas or thas comes li<}h&8, from lib with dhvam comes
li<Jihv&m, etc.

0. This is as if we had to assume as transition sound a sonant aspirate
lingual sibilant 9I1, with the euphonic effects of a lingual and of a sonant
pirate (160), itself disappearing under the law of the existing language
which admits no sonant sibilant

223. The roots of the two classes, as shown by their forms found
in use, are:

a. of the first or dub-class: dah^ dib» dub, drub, mub, snib
(and the final of u^Qih is similarly treated) ;

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288 — ] in. Euphonic Combination. 76

b. of the second or ruh-olass : vah» sah, mih, rih or Uh, gnh,
ruh» drfthy tv&h, b^h, badih, 8prh(?).

o. But muh foims also (not in RY.) the participle mucjlia and agent-
nonn mil(}li&r, as well as mugdhi and mugdh&r; and dmh and snili
are allowed by the grammarians to do likewise: such forms as drCL^lia and
enicjlia, however, have not been met with in use.

d. From roots of the ruh-olass we And also in the Veda the forms
gartftn^, nom. sing., and prfii^sdhfk and dadlifk; and hence pnrospfk
(the only occurrence) does not certainly prove Vspph to be of the duh-
class.

e. A number of other h-roots are not proved by their occurring forma
to belong to either class; they, too, are with more or less confidence assigned
to the one or the other by comparison with the related languages.

f. In derivation, before certain suffixes (216), we have gh instead of
h ftom verbs of either class.

g. The root nah comes from original dh instead of gh, and its reversion
is accordingly to a dental mute: thus, natsyami, naddh^ up&n&dbhis*
upfinadyuga, anupfinatka. So also the root grah comes firom (early
Vedic) grabh, and shows labials in many forms and derivatives (though
it is assimilated to other h-roots in the desiderative stem Jigh^k^). In
nice manner, h is used for dh in some of the forms and derivatives of
ydh& put; and farther analogous facts are the stem kaknhd beside
kakabh&, the double imperative ending dhi and hi, and the dative
mihyam beside tubhyam (491).

224. Irregularities of combination are:

a. The vowel x ^ ^^^ lengthened after the loss of the h-element: diut,
d^r^Ui&» t)r4^» b7<}h& (the only cases; and in the Veda their first syllable
has metrical value as heavy or long).

b. The roots vah and sah change their vowel to o instead of leng-
thening it: thus, vo^h&m, vof^ham, vo<Jhiur, 86<}hiim. But firom sah
in the older language forms with ft are more frequent: thus, 8ft4h&» &yll<}iia
(also later), si^hax. The root tf&h changes the vowel of its class-sign
na into e instead of lengthening it: thus, tp^e^hi^ tp^^^u, atfi^et
(the grammarians teach also t^ehmi and t^ekfi: but no such forms are
quotable, and, if ever actually in use, they must have been made by false
analogy with the others).

o. These anomalous vowel-changes seem to stand in connection with
the fact that the cases showing them are the only ones where other than
an alterant vowel (180) comes before the lingualized sibilant representative
of the h. Ck)mpare fo^a^a etc.

d. Apparently by dissimilation, the final of vah in the anomalous
compound ana^vah is changed to d instead of 4: see 404.

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77 Combinations op final f. [—226

The lingual sibilant ^ 9.

225. Since the lingual sibilant, in its usual and normal occurren-
ces, is (182) the product of lingualization of a after certain alterant
Bomids, we might expect final radical 9, when (in rare oases) it comes
to stand where a f cannot maintain itself, to revert to its original,
and be treated as a a would be treated under the same circumstances.
That, however, is true only in a very few instances.

a. Namely, in the prefix dus (evidently identical with ydu^); in
MjiB (adverbially used case-form from VJUf); in (RV.) vivea and &vives,
from v'vlf ; in fifyes (RV.)» f'o™ V^^\ a^^d in ft^is, from 9if as second-
ary fonn of yq&B. All these, except the first two, are more or less open
to qnestion.

226. In general, final liogual ^ 9, in internal combioation,
is treated in the same manner as palatal ^9. Thus:

a. Before t and th it remains unchanged, and the latter are as-
similated: e. g. dvi^\aa, dvlfthaa, dv^ftnm.

This is a common and perfectly natural combination.

b. Before dh, bh, and su, as also in external combination (146),
it becomes a lingual mute; and dh is made lingual (by 198) after it:
®* K- Pii^441ii9 vi<l4hi, vivi<jl4hi, dvi<L<}hvam, dvi^bhfs, dvifs^;
bbinnavitka.

o. So also the dh of dhvam as ending of 2d pi. mid. becomes <}h
After final 9 of a tense-stem, whether the 9 be regarded as lost or as con-
certed to 4 before it (the manuscripts write simply 4hv, not 44bv; bnt
this is ambignons: see 232). Thus, after [^ of s-aorist stems (881 a), asto-
^hvam, av^fjlbvam, oyo<}hvam (the only quotable cases), iVomastOf-i-
dhvaxn etc.; bat aradhvam from ara8 + dhvam. Further, after the 9
of i^-aorist stems (901 a), aindhi^hvam, arti<}hvam, ajani<}hvam,
vopi(}hvam (the only quotable cases), from ajani[^+ dhvam etc. Yet
again, in the preeatiTe (924), as bhavifi^hvam, if, as is probable
Ouifortnnately, no example of this person is quotable from any part of the
Uterature), the precatice-sign B (f ) is to be regarded as present in the form.
According, however, to the Hindu grammarians, the use of <j[h or of dh in
the if-aorist and precative depends on whether the i of if or of if! is or
is not **preceded by a semivowel or h" — which both in itself appears
senseless and is opposed to the evidence of all the quotable forms. Moreover,
the same authorities prescribe the change of dh to <}h, under the same
restriction as to circumstances, in the perf. mid. ending dhve also : in this
case, too, without any conceivable reason; and no example of <}hve in the
^ pi. perf. has been pointed out in the literature.

d. The conversion of f to ( (or 4) ^s final and before bh and su is
parallel with the like conversion of 9, and of j and h in the m^j and ruh

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226—] III. Euphonic Combination. 78

elMses of roots, and perhaps with the occasional change of 8 to t (167-8).
It is a yery infrequent case, occurring (save as it may he assumed in the
case of fai^) only once in RY. and once in AY. (-dvit and -prut), although
those texts have more than 40 roots with final 9; in the Brahmanas,
moreover, have heen noticed further only -prut and vff (QB.), and -^lif
(K.). From piiif, BY. has the anomalous form pii^ak (2d and 3d sing.,
for pina^-s and pinai|^-t).

e. Before s in internal combination (except au of loc. pi.) it be-
comes k: thus, dv^kfi, dvek^yami* ddvikfam,

f. This change is of anomalous phonetic character, and difficult of
explanation. It is also practically of very rare occurrence. The only RV.
examples (apart from pii^ak, above) are viveki^i, from Vvi^ and the
desid. stem ririk^ from yri^; AY. has only dvik^at and dvik^ata,
and the desid. stem ^i^lik^a from y<fli^» Other examples are quotable
from yyk:^ and pif and vi^ (9B. etc.), and qi^ (9^0 » <^^^ ^l^^y *^ ^V
the Hindu grammarians prescribed to be formed from about half-a-dozen
other roots.

Extension and Abbreviation.

227. As a general rule, ch is not allowed by the grammarians
to stand in that form after a vowel, but is to be doubled, becoming
coh (which the manuscripts sometimes write oheh).

a. The various autborides disagree with one another in detail as to
this duplication. According to Panini, eh is doubled within a word after
either a long or a short vowel; and, as initial, necessarily after a short and
after the particles a and ma, and opdonally everywhere after a long. In
RY., initial oh is doubled after a long vowel of a only, and certain special
oases after a short vowel are excepted. For the required usage in the other
Yedic texts, see their several Prati9akhyas. The Eathaka writes for original
oh (not oh from combination of t or n with q: 203) after a vowel
everywhere ^ch. The manuscripts in general write simple oh.

b. Opinions are still at variance as to how far this duplication has
an etymological ground, and how far it is only an acknowledgment of the
fact tbat oh makes a heavy syllable even after a short vowel (makes
^position": 79). As the duplication is accepted and followed by most
European scholars, it will be also adopted in this work in words and sen-
tences (not in roots and stems).

228. After r, any consonant (save a spirant before a vowel) is
by the grammarians either allowed or required to be doubled (an
aspirate, by prefixing the corresponding non-aspirate: 164).

Thus:

r r r r

^\ arka, or ^Rgf arkka; mjU kSrya, or <^\Ul kftryya;
5raf artha, or 5Ir?f arttha; ^ dirgha, or ^T^ dirggha.

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79 Extension and Abbreviation. [—281

a. Some of the euthorltles inelade, along with r, also h or 1 or v, or
more than one of them, in this mle.

b. A donbled consonant after r is very common in manuscripts and
inscriptions, as also in native text-editions and in the earlier editions pre-
pared by European scholars — in later ones, the dnplication is uniyersally
omitted.

0« On the other hand, the manuscripts often write a single consonant
after r where a double one is etymologically required: thus, kftrtikeya,
virtikay for kfirttikeya, vftrttika.

229. The first consonant of a group — whether interior, or initial
after a vowel of a preceding word — is by the grammarians either allowed
or required to be doubled.

a. This duplication is allowed by Panini and required by the Prati9akhyas
— in both, with mention of authorities who deny it altogether. For certain
exceptions, see the Prati^akhyas ; the meaning of the whole matter is too
obscure to Justifjr the giving of details here.

280. Other cases of extension of consonant-groups, required by
some of the grammatical authorities, are the following:

a. Between a non-nasal and a nasal mute, the insertion of so-called
yamas (twins), or nasal counterparts, is taught by the Prati9akhyas (and
assumed in Panini*s commentary) : see APr. 1. 99, note.

b. Between h and a following nasal mote the Prati9akhyas teach the
insertion of a nasal sound called nSaikya: see APr. i. 100, note.

o* Between r and a following consonant the Prati9akhya3 teach the
insertion of a svarabhakti or vatoel-fragment: see APr. i. 101-2, note.

d. Some authorities assume this Insertion only before a spirant; the
others regard it as twice as long before a spirant as before any other con-
sonant— namely, a half or a quarter mora before the former, a quarter or
an eighth before the latter. One (YPr.) admits it after 1 as well as r. It
is variously described as a fragment of the vowel a or of p (or }).

6. The RPr. puts a svarabhakti also between a sonant consonant
and a following mute or spirant; and APr. introduces an element called
Bphotana (distinguisher) between a guttural and a preceding mute of
another class.

f. For one or two other cases of yet more doubtful value, see the
Pratifakhyas.

281. After a nasal, the former of two non-nasal mutes may
be dropped, whether homogeneous only with the nasal, or with both:
thus, yniidhf for yungdhi, snifidhv&m for yu&gdhv&m, fifit&mi for
fifiktdm, paiiti for pa&kti, ohintam for chinttam, blilnth& for
bhintthi, indh6 for inddhd.

a. The abbreviation, allowed by Panini, is required by APr. (the
other Prati9akhyas take no notice of it). It is the more usual practice of
the manuscripts, tiiongh the full group is also often written.

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232~] in. Euphonic Combination. 80

232. In general, a double consonant (including an aspirate which
is doubled by the prefixion of a nonraspirate) in combination with any
other consonant is by the manuscripts written as simple.

a. That is to say, the ordinary usage of the manascripts makes no
difference between those groups in which a phonetic duplication is allowed
by the rules given above (228, 229) and those in which the duplication
is etymological. As every tv after a vowel may also be properly written
ttv, so dattva and tattvd may be, and almost invariably are, written as
datva and tatv&. As k4rtana is also properly k&rttana, so kSrttika
(from k^ti) is written as kSrtika. So in inflection, we have always, for
example, majfia etc., not majjna, from majj&n. Even in composition
and sentence-collocation the same abbreviations are made: thus, hfdyot&
for h^ddyot&; ohin&ty asya for chin&tty asya. Hence it is impossible
to determine by the evidence of written usage whether we should regard
adhvam or addhvam (from |/d8), &dvi<}hvani or &dvi4<}livam (from
ydvif), as the true form of a second person plural.

288. a. Instances are sometimes met with of apparent loss (perhaps
after conversion to a semivowel) of i or u before y or v respectively. Thus,
in the Brahmanas, tu and nii with following vfii etc. often make tirftl,
nvfii (also tvav&y knvSi); and other examples from the older language
are anvart- (anu + y^vart) ; paryan, paryanti, parySy&t, paryfii^a
(pari 4- yan, etc.) ; abhyarti (abhi + iyarti) ; antary&t (antar + iySt) ;
o&rvaCy oSrvSka, c&rvadana (oftru+vfto, etc.); kyknt for kiyant;
dvyoga (dvi + yog^a); anv&» anv&sana ■ (anu + v&, etc.); probably
vyiknoti for vi yunotl (RV.), urv&9i (uru-vaQi), ^{^vari for 9iQa-vari
(RY.); vyain& (vi+y&ma); and the late svar^a for suvan^. More
anomalous abbreviations are the common tpea (tri+TOa); and dv|rea
(dvi-f-q^ca: S.), and trei^ (tri-f-eni: Apast.).

Further, certain cases of the loss of a sibilant require notice. Thus:

b. According to the Hindu grammarians, the b of s-aorist stems is
lost after a short vowel in the 2d and 3d sing, middle: thus, adithftB
and adita (ist sing, adi^i), akq^Jiaa and akpta (1st sing. ak^i). It
is, however, probable that snch cases are to be explained in a different
manner : see 884 a.

e. The s between two mutes is lost in all combinations of the
roots Btha and stambh with the prefix ud: thns, ut thas, utthita,
ut th&paya, i&ttabdha, etc.

d. The same omission is now and then made in other similar cases:
thus oit kambhanena (for sk&mbh-: RV.); tasm&t tute (for state)
and puroruk tuta (for stata: K.); the compounds ^kth& (^k+sthft:
PB.) and utphulifiiga; the derivative utphfila (|/0phal). On the other
hand, we have vidydt stan&yanti (RV.), utsthala, kakutstha, etc.

e. So also the tense-sign of the e-aorist is lost after a final consonant
of a root before the initial consonant of an ending: thus, aohfintta (and

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81 Abbkbviation op Consonant-groups. [—286

foi this, by 281, achftnta) for aohSntsta, ^ftpta for Q&psta, tftptam
for tftpetam, abhftkta for abhftksta, am&uktam for am&ukstaiiu
Tbete are Uie only quotable cases: compare 883.

f* A final 0 of root or tense-stem is in a few instances lost after a
sonant aspirate, and the combination of mutes is then made as if no sibilant
had ever intervened* Thns, from the root ghas, with omission of the
vowel and then of the final sibilant, we have the form gdha (for ghs-ta:
3d sing, mid.), the participle gdha (in agdhid), and the derivative gdhi
(for ghfl-ti; in s^-gdhij; and farther, from the reduplicated form of the
same root, or /Jakf, we have jagdha, jagdhum, Jagdhvft, jagdhi (from
Jaghs-ta etc.); also, in like manner, from baps, reduplication of bhas, the
form babdhfim (for babhs-tftm). According to the Hindu grammarians,
the same utter loss of the aorist-sign 8 takes place after a final sonant
aspirate of a root before an ending beginning with t or th: thus, from
yradb, s-aorist siem ar&uts act. and aruts mid., oome the active dual
and plural persons arftuddham and arftuddhftm and arftuddha, and the
middle singular persons aruddhSa and aruddha. None of the active
forms, however, have been found quotable from the literature, ancient or
modem; and the middle forms admit also of a different explanation: see
834, 888.

Strengthening and Weakening Processes.

234* Under this bead, we take up first the changes that affect
vowels, and then those that affect consonants — adding for convenience's
sake, in each case, a brief notice of the vowel and consonant elements
that have come to bear the apparent office of connectives. 4

Qtugia and Vrddhi.

286, The so-called gui^a- and vrddbi-changes aie^the most
i^^lai and firequent of vowel-changes, being of constant
occunence both in inflection and in derivation.

a. A goi^a-vowel (gui^ secondary quality) diffiets from
the corresponding simple vowel by a prefixed a-element
which is combined with the other according to the usual
rules; a vyddhi-vowel (vyddhi growthy increment) ^ by the
further preflxion of a to the guijia-vowel. Thus, of ^ i or
^ I the corresponding gui^a is (a+i=) ^ e; the correspond-
ing vrddhi is (a + e^*^ &i. But in all gunating processes
^ a remains unchanged — or, as it is sometimes expressed,

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 6

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■] III. Euphonic Combination. 82

9 a is its own gxu^ta; ^ ft, of course, remains unchanged
for both guii^a and vrddhi.

236. The series of corresponding degrees is then as

follows:

simple vowel aft ii uu x \
gtma aft e o ar al

▼rddhi ft fti ftu ftr

a. There Is nowhere any occurrence of f In a situation to undergo
either gui^ or iqpddhi-change ; nor does ) (26) ever suffer change to
vfddhl. TheoreticaUy, f would have the same changes as ^ ; and the
iqpddlii of } would be ftl.

b. In secondary derivatiyes requiring iqpddlii of the first syllable
(1204), the o of go (361 o) is strengthened to gftu: thus, gftumata,

237. The historical relations of the members of each Towel-series are
still matters of some difference of opinion. From the special point of view
of the Sanskrit, the simple vowels wear the aspect of being in general the
original or fundamental ones, and the others of being products of their
increment or strengthening, in two several degrees — so that the rules of
formation direct a, i, u, 7, } to be raised to gtujia or y^ddhi respectively,
under specified conditions. But x I^as long been so clearly seen to come
by abbreviation or weakening from an earlier ar (or ra) that many European
grammarians have preferred to treat the guji^-forms as the original and
the other as the derivative. Thus, for example: instead of assuming certain
roots to be bhf and iqpdh, and making from them bharati and vardhati,
and bh^^ and v^dha, by the same rules which from bhQ and ni and
from budh and dt form bhavati and najatif bodhati and oetati,
bhuta and nita, buddha and citta — they assume bhar and vardh to
be tlie roots, and give the rules of formation for them in reverse. In this
work, as already stated (104 e), the |p-form is preferred.

238. The cni^ia-increment is an Indo-European phenomenon, and
is in many cases seen to occur in connection with an accent on the
increased syllable. It is found —

a. In root-syllables: either in inflectloD, as dv^f^ from ydvi^,
d6hmi from |/duli; or in derivation, as dv^^a, dohas, dv6i}(iun,
d6gdlium.

b. In formatiye elements: either conjngational class-signs, as
tan6mi from tanu ; or suffixes of derivation, in inflection or in further
derivation, as mat&ye from mat{, bhan&vas from bhftnu, pit&ram
from pit( (or pit&r), hantavya from h&ntn.

239. The v^ddhi-increment is specifically Indian, and its occur-
rence is less frequent and regalar. It is found —

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38 Gui^A AND Vbddhi. [—842

a. In root and suffix-syllables, instead of gn^: thus, stftuti
from v^stn, 8&khft3ram from s&khi, infti^am from ytl^ Av^i^^nin^
and kfir&yati and Urya from ylqp (or kar), dfttaram from datt (or
dat&r).

b. EspeciaUy often, in iDitial syllables in secondary derivation:
thus, infina>& from minas, v&idyuti from vidyut, bhaumA from
bhthni, pibthiva from prthivl (1204).

But —

240. The gui^increment does not usually take place in a heavy
syllable ending with a consonant: that is to say, the rules prescribing
gnna in processes of derivation and inflection do not apply to a short
vowel which is Hong by position'^, nor to a long vowel unless it be
final: thus, o^tati from y^oit, but nindati from /nind; n&yati from
Vnl, but jfvatl from yjiv.

a- The vftldbi-increment is not liable to this restriction.

b« Exceptions to the rule are occasionally met with: thus, eh4» ehas
from yih\ he^yftnoiy h64^» ®^) ^o°^ V^4i ^'Of'^ ^<^* froo^ V'o^i
6hate etc from y^ih consider \ and especially, from roots in Iv: dlddva
devifyati, ddvana, etc., from ydiv; tift^eva from i/ftblv; 8rev&y&mi,
ardvuka, from yBtvr — on account of which it is, doubtless, that these
roots are written with iv (div etc.) by the Hindu grammarians, although
they nowhere show a short i. In either verb-forms or derivatives.

c* A few casos occnr of prolongation instead of increment: thus
do^&yati from ydxu^ gdhati from ygnh.

The changes of r (more original ar or ra) are so various as to
call for further description.

241. The increments of ^ are sometimes ra and r&, instead of
ar and fir: namely, especially, where by such reversal a difficult com-
bination of consonants is avoided : thus, from )/dr9, drak^yami and
^drftij^umL; but also pftha and prath, vx^ ^^^ prach, kn>a and
&krapifta.

242. In a number of roots (about a dozen quotable ones) ending
in X (^or more original ar), the x changes both with ar, and more
irregulwly, in a part of the forms, with Ir — or also with ur (espe-
cially after a labial, in p^, mf* vr, sporadically in others): which ir
and tir, again, are liable to prolongation into Ir and nr. Thus, for
example, from t^ (or tar), we have tarati, titarti, tatftra, atarifam,
by regular processes; but also tirati, tiryati, tlrtva» -tirya, ton^a,
and even (V.) turyfima> tuturyat, tarturfii^a. The treatment of such
roots has to be described in speaking of each formation.

a« For the purpose of artjflcially indicating this peculiarity of treatment,
snch roots are by the Hindu grammarians written with long f, or with both
r and f : no f actually: appears anywhere among their forms.

6*

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242—] III. Euphonic Combination. 84

b. The (quotable) ^roots are 2kr strew ^ 1 g^ ^*fHfi ^ST swaUow,
1 jy loear outy ty, 1 ^y crush.

c The (quotable) f and f-roots are y, 1 df pierce^ 1 py ^/WZ, 1 my rfic,
2vT choose, Btf, hvy.

d. Forms analogous ivitb these are sometimes made also from other
roots: thus, oir^, oirtvd, oarcuryd, from }/oar; spurdh&n and spur^
dli&se from yspydh.

243. In a few cases y comes from the contraction of other syllables
than ar and ra: thus, in tqrta and tqptlya, from ri; In 9fnu, from ru; in
bhykuti, from ru.

Vowel-lengthening.

244. Vowel-lengthening concerns especially i and u, since the
lengthening of a is in part (except where in eyident analogy with
that of i and u) indistinguishable from its increment, and x is made
long only in certain plural cases of stems in x (or ar: 369 ff.). Length-
ening is a much more irregular and sporadic change than increment,
and its cases will in general be left to be pointed out in connection
with the processes of inflection and derivation: a few only will be
mentioned here.

245. a. Final radical 1 and u are especially liable to prolongation
before y: as in passive and gerand and so on.

b. Final radical ir and ur (from variable f-roots: 242) are liable to
prolongation before all consonants except those of personal endings: namely,
before y and tvA and na: and in declension before bh and B (392).
Radical is has the same prolongation in declension (392).

246. Compensatory lengthening, or absorption by a vowel of the time
of a lost following consonant, is by no means common. Certain Instances
of it have been pointed out above (179, 198 c, d, 199 d, 222 b). Perhaps
such cases as pit& for pitarB (371 a) and dhani for dhanins (439) are
to be classed here.

247. The final vowel of a former member of a compound is often
made long, especially in the Yeda. Prolongations of final a, and before v,
are most frequent ^ but cases are found of every variety. Examples are:
devftvl, vayunftvid, prfivf^, ^ftvasu, {ndrftvant» Badan&B&d, Qata-
magha, vlfvanara, ^kada^a; apijA, pari^&h» vlrudh, tavimagh&»
tvii^imant, 9&ktivant; vasujA, anurudh, Bum&ya, puruv&su.) |

248. In the Veda, the final vowel of a word — generally a, much
less often i and u — is in a large number of cases prolonged. Usually
the prolongation takes place where it is favored by the metre, but some-
times even where the metre opposes the change (for details, see the yarioua
Prati^khyas).

Words of which the finals are thus treated are:

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<u^

85 VOWBL-LBNGTHENING. . [—250

a. Particles: namely, y&thft,] &dha, eva, utt» gh^ hfi, iha, ivft, ^"^^ ^'
eS» ema, nS, aiigfi, kflA, &tr&, y&trd, t&tra» kutrft, any&tr&» ubhay- j^ •^*^-*<^^>''^ u
4tr8, adya, &ooha» &p&, pra; &ti, nl, y&di, nahl, abhl, vf ; a, td,
ni^ sA, mak^A.

b. Gase-fonuB: especially instr. sing., as ena, t^n&y y6nft, Bv6n&,
and others; rarely gen. siug., as asyfty haru^isya. Gases besides these
are few: so sdnft, vr^abhft, hariyojanft (voc); tanvi (loc); and urfi
and (not rarely) purfi.

o. Verh-forms ending in a, in great number and variety: thus (nearly
in the order of their comparatiTe frequency), 2d sing. impy. act., as pibft,
oya, gamayft, dhfir^fi;~2d pi. act. in ta and tha, as sthft, attft,
bibhrtft, JayatS, ^fi^utft, anadatft, nayathft, Jivayathft (and one or
two in tana: aviftanft, hantanft); — 1st pi. act. in ma, as vidmft,
rlfSmft, ^^dhyAmfty ruhemft, vaniiy&m&, oakpnd, mamifjmft; —
Id sing. impT. mid. in ava, as yuk^va, i(^bv&, dadhi^vd, vahasvft;
— 1st and 3d sing. perf. act., as vedfi, vive^ft, jagrabhft; 2d sing. perf.
act., vetthft; — 2d pi. perf. act., anajft, cakrft. Of Terb-forms ending
in i, .only the 2d sing. impy. act. : thus, kfdtai» Iq^uhl, Iq^idhl, ^rudhi,
9P^udhi, 9p^uhi, didibi, jahl.

d. To these may be added the gerund in ya (993 a), as abhigdryft,
aoyft.

Vowel-lightening.

249. The alteration of short a to an i- or u-vowel in the formative
procewea of the language, except in {> or ar roots (as explained above);
is a sporadic phenomenon only.

850. But the lightening of a long & especially to an i-vowel
(as also its loss), is a frequent process; no other vowel is so nn-
sUble.

a. Of the class-sign nfi (of the kri-class of verbs: 717 ff.), the
ft is in weak forms Changed to i, and before vowel-endings dropped alto-
gether. The final ft of certain roots is treated in the same manner: thus,
mfty hft, etc. (862-6). And from some roots, ft- and i- or i-forms so
interchange that it is difficult to classify them or to determine the true
character of the root

b. Radical ft is weakened to the semblance of the union-vowel i in
certain verbal forms: as perfect dadima from ydS etc (794k); aorist
adhithfts from ydhSL etc. (884 a); present jahlmas from yhSL etc. (666).

o. Radical ft is shortened to the semblance of stem-a in a number
reduplicated forms, as tiftlia» piba, dada, etc.: see 671-4; also in a
few aorists, as ^hvam, &khyam, etc.: see 847.

d. Radical ft sometimes becomes e, especially before y : as stheyftsam,
dejra.

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261—] III. Euphonic Combination. 86

261. Oertain ft*Toot8, because of tbeir peenliai exchanges with i and
i-fonns, especially in forming the present stem, are giren by the Hindu
grammarians as roots ending in e or Si or o. Thus, f^om 2 dhS suek (dhe)
come the present dh&yati and participle and gerand dhlti, dbltvi; the
other forms are made from dhft, as dadhus» adhftt* dhftsyati, dhatove*
dhftpayati. From 2gft sing (gfii) come the present gayati, the parti-
ciple and gerund git& and gitva, and passive giy&te, and the other forms
ftrom gft. From 3 dft cut (do) come the present dy4ti and participle dit&
or din&, and the other forms from dft. The irregularities of these roots
will be treated below, under the various formations (see especially 761 d if.)*

262. By a process of abbreviation essentially akin with that of ar or
ra to Xi the va (usually initial) of a number of roots becomes n, and the
ya of a much smaller number becomes i, in certain verbal forms and deriv-
atives. Thus, from vao come uvaoa, uoyasam, uktv^ uktd, iikd*
ukth&y etc. ; from yaj come iy^a, iJyaBam, i^fva, if^fi, £}(i» etc. See
below, under the various formations.

a. To this change is given by European grammarians the name of
Bazhprasftrai^, by adaptation of a term used in the native grammar.

268. A short a, of root or ending, is not infrequently lost between
consonants in a weakened syllable: thus, in verb-forms, ghn&nti» &paptaxii»
jagm&5i» jajfiiiB, i^jiiata; in noun-forms, r^fie, rf^jSiL

264. Union-vowels. All the simple vowels come to assume in
certain cases the aspect of union-vowels, or insertions between root or stem
and ending of inflection or of derivation.

a. That character belongs oftenest to i, which is very widely used:
1. before the B of aorist and future and desiderative stems, as in ^Ivi^am,
jivify&ni, jfjivi^Smi; 2. in tense-inflection, especially perfect, as jlji-
vimd; occasionally also present, as dniti, r6diti; 3. in derivation, as
Jivit&» kh&nltmn, janitf, rocifi^iit etc. etc.

b. Long i is used sometimes instead of short: thus, igrahlfaniy
grahi^yami; braviti, vSvadlti; taritf, savitt; it is also often intro-
duced before 8 and t of the 2d and 3d sing, of verbs: thus, asls, asit.

o. For details respecting these, and the more irregular and sporadic
occarrenoes of u- and a-vowels in the same character, see below.

Nasal Increment.

266. Both in roots and in endings, a distinction of stronger and
weaker forms is very often made by the presence or absence of a
nasal element, a nasal mute or anusvSra, before a following con-
sonant In general, the stronger form is doubtless the more original;
but, in the present condition of the language, the nasal has come in
great measure to seem, and to some extent also to be used, as an
actually strengthening element, introduced under oertain conditions
in formative and inflective processes.

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87 Njlbal Ihobembnt. [— 9M

a. Examples aie, of roots: ao and alio, grath and granth, vid
and vind, da^ and daii^, sras and sraAs, d^h and dip&h: of endings,
bhtomtam and bh&ratft, m&nasi and m&nifisi.

256. A final n, whether of stem or o'f root, is less stahle than any
other consonant, where a weaker form is called for: thns, from ri^jan we
haTe rfU& and rfHJabhlB, and in composition ri^a; from HIimiIti, dhanl
and dlianibhis and dh&ni; from ylian we haye hath4 and hat&, etc.
A final radical m is sometimes treated in the same way: thns, from Vgam,
gahi, gat&m, gatA, gAti.

257. Inserted n. On the other hand, the nasal n has come to he
nsed with great — and, in the later history of the language, with increasing
— f^qnency as a nnion-consonant. Inserted between Towels: thns, from agnf,
agnfnft and agnlnam; from mAdhn, m&dhtinaa, mAdhnnf, mAdhOni;
ftom 9ivA, ^irena, ^Iv&ii, Qivbsm.

268. Inserted y. a. After final a of a root, a y is often found as
apparently a mere union-consonant hefore another vowel : thns, in inflection,
Adhiyi etc (844), 9fiy&3rati etc. (1042), (jtviy&B etc. (868 o), g^ati
etc. (761 e); further, in deiiyation, -gSya, -yiyam, dftyaka etc.;
Hsthayika; pfiyAna» -gft3rana; dhayas, -hAyas; sthayin etc. (many
eases); -hitSyin, -tat&yin; sthfiynka.

b. Other more sporadic cases of inserted y — such as that in the
pronoun-forms ayam, iyam, vayam, yOyaniy svayam; and in optative
inflection before an ending beginning vdth a vowel (666) — will be point-
ed out below in their connection.

Beduplioation.

268. Redaplication of a root (originating doubtless in its com-
plete repetition) has come to be a method of radical increment or
strengthening in various formative processes: namely,

a. in present-stem formation (642 ff.): as d&dftmi» bibh&rmi;

b. in perfect-stem formation, almost universally (782 ff.): astatana,
dadliAu, oak&a, rir6oa» lul6pa;

o. in aorist-stem formation (866 ff.}: as Adidharam, Aouoyavam;

d. in intensive and desiderative-stem formation, throughout (1 000 ff.,
1026ff.): asjAlkghanti, J6haviti, marm^y&te ; plpSaati, JfghSAsati ;

e. in the formation of derivative noun-stems (1143 e): as pApri,
oAroara, sftsahi, oikit^ maUmluoA.

f. Bales for the treatment of the reduplication in these several cases
will be given in the proper connection below.

260. As, by reason of the strengthening and weakening changes
indicated above, the same root or stem not seldom exhibits, in the
processes of inflection and derivation, varieties of stronger and weaker
form, the distinction and description of these varieties forms an im-
portant part of the subjects hereafter to be treated.

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261—] IV. Dbolbnsion. 88

CHAPTER IV.

DECLENSION.

261. The general subject of declension includes nouns, adjectives,
and pronouns, all of which are inflected in essentially the same manner.
But while the correspondence of nouns and adjectives is so close that
they cannot well be separated in treatment (chap. V.}, the pronouns,
which exhibit many pecularities, will be best dealt with in a separate
chapter (VH.) ; and the words designating number, or numerals, also
form a class peculiar enough to require to be presented by them-
selves (chap. VI.).

262. Declensional forms show primarily case and num-
ber; but they also indicate gender — since, though the
distinctions of gender are made partly in the stem itself,
they also appear, to no inconsiderable extent, in the changes
of inflection.

263. Gender. The genders are three, namely mascu-
line, feminine, and neuter, as in the other older Indo-Euro-
pean languages; and they follow in general the same laws
of distribution as, for example, in Greek and Latin.

a. The only words which show no sign of gender-distinction are the
personal pronouns of the first and second person (491), and the nomerals
above four (483).

264. Number. The numbers are three — singular, dual,
and plural.

a. A few words are used only in the plural: as dfirfis wifty ipas waier;
the numeral dva two, is dual only ; and, as in other languages, many words
are, hy the nature of their use, found to occur only in the singular.

266. As to the nses of the numbers, it needs only to be remarked
that the dual is (with only very rare and sporadic exceptions) used
strictly in all cases where two objects are logically indicated, whether
directly or by combination of two individuals: thus, 9iv6 te dyt-
v&p^^thivf ubh6 st&m may heaven and earth both bepropitioua to thee!
dftivaih ca mftnuyiifa ca hot&rftu Vf(v& having chosen both the divine
and the human 8acrificer9\ pathor devayftnasya pit^fii^asya ca of
the two paths leading respectively to the gods and to the Fathers.

Gqq^Ip^^

89 Cases. . [—268

a. The dual is used alone (without dva tico) properly when the
duality of the objects indicated is well understood ; thus, a^vlnau the ttco
Acvtns'y {ndrasya h&ri Indras ttco bm/s; but tasya dv&v a^vftu Btah
he has two horses. But now and then the dual stands alone pregnantly:
thus, vedaih vedftu vedftn vft one Veda or ttco or more than two;
elLaf affe 9ate two hundred and sixty-one.

206. Case. The cases are (including the vocative) eight:
nominative, accusative, instrumental, dative, ablative, gen-
itive, locative, and vocative.

a. The order in which they are here mentioned is that established for
them by the Hindu grammarians, and accepted from these by Western
scholars. The Hindu names of the cases are founded on this order: the
nominative is called prathamft ^r«^, the accusative dvitiyfi second^ the
genitive safthl sixth (sc. vibhakti division, i. e. case\ etc. The object
•ought in the arrangement is simply to set next to one another those cases
which are to a greater or less extent, in oi^ or another number, identical
in form; and, putting the nominative ^ftst, a» leading case, there is no
other order by which that object cgsld be attained. The vocative is not
considered and named by the native grammarians as a case like the rest;
in this work, it will be given in the singular (where alone it is ever dis-
tinguished from the nominative otherwise than by accent) at the end of the
series of cases.

A compendious statement of the uses of the cases is given in
the following pacftgraphs:

267. Uses of the Nominative. The nominative is the case
of the subject of the sentence, and of any word qualifying the sub-
ject, whether attribntively, in apposition, or as predicate.

268. One or two peculiar constructions call for notice:

a. A predicate nominative, instead of an objective predicate in the
accusative, is used with middle verb-forms that signify regarding or calling
one's self: thus, 86ina]ii manyate papiv^ (R^O ^ thinks he has been
drinking soma-y ok manyeta puranavit (AY.) he may regard himself as
wise m ancient things; durgad va ftharta 'vocathfil^ (MS.) thou hast
claimed to be a savior out of trouble \ fndro brfihTnaijo bruv&gLsJ^
(TS.) Indra pretending to be a Brahman; katthase satyavftdi (R.) thou
boastest thyself truthful. Similarly with the phrase rlipaiii kp: thus,
kp9a^6 rup&iii k^^a (TS.) taking on a black form (1. e. making shape
for himself as one that is black).

b. A word made by iti (1102) logically predicate to an object is
ordinarily nominative: thus, 8varg6 loka {ti y&xh v&danti (AY.) what
they caU the heavenly world; tarn agni^^ma ity ftoak^ate (AB.) it
they style agni^^oii^' vidarbharajatanayaih damayanti 'ti viddhi
mftm (MBh.) know me for the Vidarbha-king's daughter ^ Damayanti by

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268—] 17. Declension. 90

name. Both oonstniotions are combined in ajiiaih hi balam ity ahu^
pite 'ty ava tu mantradam (M.) for to an ignorani man they give the
name of ^chM, hut that of fMer" to one who unparte the sacred teste,
c A nominative, instead of a second vocative, is sometimes added to
a vooative by oa and: thas, {ndra9 ea 86iiiaih pibataiii bi'haspate
(RY.) together toUh Indra, do ye two drink the soma, O Brhaepati! vl^ve
doTfi y6Jam&iia9 oa sidatft (TS.) O ye AU-Oode^ and the eaerijicer,
take seats!

269. Uses of the acoasatiye. The accnsatiye is especially
the case of the direct object of a transitive verb, and of any word
qualifying that object, as attribute or appositive or objective predi-
cate. The construction of the verb is shared, of course, by its par-
ticiples and infinitives; but also, in Sanskrit, by a number of other
derivatives, having a more or less participial or infinitival character,
and even sometimes by nouns and adjectives. A few preposidons
are accompanied by the accusative. As less direct object, or goal
of motion or action, the accusative is construed especially with verbs
of approach and address. It is found used more adverbially as ad-
junct of place or time or manner; and a host of adverbs are accus-
ative cases in form. Two accusatives are often found as objects of
the same verb.

270. The use of the accnsatiYe as direct object of a transitive verb
and of its inflnitiyes and participles hardly needs illustration; au example
or two are: agnim i<JLo / praise Agni] n&mo bharantah bringing
homage; bht&yo datum arhasi thou shouldsi give more. Of predicate
words qualifying the object, an example is t&m ugr&iii k^i^omi t&iii
brahmai^am (RV.) him I make formidable^ him a priest.

271. Of verbal derivatiyee having so far a participial character that
they share the construction of the verb, the variety is considerable : thus —

a. Deriyatiyes in a from desiderative stems (1038) have wholly the
character of present participles: thus, damayantim abhlpsavah (MBb.)
desiring to win Damaycmi%\ didq^k^ur janak&tmaj&iii (B.) desiring to
see Janakds daughter. Rarely, also, the verbal noun in ft from such a root :
thus, Bvargam abhikfink^ayft (R.) with desire of paradise.

b. So-called primary deriyatiyes in in have the same character: thus,
m^ kfimfni (AY.) ioving me\ enam abhibha^l^I (MBh.) addressing
him. Even the obviously secondary garbhin has in QB. the same con-
struction : thus, B&rvft^i bh^tani garbhy abhavat he became pregnant
with all beings.

0. Derivatives in aka, iu the later language: as, bhavantam abhi-
vftdakal^ (MBh.) intending to salute you\ mithil&m avarodbaka^ (R.)
besieging MUhUd.

d. Nouns in tar, very frequently in the older language, and as peri-
phrastic future forms (942 ff.) in the later: thus, h&ntft y6 V|rtr&lh

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9i Uses op the Accusative. [—278

Bteito t& v^aih datfi ma^iLni (BY.) who slayeth the dragon^ winneth
booty, b€stoweth largessM; t&u hi 'daih sarraih hartftrfta (JB.) for
ihey seiz0 on this universe; tyaktfira^ saihyage prSj^Sn (MBh.) risking
Ufo m baUle.

•. The root itself, in the older language, used with the valae of a
present participle at the end of a compoond : thas, jkAi j^'h&&L pairibh&r
48i (BY.) what offering thou surroundest {proteetest); 4him ap&^ pari-
^fham (BY.) the dr<igon confining the waters. Also a taperlatiTo of a
root-stem (468, 471): thus, tv&ih v&8U devayat^ v&nifthah (BY.) thou
art chief winner of wealth for the pious; ta sdmaxh somapitama (BY.)
tkejf two are the greatest drinkers of soma,

f. The derivative in i from the (especially the reduplicated) root, in
the older language: thus, babhrfr v^raih pap{^ adsiaih dadfr gc^^
(BY.) hearing the thunderbolty drinking the soma, bestowing kine ; yi^iik^an
ftt&nlh (BY.) extending the sacrifice,

g. Derivatives in nka, very frequently in the Brahmana language:
thus, vatsan^ oa ghatuko vfkah (AY.) and the wolf destroys his calves;
vMuko vaso bhavati (IS.) he wins a garment ; kamukft enaiii striyo
bhavanti (MS.) the women faU in love with him.

b. Other cases are more sporadic: thus, derivatives in a, as Indro
d^^4^a eid ftrt^i^ (^^O Indra breaks up even whU is fast; nfii VA
*rliah paitfkaih riktham (M.) by no means entitled to his father's
estate ; — in atnu, as vl^ix old ftridatnabhi^ (BY.) with the breakers
of whatever is strong; — in atha, as y^i&thftya devan (BY.) to make
offering to the gods; — in ana, as taiii nivfirai^e (MBh.) in restraining
him; BvamS&Bam iva bhojane (B.) as if in eating one's own flesh; —
in ani, as sam&tsu turv&i^ Pl^any^ (R^O overcoming foes in
combats; — in ti, as nk tk&i dhurtlh (BY.) there is no injuring him; —
in van, as ipaQCftddaghva *nnam bhavati (MS.) he does not come
short of food\ — in anu, as sthiri oin namayi^^avah (BY.) bowing
even firm things.

272. Examples of an accusative with an ordinary noun or adjective
tf e only occasional : such words as AnuTTata faithful tOj pr&tirupa
corresponding to, abhidhf^nu daring to cope withj praty&fio opposite
to, may he regarded as taking an accusative in virtue of the preposition they
contain; also ^TinTca, as dnukS d&vi v&runam (MS.) the gods are inferior
to Varuna. BY. has t&m ant&rvati^ pregnant with him\ and AY. has
m&h kamena through loving me.

278. The direct construction of cases with prepositions is compara-
tiyely restricted in Sanslcrit (1123 ff.). With the accusative are oftenest
found prati, opposite to, in reference to, etc. •, also anu after, in tJie course
of; antar or antarS between; rarely ati across; abhi against, to; and
others (1129). Case-forms which have assumed a prepositional value are
also often used with tiie accusative : as antarei^y uttarei^, dakfiiyena,
avare^a, Ordhvam, ^.

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274—] Declension. 92

274. The accusative is Yery often found also as object of veibs which
in the related languages are not transitive.

a. It stands especially as the goal of motion, with verbs of going,
bringing, sending, and the like: thus, vidarbhan agaxnan (MBh.) they
toerd to Vidarhha\ divaih yayuh (MBh.) they went to heaven; vanagul-
man dh&vantah (MBh.) running to tooods and btuhes; ap6 dfvam ud
vahanti (AV.) they carry up waters to the sky; devan yaje (AV.) J
make offering to the gods.

b. With verbs meaning go, this is an extremely common construction;
and the use of such a verb with an abstract noun makes peculiar phrases
of becoming: thus, samatftm eti Tie goes to equality (i. e. becomes eqttal)]
8a gaoohed badhyat&m mama (MBh.) Ae shaU become liable to be slain
by me\ sa paiioatvam agatah (H.) he was resolved into the Jive elements
(underwent dissolution^ died).

o. Verbs of speaking follow the same rule: thus, tarn abravit he
said to him-j pr&kro^ad uoeair n&ifadham (BCBh.) «Ae cried out loudly
to the Nishadhan] jr&s tvo Vaca (AV.) who spoke to thee.

d. The assumption of an accusative object is exceptionally easy in
Sanskrit, and such an object is often taken by a verb or phrase which is
strictly of intransitive character: thus, sihasft pra 'sy anyan (RV.) in
might thou excellesi (lit. art ahead) others ^ devt, vai br&hma s&m
avadanta (MS.) the gods were discussing (lit. were t€dking together)
brahman; ant&r va{ ma yajiiad yanti (MS.) surely they are cutting
me off (lit. are going between) from the offering; taih 8&ih babhnva
(9B.) he had intercourse with her.

275. Examples of the cognate accusative, or accusative of implied
object, are not infrequent: thus, t&pas tapySmahe (AV.) we do penance;
tk hSi 'tam edhatum edbaih oakrire (9B.) they prospered with thai
prosperity; ufitvft BukhavSsam (R.) abiding happily.

276. The accusative is often used in more adverbial constructions.
Thus:

a. Occasionally, to denote measure of space: thus, yojana^ataih
gantum (MBh.) to go a hundred leagues; ^aiJL uoohrito yojan&ni (MBh.)
six leagues high.

b. Much more often, to denote measure or duration of time: thus, 84
saihvatsar&m urdhv6 ti^fhat (AV.) he stood a year upright; tisrd
ratrir dikfit&h syftt (TS.) let him be consecrated three nights; gatrv&
trin ahorfttrftn (MBh.) having traveled three complete days.

c. Sometimes, to denote the point of space, or, oftener, of time: thus,
jim asya df^aih disyul^ syat (QB.) whatever region his enemy may
be in; t6n&i 'taih ratriiSi saha " jag&ma (9B.) he arrived that night
with him; imfiiii rajanuh vyuij^tiuii (MBh.) this current night.

d. Very often, to denote manner or acoompanying circumstance.
Thus, the neuter accusative of innumerable adjectives, simple or compound

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93 Uses op the Accusative. [—-279

(1111), is used adverbially, while certain kinds of compounds are thus
used to such an extent that the Hindu grammarianfl have made of them a
speeial adverbial class (1818).

e. Special cases are occasionally met with: thus, brahmao^ryam
uvSsa (9^.) he kept a term of studentship \ phal&m paoy&nte (MS.) they
ripen their fruit] gaih divyadhvam (MS., S.) gamble for a cow,

277. The accusative is, of course, freely used with other cases to limit
the same verb, as the sense requires. And whenever it is usable with a
verb In two dilTerent constructions, the verb may take two accusatives, one
in each construction: and such combinations are quite frequent in Sanskrit.
Thus, with verbs of appealing, asking, having recourse: as, apo y&oftmi
bhe^aj&m (RV.) I ask the waters for medicine; tvSjn ahaih satyam
ioohami (R.) I desire truth from thee-, tv&ih vayaih ^araaaih gatfth
(MBh.) we have resorted to thee for succor; — with verbs of bringing,
sending, following, imparting, saying: as, gurutvaih naram nayanti (H.)
^ey bring a man to respectability; sita eft 'nvetu mam vanam (R.)
and let Stta accompany me to the forest; Bup^Qasam ma Va 8|!janty
&8tam (RV.) they let me go home well adorned; tftm idam abravit (MBh.)
this he said to Tier ; — and in other less common cases : as, vfkf&ih pakv&iti
ptaAlaih dhuTinhl (RV.) s?uike ripe fruit from the tree; taiii vi^&m
eva *dliok (AV.) poison he milked from her; jitvft rSjyaih nalam
(MBh.) htwing won the kingdom from Nala; dmu^nitaih panlm gah (RV.)
ye robbed the Pani of the kine; dra^fum ioohSvah putraih pa^cimadar-
9aziam (R.) we wish to see our son for the last time,

a. A causative form of a transitive verb regularly admits two accu-
sative objects: thus, devaft UQatdh payayS havih (RV.) make the eager
gods drink the oblation ; 69adhir evk ph&lam grahayati (MS.) he makes
the plants bear fruit; va^o dftpayet karftn (M.) he should cause the
merchants to pay taxes. But such a causative sometimes takes an instru-
mental instead of a second accusative: see 282 b.

278. Uses of the Instrumental. The instrumental is orig-
inally the trVM-case : it denotes adjacency, accompaniment, association
— passing over into the expression of means and instrument by the
same transfer of meaning which appears in the English prepositions
i€ith and by,

a. Nearly all the uses of the case are readily deducible from this
fundamental meaning, and show nothing anomalous or difficult.

279. The instrumental is often used to signify accompaniment: thus,
agnfr dev^bhir a g^mat (RV.) may Agni come hither along with the
gdds ; marddbln rudr&m huvema (RV.) we would call Rudra with the
Maruis; dvapare^ sahftyena kva ySsyasi (MBh.) whither wilt thou
go, with Dvdpara for companion f kathayan nai^adhena (MBh.) talking
with the Nishadhan. But the relation of simple accompaniment is more
often helped to plainer expression by prepositions (saha etc.: 284).

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S80— ] IV. Declension. 94

S80. The instrumental of means or inBtmment or agent is yet more
freqaent: thus, bhadr&ih Un^ebhi^ ^p^tiyftma (RV.) may uv h4mr
with our ears tohat is propitiom; qastrei^A nidhanam (MBh.) death by
the sword\ keoit padbhyfiih hatfi gcjfti^ (MBh.) «ome were slain by the
elephants with their feet\ pfthak pft^ibhySdi darbhatam^aikftur
naTanitenft *nguythopa3caniqfthikftbhyftm ak^i^i ijya (AGS.) anoiai-
ing their eyes with fresh btUter, by help of the bunches of darbha-^oM,
with the thumb and ring-finger^ using the two hands successively. And
this passes easily over into the expression of occasion or reason (for which
the ablative is more Arequent): thus, kfpayi. through pity; tena satyena
in virtue of that truth.

281. Of special applications, the following may he noticed:

a. Accordance, equality, likeness, and the like: thus, Bam&ih Jy6tih
stbye^a (AV.) a brightness equal with the sun\ yes&m ahaih na
pftdarajasft tulyah (MBh.) to the dust of whose feet I am not equal

b. Price (by which obtained): thus, da9&bhi^ kri]^ti dhenubhih
(RV.) A« buys with ten kine-y gavftih ^atasaliasre]^ diyatSih 9abal&
mama (R.) let fabala be given me for a hundred thousand cows \ sa te
'ktj^abfdayaih d&t& rSJft 'Qvah^dayena v&i (MBh.) tl^e king wiU give
thee the secret science of dice in return for that of horses,

o. Medium, and hence also space or distance or road, traversed: thus,
udnt n& navam anayanta (RV.) they brought [him] as it were a ship
by water] 6 'h& yfttaiii pathibhir devayanfii^ (R^O cf^^f^e hither by
god-traveled paths \ jagmur vihSyasft (MBb.) they went off through
the air.

d. Time passed through, or by the lapse of which anything is brought
about: thus, vidarbhftn yatum ioeh&my ek&hn& (MBh.) / wish to go
to Vidarbha in the course of one day; te oa kSlena mahatft yftuvanam
pratipedire (R.) and they in a long time attained adolescence; tatra
kfilena jSyante mftnavfi dirghajivinah (M.) there in time are bom
men long-lived. This use of the instrumental borders upon that of ttie
locative and ablative.

e. The part of the body on (or by) which anything is borne Is usually
expressed by the instrumentol: as, kukkara]|^ skandbeno 'hyate (H.)
a dog is carried on the shottlder; and this construction is extended to such
cases as tulayft k^am (H.) put on (i. e. so as to be carried by) a balance,

f. Not infrequent are such phrases as bahunfi kim pral&pena (R.)
what is the use of (i. e. is gained by) much talking? ko nu me JIvitenA
'rtha^ (MBh.) what object is life to me? nirujas tu kim ftuyidh&Hi
(H.) but what has a well man to do with medicines?

g. An instrumental of accompaniment is occasionally used almost or
quite with the value of an instrumental absolute: thus, na tvayft *tra
mays Vasthitena kft 'pi eint& k&ryft (Pafic.) with me at hand, thou
needst feel no anxiety whatever on this point.

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95 Uses of thb Instrumental. [— S86

288. a. The construetion of * paisive Terb (or p*rticiple) with an
InstEomenUl of the agent is common from the earlieft period, and becomes
decidedly more so later, the passive participle vith instrumental taking to
no smal extent the place of an active verb with its snbject. Thus, yam^na
datt&]^ (BY.) given by Tama; fifihhir i^yah (BY.) to h§ praiisd by
$ageM; vyftdhena J&Iaih vlstln^am (H.) by the hunUr a net [wae] spread;
tae ohratTft Jaradgaveno 'ktam (H.) Jaradgava, hearing this, said;
may ft gantavyam (H.) I shaU go. A predicate to the instmmental subject
of such a construction is, of coarse, also in the instmmental : thus, adhunft
tavft 'nuoaraoa mayft sarvathft bhavitavyam (H.) henceforth IshaU
ahoays be thy companion; avahitftir bhavitavyaih bhavadbhil^ (Yikr.)
you must be attentive,

b. A causative verb sometimes takes an instrumental instead of an
accusative as second object: thus, tftih ^vabhi^ khftdayed rijft (M.)
ihe king should have her devoured by dogs; ta v&rtu^enft *grfthayat
(MS.) he caused Varuna to seise them,

283. Many instrumental constructions are such as call in translation
for other prepositions than with or by; yet the true instrumental relation is
usually to be traced, especially if the etymological sense of the words be
caxefully considered.

a. More anomalously, however, the instrumental is used interchangeably
with the ablative with words signifying separation: thus, vatsiir vlyutft^
(RY.) separated from their cakes; ma 'h&m fttm&nft vi rftdhifi (AY.)
let me not be severed from the breath of Ufe; sa tayft vyayuJsrata
(MBh.) he was parted f^om her ; pftpm&nfti Vii 'naih vi punanti (MS.)
tkey cleanse him from evil (compare English parted with). The same
meaning may be given to the case even when accompanied by aaha with:
thus, bliartrft Baha viyoga^ (MBh.) separation from her husband,

284. The prepositions taking the instrumental (1127) are those sig-
nifying with and the like : thus, oaha, with the adverbial words containing
sa as an element, as Bftkam, Bfirdham, saratham; — and, in general,
A word oompounded with sa, sam, saha takes an instrumental as its regular
and natural complement. But also the preposition vinft without takes
sometlmee the instrumental (cf. 288 a).

286. Ubob of the Dative. The dative is the case of the
indireet object — or that toward or in the direction of or in order
to or for which anything i& or is done (either intransitively or to a
direct object).

a. In more physical connections, the uses of the dative approach those
of the accusative (the more proper ^o-case), and the two are sometimes
interchangeable; bat the general value of the dative as the toward- or for-
case is almost everywhere distinctly to be traced.

286. Thus, the dative is used with —

a. Words signifying give^ share out^ assign, and the like : thus, y6 nk
dAdftti sAkhye (RY.) who gives not to a friend; y&cchS 'smfii 9&rma
(RY.) bestow upon him protection.

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286—] IV. Declension. 96

b. Words BigDifying shoWy announce, declare, atid the like: thus
dhanur dar^aya r&mftya (R.) ehow the bow to Hdtno] fivir ebhyo
abhavat suryah (RV.) the aun was manifested to them] ftapnxi^sj&L
bhimSya pratyavedayan (MBh.) they announced Rituparna to Bh%ma\
tebbyah pratijfiftya (MBh.) having promised to them,

o. Words signifying give attention, have a regard or feeling, aspire,
and the like: thus, nive^fiya mano dadhuh (MBh.) they set their minds
upon encamping \ mftte 'va putr6bhyo m^iJL^ (A^V.) he gracious as a
mother to her sons ; kim asm&bhyaih liaise (R V.) why art thou angry
at usf kamSya spfhayaty &tm& (Spr.) the soul longs for love.

d. Words signifying please, suit, conduce, and the like : thus, yadyad
rocate viprebhyah (M.) whatever is pleasing to Brahmans', tad
anantygya kalpate (KU.) that tnakes for immortality.

e. Words signifying inclination, obeisance, and the like: thus, m&byam
namantam pradi^a^ c&tasrah (RV.) let the four quarters bow themselves
to me-, devebbyo namask^ya (MBh.) having paid homage to the gods.

f. Words signifying hurling or casting: as y6na du<jLa9e ^syaai (AY.)
with which thou hurlest at the impious.

g. In some of these constructions the genitive and locative are also
used: see below.

287. In its more distinctive sense, as signifying for, for the bene^
of with reference to, and the like, the dative is used freely, and in a
great variety of constructions. And this use passes over into that of the
dative of end or purpose, which is extremely common. Thus, {foiii kp^-
T&na ^sanaya (AY.) making an arrow for hurling ; gyhTjami te s&u-
bhagatvaya h&stam (RY.) I take thy hand in order to happiness; rfi^^raya
m&hyaih badhyataih sap&tnebhysJ^ parftbhuve (AY.) be it bound
on in order to royalty for me, in order to destruction for my enemies.

a. Such a dative is much used predicatively (and oftenest with the
copula omitted), in the sense of makes for, tends toward; also is intended
for, and so must; or is liable to, and so can. Thus, apade90 morkhfi^fiih
prakop&ya na Qftntaye (H.) good counsel [tends] to the exasperation,
not the conciliation, of fools; sa oa tasyfth saxhtOBftya n& 'bhavat (H.)
and he was not to her satisfaction; sugopa asi n& d&bhSya (RY.) thou
art a good herdsman, not one for cheating (1. e. not to be cheiUed).

b. These uses of the dative are in the older language especially illus-
trated by the dative infinitives, for which see 982.

288. The dative is not used with prepositions (1124).

289. Uses of the Ablative. The ablative is the yrom-case
in the various senses of that preposition ; it is used to express removal,
separation, distinction, issue, and the like.

290. The ablative is used where expulsion, removal, distinction, re-
lease, defense, and other kindred relations are expressed : thus, t^ sedhantl
path6 vfkam (AY.) they drive away the wolf from the path; mS pr4

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97 Uses op the Ablative. [—292

gftma path&|i (R^O »way toe not go away from the path \ 6tl va ei|&
y^flamnkhtlt (MS.) he verily goes away from the face of the sacrifice ;
ftr6 asm&d astu heti^ (^'^O for from w he your missile \ p&t&ih no
• vfkat (EV.) sane us from the wolf; &8tabhnad djim avasr&aal^ (RV.)
he kept (Ut made firm) the sky from falling.

291* The ablative is used where procedure or issue from something
as from a source or starting-point is signified: thns, Qukra kfiffi^ad aja-
nif^a (RV.) the bright one has been bom from the hlack one-, lobhftt kro-
dha^ pTahhKvaU (MBh.) passion arises firom greed; vat&t te pr&gi&in
avidam (AV.) I have toon thy life-breath from the toind; y6 pracyft dl^o
abhidasanty aamibi (AY.) who attack us from the eastern quarter \ tae
ehmtyfi Bakhlgaiyfit (MBh.) having heard that from the troop of friends-,
▼Syor antarik^ftd abhft^ata (MBh.) the wind spoke from the sky,

a. Hence also, procedure as from a cause or occasion is signified by
the ablative : this is especially frequent in the later language, and in tech-
nical phraseology is a standing construction; it borders on instrumental
constructions. Thus, v^raaya ^ufn^ftd dadftra (RV.) from (by reason
^f) ^ ftiry of the thunderbolt he burst asunder; yasya da^t^bhay&t
sarve dharmam anurudhyanti (MBh.) from fear of whose rod all are
constant to duty; ak&rami^ritatv&d ekftraaya (Tribh.) because e con-
tains an element of a.

b. Very rarely, an ablative has the sense of after: thus, agaoohann
ahor&trSt tirtham (MBh.) they went to the shrine after a whole day;
takftrftt aakfire takftrei^ (AFr.) after %, before b, is inserted t

292. One or two special applications of the ablative construction are
to be noticed:

a. The ablative with words implying fear (terrified recoil from): thus,
t&syft j&tayfth s&rvam abibhet (AV.) everything was afraid of her at
her birth; y&smftd r6janta kfifft&yfiJ^ (RV.) at whom mortals tremble;
yxupakd bhiya (RV.) through fear of you; yasmftn no 'dvijate loka^
(BhO.) of whom the world is not afraid.

b. The ablative of comparison (distinction from): thus, pr& ririee
div& fndra]^ p^^thivyal^ (RV.) Indra is greater than the heaven and the
earth. With a comparative, or other word used in a kindred way, the abla-
tive is the regular and almost constant construction: thus, 8V&d6h svadi-
yah (RV.) sweeter than the sweet; kiih tasmftd du^khataram (liBh.)
what is more painful than that ? ko mitrftd anysJ^ (H.) who else than a
friend; gft aiqp^thS mat (AB.) tJiou hast chosen the kine rather than me;
ajfkebhyo granthlnah ^re^thfi granthibhyo dhfirii^o varS^ (M.)
possessors of texts are better than ignorant men; rememberers are better
tlum possessors; t&d any&tra tv&n ni dadhmasi (AV.) we set this
down elsewhere {away) from thee; plirvft vi^vasmftd bhuvanftt (RV.)
tarlier than all beings.

0. Occasionally, a probably possessiye genitive is used with the com-
parative; or an instrumental (as in a comparison of equality): thus,
Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 7

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Sra— ] IV. Deolension. 98

nft 'tti dhanyfttaro mama (R.) ihere is no one mor§ fortunate tktm I
(i. 6. my superior in fortune)-, putFaih mama prfiijiair garlyasam
(MBii.) a son dearer than my lifs,

d. Ooeaiionftlly, an ablative is used instead of a partitire genitiTe:
thus, mithon&d ekaih Ja^ftna (R.) he slew one out of the pair;
tebhya ekam (KSS.) one of them,

208. The ablatiye is used with a yarlety of prepositions and words
sharing a prepositional character (1128); hat all these hare rather an ad-
verbial valae, as strengthening or defining the yVofn-relation, than any
proper goToming force. We m«y notice here:

a« In the Veda, &dhi and p&ri are mnch used as directing and strength-
ening adjuncts with the ablative: as, Jftt6 him&vatas p&ri (AV.) bom
from the Himalaya (forth)', aamudrid &dhi Jajfiife (AY.) thou art
bom from the ocean ; o4rantaiii p&ri tasthd^a^ (.^^) moving forth
from that which stands fast.

b. Also piiri (and piiris), in the sense of forward from, and hence
before\ as, puri J&rasa^ (RV.) before old age: and hence also, with
words of protection and the like, from: as 9a9amftn&];i purt nidAh
(BV.) securing from iU-wiU,

o. Also i, in the sbubq ot hither fi'om, all the way from: as, imtliad
kau 9U97ata (AY.) let it dry completely up from the root-, t&smAd a
nady6 n^a stha (AY.) since thai time ye are called rivers. Bat usn-
ally, and especially in the later langaage, the measarement of Interval
implied in a is reversed in direction, and the construction means all the
way to, until: as yatl giribhya i samudrtt (BY.) going from the
mountains to the ocean; a 'syA yi^fi^yo 'dfoalj^ (YS.) until the end of
this sacrifice; fi fO^La^&t (M.) tiU the sixteenth year; fi prad&nftt (Q.)
until her marriage,

2M« Ufres of the Genitive, a. The proper value of the
genitive is adjectival; it belongs to and qualifies a noun, deeignatiiig
something relating to the latter la a manner which the nature of the
case, or the oonnectioD, defines mme nearly. Other genitive con-
stractions, with a^eetive or verb or preposition, appear to arise out
of this, by a more or less distinctly traceable connection.

b. The use of the genitive has become much extended, espe-
cially in the later language, by attribution of a noun-character to the
adjective, and by pregnant verbal construction, so that it often bears
the aspect of being a substitute for other oases —as dative, instru-
mental, ablative, locative.

296. The genitive in its normal adjective constraction with a noon
or pronoun is dassiflable into the usual varieties: as, genitive of posseasion
or appurtenance, including the complement of implied relation — this is,
as elsewhere, the commonest of all; the so-called partitive genitive; the
subjective and objective genitives; and so on. Genitives of apposition or

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99 Uses of the Qbkitiye. [^287

•qoiTtlence {eUy of Rome\ and of chtracterlstlo [man of honor)^ do not
ocear, and hardly that of mateilal (house of wood). Examplea are: {ndra-
BJRv^ira^ Indra'i thunderbolt', pitft putrBs^m father of eons; putra^
piti4 eon of the father-, pitati kftmaf^ putraaya the father's love of the
9on] ke na^L tchich of im; Qataih dfialnim a hundred female slaves,

a. The expression of possession etc on the part of prononns is made
almost entirely by the genitiye case, and not hy a derived possessiye ad-
JectiTe (610).

b. Exceptional eases like nagarai^a mtega^ M# road to the eUy
(cf. U dmnm de J^aris), yaayA liaiii dilta ipaita^ (liBh.) as mmsenger
to whom I am wanted^ are occasionally met with.

886. The genitive is dependent on an adjective:

a. A so-called particiTe genltire with a saperlatire, or another woid
of similar sabetanttTsl valae : thus, ^refthaih vlrft^ftm best of heroes ;
▼fr4dliflih wlrykvatt (AY.) of plants the mighty (miyhtissi) one.

b. Very often, hy a transfer of the possessive genitive firom noon to
a4jeetive, the adjective being treated as if it had noun-value: thus, tasya
M^ma^ or aanrOpa^ or smdfi^SLfy resembling him (i. e. his like); taaya
pxiyft dear to him (his dear one) ; tasyft Viditam unknown to him (his
unknown thmg); hiTya9 oaryai^Inim (BY.) to be sacrifioed to hy mortals
(their o^eet of saorijiee) ; ipaito naranftrTigftm (BfBh.) desired of mm
and women (their object of desire); yasjra kaaya praaiita^ (H.) of
whomsoever bom (his son)\ hantavyo 'ami na te (MBh.) I am not to
be slain of thee; kim artbinlbh vaftoayitavyam aati (H.) why should
(here be a deceiving of suppliants f

o. In part, by a constmction similar to that of verbs which take a
genitive object: thus, abhijfkfi rijadharm&gilm (R.) understanding the
duties of a king,

287. The genitive as object of a verb is:

a. A possessive genitive of the recipient, by pregnant constroction,
witk verbs signifying give, in^part, eommunieate, and the like : thus, varftn
Pradiyft 'aya (MBh.) having bestowed gifte upon him (made them his by
bestowal)] rfljfio niveditam (H.) it was made known to the king (made
his by knowledge)', yad a&yaaya pratijftftya punar anyasya diyate
(M.) that after being promised to one she is gwen to tmather. This con-
itnictlon, by which the genitive becomes snbstltate for a dative or locative,
abounds in the later language, and is extended sometimes to problematic
and dlMcult cases.

b« A (in most cases, probably) partitive genitive, as a less complete
or less absolate object than an aocasative : thus, with verbs meaning partake
(eat, drink, etc.), as plba BUt&aya (AY.) drink (of) the soma; mkdhvB:^
PSyaya (BY.) cause to drink the sweet dnutght; — with verbs meaning
impart (of the thing Imparted) etc., as d&dftta no amftaaya (BY.) bestow
upon us immortality; — with verbs meaning er^'oy, be satisfied or filled

7*

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298—] IV. Dbcleksion. 100

with: aS) m&tsy Andhasah (RV) do thou etyot/ the Juice] ^yasya
purayanti (S.) they JUI toith butter] — with verbs meaning perceive, note,
care for, regard with feeling of various kinds: as, v&siffhasya stuvatd
indro a^rot (RV.) Indra listened to Vasiahtha who woe praising hint]
y&thS m&ma sm&rftt (AY.) that he may think of me] tasya oukopa
(MBh.) he toas angry at him.

o. A genitive of more doubtful character, with verbs meaning rule or
have authority: as, tv&m i^iij^e v&sunam (RV.) thou art lord of good
things] ydthS li&m e^aih virf^&ni (AY.) t?uft I may rule over diem]
kathajh m^yul^ prabhavati veda^astravidfim (M.) how has death
power over those who know the Vedas and treatises f

d. A genitive, instead of an ablative, is sometimes found nsed with a
verb of receiving of any kind (hearing included), and with one of fearing:
thus, yo rSjfifiJ^ pratig^lu^ftti lubdhasya (M.) whoever accepts a gift
from a greedy king] qx^xi me (MBh.) learn from me] bibhimas tava
(MBh.) we are afraid of thee.

298. A genitive in its usual possessive sense is often found as predi-
cate, and not seldom wiih the copula omitted: thu?, y&thi 'so m&ma
k6vala^ (AY.) that thou may est he wholly mine] sarv&h saihpattayas
taaya saihtuftaiii yasya mftnasam (H.) all good fortunes are his who
has a contented mind] — as objective predicate, bhartu^ putraih vija-
nanti (M.) they recognise a son as the husband's.

299. a. The prepositional constructions of the genitive (1130) are for
the most part with such prepositions as are really noun-cases and have the
government of such : thus, agre, arthe, kf te» and the like ; also with
other prepositional words which, in the general looseness of use of the
genitive, have become assimilated to these. A few more real prepositions
take the genitive: either usually, like up&ii above, or occasionally, like
adh&s, ant&r, kti.

b. A genitive is occasionally used in the older language with an
adverb, either of place or of time : thus, y&tra kva ea kumkfetr&aya
(9B.) in whatever part of KuruksTietra ] y&tra tu bhtlmer j^eta (MS.)
on wh<U spot of earth he may he bom] idanim AhnsJ^ (R^O (^^ this
time of the day] y&sya ratry&h prftt&h (MS.) on the mom of what
night] dvify saiiivatsaraaya (K.) twice a year. Such expression as the
last occur also later.

300. a. The genitive is very little used adverbially; a few genitives
of time occur in the older language: as, aktoB by night, vastos by day;
and there are found later such cases as kasya eit kSlasya (9) after a
certain time] tata^ kalasya mahatal^L prayay&u (R.) then after a long
time he went forth.

b. A genitive, originally of possession, passing over into one of general
concernment, comes in the later language (the construction is unknown
earlier) to be used absolutely, with an agreeing participle, or quite rarely

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101 Uses op the Locative. [—^802

an adjectlTe. Form sach cases as the /oIloTring — pa9yato bakamurkha-
sya nakul&ir bhakfitaijL sut&h (H.) of the foolish heron, while he
looked on, the young were eaten hy the ichneumons, or gate 'rdharStra^
Xathah kathayato mama (KSS.) half my night was passed in telling
stories, or kartavyasya karmai^fiJ^ k^ipram akriyamftqiasya kftlalj^
pibati tadrasam (H.) of a work needing to be done but left undone time
quickly drinks up its essence — come into currency, by increasing indepen-
dence of the genitiTo, such other cases as: divaih jag&ma muniufiih
pa^yatSxh tadft (R.) Tie went then to heaven, the ascetics looking on; evaih
Idlapatas tasya devadutas tadft 'bhyetya vftkyam &ha (MBh.) as he
thus lamented, a divine messenger coming addressed him \ iti vftdina ev&
*8ya dhennr ftvav]^ van&t (Ragh.) while he thus spoke, the cow came from
the forest. The genitive always indicates a living actor, and the participle is
usually one of seeing or hearing or uttering, especially the former. The con-
struction is said by the Hindu grammarians to convey an implication of disregard
or despite; and such is often to be recognized in it, though not prevailingly.

301. Uses of the Locative, a. The locative is properly the
ftrt-case, the case expressing sitaation or location; but its sphere of
use has been somewhat extended, so as to touch and overlap the
boundaries of other cases, for which it seems to be a substitute.

b. Unimportant variations of the sense of in are those of amid
or among, on, and at Of course, also, situation in time as well as
place is indicated by the case ; and it is applied to yet less physical
relations, to sphere of action and feeling and knowledge, to state of
things, to accompanying circumstance; and out of this last grows the
frequent use of the locative as the case absolute.

0. Moreover, by a pregnant construction, the locative is used
to denote the place of rest or cessation of action or motion {into or
on to instead of in or on; German in with accusative instead of dative:
compare English there for thither).

302. a. The locative of situation in space hardly needs illustration.
An example or two are: yd deva divi Bth& (AY.) which of you gods
are in heaven; na deve^n na yak^e^u tftd^k (MBh.) not among gods
or Yakshas is such a one ; p&rvatasya pr^fhd (RV.) on the ridge of the
mountain; vid&the santu dev^ (R^O inay the gods be at the assembly;
daQame pade (MBh.) at the tenth step.

b. The locative of time indicates the point of time at which anything
takes place: thus, asy^ nfiso vyiiffftu (RV.) at the shining forth of
this dawn; etasminn eva kftle (MBh.) at jmt that time; dv&da9e varfe
(MBh.) in the twelfth year. That the accusative is occasionally used in
this sense, instead of the locative, was pointed out above (276 o).

e. The person with whom, instead of the place at which, one is or
remains is put in the locative: thus, tiffbanty asmin paQ&va^ (MS.)
animals abide with him; gurftu vasan (M.) living at a teacJier's; and,
pregnantly, tftvat tvayi bbavifyfiml (MBh.) so long will I cleave to thee.

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803— J IV. Declension. 102

803. The locatiye of sphere or condition or circumstarce is of very
freqnent use: thus, m&de &him {ndro Jaghftna (RV.) in fury Indra ilefh
the dragon \ mitr&sya sumatftu syfima (RV.) may we he in the fa:cor
of Mitra\ te vaoane ratam (MBh.) delighted in ihy toorde,

a. This construction is, on the one hand, generalized into an expres-
sion for in the matter or ea$e of, or toith reference to, reepectingy and
takes in the later language a very wide range, touching upon genitlye and
dative constructions : thus, h "miih bhaja grame d^ve^u g69U (AV.) he
generous to him m retainere, in horses, in cattle \ tkm It Bakhitvd imalie'
CRY.) him toe heg for friendships upfiyo ^yaih may& d^t^ ftnayana
tava (MBh.) this means was devised hy me for (with reference to) bringing
thee hither ; aatitve kftra^aih striyftl^ (H.) the cause of (in the case of)
a woman's chastity, na ^akto ^havan nivftrai^e (MBh.) ?ie was not
capable of preventing,

. b. On the other hand, the expression hy the locative of a condition of
things in which anything takes place, or of a conditioning or accompanying
circumstance, passes oyer into a well-marked ahsolute construction, which is
known even in the earliest stage of the language, but becomes more frequent
later. Transitional examples are: h&ve tvfi atbra ddite h&ve ma-
dhjr&ihdine div&h (RY.) / call to thee at the arisen sun (whm the sun
has risen), I call at midtime of the day; aparftdhe kfte *pi oa na me
kopfiJ^ (BiBh.) and even in case of an offence committed, there is fta
anger on my part

o. The normal condition of the absolute construction is with a parti-
ciple accompanying the noun: thus, stir^^ barhffi samidhftn^ agnftd
(RY.) when the barhis is strewn and the fire kindled; kftle ^ubhe prftpte
(MBb.) a propitious time having arrived; avaaannfiyfiiii rfttrftv astftoala-
eu^Talambini eandramasi (H.) the night having drawn to a dose,
and the moon rt sting on the summit of the western mountain,

d. But the noun may be wanting, or may be replaced by an adverbial
substitute (as evam* tathft» iti): thus, wan^ati when it rains; EfOryel
aatamite after sunset; ftditya^ya df^yamine (S.) while there is seen
[some part] of the sun; ity ardliokte (9) with these words ha^ uttered;
asmAbhih samaamJfi&Ate (MBh.) it being fuUy assented to by us; e^ram
ukte kalina (MBh.) it being thus spoken by Kali; tathA *nmirtiate (H.)
it being thus accomplished. So likewise the participie may be waatiBg (a
copula aati or the like having to be supplied) : thus, dtire bJiaye (he cause
of fear being remote; while, on the other hand, the participle tati etc. i»
someMmea redandantly added to the other participle: thua, taftM iBgttB aati
it being thus deste,

e. The locative is frequently used adverbially or prepoeitionally (1110):
thus, -arthe or -kfte in the matter of for the sake of; agr« in front
of; ^. wOlkoiui; aamipe near,

804. The pregnant construction by which the locative comes to ex-
press the goal or object of motion or action or feeling exercised is not

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103 Uses of thb Looatiyb. [—807

aneonunon from the earllett time. It it by no means to be skarply diittn-
gnishad from the ordinary eonstruotion; the two pais into one another, with
a doubtful territory between. It ooeiire:

a. Eepeeially with verbs, • as of arriving, sending, placing, communi-
cating, bestowing, and many others, in sitaatlons where an aconsatiTe or
a dative (or a genitive, S87 a) might be looked for, and exchangeable with
them: thus, B& {d dev^fu gaoehati (RV.) thaiy trufy, goes to (to he among)
the god8\ imiih no yf^fUkiiI..a]n^9a dliahi (RY.) eei this offering of
ours among the immortals; y& fei^c4nti r&aam dfadhl^u (AY.) who
pour in the juice into the plants (ot^^Jhe juiee that is in the pkmts); in&
prayacohe ''9Tare dhanam (H.) do not offer wealth to a lordy papftta
medinyfim (MBh.) he feU to (so as to he upon) the earth] akandhe
Iqptvft (B,) putting on the shoulder; saih^ratya pQrvain asmfisa (MBh.)
having he/ore promised us,

b* Often also with nonns and adjectives in similar constructions (the
instances not always easy to separate from those of the locative meaning
with reference to: above, 808a): thns, dayft sarvabhtltefu compassion
toward aU creatures; anurfigaih nSiyadlie (MBh.) affection for the
Nishadhon; ri^A samyag vftta^ sadft tvayi (MBh.) the king has always
hehaved properly toward thee.

805. The prepositions construed with the locative (1126) sUnd to it
only in the relation of adverbial elements strengthening and directing Its
meaning.

806. Declensional forms are made by the addition of
endings to the stem, or base of inflection.

a. The stem itself, howcYer, in many words and classes
of words, is liable to yariation, especially assuming a stronger
form in some cases and a weaker in others.

b. And between stem and ending are sometimes inserted
connecting elements (or what, in the recorded condition of
the language, haYe the aspect of being such].

o. Respecting aU these pointo, the details of treatment, as exhibited
by each class of words or by single words, will be given in the following
chapters. Here, however, it is desirable also to present a brief general view
cf them.

807. Endings: Singnlar. a. In the nominstiye, the usual
masc. and fem. ending is s — which, however, is wanting in derivative
a and I-stems; it is also euphonieally lost (160) by consonant-stems.
Neuters in general have no ending, but show in this case the bare
stem; a-stems alone acjd m (as in the accus. masc.). Among the
pronouns, am is a frequent masc. and fem. nom. ending (i^d is found
even in du. and pi.]; and neuters show a form in d.

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807—] IV. Declension. 104

b. In the ace usa tire, m or am is the masc. and fern, ending
— am being added after a consonant and ^ , and after i and u in the
radical division, and m elsewhere after vowels. The neater accusative
is like the nominative.

o. The instrumental ending for all genders alike is ft. With
final i- and u-vowels, the ft is variously combinedi and in the older
language it is sometimes lost by contraction with them. Stems in a
make the case end in ana (sometimes enft in V.), and those in ft make
it end in ayft; but instances occur, in the early language, of immediate
addition of ft to both a and ft.

d. The dative ending is in general e; and with it likewise the
modes of combination of i and u final are various (and disappearance
by contraction not unknown in the oldest language). The a-stems
are quite irregular in this case, making it end in ftya — excepted is
the pronominal element -sma, which combines (apparently) with e to
-smfti. In the personal pronouns is found bhyam (or hyam).

e* A fuller ending fti (like gen.-abl. fts and loc. ftm: see below)
belongs to feminine stems only. It is taken (with interposed y) by
the great class of those in derivative ft; also by those in derivative i,
and (as reckoned in the later language) in derivative a. And later
it is allowed to be taken by feminine stems in radical I and u, and
even by those in i and u: these last have it in the earliest language
in only exceptional instances. For the substitution of fti for abl.-gen.
fts, see below, h.

f. The ablative has a special ending, d (or t), only in a-stems,
masc. and neut, the a being lengthened before it (except in the per-
sonal pronouns of 1st and 2d person, which have the same ending
at in the pi, and even, in the old language, in the dual). Everywhere
else, the ablative is identical with the genitive.

g* The genitive of a-stems (and of one pronominal u-stem,
amu) adds sya. Elsewhere, the usual abl.-gen. ending is as; but its
irregularities of treatment in combination with a stem-final are con-
siderable. With i and u, it is either directly added (only in the old
language), added with interposed n, or fused to as and os respect-
ively. With f (or ar) it yields ur (or us: 169b).

h. The fuller fts is taken by feminine stems precisely as fti is
taken in the dative: see above. But in the language of the £rah-
manas and Sutras, the dative-ending fti is regularly and commonly used
instead of fts, both of ablative and of genitive. See 365 d.

i. The locative ending is i in consonant- and f- and a-stems
(fusing with a to e in the latter). The i- and u-stems (unless the
final vowel is saved by an interposed n) make the case end in ftu;
but the Veda has some relics or traces of the older forms (ay-i [?]
and av-i) out of which this appears to have sprung. Vedic locatives

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

105 Case-endings. [—309

firom i-stems end also in & and i. The pronominal element -sma
makes the locative -smin. Stems in an in the older language often
lose the i, and use the bare stem as locative.

j. The ending fim is the locative correspondent to dat. ai and
abl.-gen. fis, and is taken under the same circumstances: see above.

k. The vocative (unless by accent: 814) is distinguished from
the nominative only in the singular, and not quite always there. In
a-stems, it is the unaltered stem, and eo also in most consonant-stems ;
but neuters in an and in may drop the n; and the oldest language
has sometimes a vocative in a from stems in nt and ta. Stems in x
change this to ar. In masc. and fem. i- and u-stems, the case ends
respectiyely in e and o; in neuters, in the same or in i and u. Stems
in & change & to e; derivative i and u are shortened; radical stems
in long vowels use the nominative form.

308. Dual. a. The dual has — except so far as the vocative
is sometimes distinguished from nominative and accusative by a dif-
ference of accent: 314 — only three case-forms: one for nom., accus.,
and voc.; one for instr., dat., and abl.; and one for gen. and ioc.

b. But the pronouns of 1st and 2d person in the older language
distinguish five dnal cases : see 492 b.

o. The masc. and fem. ending for nom.-a ecus. -voc. is in the
later language usually &a; but instead of this the Veda has pre-
vailingly ft. Stems in a make the case end in e. Stems in i and u,
masc. and fem., lengthen those vowels; and derivative i in the Veda
remains regularly unchanged, though later it adds ftu. The neuter
ending is only i; with final a this combines to e.

d. The universal ending for the instr.-dat.-abl. is bhyftm,
before which final a is made long. In the Veda, it is often to be
read as two syllables, bhiam.

e. The universal ending of gen. -Ioc. is os; before this, a and
^ alike become e (ai).

309. Plural, a. In the nominative, the genecal masculine
and feminine ending is as. The old language, however, . often makes
the case in ftsas instead of Ss from a-stems, and in a few examples
also from ft-stems. From derivative i-stems, is instead of yas is the
regular and usual Vedic form. Pronominal a-stems make the masc.
nom. in e.

b. The neuter ending (which is accusative also) is in general 1;
and before this the final of a stem is apt to be strengthened, by
prolongation of a vowel, or by insertion of a nasal, or by both. But
in the Veda the hence resulting forms in &ni» ini, uni are frequently
abbreviated by loss of the ni, and sometimes by further shortening
of the preceding vowel.

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

/

SOe— 1 IV. DSOLBNSION. 106

0. The aocusatiTe eading is also as in eonsonant-stems and
in the nidioal division of I- and fL-stems (and in the eld langiutge
even elsewhere). Stems in short rowels lengthen those vowels and
add in the mascoUne n (for ns, of which ataadant traces remain),
and in the feminiae s. In the neater, this case is like the ooimnative.

d. In the instrumental, the oase-ending is everywhere bhis
except in a-stems, where in the later language the case always ends
in fiis, but in the eariier either in ftis or the more reg^ilar ablUa
(abbis in the two personal pronouns; and the prononunalntem a [601]
makes ebbis only).

e. The dative aad ablative have in the plural the same form,
with the ending bbyas (in Veda often bblas), before which only a
is altered, beoombig e. But the two personal pronouns distinguish
the two cases, having for the ablative the singular ending (as above
pointed out), and for the dative the peculiar bbyam (almost never in
Veda bbiaan), which they extend also into the singular.

f. Of the genitive, the universal ending is fim; which (except
optionally after radical f and % and in a few scattering Yedic in-
stances) takes after final vowels an inserted consonant, s in the pro-
nominal declension, n elsewhere; before n, a short vowel is length-
ened; before s, a becomes e. In ^e Veda, it is frequently to be
pronounced in two syllables, as a-am

g. The locative ending is su, without any exceptioaSi and the
only chaise before it is that of a to e.

b. The vocative, as in the dual, differs from tiie nominative
only by its aooent.

810. The normal scheme of endings, as recognized by

the native giammaiians (and conveniently to be assumed as

the basis of special descriptions), is this:

Singulftr.

Dual.

Plnnl.

m.f: n.

m.f. n.

iiLf. n.

N.

B —

an I

as i

A.

am —

an i

as i

I.

&

bbyam

bbis

D.

e

bbySm

Uiyas

Ab.

as

Uiyam

bbyas

G.

as

OS

am

L.

i

OS

su

a. It is taken in bulk by the consonantal stems and by the rad-
ical division of i- and d-stems; by other vowel-stems, with more or
less considerable variations and modifieations. The endings which
have almost or quite unbroken range, through stems of all classes,
are bbyam and os of the dual, and bbis, bbyas, Am, and su of the
plural.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

107 Strong ahd Weak Stem. [—312

811. Variation of Stem. a. By far the most im-
portant matter under this head is the distinction made in
large classes of words (chiefly those ending in consonants)
between strong and weak stem-forms — a distinction stand-
ing in evident connection with the phenomena of accent.
In the nom« and accns. sing, and du. and the nom. pi.
[the five cases whose endings are never accented: 816 a),
the stem often has a stronger or fuller form than in the
rest: thus, for example (424), ;[13R^ri^Sn-ani, ^T$n%v8jta-
ilti, JMHH nysn-as, against JT^T rftjll-R and JTslPW rfija-
bhis; or (460 b) CF^ItPT^mahSnt-am and (447) lEI^TI^ addnt-
am against if^rfT mahat-S and H^r\\ adat-ft. These five,
therefore, are called the cases with strong stem, or, briefly,
the strong oases; and the rest are oaUed the cases with
weak stem, or the weak cases. And the weak cases,
again, are in some classes of words to be distinguished into
cases of weakest stem, or weakest cases, and cases of
middle stem, or middle cases: the former having endings
b^;inning with a vowel (instr., dat., abl.-gen., and loc. sing. ;
gen.-loc. du.; ace. and gen. pi.); the latter, with a consonant
(instr.-dat.-abl. du.; instr., dat.-ab]., and loc. pi.).

b. The class of strong cases, as above defined, belongs
only to masculine and feminine stems. In neuter inflection,
the <mly strong cases are the nom. -ace. pi.; while, in those
stems that make a distinction of weakest and middle form,
the nom.-acc. du. belongs to the weakest class, and the nom.-
acc. sing, to Uie middle: thus, for example, compare (408)
MrllfU pratydilc-i, nom.-acc. pi. neut., and UrU^H praty-
fu&o^as, nom. pi. masc. ; Mrfl4) pratlc-t, noaL.-aec. du. neut.,
and ^Ifft^ pratie-60, gen.-loc. du.; !ff5f^ pratyAk, nom.-
acc. sing, neut., and TftrlPTH praty&g-bhis, instr. pi.

812. Ot^er TariatlonB ooneern cMefly the final Towel of a stem, and
may be mainly left to be pointed out in detail below. Of consequence

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

312—] IV. Declension. 108

enough to mention here is only the gu^a-strengthenlog of a final 1 or u,
Tvhich in the later language is always made before aa of nom. pi. and e
of dat sing, in masc. and fem. ; In the Veda, it does not always take place ;
nor is it forbidden in dat. sing. neut. also; and it is seen sometimei in
loc. sing. Final ^ has gai^a-strengthening in loo. sing.

313. Insertions between Stem and Ending. After vowel-stems,
an added n often makes its appearance before an ending. The appendage
is of least questionable origin in nom.-acc. pL neut., where the interchange
in the old language of the forms of a- and i-stems with those of an- and
ill-stems is pretty complete; and the u-stems follow their analogy. Else-
where, It is most widely and firmly established in the gen. pi., where in
the great mass of cases, and from the earliest period, the ending is virtu-
ally nfim after a vowel. In the i- and u-stems of the later language, the
Instr. sing, of maso. and neat, is separated by its presence from the fem.,
and it is in the other weakest cases made a usual distinction of neuter forms
from masculine ; but the aspect of the matter in the Yeda is very different :
there the appearance of the n is everywhere sporadic; the neuter shows no
special inclination to take it, and it is not excluded even from the femi-
nine. In the ending ena from a-stems (later invariable, earlier predomi-
nating) its presence appears to have worked the most considerable trans-
formation of original shape.

a. The place of n before gen. pi. am is taken by 8 in pronominal
a- and ft-stems.

b. The y after ft before the endings &i, fts, and &m is most probably
an iDsertion, such as is made elsewhere (258).

Accent in Declension.

314. a. Ab a rule without exception, the vocative, if accented
at all, is accented on the first syllable.

b. And in the Yeda (the case U a rare one), whenever a syllable written
as one is to be pronounced as two by restoration of a semivowel to vowel
form, the first element only has the vocative accent, and the syllable as
written is circumflex (83-4): thus, dyftUB (i. e. diftus) when dissyllabic,
but dy&iks when monosyllabic; jylUte when for jiftke.

o. But the vocative is accented only when it stands at the be-
ginning of a sentence — or, in verse, at the beginning also of a
metrical division or pftda; elsewhere it is accentless or enclitic: thus,
&gne y&iii yaJfL&ih paribhdr &8i (RV.) O Agni! whatwer offering
thou protectesi; but upa tv& 'gna 6 'masi (RV.) unto thee, Agni^ we
come,

d. A word, or more than one word, qualifying a vocative — usually
an adjective or appositive noun, but sometimes a dependent noun in the
genitive (very rarely in any other case) — constitutes, so far as accent is

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

109 Accent. [—316

concerned, a xmlty with the voeative: thus (til the examples tiom RV.)i
at the beginning of a pftda, with first syllable of the combination accented,
{odra brftta]|;i O brother Indra! ri^jan soma O king Soma! yivi^fha
duta moat youthftU messengerl h6tar yavi^fba snkrato most youthful
skiUed offerer! Arjo nap&t sahasvan mighty son of strength! — in the
interior of a pSda, without accent, edrnftsa indra girvai^]^ the somas,
O song-loving Indra! tav a^vinS bhadrahaatft supfij^I ye^ O A^ins
of propitious and beautiful hands! a rSjfin& maha ptasya gopft hither,
ye two kingly guardians of great order!

e. On the other hand, two or more independent or codrdinate vocatives
at the beginning of a pftda are regularly and usually both accented : thus,
pitar mata^ O father! O mother! &gna indra v&rui^ mitra d^vfth
Agni! Indra! Varuna! Mitra! gods! 94tamate Qitakrato thou of
a hundred aids! of a hundred arts! v&siftlia 9ukra dldiva^ p^vaka
besty bright, shining , cleansing one! tirjo napftd bh&draQOoe son of
strength, propitiously bright one! But the texts offer occasional irregular
excoptions both to this and to the preceding rule.

f. For brevity, the vocative dual and plural will be given in the par-
adigms below along with the nominative, without taking the trouble to
specify in each instance that, if the latter be accented elsewhere than on
the first syllable, the accent of the vocative is different.

316. As regards the other cases, rules for change of accent in
declenBion have to do only with monosyllables and with stems of
more than one syllable which are accented on the final ; for, if a stem
be accented on the penult, or any other syllable further back — as
is sixpant, vari, bh&gavant, snm&nas, sah&sravfija — the accent
remalDB upon that syllable through the whole inflection (except in the
vocatiTe, as explained in the preceding paragraph).

a. The only exceptions are a few numeral stems: see 483.

316. Stems accented on the final (including monosyllables) are
subject to variation of accent in declension chiefly in virtue of the
fact that some of the endings have, while others have not, or have
in less degree, a tendency themselves to take the accent. Thus:

a. The endings of the nominative and accusative singular and dual
and of the nominative plural (that is to say, of the strong cases: 311) have
no tendency to take the accent away from the stem, and are therefore only
accented when a final vowel of the stem and the vowel of the ending are
blended together into a single vowel or diphthong. Thus, from datt4 come
dattftu (= datti + &u) and dattds (= dattd + ae) ; hut from nadi come
nadyftu (=nadl-hftu) and nadyae (=nadl-|-a8l.

b. All the other endings sometimes take the accent; hot those beginning
with a vowel (i. e. of the weakest cases: 311) do so more readily than
those beginning with a consonant (1. e. of the middle cases: 311). Thuf,
from n&iiB come n&va and naubhis; from mah&nt, however, come
mahati but mahidbhis.

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

817—] IV. Deglbhsiom. 110

The generml rales of accent^ then, m§j be thm stated:

817. In the declension of monosyllabic stems, the accent falls
upon the ending in all the weak cases (widiout distinction of middle
and weakest): thns, nftvt, nftubhyim^ nftv&i, nSa^u; v«ei, Tflgblifay
v&cam» vSkf^

a. Bat some monosylUhle stems retain the accent throughout: thus,
gobhiSy g&vam^ go^u. For such cases, see below, 850, 801 o» d, 872,
890, 427. And la the ace. pi. the stem is even oftener accented than
the ending, some words also admitting either aceent nation.

818. Of polysyllabic stems ending in consonants, only a few shift
the accent to the ending, and that in the weakest (not the middle]
cases. Sach are:

a. Present participles in &ixt or &t: thus, from tod&nt, tudati and
tudat68 and tndatam; hnt tud&dbhy&qx and tud&tsu,

b. A few adjectives haying the form of snoh participles, as mahata,
bfhat&8.

o. Stems of which the accented final loses Its syllabic chaia^.ter by
syncopation of ths vowel: thns, majjiii, murdhnd, dflmtifai (flrom misU^
eto.: 4S8).

d. Other sporadic cases will be noticed under the different declensions.

e. Case-forms nsed adverbially sometimes show a changed accent:
see 11 10 if.

819. Of polysyllabic stems ending in accented short vowels
the final of the stem retains the accent if it retains its syllabic
identity: thus, datt^na and dattaya from datt&; agnlnft and agn&ye
from agnf; and also datt^bhyas, agnlbhie, and so on. Otherwise,
the accent is on the ending: and that, whether the final and the end-
ing are combined into one, as in dattftfs, dben&a, agnin, dhends,
and so on: or whether the final is changed into a semivowel before
the ending: thus, dhenva, pitri, j&my6s, bfihy68, etc.

a. But &m of the gen. pi. from stems in { and it and f may, and In
the older language always does, take the accent, though separated by n from
the stem : thus, agnln&i, dhentinim, pitfi^&n. In BY., even derivative
i-stems show usually the same shift: thus, bfl^vin&n. Of stems in 4,
only numerals (488 a) follow this rule: thus, saptfinam, da9fin6B.

820. Boot-words in i and ii as final members of compounds retain the
accent throughout, not shifting it to any of the endings. And In the older
language there are polysyllabic words in long final vowels which follow in
this respect as in others the analogy of the root-declension (below, 855 ff.).
Apart from these, the treatment of stems in derivative long vowels is, as
regards accent, the same as of those in short vowels — save that the ton 3
is not thrown forward upon the ending In gen. plural.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

Ill Olassifioation. [—390

CHAPTER V.

NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES.

Ml. a. Ths aeeoardaaoe ia iaflection of anbitantive
and adjective stems is so complete that the two cannot be
separated in treatment &om one another.

K Thej msf he ofawriied, fox conTenience of desoiip-
iion, as follows:

L Stems in q a;
n. Stems in ^ i and 3 u;

in. Stems in 35IT &, ^ I, and 3* tl: namelj, A. radical-
Btems (and a few others inflected like them); B. derivative stems ;
IV. Stems in SB y (or ^ ar);
y. Stems in consonants.

o. There is nothing absolute in this classiflcation and arrangement;
It is merely believed to be open to as few objections as any other. No
general agreement has been reached among scholars as to the number and
Older of Sanakrit declensions. The stems in a are here treated iirst beeause
4>t the great predominance of the class.

328. The division-line between substantive and adjective, always
an nncertain one in early Indo-Enropean langnage, is even more
wavering in Sanskrit than elsewhere There are, however, in all the
declensions as divided above — unless we except the stems in x <>'
ar — words which are distinctly adjectives; and, in general, they
are inflected precisely like noun-stems of the same final: only, among
consonant-stems, there are certain sub-classes of adjective stems with
peculiarities of inflection to which there is among nouns nothing cor-
responding. But there are also two considerable classes of adjeotive-
eompounds, requiring special notice: namely —

829. Compound ac^ectives having as final member a bare verbal
root, with the value of a present participle (383 a ff.) : thus, sn-dt^ well-
looking; pra-budh fareknowing ; a-dn^ not hating; veda-vid Feda-
knowing; v^tra-hin Vitra-sktying; upastha-s&d sitting in the lap.
Every root is liable to be used in this way, and such compounds are
not infrequent in all ages of the language: see chapter on Compounds,
below (1289).

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

323—] V. Nouns AND Adjectives. 112

a. This class is essentially only a special class of compound adjectiyeSy
since in the earliest Yeda the simple as well as the compounded root was
sometimes used adjectively. Bat the compoanded root was from the beginning
much more often so used, and the later the more exclusiTely, so that
practically the class is a separate and important one.

324. Compound adjectives having a noun as final member, but
obtaining an adjective sense secondarily, by having the idea of
possession added, and being inflected as adjectives in the three gen-
ders (1298 ff.)- Thus, prajftk&m& desire of progeny, whence the ad*
jective prajtkfima, meaning desirous (i. e. having desire) of progeny \
sabh&rya (sa+bhftryft) having one's wife along \ and so on.

a. In a few cases, also, the final noun is syntactically object of the
preceding member (1309-10): thus, atim&tra immoderate (ati m&tram
beyond meitsure")'^ y&vay&ddve^as driving away enemies,

325. Hence, under each declension, we have to notice how a
root or a noun-stem of that declension is inflected when final member
of an adjective compound.

a. As to accent, it needs only to be remarked here that a root-
word ending a compound has the accent, but (320) loses the pecu-
liarity of monosyllabic accentuation, and does not throw the tone
forward upon the ending (except alio in certain old forms: 410).

Declension I.
stems (masculine and neuter] in SEf a.

326. a. This declension contains the majority of all the
declined stems of the language.

b. Its endings deviate more widely than any others
from the normal.

327. Endings: Singular, a. The nom. maso. has the normal
ending s.

b. The aco. (masc. and neut.) adds m (not am); and this form has
the offlce also of nom. neuter.

o. The instr. changes a to ena uniformly in the later language; and
eyen in the oldest Yedic this is the predominant ending (in RV., eight
ninths of all cases). Its final is in Yedic verse frequently made long (enft).
But the normal ending ft — thus, yajfl^ suMva, mahitva (for yajfidna
etc.) — is also not rare in the Veda.

d. The dat. has ftya (as if by adding aya to a), alike in all ages
of the language.

e. The abl. has t (or doubtless d: it is impossible from the evi-
dence of the Sanskrit to tell which is the original form of the ending),

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

113 Dbolbksion L, aHBTEKS. [— Sfie

before which a is made long: this ending is found in no other noun-
deelension, and elsewhere only in the personal pronovns (of all nnmbers).

f. The gen. has sya added to the final a; and this ending is also
limited to a-stems (with the single exception of the pronoun amd^ya:
601). Its final a is in only three oases made long in the Yeda; and its
y is vocaUzed (aaia) almost as rarely.

g« The loo. ends in e (as if by combining the normal ending i with
the final of the stem), without exception.

ll. The Toe. is the bare stem.

828. Dual. a. The dual endings in general ate the normal ones.

b. The nom., ace., and toc. masc. end in the later language always in
&n. In the Yeda, howeyer, the usual ending is simple & (in BY., in
•eren eighths of the occurrences). The same cases in the neut end in e,
which appears to be the result of fusion of the stem-final with the normal
ending L

0. The instr., dat., and abl. have bhyfim (in only one or two Yedio
instances resolved into bhifim), with the stem-final lengthened to & before it.

d. The gen. and loc. have a y inserted after the stem-final before 08
(or as if the a had been changed to e). In one or two (doubtful) Yedic
instances (as also in the pronominal forms eno8 and yOB), 08 is substituted
for the final a.

d29. Plural, a. The nom. masc. has in the later language the
normal ending as combined with the final a to fts. But in the Yeda the
ending fisaa instead is frequent (one third of the occnrrenoes in BY., but
only one twenty-fifth in the peculiar parts of AY.).

b. The ace. masc. ends in &n (for earlier SnB, of which abundant
traces are left in the Yeda, and, under the disguise of apparent euphonic
combination, even in the later language: see above, 208 if.).

o« The nom. and ace. neut. have in the later language always the
ending fini (like the aa-stems: see 421; or else with n, as in the gen.
p)., before normal 1). But in the Yeda this ending alternates with simple
ft (which in BY. is to ftni as three to two, in point of frequency; in AY.,
as three to four).

d. The instr. ends Uter always in ftia; but in the Yeda is found
abundantly the more normal form ebhiB (in BY., nearly as firequent as ftis;
in AY., only one fifth as frequent).

e. The dat. and abl. have bhyas as ending, with e instead of the
final a before it (as in the Yedic instr. ebhis, the loc. pi., the gen. loc.
du. [?], and the instr. sing.). The resolution into ebhiaa is not infrequent
in the Yeda.

f. The gen. ends in Snfim, the final a being lengthened and having
n inserted before the normal ending. The ft of the ending is not seldom
(in less than half the instances) to be read as two syllables, aam: opinions
tre divided as to whether the resolution is historical or metrical only. A

Whitney, Qrammar. 3. ed. 8

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

329—]

V. Nouns and Adjectives.

114

Tory small nam1)er (half-a-dozen) of examples of simple Sm as ending
instead of ftnSm occur in BY.

g. The loo. ends in e^u — that is to say, vith the normal ending,
before which the stem-flnal is changed to e (with consequent change of s
to 9: 180).

h. Of accent, in this declension, nothing reqnires to be said; the
syllable accented in the stem retains its own accent thronghont

880. Examples of declension. As examples of the

inflection of a-etems may be taken ofjFT kSma m. love\

^cT devA m. ffod] MI^U Ssyd n. mouth.

Singular:

N.

sRmn

?^

qTHm

kamas

dev&s

ftsykm

A.

^im^

>R,

SHHm

dev&m

Saykm

I.

^jfqR

"^"^H

35n^H

kamena

dev^na

asy^na

D.

^mm

>nff

MIHIIU

SRIRTrl^

devaya

ftsyiya

Ah.

yifuirt^

kimat

derat

ftsy&t

G.

chlHW

MiVtIHI

kamaaya

devisya

ftsyksya

L.

3|n^

■^

m^

k&ne

dev6

fisyd

V.

SRFT

■^

S^THT

d^va ^

asya

Dual:

N. A. Y

. 5fIT^

^

m^

dev&u

ftsy^

I.D.Ab.

ohlHi^UIH^

"^cllMJIiJ^

tllHIIUim^

kim&bhyfim

devtbhyfim

asy&bhyfim

G. L.

SRIHUlH^

mihiu)h^

ktmayos

dev&yoB

asyJiyoB

Plnial:

>!«.

N. Y.

«f)IHIH^

niwiIh

ktlmas

dev&i

asylini

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

115

Declension I., a-STEMS.

[^832

A.

D.Ab.

SBFTT^

>IH

yifrlllfH

kdmftn

devan

Ssykni

^RT^

"^

5IT^^

k&n&is

devftis

ftsy&iB

c4iii|i^UH^

"^^TTH^

*4[Hl^UH^

kamebhyas

dev^bbyas

ftsy^bbyas

chlHHIH^

devanfim

ftsylUiam

SR^

o

"^

sgnr^

kime^u

dev^^u

ftsydfu

L.

Examples of the pecalUr Vedio forms are:

a. Sing.: Instr. rav&theiift» yajfii (such genitive forms as i^asift
are purely sporadic).

b. Dn.: nom. etc. masc. devt; gen.-Ioc. pastyds (stem pastyk).

o. PI.: nom.-voc. masc. dev&MiB; neut. yugi; instr. dev6bhi8; gen.
oardth&m, devinaam*

331. AmoDg nonns, there are do irregularities in this declension.
For irregular nuiberal bases in a (or an}, see 483-4. For the irreg-
ularities of pronominal stems in a, which are more or less fully
shared also by a few adjectives of pronominal kindred, see the chapter
on PronoanSx(495ff)-

Adjectives.

882. Original adjectives in a are an exceedingly large class, the
great majority of all adjectives. There is, however, no such thing as
a feminine stent in a; for the feminine, the a is changed to & — or
often, though faf less often, to i; and its declension is then like that
of eena or devi (864). An example of the complete declension of an
adjective a-stem in the three genders will be given below (368).

a. Whether a masc.-neut. stem in a shall form its feminine In & or
in i is a qnsstlon to he determined in great part only by actnal usage, and
not hy grammatical role. Certain important classes of words, however, can
be pointed out which take the less common ending I for the fdmioine: thus,
1. the (very numerous) secondary derivatives in a with v^ddhi of tho first
syllable (1204): e. g. fimitri -tri, m&ia^a -9I, p&vamfiii& -nl, p&nr-
i^amftai -si; 2. primary derivatives in ana with accent on the radical syllable
(1160): e. g. o6dana -ni, aaiiigr&bai^a -1^1, subb&gaihkira^a -ni;
3. primary derivatives in a, with strengthening of the radical syllable,
having a quasi-pirticipial meaning; e. g. div&kari -ri^ avakr&mi -ml,

8*

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382-—] V. Nouns AND ADJBonvBS. lift

rathavfili& -hi (but there are many ezceptlong); 4. secondaiy derivatives
in maya (1225) and tana (1246 e): e. g. ayasm&ya -yi; adyatana
-nl; 5. most ordinal numerals (487 h): e. g. paficamd -mf, navada^^
-91, tri]&9attain& -mi. Not a few words make the feminine in either ft
or !: e. g. k^valft or -H, ugra or -ri, pftpft or -pi« rfima or -mi; but
ordinarily only one of these is accepted as regular.

333. There are no verbal roots ending in a. But a is sometimes
substituted for the final ft of a root (and, rarely, for final aa), and it
is then inflected Hke an ordinary adjective in a (see below, 364).

384. a. A noun ending in a, when occurring as final member of
an adjective compound, is inflected like an original adjective in a,
making its feminine likewise in ft or 1 (867J.

b. For the most part, an adjective compound having a noun in a as
final member makes its feminine in ft. But there are numerous exceptions,
certain nouns taking, usually or always, 1 instead. Some of the commonest
of these are as follows: ak^a eye (e. g. loMtSkfi, dvyaki^i, gaTikfl)*
pan^a leaf (e. g. tUapan^, saptapari^i; but ekapan^ft), mukha face
(e. g. kffi^amukhl, dormukhi; but trlmukhft etc.), anga limb^ body
(e. g. anavadsrftngi, sarvfifigi; but oatnraSgft etc.), k^^a hair (e. g.
suke^iy muktake^i or -Qft, etc.), kan^a ear (e. g. mahftkan^I; but
gokari^ etc.), udara heUy (e. g. lambodari), mula root (e. g. pa&-
camull; but oftener ^atdmCLlft etc.). The very great majority of such
nouns (as the examples indicate) signify parts of the body.

0. On the other hand, a feminine noun ending in derivative ft
shortens its final to a to form a masculine and neuter base: see 867 o.

d. In frequent case?, nouns of consonant ending are, as finals of com-
pounds, transferred to the a-declension by an added suffix a (1209 a) or
ka (1222).

Declension II.

St^ns (of all genders) in ^ i and 3 u.

885. The stems in ^ i and 3 u are inflected in so close

accordance with one another that they cannot be divided

into two separate declensions. They are of all the three

genders, and tolerably numerous — those in ^ i more

numerous than those in 3 u, especially in the feminine

(there are more neuters in 3 u than in ^ 1).

a. The endings of this declension also differ frequently and
widely from the normal, and the irregularities in the older language
are numerous.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

117 DbOLBKSION II., i- AND U-STEMS. [— S86

836. Endings: Singular, a* The nom. mate, and fern, adds to the
stem the normal ending B. The nom. and ace. neat, is the bare stem,
wltiiont ending. In the Teda, the final u of a few nenters is lengthened
(248 b): thus, tirti, purA.

b. The ace. masc. and fern, adds m to the stem. Yedio forms in iam
and uckm, and, with n, inam and unam, are exoessiyely rare, and douhtfal.

O. The instr. fern, in the later language takes the normal ending &
simply, while the masc. and neat insert n before it, making inft and un&.
Bat in the Yeda, forms in yft and vft (or i& and aft) are not infrequent
in masc. and neat, also; while ixi& is found, very rarely, as a fem. ending.
MoreoTer, fem. yft is often (in two thirds of the occurrenoes) contracted to
i; and this is even sometimes shortened to L An adTerbial instr. in uylt
from half-a-dozen stems in n occurs.

d. The dat. masc. and fem. ganates the final of the stem before the
ending e, making aye and ave. These are the preyaiUng endings in the
Yeda likewise; but the more normal ye and ve (or ue) also occar; and
the fem. has in this case, as in the instr., sometimes the form I for ie.
In the later language, the neuter is required in this, as in all the other
weakest cases, to insert n before the normal ending: but in the Yeda such
forms are only sporadic; and the neut dat. has also the forms aye» ve,
ave, like the other genders.

e. The abl. and gen. masc. and fem. haye regularly, both earlier and
later, the ending • wi^ guuated vowel before it: thas, es, OB; and in the
Yeda, the neut. forms the eases in the same way ; although anas, required
later, is also not infrequent (inaa does not occur). Bat the normal forms
yas (or ias) and vas (or oaa) are also frequent in both masc. and neater.
As masc. ending, unaB occurs twice in RY. The anomalous didy6t (so TS. ;
in the corresponding passages, vidy6t YS., didyftut K., didiv&s MS.)
Is of doubtful character.

f. The loc. masc. and fem. has for regular ending in the later lan-
guage ftu, replacing both finals, i and a. And this is in the Yeda also the
most frequent ending; but, beside it, the i-stems form (about half as often
in BY.) their loc. in ft: thus, agna; and this is found once eyen in the
neuter. The BY. has a number of examples of masc. and neut locatives
in avl (the normal ending and the u gunated before it) from u-stems;
and certain doubtful traces of a corresponding ayi from i-stems. Half-a-
dozen locatiyes in i (regarded by the Yedic grammarians as pragf>hya or
uncombinable : 188 d) are made from i-stems. The later language makes
the neuter locatiyes in ini and nni; but the former never occurs in the
oldest texts, and the latter only very rarely.

g. The later grammar allows the dat., abl.-gen., and loc. fem. to be
formed at will with the fuller fem. terminations of long-vowel stems, namely
fti» ftB (for which, in Brahmana etc., ai is substitated: 807 h), Sm. Such

r forms are quite rare in the oldest language even from i-stems (less than
40 occurrences altogether in BY.; three times as many in AY.); and from
u-stems they are almost unknown (five in BY. and AY.).

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

\

38e— ] V. NouKS AND Adjectives. l ] 8

h. The Toc. (pinates U&e final of the stem, in masc. and fem., alike
in the earlier and in the later language. In the neut., it is later allowed
to he either of the same form or the unaltered stem; and this was prohahly
the usage in the older time also; not instances enough are quotahle to
determine the question (AY. has u once, and VS. o once).

337. Dual. a. The later and earlier language agree in making, the
nom.-acc.-Yoc. masc. and fem. hy lengthening the final of the stem. The
same cases in the neuter (according to the rule giren above) end later in'
inl and oni} hut these endings are nearly unknown in the Yeda (as, indeed,
the cases are of only rare occurrence): AY. has inl twice (RY. perhaps
once); YS. has uni once; RY. has ui from one u-stem, and I, once short-
ened to i, from one or two i-stems.

b. The unyarying ending of instr.-dat.-ahl., in all genders, is bhytai
added to the unchanged Etem.

C. The gen.-loa of all ages add os to the stem in masc. and fem.;
in neut, the later language Interposes, as elsewhere in the weakest eases,
a n ; probably in the earlier Yedic the form would he like that of the other
genders; but the only occurrence noted is one unos in AY.

338* Plural, a* The nom.-voc. masc. and fem. adds the normal end-
ing as to the gunated stem-final, making ayas and avas. The exceptions
in the Yeda are very few: one word (ari) has ias in both gender?, and a
few feminines have Is (like i-stems); a very few u-stems have oaa. The
neut. nom.-acc. ends later in ini and fLni (like &ni &om a: 329 o); but the
Yeda has I and i (about equally frequent) much oftener than Ini; and ^
and (more usually) n, more than half as often as flni.

b* The accus. masc. ends in In and On, for older ins and iUiB, of
which plain traces remain in the Yeda in nearly half the instances of ooour-
rence, and even not infrequently in the later language, in the guise of
phonetic combination (208 ft.). The accus. fem. ends In is and us. But both
masc. and fem. forms in ias and uas are found sparingly in the Yeda.

o* The instr. of all genders adds bhis to the stem.

d« The dat-abL of all genders adds bhyas (in Y., almost never bhias)
to the stem.

e. The gen. of all genders is made alike in Inlm and fUlftm (of
which the ft is not seldom, in the Yeda, to be resolved into aam). Stems
with accented final in the later language may, and in the earlier always
do, throw forward the accent upon the ending.

f. The loc. of all genders adds sn (as ^u: 180) to the stem-final.

g* The accent is in accordance with the general rules already
laid down, and there are no irregularities calling for special notice.

339. Examples of declension. As models of i-stems

may be taken ^3^ agni m. ^re; 71% giti f. ffait\ efll^

vftri n. tvater.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

119

DBOLBNSION II., i- AND a-8TBM8.

[-

A.

D.

Ab.G.

Singoltr:

agnis

agnfm

agnlnA

agn^sre

agn^

agn&i&
V. ^

Agne
Dual:
N.A.V. gift

agni
l.D.Ab. ^tfiJUim

agnibhyftm

agnybs
Plural:

agn&yas

agnin

agnibhlB

agnibhyas

agnin^

agnl^n

G.L.

N.V.

A.

D.Ab.

L.

g4ti8
gitim
gityft

gitaye^ gityii
g&tea, g&tyfta
g&t&u, g&tyfim
g&te

giti

g&tdbhyftm

g&tyoB

gitayas

g&tiB

g&UbhiB
gitibhyas
giUnftm
gitifti

viri

5nf{

v^brii^as
vtoy vire

varibhyftm

vlbibhis

v&ribhyas

varlj^ftm

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

840-]

V. Nouns and Adjeotives.

120

840. In order to mark more plainly the absence in Yedic language of
some of the forms which are common later, all the forms of Yedic occnirence
are added below, and in the order of their firequency.

a. Singular. Nom. agnfs etc., as above.

b. Ace.: masc. agnim, yayfam, urm{]^am(?); fern, and neut. as
above.

0. Instr.: masc. agn{nft» rayya and tirmia; fern, ddtti, uti&,
matya, Buvj^kti, dhasfnft; neut. wanting.

d. Pat.: masc. agn&ye; fem. tuj&ye, uti, turyfii; neut ^i^oaye.

e. Gen.-abl. : masc. agnes, kvytM, axika; fem. idites, hety& and
bhtimifis; neut. bhtbes.

f. Loc: masc. agnftu, agni, fij&yi(?); f^m- agatftu, udit&y dh4-
nasfttasri (?), v6di, bhtbnyftm; neut aprata, Bapt&ra^mftu. .

g. Voc: as above (neut wanting).

h. Dual. Nom.-aco.-voc : masc. h&n; fem. yavati; neut QUOi»
m&hi, h&ri]gl(?).

i. Instr.-dat.-abl.: as above.

j. Oen.-loc: masc. h&rios; fem. yuvatybs and Jfimids; neut wanting.

k. Plural. Nom.: maso. agn&yas; fem. mat&yas, bhAmis ;' neut.
94oi, bhiiri, bhtbini.

1. Acous.: masc. agnln; fem. kijitis, ^uoayasC?).
m* Insir., dat.-abl., and loc. : as above.

n. Gen.: masc. fem. kavinam, fiju^aam etc. (neut wanting).

841. As models of u-stems may be taken ^f? 9&tru m.
^ dhenii f. cow] "^ m&dhu n. honey.

Singular:

enemy]

N.

A.

Ab. G.

L.

V.

Q&trus

9&trum

9&tru]^

Q&trave

qktroB

5rtt

9&trftu
9&tro

dhenii

m&dhu

dhenum

m&dliu

U^

i!^

dhenva

m&dhnnH

^^=^.1^

q^

dhen&ve, dh«nvfti m4dhune

dhends, dhenv&i

m&dhunas

dhenS&, dheuT&n m&dhuni
dh6no midliu, m&dho

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

121

DlBOLBNSION II., i- AND U-STEMS.

[842—

DaU:

N.A.V.

9&trQ

dhenA

m&dliuiii

I.D.Ab.

9&trabliyftm

dhenubhyftm

m&dhubhyftm

G. L.

dlienv68

m&dhunoB

Plural:

N. V.

5r3Rn

9&trava8

dhen&vas

m&dhUni

A.

dhentb

midhnni

L

9&trubhiB

dhenubhiB

m&dhubhis

D. Ab.

9&trabhya8

dhenubhyas
dhenun&m

m&dhubhyas

G.

m&dhilnSm

L.

9&tru9u

dhenufu

m&dhufu

842. The forms of Vedic occurrence are given here for the u-stems
in the same manner as for the i-items above.

a« Singular. Nora.: masc. and fern, aa above; neat, urd, urtl.

b. Accus.: masc. ketum, &bhiruam, 8uoetunam(?); fem. dhenum.

o. Instr.: masc. ketiinft, pa^va and kr&tuft; fem. idhenuft and
panv^ fi^uyi; neut midhimftt m&dhv&«

d. Dat.: masc. ket&ve, ^f^ve; fem. 9&rave, l^vSi; neat. p&9ve(?),
ur&ve, m&dhune.

e. Abl.-gen.: masc. manyos, pitv&8» oftnu^as; fem. 8{ndh089 I^vBb;
neut. m&dhvaB and m&dhoaB, m&dhos, m&dhunas.

f. Loc. : masc. pfbrftu, stin&vi; fem. sfndhftUy r^jv&m; neat
B^ftUy sanavi, sano, sanuni.

g. Voc. : as above.

h. Dual. Nom.-acc.-voc: masc. and fem. as above; neat. urvl»
iinvaih

!• Instr.-dat.-abl. : as above.

j. Gen.-loc. : as above (bat voe or uoe).

k. Plural. Nom.: masc. fbhAvas, m&dhuas and m&dhvas; fem.
dheniTas, ^atakratvas; neut. purdi^, puru, purti.

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

842—] V. Nouns and Adjbotivbs. 122

1. AocQB. : mMc. ftAn, paqv&a; fern, {fos, m&dhvas.
m. Instr., dat-abl.| and loc: as abOTO; also gen. (but witb the reso-
Intion tinaam in part).

848. Irregular declension. There are no irregular n-stems,
and only a very few i-stems.

a« 8&khi m. friend has for the five strong cases a peculiarly
strengthened base (yriddhied), namely s&khiy, which in the nonu
sing, is reduced to a&khft (without ending), and in the other oases
takes the normal endings. The instr. and dat sing, have the normal
endings simply, without inserted n or gui^; the abl-gen. sing, adds
us; and the loc. sing, adds ftu: the rest is like agn£ Thus:

Sing. B&khft, 8&khfiyam, 8&khyft»' s^khye, s^kkhyus, sAkhySn,
sAkhe; Da. 8&khftyftu» s&khlbhy&m, B&khyos; PI. s&khl^as, a&khln,
etc. etc.

b. The Veda has usually aiikliftyft do., and often resolTos the y to 1,
in B^ikhifi, B&khias, etc. The compounds are usually declined like the
simple word, unless (1816 b) sakha be substituted.

o. There is a corresponding fern., sakbl (declined like devi: 864);
but the forms of sakhi are also sometimes found used with feminine value.

d. F&ti m. is declined regularly in composition, and when it has
the meaning lord, master; when uncompounded and when meaning
husband, it is inflected like s&khi in the instr., dat, abl.-gen., and
loc. sing., forming p&ty&» p&tye^ p&tyos, p&fyftn. There are occasional
instances of confusion of the two classes of forms.

•• For pati as final member of a possessiye compound is regularly
and usually substituted patni in the fern.: thus, Jivapatni having a living
httsband] dftaapatnl having a barbarian for master •

f. J&ni f. tvife has the gen. sing. J&nyas in the Yeda.

g. Ar{ eager, greedy, hostile has in the Veda ary&8 in pi. nom. and
accus., masc. and fem. Its accus. sing, is arfm or Kejksn.,

h. Vi bird has in Ry. the nom. v^ (beside via). In the plural it
accents vibhis, vibhyas, but vinam.

i. The stems hkk^i eye, &8thi bone, d&dhi curds, and s&kthi thigh,
are defectiye, their forms exchanging with and complementing forms from
stems in &n (aki^&n etc.): see the stems in an, below (481).

J. The stem path! road is used to make up part of the inflection of
p&nthan: see below, 488.

k. EIr69tu m. jackal lacks the strong oases, for which the correspond-
ing forms of kroi^t^ ^^^ substituted.

Adjectives.

844. Original adjective stems in i are few; those in u are much
more numerous (many derivatiye verb-stems forming a participial

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

1 23 Declension II.| i- and u-stems. [-—846

adjective in n). Their infleetion is like that of nouns, and has been
included in the rules given above. In those weak cases, however —
namely, the dat, abl.-gen., and loc. sing., and the gen.-Ioc. dual —
in which neuter nouns differ from masculines in the later language
by an inserted n (we have seen above that this difference does not
exist in the Veda), the neuter adjective is allowed to take either
form. The stem is the same for masculine and neuter, and generally
(and allowably always) for feminine also.

a. There are a few Inatances of a feminine noun In I standing (some-
times with changed aoeent) beside a masculine in i: thns, krfmi m., krimi
f.; s^Ukhi (843 a) m., sakhl f.; dundubhf m., dondublu f.; dhdni
m., dbtml f. ; ^akuni m., ^akunl or -ni f. In the later lang^iage, espe-
cially, there is a very frequent interchange of i and i as finals of the same
stem. No adjectire in i makes a regular feminine in L

b* With stems in u the case is quite different. While the feminine
may, and in part does, end in u, like the masculine and neuter, a spe-
cial feminine-stem is often made by lengthening the u to n, or also by
adding I; and for some stems a feminine is formed into two of these three
ways, or even in all the three: thus, kftra, -dipali, ^nndhyli, oari^i^tl,
vaoasyti; -ai^vi, wtv% gurvi, pOrvI (with prolongation of n before r:
compare 245 b), bahvi, prabhvl» raghvl, sftdhvi, svftdvi; — prthd
and p^hviy vibhft and vibhvi, mfdu ard m^dvi, laghn and laghvi,
V&8U and v&svi; babhrd and babhrti, bibhatsii and bibhatsft, bhirti
and bhirQ; — tanu and tanft and tanvi, phalgu and phalgti and
phalgvi, m&dhu and madhft and midhvi. There are also some femi-
nine noun-stems in u standing (usually with changed accent) beside mas-
culines in u: thus, ^ru m., agrA f.; k&dru m., kadrft f.; guggulu
m., goggultl f. ; Jatu m., jatft f. ; pf dfiku m., p^iiftkli f.

845. Boots ending in i or u (or f: 376 b) regularly add a t when
used as root-words or as root-finals of compounds; and hence there
are no adjectives of the root-class in this declension.

a. Tet, in the Yeda, a few words ending in a short radical n are
declined as if this were sufflxal: thus, Asm^adhru, auffu; and the AY.
has pftanfijf (once). Roots in ft sometimes also shorten u to u: thus,
prabhti, vibhu, etc. (354); go (361 e) becomes ga in composition; and
re perhaps becomes ri (861 e); while roots in ft sometimes apparentiy
weaken ft to i (in -dhi from ydhft etc.: 1156).

846* Compound adjectives having nouns of this declension as
final member are inflected in general like original adjectives of the
same endings.

a« But in sueh compounds a final i or u is sometimes lengthened to
form a feminine stem: thus, Bn^ro^I, svayoni or -ni, -gfttraya^fl or
-ti; vftmora or -ru, dtirhai^tl or -i^n, varatanu, mftt^bandha; and
RY. has i^QVI from qf^u.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

847—] V. NotJNS AND Adjbotivbs. 124

Declension III.
stems in long vowels: ^ S, ^ I, 3^ tl.

847. The steins ending in long vowels fall into two
well-marked classes or divisions: A. monosyllabic stems —
mostly bare roots — and their compounds, with a compar-
atively small number of others inflected like them; B. de-
rivative feminine stems in aSTT & and ^ I, with a small num-
ber in 3" tl which in the later language have come to be
inflected like them. The latter division* is by far the larger
and more important, since most feminine adjectives, and
considerable classes of feminine nouns, ending in ^ S or
^ I, belong to it.

A. Boot-words, and those inflected like them.

848. The inflection of these stems is by the normal
endings throughout, or in the manner of consonant-stems
(with W{ am, not R m, in the accus. sing.); peculiarities
like those of the other vowel-declensions are wanting. The
simple words are, as nouns, with few exceptions feminine;
as adjectives (rarely], and in adjective compounds, they are
alike in masculine and feminine forms. They may, for con-
venience of description, be divided into the following sub-
classes:

1. Boot-words, or monosyllables having the aspect of snch. Those
in ft are so rare that it is hardly possible to make up a whole scheme
of forms in actual use; those in I and n are more numerous, but still
very few.

2. Compounds having such words, or other roots with long final
vowels, as last member.

3. Polysyllabic words, of various origin and character, including
in the Veda many which later are transferred to other declensions.

4. As an appendix to this class we may most conveniently
describe the half-dozen stems, mostly of regular inflection, ending in
diphthongs.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

125

DbGLBNBIOM III., ft-, Iv AND U-STEM6.

[—861

849. Monosyllabic Btems. Before the endings beginning with
TOwe]9, final i is changed to iy and U to nv; while final & is dropped
altogether, except in the strong cases, and in the ace. pi., which is
like the nominatiye (according to the grammarians, ft is lost here also :
no instances of the occarrence of such a form appear to be quotable).
Stems in i and u are in the later language allowed to take optionally
the fuller endings fti* ft8» ftm in the singular (dat., abl.-gen., loc.); but
no such forms are ever met with in the Veda (except bhiyfti [P], RV.,
once). Before ftm of gen. pL, n may or may not be inserted; in the
Veda it is regularly inserted, with a single exception (dhiyam, once).
The vocative is like the nominative in the singular as well as the
other numbers ; but instances of its occurrence in uncompounded stems
are not found in the Veda, and must be extremely rare everywhere.
The earlier Vedic dual ending is ft instead of ftu.

350. To the i- and &-stoms the rules for monosyllabic accent
apply : the accent is thrown forward upon the endings in all the weak
cases except the accus. pi., which is like the nom. But the ft-stoms
appear (the instances are extremely few) to keep the accent upon the
stom throughout.

351, Examples of declension. As models of mon-
osyllabic inflection we may take sTT j4 f. progeny \ ift dhi f.
thought\ and H bhd f. earth.

a« The flrit of theie is rather arbitrarily extended from the four oases
which actually occur; of the loc. sing, and gen.-loo. du., no Vedic examples
from ft-stems are found.

N.

D.

Ab.G.

Slngolar:

sn^

Jam
ja

fir

dhTR

bhtlB

dh£yam

bhuvam

imi

^ ^

dhiyi

bhuva

1^$, ^

!?.^

dhiyd, dhiy&f

bhuv6, bhuv&f

dhiy&8, dhiyas

bhuv&8,bhuva8

dhiyf, dhiyam

bbuvf, bhuvim

dhia

5^

bhds

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

861—]

V. Nouns and Adjeotiybs.

126

N.A.V.

I.D.Ab.

G.L.

N.

A.

D.Ab.

G.

Dual:

tr

fil5t

^

jau

dhiyftu

bhav&u

jibhyfim
J6b''

dhibhyam
dhiy6B

bhUbhy&n
bhuv68

Plaral:

Ob

dhfyas

3^.

bhuvaB

jibhiB

dhfyaB
dhibhls

bh&vsB
bhubhlfl

jabhyas

dhlbhy&8

bhabby&8

Jan&m, J^

dhiy^, dhin^

1 bhuvim, bbtlnlbd

Jdsu

dhifu

2S

bhufd

862. Monosyllabic stems in composition. Whenthenouns
above described occur as final member of a compound, or when any
root in ft or I or u is found in a like position, the inflection of an
ft-stem is as above. Bat i- and n-stems follow a divided usage: the
final vowel before a vowel-ending is either converted into a short
vowel and semivowel (iy or uv, as above) or into a semivowel simply
(y or v). The accent is nowhere thrown forward upon the endings;
and therefore, when i and a become y and v, the resulting syllable
is circumflex (88<^). Thus:

Masc. and fem. Singular:

N. V.

.dhis

-bh^B

A.

-dhfyam

•dhykm

-bhiivam -bhvkm

I.

-dhfyft

-dhyll

-bhuvft -bhvi

D.

-dhiye

-dhy^

-bhuve -bhv^

Ab. G.

-dhiyas

-dhyka

-bhuvaB -bhviM

L.

-dhiyl

-dhyi

-bhuvi -bhvi

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

127 Dbolbnsion m.) s-, i-, andA-stbhs. [ — 854

Dual:

N. A. Y. -dhiyfta -dhyaii -bhuvftu -bhvftd
L D. Ab. -dhibhyftm -bhtlbhyftm

0. L. -dhfyoB -dhyds -bhuvos -bhv68

Planl:

N. A. T. -dhfyas -dhyks -bhuvas -bhvlu

1. <Lbibhis -bhtibhia
D. Ab. -dhlbhyas -bhAbhyas

r^yfim r-bhuvftm ^ ^

\-dhintoi •^»**^»"* l-bhtbam "'"^*"

L. -dhX^u -bhft^u

a. As to the admiMibility of the fuller endings fti, fis, and ftm in the
singular (feminine), grammatical authorities are somewhat at Tarianoe; bnt
they are nerer found in the Veda, and haye been omitted from the above
scheme as probably onreal.

b* If two consonants precede the final I or u, the dissyllabic forms,
with iy and nv, are regnlarly written; after one consonant, the usage is
Tarying. The grammarians prescribe iy and uv when the monosyllabic stem
has more the character of a nonn, and y and v when it is more purely a
▼erbal root with participial yalne. No snch distinction, howeyer, is to be seen
in the Yeda — where, moreover, the difference of the two forms is only
graphic, since the yft- and vft-forms and the rest are always to be read as
dissyllabic: Ift or Ift and oft or aft, and so on.

o. As to neater stems for such adjectiyes, see 367.

363. A few farther Yedic irregularities or pecaliarities may be briefly
noticed.

a. Of the ft-stems, the forms in fts, &m, ft (da.) are sometimes to
be read as dissyllables, aaa, aam, aa. The dative of the stem used as
infinitive is ft{ (as if a + e): thus, prakhy&f* pratimftf, parftdft{.

b. Irregular transfer of the accent to the ending in compounds is seen
in a case or two: thus, avadyabhiyi (RV.), ftdhii (AV.).

354* But compoands of the class above described are not in-
frequently transferred to other modes of inflection: the ft shortened
to a for a masculine (and neuter) stem, or declined like a stem of
the deriyatiye ft-class (below, 364) as feminine; the i and a short-
ened to 1 and n, and inflected as of the second declension.

a. Thos, compound stems in -ga, -Ja, -da, -stha, -bhu, and others, are
found even in the Yeda, and become frequent later (being made from all, or
nearly all, the roots in ft) ; and sporadic cases from yet others occur: for example,
^^pan, vayodhftis and ratnadh^bhis, dhanasftiB (all RY.); and,
ttom I and H compounds, ve^aK^riB (TS.), ihrayas (RY.), ga^a^ribhis
(BY.), karma^fa (gB.) and ftanibliyas (RY.) and senftnfbhyaa (YS.)
and grftmai^bhis (TB.), aupioiift (AY.), 9itibhrAve (TS.).

b. Still more numerous are the feminines in ft which have lost their

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

364-—] V. Nouns and Adjeotivbs. 128

root-declension: examples are praji (of which the farther compounds in
part have root-forms), avftdha, qr&ddhi^ pratimi» and others.

o. Then, in the later language, a few femlnines in I are made from
the stems in a shortened from ft: thus, gopi, gofj^hiy pannagi, pafiki^if
blmjagi, bhi]Jaiiigi» surftpi.

356. Polysyllabic Stems. Stems of this division (A) of more
than one syllable are very rare indeed in the later language, and by
no means common in the earlier. The Rig- Veda, however, presents
a not inconsiderable body of them ; and as the class nearly dies oat
later, by the disuse of its stems or their transfer to other modes of
declension, it may be best described on a Vedic basis.

a. Of stem sin ft, mascuUnes, half-a-dozen occor in the Ted a: p&ntiift,
SDL&nthS, and fbliiik§^ are otherwise viewed by the later gramnar: see
below, 433-4; uQ&nS (nom. pr.) has the anomalous nom. sivg. u^&nft
(and loc. as well as dat. U9&ne) ; mahi ffreat is found only in aocus. sing,
and abundantly in composition ; atft frams has only atfisu not derivable
from ita.

b. Of stems in i, over seventy are found in the Yeda, nearly all
femlnines, and all accented on the final. Half of the femlnines are formed
from masculines with change of accent: thus, kalyfti^ (m. kalyai^),
puruff (m. piiruija); others show no change of accent: thus, yamf (m.
yamd); others still have no corresponding mascalines : thus, nadl, lakfml*
sQmi. The masculines are about ten in number: for example, rathl,
pr&vi, atari, ahl, apathl.

o. Of stems in ti, the number Is smaller: these, too, are nearly all
femlnines, and all accented on the final. The majority of them are the
feminine adjectives in ft to masculines in ii or u (above, 344 b) : thus,
carai^ytli, carii}]^ti, Jighatsii, nxadliii. A few are nouns In ft, with
change of accent: thus, agrft (&gra), pfd&ktt (pfdSku), 9va9rtt (9V&-
^nra); or without change, as n^rttt. And a few have no corresponding
masculines: thus, tanft, vadbu, oamtt. The masculines are only two or
three: namely, prfi^, kfluulfi^tt, mak94(?); and their forms are of the
utmost rarity.

366. The mode of declension of these words may be illustrated
by the following examples: rathi m. charioteer; nadi f. stream; tand
f. bodf/,

a. No one of the selected examples occurs in all the forms; forms for
which no example at all is quotable are put in brackets. No loo. sing. fh>m
any i-stem occurs, to determine what the form would be. The stem nadl
is selected as example partly in order to emphasize the difference between
the earlier language and the later in regard to the words of this diviiion :
nadi is later the model of derivative Inflection.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

129

DeCLEMSIOM m., BaDICAL a-, I-, AND U-STEMS. [ — 868

Singular:

N.

rathifl

nadis

tantUi

A.

nadfaxn

tandam

I.

rathfft

nadis,

tanuft

D.

rathle

nadfe

tande

Ab. G.

rathlas

nadias

tanuas

L.

tanui

V.

r4tlii(?)

n&di

t&nu

Dual:

N. A. V.

rathfft

nad{ft

tanuft

L D. Ab.

[rathfbhyftm]

nadlbhyaxn

[tandbhyftm]

G. L.

[rathfos]

nadfoB

taniaoB

Plural:

N. A.

rathias

nadfas

tanuas

I.

[rathibhls]

nadXbhis

tanAbhia

D. Ab.

[rathibhyas]

nadlbhyas

tandbhyas

G.

rathlnSm

nadfnftTn

tantbifim

L.

[rathifu]

nadlfu

tanAiju

b. The casei — nadfam, tandam, etc. — are written above accord-
ing to their true phonetic form, almost invariably belonging to them in
the Yeda; in the written text, of course, the stem-flnal is made a semi-
vowel, and the resulting syllable is circumflexed: thus, nadykm, tan-
vam, etc. ; only, as usual, after two consonants the resolved forms iy and
uv are written Instead; and also where the combination yv would other-
wise result: thus, oakrfyft, [agruvftij and mitrftyuvaa. The RV. really
reads Btarykm etc. twice, and tanvlu etc. four times; and such con-
tractions are more often made in the AY. The ending ft of the nom.-acc.-voc.
du. is the equivalent of the later ftu. The nom. sing, in a from i-stems
is found in the older language about sixty times, firom over thirty stems.

867. Irregularities of form, properly so called, are very few in this
division: oamft as loc. sing, (instead of oamvi) occurs a few times; and
there is another doubtful case or two of the same kind; the final tl is re-
garded as pragfhya or uncombinable (138); tandi is lengthened to tanvt
in a passage or two; -ydvas is once or twice abbreviated to -ylis.

868. The process of transfer to the other form of i- and Q-declension
(below, 802 ff.), which has nearly extinguished this category of words in
the later language, has its beginnings in the Yeda; but in BY. they are
excessively scanty: namely, dutiam, loc. sing., once, and 9va9ruim, do.,
once, and dravitnuli, instr. sing., with two or three other doubtful cases.
In the Atharvan, we find the ace. sing, kuhtim, tanlim, vadhlim; the
instr. sing, palftlia and one or two others; the dat. sing. vadlivft{, 9va-
9ru&£, agruvfti; the abl.-gen. sing, punarbhuvfta, p^dftkuas, 9va9rua8;
and the loc. sing, tanuftm (with anomalous accent). Accusatives plural in
18 and U8 are nowhere met with.

Whitney, Orammar. 3. ed. 9

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

869—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 130

869. Adjecdve compounds from these words are very few; those which
occur are declined like the simple stems : thus, hfraQyaT&QlB and sah&s-
rastariBy itaptatanns and B&rvatantiSy all nom. sing, masculine.

Steins ending in diphthongs.

860. There are certain monosyllabic stems ending in diphthongs,
which are too few and too diverse in inflection to make a declension
of, and which may be most appropriately disposed of here, in con-
nection with the stems in i and tl, with which they have most affinity.
They are:

a. stems in ftu: nftu and glftii;

b. stems in &i: toi;

o. stems in o: g6 and dy6 (or dyu, div).

861. a. The stem nftu f. ship is entirely regular, taking the
normal endings throughout, and following the rules for monosyllabic
accentuation (817) — except that the accus. pi. is said (it does not
appear to occur in accented texts) to be like the nom. Thus: nfius,
navam, nftva, nav6, n&v&s, nftvi ; nav&u, nftubhyam, n&vds; n&vaa,
navaSy nfiubhfs, nftubhyds, nftvam, nftufu. The stem gl&ii m. baU
is apparently inflected in the same way; but few of its forms have
been met with in use. .

b. The stem rftl i. (or m.) wealth might be better described as
T& with a union-consonant y (268) interposed before vowel endings,
and is regularly inflected as such, with normal endings and mono-
syllabic accent. Thus: ras, rayam, rftyi» rftyd, r&y&s, rSyf; rayftu,
r&bhyam, rfty68; rayas, rfty&s, xftbhfs, rftbhy&s, rftyam, rfisu. But
in the Veda the accus. pi. is either rSy&a or rayas; for accus. sing,
and pi. are also used the briefer forms ram (BY. once: i^yam does
not occur in V.) and ras (SV., once); and the gen.-sing. is sometimes
anomalously accented rayas.

e. The stem g6 m. or f. bull or cow is much more irregular. In
the strong cases, except accus. sing., it is strengthened to gftu, form-
ing (like nftii) gftiis, gavftu, gavas. In accus. sing, and pi. it has
(like rft{) the brief forms gam and gds. The abl.-gen. sing, is gds
(as if from gu). The rest is regularly made from go, with the normal
endings, but with accent always remaining irregularly upon the stem:
thus, g&vft, g&ve, g&vi, g4vos, g4vfim; g6bliyftm, gobhis, g6bhya8,
gd^tu In the Veda, another form of the gen. pi. is g6nftm; the nom.
etc. du. is (as in all other such cases) also gavft; and gtmt gds, and
gts are not infrequently to be pronounced as dissyllables. As ace.
pi. is found a few times gftvas

d. The stem dy6 f. (but in V. usually m.) skt/^ day is yet more
anomalous, having beside it a simpler stem dyu, which becomes div
before a vowel-ending. The native grammarians treat the two as

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

131 Declension in., Diphthongal Stems. [—362

independent words, but it is more conyenient to put them together.
The stem dy6 is infleeted precisely like g6, as aboye described. The
complete declension is as follows (with forms not actually met with
io use bracketed):

Singular. Daal. Plural.

[dfvaa] dyivsu ^;j^ ^^ ^^^^

dy&bhis [dydbtaia]
[dyibhysm dydbhyam] j ^^^^^ dy6bhy«i]

G. div&B dy6s r .. r , , ^ [divSm dy&vtoi]

N. dyfttiB 1

A. dfvam dyam
L div4 [dy&vft]
D. diT6 dy&ve
Ab. div&8 dy68

dtvf dy&vi

[div6B dy&voB] ^^ j^,^^^

•• The dat. sing, dy&ve is not found in the early language. Both
dfvaa and div&s occur as aecus. pi. in T. As nom. etc. dn., dyavft is,
as usual, the regular Yedic form : once occurs dy&vi (du.), as if a neuter
form; and dyftuB is found once used as ablatiye. The cases dy&us, dy&m
and dyan (once) are read In Y. sometimes as dissyllables; and the first
as accented yocative then becomes dySiia (i. e. di&us: see 314 b).

f. Adjective compounds having a diphthongal stem as final member
are not numerous, and tend to shorten the diphthong to a vowel. Thus,
from nau we have bhinnanu; from go, several words like dgu, sapt&gu*
saga, bahug^ (f. -g6 TB.); and, correspondingly, rfti seems to he reduced
to xi in bfh&draye and ^dli&drayaa (RV.). In derivation, go maintains
its full form in gotra, ag6t&, -gava (f. -gavi), etc.; as first member of
a compound, it is variously treated: thus, g&va9ir, gkvi^\i (but gaa9ir,
gaifti K.), etc.; goa9V& or go'^va, g6fjika, g6opa9a9 etc. In certain
compounds, also, dyu or dyo takes an anomalous form: thus, dyfiiirdfi
(E.), dyanrlokA (9B.), dyausaiiiQita (AY.). In rev&nt (unless this is
for rasrivant) rfti becomes re. BY. has AdhrigSvaa from &dhrigu (of
questionable import); and AY. has ghftastavas, apparently accus. pi. of
gh^ptaatu or -sto.

B. Derivative stems in S, I, tl.

362. To this division belong all the S and I-stems which

have not been specified above as belonging to the other or

root-word division; and also, in the later language, most

of the I and tl-stems of the other division, by transfer to

a more predominant mode of inflection. Thus:

1. a. The great mass of derivative feminine S-stems, substantive
and adjective.

b. The inflection of these stems has maintained itself vrith little change
through the whole history of the language, being almost precisely the same
in the Yedas as later.

9*

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

362—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 132

2. o. The great mass of derivative feminine I-stema.

d. This class is withoat exception in the later langnage. In the earlier,
it soiTers the exception pointed out above (366 b): that feminines made
with change of accent follow this mode of declension only when the accent
is not on the I: thus, t&vii}!, p&nmijLl, p&llkiUy rbhii^

e. The I-stems of this division in general are regarded as made hy
contraction of an earlier ending in yft. Their inflection has become in the
later language somewhat mixed with that of the other dlYision, and so far
diiferent from the Yedic inflection : see below, 363 g.

f. Very few derivative stems in i are recognized by the grammarians
as declined like the root-division; the Yedic words of that class are, if
retained in use, transferred to this mode of inflection.

g. A yery small number of masculine i-stems (half-a-dozen) are in the
Veda declined as of the derivative division: they are a few rare proper
names, matali etc.; and ras^ and sirl (only one case each).

3. h. The u-stems are few in number, and are transfers from the
other division, assimilated in inflection to the great class of derivative
i-stems (except that they retain the ending s of the nom. sing.).

363. Endings. The points of distinction between this and the other
division are as follows:

a. In nom. sing, the usual a-ending is wanting: except in the Tl-stems
and a very few I-stems — namely, lak^ml, tari, tantri, tandri — which
have preserved the ending of the other division.

b. The accus. sing, and pi. add simply m and a respectively.

o. The dat., abl.-gen., and loc. sing, take always the fuller endings
al, fiSy fim; and these are separated from the final of the fi-stems by an
interposed y. In Brahmana etc., 3.1 is generally substituted for fis (307 h).

d. Before the endings & of instr. sing, and OB of gen.-loc dn., the final
of ft-stems Is treated as if changed to 6; but in the Yeda, the instr. end-
ing ft very often (in nearly half the occurrences) blends with the final to ft.
The yft of i-stems is in a few Yedic examples contracted to i, and even
to i. A loc. sing, in 1 occurs a few times.

e. In all the weakest cases above mentioned, the accent of an 1- or
Q-stem having acute final is thrown forward npon the ending. In the
remaining case of the same class, the gen. pi., a n is always interposed
between stem and ending, and the accent remains upon the former (in RY.,
however, it is usually thrown forward upon the ending, as in i and u-stems).

f. In V06. sing., final ft becomes e; final 1 and u are shortened.

g. In nom.-acc.-voc. dn. and nom. pi. appears in 1 (and u)-stems a
marked difference between the earlier and later language, the latter borrow-
ing the forms of the other division. The du. ending au is unknown in
BY., and very rare in AY.; the Yedic ending is i (a corresponding dual
of ii-stems does not occur). The regnlar later pi. ending aa has only a

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

133

Declension III., Dekivative a-, I-, and u-stbms. [—364

doubtfnl example or two in BY., and a Tery small number in AY.; the
case there (and it is one of very frequent occurrence) adds 8 simply; and
though yas-forms occur in the Brahmanas, along with is-forms, both are
used rather indifferently as nom. and accus. (as, indeed, they sometimes
interchange also in the epics). Of fi-stems, the du. nom. etc. ends in e,
both earlier and later; in pi., of course, B-forms are indistinguishable from
aB-forms. The RY. has a few examples of ftaaa for fiB.

h. The remaining cases call for no remark.

364. Examples of declension. As models of the
inflection of derivative stems ending in long vowels, we
may take VFU sinft f. army; ^RJT kanyS f. girl] ^cft devi
f. goddess; ^ vadhd f. woman.

N.

Ab. G.

N. A.Y.

I. D. Ab.

G. L.

Singular:
B6n&

kanyli

devi

devim

devya

devyftf

devyas

devyam

ddvi

devyftii

devibhyftm

devy6B

vadht&B

B^nftm

kanyam

vadhdm

Benayd
Btoftyai

kanyaya

vadhva

kanyayfti

vadhvftf

B^nayaB

kanyay&B

vadhvas

B6nayam

Bene
Dual:

s^nfibhySm
senayoB

kanyayftm
k&nye

kany^
kanyllbhyam

vadhvam
v&dhu

vadhvftu

vadhtibhy&m

vadhvoB

kanyayoB

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864—]

V. Nouns and Adjectives.

134

N. V.

A.

D.Ab.

G.

L.

Plural:
senfts

kanylUi

devyaa
devlB

vadhvkB

+-ym^

vadhliB

B^nftbhiB

kanyllbhiB

devibhiB

vadhtibhlB

B^n&bhyaB

kanyabhyaB

devibhyaa

vadht&bhyaa

B^n&nSm

•v.

kanyanSm

"^cjlHW^

vadhtbiftm

B^nftBU

kany&su

devi^u

vadhtifu

I the Veda vadhd is a stem belonging to the other dirision (like

tantl, above, 856).

865. Examples of Yedic forms are:

a. ft-stems: instr. sing, manlfft (this simpler form is especially com-
mon ftom stems in tft and ift); nom. pi. va^tsas (about twenty examples);
accns. pL araiiigamasaB (a case or two). Half the bhyaa-cases are to
be read as bhiaa; the Sm of gen. pi. is a few times to be resolved into
aam; and the & and Sm of nom. accns. sing, are, very rarely, to be
treated in the same manner.

b. l-stems: instr. sing. 9&mi, Q&mi; loc. gfturi; nom. etc. dn. devt;
nom. pL deviB; gen. pi. bahvmim. The final of the stem is to be read
as a vowel (not y) frequently, but not in the majority of instances: thus,
devi^ devi&i» devi&n, r6da8io8.

0. The sporadic instances of transfer between this division and the
preceding have been already sufficiently noticed.

d. Of the regular substitution made in the Brahmana language (807 li»
886 g, 868 o) of the dat sing, ending &i for the gen.-abl. ending &B, in
all classes of words admitting the latter ending, a few examples may be givea
here: abhibbutyfii rQpam (AB.) a sign of overpowering', triftubhaQ
oa Jagatyfti oa (AB.) of the metres tri§tubh and j'agati ; vfico dfiivySi
oa m&QU^&i oa (AA.) of speech, both divine and human; Btriy&i paya^
(AB.) woman's milk; dhenvftl vi etkd r6tah (TB.) that, forsooth, is the
seed of the cow ; Jiti^fty&i tvaoa^ (^B.) of dead skin ; jy&yaBi yl^ySyfti
(AB.) superior to the yfijyft; aayfii divo <Bm&d antarikfftt (9QS.)yy*ofn
this heaven, from this atmosphere. The same substitution is made once in
the AY.: thus, BT&pantv asySi Jli&t&yuh let her relatives sleep.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

135 Declension, III. Dbeivativb ft-, if, and a-STEMS. [— ses

866. The noun stri f. woman (probably contracted from satrl gene-
ratrix)j follows a mixed declension : thns, stri, strisram or stxim* striy^
striyfif, Btriyas, Btriyam, strf; strlyftu, Btribhyam, Btriy6B; striyas,
Btrfyas or BtrlB, Btribhla, Btribhy&8» BtriigLim, Btri^ii (bnt the accns-
atires Btrim and Btris are not fonnd in the older language, and the toc.
Btri is not quotable). The accentuation is that of a root- word; the forms
(conspicuously the nom. sing.) are those of the other or deriratiye diTision.

AdjeoUveB.

867. a. The occurrence of original adjectiyes in long final vowels,
and of compoandfl haying as final member a stem of the first diyislon,
has been snffioiently treated aboye, so far as masoaline and feminine
forms are concerned. To form a neuter stem in composition, the rale
of the later language is that the final long yowel be shortened; and
the stem so made is to be inflected like an adjective in i or u (889,
841. 844).

b. Such neuter forms axe very rare, and In the older language almost
unknown. Of neuters from I-stems have been noted in the Yeda only
hari^riyam, aco. sing, (a masc. form), and BOftdbfaB, gen. sing, (same
as masc and fem.); from fl-stems, only a few examples, and from stem-
forms which might be masc. and fem. also: .thus, vibhu, subhu, etc. (nom.-
ace. sing.: compare 854); BUpuft and mayobhava, instr. sing.; and
mayobbu, ace. pi. (compare piirii: 842 k); ftom ft-stems occur only half-
a-dozen examples of a nom. sing, in ftB, like the masc. and fem. form.

o. Compounds having nouns of the second division as final
member are common only from derivatives in ft; and these shorten
the final to a in both masculine and neuter: thus, from a not and
pr^jft progeny come the masc. and neut. stem apraja, fem. aprajft
cMldlus. Such compounds with nouns in i and u are said to be in-
flected in masc. and fem. like the simple words (only with in and un
in ace. pi. masc); but' the examples given by the grammarians are
fictitious.

d. Stems with shortened final are occasionally met with: thus, eka-
patniy ftttalakf mi ; and such adverbs (neut. sing, aocus.) as upabhftimiy
abhyqjjayini. The stem stri is directed to be shortened to stri for all
genders.

868. It is convenient to give a complete paradigm,
for all genders, of an adjective-stem in ^ a. We take for
the purpose W^ pftp& evil, of which the feminine is usu-
ally made in 3B|T ft in the later language, but in ^ I in the
older.

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368—]

V. Nouns and Adjectives.

136

N.

Ab.

G.

N.A.V.

I. D. Ab.

G. L.

N.

D. Ab.

Singular:

m. n.

f.

f.

MIMM^ MIMH^

mm

qFft

pftp&8 pftp&m

papa

pftpi

^\^^

mqFT^

qmlq^

pftptoi

pftpam

papim

qf^

qron

qrcm

p&pena

pftp&yft

papya

wm

qm^

m^

papSya

pftpSyfti

papyal

MmiH^

MiMIUm^

MIUII^^

pftpat

p&payfts

papyas

MIMW

MIMItim^

MIU4IH^

pap&sya

papayfts

papyas

MIMIUIH^

pftp6

p&payam

papyam

^[^

m^

qift

papa

pape

pSpi

Dual:

^[^ wi

^f^

W^

pftpftu pfip6

pap6

papyau

MIMI^IH

MIMI^UIH^

mimIuiih^

papabhyam

p&pabhyam

papibhyam

MIMUlH^

mimuIh^

Miujm^

pftp&yoB

pftp&yos

pBpy6s

Plural:

M|t|m MiMlPi

mqm

MlUJfl

•s

-s

-V

papas p&pani

papas

papyks

MIMH MIMiPl

qiqiH

qrftH

^^ ^

•^^

^•v

pftpan papani

papas

papis

^^^

qiqiPfH

mimKhH^

p&p&fs

papabhis

paplbhis

MIM^^H

MIMI^UH^

MIMI^UH^

-^

papebhyas

papabhyas

papibhyas

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137 Declension IV., f -stems. [—371

pftpinftm pftpanftm pftpinftm

L. qf^ MIMI^ MIMIn

pftp^fu pftpasu p&pifu

Declension IV.

stems in ^ r (or ^ET^ ar] .

869. This declension is a comparatiyely limited one,
being almost entirely composed of deriyative nouns formed
wiUi the suffix cT tr (or rT^ tar), which makes masculine
nomina agentis (used also participially), and a few nouns of
relationship.

a. But it includes also a few nouns of relationship not made
with that suffix: namely devf m., Bv&a^ and n&n&nd^ f.; and, besides
these, nf m., stf (in Y.) m., usf (in Y.) f., aavyaftlMT ^-> ^^^ the
feminine numerals tisf and catasi^ (for which, see 482 e» g). The
feminines in tp are only m&t^» duhit^, and yit^.

b. The inflection of these §tems is quite closely analogous with
that of stems in i and u (second declension); its peculiarity, as
compared with them, consists mainly in the treatment of the stem
itself, which has a double form, fuller in the strong cases, briefer in
the weak ones.

870. Forms ofthe Stem. In the weak cases (excepting the
loc. sing.) the stem-final is f, which in the weakest cases, or before
a vowel-ending, is changed regularly to r (129). But as regards the
strong cases, the stems of this declension fall into two classes: in
one of them — which is very much the larger, containing all the
nomina agentis, and also the nouns of relationship n&ptf and Bv&sr,
and the irregular words st^ and savyai^tlMr — the x Is yriddhied, or
becomes ar; in the other, containing most of the nouns of relationship,
with nf and usf , the x Is gunated, or changed to ar. In both classes,
the loc. sing, has ar as stem-final.

371. Endings. These are in general the normal, but with the
oUowing exceptions:

a. The nom. sing. (masc. and fern.) ends always in a (for original ars
or firs). The toc. sing, ends in ar.

' b. The aeons, sing, adds am to the (strengthened) stem; the accns.
pL has (like i- and u-stems) n as maso. ending and b as fern, ending, with
the X lengthened before them.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

871—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 138

o. The &bl.-gen. sing, changes ^ to ur (or tui: 169 b).

d. The gen. pi. (as in i and u-stems) inserts n before Sm, and
lengthens the stem-flnal before it. Bnt the f of nf may also remain short.

e. The above are the rules of the later language. The older presents
certain deyiations from them. Thus:

f. The ending in nom.-acc.-Yoc dn. is (as unirersally in the Yeda)
regularly ft instead of ftu (only ten ftu-forms in BY.).

g. The i of loc. sing, is lengthened to I in a few words : thus, kartftrL
h. In the gen. pi., the RV. has once sv&srftm, without inserted n;

and naram instead of n^i^im is frequent.

i. Other irregulaiities of nf are the sing. dat. n&re, gen. n&ras, and
loc. n4rl. The Yeda writes always n^am in gen. pi., but its ^ is in a
minority of cases metrically long.

J. The stem xuf t da/wn has the yoc. sing, o^ar, the gen. sing, nsr&s;
and the accus. pi. also tuir&s, and loc sing, usram (which is metrically
trisyllabic: tus^^tm), as if in analogy with I and u-stems. Once occurs
yxBxi in loc. sing., but it is to be read as if the regular trisyllabic form,
u^&ri (for the exchange of s and 9, see 181 a).

k. From stf come only taras (apparently) and st^bhis.

L In the gen.-loc. du., the r is almost always to be read as a sepa-
rate syllable, f, before the ending 08: thus, pitf6B, etc. On the contrary,
n&nftndari Is once to be read n&nftndri.

m. For neuter forms, see below, 875.

872. Accent. The accentuation follows closely the rules for
i- and u-stems: if on the final of the stem, it continues, as acute, on
the corresponding syllable throughout, except in the gen. pi, where
it may be (and in the Veda always is) thrown forward upon the
ending; where, in the weakest cases, r becomes r, the ending has the
accent. The two monosyllabic stems, nf and st^, do not show the
monosyllabic accent: thus (besides the forms already gtven aboye),
nfbhiSy ntfu.

878. Examples of declension. As models of this
mode of inflection, we may take firom the first class (with
5rrf ftr in the strong forms) the stems ^IrT dStf m. giver
and ^ofH sv&sr f. sister \ from the second class (with fST^ ar
in the strong forms), the stem f^cT pit* m. father.
Singular :
N.

dfttt

ftar

pitt
pit&ram

<IHI|H,
d&taram

Bv&saram

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

139

Declension IY., ^-stbhs.

[—373

L

^T^

T^m

f^T^TT

dfttri

BT&srft

pitra

D.

^

^

ft%

dfttr6

BvAsre

pitr6

Ab.G.

dfttur

8V&8Ur

Hi
pitur

L.

<wfi-

H«f(

ftrTft

dfttdri

Bv&sari

pitirl

V.

ditar

8v&8ar

ftrTT
pftar

Dual:

N. A. V.

i^iaifl

^sraitf

fcFTfr

dfttirftu

BV&B&rftU

pitAr&u

I. D. Ab.

dft^bhyam

Bvis^bhyam

pit^bhyaix

G. L.

dfttroB

BT&sroB

pitr6B

Plural:

pitAras

N. V.

d&tiLras

Bv&B&raB

A.

dfttfn

BV&BfB

^

I.

dfttfbhis

Bv&BfbhiB

pittbhlB

D.Ab.

dfttq^bhyaa

BvaBfbhyaB

pit^bhyaa

G.

<lf|UIIH^
dfttfi^m

Bv&BfigLfim

pitf^^

L.

^5

dftttfu

8V&B|^a

Pmhh

pitffu

a. The feminine stem qTrT mStf, mother^ is inflected pre-
cisely like f^ pitf y excepting that its accusative plural is
qHR^mSt^B.

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

378—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 140

b. The peculiar Yedlc forms have been suffloieutly instanced above;
the only ones of other than sporadic occorrence being the nom. etc. da.
datara, Bv&Bftrfi, pit&rft, and the gen. pi. of wp, naram.

o. The nom. pi. forms pitaras and mfttaras etc. are found used also
as accus. In the epics.

374. The stem kroft^ m. jackal (lit'ly howler) substitutes in the
middle cases the corresponding fornus of krdftu (343 k).

376. Neuter forms. The grammarians prescribe a complete
neuter declension also for bases in tf, precisely accordant with that
of vari or m&dhu (above, 339, 341). Thus, for example:

Sing.

Da.

Plur.

N. A.

dh&tf

dhfitp?!

dhfit^i

I.

dhatfnft

dhftt^bhyAin

dhfttfbhiB

G.

dhatfnas

dh&tfijLOS

dh&tfi^am

V.

dhatr, dhatar

dhatp^

dhatfni.

a. The weakest cases, however (as of i- and u-s terns used ad-
ject! vely: 344), are allowed also to be formed like the corresponding
masculine cases: thus, dhfitra etc.

b. No such neater forms chance to occur in the Veda, but they begin
to appear in the Brahmanas, under influence of the oommon tendency
(compare Germ. Metier, Heiterin; Fr. menteur, menteuse') to give this
nomen agentis a more adjective character making it correspond in gender
with the noun which it (oppositively) qaalifles. Thus, we have in
TB. bhartf and Janayitf, qualifying antdrik^am; and bhartp^ and
Janayitr^i, qualifying nik^atrani; as, in M., graMtfni, qualifying
indriyani.

o. When a feminine noun is to be qualified in like manner, the asual
feminine derivative in i is employed: thas, in TB., bhartryas and bhar-
tryau, janayitryas and janayitryaii, qualifying apas and ahorfttre;
and such instances are not uncommon.

d. The RY. shows the same' tendency very curiously once in the accus.
pi. mat^n, instead of mStfs, in apposition with masculine nouns (BY.
I. 35.2).

6. Other neuter forms in RY. are sth&tur gen. sing., dhm&t&ri loc.
sing.; and for the nom. sing., instead of -tf, a few more or less doubtfal
cases, athatar, sth&tur, dhart^ri.

AdjeotiLves.

376. a. There are no original adjectives of this declension: for
the quasi-adjectival character of the nouns composing it, see above
(375b]. The feminine stem is made by the suffix I: thus, dfttrI,dh&trL

b. Boots ending in x (like those in i and u : 345) add a t to make
a declinable stem, when occurring as final member of a compound:

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

141 Declension V., Consonant-stems. [ — 379

thus, karmalq^ (V^)> vajrabhft (i/bhr), baUhft (ylir)* From Bome
r-roots, also, are made stems in ir and ur: see below, 383 a, b.

o. Nouns in ^ as finals of adjective compounds are inflected in
the same manner as when simple, in the masculine and feminine; in
the neuter, they would doubtless have the peculiar neuter endings in
nom.-acc.-voc. of all numbers.

d. But TS. has once tv&tpitSras, nom. pi., having thee for father.

Declension V.

stems ending in Consonajits.
377. All stems ending in consonants may properly be
classed together, as forming a single comprehensive declen-
sion: since, though some of them exhibit peculiarities of
inflection, these have to do almost exclusively with the stem
itself, and not with the declensional endings.

878. In this declension, masculines and feminines of
the same final are inflected alike; and neuters are peculiar
(as usually in the other declensions) only in the nom.-acc.-
voc. of all numbers.

a. The majority of consonantal stems, however, are not
inflected in the feminine, but form a special feminine deriv-
ative stem in ^ i (never in ^ S), by adding that ending to
the weak form of the masculine.

b. Exceptions are in general the stems of divisions A and B —
namely, the radical stems etc., and those in as and is and us. For
special oases, see below.

879. Variations, as between stronger and weaker forms,
are very general among consonantal stems: either of two
degrees (strong and weak), or of three (strong, middle, and
weakest): see above, 811.

a. The peculiar neuter forms, according to the usual
rule (811 b), are made in the plural from the strong stem, in
singular and dual from the weak — or, when the gradation
is threefold, in singular from the middle stem, in dual from
the weakest.

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

y

879—] V. Nouns and Adjbotivbs. 142

b. Ab in the case of stems ending in short vowels (fisylLni,
viri^i, m&dhOni, dftl^^i^ etc.)i a nasal sometimes appears in the
special neater plural cases which is found nowhere else in inflection.
Thus, from the stems in as» is, us, the nom.-acc.-yoc. pi. in -Bfiai,
-I&9i, -i&A^i are very conunon at every period. According to the
grammarians, the radical stems etc. (division A) are treated in the
same way; but examples of such neuters are of extreme rarity in the
language; noVedic text o£fers one, and in the Brahmanas and Sutras
have been noted only -hmiti (AB. vii. 2. 3), -vjnti (PB. xvi. 2. 7 et aL),
-bhftfiji (KB. xxvii. 7), -bhfnti (QB. viii. 1. 3i), and -yufiji (LQS. u. 1. 8);
while in the later language is found here and there a case, like
-9runti (Bagh.), -piiAfi (Qi^.) ; it may be questioned whether they are
not later analogical formations.

880. The endings are throughout those given above (810)
as the '^normal".

a. By the general law as to finals (150), the s of the nom. sing,
masc. and fem. is always lost; and irregularities of treatment of the
final of the stem in this case are not infrequent

b. The gen. and abl. sing, are never distinguished in form from
one another — nor are, by ending, the nom. and accus. pi.: but these
sometimes differ in stem-form, or in accent, or in both.

881. Change in the place of the accent is limited to monosyllabic
stems and the participles in &nt (accented on the final). For details,
see below, under divisions A and E.

a. But a few of the compounds of the root afio or ao show an irregular
shift of accent in the oldest language: see below, 410.

882. a. For convenience and clearness of presentation,
it will be well to separate from the general mass of conson-
antal stems certain special classes which show kindred pe-
culiarities of inflection, and may be best described together.
Thus:

B. Derivative stems in as, is, us;

G. Derivative stems in an (an, man, van);

D. Derivative stems in in (in, min, vin);

E. Derivative stems in ant (ant, mant, vant);

F. Perfect active participles in vSfLs;

G. Comparatives in ySfts or yas.

b. There remain, then, to constitute division A, espe-
cially radical stems, or those identical in form with roots,

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

143 Declension V., Conbokaittal Boot-stems. [—383

together with a oompaiatively small number of others which
are inflected like these.

They will be tnken ap in the order thus indicated.

A. Boot-Btems, and those inflected like them.

883. The stems of this division may be classified as
foUows:

I. a. Boot-stems, having in them no demonstrable element added
to a root: thos, ^ verse, gfx sang, p&d foot, dig direcHon, mih (V.)
great,

b. Soch stems, however, are not always precisely identical In form
with the root: thus, vto from Vvac* sr^ from V8|J» mtif from Vmim»
vrig from y^vragoC?), df ftom yvtui »hine\ — from roots in final x <^™o
stems In ir and nr: thns, g{r» ft-gir» stir; Jdr, tur» dhdr, ptir» mur»
Bt6r» sphur; and psdr from ^pear.

o. With these may he ranked the stems with rednplioated root, as
oikit, yav^yudh, vinivan, sasy&d.

d. Words of this division in nncompounded nse are tolerably frequent
in the older language: thns, in RV. are found more than a hundred of them;
in AY., about sixty; but in the classical Sanskrit the power of using any
root at will in this way is lost, and the examples are comparatively few.
In all periods, however, the adjective use as final of a compound is very
common (see below, 401).

e. As to the infinitiye use of various oases of the root-noun, see 971.

II. f. Stems made by the addition of t to a final short vowel of
a root.

g. No proper root-stem ends in a short vowel, although there are (354)
examples of transfer of such to short-vowel-deolensions ; but i or u or |^
adds a t to make a declinable form: thus, -j{t» -Qrut, -kft. Roots in f,
however, as has just been seen (b), also make stems in ir or ur.

h. A9 regards the firequency and nse of these words, the same is true
as was stated above respecting root-stems. The Yeda offers examples of
nearly thirty such formations, a few of them (mft* rit, stiit, hrdt» vft,
and dy^t if this is taken from djra) in independent use. Of roots in f,
t is added by ky, dhy, dhvy, bhf , vft sy , spy, h^r, and hvy. The roots
ga (or gam) and han also make -g&t and -h&t by addition of the t to
an abbreviated form in a (thus, adhvag&t» dyug&t, dvigat» navag&t,
and saihh&t).

III. L Mono^llabic (Itlso a few apparently reduplicated) stems
not certainly connectible with any verbal root in the language, but-
having the aspect of root-stems, as containing no traceable suffix

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

883—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 144

thus, tvko skin, p&th roiid, hf d hetirt, kp and var water, dvar door,
as mouth, kakubh and kakud swnmit

j. Thirty or forty such words are found in the older language, and
some of them continue in later nse, while others have been transferred to
other modes of declension or have become extinct.

k. Stems more or less clearly derivative, but made with suffixes
of rare or even isolated occurrence. Thus:

1. derivatives (V.) from prepositions with the snfflx vat: arvSv&t,
av&t» udv&t, niv&t» parav&t, prav&t, saihv&t; — 2. derivatives (V.)
in tftt (perhaps abbreviated f^om t&ti), in a few isolated forms: thus,
upar&tftty dev&tftt, vjk&tat, saty&t&t, sarv&tftt; — 3. other deriva-
tives in t preceded by various vowels : thus, da9&t, veh&t, vah&t, srav&t,
saQo&t, vagh&t; n&pftt; ta<jit, divit, yofft, rohft, sarft, harft;
marut; y&k^, Q41q^; and the numerals for 30, 40, 50, tri&^&t eto.
(475); — 4. stems in ad: thus, dfif&dy dhfs&d, bhasdd, van&d,
^ar&dy aam^d ; — 5. stems in j preceded by various vowels : thus, t^p^p^,
dhrf^f* Bandj, bhii^fU; U9(j, va^» bhur(], nii^(?); &8yj; — 6. a
few stems ending in a sibilant apparently formative: thus, Jfias, -dSs,
bhaSy maSy bhlf ; — 7. a remnant of unclassiflable cases, such as vi^t&p,
vip&9, k&p^^th, Qurudh, ifidh, p^kQudh, ragh&t(<^)> sar&gh, visruh,

384. Gender. The root-stems are regularly feminine as nomen
actionis, and masculine as nomen agentis (which is probably only a
substantive use of their adjective value: below, 400). But the femi-
nine noun, without changing its gender, is often also used concretely:
e. g., dnih f. (|/drtili he inimiceU) means harming, enmity, and also
harmer, hater, enemy — thus bordering on the masculine value. And
some of the feminines have a completely concrete meaning. Through
the whole division, the masculines are much less numerous than the
feminines, and the neuters rarest of all.

a. The independent neuter stems are hfd (alio -h&rd), dkm, var,
8var» mas ^esh, as mouth, bhas, dos (with which may be mentioned
the indeclinables qkxn and yos); also the apparent derivatives yiikft,

385. Strong and weak stem-forms. The distinction
of these two classes of forms is usually made either by
the presence 01 absence of a nasal, or by a difference in
the quantity of the stem-vowel, as long 01 short; less often,
by other methods.

386. A nasal appears in the strong cases of the following words:
1. Compounds having as final member the root ao or afio: see below,

407 ff.; and RY. has once uruvy&ficam from root vyao; — 2. The

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

145 ' DECii]p!NSiON v., Consonantal Stems. [—689

stem yDJ, BometimeSy in the older language: thni, nom, sing. yiiiL (foi
yunk), ac^as. ydiyam, do. yufUft (but also ytijam and yiijft); —
3. The stem -d^, as final of a compound in the older language ; but only
in the nom. sing, masc, and not always: thus, anyftdf^ Idf^, kid^
tftd^ etfidrn, ead^ and pratiBadfzL: but also idfk, tad^k, svardfk,
etc.; — 4. For path and pxuiiB, which substitute more extended stems,
and for dant, see below, 894 — 6.

387. The vowel a is lengthened in strong cases as follows:

1. Of the roots vao, 8ao» sap* nabh, ^as, in a few Instances (V.),
at the end of compounds; — 2. Of the roots vah and Bah, but irregularly;
see below, 408 — 5; — 3. Of ap toater (see 898); also in its compound
rityap; — 4. Of pad foot: in the compounds of this word, in the later
language, the same lengthening is made in the middle cases also; and in
RY. and AY. the nom. sing. neut. is both -pat and -p&t, while RY. has
once -p&de, and p&dbhis and pfttsu occur in the Brahmanas; — 5. Of
nas nose (? nasft nom. du, fern., RY., once); — 6. Sporadic cases (Y.)
are: yiy (?), voc sing.; path&s and -rftpas, aceus. pL; v&niv&iias,
nom. pi. The strengthened forms bh%j and vBi are constant, through all
classes of cases.

888. Other modes of di£ferentiation, by elision of a or contraction
of. the syUable containing it, appear in a few stems:

1. In -han: see below, 402; — 2. In kfam (Y.), along with pro-
longation of a: thus, k^^ft du., k^imas pL ; kijama instr. sing., kf&mi
loc. sing., kfmds abL sing.; —3. In dvar, contracted (Y.) to dur in weak
cases (but with some confusion of the two classes) ; — 4. In svkr, which
becomes, in RY., sur in weak cases; later it is indeclinable.

889. The endings are as stated above (8Q0).

a. Bespecting their combination with the final of the stem, as
well as the treatment of the latter when it occurs at the end of the
word, the rules of euphonic combination (chap. IIL) are to be con-
sulted; they require much more constant and various application here
than anywhere else in declension.

b. Attention may be called to a few exceptional cases of combination
(Y.): mftdbhls and m&dbhy&s from mas month; the wholly anomalous
pa^bhis (RY. and VS.: AY. has always padbhfs) tiom p&d; and Bar&f
and Bar&4^1^SB corresponding to a nom. pi. sardghas (instead of sar&has:
222). D&n is apparently for d&m, by 148 a.

o. According to the grammarians, neuter stems, unless they end in a
nasal or a semivowel, take in nom.-aco.-YOO. pi. a strengthening nasal before
the final consonant But no such cases from neuter noun-stems appear erer
to have been met with in use; and as regards adjectiye stems ending in a
root, see abore, 879 b.

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 10

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

890—]

V. Nouns and Apjeotives.

146

3<K>. Monosyllabic steins have the regular accent of such, throw*
ing the tone forward upon the endings in the weak cases.

a. Bat the accusative plural has its normal accentuation as a
weak case, upon the ending, in only a minority (hardly more than a
third) of the stems: namely in dat&8» path48» pad&s, nid&a, ap&8»
XL^ks, J£iSs&B, pxuhe&B, mfi8&8» mah&s; and sometimes in vfic&Sy
sruo&s, hrut&s, 8ridli&8» k^ap&s, vip&s, dur&s, i^^ dvi^&B, drob^s
(beside vaeas etc.).

b. Exceptional instanoos, In trhioh a weak case has the tone on the
stem, oocoi as follows: B&dfi, ii&dbhya8» tinft (also tani) and t&ne,
badhe (infln.), t&xjs «nd r^^u, v&&bu» sv&ni, vfpaa, k^&mi* etbft
and Bt![raa (bat bvx^\ 4Alia8» and v&nas and bfhaa (in v&na«p4ti,
bfhaap&ti). On the other hand, a strong case is accented on the ending
in mah&8, nom. pi., and kfia&m (AY.: perhaps a false roiading). And
prefa, instr. sing., is accented as If pr^^ were a simple stem. Instead of
pra-{f • Vimjpdhi^ is of donbtfol character* For the sometimes anomalous
accentuation of stems in ao or aSlo, see 410.

801. Examples of inflexion. As an example of
normal monosyllabic inflection, we may take the stem
m^ ySo f . voice (from y^^ vao, with constant prolongation] ;
of inflection with strong and weak: Btem, cy^:p&d m. foot;
of polysyllabic inflection, ^T^H manit m. toind or ioind-god\
of a monosyllabic root-stem in composition, f^^^rT trivft
three-fold^ in the neuter. Thus:

Singular:
N. Y.

D.

Ab. G.

L.

SIFR

^n?!^

HK

vdk

pit

marut

trivft

gFra\

qi^^

Mt^dH,

u^^

vicam

padam

mariitam

trivft

SIM

^

W^

^RHT

v&ot

padj

marutft

triinfM

^^

^

JT^

c

vftc6

padd

mardte

trvfte

c<W4^

q^^

H^HH,

HHcIHH^

VftC&B

pad&8

marutas

tri^tas

^rf^

^

JT^fa

vftof

padi

mar^tl

trivftl

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

147

Deolension v., Consonantal Stems.

[—891

DnU:

N.A.V. srrtt

I. D. Ab. c(|JU|IM

vftgbhy&n

vfto6i
Plnrtl:

G.L.

N.V.

D. Ab.

vftc&B, ricas
vfigbhls
▼figbhy&s
vftoim

padbhy&n
pad68

padas

q^

p&das

padbhls

padbhy&8

padim

patBU

marutfia tiivftl

marudbhyim trivfdbhyim

marutoi

marutas
marutas
marddbhis

marudbbyaa

man^tftm

Vian^tsa

triv^tos

c

Iriv^iiti

c

triv^uti

triTfdbhis

trl'vfdbliyM

triv^^tftni

triv^tSQ

By way of illostration of the leading methods of treatment of
a stem-final, at the end of the word and in combination with case-
endings, characteristic case-forms of a few more stems are here added.
Thus:

a. Stems in J: yuj-class (219 a» 142), bhifdj physician: bhijf&k,
bhifikiam, bhif^gbhis, bhifikfu; — mrJ-class (219 b» 142)» samrc^
universal ruler: samrit, Bamr^jam,' Bamr^bhis, samratau.

b. Stems in dh: -Tfdh increasing: -vft» -vfdhani* -vfdbhis,
-▼ftsa; -btidli (156) waking: -bh&t, -b^dham, -bhudbhiSy -bhutsu.

o. Stems in bh: -ati&bh praising: -stdp, -Btiibham, -stdbbhiB,

d. Stems in 9: di9 (218 a» 146) direction: dik, d{9ani, digbbfa,
dik^d; — v{9 (218» 146) the people: v{t, v{9am, vicjlbhls, vlfBu (V.
vik^h: 218 a).

e. Stems in 9 (226 b» 146): dvii^ enemy: dvl\, dvf^amt dvi^bhls,

f. Stems in h: dub-class (232-8 a» 166 b, 147), -duh milking,

10*

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

391—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 148

yielding: -dhuk, -duham, -dhugbhis, -dliiikfu ; — nOi-class (223 b»
147)» -lih licking: -Ut» -liham, -U^bhis, -Ufsu.

g. Stems in m (148a, 212a: only pra^an, nom. sing., quotable):
-9ftm quieting: -^an, •^axnamy -^anbhis, -^ansu.

392. The root-Btems in ir and ur (383 b) lengthen their vowel
when the final r is followed by another consonant (245 b), and also
in the nom. sing, (where the case-ending s is lost).

a. Thus, from g{r f. song come glr (glh)» giram, gira etc.;
glr&Uy glrbhyam, gir68; gfras, glrbhls, girbhyds, girim, ipjc^u.
(165); and, in like manner, from pur f. eironghold come ptir (ptlh),
puram, pura, etc. ; purftu, ptirbhyain, pur6B ; puras, purbbfe* pur-
bhy&8, puram, pun|u.

b. There are no roots in is (except the excessiyely rare pis) or in
UB; but from the root iflB with its & weakened to i (250) comes the
noan 2iqiB t blessing ^ which is inflected like glr: thus, ftQls (&Qlb),
&9{fam» S^fiffS, etc.; &9{9&u, ft^Irbhyfim, fBLqli^oB; ft^f^as, ftQlrbhls,
aQlrbhyaSy S^^ftm, fiQl^fU. And sajlia together is apparently a stereo-
typed nominative of like formation from the root juf. The form af^apraf
(TS.), f^om the root-stem pruf, is isolated and anomalous.

o. These stems In ir, iir» Ib show a like prolongation of Towel also
in composition and derivation: thus, gXrvfi^, piirbbfd, dhtirgatay
dhuBtvay ftQlrda, ftQirvant, etc. (but also girvan, girvai^a).

d. The native grammar sets up a class of quasi-radical stems like
Jigamis desiring to go, made ftom the desiderative conjugation-stem (1027),
and prescribes for it a declension like that of ft^fs: thus, JigamiB, Jiga-»
mif S, jigamirbhiSy JigamihQU, etc. Such a class appears to be a mere
figment of the granunaiians, since no example of it has been found quotable
from the literature, either earlier ox later, and since there is, in fact, no
more a desiderative stem Jigamis than a causative stem gamay.

393. The stem &p f. wtUer is inflected only in the ploral, and
with dissimilation of its final before bh to d (151 e): thus, apas,
ap&s, adbhfsy adbhy&8» apam, apsu.

a. Bnt BY. has the sing, instr. apa and gen. ap&s. In the earlier
language (especially AY.), and even In the epics, the nom: and accus. pi.
forms are occasionally confused in use, apas being employed as accns.,
and ap&8 as nominative.

b. Besides the stem ap, case-forms of this woi^ are sometimes used
in composition and derivation; thus, for example, abja^ &iK>devBta»
ftpom&ya, apsumant.

394. The stem puiiiB m. man is very irregular, substitutiDg
pumfiAs in the strong cases, and losing its s (necessarily) li)efore
initial bh of a case-ending, and likewise (by analogy with this, or
by an abbreviation akin with that noticed at 231) in the loc. plural.
The vocative is (in accordance with that of the somewhat similarly

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

149 Declension V., Consonantal Stems. [-—398

inflected perfect participles: see 462 a) puman in the later language,
bnt pumas in the earlier. Thus: p^mftn* pumftftsam, pudis^
pimiB^y pmhs&Sy padisf, puman; puma^sfiu* pumbhyam, puihsbs;
puma&saSj pmiisis, pumbhls, pumbhy&Sy pudisam, puihsu.

a« The accentuation of the weak forms, it will be noticed, is that of
a trne monosyllabic stem. The fonns with bh-endings nowhere occnr in the
older language, nor do they appear to have been cited from the later.
Instances of the confusion of strong and weak forms are occasionally met
with. As to the retention of a unlingualized in the weakest cases (whence
necessarily follows that in the loe. pi.), see 183 a.

b. This stem appears under a considerable Tariety of forms in com-
position and deriTation: thus, as pudis in puih^call, puiiistva, puihs-
vant, -pudiska, etc.; as pum in puihvatsa, puxiirupa, puxiivaty
pumarthay etc.; as puiiisa in puihsavant; — at the end of a compound,
either with its full inflection, as in stripuihB etc. ; or as pumsa, in
BtripuiiiBa, mahapuihsa; or as puma in atnpuma (TS. TA.).

395. The stem path m. road is defective in declension, forming
only the weakest cases, while the strong are made from pinthft or
p&nthan, and the middle from path!: see under au-stems, below, 433.

396. The stem d&nt m. tooth is perhaps of participial origin, and
has, like a participle, the forms d&nt and d&t, strong and weak:
thus (Y.)) d&n, d&ntam, data, etc.; dat&s ace. pi. etc. But in the
middle cases it has the monosyllabic and not the participial accent:
thus, dadbhisy dadbhy&s. In nom. pi. occurs also -datas instead
of -dantas. By the grammarians, the strong cases of this word are
required to be made from d&nta.

397. A nnmber of other words of this diyision are defective,
making part of their inflection from stems of a different form.

a. Thus, hfd hearty mafus or mas n. meai^ m& m. month, n&s
f. nose^ ni9 f. night (not found In the older language), pft f. army, are
said by the grammarians to lack the nom. of all numbers and the accus.
sing, and du. (the neuters, of course, the ace. pi. also), making them
respectively from hf daya, mafL8&» masa, nasikS, ni^ft, p^tanfi. But
the usage in the older language is not entirely in accordance with this
requirement: thus, we find mis flesh aocus. sing.; mas month nom. sing.;
and nasft nostrils du. From p^ occurs only the loc. pi. p^u and (BY.,
once) the same case with double ending, p]rt8U§u.

398. On the other hand, certain stems of this division, allowed
by the grammarians a full inflection, are used to fill up the deficien-
cies of those of another form.

a. Thus, &8|j n. bloody 9&krt n. ordure, y&k^ n. liver, d6B n.
(also m.) fore-arm, have beside them defective stems in &n: see below,
432. Of none of them, however, is anything but the nom.-acc. sing, found
in the older language, and other cases later are but very scantily represented.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

89S— ] V. Nouns and Adjbtivbb. 150

b. Of aa n. nwuthy and ud tcaUr, only a case or two are found, in
the older langnage, beside ftsto and Ssyk, .and ud&n and udaka (432).

899. Some of the alternative eteniB mentioned above are instancefl of
transition from the eonsonant to a vowel declension: thus, d&nta, masa.
A number of other similar cases occur, sporadically in the older language,
more commonly in the later. Such are -pada» -Inftds, -dft^a, bhri^i,
vift&pa, dvSra and dnra» pnra, dhora, -d^a» nasft* nidft, k^fpft,
kfapa, &9t» and perhaps a few others.

a* A few Irregular stems will find a more proper place under the head
of Adjectives.

Adjectives.

400. Original adjectives haying the root-form are comparatively
rare even in the oldest language.

a. About a dozen are quotable from the BY., for the most part only
in a few scattering oases. But mah great is common in RT., though it
dies out rapidly later. It makes a derivative feminine stem, mahl, which
continues in use, as meaning earth etc.

401. Bat compound adjectives, having a root as final member,
with the value of a present participle, are abundant in every period
of the language.

a. Possessive adjective compounds, also, of the same form, are
not very rare: examples are yat&sruo with offered hotol; sAryatvac
8un-skinned\ o&tofpad four-footed ] suhard kind-hearted, friendly)
ritykp (1. e. ritf-ap) having streaming tcatere; BahkaxeAvBx furnished
with a thousand doors,

b. The inflection of such compounds is like that of the simple root-
stems, masculine and feminine being throughout the same, and the nenter
varying only in the nom.-aco.-voc. of all numbers. But special neuter forms
are of rare oecurrenoe, and masc.-fem. are sometimes used instead.

e. Only rarely is a derivative feminine stem In i formed: in the older
language, only from the compounds with ac or a£Lo (407 ff.), those with
han (402), those with pad, as 6kapadl, dvip&dl» and with dant, as
vf^adati, and mahl, &niucl (AY.), upasadi (? ^B).

Irregularities of inflection appear in the following:

402. The root han «foy, as final of a compound, is inflected
somewhat like a derivative noun in an (below, 420 flf.)* becoming hfi
in the uom. sing., aud losing its n in the middle cases and its a in
the weakest cases but only optionally in the loc. sing.). Further, when
the vowel is lost, h in contact with following n reverts to its orig-
inal gh. Thus:

\

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

151

Declension V., Consonantal Stems.

[—404

|vTtwMbhy ton |,,ytrah&bhyaft

Ploxal.
vytrahAijms
vftraghnAs
vrtrah&bhis

Singolar. Dual.

N. vrtraht
A. vftrAli&i^ftxn
I. vi^traghni

D. vrtraghn6.

f;- )vxtr*i&m&B \ ^^^ vytraghnSm

L. vrtraghni, -h&i^ ^vfw.«K v^^ahAsu

y. vftralian vftrahai^a vftrahajgiaB.

a. Aft to the ehange of n to ^ see 183» 185.

b. A feminine ii made by adding I to, as oflual, tlie stem-form shown
in the weakest cases: thas, T^^aghni.

0. An accns. pi. -h&nas (like the nom.) also occnis. Vftrah&bhis
(BY., once) is the only middle case-form qnotahle from the older langaage.
Transitions to the a-declension hegin already in the Veda: thus, to -h&
(BV. AT.), -shnA (RV.), -hana.

403. The root vah C4tny at the end of a compound is said by
the grammarians to be lengthened to vfth in both the strong and
middle cases, and contracted in the weakest cases to uh, which with
a preceding a- vowel becomes fta(137c): thus, from havyav&h sacri'
JUe-hearing (epithet of Agni), hayyavaf, havyavaham, havyftuhft,
etc.; havyav&ftri, havyava^bhyton, havyftuhos; hayyavahas,
havyftuhasy havydva^bbis, etc. And 9vetav&h (not quotable) is
said to be further irregular in making the nom. sing, in vfts and the
Yocative in vas or vfta.

a. In the earlier language, only strong forms of compounds with vah
haye been found to occur: namely, -vaf, -vibiam* -v&ftu or -v&S, and
-vahas. But feminines in i, from the weakest stem — as turyftuhl,
dityfiubi, pafthftuhi — are met with in the Brahmanas. TS. has the
irregular nom. sing, pa^fbavat.

404. Of very irregular formation and inflection is one common
compound of vah, namely ana^v&b (anas + vah hurden-bearing or
eari^rawing^ 1. e. ox). Its stem-form in the strong cases is ana<jlvab,
in the weakest ana<jluh, and in the middle ana<jlud (perhaps by dis-
similation from ana^uf}}. Moreover, its nom. and voc. sing, are made
in vSn and van (as if from a vant-stem). Thus:

N.

A.

L

D.

Ab.

G.

L.

V.

Singular.
anatjLv&i
anaijv&am
ana^ubft
anafube

Xana^ubas

ana^uhi
dna^van

Dual.

Plural.
anatjlvabas
ana^ubas
anatjLuclbbiB
Wudbhyam \ana44dbhya8

|ana<}vab&u

\ana<}ubo8
inatjlvfibftu

ana^ubton

ana^^tsu

ina^vftbas

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

404—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 152

a. Anatjludbhyas (AT., once) Is the only middle case-form quotable
firom the older language. But compounds sho^ring the middle stem — as
aaa^uoehata, anatjludarha — are met with in Brahmanas etc.

b. The corresponding feminine stem (of very infrequent occurrence)
is either anaijuhi (gB.) or ana^vfthl (K. MS.).

405. The root Bah overcome has in the Yeda a double irregularity:
its B is changeable to f even after an a-YOwel — as also in its siiigle oc-
currence as an independent adjective (RV., tv&di fSt) — while il some-
times remains unchanged after an i or u-vowel; and its a is either prolonged
or remains unchanged, in both strong and weak cases. The quotable forms
are : -^i%, -faham or -saham or -adham, -B&hS, -sihe or -sihe, -f &aa
or -f&has or -B&has; -s&hft (du.); -fahas or -B&has.

406. The compound avay^ (v'yaj make offering) a certain priest or
(BR.) a certain eacrijice is said to form the nom. and voc sing. avayaSi
and to make its middle cases from avay&B.

a. Its only quotable form is avayas, f. (RY. and AY., each once).
If the stem is a derivative from ava+Vyaj conciliate^ avayaa is very
probably ftom ava-h>/y&, which has the same meaning. But sadhamaa
(RY., once) and pu]x>das (RY. twice) show a similar apparent substitution
in nom. sing, of the case-ending 8 after long ft for a final root-consonant
(d and 9 respectively). Compare also the alleged gvetavfis (above, 403).

407. Compounds with afio or ao. The root ao or afio
makes, in combination with prepositions and other words, a consid-
erable class of familiarly used adjectives, of quite irregular formation
and inflection, in some of which it almost loses its character of root,
and becomes an ending of derivation.

a. A part of these adjectives have only two stem-forms : a strong
in afio (yielding afi, from afiks, in nom. sing, masc), and a weak in
ao; others distinguish from the middle in ao a weakest stem in o,
before which the a is contracted with a preceding i or u into 1 or a.

b. The feminine is made by adding i to the stem-form used in
the weakest cases, and is accented like them.

408. As examples of inflection we may take praiio forward^ east,
praty^c opposite, west, vffvafic going apart.

Singular :

N. Y. praa prak

praty&a praty&k

vffvafi v{fvak

A. praficam prak

praty&fioam praty&k

vfBvaftoam vju|vak

I. pracft

praticei

vffucft

D. prace

pratic6

vifuoe

Ab. G. pracas

pratic&B

vffucaa

L. praoi

praticf

vlfuci

Dual:

N.A.Y. praflcftu praci

praty&ficSu pratloX

vlfvaflcftu vi^aoi

I. D. Ab. pragbhyam

pratydgbhy&m

vifvagbhyftm

G. L. praooB

pratlo6B

vifUCOB

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

153 Declension V., Consonantal Stems. [ — 412

Plural:
N. y. prafioas praftd praty&ficas pra1y&&ol vi^vafioas vlfvafiei
A. pracas prafici pral^o&s praty&iioi vlfuoAs vifvafici

L pragbhis pratydgbMs vl^vagbhis

D. Ab. pragbhyas praty&gbhyaB vf^vagbhyas

0. praoam pratioam vffuofim

L. prakfu praty&kfu vlfvalmu

a» The feminine stems are praei* pratici, v{fuoi» respectively.

b« No example of the middle fonns excepting the nom. etc. Bing.
neat, (and this generally nsed as adverb) is found either In RY. or AY.
In the same texts is lacking the nom.' etc. pi. nent. in fioi; but of this a
number of examples occur In the Brahmanas: thos, pr&oiy praty&iioiy
arvSlioi, Bamyi&oiy sadhryafiLoiy anvancL

409. a. Like prafiio are inflected &pft£io» ivfi&o, p&rftSio, arv^c»
adhartfiOy and others of rare occurrence.

b. Like praty&fio are inflected nykfio (i. e. nfafio), samyiiio
(sam+afio, with irregularly inserted i), and udaiio (weakest stem
udic: ud+a£io, with i inserted in weakest cases only), with a few
other rare stems.

o. Like vffvafto is inflected anv&fio, also three or four others of
which only isolated forms ocoar.

d. Still more irregular is tiry&iio, of which the weakest stem is
tir&90 (tir&8-|-ao: the other stems are made from tir-{-afio or ao,
with the inserted i).

410. The accentuation of these words is irregular, as regards both
the stems themselyes and their inflected forms. Sometimes the one element
has the tone and sometimes the other, without any apparent reason for the
difference. If the compound Is accented on the final syllable, the accent
is shifted in BY. to the ending in the weakest cases provided their stem
shows the contraction to i or u: thus, pracS, arvacS, adhar^cas, but
pratIoa» anuc&8» samloi. Bat AY. and later texts usually keep the
accent upon the stem: thus, pratioiy samloi, anAoI (RY. has praliclm
once). The shift of accent to the endings, and even in polysyllabic stems,
is against all usual analogy.

B. Derivative stems in as, is, us.

411. The stems of this division are prevailingly neuter;
but there are also a few masculines, and one or two
feminines.

412. The stems in ^TFT as are quite numerous, and
mostly made with the suffix ^RT as (a small number also

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

412-1

Nouns and Adjectives.

154

with cTH tas and ^n nas, and some are obscure); the others
are few, and almost all made with the suffixes ^is and
3H us.

418. Their inflection is almost entirely regular. But
masculine and feminine stems in ^snT as lengthen the rowel
of the ending in nom. sing. ; and the nom.-acc.-voc. pi. neut.
make the same prolongation (of 35[ a or ^ i or 3 u) before
the inserted nasal (anusv&ra).

414. Examples of declension. As examples we
may take iR^m&nas n. mtW; 1SY^;[R dfigiras m. Anffiras;
«^ic(H havis n. oblation, .

Singolat:
m&naa

■mikiiAg

m&nasft

^^
m&nase

m&nasas

m&nasi

m&nas
Dual:

V. JR#
m&nasi

AD. HHli^mn^

m&nobhyftm
minasoB

havis
havis
havi^A
hav{fe
havifas
. havif i
havfs

havfrbhyfim

N.
A.

&ngira8
Aaglrasam

1.
D.

Aagirasfi
iagirase

Ab. (

iagtrasas

L.
V.

Aflgirasi
iagiras

N. A.
I. D.

&figira8&a
&agirobhy&m

U. L.

AaglrasoB

havf^os

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

155 Declbnsion v., Stems in as, JLb, ub. [—416

Plural :

m&iiobliis

m&nobhyas

m&nastan

havifu}!

havirbhia

havirbhyas

I.
D.

&flgirasas

ifigirobhlB

ifigirobhyaa

L.

tegirasfim
4iigira^BU

In like manner, ^TlH^oik^us n. eye forms ^^7T cdk^u^S,
tI^^H H odlL^urbhy&m, tl^rtfJ) c&lL^H&^i, and so on.

415. Yedloetc. Irregularities, a. In the older language, the
endings -asam (ace. sing.) and -asas (generally nom.-acc. pi.; once or
twice gen.-abl. sing.) of stems in as are not infrequently contracted to -fim,
-fts — e. g. ftQ&n, vedham; suridhfts* inSgfis — and out of sach forms
grow, hoth earlier and later; subetitate-stems in S, as ft^a, jara» medha*
So from other forms grow stems in a and in asa, which exchange more Or
less with those in as through the whole history of the language.

b. More scattering irregularities may be mentioned, as follows: 1. The
usual masc. and fern. dn. ending In fi instead of ftu; — 2. u^&s f. dawn
often prolongs its a in the other strong cases, as in the nom. sing.: thus,
nfisa^n, Uf&S, n^tsaB (and once iu a weak case, nf^Uuui); and in its
instr. pi. occurs once (RY.) u^&dbhis instead of u^dbhis; — 3. froin
t09&s is once (BY.) found a similar dual, t09&S; — 4. from sv&vas
and sv&tavas occiir in RY. a nom. sing. masc. in vftn, as if from a steiti
in vant -, and in the Brahmanas it found the dat.-abl. pi. of like formation
BV&tavadbhsras.

e* The stems in is and uS also show transitions to stems in i and
a, and in i^ and Ufa. From Janus is once (RY.) made the nom. sing.
JanAs, after the manner of an as-stem (cf. also Janurvasas 9^.).

416. The grammarians regard ugiuiaa m. as regular stem-form of the
proper name noticed above (855 a), but give it the irregular nom. UQdnft
and the voc. U9anas or u^anft or u^anan. Forms f^om the as-stem,
even nom., are sometimes met with in the later literature.

a* As to forms from as-stems to &han or &har and tldhan or tldhar,
see below, 430.

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417—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 156

Adjectives,

417. a. A few neuter nouns in as with accent on the radical
syllable have corresponding adjectives or appellatives in &8, with
accent on the ending: thus, for example, ipas toorky ap&s (utive;
t&ras quickness^ tar&s quick; jkf^aa glory , ya^&s glorious. A few
other similar adjectives — as tav&s mighty^ vedh&s pious — are without
corresponding nouns.

b. Original acyectives in is do not occur (as to alleged desider-
ative adjectives in is, see 382 d}. But in us are found as many ad-
jectives as nouns (about ten of each class); and in several instances
adjective and noun stand side by side, without difference of accent
such as appears in the stems in as: e. g. t&pus Jieat&ndhot; v&puB
wonder and ujonderful,

418. Adjective compounds having nouns of this division as final
member are very common: thus, BvanknBB favorably minded; dirgh-
iyuB long-lived; 9iikr&900i8 having brilliant hrightneae. The stem-
form is the same for all genders, and each gender is inflected in the
usual manner, the stems in as making their nom. sing. maso. and
fem. in lUi (like Afigiras, above). Thus, from sum&nas, the nom.
and accus. are as foUows:

Singular. DnaL Plural,

m, \^ Oa 111, Xa m in* x* n*

N. Buxn&nfis -nasV i , - x ...

. > Bnm&nasftn -nasi sumanasas -nfiAsi

A. sum&nasam -nas /

and the other cases (save the vocative) are alike in all genders.

a. In Yeda and Brahmana, the neut nom. sing, is In a considerable
number of instances made in Ss, like the other genders.

b. From dirghayiiB, in like manner:

N. direliaviiB \ ^ .

A. dlrghSyufam .y«/ "M'8l«y«9S'» -y«9i dlrghayu^as .yOA,!

L dlrgliayiu|& dirgliayiirbhy&m dirghiyurbhia

etc. etc. etc.

419. The stem aneh&s unrivalled (defined as meaning time in the
later language) forms the nom. sing. masc. and fem. aneha.

C. Derivative stems in an.

420. The stems of this division are those made by the
three suffixes ^F\ an, XH man, and cR van, together with
a few of more questionable etymology which are inflected
like them. They are almost exclusively masculine and
neuter.

421. The stem has a triple form. In the strong cases

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

157 Declension Y., Stems in an. [—424

of the masculine, the rowel of the ending is prolonged to
35CT S; in the weakest cases it is in general struck out
altogether; in the middle cases, or before a case-ending \
b^inning with a consonant, the final ^ n is dropped. The '
^ n is also lost in the nom. sing, of both genders (leaTing
^ S as final in the masculine, ^ a, ia the neuter].

a. The peculiar cases of the neuter follow the usual
analogy (811 bj : the nom.-acc.-yoc. pi. have the lengthening
to fSTT S, as strong cases; the nom.-acc-voc. du., as weakest
cases, have the loss of 51 a — but this only optionally, not

snq\:

aSman n. name.

Singular :

Thus:

N.

fttma

nama

A.

^IslHH
rt^Snam

atmanam

RP7
n^ma

I.

D.

atm&na
Btmkae

'TOT
namnft

nimne

/

b. In the loo. sing., also, the a may be either rejected or retained
(compare the corresponding usage with r-stems: 373). And after the
m or V of man or van, when these are preceded by another con-
sonant, the a is always retained, to avoid a too great aocnmnlation
of consonants.

422. The vocative sing, is in masculines the pure stem;
in neuters, either this or like the nominative. The rest of
the inflection requires no description.

428. As to accent, it needs only to be remarked that when, in
the weakest cases, an aonte & of the snffix is lost, the tone is thrown
forward upon the ending.

424. Examples of declension. As such may be
taken JW^ rSjan m. kinff] *(lrHH StmAn m. soul, self;

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

424—]

v. Nouns and Adjbctivbs.

158

Ab. G.

L.

N. A. V.

I. D. Ab.

G. L.

N.

A.

D. Ab.

G.

ri^lias

^. Train

rajfti* rajaxa

rajan

Dual:

r^ftnftu
r^abhy&m

MlrMHVI^

xubnnX, nimam

nimabbySm

nibxinoB

namfini

namabhia

nybnabhyas

*4lrHpi
atman

fttm&ifta
Stm&bhyftm

r^jfioB
Plural:

Stxn&nos

rc^&nas

fttmanas

rajfias

7raft\

r^abhls
rajabhyas

fttmAnaa
Stm&bhia
&tm&bhya8 •

raj&ftm
r^jasu

fttm&nftm
atm&8u

o
namasu

L.

a. The weakest cases of murdh&n m. heady would be accented
mtlrdhna, murdhn^, murdlm6B» mnrdhn&s (ace. pi.), mOrdhn&xi*
etc.; and so in all similar cases (loc. sing., murdhni or mtirdh&ni).

425. Yedio Irregularities, a. Here, as elsewhwe, the ending of
the nom.-aoo.-YOc. du. maso. Is usually ft instead of Su.

b. The briefer form (with ejected a) of the loc. sing,, and of the neut.
nom.-aoc.-TOc. du., is quite unusual In the older language. RY. writes
onoe ^atadivni, but it is to be read QatadJvani; and similar cases occur
in AV. (but also several times -mni). In the Brahmanas, too, such forms
as dhftmanl and afimanl are very much more common than such as ahni
and lomnL

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

159 Declension Y.) Stems in «n. [—428

o. But throughout both Veda and Biahmana, an abbieriated fonn of
the loc 0ing., with the ending i omitted, oi identical with the stem, ia of
eonaiderahly more frequent oocorrence than the regolai form: thns, mttr-
dh&n* k&nnan, Mhvan, beside mOsrdh&ni eto. The n hai all the
usual combinationg of a final n: e. g. mOrdhazin asya, murdhant sa,
xnurdliafLB tvS.

d> In the nom.-acc. pi. neut, also, an abbreyiated form is common,
ending in ft or (twice as often) a, instead of ftni: thus, br^khxna and
br&hmft, beside br&hmftijl : compare the similar series of endings from
a-Btems, 329 o.

e. From a few stems in man is made an abbreviated instr. sing., with
loss of m as well as of a: thus, mahina, prathina, varii^a. dan^
pre:i^ bhOnci, for maMTimit etc. And drSghmi and ra^ma (RV.,
each once) are perhaps for drftghmAnft, ra9m&iift.

f* Other of the weakest cases than the loc. sing, are sometimes fonnd
with the a of the snfftx retained : thus, for example, bhtbnanfty dimane,
yamanasy tOc^&i^aB (accns. pi.), etc. In the inflnitlTe datives (870 d)
— trima^e^ vidm&ne, dftv^ne, eto. — the a always remains. About as
numerous are the instances in which the a, omitted in the written form
of the text, is, as the metre shows, to be restored in reading.

g. The Yoc. sing, in vas, which is the usual Tedic form f^om stems
in vant (below, 454 b) is found also from a few in van, perhaps by a
transfer to the vant-declension: thus, ^vas» evay&TraSy khidvaB(?),
prStaritvas, mfttari^aSy vibhftvas.

h* For words of which the a is not made long in the strong oases,
see the' next paragraph.

426. A few stems do not make the regular lengthening of a in
the strong cases (except the nom. sing.). Thus:

a* The names of divinities, ptif&n, aryam&n: thus, pu^i, pu^i-
igiaBi* P^figLCS etc.

b. In the Yeda, nkQ&n, bull (but also nlf igaiyam) ; yd^an maiden;
vf^an virile, bull (hut vfffii^am and vf^Si^as are also met with); tm&n,
abbreviation of fttm&n; and two or three other scattering forms: anary&-
]^am« J6manft. And in a number of additional instances, the Tedic metre
seems to demand a where ft is written.

427. The stems 9T&n m. dog and yuvan young have in the
weakest oases the contracted form ^un and ythi (with retention of
the accent); in the strong and middle cases they are regular. Thus,
9viy 9v&iam» (^im&p 9une» etc., 9v&bhyfim» ^ibhis, etc.; yuvft,
y^vftnam, yt&nft, yuvabhis, eto.

a* In dual, RY. has once ylinft for yuvanft.

428. The stem magh&van generous (later, almost exclasively a
name of Indra) is contracted in the weakest cases to magli6n : thus,
magh&vft, maghivftnam* magh6nft, maglibne, etc.

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

428^] V. Nouns and Adjbotivbs. 160

a. The RY. has once the weak form magbbnas in nom* pL

b. ParaUel with this is found the stem magh&vant (diyision E);
and from the latter alone in the older language are made the middle cases:
thus, maghavadbhis, maghavatsiu eto. (not maghavabhis etc.).

429. a. Stems in a, ma, va, parallel with those in an, man, van,
and donhtless in many cases derived from them through transitional forms,
are flreqnent in hoth the earlier and the later language, particularly as final
members of compounds.

b. A number of an-stems are more or less defective, making a
part of their forms from other stems. Thus:

430. a. The stem &han n. day is in the later language used
only in the strong and weakest cases, the middle (with the nom.
sing., which usually follows their analogy] coming from &har or khas:
namely, &har nom.-acc sing., ihobhyftniy &hobhiB» etc. (PB. has
aharbhis); but &hiift etc., &lmi or ^ihani (or ^haii), 4lml or iJiani.
&h&ni (and, in V., iha).

b. In the oldest language, the middle cases ibabbis, dbabhyas*
ihasu also occur.

0. In composition, only ahar or ahas is used as preceding member;
as final member, ahar, ahas, ahan* or the derivatiyes aha, ahna.

d. The stem lidhan u. udder exchanges in like manner, in the old
language, with tidhar and tidhas, but has become later an as-stem only
(except in the fern, tidhni of adjectiye compounds): thus, Adhar or Adhas,
tidlinaB, tidhan or Adbani, ddbabhis, AdhahBii. As derivatiyes firom
it are made bot^ Qdhanyii and adhasya.

431. The neuter stems akf&n eye, astb&n bone, dadhdn curds,
sakth&n thtgh, form in the later language only the weakest cases,
akfi^a, asthnd, dadhn&s, sakthnl or sakth&ni, and so on; the rest
of the infection is made from stems in i, &ki^ etc.: see above,
3431.

a. In the older language, other cases firom the an-stems occur: thus,
akfa^i, akf&bhis, and ak^asu; astbani, astb&bjtils, and astb&bbyas;
aakthani.

432. The neuter stems as&n blood, yak&n liver, ^ak&n ordure,
fts&n mouth, nd&n water, dof&n fore-arm, yuf &n broth, are required
to make their nom.-acc-voc. in all numbers from the parallel stems
&8rj> y&k^» q&kftt asya, udaka (in older language udak&), dos,
yufi, which are fully inflected.

a. Earlier occurs also the dual dof&i^I.

433. The stem p&ntban m. road is reckoned in the later language
as making the complete set of strong cases, ynth the irregularity that
the n(wi.-voc. sing, adds a a. The corresponding middle cases are
made from patbf, and the weakest from patb. Thus:

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

161 Declension Y., Derivative Stems in an. [—438

from p&ntlian — p&nthi8» p&nthSnam ; p&nth&nftu ; p&nthftnas ;

from pathf — pathfbhyftm; pathfbhis, pathfbhyas, pathifu;

from path — pathi, path6» path&a, path!; pathbs; path&s or
p&thas (accoB.)) pathfbx.

a. In the oldest langnage (RT.), however^ the strong stem is only
p&nthfi: thns, p&nthfts, nom. sing.; p&nth&m, ace. sing.; p&nthSs,
nom. pi.; and eren in AY., p&nthftnam and p&nth&nas are rare com-
pared ^ith the others. From pathf occnr also the nom. pi. path&yas and
gen. pi. pathinifan. RY. has once p&th&s, ace. pi., with long a.

434. The stems in4iithan m. sOrring-aiick, and fblmkf&n m., an
epithet of Indra, axe given by the grammarians the same inflection with
p&nthan ; bnt only a few cases have been found in use. In Y. occnr from
the former the ace. sing, mj^nthftm, and gen. pi. mathinam (like the
corresponding cases from p&nthan); from the latter, the nom. sing, fbhn-
kffb and voc. pL fbhuk^ftB, like the corresponding Yedic forms of p&nthan ;
bat also the ace. sing, fbliiik^&j^am and nom. pi. ybhTi'k^\iaB, which
are after qnite another model.

Adjeotives.

485. Original adjective stems in an are almost exclusively those
made with the suffix van, as y&jvan sacrificing^ sutvan pressing the
somoj jitvan conquering. The stem is maso. and neut only (but
sporadic cases of its use as fern, occur in BV.); the corresponding
fern, stem is made in varl: thus, y^vari, Jftvari.

486. Adjective compounds having a noun in an as final mem-
ber are inflected after the model of noun-stems; and the masculine
forms are sometimes used also as feminine; but usually a special
feminine is made by adding i to the weakest form of the masculine
stem: thus, sb&ariyiiiy kHalodhni, 6kaniurdlml» dtin^amnl.

437. But (as was pointed out above : 420 a) noans in an occarring
as final members of compounds often substitute a stem in a for that in
an: thus, -riUa, -janxna* -adhva, -alia; their feminine is in a. Occa-
sional exchanges of stems in van and in vant also occur: thus, viv&Bvan
and viv&Bvant.

a. The remaining divisions of the consonantal declension are
made up of adjective stems only.

D. Derivative stems (adjective) in in.

488. The stems of this division are those formed with
the suffixes ^ in, ftp! min, and i^f^vin. They are mas-

Whitn«y, Grammar. S. ed. 11

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

4a6— ]

V. Nouns and Adjectivbb.

162

culine and neuter only; the cotresponding feminme is made
by adding ^ I.

a. The stems in in are very numerous, since almost any noon
in a in the language may form a possessive derivative adjective with
this suffix : thus, b&la strength, balin m. n. balini f. possessing strength,
strong. Stems in vin (1232), however, are very few, and those in
min (1281) still fewer.

430. Their inflection is quite regular, except that they

lose their final ^ n in the middle cases (before an initial

consonant of the ending), and also in the nom. sing., where

the masculine lengthens the ^ i by way of compensation.

The voc. sing, is in the masculine the bare stem; in the

neuter, either this or like the nominative.

a. In all these respects, it will be noticed, the in-declension
agrees with the an-declension ; but it differs from the latter in never
losing the vowel of the ending.

440. Example of inflection. As such may betaken

slidH balin strong. Thus:

Singular.

Dual.

Plural.

N.

A.

Ab.

G.

ball bali

balinam bali

balinft

baline

I balinas

balfni : ,;
b&lin b&lin, b&li

balln&u balini

balibhy&m

balinoe
b&lin&u b&lini

balinas balini

SI%pRJ^
balibbis

balibhyas

balin&m

srfew

balii^u
b&linas b&lini

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

163 Dbolembion Y., Debiyativb Stems in in. [ 441

ft. The derived feminine Btem in im is inflected, of course, like
any other feminine in derivative i (364).

441. a. There are no irreg^rities in the inflection of in-stems,
in either the earlier language or the later — except the usual Yedic
dual ending in a instead of ftu.

b« Stems in in exchange with stems in i throughout the whole his-
tory of the langaage, those of the one class heing developed out of those
of the other often through transitional forms. In a much smaller number
of eases, stems in in are expanded to stems in ina: e. g. 9&kin& (RV.),
^n^rni^a (B.), barhi]^ blu^ina.

B. DerlTatiTe stemB (adjeotiye) in ant (or at).

442. These stems fall into two sub-divisions: 1. those
made by the suffix 5ItT ant (or WJ at), being, with a very
few exceptions, active participles, present and future;
2. those made by the possessive suffixes i^rT mant and
^tT vant (or JpT mat and clrT vat). They are masculine and
neuter only; the corresponding feminine is made by ad-
ding ^ I.

1. Participles in ant or at.

448. The stem has in general a double form, a stronger
and a weaker, ending respectively in 5lrT ant and 5lrT at.
The former is taken in the strong cases of the masculine,
with, as usual, the nom.-acc.-voc. pi. neuter; the latter is
taken by all the remaining cases.

a* But, in accordance with the rule for the formation of the feminine
stem (below, 448), the future participles, and the present participles of
yerhs of the tud-class or accented &-class (752), and of verbs of the ad-
dass or root-class ending in ft, are by the grammarians allowed to make
the nom.-aoo.-TOc. du. neut. fiom either the stronger or the weaker stem;
and the present participles from all other present-stems ending in a are
required to make the same from the strong stem.

444. Those verbs, however, which in the 3d pi. pres.
active lose ^ n of the usual ending % nti (660 b), lose it
also in the present participle, and have no distinction of
strong and weak stem.

11*

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

444—]

V. Nouns and Adjectives.

164

a. Snob aie the Terbs forming tbetr piesent-stem by reduplieation
without added a: namely, tbose of tbe redaplleating or ha-cUss (656) and
the Intensives (1012): thas, from yliu, present-stem juhu, participle-
stem jdhvat; intensive-stem Johu, Intensive participle-stem J6hvat.
Further, tbe participles of roots apparently containing a contracted redupli-
cation: namely, cikfat, da^at* dasat* 9a8at9 8&9oat; the aorist parti-
ciple dh^ikfat, and vSgh&t(?). Vav^dhint (RY., once), which has the n
notwithstanding its redaplioation, comes, like the desiderative participles
(1032), from a stem in a: compare v&vydh&nta, v&v^dh&sva.

b. Even these verbs are allowed by the grammarians to make the
nom.-acc.-voc. pL neat, in anti.

446. The inflection of these stems is quite regular. The
nom. sing. masc. comes to end in lER an by the regular
(160] loss of the two final consonants from the etymological
form ^T^ ants. The vocative of each gender is like the
nominative.

446. Stems accented on the final syllable throw the accent
forward upon the case-ending in the weakest cases (not in the middle
also).

a. In the dual nent. (as in the feminine stem) from such participles,
the accent is &ntl if the n is retained, ati if it is lost.

447. Examples of declension. As such may serve
H^IH bhdvant bein^y 51^ addnt eating y g^JfT juhvat scurir-

ficing.

N.

A.

D.

Ab. G.

L.

Thus:

Singular:

bh&vau bhdvat

ad4n ad&t

J^vat julivat

bh&vantam bh&vat

*^^\ ^^^

juhvatam jdhvat

bh&vata

adati

jAlivstfi

bh&vata

adat^

bh&vatas

adat&8

j^vatas

bhivaU

adat{

, , Jiihvati

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

165

Declension V., DsBiVATiyB Stems in ant. [ — 448

HSR
bh&van
Dual:

bh&vat

&dan

ddat

N.A.V. ^cr#r m^

bhivantfta bh&vanti
LD.Ab.

bh&vadbhyfim

G.L.

N. V.

D. Ab.

G.

bh&vatoB
Plural:

bh&vantas bh&vanti

bhivatas bh&vanti

bh&vadbhis

bh&vadbhyas

bh&vatfim

bh&vatsu

ad&ntfta adati
ad&dbl^ftm
adat6B

ad&ntas

ad&nti
ad&nti

adat&8

ad&dbhis
ad&dbhyas
adatam
ad&tsu

3^

juhvat

juhvatftu Juhvati
juhvadbhy&m
J^vatoB

juhvatas juhvati
jdhvataB juhvati
j^vadbhiB

juhvadbhyaa

pSHTq
ji^vatSm

juhvatBa

a. The fature participle bhavijy&nt may form in nom. etc. dual
nOHter either bhavlfy&nti or bhavifyati; tud&nt, either tud&nl^ or
tudati; yint (y'yft}* either yanti or yfttt And juhvat, in nom. etc.
plural neuter, may make also j^vanti (beside juhvati, as given in
the paradigm above).

b. Bnt these strong forms (as -well as bh&vanti, da., and its like
from present-stems in unaccented a) are quite contrary to general analogy,
and of somewhat doubtful character. No example of them is quotable,
either from the older or from the later language. The cases concerned,
indeed, would be everywhere of rare occurrence.

448* The Yedic derivations from the model as above given are few.
The dual ending &a is only one sixth as common as S. Anomalous accent
is seen in a case or two: aood&te, rathirfty&tftm, and vSgh&dbhiB (if
this is a participle). The only instance in Y. of nom. etc. pi. neut. Is
Binti, with lengthened & (compare the forms In finti, below, 461 a» 464 o);
one or two examples, in anti axe quotable from B.

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

449—] V. Nouns and Adjbotivbs. 166

449. The feminme paiticiple-stem, as already stated,
is made by adding ^ I to either the strong or the weak
stem-form of the masc.-neut. The rides as to which of the
two forms shall be taken are the same with those given
above respecting the nom. etc. dual neuter; namely:

a. Participles from tense-Btems ending in unaccented a add I to
the strong stem-form, or make tbeir feminine in antl.

b. Sao¥ are the bhtl or unaccented a-elass and the dXv or ya-class of
present-steqiB (ehap. IX.), and the desideratives and cansatlTea (chap. XIV.) :
thus, from vl>hu (stem bh&va), bh&vantl; from -^dlv (stem divya),
dXvyanti; from bubho^ and bh&v&ya (desid. and cans, of ybh^),
bubhu^antt and bh&v&yanH.

o. ExcepiionB to this rale are now and then met with, eyen from the
earliest period. Thns, BV. has j&rati, and AY. tbe desideratlTe sl^asati;
in B. occur vadati, 90oati, tn>yatl, and in S. further ti^tbati, and the
causatiTe namayati; while in the epics and later such cases (inclnding
desideratlTes and causatiyes) are more numerous (about fifty are quotable),
though still only sporadic.

d. Participles from tense-stems in accented k may add the femin-
ine-sign either to the strong or to the weak stem-form, or may make
their feminines in &nti or in ati (with accent as here noted).

e. Such are the present-stems of the tud or accented &-eUss (761 ft.),
the B-futures (932 fF.), and the denominatiyes (1063ff.): thus, £rom ytad
(stem tud&), tudanti or tudatlj ftom bhavi^yi (fut of i/bhQ), bha-
vify&ntl or bhavifyatl; from devay& (denom. of devi), devay&nti
or devayatl.

f. The forms in &nti from this class are the pieyailing ones. No
future fern, participle in atl is quotable from the older language. From
pres.-stems in k are found there ^a^ and st&cati (BV.)^ tudati and
pinvati (A.V.). From denominatiyes, devayati (BV.), dorasya^ and
9atri:iyati (AV.). In BhP. occurs dhak^yati.

g. Verbs of the ad or root-class (611 ff.) ending in & are giyen
by the grammarians the same option as regards the feminine of the present
participle: thus, from )/yft» yanti or y&^ The older language affords no
example of the former, so far as noted.

h. From other tense-stems than those already specified — that
is to say, from the remaining classes of present-stems and from the
intensives — the feminine is formed in ati (or, if the stem be other-
wise accented than on the final, in a^) only.

L Thus, adati from y^ad; juhvati firom yhu; yuiUati from Vsnd;
Bunvati from ysUy korvatl from ykf; krl^ti from yiui; d^di^atl
from d6di9 (Intens. of y^dig).

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167 Declension V., Derivatitb Stems in ant. [— 45fi

J. Feminine stems of this class are occasionally (bat tbe case is mnch
less frequent than Its opposite: aboTe, o) found witb the nasal: thus,
jiaM (A v., once), und&ntt (^B.; but probably from the secondary A-stem),
gfhi^anti[ (S.), and, in the epics and later, such forms as bruvanti,
mdan^ oinvanti, knrvanti, JftnantI, mu^nantL

450. A few words are participial in form and inflection, though
not in meaning. Thas:

a. brli&nt (often written vrh&nt) great; it is inflected like a
participle (with b^hatl and b^h^nti in du. and pi. neat.).

b. mah&nt great; inflected like a participle, but with the irreg-
ularity that the a of the ending is lengthened in the strong forms:
thas, mah^ mahantam; mahantftu (neat, mahati); mahantas,
mahinti: Instr. mahati etc.

o. pf^asit gpeckkd, and (in Veda only) rd^ant ihining.

d* j&gat mavidtley lively (in the later lang:aage, as neuter noun, world),
a redaplioated formation from Vgam go-, its nom. etc. neat. pi. is allowed
by the grammarians to be only J&ganti.

e. fb&nt small (only once, in RY., ^hat^).

f. All these form their feminine in ati only: thus, b^hatl,
mahsttlt pffati and r^^ti (contrary to the rale for participles),
jii«aa

g. For d&nt tooih^ which is perhaps of participial origin, see aboye,
396.

451, The pronominal adjectives {yant and kfyant are inflected
like adjectives in mant and vant, having (452) fyftn and kfyftn as
nom. masc. sing., {yati and kfyati as nom. etc. da. neat, and as
feminine stems, and iyanti and kiyanti as nom. etc. plar. neat

a. But the neut pT. fySnti and the loc. sing.(?) IdySti are found
in RV.

2. PoBsesslves in in«at ttnd vant*
462. The adjectives formed by these two suffixes are
inflected precisely alike, and very nearly like the participles
in 3E|tT ant. From the latter they differ only by lengthening
the SET a in the nom. sing. masc.

a. Tbe voc. sing, is in an, like that of the participle (in the
later language, namely: ior that of the oldest, see below, 464 b).
The neat. nom. etc. are in the dual only ati (or &tl}, and in the plaral
anti (or &nti).

b. The feminine is always tiade fron the weak stem: ttras mati[,
v«ti (or Bi4ti, v^tl). One or two oases of ni instead of I are met
with: thus, antisrvatnl (B. and later), pativatni (C).

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

45fiH

V. Nouns and Adjectives.

168

o. The aeoent, however, is never thrown forward (as in the
participle) npon the case-ending or the feminine ending.

468. To illustrate the inflection of such stems, it will

be sufficient to give a part of the forms of MiMHrl pa9um&nt

possessing cattle, and HIRH bhdgavant fortunate, blessed.

Thus:

N.

N.A.V.

N. V.

I.

Singulai:

m. n.

nu n.

pa^uman pa^um&t

bh&gavSn bh&gavat

MJJIMtW^ M^Hrt^

bh&gavantam bh&gavat

ci^Rrn

jPTSTrn

pa9um4ta

bh&gavatft

etc.

etc.

p&^mnan p&^omat

bh&gavan bhi«avat

Dual:

q«H^ MSMMffl

m^m ^vmi

pa^um&nt&u pa9um&ti

bh&gavantftu bh^vati

etc.

etc.

Ploial:

bh&gavantas bhi«avanti

MSMHrlH^ MiMHirl

pa^um&tas pa^um&nti

bh&gavatas bh&gavanti

pa^um&dbhlB

bh&gavadbhlB

etc.

etc.

464* Ye die Irregularities, a* In dual masc, nom. etc., ft (for
an) is the greatly prerailiug ending.

b. In TOO. sing, masc, the ending in the oldest language (BY.) is
almost always in as instead of an (as in the perfect participle: helow,
462 a) : thus, adrivas, harivas^ bh&nomas, havif mas* Such TooatlTes
in RY. occur more than a hundred times, while not a single unquestlonahle
instance of one in an is to he founds In the other Yedic texts, Tocatiyes
in as are extremely rare (hut bhagravas and its contraction bhagOB are
met with, even in the later language); and in their production of BY.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

169 Declension V., DBRivATiyB Stems in ant. [—458

passages the as is umally changed to an. It was pointed out aboTO (425 g)
that the RY. makes the toc. in as also apparently from a few an-stems.

o. In RY., the nom. etc. pi. neat., in the only two instances that
occur, ends in ftnti instead of anti: thus, gh^vftnti» pa^umanti.
No such forms hare been noted elsewhere in the older language: the SY.
reads anti in its version of the corresponding passages, and a few exam-
ples of the same ending are quotable from the Brahmanas: thus, tftvanti,
etavanti, ytvanti, gh|t&Tanti, pravanti, ftumanti, srugmantL Com-
pare 448, 451.

d* In a few (eight or ten) more or less doubtfal cases, a confusion
of strong and weak forms of stem is made; they are too purely sporadic to
require reporting. The same is true of a case or two where a masculine
form appears to be used with a feminine noun.

465. The stem irvant running^ steed, has the nom. sing, arvft,
from &rvan; and in the older language also the voc. arvan and accus.
Anrfti^ain.

466. Besides the participle bh&vant, there is another stem bh&-
vant, frequently used in respectful address as subititute for the
pronoun of the second person (but construed, of course, with a verb
in the third person), which is formed with the suffix vant, and so
declined, having in the nom. sing, bh&v&n; and the contracted form
bhos of its old-style vocative bhavas is a common exclamation of
address: yoti, sir! Its origin has been variously explained; but it is
doubtless a contraction of bh&gavant.

457. The pronominal adjectives tivant» etivant* yavant, and the
Yedic ivant, movant, tvavant, etc, are inflected like ordinary derivatiTes
from nouns.

F. Perfect Partioiples in vftfiB.

468. The active participles of the perfect tense-system

are quite peculiar as regards the modifications of their stem.

In the strong cases, including the nom.-acc.-voc. pi. neut.,

the form of their suffix is cffn vftfts, which becomes, by

regular process (150), vSn in the nom. sing., and which is

shortened to ^ van in the voc. sing. In the weakest

cases, the suffix is contracted into 3^ uf. In the middle

cases, including the nom.-acc.-voc. neut. sing., it is changed

to oRT vat.

a. A union-vowel i, if present in the strong and middle cases,
disappears in the weakest, before u^.

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

459—]

V. Nouns and Adjegtivbs.

170

459. The forms as thus described are masculine and
neuter only; the corresponding feminine is made by adding
^ i to the weakest form of stem, ending thus in 3^ u^I.

460. The accent is always upon the suffix, whatever be its form.

461. Examples of inflection. To show the inflection
of these participles, we may take the stems lifStR TidvS^
knomng (which has irregular loss of the usual reduplication
and of the perfect meaning] from vl^J vid, and clfFSi^f^
tasthiv&fLB having stood from y^SIT sthft.

Singular :

A.

D.

Ab. G.

L.

V.

vidvan vidv&t

vidv^cu&sam vidv&t

vidufA

vldi&fe

vid&^as

vldd^i
vidvan vfdvat

Dual:

N. A. V. t^StSt f^J^

vidva&s&u vidufi
I. D. Ab. iM^dllH^

vldv&dbhyfim

a. L. i^iNlH^

viduij^B

tasthivin tasthiv&t

tasthiv^sam tasthlv&t

tastho^a

taBtltAf*

HWJMH
tasthu^as

tasth^

t&BthlTan t&athivat

tasthivaAsftu tasthu^
tasthiv&dbhyftia
tasthd^oB

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171

Deglbnsion v., Participles in vftAs.

[— 46S

N. V.

Plural:

vidva^sas

vidui^

Ab. G.

vidviABi tasthivi&saa tctsthiva&si
vidv^si tasthui^ tasthiva&si

tasthlv&dbhis
taBthiv&dbhyaB
tasthi&fftm

tasthiT&tBu

vidv&dbhis

vidv&dbhyas

vidu^fim
L. tqsr^j

vidv&tsu

a. The feminine stems of these two participles are ic<^Ml
vido^ and H^mI tasthiifl.

o

b. Other examples of the different stems are:
from ykf — cak^dAs, oak^r^t, oakruf, oakrufi;
from v^nl — ninlv^s, niniv&t, ninydf, ninyu^i;

from ybhn — babbUva&s, babh^v&t» babh^vuf, babhuvufi;
from ytajx — tenivdAs, teniv&t, tenu^; tenu^i.

462. eu Ib the oldest language (RV.)} the TocatiTe 8|ng. masc. (like
that of vant and mant-atems: above, 454 b) has the ending vas instead
of van: thus, oikitvas (changed to -van in a parallel passage of AY.),
titirvae, cfidivae, miijilivas.

b. Fonns from the middle stem, in vat, are extremely rare earlier:
only three (tatanv&t and vav^4t, neut. sing., and jagpr&dbhis, instr.
pi.), are found in RV., and not one in AY. And in the Yeda the weakest
stem (not, as later, the middle one) is made the basis of comparison and
derivation: thus, vidi^fara, Adft^u^fara, mltpiu^t^ma, mlcjihu^mant.

c. An example or two of the use of the weak stem- form for cases
regularly made from the strong are found in RY.: they are oakrui|fam,
aco. sing., and Abibhyn^as, nom. pi.; emu^fdm, by its accent (unless an
error), is rather f^om a derivatlye stem emu9&; and QB. has profufam.
Similar instances, especially from vidva&s, are now and then met with
later (see BR., under vidvaAs).

d. The AY. has once bhaktiva^sas, as if a participial form from a
noun; but K. and TB. give in the corresponding passage bhaktiv^nas;
oakhvi£&8«m (RY., once) is of doubtful character; okivinsA (RY., once)
shows a reversion to guttural form of the final of ^uc, elsewhere unknown.

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403—]

V. Nouns and Adjeotives.

172

G. Comparatives in yUs or yas.

468. The comparatiye adjectives of primary formation
(below, 467] have a double form of stem for masouUne and
neuter: a stronger, ending in ITfH ySiis (usually ^EflH lySfts),
in the strong oases, and a weaker, in JJ^ yas (or ^QH lyas),
in the weak cases (there being no distinction of middle and
weakest). The voc. sing. masc. ends in IR yan (but for
the older language see below, 466 a).

a. The feminine is made by adding ^ i to the weak
masc.-neut. stem.

464. As models of inflection, it will be sufficient to
give a part of the forms of ^mPFT 9riyaB better j and of
JI^[tira gdrlyas heavier. Thus:

Singular :

N.

N.A.V.

N. v.

A.

9r6yan
9r6yS&Bam

9r6ya8&

9r6yaB
9r6yaB

etc.

9r6yaB

9r6ya8i

etc.

9r^yan
Da&l:

9r6yft&8&a

etc.
Plural:

9r6yft&8a8 9r6y&&Bi

9r6yaBa8 9r6yaii8i

9r6yoblii8

etc.

g&riyftn g&riyas

g&riyftfLBam g&rlyas

g&rlyasft

etc.

g&i^an ginyas

JlftafHt
g&riyftftsfta

etc.

J|(ltlH)
girlyasi

etc.

g&riyfiAsas g&riya&si
g&riyasas g&i^ft&Bi

Jif)ntf5ra^

g&rlyobliis
etc.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

173 Comparison op Adjectives. [—467

a. The feminine steins of these adjectives are *i<4«l
9r6ya8l and i|(iutfl g&rlyasl.

465. a« The Vedio yoc. iuasc. (as in the two preceding divisions:
464 b» 462 a) is in yas instead of yan : thus, ojIya8» jy&yas (RV . : no
examples elsewhere have been noted).

b. No example of a middle case oconrs in RV. or AV.

o. In the later language are found a very few apparent examples of
strong cases made from the weaker stem-form: thus, kaniyasam and
yaviyasain ace. masc, kaniyasftu dn., yavlyasas nom. pi.

Comparison.

466. Derivative adjective steins having a comparative
and superlative meaning — or often also (and more origin-
ally] a merely intensive value — are made either directly
firom roots (by primary derivation), or from other derivative
or compound stems (by secondary derivation).

a. The subject of comparison belongs more properly to the chapter of
derivation; but it stands in such near relation to inflection that It is, in
aocordanee with the usual custom in grammaifl, conyeniently and suitably
enough treated briefly here.

467. The suffixes of primary derivation are ^OTT lyas

(or ^irtH SyfiAs) for the comparative and ^ iftha for the

superlative. The root before them is accented, and usually

strengthened by gunating, if capable of it — or, in some

cases, by nasalization or prolongation. They are much more

frequently and freely used in the oldest language than

later; in the classical Sanskrit, only a limited number of

such comparatives and superlatives are accepted in use; and

these attach themselves in meaning for the most part to

other adjectives from the same root, which seem to be

their corresponding positives; but in part also they are

artificially connected with other words, unrelated with them

in derivation.

a. Thus, firom ylcfip hurl come Iqi^Iyas and kf^iffha, which
belong in meaning to k^iprd quick; from yv^ encompass come v&n-
yas and v&riftba, which belong to urn broad; while, for example.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

467—] V. Nouns and Adjeotivbs. 174

k&niyas and k&niftba are attached by the grammariang to yuvan
younffj or &lpa small; and v&rfXyas and v&rfi^fha to v^dhi old,

468. From Veda and Brahmana together, considerably more than
a hundred instances of this primary formation in iyas and iffha (in
many cases only one of the pair actually occurring) are to be quoted.

a. About half of these (in RV., the decided majority) belong, in
meaning as in form, to the bare root in Its a^ective value, as used espe-
cially at the end of compoands, but sometimes also independently: thus,
from /tap bum comes t&pi^fha excessively burning ; from ]/yaJ offer come
y^iyas and yAjiffha better and best (or very well) sacrijtcing -^ firom )/yadh
Jight comes jddhSjaa Jighting better \ — in a few instances, the simple
root Is also found used as corresponding posltiTo: thus, jll hasty, rapid
with j&vayas and j&vifffha.

b. In a little class of instances (eight), the root has a preposition
prefixed, which then takes the accent: thus, ^ami^tha especially coming
hither; vfoayiftha best clearing away, — in a couple of cases (i^rami-
f^a, Apcurftvapi^^a, Astheyas), the negative particle is prefixed; —
in a single word (^^mbhavi^fba), an element of another kind.

c. The words of this formation sometimes take an aocusatlTe object
(see 271 e).

d. But even in the oldest language appears not infrequently the
same attachment in meaning to a derivative adjective which (as point-
ed out above) is usual in the later speech.

e« Besides the examples that occur also later, others are met with like
v&riftba choicest (v&ra choice), b&rhiftha greatest (b^h&nt great),
ofii^fha quickest (69am quickly), and so on. Probably by analogy vrith
these, like formations are in a few eases made from the apparently radical
syllables of words which have no otherwise traceable root in the language :
thus, kradhlyas and kradhi^fha (K.) from ]q*dli4, Bth4viyaB and
Bth&viffha from BthQr&, 9&9iya8 (RV.) from 9&9vant» k^iyaa (AY.)
and inif^a (TS.) ftoai eayd\ and so on. And yet again, in a few excep-
tional cases, the suffixes Iyas and iffha are applied to stems which are
themselves palpably derivative: thus, ^iffha from ft^u (RY.: only ease),
tikiji^yas (AY.) from tik9]i^&, br&hmiyas and brAhmiytba (TS. etc.)
from br&hman, dh&rmiftba (TA.) from dhArman, diAijUiiBta (TA.:
instead of d&rhi^tha) from d^<Jili&» rAghiyas (TS.) from ragho. These
are beginnings, not followed up later, of the extension of the formation to
unlimited use.

f. In n&vlyas or n&vyas and nAviftha, from nAva new, and in
8&nyas from s&na old (all RY.), we have also formations unconnected
with verbal roots.

469. The stems in i^t^a are inflected like ordinary a^jeetives
in a, and make their feminineg in ft; those in Iyas have a peculiar
declension which has been described above (468 fif.).

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

175 Comparison of Adjbotivbs. [—471

470. Of peooUrities and irregalarities of formation, the follow-
ing may be noticed:

a. The suffix lyas has in a few Instanoes the briefer form yas, gener-
ally at altematiye with the other: thus, t&viyaB and t&vyas, n&viyaa
and n^vyas, v&alyas and v&syas* p&niyas and p&nyaa; and so from
rabh and sah; s&nyas occurs alone. From bhQ come bhtlyas and
bhAyi^tha, beside which BY. has also bh&viyas.

b. Of roots in ft, the final blends with the initial of the suffix to e :
thus, Bthdyas, dh^^fha, yd^fha; but such forms are in the Yeda gener-
ally to be resolved, as dh&Sftha, y&Iftha. The root jyft forms jyd^tlif^}
but Jyayas (like bhAyaa).

o. The two roots in I, prX and gri, form pr6yaB and pr^^fiia and
QT^as and ^r^^fha-

d* From the root of fji& come, without strengthening, fj^^ ^^^
^iftha; but in the older language also, more regularly, rAjiyas and

471. The suffixes of secondary derivation are cT^ ^^
and rFT tama. They are of almost unrestricted application,
being added to adjectives of every form, simple and com-
pound, ending in vowels or in consonants — and this from
the earliest period of the language until the latest. The
accent of the primitive remains (with rare exceptions) un-
changed; and that form of stem is generally taken which
appears before an initial consonant of a case-ending (weak
or middle form).

a. Examples (of older as well as later occorrence) are: from
vowel-stems, priy&tara, v&hnitama, rathitara and rathitama (RV-),
o^urntara^ pot^tama» saziiraktatara; — from consonant-Btems, Q&iii-
tama» 9&9vattama, mr<Jlay4ttama» tav&stara and tav&stama, tuvi^-
(ama, v^puft^ra, tapasvftara, yaQasvitama, bhitgavattara, hira-
ii^yava^unattama ; — from compounds, ratnadhatama» abhibhtitara,
Buk^tara» purbhittama, bhuyifthabhaktama, bhuridavattara,
^uoivratatama, atiikamatama.

b* But In t|ie Veda the final n of a stem Is regularly retained: thus,
madfntara and madintama, v^^f^ntama; and a few stems eyen add a
nasal: thus, Burabldntara, Yayintama, madhiontama. In a case or
two, the strong stem of a present participle Is taken : thus, vridhanttama,
sihanttama; and, of a perfect participle, the weakest stem: thus, vidu^-
(ara* mi4hu9tAm<^* ^ feminine final i is shortened: thus, devitamft
(BV.), t6JaBvinitam& (K.).

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471—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 176

o. In the older Ungaage, the words of thia formation are not much
more freqnent than those of the other: thus, in RV. the stems in tara
and tama are to those in lyas and iffha as three to two; in AY., only
as six to five: hut later the former win a great preponderance.

472. These comparatives and superlatives are inflected like
ordinary adjectives in a, forming their feminine in ft.

473. a. That (especially in the Veda) some stems which are
nouns rather than adjectives form derivatives of comparison is natural
enough, considering the uncertain nature of the division-line between
substantive and adjective value. Thus, we have vir&tara, vir&tama,
v&hnitama, mftt^tama* nftama, maruttama, and so on.

b. The suffixes tara and tama also make forms of comparison
from some of the pronominal roots, as ka» ya, i (see below, 680);
and from certain of the prepositions, as ud; and the adverbially used
accusative (older, neuter, -taram; later, feminine, -tar&m) of a com-
parative in tara from a preposition is employed to make a corres-
ponding comparative to the preposition itself (below, 1110); while
-tarftm and -tamftm make degrees of comparison from a few ad-
verbs: thus, nataram» natamim» kathaihtarSm, katattarftin»
addhfttamam, nicftiatar&m, etc.

c. By a wholly barbarous combination, finding no warrant in the
earlier and more genuine usages of the langnage, the suffixes of comparison
in their adTerhial feminine form, -tar&m and tamfim, are later allowed
to be added to personal forms of yerhs: thus, sidatetarSm (R. : the only
case noted in the epics) is more despondent, vyathayatitaram disturbs
more, alabhatatarSm obtained in a higher degree, haaifyatitarfim will
laugh more. No examples of this use of -tamftm are quotable.

d. The snffixes of secondary comparison are not Infrequently added
to those of primary, forming double comparatiyes and snperlatlYes : thus,
ganyastara, ^re^fhatara and Qr^fthatama, pftpiyastara* pftpiffha-
tara and -tama, bhuyastaram, etc.

6. The use of tama as ordinal suffix is noted below (487f j; with
this value, it is accented on the final, and makes its feminine in i:
thus, 9atatam& m. n., QatatamX f., hundredth,

474. From a few words, mostly prepositions, degrees of com-
parison are made by tbe briefer suffixes ra and ma: thus, 4dhara
and adliami, &para and apami, &wara and avam&, iipara and
upami, intara, &ntama, param&, madliyam&, oaramA, antima,
ftdima, pa^oima. And ma is also used to make ordinals (below, 487).

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

177

NUMBRALS.

[—476

CHAPTER VI.

NUMERALS.

476. The simple cardinal numerals for the first te9
numbers (which are the foundation of the whole class),
with their deriyatives, the tens, and with some of the higher
members of the decimal series, are as follows:

1 ^

10 ^

100

mrT

6ka

d&9a

9at&

21:

20 f^fH

1000

H^M

dvA

vl&9at{

sah&sra

3f5T

30 Hf^lf^^

10,000

*<<iH

trl

triA9&t

ayuta

'"^ii

40 t|Hir(l«rl^

100,000

5RI

cati^

oatvftriA9&t

1,000,000

lak9&

6 q^

50 M^|!tlf^

yUH

p&&ca

pa£iicft9&t

prayuta

0 ^

60 irf^

10,000,000 Sfilft

9&9

9a9t{

k6ti

7 HH

70HHiH

t08

^

8apt&

saptatf
80 5|^H?T

arbud&

8 51^

109

H^l^<.

a9ti

a^itl

mahfirbuda

0 ^

90 Roff?T

loio

m

n&va

uavati

kharvA

10 ^

100 5lrr

io»i

P<»5l4

d&^

Qat&

nikharva

a. The accent sapti and a§t& is that belonging to these words in all
accentuated texts; according to the grammarians, they are B&pta and k^\ei,
in the later language. See below, 483.

b. The series of decimal numbers may be carried still further;
but there are great differences among the different authorities with

Wliitoey, Grammar. 3. ed. 12

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

475—]

VI. NUMEKALS.

178

regard to their names; and there is more or less of discordance even
from aynta on.

o. Thus, in the TS. and MS. we find ayuta, niyuta, prayuta,
4rbuda, nykrbuda, aamudrd, m&dhya, inta, parftrdh^; K. reTerses
the order of niyuta and prayuta, and Inserts badvB after nyarbuda
(reading nycurbudha): these are probably the oldest recorded series.

d. In modem time, the only numbers in practical use aboTe thousand
are lak§a (lac or lakh) and koti (crorey^ and an Indian sum ii wont to
be pointed thus; 123,46,67,890, to signify 123 croresy 45 lakhs, 67 thou-
sandy eight hundred and ninety.

e. As to the alleged stem-forms pa&oan etc., see below, 484. At
to the form fak^ instead of ^aif, see above, 146 b. The stem dva appears
in composition and deriyation also as dvft and dvi; oatur in composition
is accented o&tur. The older form of af^a is aft^^: see below, 488.
Forms in -9at and -9ati for the tens are occasionally interchanged: e. g.
viA9at (MBh. R.), trlA^ati (AB.), pa&oft^ati (RT,).

f. The other numbers are expressed by the various composition
and syntactical combination of those given above. Thus:

476. The odd numbers between the even tens are made by
prefixing the (accented) unit to the ten to which its value is to be
added: but with various irregularities. Thus:

a* eka in 2/ becomes ekft, but is elsewhere nnchanged;

b. dva becomes everywhere dvft; but In 42-72 and in 9^ it Is
interchangeable with dvi, and in 52 dvl alone is used;

o. for tri is substituted its nom. pi. masc. tr&yas ; but tri itself Is
also allowed in 43-73 and in 93, and in 83 tri alone is used;

d. faf becomes i^ in 16 ^ and makes the initial d of da^a lingual
(199 d) ; elsewhere its final undergoes the regular conversion (226 b, 198 b)
to t or 4 or ]^; and in 96 the n of navati is assimilated to it (199 o);

e. a§ta becomes a^t^ (483) in 18-38^ and has either form in the
succeeding combinations.

f. yhus:

11 ^kftda^a

12 dvada^a

13 trayoda^a

14 c&turda^a

16 p&iicada^a
iG 964a9a

17 8apt&da9a

18 a9tada9a

19 ii&vada9a

31 6katrifL9at

32 dvatriii9at

33 tr&ya8trifL9at

34 o&tu8tri&9at

35 p4iioatrifL9at

36 9&ttrifL9at

37 8apt&triA9at

38 a9tatri&9at

39 n&vatrifL9at

61 dka^a^ti
JdvS^a^tl
^ Idvl^a^tl
^ Jtriya^L^afti
Itrffa^tl

64 o&tu^fafti

65 p&fica§ai;t^

66 f&t9^t^

67 sapt&^a^ti

g ra^tifa^ti
la^tS^a^tl
69 n&va§a§ti

81 6kft9iti

82 dvy2i9iti

83 tryli9iti

84 o&tiara9lti

85 p&ficft9iti

86 944a9iti

87 8apta9iti

88 a^^iti

89 n&va9iti

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179 Odd Numbers. [—478

g. The nomben 2i-29 are nude like those foi 31-39] the numbers
41'49y 51-69, 71-79, and 91-99 are made like those for 61-69.

h. The forms made with dTft and trayas are more usual than those
with dvl and tri, which are hardly to be quoted from the older literature
(y. and Br.). The forms made with a^t^ (instead of a^fa) are almost ex-
cluslTely used in the older literature (488), and are not Infrequent in the
Uter.

477. The above are the normal expressioiiB for the odd num-
bers. But equivalent substituteB for them are also variously made.
Thus:

a. By use of the adjectives ilna deficient and adhika redundant^ in
composition with lesser numbers which are to be subtracted or added, and
either independently qualifying or (more usually) in composition with larger
numbers which are to be increased or diminished by the others: thus,
trsrOna^aftiJI^L sixty decent by three (1. e. 57); a^tadliikanavatih
nineU/ increased by eight (1. e. 98) \ ekftdhikaih ^atam a hundred in-
creased hy one (i. e. 101) ; pafioonaih ^atam 100 less 5 (i. e. 95). For
the nines, especially, such substitutes as ekonayliigatiti W less i, or /9,
are not uncommon; and later the eka 1 is left off, and unavifiQati etc.
have the same -value.

b. A case-form of a smaller number, generally ^a one is connected
by n& not with a larger number from which it is to be deducted: thus,
6kayft n& triA94t (gs. PB. KB.) not thirty hy one (29); dv^hyftiii
ni 'gltim (QB.) not eighty hy two (78) ; pafkc&bhir n& catvari qaXiai
(QB.) not four hundred by Jive (395)] ^kasm&n n& pafioftQ&t (in ordinal)
49 (TS.); ^kasyfii (abl. fern.: 307 h) n&pa&o&^&t 49 (TS.); most often,
6kftn (t e. 6k&t, irregular abl. for 6ka8m&t) n& yifigatih 79; 6kftn nk
9at&m 99» This last form is admitted also in the later language; the
others are found in the Brahmanas.

0. Instances of multiplication by a prefixed number are occasionally
met with: thus, tri^aptA thrice seven; tri]^av& thrice nine] trida^A
thrice ten,

d. Of course, the nnmbers to be added together may be expressed by
independent words, with connecting and: thus, n&va oa navatf^ oa, or
n&va navatf^ oa ninefy and nine] dv&u ea vifi^ati^ oa two and
twenty. But the connectlTe is also (at least, in the older language) not
seldom omitted: thus, navatir n&va 99] trifL9&taiii trin 33] a9it{r
aftfiu 88.

478. The same methods are also variously used for forming the
odd numbers above 100. Thus:

a. The added number is prefixed to the other, and takes the accent:
for example, ^kftgatam 101] aff^atam 108] triiig&cchatam 130]
a^fftvi&^ti^atam 128] o&tul^fMiliaBram (RV. : unless the accent is
wrong) 1004] a^itisahasram 1080.

12*

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

478—] VI. Numerals. 180

b* Or, the namber to be added is compounded with adhika redundant,
and the compound is either made to qualify the other number or is farther
compounded with it; thus, panoadhlkarh ^atam or pa&oftdbika9ata]n
105. Of coune, tlna deficient (as also other words equivalent to una or
adhika) may be used in the same way: thus, pa&oonaih ^atam 95,
^a^ti^ paficavaijitft 55; gatam abhyadhikaxh ^a^titah 160.

o. Syntactical combinations are made at couTenience : for example d&^a
gat&ih oa 110; gat&m 6kaih oa 101.

479. Another usual method (beginning in the Brahmanas) of
forming the odd numbers above 100 is to qualify the larger number
by an adjective derived from the smaller, and identical with the
briefer ordinal (below, 488): thus, dvfidag&iii gatdm, 112 (lit'ly a
hundred of a IS-eort, or characterised by 12); oatugoatvariAgiiii gat^on
144; ^atffa^t&iii gat&m 166.

480. To multiply one namber by another, among the higher or
the lower denominations, the simplest and least ambiguous method
is to make of the multiplied number a dual or plural, qualified by
the other as any ordinary noun would be ; and this method is a com-
mon one in all ages of the language. For example: p&fioa pafioft-
9&ta8 Jive fifties {250) ; n&va navat&yas nine nineties (810) ; agitibhis
tis^bhis with three eighties [240); p&fioa gat^tni Jive hundreds; trii^
8ah&8r&]^ three thousands; (^a^fliii sahdarSni 60,000; daga ca saliaB-
Thx^ aftftu oa gatftni 10,800: and, combined with addition, trfQi
gatani tr&yastrifigataih oa 333; sahasre dve pafioonaih gatam eva
ca 2095.

a. In an exceptional case or two, the ordinal form appears to take
the place of the cardinal as multiplicand in a like combination: thus, ^f-
trifigafLg ca caturah (RV.) 36X4 (lit. four of the thirty-six kind);
trifir ek&dagan (RV.) or traya ekadagftsa^^ (59S. viii 21. 1) lixs.

b. By a peculiar and wholly illogical construction, such a combination
as trii^ ^a^tigatani, which ought to signify 480 (3x100 + 60), is repeat-
edly used in the Brahmanas to mean 360 (3x100 + 60); so also dv6
oatustrifL^^ 9at6 234 (not 268); dvftfa^t&ni triijd gat&ni 362; and
other like cases. And even B. has trayal^ ^ataQatftrdhfi^ 350.

481. But the two factors, multiplier and multiplied, are also,
and in later usage more generally, combined into a compound (accented
on the final); and this is then treated as an adjective, qualifying the
numbered noun; or else its neuter or feminine [in 1) singular is used
substantively: thus, da^a^atas lOOO; faf^at&ih pad&tibhilbt (liBh.)
with 600 foot-soldiers; tr&yastrlAgat tri9atf^ ^afBahasra^ (AV.) 6333;
dvi^at&m or dvi^ati 200; a^t&da^a^atl I8OO.

a. In the usual absence of accentuation , there arises sometimes a
question as to how a compound number shall he understood : whether aft^-
^atam, foi example, is aft^^atam Wo or a^to^at&m 800, and the like.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

181 Inflection. [ — 482

482. Inflection. The inflection of the eaidinal numerals
is in many respects irregular. Gender is distinguished only
by the first four.

a. Eka one is declined after the manner of a pronominal adjec-
tive (like s^urva, below, 624); its plural is used in the sense of some,
certain ones. Its dual does not occur.

b. Occaalonal forms of the ordinary declension are met with : thaa, 6ke
(loc. sing.), 6kat (477 b).

o. In the late literature, eka is used in the sense of a certain
or even sometimes almost of a, as an indefinite article. Thus, eko
vyftghrah (H.) a certain tiger; ekasmin dine on a certain day; haste
daigKJlam ekam adaya (H.) taking a stick in his hand.

d. Dva two is dual only, and is entirely regular: thus, N. A. V.
dv&u (dvi, Veda) nb., dv6 f n.; I. D. Ab. dvabhy&m; G. L. dv&yos.

e. Tri three is in masc. and neut. nearly regular, like an ordinary
stem in i; but the genitive is as if from tray& (only in the later
language: the regular trli^im occurs once in RV.). For the feminine
it has the peculiar stem tisf, which is inflected in general like an
r-stem ; but the nom. and accus. are alike, and show no strengthening
of the r; &Q<1 the ^ is not prolonged in the gen. (excepting in the
Veda). Thus:

N.

tr&yas trl^i

tisr&s

A.

trin trl^

tisHa

L

tribhfs

tisfbhis

D.Ah.

tribhy&s

tistbhyas

G.

trayfii^am

tisp^m

L.

tri^d

tisf^ti

t. The Veda has the ahbreviated neut. nom. and accus. tri. The
accentnation tisfblifs, tis^bhy&s, tisfi^&m, and tis^^d is said to be
also allowed in the later language. The stem tls^ occnrs in composition
In ti8fd]ianv& (B.) a bow with three arrows

g. Oatdr four has catvar (the more original form) in the strong
cases; in the fern, it substitutes the stem o&tas^, apparently akin
with tisf , and inflected like it (but with anomalous change of accent,
like that in the higher numbers: see below, 483). Thus:

m. n. f.

N. oatviras oatv^ c&tasras

A. catnras catv&ri c&tasras

L caturbhiB oatasfbhis

D. Ah. eatdrbhyas catasf bhyas

G. catun^am oatas^^i^&ii

L. oat^fu oatasf^u.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

48a—] VI. NUBIERALS. 182

h. The use of n before ftm of the gen. maac. and nent. after a final
consonant of the stem is (as in ^a^: below, 488) a striking irregnlarity.
The more regular gen. fern, oatasfnfim also sometimes occurs. In the
later language, the accentuation of the final syllable instead of the penult
is said to be allowed in instr., dat-abl., and loc.

488. The numbers from 6 to 19 have no distinction of gender,
nor anj generic character. They are inflected, somewhat irregularly,
as plurals, save in the nom.-acc, where they have no proper plural
form, but show the bare stem instead. Of i|&9 (as of catur), n&m
is the gen. ending, with mutual assimilation (198 b] of stem-final and
initial of the termination. A^^ (as accented in the older language]
has an alternative fuUer form, a^^^, which is almost exclusively used
in the older literature (V. and B.), both in inflection and in compo-
sition (but some compounds with a^fa are found as early as the AY.);
its nom.-acc. is Bj^\k (usual later: found in BY. once, and in AY.),
or a^ta (RY.), or a^fftu (most usual in RY.; also in AY., B., and
later).

a. The accent Is in many respects peculiar. In all the accented texts,
the stress of voice lies on the penult before the endings bhis, bhyas, and
so, firom the stems in a, whatever be the accent of the stem : thus, pa£i-
o&bhlB from p&fioa, nav&bhyas from n&va, da^&su from d&^a, nava-
dag&bhis from n&vada^a, ekftda^&bhyas from ^kKda^a, dv&da^&sti
from dyada9a (according to the grammarians, either the penult or the
final is accented in these forms in the later language). In the gen. pi.,
the accent is on the ending (as in that of i-^ u-, and ^sterns) : thuB, paii-
oada9&nam, eaptada^ftnam. The cases of fa^, and those made from
the stem-form a^fft, have the accent throughout upon the ending.

b. Examples of the inflection of these words are as follows:
N. A. paiica ^k\ e^^n a^t^

I. pafio&bhiB ^a^Lbhis a^t&bhis a^t^bhla

D. Ab. pafic&bhyaB 9a4bhy&s ai^tfibhy&s aft&bhyas

G. pa£ic&nam ^a^^im ai^tanftm

L. pafio&sa ^afsu a^t&su aft&su.

o. 8apt& (in the later language 84pta, as &9(a for a^t^) and n&va
and d&9a, with the compounds of d&^a (11-19'), are declined like p&fioa,
and with the same shift of accent (or with alternative shift to the endings,
as pointed out above).

484. The Hindu grammarians give to the stems for 5 and 7-/9 a
final n: thus, pafioan, eaptan, a^fan^ navan, da^an, and ekfida^an
etc. This, however, has nothing to do with the demonstrably original final
nasal of 7, 9, and 10 (compare sepiem, novem, decern; seven, nine,
ten)\ it is only owing to the fact that, starting from such a stem-form,
their inflection is made to assume a more regular aspect, the nom.-acc.
having the form of a neut. sing, in an, and the instr., dat.-abl., and loc.
that of a neut. or masc. pL in an: compare nima, n&nabl)i8» nima-

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

183 Inflection. [ — 487

bhyaSy n&nasa — the gen. alone being, rather, like that of an a-stem:
compare da^ftnSm with (ndrfti^ftm and n&nnBm or fttmiinftm. No trace
whatever of a final n is found anywhere In the language, in inflection or
derivation or composition, from any of these words (though QB, has twice
da^aihda9{n, for the osnal da^ada^fn).

486. a. The tens, vliigatf and triiiQ&t etc., with their compoundB,
are declined regularly, as feminine stems of the same endings, and in
all numbers.

b. Qiktk and Bah&ara are declined regularly, as neuter (or, rarely,
in the later language, as masculine) stems of the same final, in all
numbers.

o. The like is true of the higher numbers — which have, indeed,
no proper numeral character, but are ordinary nouns.

486. Construction. As regards their construction with the
nouns enumerated by them —

a. The words for i to 7^ are in the main used adjectively,
agreeing in case, and, if they distinguish gender, in gender also, with
the nouns: thus, da^ibhir vlrftf^ toUk ten heroes i y6 devi divy
^ftdaQa ath^ (AY.) what eleven gods of you are m heaven ; pa&o&su
Jdne^u among the five tribes) catastbhir glrbhil^ with four songs.
Barely occur such combinations as d4^a kald^&n&m (RV .) ten pitchers^
ft&nfiih 9at (R.) six seasons,

b. The numerals above 19 are construed usually as nouns, either
taking the numbered noun as a dependent genitive, or standing in
the singular in apposition with it: thus, ^ataxii dfii^ or gataih
dftsinfim a hundred slaves or a hundred of slaves] viA9atyt h&ribhih
with twenty hays; ^m^XjiAi ^ar&tsu in 60 autumns; ^attoa p^ftih
with a hundred fetters; 9at&iii sah&srain aydtaxSi nykrbudaiii Ja-
ghina gakr6 d&ssrunfim (AY.) the mighty [Indra] slew a hundred^ a
thousand, a myriad, a hundred million, of demons. Occasionally they
are pat in the plural, as if used more adjectively: thus, paficftgad-
bhlr bSJ^ftil^ with fifty arrows.

o. In the older language, the numerals for 5 and upward are
sometimes used in the nom.-acc. form (or as if indeclinably) with
other cases also: thus, p&fioa k^t^fu among the five races; eaptd
r^u^fiiii of seven hards; sahitaram f^ibhih with a thousand bards;
^at&iii purbhi^ with a hundred strongholds. Sporadic instances of a
like kind are also met with later.

487. Ordinals. Of the classes of derivative words
coming from the original or cardinal numerals, the ordin-
als are by far the most important; and the mode of their
formation may best be explained here.

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487—] VI. Numerals. 184

Some of the first ordinals are irregularly made: thus,

a. ^}^ 1 forms no ordinal; instead is used prathami (i. e. pra-
tama foremoet); &dya (from ftdi beginning) appears first in the Sutras,
and ftdima much later;

b. from dvk 2, and trf 3, come dvitlya and tftXya (secondarily,
through dvlta and abbreviated trita);

o. catdr 4, 9^9 6, and sapti 7, take the ending tha: thus,
caturthi, ^a^thi, eapt&tha; but for fourth are used also turiya and
turya^ and sapt&tha belongs to the older language only; paiioatha,
for Ji/thy is excessively rare;

d. the numerals for 5 and 7 usually, and for 8, 9, 10, add ma,
forming paSioami, Baptani&, a§tam&» navamd, da^ami;

6. for llih to 19th J the forms are ekftda^i, dvftda^i* and so
on (the same with the cardinals, except change of accent); but ekft-
da^ama etc. occasionally occur also;

f. for the tens and intervening odd numbers from 20 onward,
the ordinal has a double form — one made by adding the full (super-
lative) ending tam& to the cardinal : thus, vlA9atitam&, triA9attu]i&,
a^Ititam&t etc.; the other, shorter, in a, with abbre^tion of the
cardinal: thus, vthqik 20th; triA^d 80th; 0B,tv9xitqk dOth; pafioftgi
50th; fa^ti 60th; saptati 70th; a^iti 80th; navat& 90th; and so
likewise ekavlA9& 2l8t; oatostrUiqk 34th; a9tftoatvfirii^9& 48th;
dv&paiioft9& 62d; eka^a^^ Olst; and ekfinnavi^9& and tUiavi&9&
and ekonavlii9& 19th; — and so on. Of these two forms, the latter
and briefer is by far the more common, the other being not quotable
from the Veda, and extremely rarely from the Br&hmai;ia8. From 50th
on, the briefer form is allowed by the grammarians only to the odd
numbers, made up of tens and units; but it is sometimes met with,
even in the later language, from the simple ten.

g. Of the higher numbers, ^ati and sah&sra form 9atatai]i& and
Bahasratami; but their compounds have also the simpler form: thus,
eka^ati or eka^atatama lOlst

h. Of the ordinals, pratham& (and fidya), dvitlya, tptXya, and
turiya (with turya) form their feminine in ft; all the rest make it
in i.

488. The ordinals, as In other langnages, have other than ordinal
offices to fill; and In Sanskrit especially they are general adjectlTot to the
cardinals, with a considerable variety of meanings, as fractlonals, as signi-
fying composed of so many parte or 'eo-^nany-foldt or containing $0 many,
or (as was seen above, 479) having bo many added.

a. In a fractional sense, the grammarians direct that their accent be
shifted to the first syllable ; thus, dvltlya Ao/f ; t^tiya third part; o&tor-
tha quarter; and so on. But In accented texts only tftiya third, and
c&turtha ((B.) and turiya quarter, are fonnd so treated; for half occars

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

185 Numeral DBMVATivBfl. [—491

only ardli4 ; and oaturth^ (MS. etc.); paftoami) and so on, are accented
as in their ordinal Qge.

489. There are other numeral deriyatives: thns —

a. mnltiplicatiye adverbs, as dvls twiee^ trla thrice^ oatos four
times;

b. adrerbs with the suffixes dhft (1104) and ^ai (1106): for
example, ekadhit in one way^ ^atadhi in a hundred ways; eka9ai
one by one, 9ata948 by hundreds;

o. collectives, as dvftaya or dvay4 a pair, di^ataya or da9&t
a decade;

d. adjectives like dvika composed of two, paSioaka consisting of
five or fives;

and so on; but their treatment belongs rather to the dictionary, or
to the chapter on derivation.

CHAPTER VII.

PRONOUNS.

490. Thb pronouns differ from the great mass of nouns
and adjectives chiefly in that they come by derivation from
another and a very limited set of roots, the so-called pro-
nominal or demonstrative roots. But they have also many
and marked peculiarities of inflection — some of which,
however, find analogies in a few adjectives; and such ad-
jectives will accordingly be described at the end of this
chapter.

Personal Pronouns.

491. The pronouns of the first and second persons are
the most irregular and peculiar of all, being made up of
fragments coming from various roots and combinations of
roots. They have no distinction of gender.

Digitized by VjOOQIP

— ] Vn. Pronouns. 186

a. Their inflection in the

later language is a follows:

Singular:

Ist pen.

2d pets.

N. y^H^

^

ah&m

tvkm

A. rnxj^lTT

mitm, mft

tvim, tva

I. TOT

^TOT.

m&yh

tv&ys

D. '^'^^

g^^n^^

m&hyam* ine

tfibhyam, te

Ab. qn

^

m&t

tv&t

G. m.^

?I^^

m&ma, me

t&va, te

L. qfir

^fir

m&yi

tv&yl

Dual:

N.A.V. qi^ltjf^

a^K

fivam

yuvim

I. D. Ab. MHI^tll4^

.U«i<IUIW

avabhy&m

yuvSbhyftm

G.L. MnJ^H^

ii^^X

fiv&yos

sruv&yoB

andA.D.G. ^

^

nfiu

vftm

Plural:

N. sren^

Wl

vay&m

yOy&m

A. STFRHt^iq^

ijfuiK ^

araoUbi* nas

yo^min^ vas

I. ^TqTPW^

gsjnft^

asmtbhlB

srufmibhis

D. ym^tlM. RH^

u^H^uM. sm^

aim&bhyam»

nas 3nxi?ni&bbyam, vas

Digitized by VjOOQIC _

asin&t

srufm&t

asmikam, nas
asmasu

yii^masa

187 Pbrsonal Pkonouns. [—493

Ab.

L.

b. The briefer second fonnB for accus., dat., and gen., in all
nnmbers, are accentless; and hence they are not allowed to Btand at *
the beginning of a sentence, or elsewhere where any emphasis is laid.

e. Bat they may be qu&lifled by accented adjuncts, as adJectlTes: e. g.
te jiiyata^ of ihee when a conqueror ^ vo v^tibhya]^ for you that were
confined, nas tribhyi^ to ue three (aU Ry.>

d. The ablatlTe mat is accentless in one oi two AY. passages.

498, Forms of the older language. All the forms given
above are fonnd also in the older language; which, however, has also
others that afterward disappear from use.

a. Thus, we find a few times the lustr. sing. tv£ (only RY.: like
mani^a for mani^dyft); farther, the loc. or dat. sing. m6 (only VS.)
and tv6, and the dat. or loc. pi. a8m6 (which is by far the commonest
of these e-forms) and ytLfm6: their final e is uncombinable (or pra-
g^hya: 188 b). The YS. makas twice the ace. pi. fem. yufmas (as if
yu^m&n were too distinctively a masculine form). The datives in bhyam
are in a number of cases written, and in yet others to be read as if written,
with bhya, with loss of the final nasal; and in a rare instance or two we
have in like manner asm&a and yu^m&a in the gen. plural. The nsual
resolutions of semivowel to vowel are made, and are especially frequent in
the forms of the second person (tu&m for tv&m etc.).

b. But the duals, above all, wear a very different aspect earlier. In
Yeda and Brahmana and Sutra the nominatives are (with occasional
exceptions) ftT&m and yavim, and only the accusatives fivam and yuvim
(but in BY. the dual forms of 1st pers. chance not to occur, unless in
▼ain[?], once, for ftv&m) ; Ae instr. in BY. is either yuv&bhyfim (occurs
also once in A^.) or yavA^hyfim; an abl. yuv&t appears once in BY.,
and ftv&t twice in TS.; the gen.rloc. is in RY. (only) yuv6B instead of
ytiv&yo8. Thus we have here a distinction (elsewhere nnknown) of five
different dual cases, by endings in part accordant with those of the other
two numbers.

498. Peculiar endings. The ending am, appearing in the nom.
sing, and pi. (and Yedic du.) of these pronouns, will be found often,
though only in sing., among the other pronouns. The bbyam (or hyam)
.of dat sing, and pi. is met with only here; its relationship with the
bhyftm, bhyaa* bhls of the ordinary declension is palpable. The t (or

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

498—] Vn. PRONOtJN8. 188

d) of the abl.f though here preceded by a short Towel, ip donbtlefls the
same with that of the a-declension of nouns and adjeotives. That the nom.,
dat., and abl. endings should be the same in sing, and pi. (and in part
in the earlier dn. also), only the stem to whloh they are added being dif-
ferent, is unparalleled elsewhere in the language. The element sma appear-
ing in the plural forms will be found frequent in the inflection of the
singular in other pronominal words: in fact, the compound stem aama
which underlies the plural of aham seems to be the same that furnishes
part of the singular forms of ayam (601), and its value of t^e to be a
specialisation of the meaifing these persons. The genitives singular, m&ma
and t&va, have no analogies elsewhere; the derivation from them of the
adjectives mfimaka and t&vaka (below, 616 b) suggests the possibility
of their being themselves stereotyped stems. The gen. pi., asmikaxa and
yu^makam, are certainly of this character: namely, neuter sing, caseforms
of the adjective stems asmftka and yu^mfika, other cases of which are
found in the Veda.

494. Stem -form a. To the Hindu grammarianB, the stems of
the personal pronouns are mad and asmad, and trad and yo^mad,
because these are forms used to a certain extent, and allowed to be
indefinitely used, in derivation and composition (like tad, kad» etc.:
see below, under the other pronouns). Words are thus formed from
them even in the older language — namely, mktkfta and m&tsakhi
and asm&tsaklil (RV.), tv&dyoni and matt&s (AV.), tv&tpit]* and
tv&dvivftoana (TS.), tv&tprasuta and tvaddevatya and yuvad-
devatya and yrmmaddevatya (QB.), asmaddevatya (PB.); but much
more numerous are those that show the proper stem In a, or with
the a lengthened to &: thus, mavant; asmatri, asmadrdhy etc.;
tv&yata, tvavant, tvadatta, tv&nfd, tvavaBU, tvahata, etc.; yu^-
mtoatta, yu^m^^ita, etc.; 3nivavant, sruvaku, yuv&dhlta, yuvtU
datta, yuvanita, etc. And the later language also has a few words
made in the same way, as mftd^r^.

a« The Yedas have certain more irregular combinations, with complete
forms : thus, tvazhk&ma, tv&m&huti, m&dipa^y&y mamasaty^* aamd-
hitiy ahaxSipurv&y ahamuttari, ahaxSiyi^, ahadieana.

b. From the stems of the grammarians come also the derivative
adjectives madiya» tvadlya, asmadSya yu^madiya, having a pos-
sessive value: see below, 616a.

o. For Bva and svay&m, see below, 618.

Demonstrative Pronouns.

496. The simplest demonstrativiB, cT ta, which answers
also the purpose of a personal pronoun of the third person,
may be taken as model of a mode of declension usual in

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

189 Demonstrative Pbomoums. [ — 495

so many pronouns and pronominal adjectives that it is

fairly to be called the general pronominal declension.

a. Bat this root has also the special irregalarity that in the
nom. sing. masc. and fern, it has s&s (for whose peculiar euphonic
treatment see 176a,b) and sa, instead of t&s and ta (compare Gr.
o, f^, roy and Gk>th. «a, so, ihata). Thus:

Singultr:

m.

n.

f.

N- mi

^

HT

8&8

t&t

B^j

A. H^

cIcT

fTFI^

tkm

i

t&t

tarn

I.

^

fTOT

t^na;

tAya

D.

rT^.

cT^

ttanft^

1

t&syfii

Ab.

a^^

rTFOra

t&smfit

t&sy&B

G.

cTFO"]

cTHnv^

t&sya

t&sy&a

L.

rrirq^

f?Hn\

t&smin

t&syfim

Dual:

N.A. V. eft

^

^

tau

t«

t6.

I. D. Ab.

fTI^IH^,

fTFinH^

tibhyam!

tA>hyfim

G. L.

rralH

fralH^

•sti

1

tiyoB

t&yos

Plural:

N. ^

cTTf^

?n^

t^

ttni

tfei"^

A. cTPJ^

rrri^

fTIH^

tin

tini

t«a

I.

s?.

rrri^TH^

tsfa

tabhis

<.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

496—] Vn. Pronouns. 190

D. Al).

vn.

PRONOimS.

t^bhyas

tibbyas

^

fHg

ti^

tasu

b. The Yedas show no other irregularities of Inflection than those
^hich helong to all stems in a and &: namely, t^nft sometimes; nsnally
ti for t&u, dn.; often ta for tani, pi. neat; nsnally t^bhis for tsfsi
inatr. pi.; and the ordinary resolntions. The RV. has one more case-form
fjTom the root sa, namely B&smin (occurring nearly half as often as t&B-
min); and OhU. has once aasmSt.

496. The peculiarities of the general pronominal declenBion, it
will be noticed, are these:

a. In the singular, the use of t (properly d) as ending of nom.-acc.
neut; the comhlnation of another element sma with the root in masc. and
neut dat., abl., and loc, and of sy in fem. dat, abl.-gen., and loc; and
the maso. and nent. loc. ending in, which is restricted to ^tds declension
(except in the anomalous yfid^min, BY., once). The substitution in B.
of fti for fie as fem. ending (307 h) was illustrated at 866 d.

b« The dual is precisely that of noun-stems in a and ft.

o. In the plural, the irregularities are limited to t^ for tas in nom.
masc, and the insertion of b instead of n before ftm of the gen., the stem-
final being treated before it in the same manner as before 8U of the loc.

497. The stem of this pronoun is by the grammarians given
as tad; and from that form come, in fact, the derivative adjective
tadiya, with tattv4, tadvat, tanmaya; and numerous compounds,
such as taocbila, tajjiia, tatkara, tadanantara, tamnfttra, etc.
These compounds are not rare even in the Veda: so t&danna, tadv{d»
tadva^A, etc. But derivatives from the true root ta are also many:
especially adverbs, as t&tas, t&tra, t&thft, tadi; the adjectives ta-
vant and t&ti; and the compound tSd^9 etc.

498. Though the demonstrative root ta is prevailingly of the
third person, it is also freely used, both in the earlier language and
in the later, as qualifying the pronouns of the first and second person,
giving emphasis to them: thus, 86 'h&m* this J, or I here] sk or sa
tv&m thou there \ te vayam, we here] tasya mama of me here, tasmi&B
tvayi in thee there, and so on.

499. Two other demonstrative stems appear to contain ta aa
an element; and both, like the simple ta, substitute ea in the nom.
sing. masc. and fem.

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

191 Dbmonstrativb Pronouns. [—601

a. The one, lya, is tolerably common (although only a third
of its possible forms occur) in RV., but rare in AV., and almost
unknown later, its nom. sing., in the three genders, is sy&s, syat
ty&ty and it makes the accusatiyes tykm^ tyanx, ty&t, and goes on
through the remaining cases in the same manner as ta. It has in
RV. the instr. fem. tya (for tydyfi). Instead of syfi as nom. sing,
fem. is also found tyS.

b. The other is tlie usual demonstrative of nearer position, thts
here, and is in frequent use through all periods of the language.
It prefixes e to the simple root, forming the nominatives ef&s, e^,
et&t — and so on through the whole inflection.

c* The stem tya has neither compounds nor derivatives. But
from eta are formed both, in the same manner as from the simple
ta, only much less numerous: thus, etadda (^B.), etadartha, etc.,
from the so-called stem etad; and et&dfg and etivant from eta.
And e^a, like aa (498), is used to qualify pronouns of the 1st and
2d persons: e. g. e^a liam, ete vayam.

600. There is a defective pronominal stem, ena, which is accent-
less, and hence used only in situations where no emphasis falls upon
it It does not occur elsewhere than in the accusative of all numbers,
the instr. sing., and the gen.-loc. dual: thus.

m. n. f.

Sing. A. enaxn enat enam

I. enena enayfi

Dn. A. enftu ene ene

0. L. enayoB enayos

PI. A. enan enftni en&s

a. The RV. has enoB instead of enayoB, and in one or two instances
accents a form : thus, enam^ en^ (?). AB. uses enat also as nom. neat.

b. As ena is always used substantiyely, it has more nearly than ta
the value of a third personal pronoun, unemphatie. Apparent examples
of its adjectival use here and there met with are doubtless the result of
confusion with eta (489 b).

o. This stem forms neither derivatives nor compounds.

601. The declension of two other demonstratives is so
iiregnlaily made up that they have to be given in full. The
one, ^Rpr aydm etc., is used as a more indefinite demon-
strative, this or that; the other, ^^ asSii etc., signifies
especially the remoter relation, yon or yonder,

a. They are as follows:

601—]

A.

Ab.J

G.

L.

N. A.

I. D. Ab.

G. L.

D. Ab.

G.

L.

VII. Pronouns*

1{

Singolai:
m. n.

^^ ^
ay&m id&m

f
iy&m

m. n.
as&ii acUui

f.

asfti^

4H1 m.

?nH.

^3\ ^

amum adAs

amtim

an6na
aamftl

aii4y&

asyftl

asyas

asyas

^^\\
asyam

im6

ami£i8mai

amuya
amii^yfti;

asmtt ;

am^yfis

asyd

asmin
Dual:

imft^ im6

amu^yfts

amti

amu^yam

fibhy&n

an&yoB
Plural:

imiB

amtibhyfim
amuyos

ami amilbii amtis

Iman im&i

imis

amtis

ebhls

ftbhfs

amibhis

amftbhis

ebhy&s

abhy&8

an^hyas

amtibhyas

ftaim

amisBm

amtl^fftm

e9u

&8U

amifu

amfifu

Digitized by Google

193 Dbmonstratites. [—603

b. The same fonns Aie used in ihb older language, withont Tariatlon,
except that (as nsnal) imi occurs for imSu and im&ii, and amti for
amtbii; amnyft when used adverhlally is accented on the final, amuya;
as&u (with accent, of ooorae, on the first, dsftu, or without accent, asftu:
314) is used also as Tocatlve; ami, too, occurs as vocative.

602. a. The former of these two pronouns, ay&m etc., plainly shows
Itself to he pieced together trom a number of defective stems. The majority
of forms come from the root a, with which, as in the ordinary pronominal
declension, sma (f. By) is combined in the singular. All these forms from
a have the peculiarity that in their substantive use they are either accented,
as in the paradigm, or accentless (like ena and the second forms from
ah&m and tv&m). The remaining forms are always accented. From an&
come, with entire regularity, an6na» an&yft, an&yos. The strong cases
in dual and plural, and in part in singular, come not less regularly from a
stem im&. And ay&m, iy&m, id4m are evidently to be referred to a
simple root i (id4m being apparently a double form: id, like tad etc.,
with ending am).

b. The Yeda has from the root a also the instrumentals ena and ayfll
(used in general adverbially), and the gen. loc. du. ay6B; fk'om ima,
imiioya occurs once in RV., imaamfii in AA., and imftis and ime^u
later. The RY. has in a small number of instances the irregular accen-
tuation ismftiy &8ya» abhie. >

o. In analogy with the other pronouns, id4m is by the gram-
marians regarded as representative stem of this pronominal declen-
sion; and it is actoally found so treated in a very small number of
compounds (idammdya and idiiiurupa are of Brahmana age). As
regards the actual stems, ana furnishes nothing further; from ima
comes only the adverb im&th& (RY., once); but a and i furnish a
number of derivatives, mostly adverbial; thus, for example, &ta8,
&tra» &tha, ad-dhi(?); it&s, id (Yedic particle), idft, ihk, {tara, im
(Yedic particle), id^9, perhaps ev& and ev&m, and others.

603. The other pronoun, asftu etc., has amu for its leading stem,
which in the singular takes in combination, like the a-stems, the element
sma (f. sy), and which shifts to ami in part of the maso. and neut.
plural. In part, too, like an adjective u-stem, it lengthens its final in the
feminine. The gen. sing, amu^ya is the only example in the language
of the ending sya added to any other than an a-stem. The nom. pi. ami
is unique in form; its i is (like that of a dual) prag^rhya, or exempt /
from combination with a following vowel (138 b). Ab&u and adds are
also without analogies as regards their endings.

a. The grammarians, as usual, treat ad&B as representative stem
of the declension, and it is found in this character in an extremely
small number of words, as adomula; adom&ya is of Brahmana age.
The ^B. has also asfton&nan. But most of the derivatives, as of

Whitney QrHraiuar. S. ed. 1^

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

608—] VII. Pronouns. 194

tbe cases, come from amu: thus, amntas, amutra, amnthft, amndft,
am&rhi, amuv&t, amuka.

b. In the older language occurs the root tva (accentless), meaning
one^ many a one] it is oftenest found repeated, as one and another. It
follows the ordinary pronominal declension. From it is made the (also
accentless) adverb tvadftnlm (MS.).

c. Fragments of another demonstrative root oz two are met with: thus,
&ma8 he occurs in a formula in AY. and in Brahmanas etc.; av68 as
gen.-loc. dual is found in RV,; the particle u points to a root u.

Interrogative Pronoun.

504. The characteristic part of the interrogative pro-
nominal root is ^ k; it has the three forms m ka, ^ ki,
^\ ku; but the whole declensional inflection is from ^ ka,
excepting the nom.-acc. sing, neut., which is from 1% ki,
and has the anomalous form 1^ kim (not elsewhere known

•v.

in the language from a neuter i-stem). The nom. and

accus. sing., then, are as follows:

m. n. f.

N. ^IH f^ ^

k&8 • kIm ka
A. 5|iq^ ^n^^ ^n^
k&m kfm kam
and the rest of the declension is precisely like that of cT
ta (above, 496).

a. The Veda has its usual variations, ka and k^bhis for kanl and
k&is. It also has, along with kfm, the pronominally regular neuter k&d;
and k&m (or kam) is a frequent particle. The masc. form kis, corres-
ponding to kim, occurs as a stereotyped ease in the combinations n&kis
and makis.

505. The grammarians treat kim as representative stem of the
interrogative pronoun ; and it is in fact so used in a not large number
of words, of which a few — kimm&ya, kiihkar&, kiihk&mya, kiih-
devata, kiih^ild, and the peculiar kiihyu — go back even to the
Veda and Brahmana. In closer analogy with the other pronouns, the
form kad, a couple of times in the Veda (katpay&, k&dartha), and
not infrequently later, is found as first member of compounds. Then,
from the real roots ka» ki, ku are made many derivatives; and
from ki and ku, especially the latter, many compounds: thus, k4ti.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

195

Relatives.

[—609

kathftt kathdm, kada, katari, katamd, k&rhi; k{yant, kidf9 ; kutas,
kutra, kuha» kva, kuoari, kukarmcui, kiunantrin, etc.

506. YariouB forms of this pronoun, as kad, kim, and ku (aud^^
rarely, ko), at Jhe be^^ning of compounds; have passed. from an ^
interrogsfc^ivft mi^^pjpg^ through an exckmatoij, to the value of pre- V
fixes pignifyriny a^n uniiaiiaJ quality ^ftifhnr ftnmftthing- admirable, or,

oftener, something:, contemptible. This use begins in the Veda, but ^
becomes much more common in later time.

607. The interrogative pronoun, as in other languages, turns
readily in its independent use also to an exclamatory meaning.
Moreover, it is by various added particles converted to an indefinite
meaning: thus, by oa, oand, old, dpi, vft, either alone or with the
relative ya (below, 511) prefixed: thus, k&9 oan& any one\ nk ko
'pi not any one] yani kani cit wJuUsoever] yatam&t katamao ca
whatever one. Occasionally, the interrogative by itself acquires a
similar value.

Relative Pronoun.

508. The root of the relative pronoun is BT ya, which
from the earliest period of the language has lost all trace
of the demonstrative meaning originally (doubtless) belonging
to it, and is used as relative only.

509. It is inflected with entire regularity according to
the usual pronominal declension: thus,

N.

A.

Singular.

Dual.

Plural.

m. n.

f.

m.

n. f.

m. n.

f.

y&T Ykt

m 1

yS

tt

^ %

y6 yanl

yas

y&m y&t

yam

yftu y6 y6

UN UlPl
yan ySni

y&"

y6na

y&ya

UI^UIH^

y&is

yabhis

TX^

TX^

yabhyam

$^UTT^

UPTTR

y&smki

ydsya

I

y^bhyas

yabhyas

et<5.

etc.

etc.

etc.

etc.

a. The Veda shows its usual variations of
and for yani, and yabhis for yaia; y6B for
ytoft, with prolonged flnal, is in RV. twice as

these forms: yS for yftu
y&yos also occurs onoej
common as y6na. Reso-
13*

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

609—] VII. Pronouns. 196

latlons ooour in yabhias, and y^^aam and y^UMUun. The conjnnction
yat is an ablatiye form according to the ordinary declension.

610. The use of y&t as representative stem begins very early:
we have y&tkfima in the Veda, and yatkfirfn, yaddevaty^ in the
Brahmana; later it grows more general. From the proper root come
also a considerable series of derivatives: y&tas, y&ti, y&tra» y4th&,
y&dft, y&di, y&rhi» yavant, yatari, yatam&; and the compound
yftdt9.

611. The combination of ya with ka to make an indefinite
pronoun has been noticed above (607). Its own repetition — as
y&d-yat — gives it sometimes a like meaning, won through the dis-
tributive.

612. One or two marked peculiar! tes in the Sanskrit use of the
relative may be here briefly noticed:

a. A very decided preference for putting the relative clause before
that to which it relates: thus, yiJ^ sunvati^ B&kbft t&smft indrfiya
gayata (RV.) iv?u> is the friend of the soma-presaer, to that Indra sing ye\
y&ih yajMiii paribhiir &8i s& id deveiju gaochati (RV.) what offering
thou protecteat, that in truth goeth to the gods; y6 tri^aptal^ pariy&nti
bdia t^^ftdi dadhfttu me (AY.) what thrice seven go about, their stretigth
may he assign to me; asau y6 adharad gph&a t&tra santv arftyyah
(AY.) what house is yonder in the depth, there let the witches he\ BBhk
y4n me dsti t6na (TB.) along with that which is mine; hafiflfinftib
vaoanaiii yat tu tan maiii dskhati (MBh.) hut what the words of the
swans were^ that bums me; sarvasya looanaiii Qftstraiii yasya nft 'sty
andha eva sah (H.) who does not possess learning, the eye of everything,
blind indeed is he. The other arrangement, though frequent enough, Is
notably less usual.

b. A frequent conversion of the subject or object of a verb by an
added relative into a substantive claxise: thus, m6 "m&iii pra "pat pfti^-
rufeyo vadho y&h (AY.) may there not reach him a human deadly
weapon (Ut'ly, w?iat is such a weapon); p&ii i^o pfihi y&d dh&nam
(AY.) protect of us what wealth [there is]; apftmJbrg6 *pa mftr^fu
kfjetriy&iii ^ap&tha^ oa y&^ (AY.) may the cleansing plant cleanse
away the disease and the curse; pufjkarei^a hftaih rajyaiii yao o&
'nyad vasu kiiiioana (MBh.) by Jhiskkara was taken away the kingdom
and whatever other property [there was"].

Other Pronouns: Emphatic, Indefinite.

518. a. The isolated and uninflected pronominal word
HUH svayam (from the root sva) signifies self, own self.
By its form it appears to be a nom. sing., and it is often-

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

197 Pronominal Dbrivativbs. [ — 516

est used as nominatiye, but along with words of all persons
and numbers; and not seldom it represents other cases also.

b. Svayam is also used as a stem in composition: thus, sva-
yaifaja, svayambhd. But sva itself (usually adjective: below, 51 6 e)
has the same value in composition; and even its inflected forms are
(in the older language very rarely) used as reflexive pronoun.

o. In RV. alone are found a few examples of two indefinite
pronouns, sama (accentless) ant/y every, and sim& everyy all.

Nouns used pronominally.

514. a. The noun Etm&n soul is widely employed, in the sin-
gular (extremely rarely in other numbers), as reflexive pronoun of all
three persons.

b. The noun tanA body is employed in the same manner (but in all
nnmberg) In the Veda.

o. The adjective bhavant, f bhavati, is used (as ahready pointed
out: 456) in respectful address as substitute for the pronoun of
the second person. Its construction with the verb is in accordance
with its true character, as a word of the third person.

Pronominal Derivatives.

615. From pronominal roots and stems, as well as from
the larger class of roots and from noun-stems, are formed
by the ordinary suffixes of adjective derivation certain words
and classes of words, which have thus the character of pro-
minal adjectives.

Some of the more important of these may be briefly noticed here.

516. Possessive s. a. From the representative stems mad etc.
are formed the adjectives madiya» asmadiya, tvadiya, yufjmadiya,
tadiya, and etadXya, which are used in a possessive sense: relating
to me, mine, and so on.

b. Other possessives are mftmak& (also m&maka, RV.) and
tSvakd, from the genitives m&ma and t&va. And BY. has once
xnaklna.

o. An analogous deiivatiye from the genitive amu^ya is ftmu^yft*
yai^ (AY. etc.) descendant of such and such a one.

d. It was pointed oat above (488) tliat the ^genitives'' asmakam
and yufmikam are really stereotyped cases of possessive adjectives.

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5ie— ] Vn. Pronouns. 198

e. Corresponding to svay&m (518) is the possessive Bvk, meaning
oivfiy as relating to all persons and numbers. The RY. has onoe the
corresponding simple possessiye of the second person, tvk thy,

f. For the use of 8va as reflexive pronoun, see above, 518 b.j

g. All these words form their feminines in &.

h. Other derivatives of a lilce value have no claim to be mentioned
here. But (excepting 8va) the possessives are bo rarely used as to make
but a small figure in the language, which prefers generally to indicate the
possessive relation by the genitive case of the pronoun itself.

517. By the suffix vant are formed from the pronominal roots,
with prolongation of their final vowels, the adjectives mavant, tva-
vant, yufmavant, yuvavant, tavant, etavant, yavant, meaning of
my sortj like mc, etc. Of these, however, only the last three are in
use in the later language, in the sense of tanttts and qtumtus. They
are inflected like other adjective stems in vant, making their femi-
nines in vati (462).

^ — sr "Words of similar meaning from the roots i and ki are {yant
and kiyant, inflected in the same manner: see above, 451.

518. The pronominal roots show a like prolongation of vowel
in combination with the root df9 see, look, and its derivatives -df^a
and (quite rarely) d^k^a: thus, m&d^^, -<iT9a; tv&d^^, *df^a; yu^-
m&dqp9, -df^a; t&df^, -df^a, -d^^kfa; etftdf^, -dt9a, -dfk^a; yftd^^*
-df^a; idt9, *<^9ci> -d^k^a; kid^^* -d^^a, -d^k^a. They mean o/ my
sort J like or resinnbling me, and the like, and tadp^ and the following
are not uncommon, with the sense of talis and qiuUis. The forms in
dr9 are unvaried for gender; those in d^a (and dqpk^a?) have fe-
minines in 1.

618. From ta* ka, ya come t&ti so many, k&ti /«otr many? yati
as many. They have a quasi-numeral character, and are inflected
(like the numerals p&fioa etc.: above, 488) only in the plural, and
with the bare stem as nom. and accus.: thus, N.A. t&ti; I. etc. t&ti-
bhis, t&tibhyas, tdtin&m, t&tifju.

520. From ya (in V. and B.) and ka come the comparatives and
superlatives yatari and yatami, and katar& and katami ; and from
i, the comparative (tara. For their inflection, see below, 528.

521. Derivatives with the suffix ka, some times conveying a
diminutive or a contemptuous meaning, are made from certain of the
pronominal roots and stems (and may, according to the grammarians,
be made from them all): thus, from ta, tak&m, tak&t, takas; from
sa, saka; from ya, yak&s, yaka, yak6; from asftu, asakftu; from
amu, amuka.

a. For the numerous and frequently used adverbs formed from pro-
nominal roots, see Adverbs (below, 1097 ff.).

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199 Adjectives declined pronominally. [—626

Adjectives declined pronominally.

622. A number of adjectives — some of them coming
from pronominal roots, others more or less analogous with
pronouns in use — are inflected, in part or wholly, accord-
ing to the pronominal declension (like cT ta, 496), with
feminine stems in fi. Thus:

628. The comparatives and superlatives from pronominal roots
— namely, katar& and katamA, yatard and yatami, and (tara;
also any& other, and its comparative anyatari — are declined like
ta throughout.

a. But even from these words forms made according to the adjective
declension are sporadically met with (e. g. itarftyftm K.).

b. Anya takes occasionally the form anyat In composition: thus,
anyatkftma, anyatsthana.

624. Other words are so inflected except in the nom.-acc.'voc.
sing, neat, where they have the ordinary adjective form am, instead
of the pronominal at (ad). Such are s&rva aUj vigva all, every ,
eka one.

a. These, also, are not without exception, at least in the earlier
language (e. g. vi^v&ya, vi^vftt, vi9ve RV.; dka loc. sing., AV.).

626. Yet other words follow the same model usually, or in some
of their significations, or optionally; but in other senses, or without
known rule, lapse into the adjective inflection.

a. Such are the comparatives and superlatives from prepositional stems :
idhara and adhami, Antara and intama, ipara and apami, ivara
and avam&» uttara and uttami, upara and npam&. Of these, pro-
nominal forms are decidedly more numerous from the comparatlyes than
from the superlatives.

b. Further, the superlatives (without corresponding comparatives)
param&y oaramd, madhyami; and also anyatama (whose positive and
comparative belong to the class first mentioned : 628).

c. Further, the words p&ra distant, other-, piirvBi prior, east; dakfii^a
right, south-, pa^cima behind, western', ubh&ya (f. ubh&jri or ubhayl)
of both kinds or parties; n6ma the one, half; and the possessive 8v&.

626. Occasional forms of the pronominal declension are met with from
numeral adjectives: e. g. prathamisySa, tptlyasyftm; and from other
words having an indefinite numeral character: thus, 41pa/(6ir; axdhkhalf;
k^ala all] dvitaya of the two kinds; bahya outside — and others. RV.
has once samftn&smftt.

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527—] VIII. Conjugation. 200

CHAPTER Vni.

CONJUGATION.

627. Th£ subject of conjugation or yeibal inflection
involves, as in the other languages of the family, the dis-
tinctions of voice, tense, mode, number, and person.

a. Further, besides the simpler or ordinary conjugation
of a verbal root, there are certain more or less fully de-
veloped secondary or derivative conjugations.

528. Voice. There are (as in Greek) two voices, active

and middle, distinguished by a difference in the personal

endings. This distinction is a pervading one: there is no

active personal form which does not have its corresponding

middle, and vice versa; and it is extended also in part to

the participles (but not to the infinitive).

528. An active form is called by the Hindu grammarians
parasmfii padam a word for another, and a middle form is called
atmane padam a word for one's self: the terms might be best para-
phrased by transitive and reflexive. And the distinction thus expressed
is doubtless the original foundation of the difference of active and
middle forms; in the recorded condition of the language, however,
the antithesis of transitive and reflexive meaning is in no small
measure blurred, or even altogether effaced.

a. In the epics there is much effacement of the distinction between
actiye and ndddle, the choice of roice being very often determined hj
metrical considerations alone.

580. Some verbs are conjugated in both voices, others
in one only; sometimes a part of the tenses are inflected
only in one voice, others only in the other or in both; of
a verb usually inflected in one voice sporadic forms of the
other occur; and sometimes the voice differs according as
the verb is compounded with certain prepositions.

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201 Tbmsb and Mode. [—683

681. The middle forms outside the present-system (for
which there is a special passive inflection: see below, 768 ff.),
and sometimes also within that system, are liable to be
used likewise in a passive sense.

632. Tense. The tenses are as follows: 1. a present,
with 2. an imperfect, closely related with it in form, having
a prefixed augment; 3. a perfect, made with reduplication
(to which in the Veda is added, 4. a so-called pluperfect,
made from it with prefixed augment) ; 5. an aorist, of three
different formations : a. simple; b. reduplicated; o. sigmatic
or sibilant; 6. a future, with 7. a conditional, an augment-
tense, standing to it in the relation of an imperfect to a
present; and 8. a second, a periphrastic, future (not found
in the Veda).

a. The tenses here distingaiBhed (in accordance with prevailing
asage) as imperfect, perfect, pluperfect, and aorist receive those
names from their correspondence in mode of formation with tenses
so called in other languages of the family, especially in Greek, and
not at all from differences of time designated by them. In no period
of the Sanskrit language is there any expression of imperfect or
pluperfect time — nor of perfect time, except in the older language,
where the ^aorist" has this value ; later, imperfect, perfect, and aorist
are so many undiscriminated past tenses or preterits: see below,
under the different tenses.

688. Mode. In respect to mode, the difference between
the classical Sanskrit and the older language of the Veda
— and, in a less degree, of the Brahmanas — is especially
great.

a. In the Veda, the present tense has, besides its indicative
inflection, a subjunctive, of considerable variety of formation, an
optative, and an imperative (in 2d and 3d persons). The same three
modes are found, though of much less frequent occurrence, as belong-
ing to the perfect; and they are made also from the aorists, being
of especial frequency from the simple aorist. The future has no modes
(an occasional case or two are purely exceptional).

b. In the classical Sanskrit, the present adds to its in-
dicative an optative and an imperative — of which last,

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538—] VIII. Conjugation. 202

moreovei, the first persons are a remnant of the old sub-
junctive. And the aorist has also an optative, of somewhat
peculiar inflection, usually called the precative (or bene-
dictive).

534. The present, perfect, and future tenses have each
of them, alike in the earlier and later language, a pair of
participles, active and middle, sharing in the various pe-
culiarities of the tense-formations; and in the Veda are
found such participles belonging also to the aorist.

535. Tense-systems. The tenses, then, with their
accompanying modes and participles, fall into certain well-
marked groups or systems:

I. The present-system, composed of the present
tense with its modes, its participle, and its preterit which
we have called the imperfect.

II. The perfect-system, composed of the perfect
tense (with, in the Veda, its modes and its preterit, the
so-called pluperfect) and its participle.

ni. The aorist-system, or systems, simple, re-
duplicated, and sibilant, composed of the aorist tense
along with, in the later language, its ''precative" Opta-
tive (but, in the Veda, with its various modes and its
participle).

IV. The future-systems: 1. the old or sibilant
future, with its accompanying preterit, the conditional,
and its participle; and 2. the new periphrastic future.

536. Number and Person. The verb has, of course,
the same three numbers with the noun: namely, singular,
dual, and plural ; and in each number it has the three per-
sons, first, second, and third. All of these are made in
every tense and mode — except that the first persons of
the imperative numbers are supplied &om the subjunctive.

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203 Verbal Adjectives and Nouns. [—640

687. Verbal adjectives and nouns: Participles.
The participles belonging to the tense-systems have been
already spoken of above (684j. There is besides, coming
directly firom the root of the verb, a participle, prevailingly
of past and passive (or sometimes neuter) meaning. Future
passive participles, or gerundives, of several different for-
mations, are also made.

638. Infinitives. In the older language, a very con-
siderable variety of derivative abstract nouns — only in a
few sporadic instances having anything to do with the tense-
systems -~ are used in an infinitive or quasi-infinitive sense;
most often in the dative case, but sometimes also in the
accusative, in the genitive and ablative, and (very rarely)
in the locative. In the classical Sanskrit, there remains a
single infinitive, of accusative case-form, having nothing to
do with the tense-systems.

689. Gerunds. A so-called gerund (or absolutive) —
being, like the infinitive, a stereotyped case-form of a de-
rivative noun — is a part of the general verb-system in
both the earlier and later language, being especially frequent
in the later language, where it has only two forms, one
for simple verbs, and the other for compound. Its value
is that of an indeclinable active participle, of indeterminate
but prevailingly past tense-character.

a. Another gerund, an adverbially used accusative in form, is
found, but only rarely, both earlier and later.

640. Secondary conjugations. The secondary or

derivative conjugations are as follows: 1. the passive; 2. the

intensive; 3. the desiderative; 4. the causative. In these,

a conjugation-stem, instead of the simple root, underlies

the whole system of inflection. Yet there is clearly to be

seen in them the character of a present-system, expanded

into a more or less complete conjugation; and the passive is

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540 -] VIII. Conjugation. 204

so purely a present-system that it will be described in the
chapter devoted to that part of the inflection of the verb.

a. tinder the same general head belongs the subject of
denominative conjugation, or the conversion of noun and
adjective-stems into conjugation-stems. Further, that of
compound conjugation, whether by the prefixion of prepo-
sitions to roots or by the addition of auxiliary verbs to noun
and adjective-stems. And Anally, that of periphrastic con-
jugation, or the looser combination of auxiliaries with verbal
nouns and adjectives.

541. The characteristic of a proper (finite or personal)
verb-form is its personal ending. By this alone is deter-
mined its character as regards number and person — and
in part also as regards mode and tense. But the distinc-
tions of mode and tense are mainly made by the formation
of tense and mode-stems, to which, rather than to the pure
root, the personal endings are appended.

a. In this chapter will be given a general account of the per-
sonal endings, and also of the formation of mode-stems from tense-
stems, and of those elements in the formation of tense-stems — the
augment and the reduplication — which are found in more than one
tense-system. Then, in the following chapters, each tense-system
will be taken up by itself, and the methods of formation of its stems,
both tense-stems and mode-stems, and their combination with the
endings, will be described and illustrated in detail. And the com-
plete conjugation of a few model verbs will be exhibited in syste-
matic arrangement in Appendix O.

Personal Endings.

542. The endings of verbal inflection are, as was pointed out
above, di£ferent throughout in the active and middle voices. They
are also, as in Greek, usually of two somewhat varying forms for
the same person in the same voice: one fuller, called primary; the
other briefer, called secondary. There are also less pervading differ-
ences, depending upon other conditions.

a. In the epics, exchanges of primary and secondary activo endings,
(especially the substitution of ma, va, ta, for mas, vas, tha) are not
infrequent.

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205 Personal Endings. [—546

b. A condeneed statement of all the TarletleB of ending for each per-
son and nnmber here follows.

548. Singular: First person, a. The primary ending in
the active is mi The subjunctive, however (later imperative), has
ni instead; and in the oldest Veda this ni is sometimes wanting,
and the person ends in ft (as if the ni of ftni were dropped). The
secondary ending is properly m; but to this m an a has come to
be so persistently prefixed, appearing regularly where the tense-stem
does not itself end in a (vam for varm or varam in RV., once, and
abhum MS., avadhim TS. etc., sanem TB., are rare anomalies), that
it is convenient to reckon am as ending, rather than m. But the per-
fect tense has neither mi nor m; its ending is simply a (sometimes
ft: 248 o); or, from ft-roots, au.

b. The primary middle ending, according to the analogy of the
other persons, would be regularly me. But no tense or mode, at
any period of the language, shows any relic whatever of a m in this
person; the primary ending, present as well as perfect, from a-stems
and others alike, is e; and to it corresponds i as secondary ending,
which blends with the final of an a-stem to e. The optative has,
however, a instead of i; and in the subjunctive (later imperative)
appears fti for e.

644. Second person, a. In the active, the primary ending
is si, which is shortened to s as secondary; as to the loss of this
8 after a final radical consonant, see below, 666. But the perfect
and the imperative desert here entirely the analogy of the other
forms. The perfect ending is invariably tha (or thft: 248 o). The
imperative is far less regular. The fullest form of its ending is dhi;
which, however, is more often reduced to hi; and in the great ma-
jority of verbs (including all a-stems, at every period of the language)
no ending is present, but the bare stem stands as personal form.
In a very small class of verbs (722-8), ftna is the ending. There is
also an alternative ending tftt; and this is even used sporadically in
other persons of the imperative (see below, 670-1).

b. In the middle voice, the primary ending, both present and
perfect, is se. The secondary stands in no apparent relation to this,
being thfts; and in the imperative is found only sva (or svft: 248 c),
which in the Veda is not seldom to be read as sua. In the older
language, se is sometimes strengthened to sfii in the subjunctive.

646. Third person, a. The active primary ending is ti; the
secondary, t; as to the loss of the latter after a final radical con-
sonant, see below, 666. But in the imperative appears instead the
peculiar ending tu; and in the perfect no characteristic consonant is
present, and the third person has the same ending as the first.

b. The primary middle ending is te, with ta as corresponding
secondary. In the older language, te is often strengthened to tfti in

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645—] Vni. CONJUOATION. 206

the Bubjunctivo. lo the perfect, the middle third person has, Hke the
active, the same ending with the first, namely e simply; and in the
older language, the third person present also often loses the distinctive
part of its termination, and comes to coincide in form with the first
(and MS. has aduha for adtigdha). To this e perhaps corresponds,
as secondary, the i of the aorist 3d pers. passive (842 ff.}. The im-
perative has tarn (or, in the Veda, rarely ftm) for its ending.

546. Dual: First person. Both in active and in middle, the
dual first person is in all its varieties precisely like the correspond-
ing plural, only with substitution of v for the m of the latter: thus,
vas (no vasi has been found to occur), va, vahe, vahi, vahfti. The
person is, of course, of comparatively rare use, and from the Veda
no form in vas, even, is quotable.

547. Second and Third persons, a. In the active, the primary
ending of the second person is thas, and that of the third is tas;
and this relation of th to t appears also in the perfect, and runs
through the whole series of middle endings. The perfect endings are
primary, but have n instead of a as vowel; and an a has become so
persistently prefixed that their forms have to be reckoned as athus
and atus. The secondary endings exhibit no definable relation to
the primary in these two persons; they are tarn and t&m; and they
are used in the imperative as well.

b. In the middle, a long ft — which, however, with the final a
of a-stems becomes e — has become prefixed to all dual endings
of the second and third persons, so as to form an inseparable part
of them (didhithSm AV., and Jihithftm (JB., are isolated anomalies).
The primary endings, present and perfect, are ftthe and ftte; the
secondary (and imperative) are ftth&m and fttam (or, with stem-final
a, ethe etc.).

c. The Rig-Veda has a very few forms in ftithe and ftite, apparently
from ethe and ate with subjunctive strengthening (they are all detailed
below: see 615, 701, 737, 752, 886, 1008, 1043).

548. Plural: First person, a. The earliest form of the
active ending is masi, which in the oldest language is more frequent
than the briefer mas (in RV., as five to one; in AV., however, only
as three to four). In the classical Sanskrit, mas is the exclusive
primary ending; bat the secondary abbreviated ma belongs also to
the perfect and the subjunctive (imperative). In the Veda, ma often
becomes mft (248 c), especially in the perfect.

b. The primary middle ending is mahe. This is lightened in
the secondary form to mahl; and, on the other hand, it is regularly
(in the Veda, not invariably) strengthened to mahai in the subjunctive
(imperative).

549. Second person, a. The active primary ending is tha.
The secondary, also imperative, ending is ta (in the Veda, t& only

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207 Personal Endings. [—660

once in impv.). But in the perfect any characteristic consonant is
wanting) and the ending is simply a. In the Veda, the syllable na,
of problematic origin, is not infrequently added to both forms of the
ending, making thana (rarely thana) and tana. The forms in which
this occurs will be detailed below, under the different formations ; the
addition is very rarely made excepting to persons of the first general
conjugation. •

b. The middle primary ending is dhve, which belongs to the
perfect as well as to the present. In the subjunctive of the older lan-
guage it is sometimes strengthened to dhvfti. The secondary (and
imperative) ending is dhvam (in RY., once dhva); and dhv&t is
once met with in the imperative (671 d). In the Veda, the v of all
these endings is sometimes to be resolved into u, and the ending
becomes dissyllabic. As to the change of dh of these endings to (}h,
see above, 226 o.

660. Third person, a. The full primary ending is anti in
the active, with ante as corresponding middle. The middle second-
ary ending is anta, to which should correspond an active ant; but
of the t only altogether questionable traces are left, in the euphonic
treatment of a final n (207); the ending is an. In the imperative,
antu and ant&m take the place of anti and ante. The initial a of
all these endings is like that of am in the 1st sing., disappearing
after the final a of a tense-stem.

b. Moreover, anti, antu, ante, ant&m, anta are all liable to be
weakened by the loss of their nasal, becoming ati etc. In the active,
this weakening takes place only after reduplicated non-a-stems (and
after a few roots which are treated as if reduplicated : 688ff.j; in the
middle, it occurs after all tense-stems save those ending in a.

o. Further, for tho secondary active ending an there is a sub-
stitute U8 (or ur: 169b; the evidence of the Avestan favors the
latter form), which is used in the same reduplicating verbs that
change anti to ati etc., and which accordingly appears as a weaker
correlative of an^ The same ua is also used universally in the per-
fect, hi the optative (not in the subjunctive), in those forms of the
aorist whose stem does not end in a, and in the imperfect of root-
stems ending in a, and a few others (621).

d. The perfect middle has in all periods of the language the
peculiar ending re, and the optative has the allied ran, in this per-
son. In the Veda, a variety of other endings containing a r as dis-
tinctive consonant are met with: namely, re (and ire) and rate in
the present; rata in the optative (both of present and of aorist);
rire in the perfect; ranta, ran, and ram in aorists (and in an im-
perfect or two); rftm and ratftm in the imperative; ra in the imper-
fect of duh (MS.). The three rate, ratSm, and rata are found even
in the late* language in one or two verbs (629).

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651—] VI. CoNjtraATioN. 208

561. Below are giyen, for convenience, in tabular form, the
schemes of endings as accepted in the classical or later language:
namely, a. the regular primary endings, used in the present indicative
and the future (and the subjunctive in part); and b. the regular
secondary endings, used in the imperfect, the conditional, the aorist,
the optative (and the subjunctive in part); and further, of special
schemes, c. the i^rfect endings (chiefly primary, especially in the
middle); and d. the imperative endings (chiefly secondary). To the
so-called imperative endings of the first person is prefixed the ft which
is practically a part of them, though really containing the mode-sign
of the subjunctive from which they are derived.

552. Further, a part of the endings are marked with an accent,
and a part are left unaccented. The latter are those which never,
under any circumstances, receive the accent; the former are accented
in considerable classes of verbs, though by no means in all. It will
be noticed that, in general, the unaccented endings are those of the
singular active; but the 2d sing, imperative has an accented ending;
and, on the other hand, the whole series of 1st persons imperative,
active and middle, have unaccented endings (this being a characteristic
of the subjunctive formation which they represent).

668. The schemes of normal endings, then, are as follows:

a. Primary Endings.

active.

middle

1.

8.

d.

p. 6. d.

P-

1

mi

V&8

m&8 6 v^e

m&he

2

8i

th&8

t.hA b6 ithe

dhv6

3

ti

t&8

knU, &ti t6 ate
b. Secondary Endings.

tote, &te

1

am

vd

mk {, & v&hi

m&hi

2

B

t4m

t& this athftm

dhv&m

8

t

tarn

&n, U8 t& at&m
c. Perfect Endings.

knta, 4ta, rin

1

a

v&

m& 6 v&he '

m&he

2

tha

&thU8

k b6 ithe

dhv6

3

a

dtUB

us 6 ate
d. Imperative Endings.

r^

1

&ni

ftva

fima fti ftvahSi

2

dhf, hf, —

t&m

tk Bvk athfim

dhvkm

3

tu

t&n

&nta, &tu t^ atfim

664. In general, the rule is followed that an accented ending, if dis-
syllablo, is accented on its first syllable — and the constant nnion-vowels
are regarded, in this respect, as integral parts of the endings. But the

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209 Pbhsonal Endings. [—667

dd pL ending ate of the pies, indio. middle has in RY. the accent ate in
a number of verbs (see 618» 686, 699, 719); and an oeoasional instance
is met with in other endings: thus, mah6 (see 719, 786).

666. The secondary endings of the second and third persons singular,
as consisting of an added consonant without Towel, should regularly (160)
be lost whenever the root or stem to which they are to be added itself ends
in a consonant. And this rule is in general followed; yet not without ex-
ceptions. Thus:

a. A root ending in a dental mute sometimes drops this final mute
instead of the added B in the second person ; and, on the other hand, a root
or stem ending in s sometimes drops this b instead of the added t in the
third person — in either case, establishing the ordinary relation of 8 and t
In these i^rsons, instead of B and B, and t and t. The examples noted are :
2d sing. aveB (to 3d sing, avet), Vvid, AB.; 3d sing. aJutt, ylq^, QB.;
aghat, Vghas, JB. AgS. ; acakftt, i^cakfia, RT. ; a^ftt, V9&8, AB. MBh.
R. ; asrat, y^sras, YS. ; ahinat, yhiAs, gB. TB. GB. Compare also the
B-aorist forms ayfts and erSs (146 a), in which the same influence is to
be seen; and further, ajftit etc. (889 a), and precative yftt for yfts (887).
A similar loss of any other final consonant is excessively rare; AY. has
once abhanas, for -nak, ybhafij. There are also a few cases where a
1st sing, is irregularly modeled after a 3d sing. : thus, atfi^am (to atyi^at),
ytfd, KU., aoohinam (to aoohinat), yohid, MBh.: compare further
the 1st sing, in m instead of am, 648 a»

b. Again, a union-vowel is sometimes introduced before the ending,
either a or i or i: see below, 621 b, 681, 819, 880, 1004 a, 1068 a.

0. In a few isolated cases in the older language, this I is changed to
&i: see below, 904 b, 986, 1068 a.

666. The changes of form which roots and stems undergo in
their combinations with these endings will be pointed out in detail
below, under the various formations. Here may be simply mentioned
in advance, as by far the most important among them, a distinction
of stronger and weaker form of stem in large classes of verbs, stand-
ing in relation with the accent — the stem being of stronger form
when the accent falls upon it, or before an accentless ending, and of
weaker form when the accent is on the ending.

a. Of the endings marked as accented in the scheme, the ta of 2d pi.
is not infrequently in the Yeda treated as unaccented, the tone resting on
the stem, which is strengthened. Much less often, the tam of 2d du. is
treated in the same way; other endings, only sporadically. Details are given
under the various formations below.

Subjunctive Mode.

667. Of the subjunctive mode (as was pointed out above) only
fragments are left in the later or classical language: namely, in the

Whitney, Chrammar. 3. ed. 14

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567—] VIIL CONJUOATION. 210

Bo-called first persons imperative, and in the use (579) of the imper-
fect and aorist persons without augment after mi prohibitive. In
the oldest period, however, it was a veiy frequent formation, being
three or four times as common as the. optative in the Big-Veda, and
nearly the same in the Atharvan; but already in the Brahmanas it
becomes comparatively rare. Its varieties of form are considerable,
and sometimes perplexing.

558. In its normal and regular formation, a special mode-stem
is made for the subjunctive by adding to the tense-stem an a — which
combines with a final a of the tense-stem to ft. The accent rests
upon the tense-stem, which accordingly has the strong form. Thus,
firom the strong present-stem doh (yduh) is made the subjunctive-
stem d6ha; from juh6 iyhu), juh&va; from yun^ (V7ixJ)» yimiija;
from Bim6 {ysu), eundva; from bh&va (ybhn\ bh&vft; from tad&
(ytud), tudi; from uoy& (pass., /vao), uoya; and so on.

559. The stem thus formed is inflected in general as an a-stem
would be inflected in the indicative, with constant accent, and ft for
a before the endings of the first person (788 i) — but with the follow-
ing peculiarities as to ending etc.:

560. a. In the active, the Ist sing, has nl as ending: thus, ddhftni,
ytm^ftniy bh&vftni. But in the Rig-Yeda sometimes ft simply: thus,
&yft, br&vft.

b. In 1st da., Ist pi., and^ pi., the endings are the secondary: thus,
ddhftva* d6hftma» ddhan; bh&v&va» bh&vftma» bh&vSn.

o. In 2d and 3d du. and 2d pi., the endings are primary: thus,
dohathaSy ddhatas, ddhatha; bh&vftthas, bh&vftta8» bh&vfttha.

d. In 2d and 3d sing., the endings are either primary or secondary:
thus, dohasi or dohas, d6hati or d6hat; bh&vfisi or bh&v&s, bh&vftti
or bh&vftt.

e. Ocoasionally, forms with douhle mode-sign ft (by assimilation to
the more numerous subjunctlyes from tense-stems in a) are met with from
non-a-stems: thns, &8fttha from as; &y&B, &yftt» &yftn from e (yi).

561. In the middle, form« with secondary instead of primary end-
ings are very rare, being found only In the 3d pi. (where they are more
frequent than the primary), and in a case or two of the 3d sing, (and AB.
has onee asyftthfts).

a. The striking pecuUarity of snbjnnotiye middle inflection is the fre-
quent strengthening of e to fti. in the endings. This is lets general in the
very earliest langnage than later. In 1st sing., ftl alone is found as ending,
even in RY.; and in 1st do. also (of rare occurrence), only ftvahfti is met
with. In 1st pL, ftmahfti prevails In BY. and AY. (ftmahe is found a
few times), and is alone known later. In 2d sing., Bftl for se does
not occur in RY., but is the only form in AY. and the Brihmanas. In
dd sing., tftl for te occurs once in BY., and is the predominant form

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211 SuBJUNOTivB Mode. [—666

in AT., &nd the only one later. In 2d pi, dhvfii for dhve it found in
one word in RY., and a few times in the Brahmanas. In 8d pi., ntfti
for nte is the Brahmana form (of far ftom frequent oeonrrence) ; it occurs
neither in RY. nor AY. No snch dual endings as thSi and tfti, for the
and te, are anywhere found; hut RY. has in a few words (nine: abOTe,
647 o) Sithe and ftite, which appear to he a like Buhjunctive strengthening
of ethe and ete (although found in one indicative form, kp^vftite). Be-
fore the fti-endings, the vowel is regularly long fi; but antfti instead of
ftntai is two or three times met with, and once or twice (TS. AB.) atfti
for dtftl

662. The Bubjonotiye endings, then, in combination with the
subjimctive mode-sign, are as follows:

active. middle.

. tol av« Ja J If*^" l^'^

Iftvahe lamahe

2 ("* athas atha If* Uthe l^^t
las Iftsfti Iftdhvfti

3 I*** atas an |*** Site Ja^te. anta

a. And in further combination with final a of a tense-stem, the
initial a of all these endings becomes ft: thus, for example, in 2d pers.,
ftsl or fts, ftthas, fttlia, fise, ftdhve.

668. Besides this proper subjunctive, with mode-sign, in its triple
form — with primary, with strengthened primary, and with secondary end-
ings— the name of subjunctive, in the forms ^imperfect subjunctive" and
^improper subjunctive", has been also given to the indicative forms of imper-
fect and aorist when used, with the augment omitted, in a modal sense
(below, 687): such use being quite common in RY., but rapidly dying out,
so that in the Brahmana language and later it is hardly met with except
after mft prohibitive.

a. As to the general uses of the subjunctive, see below, 674 if.

Optative Mode.

664. a. As has been already pointed out, the optative is of cora.-
paratively rare occurrence in the language of the Yedas; buA. ^t gains
rapidly in frequency, and already In the^^^ahmMOiis greatly out-
numbers the subjunctive, and still late^rtJmes ahnost entirely to take
its place. jf

b. Its mode of formation is jie same in all periods of the
language. V^

666* a. The opt&tive mod^sign Is in the active voice a dif-
ferent one, according as it is aaded to a tense-stem ending in a, or

/ 14*

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566—] VIH Conjugation. 212

to one ending in some other final. In the latter case, it is ya, accented;
this yft is appended to the weaker form of the tense-stem, and takes
the regular series of secondary endings, with, in 3d plor., us in-
stead of an, and loss of the ft before it. A(ter an a-stem, it is I,
unaccented; this i blends with the final a to e (which then is accented
or not according to the accent of the a); and the e is maintained
unchanged before a vowel-ending (am, us), by means of an interposed
euphonic y.

b. In the middle voice, the mode-sign is i throughout, and takes
the secondary endings, with a in 1st Bing., and ran in 3d pL After
an a-stem, the rules as to its combination to e, the accent of the
latter, and its retention before a vowel-ending with interposition of
a y, are the same as in the active. After any other final, the weaker
form of stem is taken, and the accent is on the ending (except in
one class of verbs, where it falls upon the tense-stem: see 645); and
the 1 (as when combined to e] takes an inserted y before the vowel-
endings (ay athftm, ftt&m).

o. It is, of oonrge, impossible to tell from the form whether i or i is
combined with the final of an a-stem to ej but no good reason appears to
exist for assuming i, rather than the i which shows itself in the other class
of stems In the middle voice.

566. The combined mode-sign and endings of the optative, then,
are as follows, in their double form, for a-stems and for others:

a. for non-a-stems.

active.

middle.

1

2
3

s.
yam
yfa
ySt

d.

yava

yitam

yat&m

p. 8.

yima iy&
yata IthiB
yuB it&

d.
ivihi
lyithftm
lyatftm

p.
im&hi
idhv&m
ir&n

b. combined with the final of a-stems.

1
2
3

eyam

es

et

ema eya
eta eth&B
eyas eta

evahi

emahi

edhvam

eran

o. The yft is in the Yeda not seldom resolved into ift.

^^"■'tcfti.J^he contracted sanem, for saneyam, is found in TB. and Apast.
Certain Vedl^»3d_p.V toJLd<}le forms In rate will be mentioned below, under
the various formations. n

567, Precative. Precateye forms are such as have a sibi-
lant inserted between the optative-sign and the ending. They are
made almost only from the aorist stems, and, though allowed by the
grammarians to be formed from e^ery root — the active .precative
from the simple aorist, the middle* firom the sibilant aorist — are

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213 Optativb Mode. [—670

practically of rare occurrence at erery period of the language, and
especially later.

A* The inserted b rans in the aetlve through the whole series of per-
sons; in the middle, it Is allowed only in the 2d and 3d persons sing, and
do, and the 2d pi., and is quotable only for the 2d and 3d sing. In the
2d sing, act., the precatiye form, by reason of the necessary loss of the added
8, 1b not distinguishable from the simple optative; in the 3d sing, act., the
same is the case in the later language, which (compare 566 a) saves the
personal ending t instead of the precatiye-sign 8; but the RY. usually, and
the other Yedio texts to some extent, have the proper ending yfis (for
yttat). As to 4I1 in the 2d pi. mid., see 2SI6 0.

b. The accent is as in the simple optative.

668» The precative endings, then, accepted in the later language
(including, in brackets, those which are identical with the simple
optative), are as follows:

active. middle.

s. d. p. s. d. p.

i yaaam yasva y&ma [i3r&] [iv&hi] [Im&hiJ

2 [yas] jiBteaa yasta iftl^aB iyfathftm i^hv&m

3 [yit] yistftm ytBUB 19^4 lyfatSm [Ir&n]
a. Respecting the precative, see further 921 ff.

b« As to the general uses of the optative, see below, 673 ff.
«

Imperative Mode.

669. The imperative hajs no modeHsign; it is made by
adding its own endings directly to the tense-stem, just as
the other endings are added to form the indicative tenses.

a. Hence, in 2d and 3d du. and 2d pi., its forms are indistinguishable
from those of the augment-preterit from the same stem with Its augment
omitted*

b. The rules as to the use of the different endings — especially in
2d sing., where the variety is considerable — will be given below, in connec-
tion with the various tense-systems. The ending tftt, however, has so much
that is peculiar in its use that it calls for a little explanation here.

670. The Imperative in tftt. An imperative form, usually
having the valne of a 2d pers. sing., but sometimes also of other per-
sons and numbers, is made by adding t&t to a present tense-stem —
in its weak form, if it have a distinction of strong and weak form.

a. Examples are: bratftt, hatftt, vittit; pip^t, jahitftty
dhattat; kp^utftt, kurut&t; g^h^itftt, jSnit^t; &vat&t» r&k^at&t,
vasatftt; vi^atftt, sfjatftt; asyatftt, na^yatftt, ohyatftt; kriyatftt;

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670—] VIII. Conjugation. 214

gama^atftt, oySvayatftt, vfirayatftt; ipsatftt; jfig^tAt. No examples
have been found from a nasal-class vexb (690), nor any other than those
here given from a passive, intensive, or desideratlve. The few accented
cases indicate that the formation follows the general rule for one made with
an accented ending (552).

b. The imperative in tftt is not a very rare formation in the older
language, being made (in Y., B., and 8.) from about fifty roots, and in
toward a hundred and fifty occnireuces. Later, it is very unusual: thus,
only a single example has been noted in MBh«, and one in R. ; and corres-
pondingly few in yet more modern texts.

571. Ab regards its meaning, this form appears to have pre-
vailingly in the Brahmanas, and traceably bat much less distinctly in
the Vedio texts, a specific tense-yalue added to its mode-value — as
signifying, namely, an injunction to be carried out at a later time than
the present: it is (like the Latin forms in to and tote) a posterior
or future imperative.

a. Examples are: ihai 'v& mft tfigthantam abhy^hl *ti brOhi
tfbii tu na agatftdi pratipr&brutftt ((B.) say to her ^crnne to me as I
stand Just here,^ and [aftertoetrd] announce her to us as having come; y4d
urdhv&B tf^tliS dr&vii^e lik dliatt&t (RV.) wJien thou shalt stand up-
right, [then\ bestow riches here (and similarly in many cases); utkfilam
udvah6 bhavo 'duhya pr&ti dhftvatat (AY.) he a carrier up the ascent;
after having carried up, run hack again) v&nasp&tir &dhi tvft sthfisyati
t&sya vittftt (TS.) the tree will ascend thee, [then'] take note of it.

b. Examples of its use as other than 2d sing, are as follows: 1st sing.,
&vyu§&iii j&g;rt&d ah&m (AY.; only case) let me watch till day-break;
as 3d sing., punar ma "vi^atSd rayih (TS.) let wealth come again to
me, BykAi ty&sya r^ft mOrdhfaaih vi p&tayatfit (9B.) t?ie king here
shail make his head fly off; as 2d du., nasatyav abruvan devah
punar a vahatad iti (RY.) the gods said to the two A^ins ^bring them
back again"; as 2d pi., ^pah . . . devdfu nah sukfto briltftt (TS.) ye
waters, announce us to the gods as weU-doers. In the later language, the
prevailing value appears to be that of a 3d sing. : thus, bhavftn prasftdaih
kurutftt (lIBh.) may your worship do the favor, enaxh bhavftn
abhlrakijatftt (DKC.) let your excellency protect him,

0. According to the native grammarians, the imperative in tftt is to be
used with a benedictive implication. No instance of such use appears to
be quotable.

d. In a certain passage repeated several times in different Brahmanas
and Sutras, and containing a number of forms in tftt used as 2d pi.,
vftrayadhvftt is read instead of vftrayatftt in some of the texts (K. AB.
AQS. (^QS.). No other occurrence of the ending dhvftt has been anywhere
noted.

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215 Uses of thb^ Modes. [—578

Uses of the Modes.

672. Of the thiee modes, the imperative is the one
most distinct and limited in office, and most imchanged in
use throughout the whole history of the language. It signi-
fies a command or injunction — an attempt at the exercise
of the speaker's will upon some one or something outside
of himself.

a. This, however (in Sanskrit as in other langaages), is by no
means always of the same force; the command shades off into a
demand, an exhortation, an entreaty, an expression of earnest desire.
The imperative also sometimes signifies an assumption or concession ;
and occasionally, by pregnant construction, it becomes the expression
of something conditional or contingent; but it does not acquire any
regular use in dependent-olause-making.

b. The Imperatiye is now and then used in an interrogative sentence:
thus, bravihl ko 'dyal 'va mayft vismjyat&m (R.) speak! who shall
now he separated hy mef katham ate gui^vanta^ kriyantftm (H.)
how are they to he made virtuous t kasmfti pi^^^ pradiyatam (Yet)
to whom shaU the offering he given f

673. The optative appears to have as its primary office
the expression of wish or desire; in the oldest language,
its prevailing use in independent clauses is that to which
the name '^optative" properly belongs.

a. But the expression of desire, on the one hand, passes naturally
over into that of request or entreaty, so that the optative becomes
a softened imperative; and, on the other hand, it comes to signify
what is generally desirable or proper, what should or ought to be,
and so becomes the mode of prescription ; or, yet again, it is weakened
into signifying what may or can be, what is likely or usual, and so
becomes at last a softened statement of what is.

b. Further, the optative in dependent clauses, with relative
pronouns and conjunctions, becomes a regular means of expression
of the conditional and contingent, in a wide and increasing variety
of uses.

0. The so-called piecatiTe forms (667) are ordinarily used in the
propez optatlTO sense. But in the later language they are occasionally : met
vith in the other uses of the optative: thus, na hi prapa^yfimi mam&
'je>anudyad yac ohokam (BhQ.) for I do not perceive what should dispel
my grief; yad bhuyftsur vibhataya^ (BhP.) thai there should he
changes. Also rarely with m&: see 578 b.

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674—] VIII. Conjugation. 216

674. The subjunotive, as has been pointed out, becomes
nearly extinot at an early period in the history of the
language; there are left of it in classical usage only two
relics: the use of its first persons in an imperative sense,
or to signify a necessity or obligation resting on the speak-
er, or a peremptory intention on his part; and the use of
unaugmented forms (679), with the negative particle m mS,
in a prohibitive or negative imperative sense.

a. And the general value of the subjunctive from the beginning
was what these relics would seem to indicate: its fundamental mean-
ing is perhaps that of requisition, less peremptory than the imperative,
more so than the optative. But this meaning is liable to the same
modifications and transitions with that of the optative; and sub-
junctive and optative run closely parallel with one another in the
oldest language in their use in independent clauses, and are hardly
distinguishable in dependent. And instead of their being (as in Greek)
both maintained in use, and endowed with nicer and more distinctive
values, the subjunctive gradually disappears, and the optative assumes
alone the offices formerly shared by both.

676. The difference, then, between imperative and sub-
junctive and optative, in their fundamental and most char-
acteristic uses, is one of degree: command, requisition, wish;
and no sharp line of division exists between them; they
are more or less exchangeable with one another, and com-
binable in coordinate clauses.

a. Thus, in AV., we have in impv.: ^at^oh jiva ^ar&dal^ fio
thou live a hundred autunms; ubhft^ t&& jlvatfiih jar&daf^ let them
both live to attain old age; — in subj., ady& jivBnl let me live this
day] ^at&ih jlv&ti ^ar&dal^ he shall live a hundred autumm\ — inept,
jivema ^ar&dfiih ^atani may we live hundreds of autumns\ s&rvam
iyur jivySaam (prec.) I would fain live out my whole term of life.
Here the modes would be interchangeable with a hardly perceptible
change of meaning.

b* Examples, again, of different modes in co(5rdinate construction
are: iy&m agne narl p&tiih videfta • • • BuvdnS putrin m&hi^i
bhavftti gatvi p&tiih Bnbh&gft vl rfijatu (AY.) may this woman,
O Agni! find a spouse; giving birth to sons she shall become a chief"
tainess; having attained a spouse let her rule in happiness] gop&y&
nal^ svast&ye prabudhe nah punar dada]{^ (TS.) waieh over us for

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217 Uses of the Modes'. [--679

our welfare; grant unto us to wake again; Byan nal^ Biini^ . . . si te
BTimatir bhfltv aam6 (BY.) mm/ there he to us a son; let that favor
of ihine be ours. It is not very seldom the case that yersions of
the Bame passage in different texts show different modes as various
readings.

o. There is, in fact, nothing in the earliest employment of these
modes to prove that they might not all be specialized uses of forms
originally equivalent — having, for instance, a general future meaning.

676. As examples of the less characteristic use of subjunctive
and optative in the older language, in independent clauses, may be
quoted the following: t ghft ta gaochftn uttarft yugdni (BY.) those
later ages will doubtless come\ y&d . . • n& marft {ti mdnyase (BY.)
if thou thinkest ^I shall not duP ; n& ta na^anti n& dabhftti tiuikara^
(BY.) ^hey do not become lost; no thief can harm them; k&am&i deviya
havlfft vidbema (BY.) to what god shall we offer oblation f agninft rayim
a^navat . . . div^dive (BY.) 6y Agni one may gain wealth erery day ;
utsi "nfiih brabm&i^e dady&t t&tb& syona ^iva syftt (AY.) one
should give her, however, to a Brahman; in that case she will be propitious
and favorable; &bar-abar dadySt (^.) one should give every day,

577, The uses of the optative in the later language are of the
utmost variety, covering the whole field occupied jointly by the two
modes in earlier time. A few examples from a single text (MBh.)
will be enough to illustrate them : ucchifta^ nSi Va bbuxUiyfiiii na
kxiryfiiii padadhftvanam / will not eat of the remnant of the sacrifice,
I will not perform the foot-lavation; jii&Un vrajet let her go to her
relatives; nfti "vaih aft karhioit kuryftt she should not act thus at any
time; katbaih vidyfiiii nalaih n^pam hoto can I know king Nalaf
utaarge Baih9ayab syftt tu vindetft 'pi aukbaih kvacit but in case
of her abandonment there may be a chance ; she may tUso find happiness
somewhere; kathaih vaao vikarteyaih na ca budbyeta me priyft
how can I cut off the garment and my beloved not wake f

578. The later use of the first persons subjunctive as so-called
imperative involves no change of construction from former time, but
only restriction to a single kind of use: thus, dlvyftva let tts two
play; kiih karavfii^ te what shaU I do for theef

679. The imperative negative, or prohibitive, is from the earliest
period of the language regularly and usually expressed by the particle
mi with an augmentless past form, prevailingly aorist

a. Thus, pr& pata m6 lik raihstbftb (AY.) fly away, do not stay
here; dvi^^9 oa m&byaib radbyatu ma o& li&ih dvi^at^ radbam
(AY.) both let my foe be subject to me, and let me not be subject to my foe ;
urv ^yftm ibbayaih jyotir indra ma no dirgba abbl na^cm
tamieri^ (BY.) I would win broad fearless light, O Indra; let not the
long darknesses come upon us; ma na aynb pr& mofXl^ (BY.) do not

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679—] VIII. Conjugation. 218

steal away our life; samfi^vasihi xnft 9uoa]tL (MBh.) he comforted; do
not grieve \ ma bhfiifll^ or bh&i^L (MBh. B.) dot not he afraid; mft bhtit
k&Iasya paryayal^ (B.) let not a change of time take place. Examples with
the imperfect are: ma bibher ni mari^yasi (RY.) do not fear: thou wilt
not die; ma sm&i 'tant s&khin kuruthft^ (AV.) do not make friends
of them; mft putram anntapyathft]^ (MBh.) do not sorrow for thy son.
The relation of the imperfect to the aorist constraotion, in point of
frequency, is in BY. about as one to five, in AY. still less, or about
one to six; and though instances of the imperfect are quotable from
all the older texts, they are exceptional and infreqaent; while in the
epics and later they become extremely rare.

b. A single optative, bhujema, is used prohibitively with ma in
RY. ; the older langnage presents no other example, and the constraction
is very rare also later. In an example or two, also, the precatlve (bhuyftt,
R. Pane.) follows m&.

0. The RY. has once apparently ma with an imperative; bnt the
passage is probably corrupt. No other snch case is met with in the older
langnage (unless Bfpa, TA. i. 14; doubtless a bad reading for s^as); but
in the epics and later the construction begins to appear, and becomes an
ordinary form of prohibition : thus, mft prayaoche "^vare dhanam (H.)
do not hestow wealth on a lord; sakhi mai Vaiii vada (Vet.) friend,
do not speak thus,

d. The ^B. (xi. 5. 1^ appears to offer a single example of a true
subjunctive with mft, nl padyfisfti; there is perhaps something wrong
about the reading.

e. In the epics and later, an aorist form not deprived of augment is
occasionally met with after ma: thus, mft tv&ih kftio tyagfit (MBh.)
let not the time pass thee; mft vftlipatham anv agfth (R.) do not follow
Vali^s road. But the same anomaly occurs also two or three times in the
older language: thus, vyl^paptat (QB.), ag&s (TA.), ana9at (KS.).

580. But the use also of the optative with n& not in a prohibitive
sense appears in the Yeda, and becomes later a familiar construction:
thus, n& rifyema kad^ can& (BY.) may we suffer no harm at any
time; n& oft 'tisfjdn nk juhuyftt (AY.) and if he do not grant permission^
let him not sacrifice; t&d a tdthft ni kuryftt (QB.) hut he must not
do that so; na divft 9ayita (^GS.) let him not sleep hy day; na tvftih
vidyur janftl^ (MBh.) let not people know thee. This in the later
language is the correlative of the prescriptive optative, and both are
extremely common; so that in a text of prescriptive character the
optative forms may come to outnumber the indicative and imperative
together (as is the case, for example, in Mann).

681. In all dependent constructions, it is still harder even in
the oldest language to establish a definite distinction between sub-
junctive and optative; a method of use of either is scarcely to be
found to which the other does not furnish a practical equivalent ~

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219 USBS OF THE VODB8. [—681

and tben, in the later language, Buch uses are represented by the
optatiye alone. A fe^ examples will be sufficient to illustrate this:

a. After relative pronouns and conjunctions in general: ya
vytl^ur yaQ oa ndn&di vyuooh&i (RV.) which have shone forth [hith-
erio\ and which shaU hereafter shine forth; y6 to J^yfitA asmakaiii
0& itko •sat (TS.) whoever shall he horn of her, let him he one of ti#;
y6 vfii tan vidyat pratyikfaih b4 brahma v6dit& syftt (AV.)
whoever shall know them face to face, he may pass for a knowing priest)
putrii^ftih • . . jatanftih jan&ya^ oa yan (AV.) of sons horn and whom
thou may est hear; y&sya • • . itithir grhan ag&oohet (AY.) to whose-
soever house he may come as guest; yatam&tha kfim&yeta t&tha kury&t
(^6.) in whatever way he may choose^ so may he do it; y&rhi h6ta 3r&ja-
mftnaaya nama fi^Tb^Iyat t&rhi bruyftt (TS.) when the sacrificing
priest shall name the name of the offerer, then he may speak ; svar^paih
yada dra^tum iochethftl^ (M£h.) when thou shalt desire to see thine
oum form.

b. In more distinctly conditional constructions: y&jama dev^
y&di ^akn&vSma (BY.) we will offer to the gods if we shaU he ahle; ykd
ague syam ah&ih tv&ih tv&ih vft ghft sya ah&ih syuf (e eatya
iha "^i^a^ (RY.) if I were thou, Agni, or if thou wert J, thy wishes
should he realized on the spot; yd dyam atis&rp&t par&st&n nk nk
muoyfitai vinu^asya rajiiah (AY.) though one steal far away heyond
the sky, he shall not escape king Varuna; y&d dnft^vSn upav&set k^-
dhukatt syftd y&d a^niyad mdro 'sya pa^dn abhi manyeta (TS.)
if he should continue without eating, he would starve ; if he should eat,
Rudra would attack his cattle; pr&rthayed yadi mftxii ka^oid da^ijyah
sa me pumftn bhavet (MBh.) if any man soever should desire me, he
should suffer punishment. These and the like constructions, with the
optative, are very common in the Brahmanas and later.

c. In final clauses : y&th& 'h&ih 9atruh6 'sfini (AY.) that I may
he a slayer of my enemies; gnT^Sn^ y&thft pfbfttho &ndhah (BY.) tJiat
heing praised with song ye may drink the draught; ur&u y&thft t&va
9&niicui m&dema (BY.) in order that we rejoice in thy wide protection;
lapa j&nlta y&the 'y&m punar ag&ochet (^B.) contrive that she come
hack again; kfpfiih kary&d yathft may! (MBh.) so that he may take pity
on me. This is in the Yeda one of the most frequent uses of the
subjunctive; and in its correlative negative form, with n6d in order
that not or lest (always followed by an accented verb), it continues
not rare in the Brahmanas.

d. The indioatiye is also Tery commonly used in final clauBes aftei
yathft : thus, y&thft] 'y&ih piliru^o 'Bt&rik^am anuo&rati (9B.) in order
that this man may traverse the atmosphere; yathft na vighna]{2L kriyate
(R.) so that no hindrance inay arise; yathft 'yaih na9yati tathft vidhe-
yam (H.) it must he so managed that he perish.

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581—] vni. Conjugation. 220

e. With the conditional use of inhJimctiTe and optatiTO is ftuther to
be compared that of the so-callod conditional tense: see below, 960.

f • As is indicated by many of the examples giTen above, it is nsnal
in a conditional sentence, containing protasis and apodosls, to employ always
the same mode, whether snbjonetlTe or optative (or conditional), in each
of the two clauses. For the older language, this is a rule well-nigh or
quite without exception.

582. No distinotion of meaning has been established between
the modes of the present-stem and those (in the older language} of
the perfect and aorist-systems.

Participles.

588. Participles, active and middle, are made from all
the tense-stems — except the periphrastic future, and, in
the later language, the aorist (and aorist participles are rare
from the beginning).

8. The participles unconnected with the tense-systems are treated in
chap. Xm. (962 if.).

684. The general participial endings are ^r{ ant (weak
form SElcT at; fem. ^^ an1£ or CFJ^ atl: see above, 440} for
the active, and ^H Sna (fem. I^HT SnS) for the middle. But —

a. After a tense-stem ending in a, the active participial suffix
is virtually nt, one of the two a's being lost in the combination of
stem-final and suffix.

b. After a tense-stem ending in a, the middle participial suffix
is mfina instead of ftna. But there are occasional exceptions to the
rule as to the use of mSna and Sna respectively, which will be
pointed out in connection with the various formations below. Such
exceptions are especially frequent in the causative: see 1043 f.

o. The perfect has in the active the peculiar suffix v&Ab (weakest
form uf, middle form vat; fem. ufi: see, for the inflection of this
participle, above, 468 ff.).

d. For details, as to form of stem etc., and for special exceptions
see the following chapters.

Augment.

686. The augment is a short ^ a, prefixed to a tense-
stem — and, if the latter begin with a vowel, combining with
that vowel irregularly into the heavier or vrddhi diphthong

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221 Augment. [—687

(136 a). It is always (without any exception) the accented
element in the veibal form of which it makes a part.

a* In the Yeda, the augment is in a few fonns long ft: thns, anaf,
avar, Avr^i, av^i^ak, ftvidhyat» ftyunak, ayukta, ayukf&tftm,
ari^^» arfiik, (and y&e ta avidhat, BY. ii. 1. 7, 9?).

586. The augment is a sign of past time. And an augment-
preterit is made from each of the tense-stems from which the system
of conjugation is denved: namely, the imperfect, from the present-
stem; the plnperfect (in the Veda only), from the perfect-stem; the
conditional, from the fhture-stem ; while in the aonst such a preterit
stands without any corresponding present indicative.

687. In the early language, especially in the BY., the occurrence
of forms identical with those of augment-tenses save for the lack of
an augment is quite frequent Such forms lose in general, along with
the augment, the specific character of the tenses to which they belong;
and they are then employed in part non-modally, with either a pres-
ent or a past sense; and in part modally, with either a subjunctive
or an optative sense — especially often and regularly after ma pro-
hibitive (579) ; and this last mentioned use comes down also into the
later language.

a. In BY., the angmentless formB are more than half as common as
the augmented (about 2000 and 3300), and are made from the present,
perfect, and aorist-systems, hat considerably over half from the aorist.
Their non-modal and modal uses are of nearly equal frequency. The tense
value of the non-modally nsed forms is more often past than present. Of
the modally nsed forms, nearly a third are constmed with mfi prohlhitive;
the rest have twice as often an optative as a proper subjunctive value.

b. In AY., the numerical relations are very different. The augment-
less forms are less than a third as many as the augmented (about 475 to
1460), and are prevailingly (more than four fifths) aoristic. The non-modal
XLBes are only a tenth of the modal. Of the modally used forms, about
four fifths are construed with m& prohibitive; the rest are chiefly optative
In value. Then, in the language of the Brahmanas (not including the
mantra-material which they contain), the loss of augment Is, save iu
occasional sporadic cases, restricted to the prohibitive construction with mftj
and the same continues to be the case later.

o. The accentuation of the augmentless forms is throughout in accord-
ance with that of unaugmented tenses of similar formation. Examples will
be given below, under the various tenses.

d. Besides the augmentless aorist-forms with mft prohibitive, there
are also found occasionally In the later language augmentless imperfect-forms
(very rarely aorist-forms), which have the same value as if they were aug-
mented, and are for the most part examples of metrical license. They are
especially frequent in the epics (whence some scores of them are quotable).

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688—] vni. Conjugation. 222

Reduplication.

588. The derivation of oonjugational and declensional
stems from roots by reduplication, either alone or along
with other formatiye elements, has been already spoken of
(269), and the formations in which reduplication appears
have been specified: they are, in primary yerb-inflection,
the present (of a certain class of verbs), the perfect (of
nearly all), and the aorist (of a large number); and the in-
tensive and desiderative secondary conjugations contain in
their stems the same element.

689. The general principle of reduplication is the pre-
fixion to a root of a part of itself repeated — if it begin
with consonants, the initial consonant and the vowel; if it
begin with a vowel, that vowel, either alone or with a follow-
ing consonant. The varieties of detail, however, are very
considerable. Thus, especially, as regards the vowel, which
in present and perfect and desiderative is regularly shorter
and lighter in the reduplication than in the root-syllable,
in aorist is longer, and in intensive is strengthened. The
differences as regards an initial consonant are less, and
chiefly confined to the intensive; for the others, certain
general rules may be here stated, all further details being
left to be given in connection with the account of the sep-
arate formations.

690. The consonant of the reduplicating syllable is in
general the first consonant of the root: thus, hh^ paprach
from VV[^ prach; f^lpJI 9i9ri from yffer 91!; ^5|^ bnbudh
from y^^. But —

a. A non-aspirate is substituted in reduplication for an
aspirate: thus, ^ dadhS from y/m; fsR bibhy from y^bhy.

b. A palatal is substituted for a guttural or for ^ h :

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223 Ebduplication. [—592

thus, iPR oaky from ySR ky; l^rf^ oikhid from yfe^* khid;

sTOH jagrabh from yiPT grabh; sf^ jahy from )/^ by.

c« The oecasioQ&l reTersion, on the other hand, of a palatal In the
radical syllable to guttural form has been noticed aboTe (216,1).

d. Of two initial consonants, the second, if it be a

non-nasal mute preceded by a sibilant, is repeated instead

of the first: thus, fTFrT tasfr from yTcT str; ^J^^ tastbS from

yW\ BthS; T|Wi*^i oaskand from yFfF^" skand; ^FI^5T

oaskbal from yT^FT skhal; ^WT ou9cut from yWf 9oat;

MHIM paspydb from yTTO spydh; t|Hhi puspbut from vTJ^T

spbut: — but H^ sasnS from ypT snS; HFT saBmy from

yFT flmy; gR susru from y^ sru; ftiJWM 9i9li? from vfsW

9li9.

Accent of the Verb.

591. The statements which have been made above, and those
which will be made below, as to the accent of verbal forms, apply
to those cases in which the verb is actually accented.

a. Bat, according to the grammarians, and according to the in-
variable practice in accentaated texts, the verb is in the majority of
its occurrences unaccented or toneless.

b. That is to say, of course, the verb in its proper forms, its personal
or so-called finite forms. The verbal nonns and adjectives, or the Infinitives
and participles, are subject to precisely the same laws of accent as other
nouns and adjectives.

592. The general rule, covering most of the cases, is this: The
verb in an independent clause is unaccented, unless it stand at the
beginning of the clause — or also, in metrical text, at the beginning
of a p&da.

a. For the accent of the verb, as well as for that of the vocative
case (above, 814 c), the beginning of a pftda counts as that of a sentence,
whatever be the logical connection of the pftda with what precedes it.

b. Examples of the unaccented verb are: agnfm i<}e pur6bitam
Agnt I praise, the house-priest; sa {d devdfu gaoobati that, irufy, goes
to the gods; &gne BUp&yan6 bbava O Agni, be easy of access; idkm
indra 9p^tibi somapa this, O Indra, sotna'drinker, hear; n&mas te
radra Iq^ipnal^L homage to thee, Hudra, tee offer; yiOamanasya pa9dn
pfthi the saerificer's cattle protect thou,

c. Hence, there are two principal situations in which the verb
retains its accent:

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698—] VIII. Conjugation. 224

598. First, the verb is accented when it stands at the beginning
of a clause — or, in verse, of a pftda.

a. Examples of the verb accented at the head of the sentence are, in
prose, 9undhadlivaiii d&ivyftya k&rmai^e he pure for the divine
ceremony \ &pii6la 'm&iii lok&m he wine this world \ — in verse, where
the head of the sentence is also that of the p&da, sy&nd 'd Indrasya
9&rma]^ may we be in Indra'e protection; dar^&ya mft y&tudhanfin
show me the sorcerers; g&mad v^ebhir a 8& na]|^ may he come with good
things to us; — in verse, where the head of the danse is within the pftda»
t^fSixi p&M ^rudhi h&vam drink of them^ hear our call] sistu m&ti
8&8tu pita B&Btu qvt B&stu vi^p&tih let the mother sleep^ let the father
sleep, let the dog sleep, let the master sleep] vl9vakarman n&mas te
pfihy lisman Vicvakarman, homage to thee; protect us! yuvam . • .r^fia
uoe duhita ppcoh^ vaiii nara the hinges daughter said to you ^I pray
you, ye men^; vay&iii te v&ya indra viddhi fu i^ah pr& bharfimahe
we offer thee, Indra, strengthening; take note of us.

b. Examples of the verb accented at the head of the pftda when this
is not the head of the sentence are: &thft te dntamanftiii vidyama
Bumatinam so may we er\joy thy most intimate favors; dh&ta *Byi
agruvfti p&tiiii d&dhfttu pratikSmykm Dhatar bestow upon this girl
a husband according to her wish; yfttudhanasya Bomapa jalil praj&oi
slay, O Soma-drinker, the progeny of the sorcerer.

594. Certain special cases under this head are as follows:

a. As a vocative forms no syntactical part of the sentence to which
it is attached, but is only an external appendage to it, a verb following
an initial vocative, or more than one, is accented, as if it were itself initial
in the clause or pftda: thus, a9rutkar]^a ^mdhl h&vam O thou of
listening ears, hear our call! site v&ndftmahe tvft O Sitd, we reverence
thee ; vli^ve deva v&savo r&kf ate 'm&m all ye gods, ye Vasus, protect
this man; uta ^gaQ cakri^aiii devft d6vft Jiv&yathft punah likewise
him, O gods, who has committed crime, ye gods, ye make to live again.

b. If more than one verb follow a word or words syntactically con-
nected with them all, only the first loses its accent, the others being treated
as if they were initial verbs in separate clauses, with the same adjuncts
understood: thus, tariigiir ij Jayati kfdti pui^yati successful he conquers,
rules, thrives; amitrftn . . . p&rftca indra pr& m^i^ Jahl ca our foes,
Indra, drive far away and slay; asm&bhyaiii jefi ydtai oa for us
conquer and fight ; ^gnl^omft havlfa^ pr&sthltaaya vit&iii h&ryataiii
vf^ai^ Jufdthftm O Agni and Soma, of the oblation set forth partake,
enjoy, ye mighty ones, take pleasure.

c. In like manner (but much less often), an adjunct, as subject or object,
standing between two verbs and logically belonging to both, Is reckoned to the
first alone, and the second has the initial accent: thus, Jahi prajiiii n&yasva
ca slay the progeny, and bring [it} hither; qipj.6tVL ne^ subhiigft b6dhatu
tm&nft may the blessed one hear us, [and may she] kindly regard [us}.

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225 Accent. [— W6

d. It has eyen came to be a formal mle that a verb immediately
IbllowiQg another Torb is aocented: thus, 8^ jk et&m evAm upiate
pury&te praj&yft paQubhiJI^ (Q^O whoever worships him thus is JiUed
with offspring and caUU.

695. Second, the verb is accented, whatever its position, in a
dependent clause.

a. The dependency of a clause is in the yery great majority of cases
conditioned by the relative pronoun ya, or one of its deriyatiyes or com-
pounds. Thus: jkAi jeLi1ihjSa.parihhiT kBi what offering thou protecUst'f
6 t^ yanti y6 aparlfu p&^y&n they are coming who shall behold her
hereafter] sahd y&n me &8ti t^na along with that which is mine; y&tra
nah pl&rve pit&rah parey&h whither our fathers of old departed;
tkdji, mttriya y&di yfttudhtno ismi let me die on the spot, if I am
a sorcerer; y&tha 'hftny anupfirv&iii bh&vanti as days follow one
another in order; yavad id&iii bhi&vanaiii Tl9vain &8ti how great this
whole creation is; y&tkfimas te Juhum&s t&n no astu what desiring
we sacrifice to thee, let that become ours; yatam&s titn>B&t whichever
one desires to enjoy,

b. The presence of a lelative word in the sentence does not, of course,
accent the verb, unless this is really the predicate of a dependent clause:
thus, &pa ty6 tfty&vo yathS yanti they make off like thieves [as thieves
do) ; y&t stha J&gao ca rejate whatever [is] immovable and movable
trembles; yathakamaiti nf padyate he lies down at his pleasure.

o. The particle ca when it means if and o6d (ca + id) if give an
accent to the yerb : thus, brahma ced dh&stam kgrahlt if a Brahman
has grasped her hand; tv&ih ca soma no v&^o jlvatuixi n& marSmahe
if thou, Soma, wiliest us to live, we shall not die; a ca g&cchan mitr&m
enS dadhSma if he will come here, we will make friends with him,

d. There are a yery few passages in which the logical dependence of a
clause containing no subordinating word appears to give the verb its accent:
thus, B&m &9vapar]^&9 cdranti no n&ro 'smakam indra ratblno
jayantu when our men, horse-dinged, come into conflict, let the chariot-
fighters of our side, O Indra, win the victory. Barely, too, an imperative
so following another imperative that its action may seem a consequence of
the latter's is accented: thus, ttlyam a gabi k&i^ve^u 8U s^cft p{ba
come hither quickly; drink along with the Kanvas (i. e. in order to drink).

e« A few other particles give the verb an accent, in virtue of a slight
subordinating force belonging to them : thus, especially hi (with its negation
nald), which in its fullest value means for, but shades off from that into
a mere asseverative sense; the verb or verbs connected with it are always
accented: thus, vi t6 muficantfiiii vimiico hi s&nti let them release
him, for they are releasers ; y&c oid dhi • . . anft^asta iva sm&si if
we, forsooth, are as it were unrenowned; — also n6d (n&-t-{d), meaning
lest, that not: thus, n6t tvft t&pftti sAxo arcffS that the sun may not
hum thee with his beam; vir^aiii n6d viochin&dSni ti saying to himself,
Whitney, Gramniar. 3. ed« 15

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696—] VIII. Conjugation. 226

^lest I cut off the virqf*^ (such cases are frequent In the Bnhmanas); —
and the interrogatiTe kav{d tofietherf thus, ukth^bhi^ kuv{d EgkaiaX
to ill he come hUher far our praises f

696. But farther, the verb of % prior clause is not infrequently
accented in antithetical construction.

a. Sometimes, the relation of the two clauses is readily capable of
being regarded as that of protasis and apodosls; but often, also, such a
relation is very indistinct; and the cases of antithesis shade off into those
of ordinary coordination, the line between them appearing to be rather
arbitrarily drawn.

b. In many cases, the antithesis is made distinoter by the presence in
the two clanses of correlative words, especially anya — anya, eka — ekat
vft— vft, ca — oa: thus, pr&-pr& *iiy6 y&nti p&ry anyi fiaate some go
on and on^ others sit about (as if it where while some go etc.); ud v&
sific&dhvam upa vft p^^i^adhvam either pour out, or Jill up-, B&iii oe
'dhy&svft 'gne pr& ca vardhaye 'm&in both do thou thyself become
kindledf Agni, and do thou increase this person. But it is also made with-
out such help: thus, pra 'Jftt&^ pre^i Jan&yati p&ri pr^atft gplu^&ti
the unborn progeny he generates, the bom he embraces \ &pa yu^m&d &kra-
mln ni, 'sman upavartate [though] she has gone away from you, she
does not come to us\nt 'ndli6 'dhvaryur bh&vati n4 yajfiiiii r&kf&iiBi
ghnanti the priest does not become blind, the demons do not destroy the
sacrifice^ k6na 86mS g^hy&nte k^na buy ante by whom [on the one hand]
are the somas dipped outf by whom [on the other Jumd] are they offered f

697. Where the verb would be the same in the two antithetical clauses,
it is not infrequently omitted in the second: thus, beside complete expres-
sions like urvi ct 'si v&svi oft 'si both thou art broad and thou art good,
occur, much oftener, Incomplete ones like agnir amiifgmift lok& aald
yain6 'smin Agni was in yonder world, Yama [was] in this-, asthna
'nya^ praja^ pratiti^thanti mftfis^nft 'nyah by bone some creatures
stand firm, by flesh others ', dvipac ca B&rvaiii no r&kfa c&tafp&d
y&c oa nah sv&m both protect everything of ours that is biped, and
also whatever that is quadruped belongs to us.

a. Accentuation of the verb in the former of two antithetical claases
is a rule more strictly followed in the Brahmanas than in the Veda, and
least strictly in the RY.: thus, in RV., abbi dyaiii mabina bbuvam
(not bbuvam) abhi 'maih pptbivlih maMm I am superior to the sky
in greatness, also to this great earth; and even indro vidur iilgirasa^
oa gborab Indra knows, and the terrible Angirases.

698. There are certain more or less doubtful cases in which a
yerb-form is perhaps ac<:ented for emphasis.

a. Thus, sporadically before oan& in any wise^ and in connection
with asseverative particles, as klla, ailg&, ev&, and (in QB., regularly)
b&nta: thus, b&nte 'maih p^tbivlib vibhAjftmahfti come on! let us
share up this earth.

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227 IX. P&ESBMT-STSTBM. [—601

CHAPTER IX.

THE PRESENT-SYSTEM.

699. The present-system, or system of forms coming
from the present-stem, is composed (as waa pointed out
above] of a present indicative tense, together with a sub-
junctive (mostly lost in the classical language], an optative,
an imperative, and a participle, and also a past tense, an
augment-preterit, to which we give (by analogy with the
Greek) the name of imperfect.

a. These forms often go in Sanskrit gramnurs by the name of
**«pecial tenses", while the other tense-systems are styled ^general tenses"
— as if the former were made from a special tense stem or modified root,
while the latter came, all alike, from the root itself. There is no reason
why such a distinction and nomenclatare should be retained; since, on the
one hand, the ^special tenses" come in one set of verbs directly from the
root, and, on the other hand, the other tense-systems are mostly made from
stems — and, in the case of the aorlst, from stems having a variety of form
comparable with that of present-stems.

600. Practically, the present-system is the most prom-
inent and important part of the whole conjugation, since,
from the earliest period of the language, its forms are very
much more frequent than those of all the other systems
together.

a. Thus, in the Veda, the occurrences of personal forms of this system
are to those of all others about as three to one ; in the Aitareya Brahmana,
as five to one; in the Hitopadeoa, as six to one; In the Q&kuntala, as
eight to one; in Mann, as thirty to one.

601. And, as there is also great variety in the manner
in which different roots form their present stem, this, as
being their most conspicuous difference, is made the basis
of their principal classification; and a verb is said to be of
this or of that conjugation, or claas, according to the way
in which its present-stem is made and inflected.

15*

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602—] IX. Prbsemt-ststbm. 228

602. In a small minority of veibs, the present-stem is
identical with the root. Then there are besides (excluding
the passive and causative) seven more or less different meth-
ods of forming a present-stem from the root, each method
being followed by a larger or smaller number of verbs.
These are the *^classes^ or '^conjugation-classes^, as laid
down by the native Hindu grammarians. They are ar-
ranged by the latter in a certain wholly artificial and un-
systematic order (the ground of which has never been dis-
covered] ; and they are wont to be designated in European
works according to this order, or else, after Hindu example,
by the root standing at the head of each class in the Hindu
lists. A different arrangement and nomenclature will be
followed here, namely as below — the classes being divided
(as is usual in European grammars) into two more general
classes or conjugations, distinguished from one another by
wider differences than those which separate the special
classes.

608. The classes of the Fibst or NON-a-CoNJUGATioN
are as follows:

I. The root-class (second class, or ad-class, of the
Hindu grammarians); its present-stem is coincident with
the root itself: thus, ^^ ad eat; \i go; m^ fis sit; 7X\
yS ffo; fk^ dvif hate; 3^ duh milk.

n. The reduplicating class (third or hu-class);
the root is reduplicated to form the present-stem: thus,
g^ juhu from y^ hu sacrifice; ^ dad& from y^ dft
give; fspi bibhr ^oni V^ bhy bear.

HI. The nasal class (seventh or rudh-class) ; a
nasal, extended to the syllable ^ na in strong forms, is
inserted before the final consonant of the root; thus,
-^[sq* rundh (or l^fSm nu^adh) from yT^ rudh obstruct;
g^ yufij (or g^BT yunaj) from yc^yuj join.

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229 Ck)NJUaATI0N-CLAS8BS. [—606

IV. a. The nu-olass (fifth or su-olass); the syllable
^ nu ifl added to the root: thus, Wl sunu from y^ su
press out] m^ &pnu from y^3[m &p obtain.

b. A very small numbei (only half-a-dozen) of loots
ending already in ^ n, and also one very common and
quite irregularly inflected root not so ending {m "kf make),
add 3 u alone to form the present-stem. This is the
eighth or tan-class of the Hindu grammarians; it may
be best ranked by us as a sub-class, the u-class: thus,
cR tanu from YtFi tan stretch,

V. The nft-class (ninth or ktl-class); the syllable
^ n& (or, in weak forms, ^ nl) is added to the root ;
thus, cffhnr kri^ (or stiluH krfij^I) from y^ kri buy;
THHT stabhn& (or fcPft stabhnX) from V^rPT stabh estab-
lish.

604. These classes have in common, as their most found-
amental characteristic, a shift of accent: the tone being
now upon the ending, and now upon the root or the class-
sign. Along with this goes a variation in the stem itself,
which has a stronger or fuller form when the accent rests
upon it, and a weaker or briefer form when the accent is
on the ending: these forms are to be distinguished as the
strong stem and the weak stem respectively (in part, both
have been given above). The classes also form their opta-
tive active, their 2d sing, imperative, their 3d pi. middle,
and their middle participle, in a different manner from
the others.

606. In the classes of the Second or a-CoNjuGATioN,
the present-stem ends in a, and the accent has a fixed
place, remaining always upon the same syllable of the
stem, and never shifted to the endings. Also, the optative,
the 2d sing, impv., the dd pi. middle, and the middle

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606—] IX. Present-system. 230

paiticiple, are (as just stated) unlike those of the other

conjugation.

606. The classes of this conjugation are as follows:

VI. The a-class, or unaccented a-class (first or
bhfl-class); the added class-sign is a simply; and the
root, which has the accent, is (if capable of it) strength-
ened by gujyBL throughout: thus, ^R bh&va from y^ bhtl
be; JTO" ndya from i/jft nl lead; ^t^ b6dha from V^^
budh toake] o|^ vada from yc(^ vad speak.

Vn. The &-class, or accented a-class (sixth or
tud-class) ; the added class-sign is a, as in the preceding
class; but it has the accent, and the unaccented root
remains unstrengthened : thus, rl^ tud& from y^ tud
thrust] ^ STJd from V^pT syj let loose; gsf 8uv4 from
]/H Btl give birth.

Yin. The ya- class (fourth or div-class); jb is
added to the root, which has the accent: thus, ^oH
divya from ]/f|cf div (more properly ^( div: see 766)
play; R^ n&hya from y^^ nah bind; ^[^ krddhya
from VW^ krudh be angry.

IX. The passive conjugation is also properly a
present-system only, having a class-sign which is not
extended into the other systems; though it differs mark-
edly from the remaining classes in having a specific
meaning, and in being formable in the middle voice
from all transitive verbs. Its inflection may therefore
best be treated next to that of the ya-class, with which
it is most nearly connected, differing from it as the
&-class from the a-class. It forms its stem, namely, by
adding an accented y& to the root: thus, Wtf adyi from
y^ ad eat; "^S rudhyd from /^ rudh obstruct;
SECT budhyi from yWJ budh wake; W^ tudjri from
y^ tud thrust.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

231 CONJUOATIOM-CLASSSS. [--61 1

607. The Hindu grammariaDs reckon a tenth class or onr-class,
having a blass-sign &ya added to a strengthened root (thus, oor&ya
firom your), and an inflection like that of the other a-stems. Since,
however, this stem is not limited to the present-stem, but extends
also into the rest of the coigagation — while it also has to a great
extent a cansative value, and may be formed in that value from a
large number of roots — it will be best treated in full along with
the derivative conjugations (chap. XIV., 1041 ff.).

608. A small number of roots add in the present-system a oh,
or substitute a ch for their final consonant, and form a stem ending
in cha or ch4, which is then inflected like any a-stem. This is
historically, doubtless, a true class-sign, analogous with the rest; but
the verbs showing it are so few, and in formation so irregular, that
they are not well to be put together' into a class, but may best be
treated as special cases falling under the other classes.

a. Boots adding oh are ^ and yn, whiAh make the stems )pooh4 and
yuooha.

b. Roots sabsdtnting oh for their final are if, uf (or vas shine),
gam* yam» inrhich make the stems iooh&» aooh&» g&coha, y&coha.

0. Of the so-called roots ending in oh, soTeral are more or less
clearly stems, whose use has been extended from the present to other systems
of tenses.

609. Roots are not wholly limited, eren in the later language, to
one mode of formation of their present-stem, bnt are sometimes reckoned
as belonging to two or more different conjngation-classes. And such variety
of formation is especially freqnent In the Yeda, being exhibited by a
considerable proportion of the roots there occniring; already In the Brahmanas,
howeyer, a condition Is reached nearly agreeing In this respect with the
classical language. The different present-formations sometimes have differ-
ences of meaning; yet not more important ones than are often fonnd belong-
ing to the same formation, nor of a kind to show clearly a difference of
value as originally belonging to the separate classes of presents. If anything
of this kind is to be esUbllshed, it must be from the derivative conjugations,
which are separated by no fixed line from the present-systems.

610. We take up now the diflferent classes, in the order in which
they have been arranged above, to describe more in detail, and with
Illustration, the formation of their present-stems, and to notice the
irregularities belonging under each class.

I. Root-class (second, ad-class).

611. In this class there is no olass-sign; the root itself
is also present-stem, and to it are added directly the per-

1
-A

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611—]

IX. PRESBNT-6TSTB1L

232

Bonal endings — but combined in subjunctiye and optative
with the respective mode-signs; and in the imperfect the
augment is prefixed to the root

a. The accented endings (662) regularly take the accent — except
in tiie imperfect, wliere it falls on the augment — and before them
the root remains unchanged; before the unaccented endings, the root
takes the gui^-strengthening.

b. It it only in the first three olMset that the endings eome Imme-
diately in contact with a floal consonant of the root, and that the rales for
oonsonaDt combination ha^e to be noted and applied. In these classes, then,
additional paradigms will be given, to illastrate the modes of combination.

1. Present Indicative.

612. The endings are the primary (with H^ &te in dd
pi. mid.), added to the bare root. The root takes the accent,
and has giu^, if capable of it, in the three persons sing. act.

Examples of inflection: a. active, root ^ i go]
strong form of rootnstem, ^ 6; weak form, ^ i; middle, root
Ss sitj stem Ss (irregularly accented throughout: 628).

active.

middle.

8.

d.

P-

8.

d. p.

^

^^

^^

?irvl

*4IW^ «IW$

6mi

iv&8

im&s

^e

&vahe iamahe

^i

^

^

m^

^miSl 5n^

69i

ithiis

ith&

tBse

.asathe iddhve

1^

^

H%

?n^

^BTTHT^ m^

6ti

it&8

y&nti

iste

asftte asate

b. root dvii} hate: strong stem-form, dv^; weak, dvi^.xFor
rules of combination for the final a, see 226. ^^

1 dvd^mi dvifv&s dvifm&s dvif6 dvifv&he dvi^m&h^

2 dv^i dvlQtli^ dvi^^hk dvik^d dvi^athe dvi44hv4 V

3 dvd^ti dvi9t&8 dvl^inti dvi^t^^ dvi^tte dvi^&te v

c. root duh milk: strong stem-form, d6h; weak, duh. For rules
of combination for the final h, and for the conversion of the initial
to dh, see 222a, 166, 160.

1 d61inii duhv&8 duhmis duli6 duhv&he duhm&he

2 ^6k9i dugdh&8 dugdhi dhulq^ duhtthe dhugdhvd

3 dogdhi dugdh&8 duh&nti dugdh6 dnh^ duh&te

;

Digitized byCjOOQlC

233 BOOT-OLABS (8B0OND, ad-OLASS). [—016

d. root lih li^; strong stem, 16h; weak, lih. For rales of
combination of the fin^ h, see fi2t b.

1 Idhmi lihv&s lihm&s; lihe lihv&he Uhm&he

3 Ukfi U^h&B li<jLha lik^d lihathe li<Lhv6

8 16^ n<Lh&8 lih&ntl U^h^ llhite Uh&te

618* Bxamplefl of tke 3d sing. mid. coiiieideDt in fonn with the Isi
sing, are not rare in the older language (both Y. and B.) ; the most frequent
examples are i^e, duh^» vid^, 9&ya; more sporadic are cit6, bruve» hav6.
To tha of the 2d pi. is added na in Bth&na, pathAnft, yftth&na.
The irregnlar accent of the 3d pi. mid. is fonnd in BY. in rihatd, duhat^.
Examples of the same person in re and rate also occur: thns (besides
those mentioned below, 628-80, 6d6)» vidr6» and, Kith anxiliary Towel,
arhire (unless these are to be ranked, rather, as perfect forms without
reduplication: 780b}.

2. Present Bubjunotive.

614. Subjanctiye forms of this class are not uncommon in the
older language, and nearly all those which the formation anywhere
admits are quotable, from Veda or from Brahmana. A complete
paradigm, accordingly, is giyen below, with the few forms not
actually quotable for this class enclosed in brackets. We may take
as models (as above), for the active the root i go, and for the middle
the root Ss «tV, from both of which numerous forms are met with
(although neither for these nor for any others can the whole series
be found in actual use).

a. The mode-stems are &ya (6 + a) and isa, {is +9,) respectively,
active. middle.

. {^ »,«■« 4^ g^S. C*-"-] f ts

616. The BY. has no middle forms in Si except those of the first
person. The Ist sing. act. in & oceurs only in BY., in ayft, bravft,
ativft. The 2d and 3d sing, act with primary endings are Tery unnsoal
in the Brahmanas. Forms irregularly made with long &, like those from
present-stems in a, are not rare in AY. and B. : thus, ayfis, ayftt, dyftn ;
isatp br&v&t; bravftthas; asfttha, ay&th^ bravfttha, hanfttha;
idftn, dohSa* Of middle forms with secondary endings are found liAaantay
3d pi., and i^ata, 3d sing, (after ma prohibitlTe), which is an isolated
example. The only dual person In ftite Is br&viUte.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

actWe.

8.

d. p.

lyam

lyaTft ly&na

iyis

lyitam iyita

lyatftm iy^

616—] IX. PBS8BNT-SY8TEM. 234

8. Present Optative.

616. The personal endings combined with the mode-
signs of this mode (HT yS in act., | I in mid.) have been
given in full above (666). The stem-form is the unaccented
and iinstrengthened root.

middle.
8. d. p.

isiyA isivahi tsimahi
asithfta asiyatham &ildhvam

asita asiyStftm isiran

a. In the same manner, from ydvi^, dvi^yam and dviffsri; from
V^duhy duhyam and duhiyi; from ylih, liliyim and lihiyi. The
inflection is so regular that the example above given is enough, with
the addition of dvifXyd, to show the normal accentuation in the
middle: thus, sing, dviflyi, dvifithaa, dviflt&; du. dvi^Iv&hJU
dvifiyithftm, dvi^Xyitam; pi. dvifim&hiy dvi^dhv&m, dvi^ir&n.

b. The BV. has once tana in 2d pi. act. (in sy&tana).

4. Present Imperative.

617. The imperative adds, in second and third persons,
its own endings (with ^ETclFr at&m in 3d pi. mid.) directly
to the root-stem. The stem is accented and strengthened
in 3d sing, act.; elsewhere, the accent is on the ending
and the root remains unchanged. The first persons, so called,
of the later language are from the old subjunctive, and
have its strengthened stem and accent; they are repeated
here from where they were given above (614 a). In the 2d
sing, act., the ending is regularly (as in the two following
classes) fu dhi if the root end with a consonant, and 1% hi
if it end with a vowel. As examples we take the roots
already used for the purpose.

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235

Boot-class (seoomd, ecL-olass).

[—619

a. Thus, from the roots ^ i and 3Bnn fts:

iyftni
ihf

aetiTe.
d.

&yftva

it&m
itam

P-
iyftma

it&

middle,
d.

as&vahSi

p.
as&mahfti

as&thftm

astftm asatSm

iddhvam
&iatftm

5lf^
asai

assva

y&nta

b. From the roots dvif and duh and lih:

dv^f&ma dv^fai dv6i|avahai dv^f&mahai
dvift^ dvik^v^ dvifatham dvi^cjLhv&m

dvi^intu dviffdm dvifdt&m dvif&t&m

dohSma doh&i d6havahai d6hftmahfti
dugdli& dlialci|v& duhttham dhngdhv&m
duh&ntn dugdhim duhitfim duh&taxn

16hSma lehfti 16havahfti Idh&mah&i
li4h& lik9v& lihith&m n<Lhv&m

lih&ntu llijLham lUiat&m lih&tam

1 dvdffai^ dv^ffftva

2 dTi4<jii£ dvi^t^un

3 dvdftn dvift^

1 dohftni d6h&va

2 dugdhf dngdh&m

3 dogdhu dugdhim

1 l^hSni l^hava

2 H4h{ ll^hkm

3 16<jLhu HijLhim

618. The 2d sing. act. ending tat is found in the older language in
a few yerhs of this class: namely, vittit» Titat, br^tit, hatat, yatat,
stutat. In 3d sing, mid., two or three verbs bave in the older language
the ending am: thus, duh&n (only RY. case), vidam, ^ayam; and in
3d pi. mid. AY. has dtihr&n and duhratam. The use of tana for ta
in 2d pi. act. is quite frequent in the Yeda: thus, itana, yat&na» attana,
etc. And in Btota» 6ta ^tana, bravitana, ^ast&na, hantana, we have
examples io the same person of a strong (and accented) stem.

6. Present Participle.

6ie. a. The active participle has the ending CItT &nt
(weak stem-form Wf at) added to the unstrengthened root.
Mechanically, it may be formed from the 3d pi. by dropping
the final ^ i. Thus, for the verbs inflected above, the active
participles are ntl y^nt, '^^r\ duhdnt, f^Nrl dvif 4nt, f^T^tT
lih&nt. The feminine stem ends usually in ^3lx(i ati: thus,
Hffl yati, i«trfl duhati, fe^ dvi^ti, id«ftrfi lihati: but,
from roots in &, in sntlt Sntl or Cllcf) Sti (449 gl

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

619—] IX- Prbsbnt-ststem. 236

b. The middle partioiple has the ending CTR ftnd, added
to the unstrengthened root: thus, ^^PT iySnd, ^«JH dnhSni,
QiMIUI dviffiii^, id«tH lihtod.

o. The root Ss forms the aDomalons and isolated asina (in RV.
also a8fin&).

d. Bat a number of these participles in the older language have
a doable accent, either on the ending or on the radical syllable:
thus, i9an& and f9Sna» ohftni and 6liana, dah&n& and duhsna (also
dughftna), rih&]gL& and rfh&na, vidftn& and vidftna, suTftnil and
sdvftna, stuvftn& and 8tav&n4 and st&Tftna — the last having in part
also a strong form of the root.

6. Imperfect.

620. This tense adds the secondary endings to the root
as increased by prefixion of the augment. The root has the
gu^Bia-strengthening (if capable of/ it) in the three persons of
the singular actiye, although the accent is always upon the
augment. Examples of inflection are:

a. From the roots ^ i and ^^ fis:

actire. middle.

8. d. p. f. d. p.

tyam fiiva ft{ma as! lUvahi iamahi

aia aitam ftita isthfis tsftthftm iddhvam

3 ^^ ^?T1\ ^ITCR^ ^TTtT ymiHIH^ ?TOfT
ait aitam ayan &ta isfttam llsata

b. From the roots dvi^ and duh and lib:

1 Adve^am idvifva ^dtl^ma &dvifi &dvii}v-ahi 4dvi9mahi

2 &dvet idvi^t^^m idvisfa idvi^thaa ^dvifatham &dvi44^vam

3 k&ve\ 4dvi9tam idyi^an 4dvl§ta 4dTi9atam Advlfata

1 &dobam 4duhvB 4duhma Aduhi 4duhvabi 4dabmalii

2 &dhok idngdham 4dugdha idugdhas iduhatham &dhugdhvam

3 &dhok 4dagdham &dahan 4dugdba &dnhatftm iduhata

1 &leham &lihTa &lihma &lihi Whvahi Whmahi

2 &let &H4ham iU<Lba iOi^has iUhfttham ^li^hvam

3 &lei iOi^ham Whan ^li^ha &lihatam Alihata

621. a. Boots ending in a may in the later language optionally
take UB instead of an in 3d pi. act (the a being lost before it); and

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

237 Boot-class (sboond, ad-CLASS). [— 6fl5

in the older they always do so: thus, &yas from i/yft, &pu8 f^om
V^pft protect^ abhuB from ybUL Tbo same ending is also allowed
and met with in the ease of a few roots ending in consonants: namely
vid know, cakfy dvif, duh, mf>J. RV. has atvifus.

b. The ending tana, 2d pi. act, is found in the Yeda in &ytltana,
isaatana, aitana, ibravitana. A strong stem is seen in the Ist pi.
homa, and the 2d pi. abravita and dbravltana.

0. To save the eharacteristio endings in 2d and dd sing, act., the root
ad inserts a: thus, adas, tdat; the root as inserts I: thus, asis, isit
(see helow, 636); compare also 681-4.

62S. The use of the persons of this tense, without augment, in the
older language, has heen noticed above (587). Augmentless imperfects of
this class are rather uncommon in the Yeda: thus, h&n, t6b, 2d sing.;
ban, vet, Btaut» d&n (?), 3d sing.; bruvan, duhiis, cakfus, 3d pi.;
vasta, 0uta, 3d sing. mid.

623. The first or root-form of aorist is identical in its formation with
this Imperfect: see below, 829 fT.

624. In the Veda (but hardly outside of the RV.) are found certain
2d sing, forms, having an imperative value, made by adding tbe ending si
to the (accented and strengthened) root. In part, they are the only root-forms
belonging to the roots from which they come : thus, J69I (for J699I, from VJuf ),
dh&kfi» p&rfi (ypx P^^)f prisi, bhakijl, ratsi, s&tsiy hofi; but the
majority of them have forms (one or more) of a root-present, or sometimes
of a root-aorist, beside tbem : thus, k^^f i (l/kfi rule), J6fi» d&r^i, nakfi
()/naQ attain), n^fi, m&tsi, m&si (i/mft measure), y&k^l, y&iiiBi, yftsi,
y6tBi, rasi, v&k^l (/vah), v6fi, 9r69l, sakfi. Their formal character
is somewhat disputed ; but they are probably indicative persons of the root-
class, used imperatively.

625. Forms of this class are made from nearly 150 roots, either
in the earlier language, or in the later, or in both: namely, from
about 50 through the whole life of the language, from 80 in the older
period (of Veda, Brahmana, and Sutra) alone, and from a few (about 15)
in the later period (epic and classical) only*. Not a few of these
roots, however, show only sporadic root-forms, beside a more usual
conjugation of some other ol»ss; nor is it in all cases possible to
separate clearly root-present from root-aorist forms.

a. Many roots of this class, as of the other classes of the first
conjugation, show transfers to the second or a-conjugation, forming
a conjugation-stem by adding a to their strong or weak stem, or

* Such statements of numbers, with regard to the various parts of the
system of conjugation, are in all cases taken from the author's Supplement
to this grammar, entitled '^Roots, Verb-Forms, and Primary Derivatives of
Ae Sanskrit Language", where lists of roots, and details as to forms etc.,
are also given.

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625—] IX. Pabsbht-ststbm. 238

even to both: thas, from )/mfj» both mftija (627) and mfja. Such
tansfers are met with even in the oldest language; but they usually
become more frequent later, often establishing a new mode of present
inflection by the side of, or in substitution for, the earlier mode.

b. A number of roots offer irregularities of inflection; these are,
in the main, pointed out in the following paragraphs.

IrregtQarities of the Boot-olass.

626. The roots of the class ending in u have in their strong
forms the vpddhi instead of the giu^a-strengthening before an ending
beginning with a consonant: thus, from ystu, staumi, istfiut, and
the like: but &8tavam, st&vftni, etc.

a. RootB found to exhibit this peculiarity in actual use are kfigLa* ya
uniicy 8U (or su) impel, ska, stu, anu (these in the earlier language),
nu, ru, and hnu. RV. has once stofi and anftvan. Compare also 638.

627. The root mpj also has the v^ddhi-vowel in its strong
forms: thus, m&jmi, &mSxjam» Amarf (150b); and the same streng-
thening is said to be allowed in weak forms before endings beginning
with a vowel: thus, mftrjantu, amarjan; but the only quotable case
is m&ijlta (LQS.). Forms from a-stems begin to appear already
in AV.

a. In the other tense-systems, also, and in derivation, mf j shows often
the v^ddhi instead of the guna-strengthening.

628. A number of roots accent the radical syllable throughout,
both in strong and in weak forms: thus, all those beginning with a
long vowel, fie, I^t xr, 19; and also cakf, takf, trft, nihs, vas cloihef
9inJ, 9I lie, and su. All these, except takf and trft (and tr& also in
the Vedic forms), are ordinarily conjugated in middle voice only.
Forms with the same irregular accent occur now and then in the Veda
from other verbs: thus, m&tsva, y&kfva, s&k^va, sakfva, fdhat.
Middle participles so accented kave been noticed above (619 d).

629. Of the roots mentioned in the last paragraph, 91 lie has
the gui^a-strengthening throughout: thus, qkye, 9^90, 9&yiya, ^^yftna,
and so on. Other irregularities in its inflection (in part already noticed)
are the 3d pi. persons 96rate (AY. etc. have also 9^re), ^eratSm,
&9erata (RV. has also &9eran), the 3d sing. pres. 9&ye (R.) and impv.
9&yam. The isolated active form &9ayat is common in the older
language; other a-forms, active and middle, occur later.

680. Of the same roots, if and 19 insert a union-vowel i hefore
certain endings: thus, iqi^e^ i9idhve, Ififva (these three being the only
forms noted in the older language); but RV. has ik^e beside {91^6; the
9^U. has once i9ite for l^{e. The 3d pi. X9ire (on account of its accent)
is also apparently present rather than perfect The MS. has once the 3d sing,
impf. fti9a (like aduha: 636).

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

239 ROOT-OLASS (SBOOND, ad-CLASS). [—656

661. The roots rud we^, srap sleep, an breathe^ and ^vas blow
insert a union-vowel i before all the endings beginning with a con-
sonant, except the s and t of 2d and 3d sing, impf., where they insert
instead either a or I: thus, ■v&piml, ^risii^ &niti, and anat or
fLnit. And in the other forms, the last three are allowed to accent
either root or ending: thus, svipantu and ^T&santu (AY.), or
Bvap&ntu etc. The AY. has sv4ptu instead of svipitu.

a. In the older language, /vam makes the same insertions: thas,
vamiti) avamit; and other cases occasionally occur: thus, J&ni^va, vasifva
(yvBB elothe\ 9nathilii» stanihi (aU RY.), yamiti (JB.), ^oeimi (MBh.).
On the other hand, /an early makes forms from an a-stem: thns, &nati
(AY); pple 4nant (QB.); opt. anet (AB.).

632. The root bra epeak, say (of very frequent use) takes the
nnion-vowel i after the root when strengthened, before the initial
consonant of an ending: thns, br&vuni, br&vifi, brdviti, dbravis,
khTAvit; but brum&8» br^y^m, dbravam, 4bmvan, etc. Special
occasional irregularities are brtuni, bravihi, abruvam, abruvan,
bruyftty and sporadic forms from an a-stem. The subj. dual br&vftite
has been noticed above (615); also the strong forms abravita,
&bravitana (621 a).

633. Some of the roots in u are allowed to he inflected like bra:
namely, ka, ta» ra, and stu; and an occasional Instance is met with of
a form so made (in the older language, only taviti noted; in the later,
only stavimi, once).

634. The root am (hardly found in the later language) takes i as
union-Towel: thus, amifi (RY.), amiti and ftmit and amif^va (TS.). From
y^am occur ^amifva (VS.; TS. ^ami^va) and ^amidhvam (TB. etc.).

635. The irregnlarities of /duh in the older langnage have been
already in part noted: the 3d pi. indie, mid. dahate, dahre, and dulir4te;
3d sing. impy. daham, pi. duhr^ and duhrat&m; impf. act. 3d sing,
dduhat (which is found also in the later language), 3d pi. aduhran
(beside ddahan and duhos); the mid. pple dughana; and (quite un-
exampled elsewhere) the opt. forms duhiy&t and dahiy&n (RV. only).
The MS. has adoha 3d sing, and adohra 3d pi. impf. mid., apparently
formed to correspond to the pros, duhe (613) and dahre as adagdha and
adohata correspond to dugdhe and duhate: compare Blqa (630), related
in like manner to the 3d sing. 190.

Some of the roots of this class are abbreviated or otherwise
weakened in their weak forms: thns —

686. The root ^btfT as be loses its vowel in weak forms

(except where protected by combination with the augment).

Its 2d sing, indie, is ^^ &8i (instead of assi); its 2d sing.

impv. is ^ftr edhi (iiregnlaily &om asdhi). The insertion of

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

686--]

IX. PBB8BNT-S7STBH.

240

^ T in 2d and 3d sing. impf. has been noticed already
above. ~~~

a. The forms of this extremely common verb, are, then,
as follows:

&Bmi

48i

&8ti

&8fini
edhf

&8tU

Indicative,
d.

8V&8

Bth&8

flt&8

Imperative,
isava
8t4m
stam

sm&s
Bth&
B&nti

&8ama

W(

8&ntu

8.

Bytm

HTTH
syas

syat

5nH^
asam

asis

tslt

Optative,
d.

syava
syatam

sy^tftm

Imperfect

asva

astam

astam

P-
s^^hua

syata

^^

syds

^ta

Participle T{r{ sdnt (fern. W^ sati).

b. Besides the forms of the present-system, there is made from
this root only a perfect, asa etc. (800), of wholly regular inflection.

c. The Yedic subjunctive forms are the usual ones, made upon the
stem &8a. They are in frequent use, and appear (asat especially) even
in late texts where the subjunctive is almost lost. The resolution slam
etc. (opt.) is common in Yedic verse. As 2d and 3d sing. impf. is a few
times met with the more normal &8 (for as-s, fis-t). Sthina, 2d pi., was
noted above (618).

d. Middle forms from |/a8 are also given by the grammarians as allow-
ed with -certain prepositions (vi + ati), but they are not quotable; smahe
and sy Smahe (I) occur in the epics, but are merely instaucea of the ordi-
nary epic confusion of voices (529 a). Oonfusions of primary and secondary
endings — namely, 8va and sma (not rare), and, on the other hand, ayftvas
and syftmas — are also epic. A middle present indicative is said to be
compounded (in Ist and 2d persons) with the nomm ageniis in t;^ (tar)
to form a periphraatio future in the middle voice (but tee below, 047).
The 1st sing, indlc. is he; the rest is in the usual relation of middle to
active forms (in 2d pers., se, dhve, sva, dhvam, with total loss of the
root itself).

Digitized ^y VjOOQ IC

241 EOOT-CLASS (SECOND, ad-OLASS). [—640

637. The root han smUe, slay is treated aomewhat after the
manner of noan-stems in an in declension (421): in weak forms, it
loses its n before an initial consonant (except m and v) of a personal
ending (not in the optative), and its a before an initial vowel — and
in the latter case its h, in contact with the n, is changed to gh (com-
pare 402). Thus, for example:

Present Indicatiye.
8. d. p.

1 h&nml hanv&B hanmis

2 hiiisi hath&8 hath&

3 h&nti hat&8 ghn&nti

Imperfect.

8. d.

dhanam &lianva

&haii &liatam

&haii ihatSm

p.
dliaiima
dhata
dghnan

a. Its participle is ghn&nt (fern, ghnati). Its 2d sing. impv. is
Jahi (by anomalous dissimilation, on the model of reduplicating

forms).

b. Middle forms from this root are frequent in the Brahman&s, and
tho8A that occur are formed in general according to the same rules: thus,
hate, haninabe, ghnate; ahata, aghnStftm, aghnata (in AB., also
ahata); ghnita (but also hanlta). Forms from transfer-stems, haaa and
ghna, are met with from an early period.

638. The root va^ he eager is in the weak forms regularly and
usually contracted to U9 (as in the perfect: 794b): thus, uQin&sl
(V.: once apparently abbreviated in RV. to 9ma8i), U9&nti; pple
uQanty n^Sni. Middle forms (except the pple) do not occur; nor do
the weak forms of the imperfect, which are given as &u9va» &uftam, etc.

a. RY. has in like manner the participle uf fii^ from the root vas clothe.

639. The root 9&8 order shows some of the peculiarities of a
reduplicated verb, lacking (646) the n before t in all 3d persons pi.
and in the active participle. A part of its active forms — namely,
the weak forms having endings beginning with consonants (including
the optative) — are said to come from a stem with weakened vowel,
919 (as do the aorist, 854, and some of the derivatives); but, except-
ing the optative (9i97dm etc., U. S. and later), no such forms are
quotable.

a. The 3d sing. impf. is a9fit (555 a), and the same form Is said
to be allowed also as 2d sing. The 2d sing. impv. is q&dhi (with total
loss of the s); and RY. has the strong 2d pi. 9&8t&na (with anomalous
accent); and a-forms, from stem 9ft8a, occasionally occur.

b. The middle inflection is regular, and the accent (apparently)
always upon the radical syllable (9a8te, 9a8ate, 9&&na).

o. The root d&9 toorship has in like manner (RY.) the pple da9at
(not d^ant).

640. The double so-called root Jak^ eat, laugh is an evident redu-
plication of ghaa and has respectively. It has the absence of n in act.

Whitney, Orammar. 3. ed. 16

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

640—] EL PRB8BNT-ST8TB1C. 242

8d penont pL and pple, and the accent on the root hefore Towel-endings,
which belong to lednplieatad Terbe; and it also takes the union-Towel i
in the manner of rod etc. (abore, 681). For ita forma and deriTatlTea
made with utter loaa of the ilnal sibilant, see 288 1

641. Certain other obviotiBly reduplicated verbs are treated hj
the native grammarians as if simple, and referred to this conjugation:
such are the intensively reduplicated jSgr (1020 a)» daridrft (1024 a)»

and van (1024 a)» didhi etc. (676)» and cakfis (677).

II. Reduplicating Class (third, hu-class).

642. This class forms its present-stem by prefixing a
reduplication to the root.

648. a. As regards the consonant of the reduplication,
the general rules which have already been given above (690]
are followed.

b. A long vowel is shortened in the reduplicating syl-
able: thus, ^ dadft from y^ dft; f^Ht bibh! firom y^ bhi;
sT^ juhtl from /§[ hfL The vowel ^ v never appears in the
reduplication, but is replaced by ^ i: thus, fsp\ bibhr from
y^ bhir; ft^ Pipyo from yr:^ pyo.

0. For yerbs in which a and ft also are irregularly represented in the
reduplication by i, see below, 660. The root vpt (T. B.) makes vavartti
etc.; oakr4nt (RV.) is very doabtfal.

d. The only root of this class with initial vowel is ^ (or ar);
it takes as reduplication i, which is held apart from the root by an
interposed y: thus, iyar and iyr (the latter has not been found in
actual use).

644. The present-stem of this class (as of the other

classes belonging to the first or non-a-conjugation) has a

double form: a stronger form, with gunated root-vowel;

and a weaker form, without gu^a: thus, from y^ ho, the

two forms are ^^ Juho and ^^ juhu; from y^ bhl, they

are i^ bibhe and fipft bibhl. And the rule for their use

is the same as in the other classes of this conjugation: the

strong stem is found before the unaccented endings (662),

and the weak stem before the accented.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

243

Bbduplicatjno Glass (thibd, hu-OLASS).

[-647

645. According to all the analogies of the first general conju-
gation, we should expect to find the accent upon the root-syllable
when this is strengthened. That is actually the case, however, only
in a small minority of the roots composing the class : namely, in hu,
bhl (no test-forms in the older language), hri (no test-forms found in
the older language), mad (very rare), jan (no forms of this class
found to occur), oi notice (in Y.), yu separate (in older language only),
and in bhf in the later language (in V. it goes with the minority:
but BY. has bibh&rti once, and AY. twice; and this, the later
accentuation, is found also in the Brahmanas); and BY. has once
iy&Tfi. In all the rest — apparently, by a recent transfer — it rests
upon the reduplicating instead of upon the radical syllable. And in
both classes aUke, the accent is anomalously thrown back upon the
reduplication in those weak forms of which the ending begins with
a Yowel; while in the other weak forms it is upon the ending (but
compare 666 a).

a. Apparently (the cases with written accent are too few to determine
the point satisfactorily) the middle optattye endings, lya etc. (566), are
reckoned throughout as endings with initial vowel, and throw back the
accent upon the reduplication.

646. The verbs of this class lose the ^ n in the 3d
pi. endings in active as well as middle, and in the imper-
fect have 3Tr us instead of 3BFT an — and before this a final
radical vowel has gn^a.

1. Present Indicative.

647. The combination of stem and endings is as in
the preceding class.

Examples of inflectic
stem-form, ^^ juh6; weak

active,
s. d. p.

1 s|«^liM 5^^ ^^HH^

ion: a. y^ hu sacrifice: strong
form, ^^ juhu (or jiihu).
middle.

d.

iuh6mi Jnlmv&s Jnhnm&s

Jah69i juhtith&8juliath&

a sJ^Ih 5^rre^ 5^S%

Jiili6ti Jnhut&B JithTati

5% p?^ PR%

J^ve Juhuv&lie jnhnmAhe

Jaliu§6 Juhvftthe jaliadhv6

juhutd jiihvftte j^vate
16*

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

bfbhre

bibhpr&he

bibhrm&he

f^

f^raf^

W^

bibhrf^

bfbhrathe

bibhrdhv6

1^

fe^

1N^

bibhrt^

bibhrftte

biblirate

647—] EX. Present-system. 244

b. Root H bhr bear (given with Vedio accentuation):
strong stem-form, ^^X^ bibliar; weak, fipT bibhr (or bibh^).

1 («^Hpf |6<4M^^ fspjTO^ fii^ fsMc% ftHM^
b{bharmi bibhfv&s bibhpn&s

bibharf i bibhrth&s bibh^rtli^

3 fenf^f f^HrfH fswIrT
bfbharti bibhrt&s bibhrati

e. The u of hu (like that of the class-signs nu and u: see below,
697 a) is said to be omissible before v and m of the endings of Ist dn.
and pi.: thus, jahv&s, Juhv&he» etc.; but no such fonns aie quotable.

2. Present SubjiinctiYe.

648. It is not possible at present to draw a distinct line between
those subjunctive forms of the older language which should be reckoned as
belonging to the present-system and those which should be assigned to the
perfect — or eyen, in some cases, to the reduplicated aorist and intensiye.
Here will be noticed only those which most clearly belong to this cla^s;
the more doubtful cases will be treated under the perfect-system. Except
in first persons (which continue in use as ^imperatiyes" down to the later
language), subjunctiyes from roots haying unmistakably a reduplicated
present-system are of far from frequent occurrence.

649. The subjunctive mode-stem is formed in the usual manner,
with the mode-sigD a and gui^a of the root-vowel, if this is capable
of such strengthening. The evidence of the few accented forms met
with indicates that the accent is laid in accordance with that of the
strong indicative forms: thus from yliu, the stem would be Juhiva;
from yhh:fy it would be bibhara (but bibh&ra later). Before the
mode-sign, final radical ft would be, in accordance with analogies
elsewhere, dropped: thus, d4da from ydft, d&dha from ydhA (all the
forms actually occurring would be derivable from the secondary roots
dad and dadb).

650. Instead of giving a theoretically complete scheme of
inflection, it will be better to note all the examples quotable from
the older language (accented when found so occurring).

a. Thus, of ist persons, we haye in the active Juh&vftni, bibharS^,
dad&ni, dadhftni, Jahfini; Jubavftma, d&dhftma, J&hftma; — in the
middle, dadhfti, mimfti; dadhftvahSi; Juhavftmahai, dadftmahe,
dadSmahftl, dadhftmahfti.

b. Of other persons, we haye with primary endings in the active
bibharftai (with double mode-sigh: 660 e), dddhathas, Juhavfttba (do.)

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

245 Reduplicating Class (thied, hu-oLASs). [—653

And Juhavatha ; in the middle, dAdliase ; d&dhate, r&rate, d&dhfttfii,
dadfttfii ; — with secondary endings, d&dhfts, vive^as* Juhavat, bibharat,
yuy&vat, d&dhat, dadh&nat, babhaaat; dadhan» yuyavan, Juhavan.

8. Present Optative.

651. To form this mode, the optative endings given
above (566 a), as made up of mode-sign and personal endings,
are added to the unstrengthened stem. The accent is as
already stated (645 a). The inflection is so regular that it is
unnecessary to give here more than the first persons of a
single verb: thus,

aetive. middle.

8. d. p. 8. d. p.

1 g^irm^ ^rm s^^um pffer 5^^ pfW%

Juhuyim Johusrava Juhny&na Juhvlya Jtihvivahi Ji^vimalii

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

4. Present Imperative.

652. The endings, and the mode of their combination
with the root, have been already given. In 2d sing, act.,
the ending is f^ hi after a vowel, but ^ dhi after a con-
sonant: ^ ho, however, forms sl^jtT juhudhi (apparently,
in order to avoid the recurrence of ^ h in two successive
syllables): and other examples of fu dhi after a vowel are
found in the Veda.

658. a. Example of inflection:

active. middle.

8. d. p. 8. ' d. p.

s^c^cliiH PAPIST ^^m 5# s|cj>c|M^ s^^j^cllH^

juh&vani juh4v&va Juh&v&ma Juh&vSi Juh&vftvahSi Juh&vftmahfti

juhudhi Juhut&m Juhat& juhuQv& J^vftthftm juhudhv&m

Juh6tu Juhut&n Juhvatu Juhutam Jiihvftt&m Jiihvat&m
b. The verbs of the other diviaion differ here, as in the indicative,
in the accentaation of their strong forms only: namely, in all the

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

663—] EL Preskmt-sytbm. 246

first persons (borrowed sabjanctiyes), and in the 3d sing, act.: thus,
(in the older language) bibhari^i etc., blbhartu, bibharfti etc

664. Yedic inegnlaiities of inflection an: 1. the oeeasional dm of
strong forms in 2d persons: tbns, yuyodhi, ^i^ftdhi (beside ^i^Ihl);
ynyotam (beside sruyat&m); (yairta, d&dftta and dad&tana, d&dh&ta
and d&dhfitana (see below, 668), pipartana, Jah6ta and juh6tana,
yuyota and ynyotana; rarftava (666); 2. the use of dhi instead of
hi after a Towel (only in the two instances jnst quoted); 3. the ending
tana in 2d pi. act.: namely, besides those Just giyen, in jlg&tana,
dhattana, mam&ttana, vivaktana, didiffana, bibhitana, Jujuftana*
Juhutana» vav^ttana: the oases are proportionally mnch more nomerons
in this than in any other class; 4. the ending tftt in 2d sing, act., in
dattftt, dhattit, piprtftt, JalutftU

6. Present Partioiple.

606. As elaewheie, the active paitioiple-stem may be
made mechanically &om the 3d pi. indie, by dropping ^ i:
thus, ^<^^jdhyat, 1^[%FT bibhrat. In inflection, it has no
distinction of strong and weak forms (444). The feminine
stem ends in ^^ atl. The middle participles are regularly
made: thus, ^^|H jiihvftna, {sl^lUI bibhrS^a.

a« BY. shows an irregular accent in pipftn& (ypft drmk),

6. Imperfeot.

666, As already pointed out, the 3d pi. act. of this
class takes the ending 3^ us, and a final radical vowel has
gu^ before it. The strong forms are, as in present indic-
ative, the three singular active persons.

667. Examples of inflection:

aetlTe. middle.

8. d. p. s. d. p.

djuhavam 4fuhuva ^fuhuma iijulivi ^uhnvahi ^uhumahi
iiJuhOB 4fubutam 4f uhuta ^uhuthSa ^uhvathfim ^uhudhvam

Unhot Aiuliutlmiijuhavus ^uhuta i^ttil^v&tSm tjulivata

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

247 RsDUPLicATiNa Class (tbibd, hu-CLAss). [—668

a. From y^ bhr, the 2d and 3d sing. act. are Mf«IH4>
ibibhar (for abibhar-s and abibhar-t] — and so in all other
eases where the strong stem ends in a consonant. The 3d
pi. act. is Mi^H^H ibibharus; and other like cases are
ibibhayns, aoikayns, asuyavus.

b. In MS., onc«, abibhrus is doubtless a false reading.

668. The usual Tedio iiregnlarities in 2d pi. act. — strong foni\s,
and the ending tana — oeenr in this tense also : thus, Adadata, ddadhftta;
Adattana, ^ahfttana. The BY. has also once apiprata for apip^ta
in 3d sing, mid., and abibhran for abibhama in 3d pi. act. Examples
of angmentless forms are ^i^as, viv^ Jiffftt; j{hita» gi^Ita, Jihata;
and, with irregular strengthening, ynyoma (AY.), ynyothfis* ynyota.

609. The roots that form their present-stem by redaplicstion are
a very small class, especially in the modem language; they are only
50, all told, and of these only a third (16) are met with later. It is,
howeyer, very difficult to determine the precise limits of the class,
because of the impossibility (referred to above, under subjunctive: 648)
of always distinguishing its forms from those of other reduplicating
conjugations and parts of coiijugations.

a« Besides the iiregnlarities in tense-inflection already pointed out,
others may be noticed as follows.

Irregularities of the Beduplioating Glass.

660. Besides the roots in x or ar — namely, f, ghf (usually
written ghar), t^, pf, bhr, 8{>» hf, pro — the following roots having
a or a as radical vowel . take i instead of a in the reduplicating
syllable: gft go, ma insasiir«, mft bellow, q^ h& remove (mid.), vao»
sac; vag has both 1 and a; rft has i once in RV.; for sthft, pa drink,
ghra, han« hi, see below (670-4).

661. Several roots of this class in final a change the a in weak
forms to I (occasionally even to i), and then drop it altogether before
endings beginning with a vowel.

a. This is in close analogy with the treatment of the vowel of the
class-sign of the na-class: below, 717.

These roots are:

668. 9a eharpen, act and mid. : thus, 9i9ati» ^t^Imasi, qiiphi (also
^i^adhi: above, 664), 9i9ata, a9i9at, 9{9lte, 9{9lta.

668. ma heUmo, act., and ma measure, mid. (rarely also act.): thus,
mimati, mimiyat; mimito, mimate, Amimlta; mimihi, mimatu.
RV. has onoe mimanti 3d pi. (for mimati).

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

664—}

IX. Present-system.

248

664. hfi remove, mid.: thus, j{hite, JihidhTe, Jiliate; Jihifva,
jihatftm; ^ihlta, ajihato. QB. has jihith&m (for Jih&thftm).

665* hfi quit, act. (originally Identical with the former), may farther
shorten the i to i: thus, Jahftti, Jahita, jahitftt (AY.); Jahimas (AY.),
Jahitas (TB.), Jahitam (TA.), ajahitftm (TS. AB.). In the opUtive,
the radical Towel is lost altogether; thns, Jahyftm* Jabyns (AY.). The
!M sing. impT., according to .the grammarians, is Jahlhi or jahihi or
JahShi; only the first appears quotahle.

a. Forms from an a-stem, jaha, are made for this root, and even
deriyatiyes from a quasi-root J ah.

666. rft give, mid.: thns, rarldhvam, rarithfts (impf. without
augment); and, with i in reduplication, ririliL But AY. has rarftava.

a. In those yerhs, the accent is generally constant on the reduplicating
syllable.

667. The two roots dft and dhft (the commoneBt of the class)
lose their radical vowel altogether in the weak forms, being shortened
to dad and dadh. In 2d sing. impy. act, they form respectively
dehf and dhehf. In combination with a following t or th, the final
dh of dadh does not follow the special rule of combination of a
final sonant aspirate (becoming ddh with the t or th: 160), but —
as also before s and dhv — the more general rales of aspirate and
of surd and sonant combination; and its lost aspiration is thrown
back upon the initial of the root (155).

668. The Inflection of /dhft is, then, as follows:

Present Indicative.

actiye. middle,

s. d. p. 6. d. ' p.

1 dAdhftmi dadhv&s dadhm&s dadh6 dAdhvahe dAdhmahe

2 d&dhfisi dhatthae dhatth& dhats6 dadhSthe dhaddhve

3 dAdhfiti dhatt&B dAdhati dhatt6 dadhate dAdhate

Present Optative.
1 dadhyam dadhyava dadhy&na dAdhiya dA^vahi dAdhimahi
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

Present Imperative.

1 d&dhani dAdhftva d&dh&ma dAdh&i dAdh&vahfti dAdh&mah&i

2 dhehi dhatt&m dhatt& dhatsva dadhfithSm dhaddhvam
9 d&dh&tu dhattam dAdhatu dhattSm dadhfttftm dadhatfim

Imperfect.

1 Adadhftm &dadhva Adadhma Adadhi Adadhvahi Adadhmahi

2 Adadh&B Adhattam Adhatta Adhatth&s Adadhfttham Adhaddhvam

3 Adadh&t Adhattftm Adadhos Adhatta Adadhfttfim Adadhata

Digitized by VjOOQIC

249 Rbduplioatino Glass (thikd, hu-CLASs). [—876

Participles: tct. d&dhat; mid. dMhftna.

a. In the middle (except impf.), only those forms are here accented
for which there is authority in the accentuated texts, as there is discordance
between the actual accent and that which the analogies of the class would
lead ns to expect BY. has once dh&tse : dadli6 and dadhate might he
perfects, so far as the form is concerned. RY. accents dadhit& once
(d&dmta thrice); several other texts haye d&dhlta» d&dhlran, dAdita.

b. The root dft is inflected in precisely the same way, with
change everywhere of (radical) dh to d.

669. The older language has irregularities as follows: 1. the usual
strong forms in 2d pi., d&dhftta and 4dadhftta» d&dftta and &dad&ta;
2. the usual tana endings in the same person, dhattana, d&dfttana» etc.
(654, 658); 3. the 3d sing, indie, act. dadh6 (like Ist sing.); 4. the 2d
sing. impv. act. daddhi (for both dehi and dhehi). And R. has dadmL

670. A number of roots haye been transferred from this to the
a- or bhfl-class (below, 749), their reduplicated root becoming a
stereotyped stem inflected after the manner of a-stems. These roots
are as follows:

871. In all periods of the language, from the roots sthft standi
pft drink, and ghrS stneU^ are made the presents tif^bftmi, p{bftmi
(with irregular sonantizing of the second p), and jighr&mi — which
then are inflected not like mfinftini, bat like bh&v&mi, as if from
the present-stems tfftba, p{ba, J{ghra.

672. In the Yeda (especially; also later), the reduplicated roots dft
and dhft are sometimes turned into the a-stems d&da and d&dha, or
inflected as if roots dad and dadh of the a-dass ; and single forms of the
same character are made f^om other roots: thus, mimaiiti (ymft bellow) ^
r&rate (yrft give: 3d sing. mid.).

873. In the Yeda, also, a like secondary stem, Jighna, is made horn
yhan (with omission of the radical Towel, and conversion, usual in this
root, of h to gh when in contact with n: 637); and some of the forms
of 8a90, from ysac, show the same conversion to an a-stem, sa^oa.

674. In AB. (viil. 28), a similar secondary form, Jighsra, is given to
ylii or hft: thus, jighyati, Jighyatu.

875. A few so-called roots of the first or root-class are the products
of reduplication, more or less obvious: thus, Jaks (840), and probably
9&B (from y^as) and oakf (from yk&9 or a lost root kaa see). In the
Yeda is found also sage, from |/Bae.

878. The grammarians reckon (as already noticed, 641) several roots
of the most evidently reduplicate character as simple, and belonging to the
root-class. Some of these (jfigf, daridrfty vevi) are regular intensive
stems, and will be described below under Intenslves (1020 a, 10i24a);
didhi $hine, together with Yedic didi shine and pipl stoell, are sometimes
also classed as intenslves; but they have not the proper reduplication of

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

676—] IX. Presbmt-ststbm. 250

saoh, and may perhaps be best noticed here, as reduplicated present-stems
with irregularly long reduplicating ToweL

a. Of pros, indie, occurs in the older language only didyati, 3d pi.,
with the pples didyat and dldhyat, and mid. didye, didhye, didh-
yftthfim, with the pples didyftna, didhyfina, plpyftna. The subj. stems
are did&ya» did]iaya» pip&ya» and from them are made forms with both
primary (from dld4ya) and secondary endings (and the irregularly accented
dXdayat and didftyat and dldhayan). No opt. occurs. In impv. we ha^e
dXdihl (and didihl) and pipihl, and pipyatam, pipyatfim, pipyata.
In impf., adides and plpee» &didet and Adidliet and aplpet (with
augmentless forms), apipema (with strong form of root), and adldhayuB
and Qrregular) apipyan,

b. A few forms from all the three show transfer to an a-in flection ;
thus, didhaya and pipaya (impv.), dpipayat, etc.

o. Similar forms fh>m ymi bellow are amimet and mimayat.

677. The stem oakSs shine (sometimes oakS9) is also regarded by
the grammarians as a root, and supplied as such with tenses outside the
present-system — which, however, hardly occur in genuine use. It is not
known in the older language.

678. The root bhas chew loses its radical vowel in weak forms,
taking the form baps: thus, bibhasti, but bapsati (3d pL), bipsat
(pple). For babdb&m, see 233 f.

679. The root hhl fear is allowed by the grammarians to shorten
its vowel in weak forms: thus, bibhimas or bibhimas, bibhSyfim or
bibhiyftm; and Mbhiyftt etc are met with In the later language.

680. Forms of this class from yjan give birth, with added i — thus,
JiO^ki^ey Jajfiidlive — are given by the grammarians, but have never been
found in use.

681. The roots oi and oit have in the Yeda reversion of o to k in
the root-syllable after the reduplication: thus, oik^^i, oik6the (anomalous,
for eikyathe). oikitfim, aoiket» ofkyat (pple); oikiddhl.

682. The root vyao has i in the reduplication (fh>m the y), and is
contracted to vio in weak forms: thus, viYikt&Sy dviviktSm* So the
root hvar (if its forms are to be reckoned here) has n in reduplication,
and contracts to hur: thus, Juhiirthfis.

III. Nasal Class (seventh, rudh-class).
688. The roots of this olass all end in consonants. And
their olass-sign is a nasal preceding the final consonant: in
the weak forms, a nasal simply, adapted in character to the
consonant; but in the strong forms expanded to the syllable
^ ni, which has the accent.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

251 Nasal Clabb (seventh, rudh-OLASS). [—686

a. In a few of the Teibs of the class, the nasal extends also into
other tense stems: they aie a&J, bhafij* biiia: see below, 604.

1. Present Indicative.

684. Examples of inflection: a. the root ^[^yuj
join: strong stem-form, ^^^yunij; weak, ^^T jrufij.

For the roles of eombination of final J, see 219.

active. middle.

8. d. p. s. d. p.

1 g=#T 3^^ 3^^ 3^ JfST^ U*H^
yrm^jmi ynfijvis sniiUmAs ynfU6 yufijv&he ynfijm&he

2 ^ 31^^ 3^^ 3^ 3^ 5^

ytin&kfi yu&kth&s yoflkthA yu&ki^ yufijtthe yailigdhv6

3 3=^ Wl. 3^ 3t 3^ P^

3rim&kti ynfikt&s ynfij&nti ynfikt^ sniiUate yufij&te

b. the root '^q[^rudh obstrtwt; bases "^nm ru^dh and
■pU rundh.

For the roles of combination of final dh, see 163, 160.

1 "^tnffe^ ^j'^y^ ^^rowT^ "^5=^ ^j*y^ "^01%

mpAdhml mndhv&s nmdhm&s nuidh6 rondhv&he nindhm&he

2 "prffH (j*^ti^ "pST "^rH 0^4 1^ "^5^
ru^&tBi ronddh&s ronddhi ronts^ rundhathe nuiddhv6

3 ipnfe (j'^n^ "^^1% ^p% "pcn^ "p^i^

nu^dhi ronddhAs rondh&nti mnddh^ mndh^ rondh&te

c. Instead of yofikthas, smfigdhve, and the like (here and in
the impv. and impf.), it is allowed and more usual (231) to write
ynfithas, 3ruiidhve, etc.; and, in like manner, rnndhas, nindhe, for
nmddhas* nmddhe; and so in other like cases.

685. Yedic irregolarities of infiectfon are: 1. the ordinary ose of a
8d sing. mid. like the 1st sing., as v^fije; 2. the accent on td of 9d pi.
mid. in afUat6» indhat6, bhufijatd.

a. Ynna&kfi, in BhP., is doubtless a false reading.

2. Freaent Subjunotlve.

686. The stem is made, as usual, by adding a to the strong
present-stem: thus, yonija. nu^idba. Below are given as if made

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

686—]

IX. Presbnt-sybtbm:

252

from yyui all the fonns for which examples have been noted as
actually ocouring in the older langpiage.

active. middle.

8. d. p. B. d. p.

1 yun&j&ni yxmij&va yun^Jama ynnajfti yiiiiiO&°^&hfti

2 yun^as yunaj&dhvfti

3 yim&Jat yuniOataa yun^an yunijate

687. The RV. has once afijatas^ which is anomalous as being made
from the weak tense-stem. Forms with double mode-sign are met with:
thus, fq^i^&hftn (AY.), r&dlin&Tat and yunajSn (QB.); aud the only
quotable example of 3d du. act. (besides aAlat&fl) is hin&sfttas ((SB.).
,^B. has also hinasftvas as 1st du. act: an elsewhere unexampled form.

8. Present Optative.

688. The optative is made, as elsewhere, by adding the
compounded mode-endings to the weak form of present-
stems. Thus:

aotiye.

middle.

8. d. p.

1 yniiH^ gfOTsr gfbw ^_, , ^,

ynfijy^ yufijyava yufijyama yufijlyd yufijlv&hi ynfijun&hi

8.

d. JD.

etc.

etc.

etc.

etc.

etc.

etc.

a. AB. has once the anomalous 1st sing, act vfi&jlyam. And forms
like bhufijiyfim -yftt, yufijiyftt, are here and there met with in the
epics (bhufijiyatftm once in GQS.). MBh., too, has onoe bhufijltani.

s.

middle,
d.

4. Present Imperative.

689. In this class (as the roots all end in consonants)
the ending of the 2d sing. act. is always ^ dhi.

actiye.
s. d. p.

UHslliH ilHstN tiisiiH

o o o

yuniijanl yun^fiva yundjama
yufigdhi yu&kt&m yttfikti

3^ W^ 5^

yun&ktn snifikt^in ynfijAntu

yun^fii

P-
yun&Jftvah&i yun^i&malifti

ytifikfv& yufkj^thftm ynagdhvAm

3nifikt&n yufijitftm ynfij&tftm

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

253 Nasal Class (seyemth, rudh-OLASS). [—694

690. There is no ocooirenoe, so far as noted, of the ending t&t in
▼erl)8 of this class. The Teda has, as nsual, sometimes strong forms, and
sometimes the ending tana, in the 2d pi. act. : thns, an&tta» yiin&kta,
anaktana, pina^ (ana.

6. Present Participle.

691. The participles are made in this class as in the
preceding ones: thus, act. g^rT yTxfljdnt (fem. Uyrfl ynlljati);
mid. y^H yu£USn& (but RV. has indh&na).

6. Imperfect.

692. The example of the regular inflection of this tense
needs no introduction:

active. middle.

B. d. p. 8. d. p.

*4ijHsiH^ ^g^ m?^ arof^ m§^ ^m^^

Aytmajam &yufijva iyuiUma iyufiji dyulijvalii &ytifijmahi
Aynnak ijraAktam dyufikta &3mftkthftB iyunjathSm &yuftgdhvam

m^ W4'W^ ^g^ m^' ^mm\ msrf

&3runak iiyunktftm dyufijan iyufikta dsniiUfitSm dyufijata

a. The endings a and t are necessarily lost in the nasal class
thronghout in 2d and 3d sing, act., unless sayed at the expense of the
final radical consonant: which is a case of very rare occnrrence (the
only quotable example^ were given at 665 a).

693. The Yeda shows no irregularities In this tense. Occorrences of
angmentless forms are found, especially in 2d and 3d sing, act., showing
an accent like that of the present: for example, bhin&t, pfigi&k, v^&k»
pi]^&k, rin&k.

a. The 1st sing. act. atp^am and aoohinam (for atp^dam and
acchinadam) were noted ahoTO, at 566 a.

694. The roots of this class number about thirty, more than
half of them being found only in the earlier language ; no new ones
make their first appearance later. Three of them, afij and bhafij and
hiikBy carry their nasal also into other tense-systems than the present.
Two, Tfdh and nbh, make present-systems also of other classes haying
a nasal in the class-sign: thus, fdhnoti (nu-class) and ubhnSti
(nft-class).

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

694-—] IX. Prbsenthststem. 254

a« Many of the roots make forms from secondary a-stems: thus, ftom
afUa, unda, umbh&y ohinda, t^fthi* pi&9*f VX^ok* bhuiija, rundha,
^iftf&, etc.

Irregularities of the Nasal Class.

695. The root t|^)i combines tp^ah with ti, tu, etc. into tfi^e^hi*
tf]^6(Jlhu; and, according to the grammarians, has also such forms as
tp^ehmi: see above, 224 b.

696. The root hitiB (by origin apparently a desiderative from j/han)
accents Irregnlarly the root-syllable in the weak forms: thns, hfAflant1»
hiiiBte, h{&8ftna (but hin&sat etc. and hi&syit gB.).

IV. Nu- and u-classes (fifth and eighth, su- and tan-classes).

697. A. The present-stem of the nu-olass is made by
adding to the root the syllable ^ nu, which then in the
strong forms receives the accent, and is strengthened to ^ no.

B. The few roots of the u-class (about half-a-dosen)

end in ^ n, with the exception of the later irr^^uli^ ^ kr

(or kar) — for which, see below, 714. The two classes,

then, are closely correspondent in form; and they are wholly

accordant in inflection.

a. The u of either class-Bign is allowed to be dropped before
V and m of the 1st du. and 1st pi. endings, except when the root
(nu-dass) ends in a consonant; and the u before a vowel-ending
becomes v or uv, according as it is preceded by one or by two
consonants (129 a).

1. Present Indicative.

698. Examples of inflection: A. nu-class; root
T{ su press out\ strong form of stem, "^t 8un6; weak form.

W( sunu.

8.

1 §^

8un6ini

active,
d.

snnuv&s

8unnm&8

8unv6

middle,
d.

snnuv&he

2 g^lftr

8nn69i

8unuth&8

Bunuthi

sunufi

sunvithe

^

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

255 IfU- AND U- (FIFTH AND EIGHTH, 8U- AND tan-CLASSES). [—700

3 HHlfd HjHH^ H'^lltl 2^ ^-^Ic) g^^

8un6ti Biinutis sav&nti 8uiiut6 sunvite sunv&te

a. The fonoB sunv&s, sunm&s, sonv&he, simm&he are alter-
native with those given here for Ist du. and pL, and in practioe are
more common. From >^ftp, however (for example), only the forms
with u can occur: thns, ftpnuv&s, &pnn]n&he; and also only &pnu-
v&nti» &pnuv6, ftpnuv&te.

B. u-class; root cR tan stretch: strong form of stem,

fnt tan6: weak, rR tanu.

1 ci-iIIh rF^rq;^ cPTH^ cF^ fF^ cFR%

tan6mi tanv&s tanmis tanv6 tanv&he tanm&he
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

b. The inflection is so precisely like that given above that it
is not worth writing out in full. The abbreviated forms in 1st du,
and pi. are presented here, instead of the fuller, which rarely occur
(as no double consonant ever precedes).

600. a. In the older language, no strong 2d persons dn. or pL^
and no thana-ending, chance to occoi (but they are numerous in the
impy. and impl: see below). The BY. h&s several cases of the irregular
accent in 3d pi. mid.: thus, Iq^vat^, tanvate, manvat^, vp^vat^,
Bp^vatd.

b. In RV. occur also several 3d pi. mid. in ire from present-stems
of this class : thus, invlre» rvvire, pinvlre, gp^vird, 8unvir6, hlnvird.
Of these, pinvire, and hinvird might be perfects without reduplication
from the secondary roots pinv and hlnv (below, 716). The 2d sing. mid.
(with passive value) ^p^vif^ (RV.) is of anomalous and questionable
character.

2. Present Subjunotive.

700. The subjunctive mode-stem is made in the usual manner,
by adding a to the gnnated and accented class-sign: thus, sunAva,
tan&va. In the following scheme are given all the forms of which
examples have been met with in actual use in the older language
from either division of the class; some of them are quite numerously
represented there.

active. middle.

s. d. p. 8. d. p.

1 8i2n4vftni sun&vftva sonivftma sun&vfti snn&v&vahfti sanivfixnahfii

2 BxmkvtM Bun&Tatha sun&vase snnivftithe

3 BunAvat Bim&van J*^™^**® Bun&vanta

iBim&vfttfti

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

701—]

IX. Present-system.

256

701. Of the briefer Ist sing, act, RY. has k^avft and hinav&.
Forms with double mode-sign occur (not in RV.): thus, kfi^vftt and
karavat (AY.); a^nav&tha (K.), k)r:^vfttha (YS.; but -vatha in
Kanva-text), karavfttha (QB.). On the other hand, afnavatfti is found
once (in TS.). Forms like apnav&niy ardhnuvat, a9nuvat, met with
now and then in the older texts, are doubtless to be regarded as false
readings. RY. has in a single passage kpoLvSite (instead of kfi^vftite);
the only form in &ithe is agn&vftithe.

3. Present Optative.

702. The combined endings (566) are added, as usual,
to the weak tense-stem: thus,

active. middle,

s. d. p. s. d. p.

^ S5^ W^ ^TS^ W^ g=^t^ tj-4lHf<^

Bunuyam sunuyava sunuyama Bunviy& sunviv&hi sun^m&hi
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

a. From /ftp, the middle optative would be ftpnuviy& — and so
in other like cases.

4. Present Imperative.

703. The inflection of the imperative is in general like
that in the preceding classes. As regards the 2d sing, act.,
the rule of the later language is that the ending i% hi is
taken whenever the root itself ends in a consonant; other-
wise, the tense- (or mode-) stem stands by itself as 2d per-
son (for the earlier usage, see below, 704). An example of
inflection is:

active. middle.

8. d.

son&vani sunAvftva san&vftma

P-

W{
snnu

8an6tn

simut&m 8nnat&
sunut^ smiv&nta

6. d. p.

sun&v&i Bun&vftvalifti sun&vfimahfii
Bunu^vi Bunvfltliftm stinudhv&m

Bunuttm Bunvtltfim

Bunv&tam

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

257 Wu- AND U- (FIFTH AND EIGHTH, BU- AND tan-)GLABSES. [—706

a. From }/ftp, the 2d sing, aet would be ftpnnbf; from j/a^,
a^nohl; from ydhf^f dh^p|niih£; and so on. From |/ftp, too, would
be made fipnuv&ntu, apnuvathftm, apnuvat&m, ftpnuv&tftm.

704. In tlie earliest laDguage, the rule as to the omission of hi
after a root with final Yowel does not hold good: in BV., suoh forms as
inuhi, Iq^iihf, oinuhi, dhunuhi, 9p^iih{, spf^olil, hinuhi, and
tanuhi, Banuhiy are nearly thrice as frequent in use as ini^, 979^9
sun6, tanUy and their like; in AV., however, they are only one sixth
as frequent; and in the Brihmanas they appear only sporadically: even
9l^tidh{ (with dhi) occurs seyeral times in BV. BY. has the 1st sing,
act. hinavft. The ending tat is found in kp^ut&t and hinutftt, and
kurut&t. The strong stem-form is found in 2d du. act. in hinotam and
kfi^otam; and in 2d pi. act. in k7]^6ta and kp^6tana, 9p^6ta and
^fi^otanay 8un6ta and 8tin6tana9 hin6ta and hinotana, and tanota,
kar6ta« The ending tana occurs only in the forms Just quoted.

5. Present Fartioiple.

705. The endings ^RFT &nt and 9H find are added to the
weak foim of tense stem: thus, from VH su come act. W^r{
snnv&nt (fem. H^cfl snnvati), mid. h-^H flunvanA; from yfR
tan, H*«lrl tanvdnt (fem. r?^Irft tanvati), r?^rR tanvBnA. From
yW^ ftp, they aie ^Bn^^FT^SpnuvAnt and MIM(MH apnuvftnA.

6. Imperfect.

706. The combination of augmented stem and endings
is according to the rules already stated: thus,

active. middle,

s. d. p. s. d. p.

«^Ho|ij^ 5r^p *«HHH 44Hpc| M^jc|% M^Hf^

&8unavam dsunuva dsunuma dsunvi isunuvahi dsunumahi

35ig%i^

*4^HHH^ 3^^ Jb4HH«im^ ^j^miq ^35^

d^unoB dflunutam dsunuta dsunuthfts dsunvftthftm dsunudhvam

5nR%^ MHHHIH^ *IH'<^H^ M^rl MH-<MIHIH^ MH*<^H
dstinot dsunut&m dsunvan dsunuta dsunvfitSm dsunvata

a. Here, as elsewhere, the briefer forms dsunvay &8unma» dsun-
vahi, dsunmahi are allowed, and more usual, except from roots
with final consonant, as dhjp^i which makes, for example, always
ddhfipi^uma etc., and also ddb|ip^uvan, ddhrfi^uvi, ddh^fi^uvathSm,
&dli{^avfttam» ddh^i^uvata.

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 17

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

707—] IX. PRB8EMT-SYSTBM. 258

707. Strong stem-forms and tana-ending are found only in RY., in
alq^ota, akp^tana. Angmentless forms with accent are miny&n,

708. About fifty roots make, either ezoluBively or in part, their
present-forms after the manner of the nu-class : half of them do so
only in the older language; three or four, only in the later.

a. As to transfers to the a-conjngation, see below, 716.

700. The roots of the other division, or of the u-olass, are
extremely few, not exceeding eight, even including tf on account
of tarat6 BY., and han on account of the occurrence of hanoml
once in a Siitra (PGS. i. 3. 27). BR. refer the stem inu to in of the
u-clasB instead of i of the nu-class.

Irregularities of the nu and u-olasses.

710. The root t{p be pleased is said by the grammarians to retain
the n of its class-sign nnlingaalized In the later langnage — where, howeyer,
forms of conjugation pt this class are very rare; while In the Yeda the
regular change is made; thus, tpp^u.

711. The root 9ru hear is \»>ntracted to gr before the class-sign,
forming 9p^6 and 9|i^u as stem. Its forms 9p^vi9^ and 9f]|^Tir6
have been noted above (690 b).

712. The root dhti shake in the later language (and rarely in
B. and S.) shortens its vowel, making the stem-forms dhun6 and
dhunu (earlier dhan6, dhOnu).

718. The so-called root un^u, treated by the native grammarians as
dissyllabic and belonging to the root-class (I.), 1e properly a present-stem
of this class, with anomalous contraction, from the root vx (or var). In
the Yeda, it has no forms which are not regularly made according to the
nu-class ; but in the Brahmana langnage are found sometimes sach forms
as tbn^ftuti, as if from an u-root of the root class (620); and the gram-
marians make for it a perfect, aorist, future, etc. Its 2d sing. impv. act
is un^u or un^uhi; its imp f., ftun^os, aur^ot; its opt. mid., Gr^uvita
(K.) or uri?vit& (TS.).

714. The extremely common root SR ky (or kar) make
is in the later language inflected in the piesentHsystem ex-
clusively according to the u-class (being the only root of
that class not ending in ^ n). It ha« the irregularity that
in the strong form of stem it (as well as the class-sign) has
the guijia-streiigthening, and that in the weak form it is

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

259 Nu- AND U- (FIFTH AND EIGHTH, BU- AND tan-) CLASSES. [—714

changed to kur, so that the two forms of stem are efrft kar6
and c^ kuru. The class-sign 3 u is always dropped be-
fore cT y and T[m of the 1st du. and pi., and also before
IT y of the opt. act. Thus:

kar6mi

kar69i

kar6ti

1 «3hUIH
Isjxrytm,
etc.

1. Present Indicative.

active. middle,

d. p. 8. d.

knrv&a knrm&s karv6 kurv&he

W^ TW f^ 5^

karath&8 kuruthd koruf 6 kurvithe

kumt&B kurv&nti koratd knrvate

kuryiva kury^bna
etc. etc

2. Present Optative.

jaw j^Kii j^firi%

kurviyi knrviv&hi
etc. etc.

ktirm&he

kumdhv6

kurv&te

kurvlm&hi

etc.

3. Present Imperative.
4i(c<|[UI °h(Q|N ^{mn ^v^ +(c||o|^ *|cjiH^
kar&vfti^i kar&vftva kar&vSma karivfii kar&vavahfti kar&vftmah&i

kuru
kar6tu

kurut^ kuruti

kuru9v& kurvathftm kurudhv&m

kurutam kurv&ntu kurutam kurvatftm

kurv&tftm

4. Present Participle.
cn<^t1 kurvtot (fern. <4HH1 kurvati) SR^TO kurvaijii

akaravam ikurva

&kurma

Imperfect,
dkurvi

ikurvahi

ikurmahi

4karo8
ikarot

^kurutam ikuruta

w^sim^ 35ij5rranw mj^^m^j^

iikuruthSs ikurvathSm ikurudhvam

O V -S. O -Xv

&kurutftm &kurvan

dkuruta

ikurvfttSm dkurvata
17*

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716 — ] IX. Present-system. 260

715. In BY., this root is regularly iuflected iu the present-system
according to the nu-class, making the stem- forms ]q^6 and kp^u; the
only exceptions are kurmas once and kum twice (all in the tenth book);
in AV.i the nu-forms are still more than six times as fteqnent as the
u-forms (nearly half of which, moreover, are in prose passages); bnt in
the Brahmana language and later, the u-forms are used to the exclusion
of the others.

a. As 1st sing. pres. act. is found kurml in the epos.

b. What irregular forms from kf as a verb of the nu-class occur in
the older language have been already noticed aboye.

o. The isolated form tarut^, ftom ytf, shows an apparent analogy
with these u-forms from ky.

710. A few verbs belonging originally to these classes have been
shifted, in part or altogether, to the a-class, their proper class-sign
having been stereotyped as a part of the root.

a. Thus, in BY. we find forms both from the stem inu (yi or in),
and also from Inva, representing a derivative quasi-root inv (and these
latter alone occur in AY.). So likewise forms from a stem fnnva beside
those from ftpi (Vf); and from hinva beside those from hinu (yU).
The so-oaUed roots jinv and pinv are doubtless of the same origin, although
no forms firom the stem pinu are met with at any period — unless pinTire
(above, 600b) be so regarded; and AY. has the participle pinv&nt, f.
pinvati. The grammarians set up a root dhinv, bat only forms from
dhi (stem dhinu) appear to occur in the present-system (the aorist
adhinvit is found in PB.).

b« Occasional a-forms are met with also from other roots: thus,
cinvata etc., dunvasva.

V. NS-class (ninth or kri-class).

717. The class-sign of this class is in the strong forms
the syllable RT nft, accented, which is added to the root;
in the weak forms, or where the accent falls upon the end-
ing, it is ^ nl; but before the initial vowel of an ending
the ^ I of ^ nl disappears altogether.

1. Present Indioative.

718. Example of inflection: root ^ kri btty: strong
form of stem, ^fHiTT krl^; weak form, ihlui) krl^I (before
a vowel, gfittn krl]^).

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261 NftrOLASS (NINTH, kri.-OLASS). - [—722

active. middle,

s. d. p. 8. d. p.

1 shImiiH gtOuiic^4^ ghluilHH^ w^ gfHui^M^ gtOunH^

kru^ami kni^iv&s krmlm&s krii^6 kri^iv&he krii^Im&he

2 stOuiii^ cRhnkq^ gjWk g^lufiM ^luiiSl ghiufly

kn^ati krinit&B kru^ti krl^it^ kri^ate krii^te
710. In the Veda, the 3d Blng. mid. haa the same form with the 1st
in gpgie ; the peculiar accent of 3d pi. mid. is seen in punat6 and rh^at^ ;
and vp^imah6 (beside vp^m&he) occurs once in RV.

2. Present Subjiinotiye.

720. The subjunctive fonns which have been found exemplified
in Veda and Brahmana are given below. The subjunctive mode-stem
is, of course, indistinguishable in form from the strong tense-stem.
And the 2d and 3d sing. act. (with secondary endings) are indistin-
guishable from augmentless imperfects.

active. middle,

s. d. p. 8. d. p.

1 krijiani

krii^ama

kru^ftf krii^vah&i kri^Smahfti

2 krii^as

krinatha

kni^asai

3 kriijat

krinan

kri^atfii kn^&ntfii

3. Present Optative.

721. This mode is formed and inflected with entire
regularity ; owing to the fusion of tense-sign and mode-sign
in the middle, some of its persons are indistinguishable from
augmentless imperfects. Its first persons are as follows:

active. middle.

8. d. p. 8. d. p.

1 5hluiiuiH^ chiufinN s+nufiuiH 5h1unu ^rfWkf^ chluiinf^

krii^yam krii;iiyava kri^iyama kriniy& krmiv&hi kri^m&hi

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

4. Present Imperative.

722. The ending in 2d sing, act., as being always pre-
ceded by a vowel, is f^hi (never ^ dhi); and there are no
examples of an omission of it. But this person is forbidden

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722—] ' IX. Present-system. 262

to be formed in the classical language from roots ending in
a consonant; for both class-sign and ending is substituted
the peculiar ending m^ &nd.

actiTe. middle.
B. d. p. B. d. p.

1 5t51uil(H ^hluiN 5hTmiH 5ffl§l cffluiN^ ctiluilH^

krli^^uii kru^ava krii^ama krii^ krii^avahSi krliySmahai

kriTjThf kri^t&m kri^t& krii^if v& krii^thSm kri^idhv&m

krli^tu kriQltam kru^&ntu kri^itam kru^atftm kru^tam
a. Examples of the ending &n& in 2d sing, act are a9&na»
grhft3^&, badh&n&, 8tabhan&.

728. The ending ana is known alBO to the earliest language ; of the
examples Jnst given, all are fonnd in AY., and the flrst two in RY.; others
are i^Sj^ta, mu^ai^, Bkabhftna. But AY. has also gnrbh^ihi (also AB.),
and even gfhnahi, with strong stem; BhP. has badhnihi. Strong stems
are farther fonnd in gp^fihi and Bt|^&lii (TS.), pp^Shi (TB.), and
grinfihi (Apast), and, with anomalous accent, punfihi and 9|n^ah{ (SY.) ;
and, in 2d pi. act., in pun^ta (RY.). The ending tat of 2d sing. act.
occurs in Gnrli:^lt&t, jftnitat, punitat. The ending taaa is found in
piinlt&na» p^itana, ^rli^tana.

5. Present Participle.

724. The participles are regularly formed: thus, for
example, act. chlUH krlijiAnt (fem. ©fftnicft krli^ati); mid.
chluiH krl^Lftud.

6. Imperfect.

725. There is nothing special to be noted as to the
inflection of this tense: an example is —

active. middle.

8. d. p. s. d. p.

Akru^ftm Akri^iva Akri^ima &kri]^ &kri]^ivahi &k]A]^mahi

&knna8 &krii^itam &krinita dkrii^thas Akru^thSm Akxii^dhvam
ikriijiat ikrimtfim iki^an dkrlnita ^ikri^tfim dkiinata

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263 Ka-GLASS (ninth, kri-OLASfi). [—732

786« It hfts been pointed oat above that augmentlesB persons of this
tense are in part indistinguishable in form firom subjunctive and optative
persons. Such as certainly belong here are (in Y.) k^iiyftm ; a^nan,
ri^An; g^blu^ta, vpiata. The AY. has once mlnit instead of min&t.
MBh. has a^niB after mfi.

8. A.6. has the false form i^ftnimas, and in AA. occurs avp^Ita as
3d plural.

727. The roots which form their present-syBtems, wholly or in
part, after the manner of this class, are over fifty in number: bnt, for
about three fifths of them, the forms are quotable only from the older
language, and for half-a-dozen they make theirfirst appearance later;
for less than twenty are they in use through the whole life of the
language, from the Veda down.

a. As to secondary a-stems, see 731.

IrregiLlarities of the nft-class.

728. a. The roots ending in u shorten that vowel before the
class-sign: thus, from yp% puniti and punlt^; in like manner also
ju, dhu, lu.

b. The root vll (B.S.) forms either vlina or vlinfi.

729. The root grabh or grah (the former Vedic) is weakened
to g^bh or g^h.

a. As the perfect also in weak forms has g^bh or g^h, it is not
easy to see why the grammarians should not have written f instead of ra
in the root.

730. a. A few of the roots have a more or less persistent nasal
in forms outside the present-system; such are without nasal before
the class-sign: thus, grath or granth» badh or bandh, math or
manth, skabh or akambh, atabh or stambh.

b. The root jfia also loses its nasal before the class-sign: thus,
J&nati, janit^.

731. Not rarely, forms showing a transfer to the a-oonjugation
are met with: thus, even in RV., minati, minat, aminanta, from
ywi; in AV., 9Ti^a from y<f^; later, g^hi^a, j&na, prl^a» mathna,
etc. And from roots pi^ and m^ are formed the stems pp^& and
mfi^, which are inflected after the manner of the &-class, as if from
roots pp^ and m^.

732. In the Veda, an apparently denominative inflection of a
stem in &y& is not infrequent beside the conjugation of roots of this
class: thus, g^bhfty&y math&y&ti, a^rathayas, skabhfty&ta, astabh-
ftyat, pm^fty&nte, mu^fty&t, and so on. See below, 1066 b.

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783—] IDL Prbsbkt-system. 264

Second or a-Conjugation.
783. We come now to the classes which compose the
Second or a-Conjugation. These aie moie markedly
similar in their mode of inflection than the preceding classes;
their common characteristics, already stated, may be here
repeated in summary. They are : 1 . A final a in the present-
stem; 2. a constant accent, not changing between stem and
ending; 3. a briefer form of the optative mode-sign in the
active, namely I instead of y& (combining in both voices
alike with a to e); 4. the absence of any ending (except
when tSt is used) in 2d sing. impv. act.; 5. the conversion
of initial ft of the 2d and 3d du. mid. endings with final a
of the stem to e; 6. the use of the full endings ante, anta,
antSm in 3d pi. mid. forms; 7. the invariable use of an
mot us] in 3d pi. impf. act.; 8. and the use of mSna instead
of ftna as ending of the mid. pple. Moreover, 9. the stem-
final a becomes & before m and v of 1st personal endings —
but not before am of 1st sing, impf.: here, as before the
3d pi. endings, the stem-final is lost, and the short a of the
ending remains (or the contrary): thus, bhdvanti (bh&va-f-
anti), bhdvante (bhava-|-ante], ibhavam (ibhava + am).

a. All these characteristics belong not to the inflection of the
a-present-system alone, but also to that of the a-, reduplioated, and
sa-aorists, the s-fdtnre, and the desiderative, causative, and demon-
inative present-stems. That is to say, wherever in conjugation an
a-stem is found, it is inflected in the same manner.

VI. A-class (first, bha-class).
734. The present-stem of this class is made by adding
?[ a to the root, which has the accent, and, when that is
possible (235, 240), is strengthened to gtu^. Thus, Hof
bh&va from >/H bhtl; sHJ jaya from v% ji; ^)u b6dha from
1/5JU budh; H^ sdrpa from yw^ syp; — but cR" vdda from
yST^- vad; cRlI kri^a from V^Fffe krl^.

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265 A-CLASS (FIRST, bhU-CLAS8). [—737

1. Present Indioatiye.

785. The endings and the rules for theii combination
with the stem have been already fully given, foi this and
the other parts of the present-system; and it only remains
to illustrate them by examples.

a. Example of inflection: root ^ bhtl be\ stem ^cf
bh&ya (bho+a: 181).

active. middle.

8. d. p. 8. d. p.

1 HcItIh Hc||o|H^ HcimVJ^ ^ He||oi^ HcllH^

bhivami bh&vftvas bh&vftmas bh&ve bh&vSvahe bh&vfimahe

bh&vasi bh&vathas bh&vatha bh&vasebMvethe bh&vadhve

bh&vati bh&vatas bh&vanti bh&vate bh&vete bh&vante

b. The y. has hut a single example of the thana-ending, namely
v&dathana (and no other in any class of this conjugation). The Ist pi.
mid. manSmah^ (RV., once) is prohahly an error. RV. has 96bhe once
as 3d singular.

2. Present Subjunotiye.

786. The mode-stem is bhiyft (bh4ya+a). Subjunctive forms
of this coi\jugation are very numerous in the older language; the
following scheme instances all that have been found to occur.

active. middle.

8. d. p. 8. d. p.

1 bh&y&ni bhivftva bh&vama bhiv&i bh&y&vahfti bhivfimah&i

• K;r '"«•" -'«" crjL •>"«"• c:ss>

787« The 2d du. mid. (bh&vaithe) does not chance to occur in this
class; and y&tdite is the only example of the 3d person. No such pi.
mid. forms as bhAvadhvey bh&vante are made from any class with stem-
final a; such as bh&vanta (which are very common) are, of course, prop-
erly augmentless imperfects. The Brahmanas (especially QB.) prefer the
2d sing. act. in ftsi and the 3d in at. AB. has the 3d sing. mid. haratEi ;
and a 3d pi. i^ antfti (yartant&i KB.) has heen noted once. RV. has
examples, aroft and mada, of the hriefer 1st sing. act.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

738—].

IX. Present-system.

266

8* Present Optative.
788. The scheme of optative endings as combined with
the final of an a-stem was given in full above (566).
actiye. middle.

•bh&veyam bh&veva

bh&ves

bh&vet

p. 8. d. p.

bh&vema bh&veya bh&vevahi b^&vemahl
bhivetam bh&veta bh&vethfts bh&vey&tham bh&vedhvam

bhivetim bhiveyus bh&veta bh&veyatSm bh&veran

a. The BV. has once the 3d pi. mid. bharerata (for one other
example, see 752 b). AY. has udeyam from |/vad.

b. A few instances are met -with of middle 3d persons from a-stems
in ita and (yery rarely) iran, instead of eta and eran. For conyenience,
they may he put together here (excepting the more numerous cansatiye
forms, for which see 1048 c); they are (so far as noted) these: nayita S.
and later, QafiBita S., 9rayita S. ; dhayita S., dhyftyita U., hvayita
A6. S. and hvayiraa S., dhmftylta U. An active form ^a^iy&t G. is
isolated and anomalons.

4. Present Imperative.

789.

An example of the imperative inflection is:

active. middle.

8. d. p. s. d. p.

1 ^T^TI^ HoTPr ^J^im ^ Hc{\di\ HoflH^

bh&vftni bh&vava bh&vftma bh&vai bh&vavah&i bh&vamah&i

bh&va bh&vatam bh&vata bhivasva bh&vethftm bh&vadhvam

bh&vatu bh&vatam bh&vantu ' bh&vatam bh&vet&m bh&vantfim

740. The ending tana in 2d pi. act. is as rare in this whole conjuga-
tion as is thana in the present: the Y. affords only bhajatana in the
a-class (and nahyatana in the ya-class : 760 c). The ending tat of 2d
sing, act., on the other hand, is not rare; the RV. has avatat, O^t&t,
dahat&t, bhavat&t, yacchatfit, yftcatat, r&k^atat, vahatfit ; to which
AV. adds jinvatat, dhftvatat; and the Brahmanas hiing other examples.
MS. has twice svadatu (parallel texts hoth times svadati): compare
similar cases in the &-clas8: 752 c.

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267 A-CLAS8 (FIRST, bhU-CLASS). [—744

6. Present Fartioiple.

741. The endings 1^ ant and V[H mSna aie added to
the piesent-stem, with loss, before the former, of the final
stem-vowel: thus, act. H^H bhivant (fem. ^IcJtft bh&vanti);
mid. H«=<MH bh&vamSna.

a* A small number of middle participles appear to be made from
stems o'f this class (as of other a-olasses: see 762 e» 1043 f) by the
suffix ana Instead of mftna : thus, namftna, paoftna» Qik^Sjjia, svajftna,
hvay&na (all epic), mc^jftna and kafftna (later); and there are Vedic
examples (as oy&vftna, prath&n&, y&t&na or yatfind, 9umbhftna, all
RV.) of which the character, whether present or aorist, is doubtful : compare
840, 862.

6. Imperfeet.

742. An example of the imperfect inflection is:

actiye. middle.

s. d. p. 8. d. p.

5M^ ^MoTR ^M^nq 5M^ 5WRlori% 5McTFrf%

dbhavam &bhavSva &bhav&nia &bhave &bhavftvahi &bhavftmahi
^RSFT^ 5R^rT^ ?WcJcT ^M^icnq^ ^W^PIW SM^T^W
abhavas Abhavatctm &bhavata ^bhavathas &bhavethftm ibhavadhvam

dbhavat &bhavatain &bhavan &bhavata &bhavet&m &bhavanta

748* No forms in tana are made in this tense f^om any a-class.
Examples of augmentless forms (which are not uncommon) are: oy&vam,
ivas, d&has, b6dliat» bh&rat, c&ran, n&gan; bftdhathas, v&rdhata,
96canta. The subjunctively used forms of 2d and 3d sing. act. are more
frequent than those of either of the proper subjunctive persons.

744. A far larger number of roots form their present-Bystem
according to the a-class than according to any of the other classes:
in the RV., they are about two hundred and forty (nearly two fifths
of the whole body of roots); in the AV., about two hundred (nearly
the same proportion); for the whole language, the proportion is still
larger, or nearly one half the whole number of present-stems : namely, .
over two hundred in both earlier and later language, one hundred
and seventy-five in the older alone, nearly a hundred and fifty in the
later alone. Among these are not a few transfers from the classes
of the first conjugation: see those classes above. There are no roots
ending in long a — except a few which make an a-stem in some
anomalous way: below, 749a.

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745—] . IX. Present-system. 268

Irregularities of the a-olass.

746. A few verbs have irregular vowel-changes in forming the
pre9ent-stem: thus,

a. uh consider has giu^a-strengthening (against 240): thus, 6hate.

b. ]q^ (or krap) lament^ on the contrary, remains unchanged: thus,
k^ate.

o. GH^ hide has prolongation instead of gu^a: thus, gt&hati.

d. kram stride regularly lengthens its Towel in the aotiye, hut not
in the middle: thus, kr&nati, kr&mate; hut the yowel-quantities are
somewhat mixed up, even from the oldest language down; — klam tire is
said to form klSmati etc., but is not quotable ; — cam with the prepo-
sition a rinse the mouth forms ^Smati.

6. In the later language are found occasional forms of this class from
m|j wipe ; and they show the same VTddhi (instead of gru^a) which belongs
to the root in its more proper inflection (627): thus, marjasva.

f. The grammarians giTe a number of roots in nrv, which they declare
to lengthen the u in the present-stem. Only three are found in (quite
limited) use, and they show no forms anywhere with short u. All appear
to be of secondary formation from roots in t^ or ar. The root muroh or
murch coagulate has likewise only u in quotable forms.

g. The onomatopoetic root ^fluv spew is written by the grammarians
as 9thlv, and declared to lengthen its Towel in the present-system: com-
pare 240 b.

746. The roots dafL9 hitcy rafy color, aaSJ hang, svafij embrace,
of which the nasal is in other parts of the conjugation not constant,
lose it in the present-system: thus, d&Qati etc.; safij forms both
sajati and sajjati (probably for sajyati, or for saejati from sasa^
jati); math or manth has mathati later. In general, as the present
of this class is a strengthening formation, a root that has such a nasal
anywhere has it here also.

747. The roots gam go and yam reach make the present-stems
g&ccha and y&ooha: thus, g&ochSmi etc.: see 608.

748. The root sad sit forms sida (conjectured to be contracted
from Bisda for sisada): thus, sidfimi etc.

740. Transfers to this class from other classes are not rare, as
has been already pointed out above, both throughout the present-
system and in occasional forms. The most Important cases are the
following :

a. The roots in a,'Bth& stand, pft drink, and ghrfi smeU, form
the present-stems ti^^ha (tf^^hami etc.), piba (pibami etc.), and
j{ghra (jighrami etc.): for these and other similar cases, see 671-4.

b. Secondary root-forms like inv, jinv, pinv, from simpler roots

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269 Accented &-class (sixth, tud-CLAss). [—752

of the nu-class, are either found alongside their originals, or have
crowded these out of use: see 716.

750. On the other hand, the root dham or dhmft blow forms
its present-stem from the more original form of the root: thus,
dh&mati etc.

VII. Accented &-cla88 (sixth, tud-class).

751. The present-stem of this class has the accent on
the class-sign ^ &, and the root remains unstrengthened. In
its whole inflection, is follows so closely the model of the
preceding class that to give the paradigm in full will be
unnecessary (only for the subjunctive, all the forms found
to occur will be instanced).

752. Example of inflection: root ^RT VI9 enter] stem

1. Present Indicative.

actiTe. middle.

8. d. p. 8. d. p.

1 f^5n1q 1%5nRR f^mrn^ ^ Uw4^ ^m^

Yi(^imi vi9iva8 vi9ama8 vi<^^ vi9avahe vi9amahe
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

2. Present Subjunctive.
1 vi9ani vi9ava vi9ama vi9ft{ viQavah&i vi9^ah&i

» 0t -'^*- ^'^ KJSi ^'^*^ ^'*"*"

a. A single example of the briefer Ist sing, act is ni|>k^ The only
forms in aithe and Site are pp^aithe and yuv&ite.

8. Present Optative.

vi96yani vi96va viQ^ma vi96ya vi96valii vi9dmalii
etc. etc. etc. efc. etc. etc.

b. The RY. has the ending tana once in tiretana 2d pi. act., and
rata in Ju^erata 3d pi. mid.

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

752 — ] IX. Present-system. 270

4. Present Imperative.

The first persons having been given above as subjunc-
tives, the second are added here:

vi9& vi9&tain vi^&ta viQ&sva -viq^thSm. vi^&dhvam
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

c. The ending tat Is found In BY. and AY. in mir^atftt, v^hatat,
Buvatat; other examples are not infrequent in the Brihmana language:
thus, khidatfit, ohyatat, pf^ochatat, vi^atat, Sfjatat; and later, sp^^a-
tat. The 3d sing. act. nudatu and mufioatu occur in Sutras (cf. 740).

6. Present Participle.

The active participle is I^RRT vi9dnt; the middle is
fsRPTH vi9amSna.

d. The feminine of the active participle is usually made from the
strong stem-form: thus, vl94nti; but sometimes from the weak: thus,
Biiio&ntX and siiicatl (RY. and AY.), tud&nti and tudatl (AY.): see
aboye, 449 d, e.

e. Middle participles in ana instead of mana are dhuv&n&, dh^ai^A,
li9ana, 9yana, in the older language; lqp9ana» miiiioana, 8pt9ftna in
the later (cf. 741 a).

6. Imperfect.

1 qfira^^ Jb^ftniN MUkm 35rf^ JMJMitiNr^ Jbiic^iiiiHi^

&vi9am &vi9ava &vi9ama &vi9e &vl9avahi &vi9amahi
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

f. Examples of augmentless forms accented are 8)j&B, 8f>j&t, tir&nta.

g. The a-aorist (846 ff.) is in general the equivalent, as regards its
forms, of an imperfect of this class.

763. Stems of the &-clas8 are made from nearly a hundred and
fifty roots: for about a third of these, in both the earlier and the
later language ; for a half, in the earlier only; for the remainder,
nearly twenty, only in the later language. Among them are a number
of transfers from the classes of the non-a-conjugation.

a. In some of these transfers, as p^ and mp^ (731), there takes
place almost a setting-up of independent roots.

b. The stems ioehd, uooh&, and f0ch& are reckoned as belonging
respectively to the roots i^ desire, vas shine, and ^ go.

o. The roots written by the Hindu grammarians with final o —
namely, oho» do> 90, and so — and forming the present-stems ohy&9

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271 AOOBNTBD &-GLASS (SIXTH, tud-OLASS). [—769

dy&9 9y&» sy&» are more properly (as having an accented & in the stem)
to be reckoned to this class than to the ya-class, where the native oUssi-
flcatlon puts them (see 761 g). They appear to be analogous with the
stems k^jra, sva, hva, noted below (755).

754. The roots ttom which 4-stems are made have certain noticeable
pecnlarities of form. Hardly any of them have long vowels, and none have
long Interior vowels; very few have final vowels; and none (save two or
three transfers, and yi»ii be ashamedf which does not occur in any accen-
tuated text, and is perhaps to be referred rather to the a-class) have a as
radical vowel, except as this forms a combination with r, which Is then
reduced with it to f or some of the usual substitutes of p.

IrregularitieB of the i-olass.

756. The roots in i and u and Q change thoge vowels into iy
and uv before the class-sign: thus, kfiyi, yuv&, ruv&; 8uv&» etc.;
and 8va» hva occur, instead of suva and huva, in the older language,
while TS. has the participle k^yint. K. has dh^va from /dhtL

756. The three roots in ^ form the present-stems kir&» gir4
(also gila), tir&, and are sometimes written as kir etc.; and gar, Jur,
tur are really only varieties of g^, Jr» tf; and bhur and sphur are
evidently related with other ar or ^ root-forms.

a. The common root prach ask makes the stem pir<'ch&.

757. As to the stems -driy& and -priya, and inriy4 and dhriy&,
sometimes reckoned as belonging to this class, see below, 773.

758.' Although the present-stem of this class shows in general
a weak form of the root, there are nevertheless a number of roots
belonging to it which are strengthened by a penultimate nasal. Thus,
the stem mufioi is made from ymxto release; 8i£io& from ]/8ic sprinkle;
vind& from yvid Jind; kpit& from yk^ cut; piiu^k from )/pi9
adorn; tpnpk from yt^ enjoy; lmnp& from }/lup brec^; limp& from
ylip smear; and occasional forms of the same kind are met with from
a few others, as tunda from ytad thrust; bp&li& from yb}fli strengthen;
d)rfLh& (beside dfjiha) from ydafti tnakejirm; 9iiinbli& (beside Qumbba)
from yifuhh shine; TS. has 9pithati from y^ratbi (instead of ^rathn&ti) ;
ii&cha» vindli4, stunbha, are of doubtful character.

a. Nasalized 4-8tems are also in several instances made by transfer
from the nasal class : thus, unda» tunbha, ^&9 piA^^, srufUa, rundlia»
9ifu|a.

VIII. Ya-clas8 (fourth, div-class).

769. The present-stem of this class adds 71 ya to the
accented but unstrengthened root. Its inflection is also pre-

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769—] IX. Pebsent-systbm. 272

oisely like that of the a-class, and may be presented in the

same abbreviated form as that of the d-class.

760. Example of inflection: root R^ nah bind]

stem ^^ n&hya.

1. Present Indicative.

active. middle.

8. d. p. 8. d. p.

1 R^snft H^MNH^ H^HH, ^ H*IN"^ H«^IIH^
n&hy&mi n&hyavas n&hyftmas n&hye n&hy&vahe n&hy&mahe
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

2. Present Subjunctive.

1 n&hySni n&hy&ma n&hyfti n&hyftvahai n&hyfimahfti

^ Into^to* nihyasai nihy&dhvfti

3 xT^.^ n&hy&tas n&hyfin n&hy&t&i nAhySntfti

.nanyat

a. A 3d pi. mid. in antfti (Jftyantfti) occois once in TS.

3. Present Optative.
1 sf^TR^ R^ R#q R#Tr H^^r^ R#ri%

n&hyeyam n&hyeva n&hyema n&hyeya n&hyevahi n&hyemahl
etc. etc. eto. etc. etc. 'etc.

b. For two or three 3d sing. mid. forms in ita (for eta), see 788 b.

4. Present Imperative.

n&hya n&hyatam n&hyata n&hyasva n&hyethfim n&hyadhvam
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

e. Of the ending tana, RY. has one example, nahyatana \ the end-
ing tftt is found in asyatftt, khyftyat&t, na9yat&t. .

6. Present Participle.

The active participle is H«Mrl ndhyant (fem. H^WrH ndh-

yanti); the middle is ^I^TTTFT ndhyamSna.

6. Imperfect.

1 w{W[^ wmm HH^m w^ MH^Ni^ w^wR;

inahyam &nahy&va inahyfima &nahye dnahyftvahi dnahyfimahl
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

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273 Ya-CLAfi8 (FOURTH, dlv-CLA88): [—761

d. ExampleB of angmentless forms showing the accent belonging to the
present-system are gayat» p&^yat, pi^yan, JiyathftB.

761. The ya-olass stems are more than a hundred and thirty in
number, and nearly half of them have forms in use in all periods of
the language, about forty occurring only in the earlier, and about
thirty only in the modem period.

a. Of the roots making ya-stems, a very considerable part (oyer fifty)
signify a state of feeling, or a condition of mind or body: thus, knp be
angry, klam be wettry, Iqiudh be hungry, muh be confused, lubh. be
lustful, 9U9 be dry, etc. etc.

b. A further number have a more or less distinctly passire sense,
and are in part evident and in part presumable transfers from the passive
or y&-class, with change of accent, and sometimes also with assumption of
active endings. It is not possible to draw precisely the limits of the divi-
sion; but there are in the older language a number of dear cases, in which
the accent wavers and changes, and the others are to be Judged by analogy
with them. Thus, }/muo forms muoyate once or twice, beside the usual
mucy&te, in RY. and AY.; and in the Brahmanas the former is the
regular accent. Similar changes are found also in ya-forms from other
roots : thus, from Iqii destroy, ji or Jyft injure, tap heat, dfh make firm,
pao cook, VX fi^i ^^ damage, rio leave, lup break, hfi leave. Active
forms are early made from some of these, and they grow more common
later. It is worthy of special mention that, from the Yeda down, Jiyate
is bom etc. is found as altered passive or original ya-formation by the side
of VJan give birth.

o. A considerable body of roots (about forty) differ from the above in
having an apparently original transitive or neuter meaning: examples are
as throw, nah bind, pa^ see, pad go, ^li^ clasp.

d. A number of roots, of various meaning, and of somewhat doubtful
character and relations, having present-stems ending in ya, are by the native
grammarians written with final diphthongs, fti or e or o. Thus:

e. Boots reckoned as ending in fti and belonging to the a- (or bhu-)
class, as g&i sing (gayati etc.). As these show abundantly, and for the
most part exclusively, ft^forms oQtside the present-system, there seems to
be no good reason why they should not rather be regarded as &-roots of
the ya-class. They are k^ft bum, g& sing, gift be weary, trS save, dhyft
think, pyft Jill up, mlft relax, rft bark, vfi be blown, 9y& coagulate, 9rft
boil, Btyft stiffen. Some of them are evident extensions of simpler roots
by the addition of ft. The secondary roots tfty stretch (beside tan), and
Ofty observe (beside el) appear to be of elmilar character.

f. Roots reckoned as ending in e and belonging to the a- (or bh&O
class, as dhe suck (dh&yati etc.). These, too, have ft-forms, and some-
times i-forms, outside the present system, and are best regarded as ft-roots,
either with ft weakened to a before the class-sign of this class, or with ft

Whitney, Grammar. 8. ed. 18

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761—] IX. PRBSBNT-SY8TBM. 274

weakened to i or 1 and inflected according to the a-olaas. Tliey are dlift
suek, ma exchange, vft weave, vyft efwehp, ]iv& call (secondary, from
h^). As of kindred form may be mentioned day share and vyay expend
(probably denominative of vyaya).

g. A few roots artificially written with final o and reckoned to the
ya-class, with radical Towel lost before the class-sign: thns, do out, bind,
pros, dy&ti etc. These, as having an accented & in the sign, have
plainly no right to be put in this class ; and they are better referred to the
^ckss (see above, 768 o). Outside the present-system they show S- and
i-forms; and in that system the ya is often resolved into la in the oldest
langnage.

762. The ya-class is the only one thus far described which shows
any tendency toward a restriction to a certain variety of meaning. In this
tendency, as well as in the form of its sign, it appears related with the
class of distinctly defined meaning which is next to be taken up — the
passive, with y&-s{gn. Though very far from being as widely used as the
latter beside other present-systems, it is in some cases an intransitive
conjugation by the side of a transitive of some other class.

IrregtQarities of the ya-olass.

763. The roots of this class ending in am lengthen their vowel
in fonning the present-stem: they are klam, tam, dam» bhram, ^am
he quiet, ^ram: for example, timyati, 9rimyati. From kfam, how-
ever, only k^amyate occurs; and 9am labor makes ^amyati (B.).

764. The root mad has the same lengthening: thus, midyati.

766. The roots in iv — namely, div, siv, ariv or ^riv, and
9thiv (from which no forms of this class are quotable) — are written
by the grammarians with fv, and a similar lengthening in the present-
system is prescribed for them.

a. They appear to be properly din etc., since their vocalized final
in other forms is always tX; dIv is by this proved to have nothing to do
with the assumed root div shine, which changes to dyn (801 d): compare
S40b.

766. From the roots jf and tf (also written as jur and tir or tor)
come the stems Jl^a and tfa^a, and Jdrya and ttlrya (the last two only
in BY.); from p^ comes ptbya.

767. The root vyadh is abbreviated to vidh: thus, vidhyati. And
any root which in other forms has a penultimate nasal loses it here: thus,
df hya from dfhh or d^h •, bhra^ya from bhraft^ or bhra9 ; rajya from
raSJ or raj.

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275 Accented y&-CLASS {Passive). [—771

IX. Accented y&-clas8: Passive conjugation.

768. A certain form of piesent-stem, inflected with middle
endings, is used only in a passive sense, and is formed
from all roots for which there is occasion to make a passive
conjugation. Its sign is an accented U yd added to the
root: thus, "^^ hany& from y^ han slay, MIUJ Spyd
from y^[m Sp obtain, JRSr gthj& from yJl^ giph (or grab)
seize: and so on, without any reference to the class accord-
ing to which the active and middle forms are made.

769. The form of the root to which the passive-sign is added
is (since the accent is on the sign) the weak one : thus, a pennltimate
nasal is dropped, and any abbreviation which is made in the weak
forms of the perfect (794), in the aorist optative (922 b), or before
ta of the passive participle (954), is made also in the passive present-
system: thus, ajy& from ]/aSij, badhy4 from ybeaxdh., uoy& from
V'vao, ijy& from }/yaJ.

770. On the other hand, a final vowel of a root is in general
liable to the same changes as in other parts of the verbal system
where it is followed by y: thus —

a. Final i and u are lengthened: thus, miy& from )/mi; suyi
from ysu;

b. Final & is usually changed to i: thus, dly& from |/d&; layk
from yh&: but JliSy& from }/Jfi&, and so khyftyi, kh&y&» mn&y&, etc.;

o. Final f is in general changed to ri: thus, kriy& from Vkf;
but if preceded by two consonants (and also, it is claimed, in the root
r), it has instead the gm^-strengthening: thus, smaryi from }/8m|^
(the only quotable case); — and in those roots which show a change
of p to ir and or (so-called f -verbs: see 242), that change is made
here also, and the vowel is lengthened: thus, 9iry& from 1/9?; pnry&
from y-pj.

771. The inflection of the passive-stem is precisely like
that of the other a-stems ; it differs only in accent from that
of the class last given. It may he here presented, therefore,
in the same abbreviated form:

a. Example of inflection: root m kr make; passive-
stem ^Tir kriyd:

18*

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771—] IX. PBESBNT-SYflTBM. 276

1. Present Indicative.

kPiy6

P-

kriyivahe

kriyamahe

etc. etc. etc.

2. Present Subjunotiye.

h* The forms noticed as ocenrriDg in the older language are alone

here instanced:

s. d. p.

1 kriyfti kriyamah&i

2 kriy^tdhvfti

c» The Bd pi. ending antftl is found once (ucyantfti K.).
8. Present Optative.

ycrtjSyeT' kPtyhrt^ kriy6mahi
etc. etc. ^N etc

d. No fonns of the p&ssiye optatiye chaniSi^ o<^^ ^^ ^^' O' A.V.;
they are found, howevei, in the Brahmanas. OhU.^ once dhmftyita^

4. Present Imperative.

kriy&sva kriydthfiau kriy&dhvam \

etc. etc. etc. \

6. Present Participle.

e. This is made with the suffix TfR mSna : thus, f^iimm
kriydmS^a.

f. In use, this participle is well distinguished fh>m the other passiTe
participle by its distinetiTely present meaning : thus, k^^ done, hut kriyd-
mb^a in process of doing, or being done.

6. Imperfect.

&kriye ikriy&vahi dkriyfimahi
etc. etc. etc.

g. The passive-sign is never resolved into ia in the Veda.

772. The roots tan and khan usnally form their passives from
parallel roots in ft: thus, t&y&te, kh&ydte (but also tanyate, khan-

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277 So-called Tbnth or out-class. [—775

yate) ; and dham, in like maimer, makes either dhamyate or dhmfty&te.
Tbe conrespondiDg form to VJan, namely Jayate (above, 761 b), is
apparently a transfer to the preceding class.

773. By their form, mriy&te dies, and dhriy^te maintains itself,
is steadfast, are passives from the roots m^ die and dhf hold; although
neither is used in a proper passive sense, and m^ is not transitive
except in the derivative form m^^ (above, 731). With them are to
be compared the stems &-driy& heed and ft-priy& be busy, which are
perhaps peculiar adaptations of meaning of passives from the roots
df pierce and px fi^-

11^. Examples of the transfer of stems from the y4- or passire
class to the ya- or IntransltiTe class were giyen above (761 b); and it was
also pointed oat that actiTe instead of middle endings are occasionally, even
in the earlier laognage, assumed by forms properly passive; examples are
i dhmftyatl and Ty apro^yat (QB.), bhtiyati (MaiU.). In the epics,
however (as a part of their general confusion of active and middle forms:
529 a), active endings are by no means infrequently taken by the pusive:
thus, ^akyati, ^rQyanti, bhriyantu, ijyant-, etc.

The Bo-oalled Tenth or our-Class.

775. As was noticed above (607), the Hindu grammarians *- and,
after their example, most European also — recognize yet another
conjugation-class, coordinate with those already described; its stems
show the class-sign 4ya, added to a generally strengthened root (for
details as to the strengthening, see 1042). Though this is no proper
class, but a secondary or derivative conjugation (its stems are partly
of causative formation, partly denominative with altered accent) an
abbreviated example of its forms may, for the sake of accordance
with other grammars, be added here.

a. Example: root oint think, meditate) stem cint&ya:

active.

middle.

Pros. Indie.

oint&yftmi

dnt&ye

Subj.

oint&y&ni

oint&y&i

Opt.

oint&yeyam

oint&yeya

Pple.

oint&yant

oint&yamftna

Impf.

iointayam

&ointaye

b. The inflection, of course, is the same with that of other forms ftom
»-stems (788 a).

c. The middle participle, in the later language, is more often made
with ftna instead of xnftna: thus, ointayftna: see 1048 f.

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776—] IX. Pbbsbnt-system. 278

Uses of the Present and Imperfect.

776. The uses of the mode-forms of the present-system have
been already briefly treated in the preceding chapter (572 ff.). The
tense-uses of the two indicative tenses, present and imperfect, call
here for only a word or two of explanation.

777. The present has, besides its strictly present use, the same
subsidiary uses which belong in general to the tense: namely, the
expression of habitual action, of future action, and of past action in
lively narration.

a. Examples of ftitare meaning are: im&xh odd vii ixnd elnv&te
t&ta ev& no 'bhfbhavanti ((B.) verify if these build this up^ then they
will etraightway get the better of us; agnir fttmabhavaih pr&dftd yatara
vS&chati nfti^adha^ (MBh.) Agni gave hie own presence wherever the
Nishadhan should desire ; svfigataih te 'stu kiih karomi tav» (R.) wd-
come to thee; what shaU I do for theef

b. Examples of past meaning are : tittarft stir idharal^ putri ftsid
danti]{^ ^aye sah&vatsft n& dhenn]{^ (R^O ^^ mother was over, the son
under; there Danu lies, like a cow with her calf; prahananti oa tftxh
kecid abhyasuyanti c& 'pare akurvata day&iii kecit (MBh.) some
ridicule her, some revile her, some pitied her \ tato yasya vaoan&t tatrft
'valambitfts taiii sarve tiraakurvanti (H.) thereupon they all fall to
reproaching him by whose advice they had alighted there,

778. In connection with certain particles, the present has rather
more definitely the value of a past tense. Thus:

a. With puri formerfy: thus, saptar^in u ha sma vfii puri
rk^A fty deakfate (QB.) the seven sages, namely, are of old called the
bears; tanm&tram api oen mahyaiii na dad&ti purft bhavfin (MBb.)
if you have never before given me even an atom.

b. With the asseTeratlve particle sma: thus, i^rkmei^eL ha sma vfti
t&d deva Jayanti y&d e^^Sih J&yyam aad r^aya^ ca (QB.) in truth,
both gods and sages were wont to win by penance what was to be won ;
&Yi^%afy kalinft dytite Jiyate sma nalas tadft (MBh.) then Nala, being
possessed by Kali, was beaten in play,

o. No example of this last construction is found in either BY. or AY.,
or elsewhere in the metrical parts of the Yeda. In the Brahmanas, only
habitual action is expressed by it. At all periods of the language, the use-
of sma with a Terb as pure asseverative particle, with no effect on the
tense-meaning, is yery common; and the examples later are hardly to be
distinguished from the present of lively narration — of which the whole
construction is doubtless a form.

779. The imperfect has remained unchanged in value through
the whole history of the language: it is the tense of narration; it
expresses simple past time, without any other implication.

a. Compare what is said later (end of chap. X. and chap. XI.) as to
the value of the other past tenses, the perfect and aorist

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279 Charactebisticb op the Perfect. [—782

CHAPTER X.

THE PERFECT-SYSTEM.

780. The perfect-system in the later language, as has

been seen above (686), consists only of an indicative tense

and a participle — both of them in the two voices, active

and middle.

a. In the oldest language, the perfect has also its modes and
its angment-preterit, or pluperfect, or is not less fall in its apparatus
of forms than is the present-system (see 808 if.).

781. The formation of the perfect is essentially alike
in all verbs, differences among them being of only subord-
inate consequence, or having the charactei of irregularities.
The characteristics of the formation are these:

1. a stem made by reduplication of the root;

2. a distinction between stronger and weaker forms of
stem, the former being used (as in presents of the First
or non-a-conjugation] in the singular active, the latter in
all other persons;

3. endings in some respects peculiar, unlike those of
the present;

4. the frequent use, especially in the later language, of
a union-vowel ^ i between stem and endings.

782. Reduplication. In roots beginning with a con-
sonant, the reduplication which forms the perfect-stem is
of the same character with that which forms the present-
stem of the reduplicating conjugation-class (see 848) — but
with this exception, that radical ^ a and 5(T S and W t [or
^^ ar) have only ^ a, and never ^ i, as vowel of the re-
duplicating syllable: thus, from y^ py^/Z comes the present-
stem fn^ piPT, but the perfect-stem cjtf papr; from ym mS

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78a—] X. Perfect-system. 280

measure comes the present-stem fir^ mimS, but the perfect-
stem qiTT mamS; and so on.

a. IrregoUritieB of roots with initial consonants will be given below, 784.

783. For roots beginning with a vowel, the rules of
reduplication are these:

a. A root with initial ^ a before a single final consonant
repeats the ^ a, which then fuses with the radical vowel to ^&,
(throughout the whole inflection) : thus, ^[^ ftd from y^ ad
eat; and in like manner SEHsf Sj, ^Fl &n, ^^ITH Sb, ^(^ &h. The
root fl X forms likewise throughout 51?^ Sr (as if from ^ ar).

b. A root with ^ i or 3 u before a single final conso-
nant follows the same analogy, except in the strong forms
(sing, act.) ; here the vowel of the radical syllable has gu^,
becoming ^ e or ^^ o; and before this, the reduplicating
vowel maintains its independent form, and is separated from
the radical syllable by its own semivowel : thus, from y^
if comes ^l9 in weak forms, but ^Q^ lye? in strong; from
V3tJ uo, in like manner, come ZHT^tlc and 3^N uvoc. The
root ^ i, a single vowel, also falls under this rule, and forms
^ ly (y added before a vowel) and ^ iye.

c. Roots which begin with vowels long by nature or by
position do not in general make a perfect-system, but use
instead a periphrastic formation, in which the perfect tense
of an auxiliary verb is added to the accusative of a verbal
noun (see below, chap. XV.: 1070 ff.).

d. To this rule, howeyer, yftp obtain (probably originally ap: 1087 f)
constitutes an exception, making the constant perfect-stem &p (as if from
ap: above, a). Also are met with I<J6 (RV.) and i^ire from yi^ and
irir6 (V.) from yir,

e. For the peculiar reduplication ftn, belonging to certain roots with
initial vowels, see below, 788.

784. A nnmber of roots beginning with va and ending with a
single consonant, which in varioas of their verbal forms and deriv-
atives abbreviate the va to u, do it also in the perfect, and are
treated like roots with initial u (above, 788 b), except that they retain

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281 Reduplioation. [—786

the full form of root in the strong persons of the singular active.
Thus, from ]/vao speak come uo and uvac; from )/va8 dwell come
U9 and uvas; and so on.

a. The roots showing this abbreviation are vao, vap, vad, va^,
vas, vah; and vS weave is said to follow the same rule.

b. A single root beginning with ya, namely yaj offery has the
same contraction, forming the stems iyaj and ij.

o. Occasional exceptions are met with: as, vavftoa and vavalq^
(RV.)i vav&pa and vavftha and vavfthatus (E. and later); yej6 (V.).

785. A number of roots having ya after a first initial consonant
take i (from the y) instead of a in the reduplicating syllable: thus,
from }/Tyac comes vivyao; from ]/py& comes plpyft.

a. These roots aie vyac, vyath, vyadh, vyft, jyft, pyft, syand;
and, in the Veda, also tyaj, with oyu and djrut, which have the root-
Yowel u. Other sporadic cases occur.

b. A single root with va is treated in the same way: namely
Bvap, which forms su^vap.

o. These roots are for the most part abbreviated In the weak forms:
see below, 794.

786. A considerable number of roots have in the Veda a long
vowel in their reduplication.

a. Thus, of roots redaplieating with & : kan, k}p, gf dh, tn>» tp}»
dfht dh^, dhr9> nam» mah, n^j, ni^Q* vai^> radh, rabh, vafic, van,
va9, vas clothe j V&9, vrj> v^t, -v^dh, -V79, ^ad prevail, sah, skambh.
Some of these occur only in isolated cases; many have also forms with
short vowel. Most are Yedlc only; but dftdhara is common also in the
Brahmana language, and is even found later. As to jfifi^, see 1020 a.

b. Of roots reduplicating with 1 : the so-called roots (676) didhi and
didi, which make the perfect from the same stem with the present: thus,
diddtha, didaya; didhima, didhyua (also didhiyus, didiyus). But
pipi has pipye, pipsroB, etc., with short 1. In AV. occurs once jihi^a,
and in AB. (and AA.) bibh&ya.

o. Of roots reduplicating with u: tu, ju, and 9U (or 9Vfi).

787. A few roots beginning with the (derivative: 42) palatal mutes
and aspiration show a reversion to the more original guttural in the radical
syllable after the reduplication: thus, yd forms oiki; ]/oit forms cikit;
yji forms Jigi; j/hi forms jighi; |/lian forms Jaghan (and the same
reversions appear in other reduplicated forms of these roots; 216» 1). A
root dft proieet is said by the grammarians to form dig! ; but neither root
nor perfect is quotable.

788. A small number of roots with initial a or ip (ftr) show the
anomalous reduplication ftn in the perfect.

a* Thus (the forms occurring mainly in the older language only):

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788—] X. Pbrpect-sybtbm. 282

ya2ij or aj, which forms the prea. an&kti, has the perfeet ftnafija
and ftnaj6 etc. (with anajft and anajy&t);

yB.q attain (from which comes once in RV. an&^fimahfti), has the
weak forms ftna^ma etc. (with opt. ftna^y&m), ftna9e etc. (and LQS.
has ftna^adhve), and the strong forms ftn&ii^a and ftn&^a — along with
the regular S^a etc.;

)/|pdh (from which comes once p^dhat) has an^dhuB and ftn^dhe;

}/fO or arc has ftn^us and ftnfc6, and later Snaroa and ftnarous;

yarh has (in TS.) ftn^phuB;

an&ha (RV., once) has been referred to a root ah, elsewhere uuknown,
and explained as of this formation; but with altogether doubtful propriety.

b. The later grammar, then, sets up the rule that roots beginning
with a and ending with more than one consonant haye An as their regular
reduplication; and such perfects are taught from roots like akf, arj» and
afto or ao; but the only other quotable forms appear to be ftnarohat
(MBh.) and finar^at (TA.) ; which are accordingly reckoned as ^pluperfects".

789. One or two individual cases of irregularity are the following:

a. The extremely common root bhu be has the anomalous redu-
plication ba, forming the stem babhti; and, in the Veda, ysVL forms
in like manner sas^.

b. The root bhp bear has in the Teda the anomalous reduplication Ja
(as also in intensive: 1002); but RV. has once also the regular babhre, and
pple babhr&n&.

0. The root ^fhiv spetc forms either tiffhlv (^B. et al.) or (i^^tv
(not quotable).

d, Vivakvan (RV., once) is doubtless participle of /vac, with
irregular reduplication (as in the present, 660).

790. Absence of reduplication is met with in some cases. Thus:

a. The root vid know has, from the earliest period to the latest,
a perfect without reduplication, bat otherwise regularly made and
inflected: thus, vMa, v^ttha, etc., pple vidvafiB. It has the mean-
ing of a present. The root vid ^nd forms the regular vlv^da.

b. A few other apparently perfect forms lacking a reduplication are
found in RV. : they are talqfathuB and takfus, yam&tua, Bkainbli&thuB
and skambhuB, nindima (for ninidimaP), dhi^e and dhire (P \ dhft),
and vidrd and arhire (? see 013). And AV. SV. have oetatUB. The
participial words dO^vafts, ini^bvafLS, sfthviiis are common in the oldest
language; and RV. has once jftnui^aB (|/jii&), and khidvaa (voc), perhaps
for oikhidvas.

c. A few sporadic cases also are quotable from the later language,
especially from the epics: thus, kar^atus, oei^%A and ceftatus, bhr&-
jatuB, sarpa, 9aft8U8 and ^aiisire, dhvafLsire, sraiiaire, Jalpire,
edhire; also the pples ^aiisivftfiB and dar9ivftiiB, the latter being not
infrequent.

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283 Strong and Weak Stem-forms. [—793

791. For an anomaloas case or two of reduplicated piepOBition, see
below, 1067 f.

792. Strong and weak stem-forms. In the three
persons of the singular active, the root-syllable is accented,
and exhibits usually a stronger form than in the rest of the
tense-inflection. The difference is effected partly by strength-
ening the root in the three persons referred to, partly by
weakening it in the others, partly by doing both.

793. As regards the strengthening:

a. A final Towel takes either the gui^ or vrddhi change
in Is^ sing, act., gujgia in 2d, and vrddhi in 3d: thus, from
y^ bhi, Ist liR bibhi or iip^ bibhSi; 2d fsR bibhi; 3d
fi^ bibhSi; from >/oR ky, Ist Wf\^ oakAr or ^RiTJ* oakir,
2d rjc^^ oakdr, 3d Wf^ cakSr.

b. But the fL of yhhft remains unchanged, and adds v before a
vowel-ending: thus, babh^va etc.

o. Medial ^ a before a single final consonant follows

the analogy of a final vowel, and is lengthened or vriddhied

in the 3d sing., and optionally in the first: thus, from yW^

tap, Ist rr?n tatdp or rTcTFT tatSp, 2d rr?n tatdp, 3d cRTR

"S. "V ">w "V

tatSp.

d. In the eailier language, however, the weaker of the two forms
allowed hy these rules in the first person is almost exclusively in use : thus,
ist only bibh&ya, tat&pa; 8d bibhaya, tatapa. Excepttons are csikara
and jagraha (doubtful reading) in AY., cakftra in AfS. and BAU. (gB.
cakara), Jigfiya in AQS., as first persons.

e. A medial short vowel has in all three persons alike
the gui^a-strengthening (where this is possible: 240): thus,
from y^ druh comes ^^^ dudroh; from }4^ VI9 comes
(efo|:(i vivi9 > fif^°^ V^RfT kyt comes ^^eRff oakart.

f. An initial short vowel before a single final conBonant is to be
treated like a medial, bnt the quotable examples are very few: namely,
iye^a from yi^ seeh^ uvoeitha and uvoca from /uc, uvo^a firom
yn^. As to roots 1 and r, whose vowels are both initial and final,
see above, 788 a, b.

g. These rules are said by the grammarians to apply to the 2d sing.
Always when it has simple tha as ending; if it has itha (below, 797 d),

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793—] X. Perfect-system. 284

the accent is allowed to fall on any one of the syllables of the word, and
the loot-^yllable if unaccented has sometimes the weak form (namely, in
contracted stems with e for medial a : below, 704 e ; and in certain other
Yerbs, as vivijitha). The earlier language, however, affords no example
of a 2d sing., whatever its ending, accented on any other than the radical
syllable, or failing to conform to the rules of strengthening as given above
(in a, Ct e).

h. Occasional instances of strengthening in other than the singular
persons are met with: thus, yuyopima and viveQUS (RV.), paaparQOB
(KeU.), and, in the epics, oakartus and oakartire, oakarfatuSy juga-
hire, nanamire, bibhedus, vavfthatus, viveQatus, vavar^us. The
roots d^, pi^y and 9^, and optionally jf , are said by the grammarians to
have the strong stem in weak forms ; but no examples appear to be quotable.
AY., however, has once jaliarus (probably a false reading); and in the
later language occur oaskcure {yivp scatter) and tastare.

i. The root mfj has (as in the present-system: 627) iqrddlii instead
of gu^a in strong forms: thus, mamirja; and >/guh (also as in present:
746 o) has u instead of o (bat also juguhe E.).

794. As regards the weakening in weak forms:

a. It has been seen above (788 b) that roots beginning with i or
u fuse reduplicating and radical syllable together to i or u in the
weak forms; and (784) that roots contracting va and ya to u or i
in the reduplication do it also in the root in weak forms, the two
elements here also coalescing to u or I.

b. A few roots having ya and va after a first initial consonant, and
reduplicating from the semivowel (786), contract the ya and va to i and
u: thus, vivio from >/vyac, vlvidh from )/vyadh (but vivyadhus
MBh.), 8\ifup from /svap. The extended roots jyft, pyft, vyft, 9V6,
hvft show a similar apparent contraction, making their weak forms from
the simpler roots ji, pi, vi, 9U, li% while hvS must and ^vfi may get
their strong forms also from the rame (and only jijyftu is quotable from
the others).

c. The root grabh or grab (if it be written thus: see 729 a) con-
tracts to g^h, making the three forms of stem Jagr&b (1st and 2d sing,
act.), jagrah (3d), and jagfh; butpraoh (if it be so written: see 766 a)
remains unchanged throughout.

d. Some roots omit in weak forms of this tense, or in some of them,
a nasal which is found in its strong forms: thus, we have oakrad6 etc.
(RV.) from )/krand; tataar^ (RV.) from ytaAs; dada^va&s (RV.) from
ydediq; bedhuB, bedb^, etc. (AV.) from v^andh; sejua (QB.) from
/aafij; oaskabh&ni (AV.) from /skambh; taatabhua etc. (V.),
tastabhani (V.B.), from ystambh. Compare also 788 a.

e. A number of roots having medial a between single consonants
drop that vowel. These are, in the later language, gam, khan, jan.

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285 Strong and Weak Stem-forms. [—796

ban, ghas; they form the weak stems jagm, oakhn, ji^ii, jaghn
(compare 637), Jakf (compare 640): but RV. has once jajanus.

f. In the old Ungatge are found in like manner mamnSthe and
mamnftte flrom /man; vavn6 from /van; tatne, tatni^e, tatnire
from ytajo. (beside tatane, and tate, as if from ytB,)\ paptima and
paptus and paptivafia from /pat (beside pet-forms ; below, g) j papne
from /pan; aa^oima and aaQOUBy sa^oe and sa^oird, from /aao.

g. Roots in general having medial a before a single final con-
sonant, and beginning also with a single consonant that is repeated
nnchanged in the reduplication — that is, not an aspirate, a gnttural
mnte, or h — contract their root and redaplication together into one
syllable, haying e as its vowel: thus, /sad forms the weak stem sed,
/pac forms pec, /yam forms yem; and so on.

h. Certain roots not having the form here defined are declared by the
grammarians to undergo the same contraction — most of them optionally;
and examples of them are in general of very rare occurrence. They are as
follows: ry (E.G.) and r&dh (radh?), notwithstanding their long vowel;
phai^ phal (phelire C), bhaj (occurs from RV. down), though their ini-
tial is changed in reduplication; trap, tras (tresus E.G.)* Qrath, syam,
Bvan, though they begin with more than one consonant; dambh (debhuB*
RV., from the weaker dabh), thoagh it ends with more than one; and
bhram (bhremus etc. KSS.)) bhrSj, grantb, svafij, in spite of more
reasons than one to the contrary. And QB. has aeJuB from /aafij, and
KB. has ^remuB from /9ram. On the other hand, RV. has once rarabh-
m&» and R. has papatUB, for petua, from /pat.

i. This contraction is allowed also in 2d sing. act. when the ending
is itha: thus, tenitha beside tatantha (but no examples are quotable
from the older language).

j. The roots q&q and dad (from dft: 672) are said to reject the
contraction; but no perfect forms of either appear to have been met with
in use.

k. From /ty (or tar) occurs tenia (R.); and jerua from /jf is
authorized by the grammarians — both against the general analogy of roots in f-

1. Boots ending in S lose their ft before all endings beginning
with a vowel, including those endings that assume the union-vowel i
(796) — unless in the latter case it be preferred to regard the i as a
weakened form of the ft.

706. Endings, and their union with the stem.

The general scheme of endings of the perfect indicative has

been already given (668 c); and it has also been pointed out

(643 a) that roots ending in 35(T ft have ^ ftu in 1st and 3d

sing, active.

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796—] X. Pbrfect-sybtem.

a. The ending mas instead of ma is fonnd in QU^rumaa (E.G.)-
For the alleged ooourrence of ^ve instead of dhve in 2d pi. mid., see 226 c.

706. Those of the endings which begin with a con-
sonant — namely ST tha, ^ va, q" ma in active ; H bo, ^
vahe, R% mahe, ^ dhve, *^ re in middle — aie very often,
and in the later language usually, joined to the base with
the help of an interposed union-vowel ^ i.

a. The union-Towel i is fonnd widely used also in other parts of the
general yeibal system: namely, in the sibilant aorist, the futures, and the
verbal nonns and adjectives (as also in other classes of derivative stems).
In the later language, a certain degiee of correspondence is seen among the
different parts of the same verb, as regards their nse or non-nse of the
connective: but this correspondence is not so close that general rules res-
pecting it can be given with advantage; and it will be best to treat each
formation by itself.

b. The perfect is the tense in which the nse of i has established
itself most widely and firmly in the later language.

707. The most important rules as to the use of ^ i in
the later langtiage are as follows:

a. The J re of 3d pi. mid. has it always.

b. The other consonant-endings, except ST tha of 2d

sing, act., take it in nearly all verbs.

o. But it is rejected throughout by eight verbs — namely Iq^ make,
bhf beoTf Bf gOj vj choose, dru run, qxu hear, 8tu praise, sru Jiow ;
and it is allowably (not usually) rejected by some others, in general
accordance with their usage in other formations.

d In 2d sing, act., it is rejected not only by the eight
verbs just given, but also by many others, ending in vowels
or in consonants, which in other formations have no ^ i;
but it is also taken by many verbs which reject it in other
formations; — and it is optional in many verbs, including
those in ssn* S (of which the ^n" S is lost when the ending
is ^ itha), and most of those in ^ i, ^ I, and 3 u.

e. The rules of the grammarians, especially as regards the use of tha
or itha, run out into infinite detail, and are not wholly oonslstent with
one another; and, as the forms are very infrequent, if is not possible to
criticise the statements made, and to tell how far they are founded on Uie
facts of usage.

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287 Endin(*s. [—800

f. With this i, a final radical i or i is not combined, but chang-
ed into y or iy. The u of }/bhu becomes uv throaghout before a
vowel.

798. In the older language, the usage is in part quite other-
wise. Thus :

a. In the RV., the union-vowel i is taken by roots ending in con-
sonants provided the last syllable of the stem is a heavy one, bnt not other-
ndse: thns, ilsitha, tiv6oitha» vttr^dithay hut tat&ntha and vivy&ktha;
uoim&» paptima, sedima, jxLjopimk, but jaganma, jagrbhini, jniyiu-
ma; ucif6, jajfii^^, sasShife, bnt vivitse and dad|^kf6; bubhujm&he
and ^ft^admahe etc. (no examples of ivahe or imahe chance to occur,
nor any of either idhve or dhve); ]jir6, ji^fiir^, yetire, tatalqiire,
hut cfiklpr^, vividr6, duduhre, paspfdhr^, tatasrd (and so on:
twenty-two forms). The only exception in RV. is vdttha from ^vid,
without i (in Br., also Sttha from |/ah: below, 801 a). The other Vedic
texts present nothing inconsistent with this rule, but in the Brihmanas 3d
pi. forms in ire are made after light syllables also: thus, aaafJirOy bubudh-
Ire, yuyujire, rurudhire.

b. In roots ending with a vowel, the early usage is more nearly like
the later. Thus: for roots in ft the rule is the same (except that no 2d
sing, in itha is met with), as dadhim&, dadhi^^, dadhidhv^, dadhire
(the only persons with i quotable from RV. and AV. ; and RV. has dadhre
twice); — roots in f appear also to follow the later rule: as oakf^,
papffe* vavTf^y vavpn&he, but dadhri^e and Jabhrife, and in 3d
pi. mid. both oakrir6 and dadhrire; — }/bhtl has both babhAtha
(usually) and babhttvltha, but only babhuvimi (AV.). But there are
found, against the later rules, suftimay oioyui^e, juhurd, and juhur^,
without i: the instances are too few to found a rule upon.

790. The ending rir6 of 3d pi. mid. is found in RV. in six forms:
namely, oikitrlre, jagfbhrird, dadrire, bubhujrird, vividrire, sasfj*
rire; to which SV. adds dudubrire, and TB. dad|p9rire.

800. Examples of inflection. By way of illustra-
tion of the rules given above may be given in full the per-
fect indicative inflection of the following verbs:

a. As example of the normal inflection of a root wiUi
fiaal consonant, we take the root sfU budh know: its strong
form of perfect-stem is sr)^ bubodh; weak form, «I<^fI^

bubudh.

active. middle.

t. d. p. s. d. p.

bub6dha bubodhivi -dhiwoA bubudh6 -dhiv&he -dhimihe

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800—] X. Perfect-system. 288

bub6dliitha -dh&thus -dh& bubudhi^d -dhathe ^ihidhv^

bub6dha -dh&tus -dhuB bubudhe -dhtte -dhire

b. The asserted variety of possible accent in 2d sing. act. (above 703 g)
needs to be noted both in this and in the remaining paradigms.

o. As example of the normal inflection of a root with
final i or u-vowel, we may take the root ^ nl lead: its forms
of stem are Piiti nin&y or Piiiq ninSy, and fMt ninl.

niniiya* ninaya ninyivi ninyim&niny6 ninyiv&he ninyim&he
nin^tha, nin&yitha niny&thuB ninyi ninyi^d ninyathe ninsridhve

ninaya niny&tus ninyua niny6 ninyate ninyire

d. The root kri would make (129 a) in weak forms oikriyivd,
cikrly&tusy ollcriyus, etc.; and |/bhu is inflected as follows in the
active (middle forms not qnotable):

1 babhtlva babhuvivA babhuvimi

2 babhlitha, babhtivitba babhtiv&thus babhiivi

3 babhtlva babhtivitns babhuvi^

Other roots in ^ or u change this to uv before the initial vowel of
an ending.

e. As example of the inflection of a root ending in ^ S,
we may take 7SJ dS give: its forms of stem are ^ dadS and
^ dad (or ^ dadi: see above, 704, 1).

dadft^ dadiv& dadimd dad6 dadiv&he dadimihe

2 ^?[m, ^ ?[^ ^ ^ ^ ^

dadatha, dadithd dad&thus dadd dadi^d dadathe dadidhv6

dadau dad&tus dadus dad6 dadilite dadird

f . The RY. hat once papra for paprfiu (and Jah^ for jahftu P).

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289

EXAHPLBS OF IkFLECTION.

[—800

g. As example of a root with medial 9 a showing fusion
of root and leduplication, resulting in medial ^ e, in the
weak forms (794 g), we may take rPT tan stretch: its forms
of stem are rTcFf tatAn or HHH^tatfin, and ^^ten.

1 acR. cTfTR ^1^

tat&ns, tatana tenivd

tat&ntha, teuithi ten^thas
3 rTcTH ?)HHH^

tatana

ten&tua

tenimd ten^ teniv&he tenim&he

ten& teni^ ten^the tenidhv6

tenus tene tenate tenird
h. The root jan, with the others which expel medial a in weak
forms (794 e), makes jiO^tha or ji^ith4, jajfiiv&» jajfius; jajfid,
jiOfilm&he, jiOfti'^; and so od.

i. As example of a root with initial ^ va contracted
to 3 u in the reduplication, and contracted with the redu-
plication to 3" U in weak forms (784), we may take cR vac
speak: its forms of stem are 3eR uvdc or 3c^W uv5c, and

g

3^, 3on^

uv&ca, uvica

uoiv& uoim&

-N <-. -^

1

uo6 aoiv&he
uoif^ uoathe
ac6 uoate

ucim&he

2

uv&ktha, uv&oitl:

3^m
uvtca

La Ho&thas uo4

acidhv6
acir6

3

tlc&tua QouB

j. Id like manner, yyaj forms iy^a or iyc^a, iy&f^ha or iydjitha;
]j6y Qif^y and so on; /uc has uvoca and uv6oitha in the strong
forms, and all the rest like vac.

k. Of the four roots in jRT y mentioned at 797 c, the

inflection is as follows:

eak&ra, oakara cakrv& oakpn4 oakr^ oakfv&he eakfm&he

oakdrtha oakr&thus oakri cak^d cakrathe oak^dhv^

oakara oakr&tus cakrus cakre oakrate oakrird

Whitney, Grammar, 3. ed. 19

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800—] X. Pbrfbot-ststem. 290

1. Of the roots in jf? r ^i^ general^ the first persons are
made as follows:

dadh&ra, dadh^ dadhriv& dadhrimA dadhr6 dadhriv&he dadhrim^he

m. We may further add here, finally, the actiye inflection (the middle
is not in use) of the perfect of as be^ which (like babhtiva and oakara,
given aboTe) is frequently employed as an auxiliary.

1 isA fisivi fisimd

2 faitha ftsithus &84

3 asa as&tuB asuB

801. A few miscellaneous irregularities call still for
notice:

a. The root ah apeak occurs only in the perfect indicative, and
only in the 3d persona of all numbers and in the 2d sing, and du.,
in active (and in 2d sing, the h is irregularly changed to t before
the ending): thus, attha, aha; ahathus, Shatus; ahtiB (in V., only
aha and ahus are met with).

b. From )/va weaver the 3d pi. act. fivus occurs in RV., and no
other perfect form appears to have heen met with in use. It is allowed
hy the grammarians to he inflected regularly as vft; and also as vay (the
present-stem is v&ya: 761 f), with contraction of va to u in weak forms;
and further, in the weak forms, as simple u.

c. The root vya envelop has in RV. the perfect-forms vivyathus and
vlvy6, and no others have heen met with in use; the grammarians require
the strong forms to be made from vyay, and the weak from vi.

d. The root i go forms in RV. and AV. the 2d sing. act. iy&tha
beside the regular iy6tha; and beside irir6 from ylr, RY. has several
times erir6.

e. RY. has an anomalous accent in d&d^^e and d&d^re (beside
dad^k^^) and the pple d&dpQftna. And ofketa (once, beside cik^ta) is
perhaps a kindred anomaly.

f. Persons of the perfect from the ir-forms of roots in changeable p
(242) are titlrus and tistire (both RY.); and they have corresponding
participles.

g. The bastard root Hn^u (718) is said by the grammarians to make
the perfeot-stem Uri^uiiu; the roots majj and na^ are said to insert a
nasal in the 2d sing, active, when the ending is simple tha: thus, ma-
ma&ktha, nana&ftha (also mamajjitha and ne^itha).

h. Further may be noted sasajJatuB (MBh.: j/safij, which has in
passive the secondary form aajj), rurundhatus (R.), &nd duduhus (BhP).

1. The anomalous ajagrabhaifaih (AB. vi. 35) seems a formation on
the perfect-stem (but perhaps for ajigrabhifan, desid. ?).

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291 Participle. [—805

Perfect Participle.

802. The ending of the active participle is ^tIH v5As
(that is to say, in the strong forms : it is contracted to 3^
u^ in the weakest, and replaced by ^ vdt in the middle
forms: see above, 458 ff.). It is added to the weak form
of the perfect stem — as shown, for example, in the dual
and plural of the active inflection of the given verb; and,
mechanically, the weakest participle-stem is identical with
the 3d pi. active. Thus, SR^rtH bubudhvSfiB, fHHlollH
ninivSnB, T|cho||^ oak^vfinB.

803. If the weak form of the perfect stem is monosyl-
labic, the ending takes the union-vowel ^ i (which, however,
disappears in the weakest cases): thi^s, hPimIW tenivSAs,
viii^cil^ aoiv4&s, siRlcllH jajiiivafis, MlRc|lM ftdivSAs (from
|/35|^ ad: 788 a), and so on; ^T^offtT dadivaAs and its like,
from roots in ^ S, are to be reckoned in the one class or
the other according as we view the ^ i as weakened root-
vowel or as union-vowel (794, 1).

a. But participles of which the perfect-stem is monosyllabic by ab-
sence of the reduplication do not take the union-yowel: thus, vidvaAs,
and in Y., d&^vafts (SV. d&^ivafiB), mi^hvi&s, sShva&s, khid-
vafts (?) ; and R. has also dadva&a (AV. dadivafts and once dadftva&B)
from yda (or dad: 672); an in-S^vfiiiB (|/a9 eaf) occurs in TS. and
TB. But AV. has vigivaJiB and varjiva&B (in negative fem. ivarju^I).

804. Other Yedic irregularities calling for notice are few. The long
Yowel of the reduplication (786) appears in the participle as in the indicative:
thus, vftvTdhva&B, BftBahvaAs, jujuvaAs. RY. and AY. have sasavafLB
from j/san or Bft. RY. makes the participial forms of /tp or tar from
different modifications of the root: thus, tltirvafiB, but tataru^as. Re-
specting the occasional exchanges of strong and weak stem in inflection,
see aboTe, 462 c.

805. a. From roots gam and han the Yeda makes the strong stems
jaganvaAs (as to then, see 212a) and jaghanvaAs; the later language
allows either these or the more regular jagmivftna and JaghnivafiB (the
weakest stem-forms being everywhere jagmu(j and jaghnu^). RY. has
also tatanva&B.

19*

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806—] X. Pbrpbct-system. 292

b. From three roots, vid find^ vi^, and d^^, the later language allows
strong participle-stems to be made with the nnioR-Towel, as well as in the
regular manner without it: thus, vivi9iv&&B or vivl^vfi&s; dadf^iv&fui
occurs in KthU. PB. has once oicchidiv&&8.

806. The ending of the middle participle is &nd. It
is added to the weak form of perfect-stem, as this appears
in the middle inflection: thus, 5|5TqH bubudhSna, Ih^H
niny&nd, ^^ dadSnd, cRH tenSnd, sTgR jajiiSn&, 3i^H
uoSnd.

a. In the Veda, the long reduplicating vowel Is shown by many middle
participles: thus, vftv^^dhfind, vavas&nd, dadph&i^ tiitujftnd* etc.
RY. has 9a9ayan& from ^/^i (with irregular gui^a, as in the present-
system: 620J; tiBtir&nd from i/^t^f <^^ ^^^^ ^i^^ mftna, saspnand
from y'sip. A few participles with long redupl. vowel have it irregularly
accented (as if rather intensive: 1018): thus, tlttujftna (also tatnjftnd),
babadh&na, Qa^adana, QUQujfina, 9il9uvana.

807. In the later language, the perfect participles have nearly gone
out of use; even the active appears but rarely, and is made from
very few verbs, and of the middle hardly any examples are quotable,
save such as the proper name ynyudhana, the adjective anucftna
learned in scripture^ etc.

Modes of the Perfect.

808. Modes of the perfect belong only to the Vedic language,
and even are seldom found outside of the Rig-Veda.

a. To draw the line surely and distinctly between these and the
mode-forms from other reduplicated tense-stems — the present-stem of the
reduplicating class, the reduplicated aorlst, and the intensive — is not pos-
sible, since no criterion of form exists which does not In some cases fail, and
since the general equivalence of modal forms from all stems (682), and the
«>ommon use of the perfect as a present in the Veda (828), deprive as of
a criterion of meaning. There can be no reasonable doubt, however, that
a considerable body of forms are to be reckoned here; optatives like ftna*
9yfiin and babhtly&B and babhflyat, imperatives like babhutu, subjunc-
tives like jabh&rat, show such distinctive characteristics of the perfect
formation that by their analogy other similar words are confidently classed
as belonging to the perfect.

809. The normal method of making such forms would appear
to be as follows: from a reduplicated perfect-stem, as (for example)
mumuc, an imperative would be made by simply appending, as
usual, the imperative endings; the derived subjunctive mode-stem
would be miim6ca (accented after the analogy of the strong forms

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293 Modes. [—818

of the perfect indioatiye), and would take either primary or secondary
endingB; and the optative mode-stemB would be mumuoya in the
active, and mumuoi (accent on personal endings) in the middle.

And the great majority of the forms in question (about three
quarters) are made in these ways. Thus:

810. Examples of the regular subjunctive formation are:

a. with secondary endings, actiye: 2d sing., papr&thaB, cftk&nas,
mfim&hasy pipr&yaSt bubodhas, rftr&nas; 3d sing., cftk&naty jabh&rat,
rftr&nat, sftB&hat, paBp&r9at» pipr&yat; 1st pi., o&k&nftma, tat&nfima,
9€tQ&v&ma; 3d pi., tatAnan, papr&than (other persons do not occur).
This is the largest class of cases.

b. with primary endings, active: here seem to belong only dadhAr-
fati and vav&rtati: compare the formation with different accent below,
811a.

o. of middle forms occur only the 3d sing, tat&pate, QaQdmatOy
yuyojate, Jujo^ate (SY.; RY. has j^ofate); and the 3d pi. c&]dtnanta»
tatdnanta (and perhaps two or three others:, below, 811 b, end).

811. But not a few sabjunctives of other formation occur; thus:

a. With strengthened root-syllable, as abOTO, but with accent on the
reduplication (as in the minority of present-forms of the reduplicating class :
above, 646). Here the forms with primary endings, active, preponderate,
and are not yery rare: for example, JuJosaBi, J^o^atl, juJofaihaSt
jiijofatlia (other persons do not occur). With secondary endings, j^Ofas*
j^o^at, and jujo^an are the forms that belong most distinctly here (since
d&dft^as and Bu^udas etc. are perhaps rather aorlsts). And there is no
middle form but jujo^ate (RY.: see above, 810 o).

b. With unstrengthened root-syllable occur a small body of forms,
which are apparently also accented on the reduplication (accented examples
are found only in 3d pi. mid.): thus, active, for example, mumuoaa;
vav^tat, vividat, 9UQUvat; the only middle forms are dadh|i|fate,
vftv^dhate, 3d sing.; and o&kramanta» d&dh|faxita, runicanta (with
dadabhajita, paprathanta, m&mahanta, juhuranta» which might also
belong elsewhere: 810 o).

c. Accented on the ending are vftvTdh&nta and cfikk|rp&nta (whioh
are rather to be called augmentless pluperfects).

d. As to forms with double mode-sign, or transfers to an a-conjugation,
see below, 815.

812. Examples of the regular optative formation are:

a. In active: 1st sing., ftna^yftm, jagamySm, pap)*oyam, ririo-
yftm; 2d sing., vavrtyfts, vivi^y&B, 9UQraya8, babhuyfia; 3d sing.,
jagamyfit» vavftyftt, tatujyat, babhuyat; 2d du., jagmyfttam, 9U9TII-
yatam; 1st pi., BftBahyftma, vavTty&ma, 9U9uyftma; 3d pi., tatanyuB,
vavfjyuB, vavTtyaB. The forms are quite numerous.

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8ia— ] X. Pbepbct-system. 294

b. In middle, the forms are few: namely, let sing., vavftiya; 2d
sing., Tftv^dhithas, caksamlth&s ; 3d sing., jagrasita, vav^ita,
mamfjita, dudhuvita, QU9uoita; Itt pi., vav^tlmahi. And sftsa- .
hifth&8 and ririfl^^a appear to famish examples of precative optative
forms.

o. There is no irregular mode of formation of perfect optatiyee. Indi-
vidual irregularities are shown by certain forms: thus, oakriy&s, papiyftt,
9U9ruya8 and QUQrtlyatam, with treatment of the final as before the
passive-sign yd (770); anajy&t with short initial; 9i9rlt& from y'^ri;
jaJqiiy&t is anomalous: riri^es in the only form that shows a union-vowel
a (unless also ai^ei, from )/b&).

813. Of regular imperative forms, only a very small number are to
be quoted: namely, active, oftkandhi, rftrandhi, cikiddhi, titigdhl,
mumugdhi, 9U9Tigdhi, and plprihi; c&kantu, rarantu, mumoktu,
and babhutu; miimuktam and vay^ktam; jujuftana and vav^ttaua
(unless we are to add mamaddhit mamattUy mam&ttana) ; — middle,
vav^tBva and vavrddhvam. AV. has once dadr9rftm.

814. As irregular imperatives may be reckoned several which show
a nnion-vowel a, or have been transferred to an a-conjugation. Such are,
in the active, mum6catam and jiijofatam (2d du.), and iniiin6oata
(2d pi.); in the middle, pipr&yasva (only one found with accent), and
mftmahaBva» v&vplhasva, TftYr^asva (2d sing.), and mfimahant&m
(dd pi.: probably to be accented -&8va and -&ntSm).

816. Such imperatives as these, taken in connection with some of
the subjunctives given above (and a few of the "pluperfect" forms: below,
820), suggest as plausible the assumption of a double present-stem, with
reduplication and added a (with which the desiderative stems would be
comparable: below, 1026 ff.): for example, jujofa from j/juf, from which
would come j^Jofa8i etc. and jujo^ate (811a) as indicative, J^o^as
etc. as subjunotively used augmentlcss imperfect, and jujo^atam as im-
perative. Most of the forms given above as subjunctives with primary
ending lack a marked and constant subjunctive character, and would pass
fairly well as indicatives. And it appears tolerably certain that from one
root at least, v^pdh, such a double stem is to be recognized ; from v&iqpdlia
come readily vftv^rdhatey v&v^dh&nta, and from it alone can come regu-
larly vftv^dhasva, v&y^dh^te and vavrdhftti (once, RV.) — and, yet
more, the participle vav|rdh4nt (RY. ; AY. vftv^dhtot : an isolated case) :
yet even here we bave also vftv^dhlthas, not vSv|^dh6th&8. To assume
double present-stems, however, in all the cases would be highly implau-
sible; it is better to recognize the formation as one begun, but not car-
ried out.

a. Only one other subjunctive with double mode-sign — namely,
paproftai — is found to set beside vftv^dhftti.

816. Forms of different model are not very seldom made from the
same root: for example, from y'muo, the subjunctives inum6oa0, mt&ino-

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295 Plupbrfbgt. [>-821

oati, ftud mumuoas; from ydhf^, dadh&r^ati and dadh^ate; from
yptiy the imperatives piprlhi and pipr&yasTa.

Pluperfect.

817. Of an augment-preterit from the perfect-stem, to which the
name of pluperfect is given on the ground of its formation (though
not of its meaning), the Veda presents a few examples ; and one or
two forms of the later language (mentioned above, 788 b) have also
been referred to it.

a. There is much of tbe same difficulty in distlngaishing the pluperfect
as the perfect modes from kindred reduplicated formations. Between it and
the aorist, however, a difference of meaning helps to make a separation.

818. The normal pluperfect should show a strong stem in the singular
active, and a weak one elsewhere — thus, mtimoc and mumuo — with
augment prefixed and secondary endings added (uB in 3d pi. act., ata in
3d pi. mid.).

a. Of forms made according to this model, we have, in the active:
Ist sing., ajagrabham and aoaoak^am (which, by its form, might be
aorist: 860); 2d siog. Ajagan; 3d sing., ajagan and aoiket; 2d da.,
amumuktam ; 2d pi. ^aganta, and Ajagantana and ajabhartana (a
strong form, as often in this person: 556a); 3d pL (perhaps), ama-
manduB and amamadus. To these may be added the aagmentless o&k&n
and rar&n, clk^tam and cakaram. In the middle, the 3d pi. aoakriran
and ajagmiran (with Iran instead of ata), and the aagmentless 2d sing.
jugurthSs and sufupthia, are the most regular forms to be found.

819. Several forms f^m roots ending in consonants save the endings
in 2d and 3d sing. act. by inserting an i (556 bj. tUib, abubhojlB,
avive9i9; aiirecit, ^agrabhlt (av&varit an<k flMira^itam ar« rather
intensives); and the augmentless jfhifisis (accent?) and dadhan|fit belong
with them.

8SK). A few forms show a stem ending in a: they are, in the active:
3d sing., aeasvajat, aoikitat, aoakrat; in the middle: 3d sing., &pip-
rata; 2d du., ipasprdhetham ; 3d pi., atitvi^anta (which by its form
might be aorist), Ma^hant:.} and oakradat, oakn>tota, vftvydhtota,
jahnranta, would perhaps be best classified here as augmentless forms
(compare 811, above).

Uses of the Perfect

821. Perfects are quotable as made from more than half the
roots of the language, and they abound in use at every period and
in almost all branches of the literature, though not always with the
same value.

a. According to the Hindu grammarians, the perfect is used in the

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821—] X. Pbrpbothsystem. 296

narration of facts not witnessed by the narrator; bnt there is no eTidenoe
of its being either exclusively or distinctiyely so employed at any period.

b. In the later laoj^age, it is simply a preterit or past tense,
equivalent with the imperfect, and freely interchangeable or coor-
dinated with it. It is on the whole less common than the imperfect,
although the preferences of different anthors are diverse, and it some-
times exceeds the imperfect in frequency (compare 927).

o. The perfects veda and ftha are everywhere used with present
value. In the Brahmanas, also others, especially dfidhftra, also dldfiya,
bibhftyat etc.

822. lu the Brahmanas, the distinction of tense-yalue between per-
fect and imperfect is almost altogether lost, as in the later language. Bat
in most of the texts the imperfect is the ordinary tense of narration, the
perfect being only exceptionally used. Thus in PB., the imperfects are to
the perfects as more than a hundred to one; in the Brahmana parts of Ti^.
and TB., as over thirty-four to one; and in those of MS. in about the
same proportion; in AB., as more than four to one, the perfect appearing
mostly in certain passages, where it takes the place of imperfect. It is
only in ^B. that the perfect is much more commonly used, and even, to
a considerable extent, in coordination with the imperfect. Throughout the
Bi^hmanas, however, the perfect participles have in general the true "per-
fect" value, indicating a completed or proximate past.

823. In the Veda, the case is very different. The perfect is used
as past tense in narration, bnt only rarely; sometimes also it has a true
^^perfect" sense, or signifies a completed or proximate past (like the aorist
of the Mer language: M8); but oftenest it has a value hardly or not
'.t hLI 'listlngni-nable in pnint of time from the present. It is thus the
'equivalent r( <n perfect, ;^ori$t, and present; and it occurs coordinated with
tnem alt

a. Examples are: of perfect with present, n& 9rftmyaiiti n& vi
muficanty 6te v&yo n4 paptuh (RV.) they weary not nor stop, iheyjiy
like birds; ae 'd u reua ki^ayati oar^ai^Inam aran nk nemfh p&ri
ti babhuva (RV.) he in truth rules king of men; he embraces them all,
as the wheel the spokes \ — of perfect with aorist, upo ruruoe yuvatir
n& y69& . . . dbhtid agni^ samfdhe m&iuf&nftm &kar Jy6tir badh-
amftnfi t&mft&Bi (RV.) she is come beaming like a young maiden; Agni
hath appeared for the kindling of mortals ; she hath made light, driving away
the darkness) — of perfect with imperfect, ihann &him &nv ap&8 tatarda
(RV.) he slew the dragon, he penetrated to the waters. Such a coordination
as this last is of constant occurrence in the later language: e. g. mumude
'p^Jayao tSA 'nftm (R.) he was glad, and paid honor to her\ vastrftnte
Jagrftha skandhade^e '8|jat tasya srajam (MBh.) she took hold of
the end of his garment, and dropped a garland on his shoulders.

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297 Varieties of Aorist. [ — 884

CHAPTER XL

THE AORIST SYSTEMS.

824. Under the name of aorist are included (as was
pointed out above^ 682) three quite distinct formations, each
of which has its sub-varieties: namely —

I. A SIMPLE A0RI8T (equivalent to the Greek '^second
aorist^), analogous in all respects as to form and inflection
with the imperfect. It has two varieties: 1. the root-aorist,
with a tense-stem identical with the root (corresponding
to an imperfect of the root-class); 2. the a-aorist, with a
tense-stem ending in ^ d, or with union-vowel ^ a before
the endings (corresponding to an imperfect of the &-class).

II. 3. A REDUPLICATING AORIST, perhaps in origin iden-
tical with an imperfect of the reduplicating class, but having
come to be separated from it by marked peculiarities of form.
It usually has a union- vowel ^ a before the endings, or is
inflected like an imperfect of one of the a-classes; but a
few forms occur in the Veda without such vowel.

III. A siGMATic or SIBILANT AORIST (corresponding to the
Greek "first aorist"), having for its tense-sign a H s added
to the root, either directly or with a preceding auxiliary
^ i; its endings are usually added immediately to the tense-
sign, but in a small number of roots with a union-vowel
35r a; a very few roots also are increased by H s for its
formation; and according to these differences it falls into
four varieties: namely, A. without union-vowel 5C a before
endings: 4. s-aorist, with H s alone added to the root;
5. if^-aorist, the same with interposed ^ i; 5. sif^-aorist,

4he same as the preceding with H s added at the end of
the root; B. with union-vowel ^ a, 7. sa- aorist.

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M6— ] XI. AOBIST-SYSTBMS. 298

826. All these varieties are bound together and made
into a single complex system by certain correspondences of
form and meaning. Thus, in regard to form, they are all
alike, in the indicative, augment-preterits to which there does
not exist any corresponding present; in regard to meaning,
although in the later or classical language they are simply
preterits, exchangeable with imperfects and perfects, they
all alike have in the older language the general value of
a completed past or ^perfect", translatable by have done and
the like.

826. The aorigt-system is a formation of iiifreqaent occnrrenoe in
much of the classical Sanskrit (its forms are fonnd, for example, only
twenty-one times in the Nala, eight in the Hitopade^a, seven in Manu, six
each in the Bhagavad-Gita and ^akuntala, and sixty-six times, from four-
teen roots, in the first book, of about 2600 lines, of the Ramayana: com-
pare 027 b), and it possesses no participle, nor any modes (excepting in
the prohibitive use of its augmentless forms: see 679; and the so-called
precative: see 921 ff.); in the older language, on the other hand, it is
quite common, and has the 'nhole variety of modes belonging to the present,
and sometimes participles. Its description, accordingly, must be given
mainly as that of a part of the older language, with due notice of its res-
triction in later use.

827. a« In the RY., nearly half the roots occurring show aorist forms,
of one or another class ; in the AY. , rather less than one third ; and in the
other texts of the older language comparatively few aorists occur which are
not found in these two.

b. More than Afty roots, in RY. and AY. together, make aorist forms
of more than one class (not taking into account the reduplicated or ^^causa-
tive" aorist); but no law appears to underlie this variety; of any relation
such as is taught by the grammarians, between active of one class and
middle of another as correlative, there is no trace discoverable.

C. Examples are: of classes 1 and 4, adhfim and dhiauB from
|/dhfty ayuji and ayukfata from Vj\xi\ — of 1 and 5, agrabham and
agrabhi^ma from i/grabh, mr^t^i&s and mar^i^thfis from yvE^\ —
of 1 and 2, firta and ftrat from 1/7; — of 2 and 4, avidam and avitoi
from |/vid Jind, anijam and an&ikfit from /nij ; — of 2 and 5, 8an6-
ma and asftnifam from |/Ban; — of 2 and 7, aruham and aruk^at
from /ruh; — of 4 and 5, amateus and amftdifus from ymad; —
of 4 and 6, hasmalii and hasifus from ylift; — of 1 and 2 and 4,
atnata and atanat and at&n from |/tan; — of 1 and 4 and 5, abudli-
ran and ibhutsi and b6dlii9at from >/btidh» &8tar and Btf^^ya and

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299

1. BOOT-AORIST.

[-881

aBtariB from ystj^. Often the second, or second and third, class is rep-
resented by only an isolated form or two.

1. Simple Aorisi

8S8. This 18, of the three principal diyisions of aorist, the one
least removed from the analogy of forms already explained; it is
like an imperfect, of the root-class or of the i-class, without a corres-
ponding present indicative, but with (more or less fragmentarily) all
the other parts which go to make up a complete present-system.

1. Boot-aorist.

829. a. This foimation is in the later language limited
to a few roots in 3^ a and the root ^ bhti, and is allowed
to be made in the active only, the middle using instead
the s-aorist (4), or the ifh-aorist (5).

b. The roots in ^ a take 3R us as 3d pi. ending, and,
as usual, lose theii ^ S befofe it; H bhtl (as in the perfect:
793 a) retains its vowel unchanged throughout, inserting
^ V after it before the endings W\ am and 3^ an of 1st
sing, and 3d pi. Thus:

s.

&d&m
&daa

d.
idftva

P-
&dfima

&bhuvam ibhuva

&dfttam ddftta

ibhus

&bhQtam

p.
ibhuma

ibhuta

ibhut&m

&bhuvan

3 ^(^i^ M<^iHiH^ ^nrr^ ^MtT^

idftt adatfim &du8 &bhQt

For the classical Sanskrit, this is the whole story.

830. In the Veda, these same roots are decidedly the most fre-
quent and conspicuous representatives of the formation: especially
the roots gft, da, dha, pa drinky stha, bhu; while sporadic forms
are made from jfia, pra, sa, ha. As to their middle forms, see
below, 834 a.

a. Instead of abhuvam, RY. has twice abhnvam. BhP. has agan,
3d p]., instead of agns.

831. But aorists of the same class are also made from a num-
ber of roots in y, and a few in i- and u-vowels {short or long) —

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881—] XI. AORIST-SYSTBMS. 300

with, as required by the analogy of the tense with an imperfect of
the root-class, gui^-strengthening in the three persons of the singalar.
a. Thas (in the active), from >^^ni, &^ravain and a^rot ; from ^^ri,
^^res and &9ret} from ykf make, &karam and &kar (for akars and
akart); from vr enclose^ ivB,v (685 a); and so &8tar, aspar. Daal and
plural forms are much less frequent than singular; but for the most part
they also show an irregular strengthening of the root- vowel : thus (including
augmentless forms), &kanna and karma and &karta, vartam, spartam*
&hema and &hetana» bhema, a^ravan ; regular are only avran» ilnraii,
ahyan, and i^riyan.

832. Further, from a few roots with medial (or initial) yowel
capable of gui^-strengthening and haviag in general that strengthen-
ing only in the singular.

a. Thus, ibhedam and abhet from |/bhid; imok from )/mao;
yojam from >^yi]J ; rok (VS.) from yruj ; arodham and arudhma from
V'rudh; avart from V'vyt; vdrk from Vvifi (AV. has once av^k); adar-
9am from v'df^; ardhma from V^dh; and adr9an» avfjan, a9vitan.
But ohedma; with guna, from >/ohid, and adar9ma (TS.) from yd^,

833. Again, from a larger number of roots with a as radical
vowel : ^

a. Of these, gam (with n for m when final or followed by m: 143 a,
212 a) is of decidedly most frequent occurrence, and shows the greatest
variety of forms: thus, 4gamam, 4gan (2d and 3d sing.), iganina,
aganta (strong form), 4gman. The other cases are akran from ]/kram;
&tan from >/tan; abhrftt from }/bhrfiJ; aakan from yskand; asrat
from ysraiis (? VS.); dhak and daghma from |/dagh; anaf (585a)
and anaftftm from v^na9; ^has or aghat, dghaatfim, aghasta, and
ik^an (for aghsan, like agman) from y^ghas; and the 3d pi. in us.
akramus, ayamu8» dabhus, n^tus (pf.?). mandus.

834. So far only active forms have been considered. In the
middle, a considerable part of the forms are such as are held by the
grammarians (881) to belong to the s-aorist, with omission of the a:
they doubtless belong, however, mostly or altogether, here. Thus:

a. From roots ending In vowels, we have adhithfts, adhita (also
ahita), and adhimahi; adith949» adita, and adimahi (and adimahi
from y^dacuQ; &9ita(?); sim&hi; &8thith&8 and &8thita and iathiran,
forms of ft-roots; — of |*-root9, akri» ^kfthfiB, ik^ta, akr&t&in» &krata
(and the anomalous kr&nta); avri» aTqrthaa, av|*ta; ftrta, &rata; m^pthSs,
am|*ta; dh^thfts; adpthas; ast^ta; ah^thas; giirta; — of i and u roota,
the only examples are ahvi (? AV., once), ihiimahi, and &oidhvam..
The absence of any analogies whatever for the omission of a a in such
forms, and the occurrence of avri and akri and &krata, show that their
reference to the B-aorist is probably without sufficient reason.

b. As regards roots ending in consonants, the case is more question-
able, since loss of s after a final consonant before thfts and ta (and, of

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301 1- ROOT-AORIST. [—886

courBe, dhvam) woald be in many cases required by euphonic rule (233 o fP.)-
We find, howeTer, such unmistakable middle inflection of the root-aorist as
ayujiy iynkthfts, iyukta, ayujmahi, iyugdhvam, &srujran; a^fa
and a^ata; n&&9i; apadi (Ist sing.) and apadmahi and apadran;
&mamnahi ; g&nvahi and dganmahi and &gmata; atnata; ^ijani
(Ist sing.) and ajfiata (3d pi.) ; from |/gam are made agathllB and agata,
from ytaiif atathfts and &tata, and from |/inan, amata, with treatment
of the final like that of han in present inflection (637). The ending ran
is especially f^quent in 3d pi., being taken by a number of verbs which
hsye no other middle person of this aorist: thus, ag^bhran, Asfgrany
ad^^raiiy abudhran, &vrtran, aju^ran, akn>F&3i» asp^dhran, avaa-
ran, &vi9ran; and ram is found beside ran in &dr9ram, &badhram»
^argram.

c. From roots of which the final would combine with s to k^, it
seems more probable that aorist- forms showing k (instead of 9) before the
ending belong to the root-aorist : such are amnkthfts (and imugdhvam),
apfkthfts and ap^kta, &bhakta» av^kta, asakthfts and aaakta* rik-
thfts, vikthfts and vikta» amkta; apra^t^ aya^fa, &8pa9ta» aa^thfta
and &a^ta, and mfr^thfta would be the same in either case.

d. There remain, as cases of more doubtful belonging, and probably
to be ranked in part with the one formation and in part with the other,
according to their period and to the occurrence of other persons : chitthfta*
nutthaa and &nutta and &nuddhvam, patthfta, bhitth&a, amatta,
atapthfta, alipta, aa^pta; and finally, drabdha, alabdha, aruddha»
abuddha, ayuddha, and drogdhfta (MBh.: read dmgdhfta): see 883.

Modes of the Root-aoriat.

835. Subjunctive. In subjunctive use, forms identical with the
augmentless indicative of this aorist are much more frequent than the more
proper subjunctives. Those to which no corresponding form with augment
occurs have been given above; the others it is unnecessary to report in
detail.

836. a. Of true subjunctives the forms with primary endings are
quite few. In the active, k&ra^, g&ni, gamftni (for bhuvftnl, see be-
low, o); k&raai; athftti, dati and dhati (which are almost indicative in
value), karati, jofati, padftti, bhMatl, rftdhati, varjati; athathaa,
karathaa and karataa, dar^athaa* 9ravathaa and ^rdvataa; and
(apparently) karanti, g&manti. In the middle, jo^aae; idhat6 (?),
k&rate, bh6jate, yojate, v&ijate; dh6the and dh&ithe; k&ramahe,
dbSmahe, g&m&mali&i.

b. Forms with secondary endings are, in the active, d&r9am, bho-
jam, yojam; k&raa, t&rdaa, p&roaa, yamaa, r&dhfta, v&raa; k4rat,
g&mat» garat» jb^at* daghat, padat, y&mat, yodhat, radhat, varat,
▼&rtat, 9r&vat, a&ghat» ap&rat; k&rama, gamama, radhama; g&man.

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836—] XI. A0RI8T-8YSTEMS. 302

garan, d^r^an, yaman. No middle formi are clMsiflable with confidence
here.

0. The series bhavam, bhuvas, bhuvat, bhuvan, and bhurftni
(compare abhuvam: 830 a), and the isolated 9ruvat, are of donbtmi
belongings; with a different accent, they would seem to be of the next
class; here, a gtu^-strengthening would be more regular (but note the
absence of gui^a in the aorist indioatiye and the perfect of ybhti).

837. Optative. The optative active of this aorist constitutes, with
a 8 interposed between mode-sign and personal endings (567), the preca-
tive active of the Hindu grammarians, and is allowed by them to be made
from every verb, they recognizing no connection between It and the aorist.
But in the 2d sing, the interposed 8 is not distinguishable from the personal
ending; and, after the earliest period (see 838), the ending crowds out the
sibilant in the 3d sing., which thus comes to end in y&t instead of yfts
(compare 665 a).

a. In the older language, however, pure optative forms, without the 8,
are made from this tense. From roots in ft occur (with change of S to e
before the y: 250 d) deyftm, dheySm and dheyuB, and stheyftina;
in u-vowels, bhuy&na; in |p, kriy&ma; in consonants, a^yam and
a^yama and a9yu8» vfjyfim, 9akyftm, yiijyftva and yxijyatftm» BfiliyS-
ma, and tfdyuB.

b. The optative middle of the root-aorist is not recognized by the
Hindu grammarians as making a part of the precative formation. The RY.
has, however, two precative forms of it, namely padift& and mucli}^.
Much more common in the older language are pure optative forms: namely,
a9iy& and a9im&hi (this optative is especially common), indluya, g^iuya,
muriya, ruoiya; arlta, uhita, vurita; idhimahi» na^imahi, nasi-
mahi, p^imahi, mudimahi, yamimahi; and probably, from 5-roots.
sim&hi and dhimahi (which might also be augmentless indicative, since
adhimahi and adhit&m also occur). All these forms except the three
in 3d sing, might be precative according to the general understanding of
that mode, as being of persons which even by the native authorities are not
claimed ever to exhibit the inserted sibilant.

838. Precative active forms of this aorist are made from the earliest
period of the language. In RV., they do not occur from any root which
has not also other aorist forms of the same class to show. The RV. forms
are: 1st sing., bhtiy&sam ; 2d sing., avy&8» Jiley&s, bhftyas, m^rdhyfia,
aahyfts; 3d sing, (in -yfis, for -yast; RV. has no 3d sing, in yftt, whicb
is later the universal ending), avyfta, a^y&s, ^dhyfta, gamyds, da^^hyfts,
peyfts, bhtiyaB» yamyfts, ytlyaA, vrjyfts, ^ruySa, sahy&s; 1st pi.,
kriy&Bxna (beside kriyftma: 837 a). AV. has six 1st persons sing, in
-yasam, one 2d in -yas, one 3d in -yat (and one in -y&a, in a RV.
passage), three 1st pi. in -yaaina (beside one in y&ma, in a RV. passage),
and the 2d bhuyftstha (doubtless a false reading: TB. has -sta in the
corresponding passage). From this time on, the pure optative forms nearly

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303 1. ROOT-AORIST. [—840

disappear (the exceptlonB are giveu iu 887 a). But the precatlve forms are
nowhere commou, excepting as made from yl>ha; and from no other root
is anything like a complete series of persons quotable (only bhayftsva
and bhuy&stftm being wanting; and these two persons have no represent-
ative from any root). All together, active optative or precative forms are
made in the older language from over fifty roots; and the epic and classical
texts add them from hardly a dozen more: see further 926.

839, Imperative. Imperative forms of the root-aorist are not rare
in the early language. Iu the middle, indeed, almost only the 2d sing,
occurs: it is accented either regularly, on the ending, as k^v&y dhi^v&y
ynk^v^, or on the root, as mitava» y&kfva, v&&8va» Tt&va, s&kfva;
difva and mSsva are not found with accent; the 2d pi. is represented
by k^dhvam, vo^vam. In the active, all the persons (2d and 3d) are
found in use; eitamples are: 2d sing., Iqpdhf, v^dhi, ^agdhf, ^rudhf,
gadhi, yaihdhl, gahi, mfthi, 8&hi, mogdhi; 3d sing., gaihtu, d&tu,
a^tu, 9r6tu, s6tu; 2d du., d&tam, jitam, ^aktam, ^rut&m, bhilt&m,
Bp^ptam« gat&m, rikt&m, vo^bam, sitam, sut&m; 3d du., only gaih-
t&m, datam» vo<}ham; 2d pi., g&t&, bhut4, Qmta, Iqrta, gata, data,
dh&tana; 3d pi., only dh&ntu, Qruvantu. These are the most regular
forms; but irregularities as to both accent and strengthening are not infre-
quent. Thus, strong forms in 2d du. and pi. are yaiht&m, varktam,
vartam ; k&rta, g&ihta (once gaihtA), y&ihta, vartta, beta, 9r6ta, 86ta ;
and, with tana, k&rtana, g&iiitana, yaihtana, sotana, and the irregular
dhetana (ydh&); in 3d du., g&iiitam. Much more irregular are y6dhi
(instead of jraddhf) from >^yudh, and bodbi from both |/budh and yhh^
(instead of buddhf and bhudhf). A single form (3d sing.) in tat is
found, namely ^ast&t. We And k^dhi also later (MBh. BhP.).

a. As to 2d persons singular in si from the simple root used in an
imperative sense, see above, 824.

Participles of the Root-aorist.

840. In the oldest language, of the RV., are found a number of
partieiples which must be reckoned as belonging to this formation.

a. In the active, they are extremely few: namely, kr4nt, oit&nt (?),
gm4ntv Bthant, bhid&nt, vfdh&nty dsratant- (only in composition)^
and probably irdh&nt. And BbP. has m^fant (but probably by error, for
mffyant).

b. In the middle, they are in RV. much more numerous. The accent
is usually on the final of the stem: thus, ar&]^, idh&n&, kr&n&, ju^fi^ft,
tf^fti^y nidSn^, pi^ftn^, p^cftn&y prathftn^, budhana, bhiyftna,
manan&, mandSni, yxij&ii&, mo&n&y vipftni, vr&n&, ur&n&, ^ubh-
&Q&, saofini, suv&n& or Bvan&, s^jani, 8p|*dh&n&, hiyani; — but
sometimes on the root-syllable: thus, oitftna, oyavftna, ruhSna, uhfina
(pres.?), v&a&na, ^umbhSna; — while a few show both accentuations

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840—] XL AORIST-SYBTBMS. 304

(compare 619 d): thus, df^ftn^ and df^ana, dyatftn& and dyutftna,
yat&a& and ydtftna ; and cetftna and hraya^a occor only in composition.
A very few of these are found once or twice in other texts, namely citana*
dyat&na» ruhfi^a, vas&na, suvftna; and -kupftna occurs once in
Apast. (xiv. 28. 4).

841. All together, the roots exhibiting in the older language
forms which are with fair probability to be reckoned to the root-
aorist-system are about a hundred and thirty; over eighty of them
make such forms in the RV.

Passive Aorist third person sinsular.

842. A middle third person singular, of peculiar formation and
prevailingly passive meaning, is made from many verbs in the older
language, and has become a regular part of the passive conjugation,
being, according to the grammarians, to be substituted always for the
proper third person of any aorist middle that is used in a passive
sense.

843. This person is formed by adding ^ i to the root,
which takes also the augment, and is usually strengthened.

a. The ending i belongs elsewhere only to the first person; and this
third person apparently stands in the same relation to a first in i as do,
in the middle voice, the regular 3d sing, perfect, and also the frequent
Vedic 3d sing, present of the root-class (613), which are identical in form
Avith their respective first persons. That a fuller ending has been lost off
is extremely improbable; and hence, as an aorist formation from the simple
root, this is most properly treated here, in connection with the ordinary
root-aorist.

844. Before the ending ^ i, a final vowel, and usually
also a medial ^ a before a single consonant, have the vrddhi-
strengthening ; other medial vowels have the gu^anstrengthen-
ing if capable of it (240); after final ^ S is added U y.

a. Examples (all of them quotable from the older language) are:
from roots ending in &, djii&yiy &dhftyl, &pS3ri; in other vowels, kqrhyi,
&8tftvi» &h&vi» &k&ri, &8t&ri; — from roots with medial i, a» 7, aoeti»
aoehedi» aqe^U &bodhi, imoci, &yoji, idai^i, asarji, varhi; from
roots with medial a strengthened, agami, &padi, ayftxoi, av&ci, v&pi,
&8ftdi (these arc all the earlier cases) ; with a unchanged, only ^ani (and
RV. has once jani), and, in heavy syllables, imyak^i, vandi, ^aAsi,
syandi; with medial ft, &bhrfiji, &r&dhi; — from roots with initial
vowel, ardhi (only case).

b. According to the grammarians, certain roots in am, and y'vadh,
retain the a unchanged : quotable are ajani (or ajftni), agami (or agimi),

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305 Simple Aorist: 2, a-AORiST. [— S46

asvani, avadhi* also araoi; and there are noted besides, from roots
sometimes showing a nasal, adaA^i, arambhi, arandhi, ajambhi»
abhafiji or abhl^i, alambhi (always, with prepositions) or alftbhi,
astambhi; (B. has asafiji

o. Angmentless forms, as in all other like cases, are met with, with
either indicative or subjanctive value: examples (besides the two or three
already given) are: dhAyi, ^rivi, bhftri, reci, v6di» rooi, J&ni, pidi,
sadi, ardhi. The accent, when present, is always on the root-syllable
(SY. dhSyf is doubtless a false reading).

846. These forms are made in RV. from forty roots, and all the other
earlier texts combined add only abont twenty to the number; from the
later language are quotable thirty or forty more; in the epics they are
nearly unknown. When they come from roots of neuter meaning, as gain»
pad, sad, bhrfij, r&dh, ruo, safij, they have (like the so-called passive
participle in ta: 952) a value equivalent to that of other middle forms;
in a case or two (RV. vii. 73. 3[?]; VS. xxviii. 16; TB. ii. 6. lO*) they
appear even to be used transitively.

2. The a-aorist.

846. a. This aorist is in the later language allowed to
be made from a large number of roots (near a hundred).
It is made in both voices, but is rare in the middle, most
of the roots forming their middle according to the s-class
(878 ff.) or the i^-class (898 ff.).

b. Its closest analogy is with the imperfect of the d-class
(751 ff.); its inflection is the same with that in all particulars;
and it takes in general a weak form of root — save the roots in
^ r (three or four only), which have the gui^a-strengthening.

o. As example of inflection may be taken the root
ftrf Bic pour. Thus:

active. middle.

8. d. p.

&8ice isicavahi &8io&mahi

sgrfeimH^ s^ft^rar^ glTRiiiq[^

Asioathas Asioethftm &8ieadhvam

"V,

isicata isioetfim dsicanta
Whitney, Orammar. 3. ed. 20

8.

1 yf^TiM

d. p.

M\k\r\H MWt^IH

&8icam

dsicava &8io&ma

2 *4f^Tj^

yfl<^HH mRHtIH

&8ica8
&8ioat

&8ieatain Asicata

&8ioatfim &8ioan

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847—1 XI. A0BI8T-SYSTBM8. 306

847. The a-aorUt makes in the BY. s small flgnre beside the looi-
aorist, being represented by less than half the latter's number of roots. It
becomes, however, more common later (It is the only form of aorist which
is made from more verbs In AY. than in BY.) ; and in Yeda and Brihma^a
together abont eighty roots exhibit the formation more or less fkdly. Of
these a large number (folly hall) are of the type of the roots which make
their present-system according to the &-class, having a vowel capable of
giu^-strengthening before a final consonant (754): thns, wi^ i, ohid,
bhicU nij, rio, ri^. Up, vid, 1919 (9^0), 2919, 9^9, 9li«, sio, sridh;
— with a* krudh, k^udh, guh, duf, dyut, droIi, puf, budh« bhuj»
muo, mruo» y^i* ^uo, md, mdh, muh, ruh, 9uc; — with x* fdh*
kft, gfdhy gf h, tn>» tfih ^^ <^» ^Vh dh^, n^pt, mrdh, m^ vft,
Vftlhy vj^ Bn>» IRT?* a small number end in vowels: thus, x* ^9 Sf
(which have the go^a-strengthening throughout), hi (? ahyat once in
AY.), and several in ft, apparent transfers from the root-class by the weak-
ening of their ft to a: thus, khyft, hvft, vyft, 9Vft, and dft and dhft;
and ftsthat, regarded by the granunarians as aorist to ^^as throw, is doabt-
less a like formation from /BthS. A few have a penultimate nasal in the
present and elsewhere, which in this aorist is lost: thus, bhraft9, taAs,
dhvaAs, sra&s, krand» randh. Of less classifiable character are a9,
kram, gam, ghaa* tarn, 9am, 9ram, tan, san, aad, ftp, das, yaa,
9ak, dagh. The roots pat, na9, vao form the tense-stems papta, ne9a,
vooa, of which the first is palpably and the other two are probably the
result of reduplication; but the language has lost the sense of their being
such, and makes other reduplicated aorists from the same roots (see be-
low, 864).

a. Many of these aorists are simply transfers of the root-aorist to an
a-infiection. Gonspicuous examples are akarat etc. and agamatntftc (in
the earliest period only akar and agan).

848. The inflection of this aorist is in general so regular that it will
be sufficient to give only examples of its Yedic forms. We may take as
model avidam, i^om |/vid Jind, of which the various persons and modes
are more frequent and in fuller variety than those of any other verb. Only
the forms actually quotable are instanced; those of which the examples
found are from other verbs than vid are bracketed. Thus:

active. middle.

B. d. p. s. d. p.

1 &vidam &vidftva ividftma &vide [&vidftvahl] dvidftmahi

2 &vida8 [ividata] [dvidathfta]

3 &vidat &vidan [avidata] [avidetftm] ividanta

a. The middle forms are rare in the earlier language, as in the later:
we have &hve etc, 4kbye etc., &vide (?) and avidanta, avooathfts
and avoo&vahl (and avidftmahe GB. and asio&mahe KB. are doubtless
to be amended to -mahi).

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307 Simple Aorist: 2. a-AORiST. [—863

b. Augmentless forms, with indicative or snbjODCtiYe yalue, are not
infrequent Exsmples, showing accent on the tense-sign, according to the
general analogies of the formation, are: mhAmy b^bm^ bhuj&t, vid&t,
aratSm, vooata* 9akaii; vidata and vy&ta (3d sing.), arftmahi,
^^imahi, vidAnta, budli&nta, mf^anta (for exceptions as regards
accent, see below, 853).

Modes of the a-aorist.

848. The subjunctive forms of this aorist are few; those which occur
are instanced below, in the method which was followed for the indicatiye:

1 [vidava] vidfima [vidftmahe]

2 {^^ vldftthfts vldfttha

3 vidtt [vidSt&iP]

a. The ending thana is found once, in ri^ftthana. Of middle forms
occur only ^{^tfti (AY.: but doubtless misreading for 9{9yfttfti) and
9^ftmahe (AY., for RY. 9i9amahi). The form eddathas seems an indic-
atiye, made f^m a secondary present*-8tem.

850. The optatives are few in the oldest language, but become more
frequent, and in the Brahmanas are not rare. Examples are: in active,
bhideyam, vid^yam* san^yam (TB. once sanem); vid68, games;
gamet» vooet; gametam; gam^ma, 9ak6ina, san6ma; vareta; in
middle, (only) videya; gamemahi, vanemahi: rohethfts etc. in the
epics must be viewed rather as present forms of the &-class.

a. A single middle precative form occurs, namely videffa (AY.,
once); it is so isolated that how much may be inferred from it is very
questionable.

861. A complete series of active imperative forms are made i^om
y^sad (including sadatana, 2d pi.), and the middle sadantfim. Other
imperatives are very rare: namely, s&na, s&ra, raha» vid&; mh&tam,
▼id&tam; khy&ta. TS. has once v^dhatu (compare 740).

Participles of the a-aorist.

862. a. The active participles tn>^t» rffant or rlfant, vftlh&nty
9i9&nty 9U0&nty sddant, and (in participial compounds, 1309) k^nt-,
gahant-t vidant- (all RY.), are to be assigned with plausibility to this
aorist.

b. Likewise the middle participles gnh&mftna, dh^^f&mfi^a, d&Sfli-^
mftna (?), nrt&m&na» 9uc&m&na, and perhaps vrdhftn&, sridhfind.

Irregularities of the a-aorist.

863. A few irregularities and peculiarities may be noticed here.
The roots in |*, which (847) show a strengthening like that of the

20*

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85S— ] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS. 308

present of the nnaccented a-Kilass, have likewise the accent upon the
radical syllable, like that class: thus, from yTf, &ranta (augmentless 3d
pi.), -B&rat and s&ra. The root sad follows the same rale: thus, s&da-
tam; and from ysaxL are foand s&nas and B&nat and s&nema and
8&na, beside san^yam and san6ma. It is questionable whether these
are not trae analogues of the bhu-class (unaccented a-class) present-system.
On the other hand, rdhat (beside nih&in» ruh^va, mh&tam), qi^at
and ^{^tfti (?), and rf^ant or rl^^ant are more isolated cases. In view
of such as these, the forms from the stem bhdva and ^ruva (836 o)
are perhaps to be referred hither. From |/vao, the optative is accented
voo^yam* voo^8» voo6ina» voo^yuB; elsewhere the aocent is on the root-
syllable: thus, v6oe, v6oat, v6oati, vooanta.

864. a. The stem voo has in Yedic use well-nigh assumed the
yalue of a root; its forms are very various and of frequent use, in RV.
especially far outnumbering in occurrences all other forms from yvao.
Besides those already given, we find voc& (Ist sing, impv.) and vooftti«
voo&vahfti; voces* vooeya, vooemahi; vooat&t (2d sing.), vooatii,
vooatam, vooata.

b. Of the stem ne9a only ne9at occurs.

o. The root Qfts (as in some of its present forms: 689) is weakened
to ^if, and makes a^i^am.

865. Isolated forms which have more or less completely the
aspect of indicative presents nre made in the oldest language from
some roots beside the aorist-systems of the first two classes. It must
be left for maturer research to determine how far they may be relics
of original presents, and bow far recent productions, made in the way
of conyersion of the aorist-stem.to a root in value.

a. Surh forms are the following: from |/k:p make, k&r^l, k^thas.
Iqptha, kf^e; from v^gam, gath&; from yoi gather, ceti; firom ydft
give, dati, d&ta; from |/dhft put, dbftti; from |/pft drink, pftthis,
p&nti; from }/bb^, bharti; from y^muc, muo&nti; from /mdh, rudh-
jnaa (?); from v'vyt, vartti.

II. (3) Reduplicated Aorisi

856. The leduplicated aoiist is different fTom the other
foims of aoiist in that it has come to be attached in almost
all cases to the derivative (causative etc.) conjugation in
CRT iya, as the aoiist of that conjugation, and is theiefoie
liable to be made from all loots which have such a conju-
gation, beside the aoiist or aoiists which belong to theii
primary conjugation. Since, however, the connection of

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309 3- Reduplicated Aorist. [—859

the two is not a formal one (the aorist being made directly
from the root, and not from the causative stem), but rather
a matter of established association, owing to kinship of
meaning, the formation and inflection of this kind of aorist
is best treated here, along with the others.

* 857. Its characteristic is a reduplication of the radical
syllable, by which it is assimilated, on the one hand, to
the imperfect of the reduplicating class (656 fi*.), and, on the
other hand, to the so-called pluperfect (817 fi*.). But the
aorist reduplication has taken on a -quite peculiar character,
with few traces left even in the Veda of a different con-
dition which may have preceded this.

858. a. As regards, indeed, the consonant of the re-
duplication, it follows the general rules already given (500).
And the quality of the reduplicated vowel is in general as
in the formations already treated: it needs only to be noted
that an a-vowel and x {ot ar) are usually (for exceptions,
see below, 860) repeated by an i-vowel — as they are, to a
considerable extent, in the reduplicated present also (660).

b. But in regard to quantity, this aorist aims always at
establishing a diversity between the reduplicating and radical
syllables, making the one heavy and the other light. And
the preference is very markedly for a heavy reduplication
and a light root-syllable — which relation is brought about
wherever the conditions allow. Thus:

859. If the root is a light syllable ;having a short
vowel followed by a single consonant), the reduplication is
made heavy.

a. And this, usually by lengthening the reduplicating vowel, with
i for radical a or r or 1 (in the single root containing that vowel):
thus, arlri^amy adfldu^am, aj^janam, avivrdham, aclk}pam. The
great majority of reduplicated aorists are of this form.

b. If, however, the root begins with two consonants, so that the
reduplicating syllable will be heavy whatever the quantity of its vowel.

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869—] XI. AoaiST-STSTBMS. 310

the vowel remains short: thus, aoUmipam, aoukradham, atitrwMun*
aplBpr^am.

860. If the root is a heavy syllable (having a long
vowel| or a short before two consonants], the vowel of the
reduplication is short: and in this case 9 a or lEVT ft, and
f? J (if it occurs), are reduplicated by set a.

a. Thus, adidlkfam, abubhftfam (not quotable), adadakfam,
adadUvam* atataftnm. And, in the cases in which a root should
both begin and end with two consonants, both syllables would be
necessarily heavy, notwithstanding the short vowel in the former:
thus, apapraooham, aoaskandam (but no such forms are found in use).

b. A meditl x !• allowed by the grsmmariuif to retain the itreDgthen-
log of the causatlye stem, together with, of coorse, rednplieation by a: thus,
aoakar^t» avavartat (beside aoOqp^t, aviv^^t); but no such forme
have been met with in use.

o. These aorists are not distinguishable in form from the so-called
pluperfects (817 If.).

861. a. In order, however, to bring about the favored relation
of heavy reduplication and light radical syllable, a heavy root is
sometimes made light: either by shortening its vowel, as in ailradhmm
from yMdh, aviva^am from /vft^, a^adham from i^Bftdh, lyjiyivam
from yjiv, adldipam (K. and later: RV. has didlpao) from ydip,
ablbhi^am from ybhi^ asfUiucam from y^sfic; or by dropping a
penultimate nasal, as in acikradam from ykrand, asifyadam from
f^ayand.

b. In those cases in which (1047) an aorist is formed directly
from a causal stem in ftp, the ft is abbreviated to 1: thus, ati^thip-
am etc, ajijfiipat (but KS8. ajijfiapat), Jihipas, aJUipata (but VS.
ajUapata); but from 9rap comes a^i^rapftma (QB.).

862. Examples of this aorist from roots with initial vowel are very
rare; the older language has only ftmamat (or amamat) ftom yanit
ftpipan (9B.: BAU. ftpipipat) Arom yKp, and arpipam (angmentless)
from the caasatiye stem arp of >^f ^In which latter the root is exoees-
ively abbreviated. The grammarians gi?e other similar formations, as ftroi-
cam from yaro, ftabtfUam ^m fabj, Srjiham firom |/arh, fticikfam
ttom yXkt^f ftrdidbam from y^dh. Compare the similar reduplication in
desideratiTO stems: 1029 b.

868. Of special irregularities may be mentioned:
a. From y'dyut is made (V.B.) the stem didyuta, taking its redu-
plicating Yowel from the radical semlToweL From fgup, instead of JOgn-
pa (B.S.), JB. has Jugttpa, and some texts (BS.) haye Jngupa; and
Jihvara (B.) U met with beside the regular Jihvara (Y.B.). In oaeoha-

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311 3. Bbduplioatbd Aobibt. [—867

da (Nir.), Mid the more or lese doubtful papr&tha and ^aQvaoi and
sasTiVja (BY.) we bsye a instesd of i in the redapllcation.

b. In support of their false Yiew of this aorlst as made from the
cansatlTe stem instead of directly from the root, the natiTO grammarians
teach that roots ending in an u-TOwel may reduplicate with i, as represent-
ing the ft of the strengthened stem: thus, blbhava from bhftv-aya, u
well as bftbhuva from bhfL No example of sach a formation, howoTer,
is met with except &piplavam (^., once); against it we find dadmTa»
bfibhuva» rCbniva, 9a9mTa, and others.

o. As to apaptam» avooam* and ane^am* see aboTe, 847.

864. The inflection of the reduplicated aoritt is like
that of an imperfect of the second general conjugation: that
is to say, it has ^er a as final stem-vowel, with all the pe-
culiarities which the presence of that vowel conditions (788 a).
Thus, from |/SR jan give birth (stem jljana):

active. middle.

s. d. p. s. d. p.

i^jQanam ^IJanftva ^Qanftma iiJXIane ^Uanftvahi ^Uanftmahi
2 WislHH^ NsfWlHHH^ ^IsfteRrT MsflslH^iW^ fcblisi^qiH^ MsflsHfelH^
^Qanas i^jQanatam ^Ricuiata ^Qanathfts ^iU^uiethftm ^anadhvam

iJQanat ^fflanatftm ^Qanan ^ijanata ^Qanetftm ^Qananta

885. The middle forms are rare in the older language (the 3d
pi. is decidedly the most common of tbem, being made from eleven
roots; the 3d s. from seven); but all, both active and middle, are
quotable except Ist and 2d du. middle and Ist du. active.

a. Atitape appesrs to he once used (RV.) as 3d sing., with passiye
fense.

866. A final ^ has the gui^-strengthening before the endings:
thus, acAaraty apiparam, atltaras, dldaras* adidharat, amimarat,
Avivaran, Jihvaras. Of similar strengthened forms from I and u-roots
are found apiprayan (TS.), ablbhayanta (RV.), apiplavam (QB.),
jumcyavat (K.), a9U9ravat (MS.), ato^favam (RV.). Not many roots
ending in other vowels than x make this aorist: see below, 868.

867. Forms of the infleetion without union-vowel are occasionally
met with: namely, from roots ending in consonants, sl^vap (2d sing.,
angmentlesf) from y'svap, and aQl9nat from f^^nath; from roots in x
or ar» didhar ('2d slug.), and ajigar (2d and 3d sing.); for roots in i-
and U-Towels, see 868. Of 3d pi. in us are found almost only « form

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867—] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS. 312

or two from i- and a-rootv, ^nrith gm^& before the ending: thus, a9i9r&yii8,
&ouoyavu0y a^u^ravus, asu^avus; but also abibhajus (9B.)i ^^
nina9ii8 (MBh.).

868. Id the later language, a few roots are said by the gram-
marians to make this aorist as a part of their primary conjugation:
they are Qxi and 9vi» dru and sru, kam, and dhft suck (9vi and dh&
optionally).

a. In the older language are found from |/9ri a9i9ret and a9i9rayii8
(noticed in the preceding paragraph) and a9i9riyat (^B.); from ydra,
adadrot and adudruvat (TB. : not used as aorist) ; from V'sru* asuarot
and (augmentless) siiaroB and sasrot; from }/kain, acikainetftm and
-manta (B.S.). Of forms analogous with these occur a number from roota
in u or d: thus, anunot and nunot from V'nu*, jmyot from ^yu
separate] diidhot from |/dhu; apupot from ypVL\ tQtos and tutot from
ytVL] a8iqM>t from y^su; — and on<^ or two from roots in i or I: thus,
Bifet from ysi (or sft) bind] amimet from f^mft bellow ] apipres (with
apiprayan, noticed above) from f^pri (and the ''imperfects" from didhi
etc., 676, are of oorre8XK)nding form). And from f^cyu are made, with
union-vowel I, aoucyavlt and acuoyavitazia. Few of these forms possess
a necessarily causative or a decidedly aoristic value, and it is very doubtful
whether they should not be assigned to the perfect-system.

b. From the later language are quotable only a9i9riyat etc. (3d i^l.,
-yan or -yus) and adudruvat.

Modes of the Beduplicated Aorist.

869. a. As in other preterit formations, the augmentless indicative
persons of this aorist are used subjuuctively, and they are very much
more frequent than true subjunctives.

b. Of the latter are found only rlradhft '{ist sing.); titapftsi;
oik}pftti and si^adh&ti, and pi8p^9ati (as if corresponding to an indic-
ative apiapfk, like a9i9nat); and perhaps the Ist sing. mid. 9a9vao&f.

c. The augmentless indicative forms are accented in general on the
reduplication: thus, didharaB» Iiina9a8; jiijaiiat, piparat; jijanan;
also sffvap; bat, on the other hand, we have also pip&rat, 9i9r4thaa
and 9i9n&that, and dudr&vat and tuf(&vat (which may perhaps belong
to the perfect: compare 810). According to the native grammarians, th&
accent rests either on the radical syllable or on the one that follows it.

870. Optative forms are even rarer. The least qaestionable case is
the middle ^precative" rirlfi^ta (ririfi^ta has been ranked above with
sftsahi^tA, as a perfect: 812 b). Oucyuvimahl and ouoyavlrata be-
long either here or to the perfect-system.

871. Of imperatives, we have the indubitable forms papurantu and
9i9rathanta. An! Jig^pt&m and Jig^^ and dldhftam and didhftd,

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313 Sibilant Aorist. [—876

and Jajast&m (all RY. only), and perhaps BUfud&ta (AV.), are to be
referred hither, as corresponding to the indicatives (without nnion-Towel)
ajiigar and adidhar: their short reduplicating vowel and their accent
assimilate them closely to the reduplicated imperfects (666 ft.), with which
we are psohably to regard this aorist as altimately related.

872. No participle is found belonging to the reduplicated aorist.

873. The number of roots from which this aorist is met with
in the earlier language is about a hundred and twenty. In the later
Sanskrit it is unusual; in the series of later texts mentioned above
(826) it occurs only twice ; and it has been found quotable from hardly
fifty roots in the whole epic and classical literature.

III. Sigmatic or Sibilant Aorist.

874. a. The common tense-sign of all the varieties of

this aorist id a H 8 (convertible to Cf 9: 180) which is added to

the root in forming the tense-stem.

b. This sibilant has no analogues among the class- signs of the present-
system; hut it is to be compared with that which appears (and likewise
with or without the same nnion-vowel i) in the stems of the future tense-
system (932 £F.) and of the desiderative conjugation (1027 ft.).

o. To the root thus increased the augment is prefixed

and the secondary endings are added.

876. In the case of a few roots, the sibilant tense-stem
(always ending in ^ k?) is further increased by an ^ a,
and the inflection is nearly like that of an imperfect of the
second or a-conjugation.

876. a. In the vast majority of cases, the sibilant is
the final of the tense-stem, and the inflection is like that
of an imperfect of the first or non-a-conjugation.

b. And these, again, fall into two nearly equal and
strongly marked classes, according as the sibilant is added
immediately to the final of the root, or with an auxiliary
vowel 5 i, making the tense-sign ^ i?. Finally, before this
^ 19 the root is in a very small number of cases increased
by a H 8, making the whole addition f^^ si^.

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•877—] XI. A0RIST-8T8TBM8. 314

877« We have, then, the following olassifioation for the
▼arieties of sibilant-aorist:

A. With endings added directly to the sibilant:

4. with ^ B simply after the root: s-aorist;'

5. with ^ i before the ^ s: i^aorist;

6. the same, with H b at end of root: sif-aorist.

B. With ^ a added to the sibilant before the endings:

7. with sibilant and ^ a: 8a-aorist.

a. Aa regtrds the distinction between tlie fonrth and fifth fonnt, it
may be said in a geneial way that those roots incline to take the auxiliary
i in the aorist which take it also in other formations; but it is impossible
to lay down any strict rules as to this accordance. Compare 908.

4. The B-aoriBt.

878. The tense-stem of this aorist is made by adding
n B to the augmented root, of which also the vowel is usu-
ally strengthened.

879. The general rules as to the strengthening of the
Toot-Yowel are these:

a. A final vowel (including f; p) has the vrddhi-change
in the active, and (excepting I? p) gu^a in the middle: thus,
£rom v^ lecuij active stem C^cr anfti^, middle stem lEJ^cr ane^;
from y^ 9ru hearj W^t^ti^fT^u^ and i5rQt^a9ro9; £rom
ySR Tlx make, HM^ akSr^ and W^ aky^.

b. A medial vowel has the vrddhi-change in the active,
and remains unaltered in the middle: thus, from V^^ chand
seem^ active stem M^IHI aochftntB, middle stem «ic^rH^
acchantB; from f/i^H ric leave, ^^ arBik^ and ^f^^f^arikf;
from yi^ rudh obstruct, *<^rW arftuts and ti^rtj^arutB;
from yj^ B^J pour out, MUM asrSk^ and ^^ as^k^.

880. a. The endings are the usual secondary ones, with
3H UB (not 3ER an) in 3d pi. act., and W{ ata (not gw anta)
in dd pi. mid.

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315 Sibilant Aorist: 4. b-aorist. [—888

b. But before ^b and H^t of 2d and 3d sing. act. is in
the later language always inserted an ^ I, making the end-
ings ^ IB and ^It.

o. This insertion is unknown in the OArUest language (of the RT.) :
see below, 888.

881. a. Before endings beginning with t or th, the teDse-sign b
is (888 o-e) omitted after the final consonant of a root — unless this
be r, or n or m (converted to anusvara).

b. The same omission is of course made before dhvam after a con-
sonant; and after a towel the sibilant is either omitted or assimilated (the
eqnlTalenee of dhv and ddhT in the theories of the grammarians and the
practice of the manuscripts makes it impossible to say which : 888) ; and
then the ending becomes ^bvam, prorided the sibiUnt, if retained, would
have been ijf (8860): thus, asto^hvam and avf^vam (beside aatof-
ata and av^^ata); dr4}li\ram {ydjp regard: QB., once), which is to
dfthfiB (2d sing.) as avrfbTam and aiq^ata to avri and av^hftB; and
Icpjlhvam (M.).

0. According to the grammarians, the omission of 8 before t and th
takes place also after a short vowel (the case can occur only in the 2d and
3d sing, mid.); but we have seen above (834a) that this is to be viewed
rather as a substitution in those persons of the forms of the root*aorist.
T^dther in the earlier nor in the later language, however, does any example
occur of an aorist-form with b retained after a short vowel before these
endings.

d. After the final sonant aspirate of a root, the sibilaut before the
same endings is said by the Hindu grammarians to disappear altogether, the
oombination of the aspirate with the th or t of the ending being then
made according to the ordinary rule for snch cases (160): thus, from the
stem arSutB, for arftudh-B, is made arftuddha, as if from arftudh -f- ta
direetiy. No example of such a form is quotable from the literature; but
the combination is established by the occurrence of other similar cases
(888 f). In the middle, in like manner, arutB+ta becomes amddha,
as if from arudh+ta; but all such forms admit also of being understood
as of the root-aorist. Those that have been found to occur were given
above (884 d); probably they belong at least in part to this aorist

e. From the three nasal roots gam, tan, man are made the 2d and
3d sing. mid. persons agathfiB and agata» atathfiii and atata, and amata
(amathftB not quotable), reckoned by the native grammarians as B-aodst
forms, made, after loss of their final root-nasal, with loss also of the sibilant
after a short vowel. They are doubtless better referred to the root-aorist. But
JB. has a corresponding 1st sing, atasi from f^tan.

882. As examples of the inflection of this variety of

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88&— ]

XI. A0RIST-8YSTEM8.

316

sibilant aorist we may take the roots 4f nl lead^ and f^^
chid cut of. Thus:

active.

d.

middle,
d.

p.

1 ^TSTi^^ #J^ ^m W^ ^^V^ ^Rocff^
infti^am infti^va inEi^ma Ane^i ine^vahi inefmahi

inai^lB infti^tam dnai^fa Ane^tli&s ^ne^ftthftm &ne^vam
3 ^^iftfT M^^W *I^NH 5R? MHNIHIM *fiNH
inai^it Anfti^tftm dnai^us ine^fa ine^fttftm &ne^ta

active.
8. d.

&cch fit team dcch&itsva dcchaitsma

dcchftitsiB dcchfiittain doohftitta

2 Sl^r^ficT^ y^rilH^ MT:*^rHH^
icohsitslt &cchaittftm icchaitsias

middle.

dochitsi dcchitflvahi icohitsmahi

&ochitth&8 &ochit8&thftm &oohiddlivam

3 Mf^rl M^rHIHIH^ MJ^r^H
dcohitta &oohit8&tam doohitsata

a. From )/rudh obstruct^ the 2d and 3d du. and 2d pi. act. and
the 2d and 3d sing. mid. wonid be irfiuddham, drfiuddlifixn,
irauddha, &raddlift8, &ruddha; from yspj pour ouiy &Brftf(ani,
&8ra§(&m» asra^ta, asf^thas, a8^(c^; from ydj^q see, idrfi^^am etc.
(as from s^j;. But from yk^ ^^ ^he same persons in the active are
&karftam> ikftr^tftm, ^kftrffa; from ytan stretch they are dtftAatam,
dtfifLBtftm, dtSiista. '

888. The omiBsion of s in the active persons (&ooh&ittam» &coli&it-
t&m» &eoh&itta) is a case of very rare occurrence ; all the quotable exam-
ples were given above (233 e). As to the like omission in midtle persons,
see 881. The GhU. has twice &v&3tam for av&tB-tam (^yvts dwell):
this may be viewed as another case of total disappearance of the sibilant,
and consequent restoration of the final radical to its original form.

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317 Sibilant Aorist: 4. s-aorist. [—888

884. Certain roots id ft weaken the a in middle inflection to i
(as also in the root-aorist: above, 884 a): these are said to be sthft,
dS, and dhft; in the older language have been noted Adi^i and adii^ta
from ydft give (and adifi perhaps once from ydSL bindjy adhi^i and
adhiij^ta (with the optative dhi^iya) from ydhSL put, and asthi^ta;
also agi9$hft8 and agitata from ygft go (with adhi).

a. The middle inflection of the aorist of ydft would be, then,
according to the grammarians: ddi^i, idithfts, idita; ^difvahi,
iLdi^th&m, Mi^fttftm; idi^mahi, ddi^hvam, idi^ata.

885. Roots ending in changeable x (so-called roots in f: 242) are
said by the grammarians to convert this vowel to ir in middle forms : thos,
asUr^i, astirf (lifts etc. (from V^stf); of such forms, however, has been
found in the older language only akinjata, PB.

886. The s-aorist is made in the older language from about a
hundred and forty roots (in RV., from about seventy; in AV., from
about fifty, of which fifteen are additional to those in RV.); and the
epic and classical literature adds but a very small number. It has in
the Veda certain peculiarities of stem- formation and inflection, and
also the full series of modes — of which the optative middle is re-
tained also later as a part of the ^precative'^ (but see 925 b).

887. Irregularities of stem-formation are as follows:

a. The strengthening of the root-syllable is now and then irregularly
made or omitted: thus, ayok^it (AB.), ohetais (B.S.; also occurs in
HBh., which has further yotsis), rotus (KU.) ; amatsuB (RV.) ,* ayftiiisl
and arfiutsi (AB.), aaSk^l etc. (Y.B. : }/8ah), mfti&sta (AV.) and mft&Btftm
(TA.); lopnya (U.); and MBh. has drogdhas. From ysai is made
sft&kfit (U. etc.), and from ]/maJj, amftfikfit (not quotable). The form
ayu&kfmahi (BhP.J is doubtless a false reading.

b. A radical final nasal is lost in agasmahi (I^V.) and gasfttham
(TA.) from ]/gam, and in the optatives masiya and vasimahi (RV.)
from |/man and van.

o. The roots h% dhfl, and nu have a instead of o in the middle:
thus, aliiii^ta, adhti^ata, antl^i and ana^fitftm and anii^ata; y^dhiir
(or dhflrv) makes adhOr^ata.

d. 9B. has once atrftsatSm for atrastSm (>^tra).

888. The principal peculiarity of the older language in regard
to inflection is the frequent absence of i in the endings of 2d and
3d sing, act., and the consequent loss of the consonant-ending, and
sometimes of root-finals (150). The forms without i are the only ones
found in RV. and K., and they outnumber the others in AV. and
TS.; in the Brahmanas they grow rarer (only one, adr&k, occurs in
GB.; one, ayftf, in KB.; and two, adrftk and ayftf, in QB.; PB. has
none).

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889—] XI. AORIST-STSTEMS. 318

889. If the root ends In a vowel, only the consonant of the ending
is necessarily lost: thas, aprfta (for hoth aprSs-s and aprfts-t) from y^rft;
and in like manner alifts from |/hft; — ajfiis (for ajilf-t) from yji; and
in like manner acftis from yd, and nfiis (angmentless) ftom y'ni; — and
yftus (for ayftim-t) from yjn.

a. But (as in other like cases : 665 a) the ending is sometimes preser-
Ted at the expense of the tense-sign; and we have in 3d sing, ijftit (be-
side ajftis and ajfti^It) from yji; and in like manner acftit, a9r8it9
ahftit, nftit (no examples have been noted except fjrom roots in i and i) :
compare aySs and srfts, 2d sing., 890 a.

890. a. If the root (in either its simple or strengthened form) ends
in a consonant, the tense-sign is lost with the ending. Thns, abhfir (tot
abhSri^t: beside abhftryim, abhfinftim) from ybhf] other like casea
are ahftr, and (from roots in ar) ak^ar, atsftr* asvftr, hvftr. Farther,
arftik (686 a: for arftik^-t) from yrio; like oases are a^vftit from
yqvit, and (from roots with medial u) adyftut from >^clyut, arftut from
l/rudh, and mftnk from ymuo. Further, from roots ending in the pala*
tals and h, aprSk horn j/p^o, asrSk from ysfj, abhfik from ybhaj,
adrfik from yd^, adhfik from ydah\ but, with a different change of
the final, ayftf from ]/yaJ, apr&t from Vpfoh, avftf from y^vali, and
asraf from Vsfj; and (above, 146 a) Brfts appears to stand twice in AT,
for srS^s from Vb{J; RT. has also twice ayas from yjBJ. Farther,
from roots ending in a nasal, atftn from >^tan, khftn from ykhan, ayftn
and anfin from yyyam. and nam (143 a).

b. If, again, the roots end in a doable consonant, the latter of the
two is lost along with tense- sign and ending: thus, aoohSn (for aoohftnts-t^
beside aochdntta and acohftntsuB) from yohand} and other liks cases
are akrftn, askSn, and aayfin.

891. A relic of this pecoliarity of the older inflection has been
preserved to the later language in the 2d sing. bh&iB, from yhhi.

Modes of the s-Aorist.

892. The indicatiye forms without augment are used in a sob«
junotiye sense, especially after ma prohibitiye, and are not uncommon.
Examples with accent, boweyer, are extremely rare; there has been
noted only tAAsI, middle; judging from this, the tone would be found
on the radical syllable. According to the Hindu grammarians, it may
be laid on either root or ending.

898. Proper subjunctiye forms are not rare in RV., but are
markedly less common in the later Vedic texts, and yery seldom met
with in the Brahmanas. They are regularly made with gn^a-strength'*
eoing of the radical yowel, in both active and middle, and with accent
on the root.

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319 Sibilant Aorist: 4. s-aorist. [— 895-

a. Tbe forms wHh primary endings are: in active, Bto^ft^i; dar^asi;.
ne^ati, par^ati, pftsati, matsati, yo^ati, vak^ati, sak^ati; d^thas,
dlifisathas, p&r^athas, vak^athas, var^athas; pSsatas, yaifasataa,
yakfatas, vak^tas; dhfisatha, neyatha^ pto^atha^ m^tsatha; —
in middle, naihsfti, m&&8fti; m^ftaase; kraifasate, trftsate, dar^ate,.
m&ftsate, yakij^te, rasate, vaftsate, aftkfate, hftsate; traaftthe (not
trftaftlthe, as we slionld rather expect); n&iiiBante, m&ABante : and,
with the filler ending In 3d sing., masftt&L

b. The forms with secondary endings are (active only): J^^as, v&kfas;
dir^at, n^^at, p&k^at, pto^at, pr^t, y&kij^t, y69at, v&Asat, T&ki^t^
vdi^aty sitsat, ohantaat, etc. (some twenty others); jrak^atfim; v^A-
Bima. w?tkyftina, Bto^fima; par^an, yaihaan, yo^an, rfLsan, vak^an,
^^^an, qrd^BXL. Of these, yak^t and vakfat are found not rarely ia
the BrShmanas; any others, hardly more than sporadically.

894. Of irregularities are to he noted the following:

a. The forms dfk^aae and p^k^fa^e (2d sing, mid.) lack the gtq^
strengthening.

b. Jefam* ato^am, and yofam (AY. yO^^am, with tt for o as in
ana^ta etc.) appear to he first persons formed under government of the
analogy of the second and third — unless they are relics of a state of
things anterior to the vrddhi-strengthening : in which case Je^ma is to
be compared with them (we should expect jfti^ma or Je^fima).

o. From roots in ft are made a few forms of problematic chsracter:
namely, ye^am (only case in BY.), khyei^am, Jfte^am, ge^am and
gefina, defma, ae^am and aet, athefam and Bthe^oa. Their value
is optative. The analogy of Je^am and Je^ma suggests the possibility of
their derivation from i-forms of the ft-roots; or the sibilant might be of
a precatiye character (thus, yft-i-B-am). That they really belong to the
i^-aorist appears highly improbable.

d. The RY. has a few difficult first persons middle in ae, which are
perhaps best noted here. They are: 1. from the simple root, kq^, hi^e
(and ohifeP), atof^; 2. from present-stems, aroaae, fiUaae, yajaae,
gftyije, gpfl^ and punl^^. They have the value of indicative present.
Compare below, 897 b.

895. Optative forms of this aorist are made in the middle only, and
they have in 2d and 3d sing, always the precative a before the endings.
Those found to occur in the older language are: di^Iya, dhi^Iya, bhak-
9ly&, maalya (for ma&aiya), mnk^iya, r&alya^ lopaiya, a&k^iya,
Bt]^9lya; ma&aiftl^ftB; darflf^ bhak^i^fa, ma&sl^ta, mf-k^i^ta;
bhakfTmahi, dhuk^im&hi, maAaim&hi, vaAalmi^ va8imahl»
Bak^TmAhi ; mafialrata. PB. has bhuk^i^iya, which should belong to
a ai^-aorist. The BY. form traaXthftm (for trftaiyftthftm or trftaftthftm)
is an isolated anomaly.

a. This optative makes a part of the accepted **precative'' of the later
language: see below, 928, 925b.

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896 — ] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS. • 320

896. ImperatiTe persons from this aorist are extremely rare: we find
the 2d sing, act nefa and par^ and the 2d pi. yaihsata (from a-stems,
and showing rather, therefore, a treatment of the aorist-stem as a root),
and the 3d sing. mid. rfiaatam and pi. rftsant&m (of which the same
may he said).

Participles of the s-aorist.

897. a. Actiye participles are d&k^at or dhAk^at, and s&k^at
(hoth RV.).

b. If ^ase (ahove, 894 d) is to be reckoned as an s-aorist form,
fiijas&n& is an s-aorist participle; and of a kindred character, apparently,
are ar9a8&n&, 6has&na, jrayasftnA, dhiyasftn&, mandasfiii4, yama-
s&n&, rabha8&n&, vi^dlia8&n&, sahasftnA, 9avasft]i&, all in RT.; with
namas&n&, bhiy&sfina, in AY. . In RV. occurs also once dhlfamftiOLa,
apparently an a-form of an s-aorist of y^dhi.

5. The i^-aorist.

898. The tense-stem of this aorist adds the genera]
tense-sign H b by help of a prefixed auxiliary vowel ^ i,
making ^ if^ to the root, which is usually strengthened,
and which has the augment.

899. The rules as to the strengthening of the root are
as follows:

a. A final vowel has v^ddhi in the active, and gu^a in
the middle: thus, ^i||f^e4 apSvi^ and ^smf^CT apavif from
y^ ptl cleanse; ^rT^fj^t atftrif, act., from VrT tx pass\ H^\[im
a9ayi9, mid., from y^ 9! lie.

b. A medial vowel has gui^a, if capable of it, in both
voices: thus, M^RlN ale9i9, act. and mid., from vi^T5T 119
tear] *3i(\\im arooif from y^ rue shine) ^^J^^ avar^i^
from y^^ YX9 ^«»w J l>wt Msi1lc«hi ajivi^ from Vsft^ jXv live.

o. Medial ^ a is sometimes lengthened in the active;
but it more usually remains unchanged in both voices.

d. The roots in the older Ungnage which show the lengthening are
kan» tan, ran, stan, svan, han, vraj, sad, mad, car, t^ar, svar,
jval, das, tras. From ran, san, kram, vad, rakf, and sah occur forms
of both kiiid^. From )/math or mantjti are made the two stems matlii^
and mantnit^.

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321 Sibilant Aorist: 5. I^-aorist. [—903

900. a. Of exceptiona may be noted: >^mfj has (as elsewbere: 687)
vrddhi iDstead of gtu^a : thas, amftrjii^am ; ystf has aatariSi and ^^9^
has a^arXt (also a9arftit in AY.), with gu^ in active.

b. The root grabh or grah has (as in fntare etc., below, 936 e, 966)
long 1 instead of i before the sibilant: thus, agrabhi^ma, agrahi^ta,
agrabhiij^ta* The roots in changeable x (so-called roots in f: 242), and
yvx are ssid by the grammarians to do the same optionally; but no forms
with long I from such roots have been fonnd quotable. A Sutra (PGS.)
has once anayi^ta from yni (doubtless a false reading).

901. The endings are as in the preceding formation

(3n UB and ^SlrT &ta in 3d pi.). But in 2d and 3d sing.,

the combinations i^-s and if-t aie from the earliest period

of the language contracted into ^ Is and ^ It.

a. The 2d pi. mid. shoald end always in i(pivam (or i^^vam,
from if-dhvam : 226) ; and this is in fact the form in the only exam-
ples quotable, namely f^aal^vam, arti<}livam, ftindhi^livam* ve-
pi^hvam; as to the roles of the native grammarians respecting the
matter, see 226 o.

902. As examples of the inflection of the i^-aorist may

be taken the roots ^ pil cleanse^ and ^ budh toake. Thus:

actiye. middle,

s. d. p. s. d. p.

1 dblMI&NH^ mt^ m\U^ MMJ^fM MMf^yl^ MMJ^mf^
ip&vlfam ip&vi^va dpftvi^ma ipavi^i dpavi^vabi dpavi^mahi

4p&viB dpfivi^tam ipfivi^t^ ipavi^thfts ipavl^ftthfim &pavi(pivam

&p&vit dpftvi^t&m ipftvi^us dpavi^fa dpavi^fttSm ipavl^ata

1 gsS^fe^rj^ 5Rt1?l^ ^^tfqsq q^HtJif^ q^tl^I^rf^ *^<Mlliy^i^

toodhifam dbodhi^va ibodhi^ma dbodhi^i dbodhi^vahi dbodhi^mahi
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

903. The number of roots from which forms of this aorist have
been noted in the older language is nearly a hundred and fifty (in
RV., about eighty; in AV., more than thirty, of which a dozen are
additional to those in BVOi the later texts add less than twenty.
Among these are no roots in ft; but otherwise they are of every
variety of form (rarest in final i and I). Active and middle persons
are freely made, but sparingly from the same root; only about fifteen

Whitnej, Chrammar. 3. ed. 21

2

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908—] XI. AOBIST-SYSTEMS. 322

roots baye both active and middle forms in the older language, and
of these a part only exceptionally in the one voice or the other.

a. No rale appears to govern the choice of nsage between the
if- and the B-aorist ; and in no small number of cases the same root
shows forms of both classes.

904. Irregularities axe to be noticed as follows:

a. The contracted forms akramun, agrabhXxn, and avadhlm (with
augmentlesB v&dhim) are found in Ist sing. act.

b. For &9arit occurs in AT. ^^arftit; also (in a part of the manuscripta)
9ar5i0 for 9ariB; agrah&ifam is found in AB. (also the monstroos form
ajagrabhftifam : tee 801 i). AJayit, with short i in the ending, occurs
in TS.

o. AY. has once nudi^thSa, without gui^a.

d. The forms atfirima (RV.), avftdiran (AT.), and b&dhithfts
(TA.), though they lack the sibilant, are perhaps to be referred to ibis
aorist: compare avit^, 908. A few similar cases occur in the epics, and
are of like doubtfal character: thus, J&nithfts, mftdithfta, vartithfis,
9ankithft8, and (the causative: 1048) aghfttayithfis. AgrbitSm and
g{>hithft8 and gfhita, if not false readings for g^rh^i-, are probably
irregular present-formations.

Modes of the i^-aorist.

906. As usual) augmentless indicative forms of this aorist are more
common than proper subjunctiyes. Examples, of all the persons found to
occur (and including all the accented words), are, in the active: 9U8i9ain,
v&dhlm; mithls, v&dhis, yavia, B^vis; dvlt, jtbrvit, m&thit, v&dh-
it, ve9lt; mardhi^tam, dofiftam, hij^ft^^m; aviffftm, J&iLi^t&>>>t
b&dhi^t&m; 9ranii9ma, v&di^ma; vadhi^fa and vadhi^fana, math-
i^fana, hifksi^ta; hvarifus, grabi^us; — in the middle: rftdhifi;
Jini^thftB, marfifthfts, vyathii^thfis ; kr&mi^ta, J&ni^ta, p&vif(c^
pr&thi^ta, m&ndi^ta; vyathi^mahl. The accent is on the root-syllable
(tftri^UB, AY. once, is doubtless an error).

906. a. Of subjunctive forms with primary endings occur only the
1st sing. act. davi^ft]^, and the ist pi. mid. (with unstrengthened e)
yftei^ftmalie and sani^Smalie.

b. Forms with secondary endings are almost limited to 2d and 3d
sing. act. There are found: avl^as, kani^as, tSriinaa, rakfifas, -vAdh-
i^as, viJtdl^as, vd^l^as, 9aA8l9a8; k^^at, jambhl^at, J69l^t,
tak^l^at, tftrifat, sindijat, parl^at, b6dhi9at, m&rdlil^at, y&clfat.
yodhl^at, rak^i^at, ranifat, vyathi^at, 9aii8i9at, sanl^at, sfivl^t.
They are made, it will be noticed, with entire regularity, by adding a to the
tense-stem in i^ before the endings. The only other persons found to occur
are the 3d pi. act. sani^an and mid. s&nl^anta (and TS. has vanl^anta.

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323 Sibilant Aorist: 5. if-AORiST. [—911

for the problemitie vaiitu|anta of RY.)* wMoh are also ieg«UT. Bhavi^&t
(AB. onoe) is a solitary example of a form with doable mode-sign ; o4Di9-
(hat (RY. ; SY. Instead J&Til^hat) seems hopelessly corrupt. The radical
syllable always has the accent, and its Yowel usnally accords with that of
the indicatiye: but we haye saa* in the subjanctl^e agftinst asSn^am
(as to cay- and ran-, see below, 908).

907. The middle optatiye of this aorist also forms a part of the ac-
cepted ^^recative'' of the later language (923* 926 b). It is yery rare at
all periods, being made in RY. from only flye roots, and in AY. from two
of the same and from three additional ones (six of the eight have other
if-forms); and the remaining texts add, so far as noticed, only four other
roots. All the forms found to occur are as follows: Jani^Iya, indhiflya,
edhifXy^, ruci^a and roci^iyay gmi^iya; modi^ifthas ; jani^i^ta;
vani^i^ta; sahiflvahi; idhi^imahi, edbifim&hl, Janl^lmahi, tftri^-
mahi, mandifimahi, vandi^Im^hi, vardhi^Im&hi, sahi^imahl and
Bfihi^im&hi. The accent is on the ending, and this would lead us to ex^
pect a weak form of root throughout; but the usage in this respect appears^
to be various, and the oases are too few to allow of setting up any rule.
The forms Jani^eyam and -ya, from a secondary a-stem, occur In E.

908. Of imperative forms, we have from y^av a series: namely,
avi4<}hi, avi^tu, avift^^* avit4 (if this, as seems probable, stands
anomalously for a,vi^\k) and avi^t&na; two of these are of unmistakably
imperative form. Other forms occur only in 2d du. and 2d pi., and are
accordingly such as might also be subjunctives used imperatively (which
is further made probable for two of them by their accentuation on the
root-syllable): they are krami^tam, gami^tam, oani^t&m, oayif^ain
(against aoSyi^am), tari^tani, yodhiftam, vadhi$tam» ^nathi^fam;
r&j^i^tana (against ar&^lfus), ^nathiffana.

909. No words having a participial ending after if are found
anywhere to occur.

910. This is the only aorist of which forms are made in the
secondary and denominative conjugations: see below, 1036, 1048,
1068.

6. The 8i9-aoTi8t.

911. According to the grammarians, this aorist is made
from roots in 35rr S (including ftf mi^, Itf mi (or ml) damage
and ^ IT cling, which substitute forms in S), and from
5m nam botOj IFTyam reach, and TO ram be content, and is
used only in the active; the corresponding middle being of
the 8-form (878 ff.). Its inflection is precisely like that of
the if-aorist; it is unnecessary, then, to give more than

21*

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911—] XL A0RIST-SY8TBMS. 324

its first persons, which we may form from the roots TH yS
ffo and RIT nam bow. Thus:

a. d. p. 8. d. p.

dyftsi^am Ayftaifva Ayftaifma dnaihsi^am toaifaslfva dnaihsiyma

etc. etc etc. etc. etc. etc.

912. The sif-aorUt is properly only & sab-form of the i^-aorist,
having the tense-sign and endings of the latter added to a form of root
increased by an added a. It is of extreme rarity in the older language,
being made in RY. only from the roots gft $ing and yft gOj and in AY.
only from ha leave, and donbtless also from pyft JiU up and van toin
(see below, 914 b); the remaining older texts add Jfifi know (B.), Jyft over-
povoer, dhyft think ((B. once : the edition reads -dh&-); &nd ram be cott'
tent (SY.: a bad variant for RY. r&slya); other Brahmana forms which
might be also of the s-aorist are adr&sit, av&sit, and ahv&sit; and bhok-
ijfiflya (PB. S.) mnst be regarded as an anomalons formation from ^hnj,
unless we prefer to admit a secondary root bhtik^, like bhalqf from bhaj.
In the later language have been found quotable from other roots only glfisia,
adhmftBlt, anaihsit, apftBit, ml&sis, and amnast^as.

a. The participle hfaamRna and causative hfisayanti (RY.) show
that hfis had assumed, even at a very early period, the value of a secon-
dary root beside hft for other forms than the aorist.

918. The whole series of older indicative forms (omitting, as doubt-
ful, the 2A and 3d sing.) is as follows: agaaifam, ajftfisi^am, ayfis-
i^am, adhyfisifam; i^y&sift&m, ayftsi^tftm; ajfifisi^ma; aJfLftsi^ta,
^Bsi^ta; ag&si^os, ay&si^us (alqifus is from y/akf attain).

a. Forms without augment are these: Jftasifam, raihsi^am, hftsi-
9am; h&si^tam; h&si^tfim; hBjBit^\ai h&si^us, gftsi^OB, JfiBsi^iis.
The accent would doubtless be upon the root-syllable.

914. a« Of proper subjunctiyes are found two, gfiai^t and y&siijfat
(both RY.).

b. Optatives are not less rare : namely, yBsisI^thBa and pjrftniyinahl
(for which the AY. manuscripts read py&Ql^Imahi, altered in the edition
to pyftsri?-); and doubtless vaA^i^iya (AY., twice) is to be corrected to
va&Blflya, and belongs here. As to bhnk^i^ya, see above, 912.

o. The accent of yftsi^t^m (like avi^t&m, 908) shows it to be a
true imperative form; aud yfisl^ta (RY., once) is doubtless the same, with
anomalous 1 for 1

916. Middle forms of this aorist, it will be noticed, occur from the
optative only; but, considering the great rarity of the whole formation, we
are hardly justified in concluding that in the ancient language the middle
persons in -si^i, -Biftl^&By etc., were not allowable, like those in -i^i,
-iftl^Bs, and the others of the iijf-aoTist.

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325 Sibilant Aorist: 7. bs-aorist. [—919

7. The sa-aorist.

916. In the later language, the roots allowed to form
this aorist end in ^ 9, Cf ^ , or ^ h — all of them sounds
which in combination with the tense-sign make ^ k^; and
they have ^ i, 3 u, or Sff iT as radical vowel.

a. Tbey aie as follows: di^, ri^, li^, vi^, kli^, kru^, ru^, mf^,
Bp79; tvlf, dvify 9II99 vif, Iqrff; dih» mih, lih» guh, duh, ruh, t^h,
v^h, Btfh ; from about half of them sa-formi, earlier or later, are quotable.
Some of them may, or with certain meanings must, take aorists of other formp.
And a few are allowed to drop both tense-sign and union-TOwel a in cer-
tain persons Qf th^ middle: that Is, they may make instead forms of the
root*aori8t.

917. As the tense-stem ends in 9 a, the inflection is
in the main like that of an imperfect of the second general
conjugation. But (according to the grammarians: the forms
unfortunately have not been found quotable) the 1st sing,
mid. ends in ^ i instead of ^ e, and the 2d and 3d du.
mid. in ssn^TFT SthSm and qTrTFT^fttSm, as in imperfects of
the other conjugation. Both active and middle inflection
is admitted. The root is throughout unstrengthened.

918. As example of inflection we may take the root

^^ di9 point. Thus:

actiye. middle,

s. d. p. s. d. p.

idikfam ddilqAva idik^ftma Mik^i ddik^ftvahi idik^fimahi

asri^^ ^^wi^ 5f^ Mi<dMm^ Mf<TrtiyiH^ ^1|5m^

idik^as idik^atam Mik^ata ddik^th&s idik^athfim ddik^adhvam

Adik^at ddik^atfim idik^an idik^ata idik^atftm idik^anta

919. In the earlier language, the forms of the sa-aorist are hardly
more than sporadic They are made in BY. from soTon roots; in AT.,
from two of these and from two others; and the remaining texts add ten
more, making nineteen in all (the later language makes no additions to
this number). As later, all have i or a or ^ as root-TOwel, and a final
consonant which combines with s to k^; but there are in the list also two

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91^—] XI. AORISTHSYSTEMS. 326

ending in J, namely m^J and vfj. AU the ezamples noted are given
below.

a. So far M the middle fonns are concerned, thit aorlat would he ftilly
explained as a transfer of certain B-aorists to an a-inflection. The marked
difference in the strength of radical vowel In the actiye) however, stands
in the way of the smcoessAil appUcatlon of soch an explanation to the active
forms.

9S0. a. In the indicative, we find, in the active: av^kfam; adrokfas,
adhuk^as, aruk^as, akrak^as* asp^'k^as (and MBh. adds amyk^faa) ;
adikfat* amik^at, allkij^at, avik^at, ^kroki^t, aghnk^t, aduk^at
and idhuk^at, iruki^t, av^kfat, ak^kfat, Am^kfat. ispfk^t;
aghuk^atam; arok^Smay amrk^fima, av^k^ama; Adhuk^an, apik-
fan (ypi^\ arnk^an, asp^k^an; — in the middle, only aJqpk^thfts
iykpii), Adhuk^ata, and am^kfanta (and BCBh. adds am^kfataP).

b. Forms without angment (no trne snbjanctives occar) are, in the
active: d^kfam, m^kfam; dok^as, ruk^^as, mrk^as; dvlk^;
mrkfata; dhukf&n and dukf&n; — in the middle, dvilqiata, duk^ata
and dhok^ata, dhnk^dnta.

O. There are no optative forms.

d. Imperative are: in the active, mrk^atam; in the middle, dlmk-
^va.

e. The few accented fonns without augment which occur have the
tone on the tense-sign sA, in analogy with the a-aorist (2) and the imper-
fect of the &-class : a single exception is dliAk^ala, wUch probably needs
emendation to dhuk^Ata.

f. The aspiration of initial d and g, after loss of the aspirated quality
of the root-final (166), is seen in forms fh>m the roots duh and gah, but
not from druh (only a single case, AB.); BY., however, has also adnkfat
and duk^as, duk^in, duk^ta.

Precative.

921. As tho so-called preeative is allowed by the gramnuuianf
to be made in the later language from every root, and in an inde-
pendent way, without reference to the mode of formation of the
aorist from the same root, it is desirable to put together here a brief
statement of the rules given for it

922. The preeative active is made by adding the active
preeative endings (above, 668) directly to the root But:

a. Of final root- vowels (as before the passive-sign yk: 770), i and
a are lengthened; r ^ usually changed to rl, hut to Ir and fbr in tkoee
roots which elsewhere show ir- and nr- forms (so-caUed f-ioots: 242), and
to ar in r and smr; & i> changed to e in the roots di, dhft, vtht* pS
drink, gft sing, and a few others, in part optionally.

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327 Prboativb. [—924

b. The root in general Msumes its weakest form: a penultimate nasal
is lost, as in badhyftsam from yl>andh ; the roots which are abbroTiated
in the weak persons of the perfect (794) have the same abbreviation here,
as in uoySsam, ijyftsam, vidhyftsam, Bnpyfisam, g^hySBam; yqBs
forms ^i^yfisam (compare 689, 864 o) : and so on.

o. It has been pointed out above (887) that the active preoative is an
optative of the root-sorist, witii a problematio insertion of a sibilant between
mode-sign and ending.

928. a. The precative middle is made by adding the
middle precative endings (above, 668) to the root increased
by T{^B or ^ i? — that is, to the tense-stem of an s-aoiist
or of an i^aorist (but without augment).

b. The root is strengthened aooording to the rules that
apply in forming the middle-stem of the s and of the i^
aorists respectively: in general, namely, a final vowel is
gunated in both formations; but a medial vowel, only be-
fore ^i?.

a As was pointed ont above (667) the middle precative is really the
^pt«tive of certain aorists, with the insertion of a sibilant between mode-
sign and ending only (so far as authenticated by use) in the 2d and 3d
singnkr. In the older language, snch forms are oftenest made from the
:8-aorist (896) and the if-aorist (907); but also from the root-aorist (887 b),
the a-aorist (860 a), the reduplicated aorist (870), and the sif-aorlst
(914 b); and even from the perfect (812 b).

924. As example of inflection, we may take the root
H bhtl be J which is said (no middle aorist or precative from
it is quotable) to form its middle on the i^-stem. Thus:

active.
s. d. p.

bhUytsam bhttyitsva bhUyasma

bhUyits bhUyitstam bh^ista

bhuyit bhuyitstam bhUyfaus

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924—] XI. AORIST-STSTEMS. 328^

middle.
8. d. p.

1 >TfsRkr >#«ft^ HfswW^

bhavii^yd bhavifiv&hi bhaviflm&hi

bhavif^ft^ifUi bhavi^XyisthSm bhaviflfhv&m

bhavi§i9t& bhavl^iyiBtSin bhavli^&n

a. The forms given by the gramm&Tians as 2d and 3d dual are of
very questionable yalne, as regards the place assigned to the sibilant.
Those persons, and the 2d pi., have never been met with In use. For the
question respecting the ending of the 2d pi., as dhvam or ^l^vam, see
236 0.

926. a. The precatiye actiye Is a form of very rare occnrrenoe in the
classical language. In each of the texts already more than once referred to
(Mann, Nala, BhagaTad-Qita, Qakiintala, Hltopade9a) it occurs once and no
more, and not half-a-dozen forms have been foond quotable from the epics.
As to its yalne, see 578 o.

b. The precatlve middle is virtually unknown in the whole later
literature, not a single occurrence of it having been brought to light. The
BhP. has once xlri^Ifta, which is also a BY. form, belonging probably to
the reduplicated aorist: see 870.

Uses of the Aorist.

926. The uses of the aorist mode-formB (as has been alreadjr
pointed out: 582) appear to accord with those of the mode-forms of
the present-system. The predilection of the earlier language, con-
tinned sparingly in the later, for the augmentless forms in prohibitiye
expression after mi was sufficiently stated and illustrated above
(579).

a. The tense-value of the aorist indicative has also been more than
once referred to, and calls only for somewhat more of detail and for illna-
tratlon here.

927. The aorist of the later language is simply a pret-
erit, equivalent to the imperfect and perfect, and frequently
coordinated with them.

a. Thus, tata^ sa gardabhaiii lagu^ena tftijay&mftsa; tenft
'aftu paftoatvam agamat (H.) thereupon he heat the donkey with a etidt;.
and hereof the laUer died) tatafi aft vidarbh&n agamat punah; tfiib
tn bandlmjana^ samap^ayat (MBb.) thereupon she went hack to
Vidarhha; and h^r kindred paid her rwtr^nce) pntim&n abhilt, uvftoa

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329 Uses of the Aorist. [—929^

ofii 'nam (MBh.) hs wasJUM with afeetioity and said to him; tain ada-
hat kftfthfti^ 80 'bh&d divyavapns tadft (R.) he burned him with
wood, and he heemne then a heavenly form,

928. The aorist of the older langaage has the valae of a proper
'^perfect": that is, it Bi^ifies something past which is viewed as
completed with reference to the present; and it requires accordingly
to be rendered by onr tense made with the auxiliary have. In general^
it indicates what has jnst taken place; and oftenest something which
the speaker has experienced.

a. Examples from the Veda are: p&ri "m^ gtm ane^ata pkry
agnim ahf^ata, dev^^v akrata ^r&va^ k& imih. i dadhar^ati (RV.)
iheee here have led about a cow, they have carried around the fire, ihey
have done honor to the gods — who shall venture anything against themf
7&m afohftma m&nasft 86 'y&m i 'gftt (RV.) he whom we (formerly,
impf.) sought with our mind has (now, aor.) eome; y6ne 'ndro havli^
ioftvj &bhavad dyumny ttttam^ iddifa t&d akri devft asapatnii]^
kilft 'bhavam(RV.) that lihation by which Indra, making it, became (impf.)
of highest glory, I have now made, ye gods; I have become free from enemies,

b. Examples from the Brahmana language are: si hft 'smifi Jy6g
uvftsa.;. t&to ha gandhanri^ s&m ndire: Jy6g va iy&m nrv&^I
mann^yd^v avfttalt (QB.) she lived with him a long time. Then the
Oandharoas said to one another, **this Urva^t, forsooth, has dwelt a long
time among mortals^; taaya ha dantft^ pedire: taih ho *vftca: apat-
sata vft asya dantft^ (AB.) his teeth feU out. He said to him: ""his teeth
truly have fallen ouf^; indrasya vrtriifa JaghmEifa indriy&ih viry^uh
PliJiiTlm &na vy lUrchat t&d d^adhayo virudho 'bhavan b&
prajipatim upft 'dhftvad v^triih me jaghntifa indriy&ih virykh
p^T^hivim &nu vy lirat t&d 69adhayo virddho 'bhfivann iti (TS.)
of Indra, when he had slain Vritra, the force and might went away into the
earth, and became the herbs and plants; he ran to Prqfdpati, saying: ^my
force and might, after slaying Vritra, have gone away into the earth, and
have become the herbs and plants^; svay&m enam abhynd^tya brllyftd
vritya kvll *vfttid^ (AV., in prose passage) going up to him in person,
let him say: ^ Vrdtya, where hast thou abode" 9 y&d id^tniih dvftd viv&da>
mftnftv eyitflm ah&m adar^am ahiun a^ftufam iti y& ev& brOy&l
a]i4m adar^am iti t&smft ev& ^raddadhy&ma ((B.) if now two should
corns disputing with one another, [the one"] saying ^ I have seen", [the other]
**I have heard", we should believe the one who said **/ Jtave seen",

028. a. This distinction of the aorist from the imperfect and perfect
as tenses of narration is Tery common in the Brahmana language (inclading
the older Dpanishads and the Sutras), and Is closely obserred; ylolation%f
it is Tery rare, and is to be regarded as either dae to corruption of text or
indicjLtlTe of a late Origin.

b. In the Yedlc hymns, the same distinction is prevalent, bot is both
lees clear and less strictly maintained; many passages would admit au

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92&— ] XII. FUTUBE-BTSTEMB. 330

interpretation Implying either sense ; and e-vident aorist-forms are sometimes
used narratiToly, while imperffect-forms are also occasionally employed in
the aorist sense.

980. The boundary between what has Just been and what is is an
eyaneseent one, and is sometimes OTorstepped, 00 that an aorist appears
where a present might stand, or was e^en rather to be expected. Thus:
Bvftsastlie bhavatam indave na ltd somo vSi riye 'ndati som&-
yfti VSi 'ne etad rlUfia ftsade 'oiklpat (AB. i. 09. 7) ^be ye eomfwr-
table seats for our Indu", he says; Indu is king Soma: by this means he
has made them (instead of makes tJiem) suitable for king Soma to sit upon;
•vSrxjopx ipo y&d adt^r abhififto^ti TAnu^am evSi 'nam akar
(MS. iy. 3. 10) the waters are Varuna^s; in that he bepours him with waters,
he has made him Varuna; paiio4bhir vytghftrayati pt&kto yajft6
yiv&n ev& yajft&a t&m ^abdhfl 'tho yiviii •vk yajft&s t&amiid
rAki^fi&sy &palianti (MS. ill. 2.Q)he smears with Jive ; fivefold is the offer-
ing: as great as is the offering, of it he has [thereby] taken hold: then^ as
great as is the offering, from U he smites away the demons. This idiom is
met with in all the BiAhmanas; bat it is espeeially flreqaent in the MS.

CHAPTER Xn.

THE FUTURE-SYSTEMS.

931. The verb has two futures, of xvery diffeirent age
and character. The one has for tense-sign a sibilant followed
by 11 ya, and is an inheritance from the time of Indo-
European unity. The other is a periphrastic formation, made
by appending an auxiliary verb to a derivative noun of
agency, and it is a recent addition to the verb-system; its
beginnings only are met with in the earliest language. The
former may be called the a- future (or the old future, or
simply the future); the latter may be distinguished as the
periphrastic future.

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331 The b-futube. [—984

I. The s-future.
832. The tease-sign of this future is the syllable HT syd,
added to the root either directly or by an auxiliary vowel
^ i (in the latter case becoming ^PJ i^y&j. The root has
the gu]^a*strengthening. Thus, £rom y^ dS ffive is formed
the future tense-stem ^THT dSsyi; from y^ i go^ the stem
^^ epyd; firom yj^ duh me7A, the stem qlfO' dhok^yA;
from VH^bha be^ the stem H^m bhavi^yi; from >/^ rdh
thrive^ the stem friusQ' ardhi^yi; and so on.

a. But from yjiv live the stem is Jivi^y^, from yxxk^ sprinkle it
is ok^i^yi, and so on (240).

b. There are hardly any Yedic cases of resolation of the tense-sign
sya into sia; BY. has k^e^i&ntas onoe.

938. This tense-stem is then inflected precisely like a

present-stem ending in CT a (second general conjugation:

788 a). We may take as models of inflection the future of

y^ dS give J and that of y^ k^ make. Thus:

actlTe. middle.

s. d. p. s. d. p.

1 <IHIlft <IWWH^ <>flliHH^ ^ <IHIN^ ^TRIF%
dasyimi dftsyivas daeyamas dftsy^ dftsyavahe dftsyimahe

dasy&si dfisy&thaB dfisy&tha dSsy&se dfisy^the d&sy&dbTe

3 wn^ <iHiHH, ?3Hrirr ^tfo^ ^J^ ^rnitr

dtey&U dftsy&taa dftsy&ati diay&te dftay6te dfisy4nte

kari^fgrimi kazi^yftvaB kari^y^maa karl^y^ kari^yavabe kari^srtmalie
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

a. In the epics are found occasional cases of 1st do. and pi in va and
ma: e. g. raduiyava (R.), bhak^yftva (camsatlTe: MBh.); e^yftma
(MBh.), vatsyama (R.).

984. With regard to the nee or non-nse of the auxiliary vowel
i before the sibilant, there is a degree of general aooordanoe between
this tense and the other fntore and the desideratiye; but it is by no
means absolnte, nor are any definite rules to be laid down with re-
gard to H (and so much the less, because of the infrequency of the
two latter formations in actual use): between this and the aorist

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984—] XII. FUTURB-8Y8TEM8. 332

(s-aorist on the one side) or i^-aorist on the other), any correspondence
is still less traceable. Practically, it is necessary to learn, as a mat-
ter of nsage, how any given root makes these various parts of its
conjngational system.

935. Below is added a statement of the usage, as regards the auxiliary
vowel, of all the roots foand quotable — for the most part, in the form of
a speolflcation of those which add the tense-sign directly to the root; in
brackets are further mentioned the other roots which according to the gram-
marians also refuse the aDxiliary vowel.

a. Of roots ending in vowels, the great majority (excepting those in
X) take no i. Thus, all in ft (numerous, and unnecessary to specify: but
compare o below); — those in i, as k^i passes, oi gather , oi nofo, ml, si
or 8ft bind (sifya), hi; from i, kfi destroy y and Ji occur forms of both
classes; Qri [and qvi] has i; — those in I, as kri, bhl» mi, vli; but ifi
lie and nl have both forms [and ^ takes i]; — those in u, as oya, dm,
plu, Qro, hu; but bu press out and stu have both forms [and ki^tiy
IqiijLU, nu, yii, ru, snu take i]; — of those in tt, dhfi and hhfL take 1;
Btl has both forms. But all in f (numerous, and unnecessary to specify)
take i [those in changeable f, or so-called f-roots (242), are said by the
grammarians to take either i or i; no I-forms, however, are quotable].

b. Of roots ending in mutes, about half add the tense-sign directly^
Thus, of roots ending in gutturals, Qak; — in palatals: in o, pao, mno,
rie, vao, vie, vra^c, sic (but yftc takes i) ; in eh, prach ; in J, bhaSj,
mrJ (mftrkfya and mrak^ya), yaj, bhnj, jui, vfj, sfj [also bhriOJ,
rafij, safij, svafij, nij, ruj], while tyaj, bhaj, and majj (mafik^ya and
majjifys) have both forms, and vij (viji^ya and veji^ya) and vri^
take i; — in dentals: in t, ]q*t cut and v^t [also Cft and n^] make
both forms ; in d, ad, pad, ^ad fallj skand, syand, ohid, bhid, vid
^ndf nud [also had, khid, avid, kfud, tad]; while sad (sataya and
sldi^ya) and vid know make both forms [also chfd and tpd], and vad.
has i ; in dh, vyadh (vetsya), rftdh, sidh succeed, budh, yadh, mdh,
vrdh [also Bftdh, krudh, kfndh, Qudh], and bandh and aidh repel
have both forms; in n, tan, while man and han have both forms; — in
labials: in p, ftp, kfip, gup, tpp, Bjpp (srapsya and sarpsya) [also
Qap, lip, lup], while tap, vap, svap, dipp^ *nd k|p have both forms;
in bh, yabh and rabh, labh having both forms; in m, ram, while kranu
Iqiam, nam, and yam make both forms.

c. Of the roots reckoned by the grammarians as ending in semivowels
(761 d-g) all take i. And vS or vi wewe, vyft or vl envelop, and hvfi
or h& call take a y-form, as in their present-system, to which then i is added :
thus, vayi^ya, vyayi^ya, hvayi^ya (but also hvftaya).

d. Of roots ending in spirants, the minority (about a third) are with-
out the auxiliary vowel. They are: roots in q, diQ, vl^, dy^ (drak^ya),
Bpxq (sprakfya) [also daA^, ri9, 119, kru^, mr9], while na9 be lost
has both forms (naflk^ya and na9i9ya); — in 9, pi^, vi?, 9!? [also

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

333 The b-future. [—988

tvi9» dvif, ^lif , tufy dof, pof, 9^]» while k|^ has both forms (krak-
97a and kar^i^ya); — in 8» vas «Aifte, vas clothe [also ghaa], while vas
dtoell has both forms; — in h, mih, dah, druh [also nah« dib, lih],
while dab, vali* sah and ruh have both forms.

e. In the older language, a majority (aboat flTO ninths) of simple roots
add the sya without auxiliary i; of the futures oceurring in the later
language only, nearly three quarters have the i, this being generally taken
by any root of late origin and derivatiye eharaoter — as it is also uniformly
token in secondary oonjugation (1019, 1036, 1050» 1068).

986. As the root is strengthened to form the stem of this future, so,
of a root that has a stronger and a weaker form, the stronger form is used :
thus, from >Ot>andli or badh bind^ bbantsya or bandbii^ya.

a. By an irregular strengthening, nafik^ya (beside na^i^ya) is made
from yuMf be losi^ and ma&k^ya (beside majji^ya) from VmajJ sink.

b. But a few roots make future-stems in the later language without
strengthening: thus, likbi^ya, mili^ya (also TS.), viji^ya (also vejifya),
fd^ya (>/8ft or Bi)» eo^ya (989 b), spbufifya; and >/vyadb makes
▼etsya from the weaker form vidb.

o. The 9^. has once the monstrous form a^nuvifyftmabe, made
upon the present-stem a^nn (697) of yekq atknn. And the later language
makes Bidifya and Jabi^ya from the present-stems of yaad and }/bft.
Compare further bvayifya etc., 985 o. Also kby&ylfya from }/kby&
(beside kbyftsya) appears to be of similar character.

d. A number of roots with medial j strengthen it to ra (841): thus,
krak^ya, trapeya, drai»8ya» drak^ya, mrakfya (beside mftrk^ya),
Bprak^ya, srak^ya, sraiwya (beside aarpsya), and mradifya (beside
mardifya); and Vk|p forms klapeya (beside kalpi^ya).

e. The root grab (also its doublet glab) takes 1 instead of i, as it
does also in the aorlst and elsewhere.

987. This future is comparatively rare in the oldest language — in
part, apparently, because the uses of a future are to a large extent answered
by subjunctive forms — but becomes more and more common later. Thus,
the BY. has only seventeen occurrences of personal forms, from nine diiferent
roots (with participles from six additional roots); the AY. has fifty occurrences,
from twenty-five roots (with participles from seven more); but the TS. has
occurrences (personal forms and participles together) from over sixty roots;
and forms from more than a hundred and fifty roots are quotable from the
older texts.

Modes of tbe s-fature.

988. Mode-forms of the future are of the utmost rarity. The only
example in the older language is kaxi^y^, 2d sing. subj. act., occurring
once (or twice) in BY. (AB. has once notsy&vabfti, and GB. has efyA-
mabfti* taAsyfimab&i, Btbisy&mab&i, but they are doubtless false

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938—] XII. Future-systems. 334

readings for -he. Two or three optative forms are found in tbe epics : thus,
dhalqiyet and maftsyeran (MBh.), and drak^yeta (R.); also an imper-
atire patayantu (Har.). And several 2d pi. mid. in dhvam are quotable
from the epics : thus, vetayadhTam, savi^adhTam, and (the caosatiTe)
kfilaylfyadh-rtiin (PB.) and JlTayi^yadhvam (MBh.: and one text has
mok^yadhvam at i. 133. 13, where the othw reads mokfayadhvam),
and bhavl^yadhvam (MBh. R.) : it is a matter of question whether these
are to be accounted a real imperative formation, or an epic substitution of
secondary for primary endings (compare 642 a).

Fartioiples of the s-fature.

939. Participles axe made from the future-stem precisely
as £rom a present-stem in 3Ef a: namely, by adding in the
active the ending tT nt, in the middle the ending ^TH m&na;
the accent remains upon the stem. Thus, from the verbs
instanced above, ^THTFT dSsy&nt and <^|fHHH dSsydmSna^
ehf(fi.Utl karify&nt and c^f^mHIUI karl^yimB^.

a. According to the grammarians, the feminine of the active participle
is made either in &nti or in atlj hut only the former has heen noted as
occurring in the older language, and the latter is everywhere extremely
rare : see above, 449 e» f •

b. In BY. occurs once ettfyanti, from yB% with anomalous aocent*
nation.

Preterit of the s-future: Conditional.

940. From the future-stem is made an augment-preterit,
by prefixing the augment and adding the secondary endings,
in precisely the same manner as an imperfect from a present-
stem in ^ a. This preterit is called the conditional.

a. It stands related to the future, in form and meaning, as the Fren^
conditional aurais to the future auroi, or as the English would hat>e to
toiU have — nearly as the German wUrde haben to toerde haben.

b. Thus, from the roots already instanced:

active. middle,

s. d. p. s. d. p.

1 35r5TFlR^ *l<l^iJN *I<IVUIH 3EI^ ^HTT^ M<[VUIhR>
^dSsyam idftsyftva &d&8y&ma 4dft0ye &disy&vahi &dfiByfimahl

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335 The Conditional. [—948

2 H{\krUk\^ SRJFOrPT^ *<<.IVUH Jy<lfU8IW^ ^<lfI)«IW^ 35|^IHra^
idSsyas idftsyataxn ftdftsyata idftsyathfts ^dftsyethftm Adfiayadhvam

Adfisyat &dft8yatSm ^dftsyan idftsyata ftdftsyetfim ^dftsyanta

1

*Hl(^yH^ *Hf(^UW ***n^W Jgsfrf{^ M4it(^Nr^ Mchf(miHf^

i^Larifyam ikari^yftva ikari^yfima ^kfiri^ye Akari^yftvahi ftkarifyftmahi

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

941. The conditional is the rarest of all the forms of the Sanskrit
Terb. The RV. has bat a single example, dbhari^yat was going to carry
off, and none of the Vedic texts famishes another. In the BrShmanas it
is hardly more common — except in QB., where it is met with more than
fifty times. Nor does it, like the future, become more frequent later: not
an example occurs in Nala, Bhagavad-Gita, or Hitopade9a; only one in
Manu; and two in Qakuntala. In the whole MBh. (Holtzmann) it is found
about twenty-fire times, f^om thirteen roots. The middle forms are ex-
tremely few.

II. The Periphrastic Future.

942. a. This formation contains only a single indicative
active tense (or also middle: see 947), without modes, or
paitioiple, or preterit.

b. It consists in a derivative nomen agentis, having the
value of a future active participle, and used, either with
or without an accompanying auxiliary, in the office of a
verbal tense with future meaning.

943. The noun is formed by the suffix ^ tf (or fTJ"

tar); and this (as in its other than verbal uses: see 1182]

is added to the root either directly or with a preceding

auxiliary vowel 3^ i, the root itself being strengthened by

sru^ but the accent resting on the suffix: thus, ^fT dStf

from y^ dS give ; SRcT kartf from y^ ky make ; H^FT bhavitf

from VH bhtl be,

a. As regards the presence or absence of the vowel i, the usage is
said by the grammarians to be generally the same as in the B-future from
the same root (above, 935). .The most important exception is that the
roots in x take no i : thas, kaii^ (against karifya) ; roots han and gam
show the same difference ; while v^t^ vjdh, and syand have i here, though

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^48—] XII. Future-systems. 336

not in the B-futnre. The few forms which occur in the older Ungnsge
agree with these statements.

044. In the third persons, the nom. masc. of the noun,

in the three numbers respectively (873), is used without

auxiliary: thus, H^FTT bhavitfi he or she or it toill he\

H^Trnft bhavitSrau both will be; HUr\\{k\ bhavitfiras they

toill be. In the other persons, the first and second persons

present of y^i^ as be (636) are used as auxiliary; and they

are combined, in all numbers, with the singular nom. maso.

of the noun.

a. Thus, from y^ dS give:

active,
s. d. p.

i ^IHlfw ^HIHH^ <IHIHIH^

datasmi d&tasvas dftt&maB

dfttasi dataathaa dfttastha

d&ti dattrftn d&t&ras

b. Occasionally, in the epics and later (almost ne^er in the older
language), the norm of the tense as given above is in varioaB respects de-
parted from: thus, by use of the auxiliary in the 3d person also; by its
omission in the 1st or 2d person; by iuyersion of the order of noun and
auxiliary; by interposition of other words between them; by use of a dual
or plural nom. with the auxiliary; and by use of a feminine form of the
noun. Examples are: vaktft 'sti (MBh.) hs toill speak; nlhantft (MBh.)
/ shall or thou wilt strike down^ yoddhft 'ham (R.) / shall Jight, aliaih
dra9t& (MBh.) / shall see, kartA liaih te (BhP.) / wHl do for thee^
tvaih bhavitfi (MBh. Megh.) thou wilt be; asm! gantfi (MBh.) I shall
go] pratigrahitfi tfim asm! (MBh.) I wiU receive her, hant&tvam asi
(MBh.) thou wilt slay; kartfirfiu sval^ (BIBh.) we two shall do; dra^fry
asmi (MBh.) / (f.) shall see, ndbhavitri (Nai?.) she will increase,
gantrl (Y.) she will go. AB. has once sotfi as 2d sing., thou wiU press;
JUB. makes the combination 9ma9fin&]ii bhavitfiras the cemeteries
win be.

c. An optative of the auxiliary appears to be once used, in yocUlhfi
syam / would Jight (R. i. 22. 25 Peterson ; but the Bombay edition Te«ds
yoddhuih yfisyftmi).

945. The accent in these combinatioDS, as in all the ordinary
cases of collocation of a verb with a preceding predicate noun or

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337 Periphrastic Future. [—848

adjective (582), is on the noun itself; and, unlike all the true verbal
forms, the combination retains its accent everywhere even in an in-
dependent clause: thus, t&rhi vi atiu&ftro bhavitasmi {QB.) then I
shaU be out of danger (where bbavifyftmi, if used, would be accent-
less). Whether in a dependent clause the auxiliary verb would take
an accent (586), and whether, if so, at the expense of the accent of
the noun (as in the case of a preposition compounded with a verb-
form: 1088 b), we are without the means of determining.

846. In the Yeda, the nomina ageniis in tf or tar, like Tarions other
derivative nonns (871), but with especial freqaency, are used in participial
construction, governing the accasatlve if they come from roots whose verbal
forms do so (1 188). Often, also, they are used predicatively, with or without
accompanying copula ; yet without any implication of time ; they are not the
beginnings, but only the forerunners, of a new tense-formation. Generally,
when they have a participial value, the root-syllable (or a prefix preceding
it) has the accent. The tense-use begins, but rather sparingly, In the
Brahmanas (from which about thirty forms are quotable) ; and it grows more
common later, though the periphrastic future is nowhere nearly so frequent
as the 8-future (it is quotable later firom about thirty additional roots).

847. a« A few Isolated attempts are made In the Brahmanas to form
by analogy middle persons to this future, with endings corresponding after
the usual fashion to those of the active persons. Thus, TS. has once pra-
yoktaae / wiU apply (standing related to prayokt&smi as, for example,
9&8e to ^ismi); QB. has Qayitase thou shalt lie (similarly related to
^ayitisi) ; and TB. has ya^t&mabe toe toiU make offering^ But In TA.
l8 found (1. 11) ya^t&e as 1st sing., showing a phonetic correspondence of
a problematic character, not elsewhere met with in the language.

b. On the basis of such tentative formations as these, the native
grammarians set up a complete middle Inflection for the periphrastic ftiture,
as follows:

s. d. p.

1 dfttihe d&tasvahe d&taamahe

2 dfttase dfttaa&the dfttidhve

3 dftta dftt&fiu dfttlbraa

o. Only a single example of such a middle has been brought to light
in the later language, namely (the causative) darQayitfthe (Naif.).

Uses of the Futures and Conditional.

848. As the s-future is the commoner, so also it is the one
more indefinitely used. It expresses in general what is going to take
place at some time to come — but often, as in other languages, add-
ing on the one hand an implication of will or intention, or on the
other hand that of promise or threatening.

Whitaey, Grammar. 3. ed. 22

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948—] XII. Future-systems. 338

a. A few examples are: varfify&ty fiis&mah paij&nyo vf^tim&n
bhavi^ysti (QB.) it is going to rain : Parjanya is going to be rich in ram
this year; jka t4n n& v6da kim ipot kari^yati (RV.) whoever does not
know that J what will he do with verse t i vil vay&m agnl dhftsy&malie
*tha ytiy&ih kiih kari^yatha (9B.) we are going to build the twojires :
then what will you do f t&m indro 'bhytdudrftva hanify&n (C!B.) him
Indra ran at, intending to slay; 3r&dy eva kari^y^tha sak&ih dev&ir
yajfiiyftso bhavi^yatha (RV.) if ye will do thus, ye shall be worthy of
the sacrifice along with the gods; dintfts te Qatsyanti (AY.) thy teeth will
fall out; n& marifyasi ma bibhe^t (^^-) ^^o^ ^^^ ^^^ <^^> ^^ ^^^
afraid; bruhi kva yftsyasi (MBh.) teU us; where are you going to got
yadi mftih praty&khyftsyaBi vi^am ftsth&sye (MBh.) if you shall refect
me, I will resort to poison. As in other languages, the tense is also some-
times used for the expression of a conjecture or presumption: thus: ko
'yaih devo gandharvo v& bhavi^yati (MBh.) who is this f heis doubtless
a god, or a Oandharva; adya Bvap8yanti(MBb.) they must be sleeping now,

b. The spheres of future and desideratiye border upon one another,
and the one is sometimes met with where tlie other might be expected.
Examples of the future taken in a quasi-desiderative sense are as follows,
y&d da^use bhadr&ih karify&si tkve 't t&t BBtykm (RV.) whta
favor thou wiliest to bestow on thy worshiper, thai of thee becometh actual
{is surely brought about); y4thft 'ny&d vadi^y&nt b6 'njr&d vAdet
((B.) as if intending to say one thing, one were to say another.

949. The periphrastic future is defined by the grammarianB as
expressing something to be done at a definite time to come. And
this, though but faintly traceable in later use, is a distinct character^
istic of the formation in the language where it first makes its ap-
pearance. It is especially often used along with qv&B tomorrow.

a. A few examples are: adyA vai^ifyati ... qv6 vraft^ (MS.) it is
going to rain today: it will rain tomorrow ; yatarftn v& Ime Qva^ kami-
tftraa te jetSras (K.) whichever of two parties these shall choose tomorrow,
they will conquer; prftt&r ya^faamahe (IB.) we shcUl sacrifice tomorrow
morning; ityah6 vah paktasmi ((B.) on such and such a day I wiU
cook for you; t&n ma ^kftih ratrim Ante Qayitase jftt& a te 'y&ih
t&rhi putr6 bhaviti (QB.) then you shall lie with me one night, and at
that time this son of yours will be bom. In other cases, this deflnltenesfl
of time is wanting, but an emphasis, as of special certainty, seems perhaps
to belong to the form: thus, bibhfhi m& p&rayiiffyami tv6 *ti: kAamiin
mft parayifyftBl ty &ughi imah e&rvfi^ praja nirvo^hi, tdtas tvS
pftrayitasmi 'ti (fB.) support me and I will save you, said it. From
what will you save me f said he. A flood is going to carry off aU these
creatures: from that I wHl save you, said it; paridevayfiiii oakrire
mahao ohokabhayaih prftptftsmal^ (GB) they set up a lamentation: ^we
are going to meet with great pain anddrea^', ya^e 'yakfi ya^fihe oa
(TA.) I sacrifice, I have sacrificed, and I shall sacriflce. In yet other cases,

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339 Ubbs op the Futures and Conditional. [—950

in the older langnage even, and yet more in the later, this fatare appears
to he equivalent to the other: thns, praj&yftm enaih vijfiftt&smo yadi
vidvftn ▼& Jnhoty avldvftn v& (AB.) in his children we shall know Aim,
toheiher he is one that sacrifices with knowledge or without knowledge) vak-
t&nno vft idaih devebhya]^ (AB.) we shaU tell this to the gods; yadi
svftrtho mamft *pi bbavltft tata evaih BVfirthaifa karify&mi (MBh.)
if later my own affair shall come up^ then I will attend to my own affair\
kathaih tu bhavit&sy eka iti tv&ih n^pa 90ciini (MBh.) hut how wtU
you get along alone t thatj O king, is the cause of tny grief about you.

950. The conditional would seem to be most originally and
properly nsed to signify that something was going to be done. And
this valae it has in its only Vedio occurrence, and occasionally else-
where. But usually it has the sense ordinarily called ^^conditional";
and in the great majority of its occurrences it is found (like the sub-
junctive and the optative, when used with the same value) in both
clauses of a conditional sentence.

a. Thus, y6 v^^traya sinam ktti 'bbari^yat pr& t4ih j&nitri
vidd^a uv&pa (RV.) him, who was going here to carry off Vritrds wealth;
his mother proclaimed to the knowing one; 9atfiyuih gftni akaxifyam
(AB.) / was going to make (should have made) the cow live a hundred years
(in other versions of the same story is added the other clause, in which the
conditional has a value more removed from its original: thus, in GB., if
you, viUain, had not stopped [prSfiprabi^yalpL] my mouth); t&ta ev& 'sya
bhay^ib "vi Vft7& k&Bmftd dby ibbe^yad dvltly&d vft£ bhay&ih
bhavati (9^0 thereupon his fear departed; for of whom was he to be
afraid f occasion of fear arises from a second person ; utpap&ta oir&di
t4n mane y&d vlUal^ pary4dliaayata (^B.) he leaped up: he thought
it long that he should put on a garment; Bk t&d ev4 ni *vindat
prajapatir y&tra liofyat (MS.) Prqfapati, verily, did not then find
where he was to (should) sacrifice; evaih cen n& Vak^yo m&rdb& te
vyapati^yat (GB.) if you should not speak thus, your head would fiy
ojT; B& y4d dbSi tavad ev^ 'bbavl^yad yavatyo hfti *vt 'gre praja^
ar^fta t^vatyo hfti 'vk 'bhavifyan n& prii 'jani^yanta ((B.) if he
h€ul been only so much, there would have been only so many living creatures
as were created at first; they would have had no progeny; kilii vft
nbhavi^yad arui^aa tamasftih vibhettft taih oet sahasrakirai^o
dliuri nft nEarifyat (50 would the Dawn, forsooth, be the scatterer of
the darkness, if the thousand^rayed one did not set her on the front of
his chariot f

22*

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961—] Xin. Vbrbal Adjeotivbs and Nouns. 340

CHAPTER XIII.

VERBAL ADJECTIVES AND NOUNS: PARTICIPLES,
INFINITIVES, GERUNDS.

961. a. Those verbal adjectives, or participles, which are made
from tense-stems, and so constitute a part of the various tense-
systems, have been already treated. It remains to describe certain
others, which, being made directly from the root itself, belong to the
verbal system as a whole, and not to any particular part of it

b. The infinitive (with a few sporadic exceptions in the older
language) also comes in all cases from the root directly, and not from
any of the derived tense-stems.

o. The same is true of the so-called gerunds, or indeclinable
participles.

Passive Participle in td or n&.

952. By the accented suffix cT td — or, in a compar-
atively small number of verbs, ^ n& — is formed a verbal
adjective which, when coming from transitive verbs, quali-
fies anything as having endured the action expressed by
the verb: thus, ^ dattd given; 3^ uktd spoken. Hence
it is usually called the passive participle; or, to distinguish
it from the participle belonging to the passive present^
system (771), the past passive participle.

a. When made from an intransitive or neuter verb, the
same participle, as in other languages, has no passive but
only an indefinite past sense: thus, TIrT g&ta ffone) HcT bhtLta
been; tlfrlH veMtA fallen.

963. In general, this participle is made by adding cT

ta to the bare verbal root, with observation of the ordinary

rules of euphonic combination.

a. Some roots, however, require the prefixion of the auxiliary
vowel i to the suffix. For these, and for the verbs that add ni
instead of t&, see below, 966, 967.

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341 Passive Participle in ta or na. [—955

b. As to the accent when the root is preceded by a preposition,
see 1085 a.

954. The root before rT t& has usually its weakest form,
if there is anywhere in the verbal system a distinction of
weak and strong forms. Thus:

a. A penultimate nasal is not seldom dropped: examples are
akt& (>/afiJ), baddh& f>a>andh^» 9rabdha (f^Qrambh), daffi {ydatq),
srasta (^/BraAs), b&fl^a (f^afih).

b. Boots which are abbreviated in the weak forms of the per-
fect (794) suffer the same abbreviation here: examples are ukt&
(f/vac), xi^\k (yvBLB shine) J upt& (y'vap: also vapta), a<}h& ()/vah),
Buptd (v'Bvap), i^fti iVjaSU vlddM (^vyadh) ; — and, by a similar
procedure, >/pracli (or pra^) makes ppi^k, Kbhrafi^ makes bh^^fa
(beside the regular bhraffi), and y<;Tti boil makes <$TptA (beside 9rftt&].

o. Final & is weakened ta i in glt& ( /gft Wn^}, dhltk (ydhtL suck)j
-pltk (Vp& drink) f sphita-, and Jit&, viti, 9lt& are made from the roots
Jyft, vyft, 9yft, (or jl etc.); — and further to i in ohit& (beside chfttd),
dita (|/dft divide and dd bind), drita (P ydr& sleep), hitA (ydhSiput:
with h for dh; but dhita also occurs in V.)) taitk {ym& measure), 9it&
(,also 9ftta), Bit&, Bthitd.

dr A final m is lost after a in gati, natd, yatd, rat& (from }/gam
etc.); and a final n in kfata, tati* mati* hat4. As to the other roots
in am and an taking ta, see 955 a, b.

e. More isolated cases are -tlta (RV. : ]/*▼)> ^*^ o' ^^ (V'v* weave),
91^(4 (also 9S8ta: |^9ft8), mortA (referred to )/murch). As to -gdha
and jagdhA, see 238 f.

f. Oil the other hand, }/Bvad makes BV&ttA.

956. Of more irregular character are the following:

a. A number of roots ending in am retain the nasal, and lengthen
the radical vowel (as also in some others of their verbal forms: thus,
kftihtA, krfiihtA, klftiiit&, k^ftiiita, cfiiiita, tftihtA, dfiiiiti, bhrftihta,
vftihtAt 9fiiiitA (}9am be quiet) , 9rftiiit& (from ykam etc.); and one
in an, dhvan sound, makes dbvftnlA.

b. A few roots in an make their participle from another root-form
in a: thus, khfttA, j&IA, -v&ta, B&tA; dham has both dhamitd and
dhmStd.

o. Certain rooto in Iv take their yU-form (765 a) : thus, dyut4 (ydiv
play), ^thjrnta, sy^tA; but ymiv makes -mata.

d. From roots in changeable x (generally taking na: 957 b) are made
also pfirt& ()/pf fiU\ beside pfta), 9irta and 9urtA (yiff crush)) and
9irta \s farther made from yffti mix.

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965—] XIII. Verbal Adjectives and Nouns. 342

e. Double forms are mi]gdli& and mtl^^a, sft^^ ^^^ BOijiha, dli&rta
and dliruta, hv^ta and hrat&.

f. The root d& give makes datt& (from the secondaiy root-form dad;
but d&ta also in Y.). Bat the anomaloasly contracted form -tta (a« if
for d&ta, with the radical vowel lost) is also frequent in composition, es-
pecially with prepositions: thus, itta, &nutta» p&rltta, pr&tta, pr&titta;
rarely with other elements, as dev&tta, punartta, m&rdtta(?). And the
same abbroTlated form comes from )/dft divids in &vatta.

g. The roots making participles in both ta and ita^ or ta and na, or
in. all three, will be noted in the next two paragraphs.

966. The suffix with ^ i, oi in the form ^ ltd, is

used especially with roots having finals that are only with

difficulty, if at all, combinable with fT t according to the

usual analogies of the language, and often with roots of a

secondary, derivative, or late character; but also not seldom

with original roots.

a. Thus, of roots presenting difficulties of combination : — 1. all that
end in two consonants (save those of which one consonant is lost by a weak-
ening process: 954 a»b): e. g. Qalik* valg» vftftch, laif» ubj» oe^f,
ghQn^y katth» nind, Jalp, cumb, umbh, khall, pinv, 9aA8 (also
9a8t&)» rakf, hiAs, garh (in all, oyer fifty); but tak^ makes taft&; —
2. all that end in Unguals (including ^ after a or ft): e. g. a\, trvi\, pafh,
lufh, I(JU vra(JU bhaj^ ka^, bhft9;~3. all that end in surd spirants:
e. g. likh, grathy nftth» kuth, riph» guph; — 4. all that end in 1: e. g.
cal, gil, mH, lul, khel; — 5. all that end in other persistent semivowels :
namely, carv (also can^a), Jiv (for the other roots in iv, see 956 o),
dh&v ruriy sev, day, vyay, ptXy; — 6. ujh. — This class includes more
than half of the whole number that take only ita.

b. Of other roots ending in consonants: — 1. in guttarals, oak, 4^&uk
(9ak has both ta and ita); Qlftgh; — 2. in palaUls, ac (also akn&},
nCy kuc, kliao» yfto» rue; ai?, kQJ» vr^j, also tyai and m^J in late
texts (usually tyakt& and mr^fi) ; — 3. in dentals, at» pat» 9oat» also
yat in epos (elsewhere only yatti) ; krad, khftd, gad, cud, nad, mad,
m^d, rad, rud, vad, vid know^ hr&d; also nud in epos (elsewhere
nutt& and nunna); mad has both matt& and maditd (the majority
of roou in d take na: 967 d)-, edh, k^udh, gadh, dudh, n&dh,
bftdh, spardh; an, in, kvan, dhvan, pan, ran ringy van, stan,
svan, and dhvan (also dhvftnt&); — 4. in labials, cup, yup, rup,
and usually kup (kupta late) and lap (lapta epic), occasionally k^p,
gup, tap, dfp, vap, Qap, while Jap has both ta and ita; grabh
(gfbblt^), 9ubh, skabh, and occasionally lubb, while kfubh and
■tabh hsTo both forms; tim, dham, 9am labors stim, and kfam in
epos (also kffiihta) ; — 5. in spirants, a^ eat^ Iq, kft^, k^Q, vft^, Qa^,

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343 Passive Participle in ta or na. [—967

yrhUe pi9 hu both formi, and 111^9 takes ita only late; I9 send, X9, kof,
t79> tvi^, pruf , mify ra9» he^, hreij^ also muf except late, while dh^,
ruf, and h^ sbow both forms; ft8» bhas, bhfts, ras, las, vas clot?iey
has, also as throw occasionally, while kas, gras, yas, vas shiney vas
dtoellj 9fts (with <ii^\k and 9ftsta), 9vaB, and hras make both forms;
ih, grab (g^bitd), jab (secondary form of bft), mab, rab, and occasionally
ub remove^ while g&h has both forms.

o. Of roots ending in vowels, only 91 /te, which makes 9ayita (with
guna of root, as elsewhere: 629).

d. In general, a root maintains its fall form before Ita; bat there
are a few exceptions: thus, g^bbit^ and g^bitd (the root being reckoned
as grabb and grab: see 729), udit& (also vadita in the later langnage),
ufita ()/vas ahinei beside U9t&), u^ita (f/vas dwell-, also sporadically
vasita and VL^\a,\ ukfit^ (f^vakf increase), qittdtk (>/9ratb). From
ymipi are made both mrjita and mftrjita (with strengthening as in present
and elsewhere: 627), beside nqMjft^.

e. Instead of i, long i is taken In g^bbitd and g^bit^.

957. The suffix T nd (always without auxiliary ^ i) is
taken instead of rT t& by a number of roots (about seventy).
Thus:

a. Certain roots in ft: thus, k^ft, gift, drft run, drft sleep, (also
dritaP), mlft (also mlftt&), vft blow (also vftta), 9yft (also 9IQ&), styft,
bft leave (also bln& and bftta), ba go forth; and dft divide makes din&
(also dita and -tta). Farther, certain roots in i- and u-Towels: thus, kfi
destroy (kfii^a; also kfit&), (jli, pi, Ii cling, vli, 9I or 9yft coagulate
(beside 9yftna and 9ita), bri (beside brita)*, du burn (also duta), 1%
9fi; and div lament makes dyOna (compare 765).

b. Koots in f, which before the suffix becomes ir or ur: the forms
are, an^ (late; beside ^), km^ ()/k^ scatter), f^n^k (y^g^ swallow),
jin^& and jtin^ (|/Jr waste away), tln^k and tun^ (also turt&), dlr^
(y^d^ pierce: also d^), pun^i (ypipjlll: also purt4 and p^a), mOri^
(ymf crush), <flnjA (1/97 crush: also 9irta and 9art&P), stirpA (also
Btfta). Of like character with these ate in^ from ylr, oingia (beside
oarita) from y'oar, gun^ (beside gUrtd) from >/gar, a secondary form
of gf > Ai^d oun^ (beside oarvita) from yoaxv, which is also plainly a
secondary root.

o. A few roots ending in j (which becomes g before the suffix against
the usual rale of internal combination: 216 f): thus, bbagna (ybbaiy),
bbugna (yl>buj bend), magn4 (y'majj), nig^i, vigna (beside vikta).
Farther, two or three ending in o (similarly treated): thas, akn& (>/ac
or aSio : also aoita and afioita), vfki^ (>/vra9o), and apparently -p|pg]^
(BY., once: with doubly irregular change of root-final, from y^PlT^'). And
one root in g, lagna.

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967—] XIII. Verbal Adjectives and Noums. 344

d. A considerable number, some of them Tery common ones, of roots
in d (which, against ordinary rule, becomes n before the sufQx: 157 b).
The forms are: anna (also utta), ari^aF, klinna, kfxu^na, k^vi^i^a,
Tr^jTiTiA, channa, ohinni, ch^^nA, tunnd, tpgin^, nunna (also nntt&
and nndita), pannA, bhinn4, vinna (yvidjind: also vitti), ^anna
{yqadfaU)^ 8ann& (also 8att&), 8kann& (|/8kand), Byann& (i/syand),
svinnd, hanna. And &nna food, in spite of its different -accent, appears
to be a like formation from i^ad etU.

968. The native grammarians reckon as participles of this for-
mation a few miscellaneous derivative adjectives, coming from roots
which do not make a regular participle: such are k^&ma fttim^, k^r9^
emaciated^ pakv& ripe^ phull4 expanded, 9afka dry.

Past Active Participle in tavant (or navant).

969. From the past passive participle, of whatever
formation, is made, by adding the possessive suffix cTFT
vant, a secondary derivative having the meaning and con-
struction of a perfect active participle: for example, rTrT
ohHolH tdt krt&vSn having done that] taih niglni^vSn having
swallowed him dovm. Its inflection is like that of other
derivatives made with this suf&x (462 ff.); its feminine ends
in clcfi vatf; its accent remains on the participle.

960. DeriyatiYe words of this formation are found in RY., but without
anything like a participial value. The AY. has a single example, with par-
ticipial meaning: a^itjvaty dtithftu one^e guest having eaten (loc. abs.).
In the Brahma^as also it is hardly met with. In the later language, however,
it comes to be quite common. And there it is chiefly used predloatively,
and oftenest without copula expressed, or with the Talue of a personal verb-
form in a past tense: primarily, and not seldom, signifying immediate past,
or having a true **perfect'' value ; but also (like the old perfect and the old
aorist in later use) coming to be freely used for indefinite time, or with the
value of the imperfect (779). For example : mftih na ka^oid dpiftavfiii
no one has seen (or saw) me\ sa nakulaih vyftpftditavftn he destroyed
the ichneumon; or, with copula, mahat kfoehraxh prftptavaty asi thou
hast fallen upon great misery. Although originally and properly made
only from transitive verbs (with an object, to which the participle in ta
stands in the relation of an objective predicative), it is finally found also
from intransitives: thus, ctxtena 8a]ii9ritavatl (Q.) has become united
with the numgo'tree] gatavati (ib.) she has gone.

a* The same participle is also made in the secondary conjugations:
e. g. dar^itavant having shown, prabodhitavant having awakened.

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345 * Gerundives. [—968

b. PosseMlTOS also in in made from passlTe participles are some-
times found used in an analognos manner, nearly as perfect actiye partici-
ples: h, g. iftli^ having sacrificed, vijitino maiiyamfiii&^ (AB.) thinking
themselves to have conquered.

Future Passive Fartioiples: Gerundives.

961. Certain derivative adjectives (for the most part
more oi less clearly secondary derivatives) have acquired in
the language a value as qualifying something which is to,
or which ought to, suffer the action expressed by the root
from which they come; and they are allowed to be made
from every verb. Hence they are, like more proper par-
ticiples, sometimes treated as a part of the general verbal
system, and called future passive participles, or gerundives
(like the Latin forms in ndus^ to which they correspond in
meaning).

962. The suffixes by which such gerundives are regu-
larly and ordinarily made are three: namely ITya, cTS^I tavya,
and Cpftir anXya.

a. DeriYatives in ya having this value are made iu all periods of the
language, from the earliest down; the other two are of more modem origin,
being entirely wanting in the oldest Veda (RV.), and hardly linown in the
later. Other derivatives of a simUar character, which afterward disappear
from nse, are fonnd in the Veda (966).

968. The suffix ya in its gerundive use has nothing to dis-
tinguish it from the same suffix as employed to make adjectives and
nouns of other character (see below, 1218). And it exhibits also the
same variety in the treatment of the root.

a. The original valne of the snfflx is ia, and as such it has to be read
in the very great minority of its Yedlc occurrences. Hence the conversion
of e and o to ay and av before it (see below).

b. Thus: 1. Final ft becomes e before the suffix: ddya, dhyeya,
khydya, m6ya (perhaps da-ia etc., with euphonic y interposed); but
RV. has once -Jfiftya. — 2. The other vowels either remain unchang-
ed, or have the gui^ or the v^pddhi strengthening; and e usually
and o always are treated before the ya as they would be before a
vowel: thus, -k^ayya, J&yya, bh&yya, Iftyya; n&vya, bh&vya, h&vya,
bhftvy&; vJbrya: and, in the later language, nlya, Jeya, dhUya (such
cases are wanting earlier). In a few instances, a short vowel adds t

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9ed^] Xin. Verbal Adjbotives and Nouns. 346

before the suffix : thas, itya, mitya» ^riitya, stutya, k^tya (the only
Yedic examples). — 3. Medial a remains unchanged or is lengthened:
thus, d&bhya, v&ndya, B&dya; midya, vtcya. — 4. Medial 1% n-,
and ip-vowels are unchanged or have the gtu^a-strengthening: thus,
i^a, guhya, db^ya; dv^fya, y6dhya, m&rjya.

o. The BY. has about forty examples of this geiundlTe, and the AY.
adds half as many more. Kxcept in bhftviA (once), the accent In BY.
is always on the root; AY. has several cases of accent on the i of the
suffix (hence written ftdyk» ^ykf -vy&dhyk* -dhar^yk). According to
the grammarians, the accent is on the root or else the ending is circum-
flexed: always the former, if the ya follow a vowel.

964. a. The suffix tavya is a secondary adjectiye derirative
from the infinitiyal noun in tu (below, 968), made by adding the
suffix ya (properly la, whence the accent yk), before which the final a,
as usual (1208 a), has gtu^a-strengthening, and is resolved into av.

b. Hence, as regards both the form taken by the root and the
use or omission of an auxiliary vowel i before the tavya, the rules
are the same as for the formation of the infinitive (below, 968).

c. No example of this formation is found in BY., and in AY. occur
only two, Janitavyk and hUuiitavylt. In the Brahmana language it be-
gins to be not rare, and is made both from the simple root and ftom the
derived conjugational stems (next chapter); in the classical language it is
still more frequent. According to the grammarians, the accent of the word
is either circumflex on the final or acute on the penult: thus, kartavyk
or kart&vya; in the accentuated texts, it is always the former (the accent
t&vya given to certain gerandives in the Petersburg lexicons is an errors
growing out of the ambiguous accentuation of QB.: 88 e).

966. a. The suffix aniya is in like manner the product of
secondary derivation, made by adding the a<](jective suffix lya (1216)
to a nomen acUonis formed by the common suffix ana.

b. It follows, then, as regards its mode of formation, the rules
for the suffix ana (below, 1150).

0. This derivative also is unknown in BY., and in AY. is found only
in upiHilvaniya and ftmantra^^a (in both of which, moreover, its dis-
tinct gerundive value admits of question). In the Brahmanas (where less
than a dozen examples of it have been noted), and in the later language,
it is less common than the gerundive in tavya. Its accent, as in all the
derivatives i^th the suffix lya, is on the penult: thus, karanfya.

966. Other formations of kindred value are found in the Yeda as
follows :

a« Gerundives in tua or tva, apparently made from th^ infinitival
noun in tu with the added suffix a (1209). They are kirtua (in two
occurrences kArtva), -gaihtva, j&ntua, j^tua, n&iiitua, v&ktua, Botua,

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

347 Infinitives. [—968

snitua, h&ntufiy h6tiia» hotva; and, with auxiliary i (or I), J&nitva,
B&nitva, bh&vitva.

b. GerandiTos in enla or enya (compare 1217): they are ik^ei^a,
If^nia, oar^^ia, d^dnla, -dvi^e^a, bhufei^a, yudh^nla, v&re^a
(and bhi^enya BhP.); with one example from an apparent aorist-stem,
yaihs^nya, and three or four from secondary Terh-stems (seehelow, 1019,
1088, 1068 a).

o. GerandlTes in ^lyia (once tyya: compare 1218): they are dak-
ftyia, pandyifik, vidiyia, ^rav^jria, hnavftyia ; with a few from secon-
dary conjugation-stems (below, 1019, 1038, 1061, 1068 a); and sta^yia
is of dose kindred with them.

d. A few adjeetiYes in elima, as paoelima, bhidelima (only these
quotable), are reckoned as gerundives by the grammarians.

967. The divifiioQ-line between participial and ordinary adjec-
tives is less strictly drawn in Sanskrit than in the other Indo-Euro-
pean languages. Thus, adjectives in u, as will be seen later (1178),
from secondary conjngational stems, have participial value ; and in
the Brahmanas (with an example or two in AY.) is found widely and
commonly used a participial adjective formed with the suffix uka
(1180).

Infinitives.

968. The later language hss only a single infinitive,
which is the accusative case of a verbal noun formed by the
suffix ^ tu, added to the root usually directly, but often also
with aid of the preceding auxiliary vowel ^ i. The form of
the infinitive ending, therefore, is HR turn or ^^R itum. The
root has the gu^-strengthening, and is accented. Thus, for
example, ^giT^itum' from y^ i; ofi^iT kdrtum from y/^ ky;
^f^gJT^oiritum from y^ car ; HfolHH bhdvitum from y^ bha.

a. As regards the use or omission of 1, the infinitive (as also
the gerund in tvft: 991) follows in general the analogy of the passive
participle (966). Examples are (with the gerund added) as follows:
dagdhi, d&gdhum, dagdhvi from ydah; bhinni, bh^ttnm, bhittvt
from /bhid; mat4» m&ntaxn» matva from y^man; u4]i&» vd^lium,
Q^hva from i^vah; patit4» p&titum, patitva from Vpat; 3rftoit&,
3^itiun, yftoitvt from >^yftc; 9ayit&, 9&yitum, Qayitvi from yqi.
But certain exceptions and special cases require notice. Thus:

b. Of roots having no quotable participle, inflnitiTe stems in tu are
made from ad, sagh; in itu from ufioh, tlh consider^ kij^p, lui^th,
lok, Bvar; and in both from yabh.

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968--J XIII. Verbal Adjectives and Nouns. 348

o. Of roots making participles of both forms, an infinitive stem in
tu only is quotable for kfip, kfubh, tap, tyaj, m^^, lubh, vas tkinef
9ak, stabh; only in itu for gfth, oarv, Jap, mad, yat, van, ^afts,
Qvaa; in botb for as throw, tih remove, gup, oar, m^j (m&r^to, mftr-
jitu), lap, vas dweli, ^ap, ^fts.

d. Also in a number of other cases (besides those already noticed) an
infinitive stem is made both with and without i. Thus, in addition to the
more regular form, a stem in itu is occasionally met with from roots a^
attain, if seek, bandh, bhaj, yi^ (Qitum), rudh obstruct, mh, v^f,
sad (siditum), sah, han, hf; and one in tu from roots &s, bhft^ vid
know. Both forms occur also from certain am-roots, namely xuun, ysjn,
ram, and, with ft before tu as in the pple, kram and bhram (k^am
has only kfaiiitu, against the analogy of kfftiiita); further, from certain
roots in variable y , namely tf (tartu, tarStu), Tf cover (v&rtu, varitu),
and stf (startu, staritu, st&ritu) (but from qjp erueh occur only Q^uritu,
Qaritu, and from vf choose only vaiitu; while gf swallow and PX J^
make their infinitive f^om other root-forms, namely giritum, pfiritum);
Airther, firom a few Towel-roots, namely nl, oyu, sfl (stitu); and finally
from k^, zqrt, ^uo.

e. Against the analogy of the participle, infinitive-stems in itu after
a final consonant are made from the roots av, k^an, khan and Jan (the
pples coming from khft and Jft), guh, Jabh, tam, div plai/ and div
lament (both devitu), mi^Jt vqpt, v^dh, b^P; and after a final vowel,
f^om roots in % namely pu, bhil, sfl (also sutu), and from ^ri and ^vi ;
as to roots in variable |*, see just above, d.

f. As the infinitive is made from the (accented and) strengthened
root, so it naturally has, as a rule, the stronger or faller root-form where
a weaker or contracted form is taken by the participle (and gerund in
tva): e. g. v&ktu against ukt& (and uktvi), y&ft^ against if (a (and
iftv^), banddhum against baddh& (and baddhvit), and so on. Deserv-
ing special notice are gfttu (v^gft sing) against git&, and dhttu (ydhB,
suck) against dhitd; and so from dft give and hft leave are made only
datu and hfttu ; but dhft put, mft measure, and sthft add to the regular
dhfttu, mfttu, sthfttu the late forms -dhitu, -mitu, -sthitu; and aft
or si has sfttu, s6tu» and -situ; vft weave (pple ut4) has both vatu
and 6tu; hti or hvft has havitu, hv&yitu, and hvfttu. The root vyadh
makos its only quotable infioitive, veddhum, from its vidh-form; f^om
safij or siO occur both sa&ktu and saktu. The anomalous epic forms
Qitum (yysi) and siditum (^^sad), were mentioned above. The root
gnh makes gr&hltum.

g. In the later language, the infinitive-stem forms possessive com-
pounds with kftma and manas (especially the former): e. g. svaptu-
kftma having the wish to sleep, yaffukftma desirous of sacrificing,
vaktumanas minded to speak,

h* In very rare instances, dative infinitives in tave or tavfti are

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Googk

349 iNPiNinvBS. [—970

made from the luflnitlve item in the later langnage (as abundantly in the
earUer: 970 b): thus, pratihartave (BhP.). And jivase (978 a) is
once found in MBb. (i. 3. 67 =s 732), in a qaasi-Vedic hymn to the A9rini.

969. In the Veda and Brahmana, however, a number of yerbal
nouns, namina aciionU^ in various of their cases, are used in con-
structions which assimilate them to the infinitive of other languages
— although, were it not for these other later and more developed
and pronounced infinitives, the constructions in question might pass
as ordinary case-constructions of a somewhat peculiar kind.

970. The nouns thus used infinitively are the following:

a. The root-noun, without derivative suffix, is so used in its
accusative in am, its dative in e or (from a-roots) fti, its genitive
and ablative is as, and its locative in i.

b. The verbal noun in tu is so used in its accusative in turn,
its dative in tave or tavftf, and its ablative and genitive in tea.

Of other nouns only single cases, generally datives, are reckoned as
used ytiWi inflaitive value; thus:

e. From the verbal noun in as, the dative in aae; and also, in
an extremely small number of instances, a dative in se (or fe), from
a noun formed with a simply.

d. From nouns in man and van, datives in mane and vane.

e. From nouns in ti, datives in taye, or (from one or two verbs)
in tyfti.

f. From nouns in i, datives in &ye.

g. From nouns in dhi and fi, datives in dhyfii and ^yfti.

h. A few infinitives in ^ani are perhaps locatives from nouns in
an added to a root increased by a.

i. From a single root, dhy, are made infinitively used forms in
t&ri, of which the grammatical character is questionable.

J. Among all these, the forms which have best right to special treat-
ment as infinitives, on account of being of peculiar formation, or from
suffixes not found in other uses, or for both reasons, are those in ^e, ^ani,
taxi, dhy&iy and tav&i.

k. Except the various cases of the derivative in tu, and of ihe root-
noun, these InflnitiTes are almost wholly unknown outside the Rig-Veda.

1. Other suffixes and forms than those noticed above might be added;
for it is impossible to draw any fixed line between the uses classed as
infinitlTe and the ordinary case-uses: thus, prajapatiiii pra^n&m ftitftm
(TS.) ihey went to ask Prajdpati; vf^vaih jiv&ih prasuv&nti earctyfti
(RV.) quickening every living being to motion; ap&^ e&rmftya cod&yan
(RV.) impelling the waters to flow \ 9aknayad gr&han&ya (instead of the
usual grdhitum: 9^0 ^nay he able to apprehend; ft tamanftt (Instead of
the usual tamito]|;L: S.) until exhaustion. And the so-called infinitives

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

970—] XIII. Verbal Adjectives and Nouns. 350

are found codrdlnated In tbe same sentence wtth common noons, and even
urith componnd nonns : e. g. o&rltave . • . ftbhog&ya i^t&ye rfiy6 (RY.)
to go abroad^ to eiyof/i to seek toeaUh; ftrtatrfii^Sya na prahartnm
anftgaai (9.) for the rescue of the distressedy not for hurling at the
innocent.

More special inles as to the varions formations are as follows:

071. The root-nonn nsed as inflnltlye has the same form (exeept that
it does not take an added t: 8881), and the same accent, both when simple
and when combined with prepositions, as in Its other nses. In the yery
great majority of instances, it is made from roots ending In a consonant;
but also from a few In ft (khyft, dS, dhS, pftP, m&y yft)» from two or
three in 1- and u-vowels (hi, ml, bhU), and from one or two In changeable
Xi which takes the ir-form (tir, stir).

a. The roots in ft form the accns. in fim, the dat. in fti, the abl. in
&8 (understanding avast before a as for avasts and not avasftf in RV.
ill. 53. 20), and the locatlTo in e (only two examples, of which one is per-
haps better understood as dative).

072. The inflnitive noun in tu is made fireely from roots of every
form. The root takes the g^tu^a-strengthening. If capable of It, and often
adds the auxiliary Yowel i before the suffix (according to the rules already
stated, 068). The root is accented, unless the noun be combined with a
preposition, in which case the later has the accent Instead: thus, Urtom,
6tave, h&ntos; but nikartum, nfretave, nirhantos.

6U The datlYO In tavfti is in two respects anomalous: in having the
heavy feminine ending &i along with a strengthened u; and in taking a
double accent, one on the root or on the preilxed preposition, and the other
on the ending fti: thus, 6tavfil, h&ntavftf, 4lyetavfii, ipabhartavSf.

078. a. The inflnltlye in ase is made in RY. from about twenty-
flye roots; in AY. and later there have been noted no other examples of
it. In nearly three quarters of the cases, the accent is on the sufAx : e. g.
ffij&se, Jiv&se, bhisr&se, tuj&se; the exceptions are o&kfase; dhtyase
(with y Inserted before the suffix: 268); and &yas6, bhirase, sp&rase,
h&rase (with gu^a-strengthenlng of the root). Strengthening of the root
is also shoim by Jav&se, doh&se, bhoj&se, Qobh&se. In pu^y&se it
seen, apparently, the present-stem Instead of the root

b* The ending se is extremely rare, being found only in jif^ and
perhaps stuf^, and one or two still more doubtful cases.

074* Inflnitiyes in mane are made from only five roots: thus, tr^
mai^e, damane, d&rmai^e, bh&rmai^e, and (with different accent) vid-
m&ne. From ^dft comes dftv&ne ; turv&i^e may come directly from |^tf ,
or through the secondary root turv; dhflbrvai^e is rather from ydlifbrv
than from }/dhV7.

076. a. The inflnitiyes in tay are ift&ye (v'i?)! pit&ye (KP&
drink), vit&ye, sftt&ye, and perhaps at&ye (tlt^e nfn to help his men :

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351 Infinitives. [—981

RY.). In tyfti, the only examples noted are ityfii (BY.) and sd^hyfti
(MS. AB.).

b. With aye are formed i^ye, ti^iye, d^4ye, mahiye, yudh^e,
saniye; and oit&ye (YS.), gfhaye (K.).

976. The ending dhy&i is, more than any other, irregular and yari-
ous in its treatment. It has always an a before it; and in the majority
of cases it is accented upon this a, and added to a weak form of root:
thus, 9ao4dhy&i, ppgL&dhy&iy dhiy&dhy&i, huv&dhyai. But the form
of root is the strong one in a few cases: namely, 9ay&dhyfti, stav&dh-
y&i, tar&dhyfti, Jar&dhy&i, mand&dhy&i, vandidhyfti. In half-a-
dozen forms, again, the root has the accent: namely, kfiradhyftl, g&madh-
yfti, y^adhyfti (bnt once or twice also yaj&dhyfti), v&hadhyfti,
s&hadhyfti, bh&radhy&i. In a single instance, pibadhy&i, the suffix
is added distinctly to a present-stem; and in one, vftv^dh&dhyfti, to a
perfect stem. Finally, in a number of instances (ten), this infinitive is
made from a causative stem in ay: thus, m&day&dhy&i, ri^ay&dhyfti, etc.

a. This infinitive is by no means rare in RY., being made in thirty-
five different forms (with seventy-two oocnrrences). But it is hardly known
outside of the RY.; the AY. has it but once (in a passage found also in
RY.); and elsewhere half-a-dozen examples have been noticed, in mantra-
passages (one of them TS. falsely reads g&madhye); in the Briihmana
language proper it appears to be entirely wanting.

977. An example or two are met with of an infinitive in fySi: thus,
r6hi9y&i (TS.), avyathi^yfti (K. Kap.; MS. avy&thi^; YS. vyathifat),
and perhaps -dh&Byfti (PGS.).

978. The infinitives in fa^i are: i^&i^ (?) from yU^ sendy -hhu^ki)!
from i/bhd; Qu^&^i from y/i^VL or Qvft; ne^&i^ from ynl] saky&iyt
from }/8ah; par^i^i from ypx* tarif&^i from ytf, and g^^i^ii^ and
-8t|ngLlf&]^ from yygf and 8tf — the last containing evident present tense-
signs (compare the Ist sing, g^^e, 884 d).

979. The only infinitive in tari is dhart&ri (with its compound
vidhart&ri), from ydhj^,

Ubos of the InflnitiveB.

980. The uses of the so-called infinitives are for the most part
closely accordant with those of the corresponding cases firom other
abstract nonns. Thus:

981. The accusative, which is made only from the root-noun and
the noun in tu, is used as object of a verb.

a. Especially, of forms from the root Qak be ahle^ and arh he worthy^
have the right or the patoer. Thus, ^ak^ma tvft samidham (RY.) may
we aecamplish thy kindling; ma ^akan pratidhtm {fum (AY.) nuty they
not he able to Jit the arrow to the string; m&no v^ im&h sady&^ p&ry-

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981—] XIII. Verbal Adjectives and Nouns. 352

ftptum arhati m&nah p&ribhavitum (TS.) the mindy forsoothj can at
once attain and surpass A^ ; k6 hy ^t&sya "rhati guhyaih nama gr&-
hitum (QB.) for toho is toorthy to take his secret name f In the Yeda, the
construction with these verbs is only one among others; in the Brahjnana,
it becomes the greatly prevalent one (three quarters or more of all the cases).
b. Further, of verbs of motion (next most freqnent case): thoa,
dakfii^&ni h6tum eti (TS.) he goes to sacrijice things pertaining to
sacrijicial gifts ; indraih prat{ram emy aynti (KV.) / go to Indra for
(i. e. beseech of him) the lengthening out of life; — of ydhf persist in,
undertake: as, B& iddih Jftt&l^ B&rvam 6t& digdhuih dadhre (QB.) he,
as soon as bom^ began to burn this universe ; — of verbs meaning desire,
hope, notice^ know, and the like: as, p^fin vioftaiii vettha s&rv&ii
(AY.) thou knotoest how to loosen all bonds ; t&smad agnliii na " driyeta
p&rihantum (9B.) therefore one should not be careful to smother the
fire', — and of others.

982. Of the infinitiye datives, the fundamental and usual sense
is that expressed by for, in order to, for the purpose of

Examples are: vii^w&i Jiv&ih oar&se bodh&yantl (RV.) awakening
every living creature to motion', tin ^pa yftta pibadhyfti (RV.) come
to drink them; nfii taiii te deva adadur 4ttave (AY.) the gods did
not give her to thee for eating] prftf "d yudh&ye d&ayuxn indrah
(RY.) Indra went forward to fight the demon; o&kfxir no dhehi vikhsrfti
(RY.) give us sight for looking abroad.

Some peculiar constructions, however, grow out of this use of the in-
finitive dative. Thus:

a. The noun which is logically the subject or the object of the action
expressed by the inilnitive is frequently put beside it in the dative (by a
construction which is in part a perfectly simple one, but which is stretched
beyond its natural boundaries by a kind of attraction): thus, eakfira
Bliryftya p&nthftm dnvetavi u (RY.) he made a track for the sun to
foUow {made for the sun a track for his following); Qi^ite ^ffige
rikfobhyo vinfkfe (RY.) ?ie whets his horns to pierce the demons;
rudraya dh&nnr a tanomi brahmadvi^e Q&rave h&ntavt u (RY.)
/ stretch the bow for Rudra, that with his arrow he may slay the brahma-
hater; asm&bhyaiii d^^&ye stbyftya pi^ar d&t&m &8um (RY.) may
they grant life -again, that we may see the sun.

b. An infinite with ykf make is used nearly in the sense of a
causative verb: thus, pra 'ndh&ih Qroi^&ih c&kfasa 6tave Iq^tha^ (R^O
ye make the blind and lame to see and go; agniih samidhe oakArtha
(RY.) thou hast made the ^re to be kindled. Of similar character is an
occasional construction with another verb: as, y&d un a^m&si Urtave
k&rat tkt (RY.) w?iat we wish to be done, may he do that; kaviftr
icohftmi 8aiiidf9e (RY.) I desire to see the sages.

c* A dative infinitive is not seldom used as a predicate, sometimes

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353 Uses op the iNPiNiTivBa. [—984

with, bat more usually without, a copula expressed: thus, agpiifr iva nk
pratidhf^e bhavati (TS.) like fire^ he is not to be restated; mahimi te
any6na n& Badm&^e (VS.) thy greatness is not to be attained by another;
n&kim indro nikartave n4 9akr&h p&ri9aktave (RV.) Indra is not
to be put doum^ the mighty one is not to be overpowered.

d. Sometimes an infinitive so used without a copula has quite nearly
the Talue of an imperattve: thus, tyi me yaQ&sft . • . ftn^ijo huv&dhyfti
[asti] (RV.) these glorious ones shall the son of Ucij invoke for me;
sQkt^bhir val^ • . . {ndrft nv agnl ivase huvidhyfti [sta^] (RY.)
with your hymn% shall ye call now on Indra and Agnifor aid; Tand&dhyft
agniih n&mobhi^ [asmi] (RV.) let me greet Agni with homage; asm&ft-
8a9 oa sOr&yo vf^vft i^&B tari^&^i (RV.) and let our saerijicers cross
all regions; t&n nft{ *v&ih k&rtavfil (MS.) that must not be done so;
brahmadvl^ah 9&rave hintava u (RV.) let the arrow slay the brahma-
haters. The infinitives in dhy&i and fa^i (which latter is in all its uses
accordant with datives) are those in which the imperative value is most
distinctly to be recognized.

e. In the Brahmanas and Sutras (especially in QB.) the dative in tavfti
is not seldom used with a verb signifying speak (bru, vao, ah), to express
the ordering of anything to be done : thus, t&smftd d^adhinftm ev4 mtll&ny
fioohettavfti brQyftt (^B.) therefore let him direct the roots of the plants
to be cut up {speak in order to their cutting up : cf. y6 va^^yft &dftnftya
▼4danti who dissuade from giving t?ie cow : AV.).

083. The ablatiye infinitive — which, like the accusative, is made
only from the root-noun and that in tu — is found especially with
the prepositions a until and purt before.

a* Thus, i t&inito]|^ (TS. etc.) until exhaustion; purt v&o&^ pr&-
vadito]|^ (TS.) before utterance of the voice. In the Brahmana language,
this is the well-nigh exclusive construction of the ablative (it occurs also
with prfik, airvfiky etc.); in the Veda, the latter is used also after \t^
without^ and after several verbs, as trft and p& protect^ yu separate, bhl, etc.

b. In a few instances, by an attraction similar to that illustrated
above for the dative (982 a), a noun dependent on this infinitive is put in
the ablative beside it: thus, pxir& vftgbhyah sampravadito^ (PB.)
before the utterance together of the voices; tradhvaiii kartad avap&da^
(RV.) save us from falling down into the pit; purft dakfij^ftbhyo netoh
(Apast.) before the gifts are taken away.

884. The genitive infinitive (having the same form as the ab-
latiye) is in common use in the Brahmana language as dependent on
i^vard lord^ master, employed adjectively in the sense of capable or
likely or exposed to.

a. Examples are: ti [dev&tfth] levari enaih prad&hah (TS.)
they are likely to bum him up; itha ha va i9var6 'gniih dtvi kiih-
oid dfiurit&m tpattor vi vft hv&lito]|^ (QB.) so in truth he is liable^
Whitn«j, Qnmmar. 3. ed. 23

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984—] XIII. Vbkbal Adjectives and Nouns. 354

after piling the fire^ to meet with some miehap or other, or to stagger;
i9varadi vfii rathantaram uclg&tU9 oakful^ pramathito^ (PB.) the
rathantara is liable to knock out the eye of the chanter,

b. The dative is used in (}B. inttetd of the genitive in a single
phrase (i9var&ii J&nayitaTftf) ; and, in the later language, sometimeB the
accusative in turn. In a case or two the masc sing. nom. I^varah is
used, without regard to the gender or number of the word which it qualifies:
thus, tisye ''9var&]^ praji papiyam bh&yito]|^ (9B.) his progeny is
liable to deteriorate. And in a very few instances the word i^vara Is
omitted, and the genitive has the same value without It: thus, dve madhy-
a]iidinam**abhi^pratyeto]|^ (AB.) two may be added to the noon libatdon;
t&to dik9it4hKpftman6 bh&yitoh (gB.) then the consecrated is liable
to get the itch,

o. This construction with i^vara, which is the only one for the geni-
tive inflnitlTe in the Brahmana, is unknown in the Veda, where the geni-
tiye is found in a very small number of examples with madhyi, and with
the root 19: thus, madhyt k&rto^ (I^^O *'» ^ midst of action; i^e
rfty6 dato^ (RY.) he is master of the giving oftcealth; 190 y6to^ (RV.)
is able to keep away.

985. Unless the infinitives in fai^ and taxi are locative in form
(their uses are those of datives), the locative infinitive is so rare, aad has
80 little that is peculiar in its use, thai it is hardly worth making any
account of. An example is ui|f&80 budhi (RV.) at the awakening of the
dawn.

986. In the Veda, the datiye infinitive forms are very much
more numerous than the accusative (in BY., their occurrences are
twelve times as many; in AY., more than three times); and the ac-
cusative in turn is rare (only four forms in RY., only eight in AV.).
In the Brahmanas, the accusative has risen to comparatively much
greater frequency (its forms are nearly twice as many as those of the
dative); but the ablative-genitive, which is rare in the Veda, has
also come to full equality with it. The disappearance in the classical
language of all excepting the accusative in tmn (but see 968 h) is a
matter for no small surprise.

987. The later infinitive in turn is oftenest used in constructions
corresponding to those of the earlier accusative: thus, na vS^paxa
a^akat so^bum he could not restrain his tears; taih draftum arhasi
thou oughtest to see him; prftptiun iochanti they desire to obtain; aaih-
kbyfttum firabdham having begun to count. But also, not infrequentiy,
in those of the other cases. So, especially, of the dative: thus,
avasthfttuiii Bthftnftntaraih olntaya devise another place to siay in;
tvftm anvBftum ib& ''gatab he has come hither to seek for thee; —
but likewise of the genitive: thus, samartbo gantum capable of
going; saifadhfttum iQvaral^ able to mend. Even a construction as
nominative is not unknown: thus, yuktaiii tasya may& samft^vftp

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365 Gerunds. [—990

Bayitmh bhftryftm (MBh.) it it proper for mo io comfort hU wife;
na naptSraih svayaih nySyyaiii ^aptum evam (R.) it is not suitable
thus to curse one's oum grandson; tad ▼aktozh na pftryate (Qatr.) it
is not possible to say that.

988. In the later language, as in the earlier, the inflnltlTe In cer-
tain connections has what we look upon as a passive yalue. Thns, kartum
ftrabdhal^ begun to be made; Qrotuih na yujyate it is not fit to be
heard {for hearing). This is especially frequent along with the passlTC
forms of y<^ak: thns, tyaktozh na Qalcyate it cannot be abandoned;
qaky&v iha "netum they two can be brought hither; na oa vibhUtayah
Qakyam avftptum urjitfth nor are mighty successes a thing capable of
being attained.

Gerunds.

989. The so-called gerund is a stereotyped case (doubt-
less instrumental) of a verbal noun, used generally as ad-
junct to the logical subject of a clause, denoting an accom-
panying or (more often) a preceding action to that signified
by the verb of the clause. It has thus the virtual value of
an indeclinable participle, present or past, qualifying the
actor whose action it describes.

a. Thus, for example: 9rutvfti 'va oft 'bruran and hearing (or
having heard) they spoke; tebhyaJ!^ pratijft&yft 'thfti tfta paripa-
praooha having given them his promise, he then questioned them,

990. The gerund is made in the later language by one
of the two suffixes Wl tvS and JX ya, the former being used
with a simple root, the latter with one that is compounded
with a prepositional prefix — or, rarely, with an element
of another kind, as adverb or noun.

a. To this dlstribation of uses between the two suffixes there are
occasional exceptions. Thus, gerunds in ya from simple roots are not
very rare In the epic language (e. g. g^hya, u^ya [>/va8 dwell], aroya,
tk^ya, ointya, tyi^ya, lakfya; also from causatives and denominatiyes,
as vfioya, yojya, plSvya), and are not unknown elsewhere (e. g. arcya
and ik^ya M., prothya AGS., sthftpya ^vU.). And gerunds in tvft
from compoonded roots are met with in considerable numbers from AV.
(only pratyarpayitvflt) down: e. g. samirayitvt MS., virooayitva
TA., utk^ptra U., pratyuktvft S., pratyasitvft S., prahasitvft
MBh., saxhdar^ayitvft MBh., vimuktvft R., nivedayitvft R., proktvft
PaHc, anupitvft VBS.: the great majority of them are made from the
causatlYe stem.

23*

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990—] XIU. Verbal Adjbotiyes and Nouns. 356

b. The preflxion of the negative partide, a or an, does not caose
the genind to take the form in ya: thns, alq^S, anirayitvft (bat R.
has aointya). Of oomponnds with other than verbal prefixes, RY. has
punardaya, kan^afi^hya, pftdagfhya, haBtagfhya, araihkftya,
akkhalikftya, mithasptdliya; AY. has further namaakflya.

991. The suffix ^ tvS has the accent. It is usually
added diiectly to the root, Jbut often also with interposition
of the auxiliary vowel ^ i — with regard to which, as well
as to the form of the root before it, the formation nearly
agrees with that of the participle in cT ta (962 ff.).

a. Examples of the general accordance of passive participle, in-
finitive, and gerund in regard to the use of i were given above,
968a; further specifications are called for, as follows:

b. The quotable roots in yariable |p (242) change it to ir: thus,
tirtv^ Btirtvt (also st^vi); and oar makes also oirtv& (like cSn^^;
— roots in ft show in general the same weakening as in the participle ; but
from dhft put is quotable only dhitvt (hitvft), from mft measure mitvi
and mitvft, firom dft give only dattva, from olift ohSyitvft; — of roots in
am, kram and bhram and yam make forms both with and without i
(as In the luflnitiTe), but ram has ratva and raiiitvft, and dam and vam
make damitvft and vamitvft.

o. The auxiliary vowel is taken by roots gras* mu^, Qap, and ^fta
(9&Bitvft) (whose participles have both forms); also by oiy, lift (nar*
titvft), lag, and avaj (against analogy of pple); and 9ao makes 900ltva.
On the other hand, from mj (rugi^) and vra90 (v^ki^) come roktvt
and v^^v^. And both forms are made (as also in inflnltiYe or participle)
from oar, vas dtoell (u^^vft, ufitvi), ni (nitva, nayitvft), and mfj
(m^t^a, mftrjitvft).

d. While the formation is in general one requiring, like the passiTe
participle (e. g. uptvft, like upt&; uditv^ like udit&), a weak or weakened
root, there are some cases in which it is made from a strong or strength-
ened root-form. Thus (besides the instances already given: ohijitvft,
raiiitvft, 9&Bitvft, oftyitvft, Qooitvft, nayitvft, mftrjitvft), we find
oharditvft (Apast.), daA^fvft, and spharitvft, and, trom a number of
roots, a second strong form beside the more regular weak one: namely,
afiktvft, bha&ktvft, bhuiiktvft, syanttvft (beside aktvt etc); oayitwft,
smayitvft, smaritvft (beside oitva etc.); roditvft (beside mditvft),
and Bi&oitvft (beside siktvft). The last shows the influence of the
present-stem; as do also mftrjitvft (above) and jighritvft (y^fl^lirft). The
form fthutvft (Apast) is doubtless a false reading, for ftliytltvft.

992. The suffix IT ya is added directly to the root,
which is accented, but has its weak form. A root ending

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357 Gerund in ya. [—993

in a short vowel takes rU tya instead of JJ ya: thus, flffir
-jitya, Fgni -stiitya, WU -kftya.

a. Roots in variable |* (242) change that vowel to Ir or tir: thus,
klrya, fitlrya* tlrya (and ttirjra), dirya, pfkrya, Qlrya, stlrya (also
St^^tya); — roots in & have for the most part -ftya; bat dh& suek makes
dhiya, and double forms are found from gS sing (gftya, giya), p& drink
(paya, piya), da give (daya, d&dya), dft divide (dSya, ditya), mft
measure, exchange (m^ya, mitya), aft bind (stya, sya); 11 cling has
laya or liya, as if an a-verb; and khan and dham make khftya and
dhmtya, from their a-forms; — the roots in an and am making their
participle in ata (954 d) make the gerund in atya, but also later in anya,
aniya (e. g. g&tya, gamya; h&tya, hanya; but tan makes as second
form taya, and from ram only ramya is quouble); — the roots in iv
add ya to their iv-form: thus, ff^vya, sivya; — a few roots in i and
n add ya to the lengthened Yowel besides adding tya: thus, i go ^ya,
(tya; also ayya), oi gather (oiya, of tya), and plu, yu unite, sn, stu
(pltiya, plutya, etc.); while k^i destroy has only k^iya.

b. This gerund, though accented on the root-syllable, is generally a
weakening formation: thus are made, without a strengthening nasal found
in aome other forms, &oya, AJya, idhya, ddya, ubhya, grathya, t&cya,
da^ya, b&dhya, bhajya» ifpya* ldP7a» vUgya, grabhya, sajya,
Bk4bhya, stibhya, syadya, svajya; with weakening of other kinds,
gfhya and g^bhya, pipoohya, uoya, udya, upya, u^ya (vas dwell),
i&hya, Tldhsra, viya, v^^oya, spfdhya, htiya; — but from a number
of roots are made both a stronger and a weaker form: thus, manthya and
m4thya, mftrjya and mfjya, rondhya and rudhya, 9a]&8ya and q&s-
ya, 9&8ya and ^i^ya, skindya and sk&dya, eriAaya and erasya; —
and only strong forms are found fjrom roots arc, av, e&y, ql (9ayya), as
well as from certain roots with a constant nasal: e. g. ufich, kamp,
nand, lamb, ^afik; isolated cases are Ofya (yn^ hum), prothya (also
pruthya).

c. Other special cases are uhya and Qhya (y^th remove), gurya and
gdrya, gnhya and gubya, ruhya and ruhya, bhramya and bhramya,
&yya (beside {tya, lya), ghraya and Jigbrya; and fin^utya (beside
v*tya).

998. The older language has the same two gerund formations,
haying the same distinction, and used in the same way.

a. In RY., howeTer, the final of ya is in the great majority of in-
stances (fully two thirds) long (as if the instrumental ending of a deriv-
ative noun in 1 or ti). In AY., long a appears only once in a RV.
passage.

b* Instead of tva alone, the Veda has three forms of the suffix, namely
trt, tv^a, and tvl. Of these three, tvl is decidedly the commonest in
RV. (thirty-five occurrences, against twenty-one of tvft); but it is unknown

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e98— ] XIII. Verbal Adjbctivbs and Nouns. 358

in AY., and yery rare elsewhere In the older language ; tviya la fonnd nine
times In RY. (only once outside the tenth Book), twice In AY., and hut half-a-
dozen times elsewhere (In ^B,, once ftom a causative stem : spft^ayitvisra).
The historical relation of the three forms is ohsoure.

o. Two other gerund suffixes, tvftnam and tvlnam, are mentioned
hy the grammarians as of Yedlc use, hut they haTe nowhere heen found
to occur.

994. The use of this gerund, though not changing in its char-
acter, becomes much more frequent, and even excessive, in the later
language.

a. Thus, in the Nala and BhagaYad-Qita, which haTe only one tenth
as many verb-fonns as BY., there are more than three times as many ex-
amples of the gerund as in the latter.

b. In general, the gerund Is an adjunct to the subject of a sentence,
and expresses an act or condition belonging to the subject: thus, vivJr»i^
hatva nir ap&^ sasarja (BY.) mUting with Ms thunderhoU, he p<ntred
forth the toaters; pitvl Bdmaaya vftvrdhe (BY.) having drunk of the
8omaf he waxed strongs te yajfi&sya r&saih dhitva viduhya yajll&ih
yup6na yopayitva tir6 'bhavan ((iB.) having sucked out the sap of the
offering, having milked the offering dry, having blocked it with the sacrificial
post, iheg disappeared; grutv&i 'va oft 'bruvan (MBh.) and having heard^
they said', tvAi oa dCLre d^fvft gardabhi 'yam iti matv& dhftvita^
(ir.) and having seen him in the distance, thinking ^ii is a she-ass\ he ran.

o. But if the logical subject, the real agent, is put by ihe construction
of the sentence In a dependent case, it is still qualified by the gerund:
thus, strfyaih dpiftvaya kitav&di tatftpa (BY.) it distresses the gambler
(1. e. the gambler is distressed) at seeing his wife; t&iii hfti 'kiaih dpftv*
bhir viveda ((^B.) fear came upon him (i. e. ?ie was afraid) when he
saw him; vidhftya proQite vfttim (M.) when he stays away after provid-
ing for her support; kith nu me eyftd idaih kftvA (MBh.) what, I
wonder, would happen tome if I did this ; — and especially, when a passive
form is given to the sentence, the gerund qualifies the agent in the instrumental
case (282 a): thus, tatal^ Qabdftd abhijftfiya sa vyfighrei^a hata^ (H.)
thereupon he was slain by the tiger, who recognized him by his voice;
tvayft sa rU& Qalrontalfttfa puraalq^a vaktavyah ((.) presenting
^akuntala, thou must say to the king; ha&aftnaiii vaoanaih ^rutvH
yathft me (gen. for instr.) nftifadho v^tah (MBh.) as the Nishadhan
was chosen by me on hearing the words of the swans: this construction
is extremely common in much of the later Sanskrit.

d. Occasionally, the gerund qualifies an agent, especially an indefinite
one, that is unexpressed: thus, tada 'trfti Va paktvft khfiditavya)^
(H.) then he shaU be eaten [by us] cooking him on the spot; yad anyasya
pratijfkftya punar aayaaya dlyate (M.) thai, after being promised (Ut
when one has promised her) to one, she is given again to another; saointya
oo Hctaih auyio&rya yat kftam (H.) whai one says after mature thought,

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359 Uses op the Gerund. [— W6

and does after full deliheraium. Henee, still more elliptlcally, after alam:
thug, alaih vioftrya ((.) enough of hesitation \ tad alaih te vanam
gatvft (R.) so have done with going to the forest

e. Other less regular constrnctlons are met with, especially in the
older language : thus, in the manner of a participle with man and the like
(868 a), as t&ih bii&Bitv^ Va mene (^B.) he thought he had hurt him ;
tft adbhir abhifioya njjftsyfti Vft 'manyata (AB.) having sprinkled
them with water, he believed himself to have exhatuted them; — in the
manner of a participle forming a oontinuous tense ^ith yi (1076 a), as
indram evfti tftir ftrabhya yanti (AB.) by metms of thefn they keep
taking hold of Indra; — as qualifying a subordinate member of the sentence,
as puro^i^am evk kOrm&ih bhUtvt B&rpantam (9B.) to the saeri-
Jicial cake creeping about, having become a tortoise', ayodhyftm . . .
saphenflifa sasvanAifa bhUtva Jalormim iva (R.) into Ayodhya, like a
surge th€U had been foamy and roaring ; — even absolutely, as fttithydna
▼fti devi iftva tlhit Mun&d avindat (^B.) when the gods had sacri-
ficed with the guest-offering, strife befel them.

f • As in the two examples before the last, a predicate word with
bh&tvA is put in the same case with the subject: thus, further, t4d iy&m
evfti *tkd hhfitvi yajati (^B.) so having thus become this earth he
makes offering; yena vfimanenfi 'pi bhfitvft (Vet.) by whom, even when
he had become a dwarf The construction is a rare one.

g. A number of gerunds have their meaning attenuated sometimes to
the semblance of a preposition or adverb : such are adhikftya making a
subfeet of, 1. e. respecting, of; ftdftsra, upftgf*hya taking, i. e. with; ud-
di^ya pointing toward, i. e. at; ftaftdya, arriving tft, i. e. along, by;
ftrabhya beginning, i. e,from; eambhtlya being with, i. e. with; saxSiliatya
striking together, i, e. in unison ; prasahya using force, i. e. violently ;
tyaktvfty parityajya, mnktv-ft, vihftya, uddh^rtya, varjayltvft leaving
out etc., i. e. excepting, without; and others. Examples are: Qakuntalftm
adhilq^tya bravimi ((.) I am speaking of ^akuntalQ; tain uddiQya
kfiptalagu^iah (H.) having thrown the cudgel at him; nimlttaih kiiiioid
ftBftdya (H.) for some reason or other.

h. The gerund is in the later language sometimes found in compo-
sition, as if a noun-stem: e. g. praaahyaharapa taking with violence;
pretyabhftva existence after death; vibhajyap&tha separate enunciation;
sambh^agamana going together. It is al^o often repeated (1860), in a
distributive sense: e. g. 8& Tfii Bamm^Jya-sammfjya prat&pya-pra-
tapya prA yaoohati ((B.) in each case, after wiping and warming them,
he hands them over; g^hitvft-g^hitvft (KQS.) at each taking; unnamyo-
'nnamya (Pafie.) every time that they arise.

Adverbial Gtorond in am.

906. The aocasative of a derivative nomen actionis in a, used
adverbially, assames sometimes a value and construction so accord-

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996—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 360

ant with that of the usual gerund that it cannot well be called by
a different name.

a. No example of a peculiar gemndial conftmction yriih such a form
ocoun either in RV. or AY., although a dozen adverbial acooaatiTes are to
be classed as representing the formation: thus, abbyftkramam, prat4n-
kam, pra]^6dam» nil^am, abbiak&ndam, etc. This gemnd is found
especially in the Brahmanas and Sutras, vhere it is not rare; in the epics
it is extremely infrequent; later, also, it occurs very sparingly.

b. A final vowel has vrddbi-strengthening before the suffix: thus,
nftvam, ^rftvam, kftram; final ft adds y: thus, kbySyam, yfiyam; «
medial vowel has gu^ (if capable of it: 240): thus, k^epam* kroQam,
vartam (but rk^^am, puram); a medial a before a single consonant is
lengthened: thus, krfimam, ofiram, grftbam, avftdam (but grantbam,
lambbam). The accent is on the radical syllable. No uncompounded ex-
amples are found in the older language, and extremely few in the later.

o. Examples are: k^maifa vi imany i&gftni vyatyasaih ^ete
((B.) ?ie lUs changing the position of these limbs at pleasure; uttarSm-
uttarftifa ^ikbftih samSlAmbbaxb r6bet (9B.) be would dimb, taking
hold of a higher and ever a higher limb ; aparl^u mabSnftg&m ivft
'bbisaiba&aih didrk^itara^ (QB.) hereafter, running together as it were
about a great snake, they will wish to see him; nimftny fta&m etini
nftmagribam (9B.) with separate naming of these their names; yo
viparyasam avagtibati (9B.) whoever buries it upside down; bftbQtk^e-
paib krandituib prav^ttft (Q.) she proceeded to erg, throwing up her
arms (with arm-tossing); navaoutapallaTfini dar9a]h-dar9a]h madba-
karft^ftib kva^itfini ^rftvaib-^ravaib paribabbrftma (DKG.) he
wandered about, constantly seeing the young shoots of the mango, and hear-
ing the humming of the bees. Repeated forms, like those in the last ex-
ample, are approved in the later language; they do not occur earlier (but
instead of them the repeated ordinary gerund: 994b).

CHAPTER XIV.

DERIVATIVE OR SECONDARY CONJUGATION.

996. Secondary conjugations are those in which a
whole system of forms, like that already described as made
from the simple root, is made, with greater or less com-
pleteness, from a derivative conjugation-stem; and is also

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361 PAttsivB. [—998

usually oonneoted with a certain definite modification of
the original radical sense.

a. We baye seen, indeed, that the tense-systems are also for the most
part made from derlTatiTe-stems; and even that, in some oases, such stems
assume the appearance and value of roots, and are made the basis of a
complete oonjugational system. Nor is there any distinct division-line to
be drawn between tense-systems and deriyative conjugations; the latter are
present-systems which have been expanded into conjugations by the addition
of other tenses, and of participles, inflnitiTes, and so on. In the earliest
languagO) their forms ontside of the present-system are still quite rare,
hazdly more than sporadic; and even later they are — with the exception
of one or two formations which attain a comparative frequency — much less
common than the corresponding forms of primary conjugation.

997. The secondary conjugations are: I. Passive;
II. Intensive; III. Desiderative; IV. Causative; V. Denom-
inative.

a. The passive is classed here as a seoondary conjugation because of
its analogy with the others in respect to specific value, and freedom of
formation, although it does not, like them, make its forms ontside the
present system from its piesent-stem.

I. Passive.

998. The passive conjugation has been already in the
main described. Thus, we have seen that —

a. It has a special present-system, the stem of which
is present only, and not made the basis of any of the re-
maining forms: this stem is formed with the accented class-
aign 77 y&, and it takes (with exceptions: 774] the middle
endings. This present-system is treated with the others,
above, 768 ff.

b. There is a special passive 3d sing, of the aorist,
ending in ^ i: it is treated above, 842 ff.

o. In the remaining tenses, the middle forms are used

also in a passive sense.

d. But the passive use of middle forms is not common; it is oftenest
met with In the perfect The participle to a great extent takes the place
of a past passive tense, and the gerundive that of a future. On the other

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998—] XIV. Sbcondart Conjugation. 362

hand, in the oldest language (BY.)) noddle forms of other present-systems
are in a considerable number of cases employed 'with passire meaning.

e. According to the grammarians, there may be formed from some
verbs, for passive use, a special stem for the aorist and the two fntnre
systems, coinciding in form with the peculiar 3d sing, aorist.

f. Thus, from >^dft (aor. 3d sing, adftyl), beside &dft8i, dfisye*
dfttihe* also idftyl^i, dftyi^yd, dfiyitihe. The permission to make this
double formation extends to all roots ending in vowels, and to fin^ah, d|^,
and han. No such passive forms occur in the older language, and not balf-
a-dozen are quotable from the later (we find adhSyifi and asthftyifi in
DKC, and anftyifata in Euval.).

g. As to the alleged passive inflection of the periphrastic perfect, see
below, 1072.

h. Besides the participle from the present tense-stem

(771. 5), the passive has a past participle in cT ta (952), or

^ na (957), and future participles, or gerundives, of various

formation (961 ff.), made directly from the root.

999. As already pointed out (282 a), the language, especially
later has a decided predilection for the passive form of the sentence.
This is given in part by the use of finite passive forms, but oftener
by that of the passive participle and of the gerundive: the participle
being taken in part in a present sense, but more usually in a past
(whether indefinite or proximate past), and sometimes with a copula
expressed, but much oftener without it; and the gerundive represent-
ing either a pure future or one with the sense of necessity or duty
added. A further example is: tatrfii "ko yuvS brfthmai^o d|^ta^:
taih drftv^ kftmena pl^ita Baiiijata.: sakhyft agre kathitam: sakhi
pum^o 'yaih girl^tvft mama mfttuh samlpam finetavya^ (Vet)
there she saw a young Brahman; at sight of him she feU the pangs of
love; she said to her friend: ^friend, you must take and bring this wntm
to my mother^. In some styles of later Sanskrit, the prevailing ex-
pression of past time is by means of the passive participle (thus, in
Vet, an extreme case, more than nine tenths).

a. As iu other languages, a 3d sing, passive is freely made ftom
intransitive as well as transitive verbs: thus, ihtL^gamytkiAm. come hither;
tvayft tatrfti Va sthlyatfim do you stand fust there; sarvSir jftlam
&d&yo '^<pyat&m (H.) let all fly up with the net.

il. intensive.

1000. The intensive (sometimes also called frequent-
ative) is that one of the secondary conjugations which is
least removed from the analogy of formations already

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363 Intensive. [—1002

described. It is, like the present-system of the second con-
jugation-class (642 ff,)j the inflection of a reduplicated stem,
but of one that is peculiar in having a strengthened redu-
plication. It is decidedly less extended beyond the limits
of a present-system than any other of the derivative con-
jugations.

a. The intensive conjugation signifies the repetition or
the intensification of the action expressed by the primary
conjugation of a root.

1001. According to the grammarians, the intensive
conjugation may be formed from nearly all the roots in the
language — the exceptions being roots of more than one
syllable, those conjugated only causatively (below, 1056],
and in general those beginning with a vowel.

a. In Ckct, howeyer, InteoslTes in the later language are very rare,
so lare that it is hard to tell precisely what yalue is to be given to the
rales of the native grammar respecting them. Nor are they at all common
earlier, except (comparatively) in the BY., which contains about six sevenths
of the whole number (rather over a hundred) quotable ttom Yeda and Brah-
mana and Sutra-texts; AY. has less than half as many as BY., and many
of them in BY. passages ; from the later language are quotable about twenty
of these, about forty more, but for the most part only in an occurrence
or two.

b. Hence, in the description to be given below, the actual aspect of
the formation, as exhibited in the older language, wiU be had primarily and
especially in view; and the examples wiU be of forms found there in use.

1002. The strong intensive reduplication is made in
three different ways:

I. a. The redaplicatlDg syllable is, as elsewhere, composed of a
single consonant with following vowel, and, so far as the consonant
is concerned, follows the roles for present and perfect reduplication
(600); but the vowel is a heavy one, radical a and ^ (or ar] being
rednplieated with ft, an i-vowel by e, and an u-vowel by o.

Examples are: vftvad» bftbadh, 9ft9va8, rfirandh; dftd^, dftdh^;
oekit, tetij, neni, vevli; ^o^uo, poprath, co^u, John.

II. b. The reduplicating syllable has a final consonant, taken
from the end of the root With an exception or two, this consonant
is either r (or its substitute 1) or a nasal.

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1002—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 364

Examples are: oaroar, oaloal, sarB^, maniifj» jarhf^; oa&kram,
Janghan, tafiBtan, danda9 (v^dafiQ or daQ), Jafyabh (vjambh or Jabh),
tantas (yUdiB or tas), nannam (ynain), yaxhyam ()/yam). The naul
is assimilated to the initial oonsonant.

o. Only roots haying a or |^ as rowel make this form of reduplication,
bat with snch roots it is more common than either of the other forms.

d. Irregular formations of this class are: with a final other than r
or n in the reduplication, badbadh; with a final nasal in the rednpli-
cation which is not found in the root, Jafigali (RV.), jafijap (^B.; and
jangayat PB. is perhaps from V'gu; the later language has fbither
dandah); with an anomalous initial consonant in reduplication, jarbhur
from |/bhar (compare the Yedic perfect jabhira from i/bh^, 780 b),
galgal from |/gal; with various treatment of an ^ or ar-element, dardar
and dardir, oarkar and oarklr, tartar and tartur, oaroar and car-
our, Jargor and Jalgul.

e. The roots 1 and ^ are the only ones with vowel initial forming an
intensive stem: 1 makes iySy (? PU., once); x makes the Irregular alar
or air* As to the stem jy&) see below, 1021 b.

III. f. The reduplication is disByllabic, an i-vowel being added
after a final consonant of the reduplicating syllable. This i-vowel it
in the older language short before a double consonant, and long be-
fore a single.

Examples are: ganigam (but g&nigmatam), rarivrt, ranlvfth,
oani^ad, sanifTan; navinu, davidyut (and the participles d&vidliTat
but t&vituat). A single exception as to the quantity of the 1 is davi-
dhftva.

g. This method of reduplication is followed in the older language
by about thirty roots. Thus, of roots having final or penultimate n (once
m), and n in the reduplicating syllable, pan, phan. Ban, 8van« ban;
gam; krand, ^oand, akand, syand; of roots having final or medial f,
and r in the reduplicating syllable, k^ make, tf, bh^, vx* T^i» i>Mr^>
▼TJf vft, 8|p; also mine (malimlao); — further, of roots assuming in
the reduplioation a n not found in the root, only vah (QB.: the gram-
marians allow also kas, pat, pad; and panlpad is quotable later; and A^B.
has oanXkhudat, for which TB. reads k&nlkhimat); finally, of roots
having u or il as radical vowel, with av before the i-vowel, ta^ dbf^
nu, dyut.

h. In this class, the general rules as to the form of the reduplicating
consonant (690) are violated in the case of ghanighan and bhaaribhr*
and of ganigam, karlk^ (but the regular carQqp also occurs), kani-
krand, and kaniykand (but also oani^and occurs) ; also in kanlkhnn.

i. The reversion to more original guttural form after the reduplication
in oek^t^ gnd Jafighan and ghanighan, is in accordance with what takes
place elsewhere (216, 1).

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365 Intensive. [—1006

1003. The same root is allowed to form its intensive stem in
more than one way.

Thas, in the older language, dfkdjp and dardf ; dftdhf and dardh^;
eftoal and oaroar (and oaronr); tartar (and tartiir) and taritf;
jafigam and ganigam; jaftgTian and ghanTghan; pamphan and
paniphan; marmrJ and marimfj; marmrQ and marimr9; varv^t
and varivft; Jarbh^ and bharibh^; dodhu and davidhii; nonu and
navinu; bftbadh and badbadh.

1004. The model of normal intensive inflection is the
present-system of the reduplicating conjngation-class (642 ff.);
and this is indeed to a considerable extent followed, in
respect to endings, strengthening of stem, and accent. But
deviations from the model are not rare; and the forms are
in general of too infrequent occurrence to allow of satis-
factory classification and explanation.

a. The most marked irregularity is the frequent insertion of an
i between the stem and ending. According to the grammarians, this
is allowed in all the strong forms before an ending beginning with
a consonant; and before the I a final vowel has gona-strengthening,
but a medial one remains unchanged.

Present-System.

1005. We will take up the parts of the present-system in their
order, giving first what is recognized as regular in the later language,
and then showing how the formation appears in the earlier texts. As
most grammarians do not allow a middle inflection, and middle forms
are few even in the Veda, no attempt will be made to set up a par-
adigm for the middle voice.

1006. As example of inflection may be taken the root

fsf^" vid knotOy of which the intensive stem is ^fcj^ vevid,

or, in strong forms, ^i^ vived.

a. Neither from this nor from any other root are more than a few scat-
tering forms actually quotable.

1. Present Indicative.

8. d. p.

v6vedmi, v6vi<Umi vevidv&a vevidniis

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1006—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 366

2 ^^IrW, ^lil^lft' %f%r8ra^ o|f^r«l
v6vet8i, vdvidifi vevitth&B vevitthk

3 ^^, N^liH ^f^ffH^ ^mrt
vdvetti, vdviditi vevitt&8 v^vidati

b. From /§^ htl, the singular forms with auxiliary vowel
would be sfl^JoilfH johavlmi, ^t^^tfcf johavi^i, STT^cjHh
j6havlti.

1007. a. The forms found in the older langnage Agree in generml
with the paradigm. Examples are: Ist sing., oarkarmi» veve^mi; 2d
sing., alar^i, d&rdar^i; 3d sing., &lartl, dftdharti, vev6ti» nenekti,
Jafighanti, kimlkrantti, ganigaihtl ; 3d dn., Jarblqrt&s; Ist pL, nonn-
mas; 2d pL, jftgratha; 3d pi., dftdhrati, nfinadatl, bharibhrati,
v&nqptati, d&vidyutati, n^nijatiy and, irregularly, vevi^anti; and, with
the auxiliary Towel, Johavlmi, ofika9imi; otka^tl, nonaviti, darda-
rltiy jarbhuritl. No stem with dissyUabio reduplication takes the auxil-
iary 1 in any of its forms.

b. A single dual form with I and strong stem occnrs: namely, tar-
tarithas.

o. The middle forms found to occur are: 1st sing., J6gnive» neuUe;
3d sing., neniktdy sarsfte; and, with irregular accent, t^tikte, dMiffe;
with irregular loss of final radical nasal, n&miate; with ending e instead
of te, o^kite, j&iLgahe, idguve, yosruve, b&badhe, and (with irregular
accent) badbadhd; 3d du., sarsrftte; 3d pi., d6dl9ate.

2. Present Subjunctive.

1008. a. Subjunctive forms with primary endings are extremely rare:
there hare been noticed only Jafigh&nfini, Jftgarftsi (AY.); and, in the
middle, tantasftlte (3d du.).

b. Forms with secondary endings are more frequent: thus, 2d sing.,
Janghanas, Jalgulas; 3d sing., jftgarat, o6kitat» bobhavat, o4rkf^at»
J&nghanat» b&rbf>hat, m&rmfjat» m&rmr9at, parpharat, dardlrat,
cani^adat, davidyutat, sani^va^at; 1st du., Jafighan&va; 1st pL,
oarkirftma, vevidftma; 3d pi., papatan, 969Uoan, oarkiran; and,
with double mode-sign, oaka^in (AY.). Of the middle are fbund only
3d persons plural: thus, J&iighananta, Jarl^pfanta, marm^Janta, nona-
vanta, ^o^uoanta.

8. Present Optative.

1009. This mode would show the unstrengthened stem,
with the usual endings (666), accented. Thus:

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367 Intensive. [—1012

t. d. p.

1 ^i^^iH^ ^i^^tiN Wpum

vevidyam vevidyava vevidyama
etc. etc. etc.

a. The optative is represented by only an example or two in the older
language : thns, active, vevifyftt (AV.), J&gry&8 (KB.), jftgriyat (AB.),
jSgfyfima (VS. MS. ; bat Jftfipriyftma TS.); RV. has only o&kanyat (pft.?) ;
middle, nenijita (K.).

4. Prpsent Imperative.

1010. The regular forms of the imperative, including
the usual subjunctive first persons, would be as follows:
8. d. p.

=iI^<i(h

vdvidftni
veviddhi

v6vidava

vdvidftma
vevitti

vdvidatu

rare than optative

vevitt^n

vdvettUy v6vi(Utu vevittam
Older imperative forms are less

1011. a. Older imperative forms are less rare than optative. The
first persons have been given above (jafigh&n&ni, the only accented ex-
ample, does not correspond vrith the model, bnt is in conformity with the
sub] a active of the reduplicating present); the proper imperatives are: 2d
sing., dftdfhfy dardrhiy oark^dhi, Jftgrhi, nenigdhi, rfiranddhf; the
ending tfit is found in oarlq^t and Jfig^tftt; and the latter (as was
pointed out above, 571 b) is used In AY. as first person sing.; barbf>hi
shows an elsewhere unparalleled loss of h before the ending hi; 3d sing.,
dftdbartu, veve^fu, dardartu, marmarttu; 2d dn., jfig^ptam; 3d du.,
Jftgnptfim; 2d pi., jfig^; caftkramata (RV., once) has an anomalous
union-vowel. In the middle voice is fonnd only nenikfva ((B.).

b. Of imperative forms with auxiliary I, RY. has none; AY. has
vSvaditu and Johavitu, and such are sometimes found in the Brahmanas ;
AY. has also, against rule, tafiBtamhi and Ja&ghanlhi; YS. has cftka9ihi.

6. Present Fartioiple.

1012. The intensive participles, both active and middle,
are comparatively common in the older language. They are
formed and inflected like those of the reduplicating present,
and have the accent on the reduplicating syllable.

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1012—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 368

Examples are : active, oika^at* nanadat, o6kitat» m6inyat» 96^-
caty rdruvat, dardrat, m&rm|>jat, j&aghanat, n&nnamat, p4nl-
phanat, k&nlkradat, d&vidyutat; — middle, babadhftna, mdmySna,
o6klt&na, ydyjxv&rLAf r6ruofina, j&rbhurfti^ s^rerfti^ Jafijabhftna,
n&niiainina, d&nda^ana. No middle participle shows the dissyllabic
reduplication.

1013. a. On account of their accent, rfirahfti^ rftrakffii^ and
jfthf^S^i (beside J&rlq*9fi]^) are probably to be regarded as perfect parti-
ciples, although no other perfect forms with heavy reduplication from the
same roots occur. The inference is, however, rendered uncertain by the
unmistakably intensive badbadhftni and marmfjftn& (beside mirmfj&na).
As to ^d^uoana etc., see 806 a.

b. The RV. has once J&aghnatas, gen. sing., with root-vowel cast
out; k&nikrat appears to be used once for k&nikradat; if cfik&t is to
be referred to }/k& (Grassmann), it is the only example of an intensive
from a root in ft, and its accent is anomalous. Mamif^antas (AB.) is
perhaps a false reading; but forms with the nasal irregularly retained are
found repeatedly in the epics and later: thus, lellhan, dedipyanfim
(MBh.), jfijvalant (MBh. R), sariBrpantftu (BhP.), rftratanti (R.).

6. Imperfect.

1014. The imperfect is regularly inflected as follows:

s. d. p.

ivevidam &vevidva &vevidma

kvevett dvevicUa &vevittam kvevitta

3 ^q^^ Jb4^i^<0rt^ JBRf^TTT^ 5i^f^S\
&vevet, &vevidit &vevittAm &vevidu8

1016. The imperfect forms found in the earlier texts are not numer-
ous. They are, including those from which the augment Is omitted, as
follows: in active, Ist sing., acSka^am, dedi^am; 2d sing., ajfigpar,
adardar, d&rdar; 3d sing., adardar, adardhar, avarlvar, dardar,
ktolfkan, d4vldyot, n&vinot; 2d du., adard^tam; 1st pi., marm{jm&;
3d pi., anannamus, adardirus, aoark^fUB, ^iohavus, anonavus;
and, with auxiliary 1, in 3d sing., avftvaolt, ^Tftva^It, &vftTarit»
iyoyavity &roravIt, ^Johavlt; and, irregularly, in 3d du., av&va9itiUiL
The middle forms are extremely few: namely, 3d sing., Medifta, Anan-
nata (with loss of the final radical in a weak form of root); 3d pi.
marmfjata» and avftvaQanta (which, if it belongs here, shows a transfer
to an a-stem).

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369 Intensive. [—1017

1016. Derivative Middle Inflection. From every
intensive stem, as above described, may be formed in the
present-system a further derivative conjugation which is
formally identical with a passive, being made by the accented
sign JJ y&, along with middle endings only. It has not,
however, a passive value, but is in meaning and use in-
distinguishable from the simpler conjugation.

a. A final vowel before this ya is treated as before the paseive-
sign ya (770).

b. The inflection is precisely like that of any other stem ending
in a in the middle voice: thus, from y^m^J) intensive stem marm^,
is made the present indicative marm^Jy^, marmrjy&se, marm^y&te,
etc.; optative marm^ydya, marmrjydthasy marm|jy6ta» etc.; im-
perative marmfjy&Bva, marm^jy&tam, etc.; participle marmrJy&-
m&na; imperfect &marm|>jye» &marmfjyath&8, &marmfjyata, etc.
sabjnnctive forms do not occur.

o. In a very few sporadic cases, these y&-forms are given a passive
value: thus, Jafighanyamana in MdU.; bambhramyate, d&dlun&-
yamana, pepiyamana in the later language. And active participles
(589a) are not unknown: thus, dedipyantim (MBh.), dodh^yant
(MBh. BhP.).

1017. This kind of intensive inflection is more common

than the other in the later language; in the earlier, it is

comparatively rare.

a. In RY., y4-form8 are made from eight roots, live of which have
also forms of the simpler conjugation; the AY. adds one more; the other
earlier texts (so far as ohserved) ahout twenty more, and half of them have
likewise forms of the simpler conjugation. Thus: from >^ni|j, marmfj-
y4te etc., and marijnf>J3reta; from ytip, tarturyante; from year,
oaroury&Tnftpa ; from i^ni, nen|y6ran, etc.; from yvu veviyate; from
yrih* rerihy&te etc.; from v^j, vevijy&te; from yska^ oo^ktiy&ae etc.;
from ydi^f dedi^yate; from ]/kfi9, oaka^y&te etc.; from yvad»
v&vady&mftna; from >^nam, nannamyadhvam; from ^vaJi, vanivSh-
yStaetc. (with lengthened root-vowel, elsewhere unknown); from f/krandy
kanikrady&mana; from yvjtf vanvarty&m&na (QB.: should be
variv^y-); from Vmy9, amarlm|^9^anta (9B. ? the text reads amarlm^
syanta); from yynp, ypyupyinte etc.; from v'nud, anonudyanta;
from yvll, avevllyanta; from y^&hht JafUabhy&te etc.; from Vjap»
ja2Japy&mana; and so on.

Whitney, Onmmar. 3. ed. 24

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1018—] XIV. Sbcondaky Conjugation. 370

Perfect.
1018. The grammarians are at variance as to whether
a perfect may be formed directly from the intensive stem,
or whether only a periphrastic perfect (below, 1070ff.) is
to be admitted.

a. No example of an intensive periphrastic perfect has anywhere come
to light (except from Jftg^p: 1080 a). A few unmistakable perfect forms are
made from the intensively reduplicated root in RY. : namely, dawidhftvm
and ndnftva, 3d sing., and nonuvuB, 3d pi.; and there occur farther
dodrftva (TS.), yoy&va and lelliya (M8.), and lel&ya (? (B.), aU used
in the sense of presents. To them may be added jigara 1st sing, and
Jftg&a 3d sing.: bat as to these, see below, 1020a.

Aorist, Future, etc.
1010. As to the remaining parts of a full verbal con-
jugation, also, the grammarians are not agreed (occurrences
of such forms, apparently, being too rare to afford even
them any basis for rules); in general, it is allowed to treat
the intensive stem further as a root in filling up the scheme
of forms, using always the auxiliary vowel ^ i where it is
ever used in the simple conjugation.

a. Thus, from /vid, intensive stem vevid, would be made the
aorist avevidi^am with precative vevidyftsam, the futures vevid-
i^yftmi and vevidit&smi, the participles vevidita» veviditavya, etc.,
the infinitive veviditiun, and the gerunds veviditvft and -vevidya.
And, where the intensive conjugation is the derivative middle one,
the^aorist and futures would take the corresponding middle form.

b« Of all this, in the ancient langaage, there is hardly a trace. The
RV. has o&rlqpfe, 3d sing, mid., of a formation like hife and stof^
(884 d), and the gerundiyes vitantasayya, and marmfjdnya and vftv^
dh6nya; and (B. has the participle vanivfihit&, and the inflnitiTe dddlyi-
tavfti. As to jfigarify&nt and Jftgarit&, see the next paragraph.

1020. There are systems of inflection of certain roots, the in-
tensive character of which is questioned or questionable. Thus:

a. The root g^ (or gar) wake has from the first no present-system
saYe one with intensive rednplication ; and its intensiye stem, jfig7> begins
early to assume the value of a root, and form a completer conjugation;
while by the grammarians this stem is reckoned as if simple and belong-
ing to the root-class, and is inflected thronghont accordingly. Those of
its forms which occur in the older language have been given along with

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371 Intbnsivb. [—1024

the other intensives abore. They are, for the present-system, the same
with those acknowledged as regular later. The older perfect is like the
other intensive perfects found in RY.: namely, JSgara etc., with the
participle jSgpra&s ; and a future jSgarify^-, a passire participle Jfigarit&,
and a gerundiye Jfigaritavyh, are met with in the Brahmanas. The old aorist
(RY.) is the usual reduplicated or so-called causative aorist: thufi, AJigar. The
grammarians give it in the later language a perfect with additional redupli-
cation, Ji^ftgSra etc., an l^-aorLst, i^agarifain, with precative jftgaryftsam,
and everything else that is needed to make up a complete conjugation.
The perf. jajSgftra is quotable from the epics and later, as also the peri-
phrastic Jfigarftm ftsa. And MBh. has the mutilated Jftgpni, and also
a-forms, as Jftgarati and J&gramfti^.

1021. a. The stem ir<^ya (active only) regtUate, from which a
number of forms are made in RY., has been Tiewed as an intensive from
yraj or fj. It lacks, however, any analogy with the intensive formation.
The same is true of iradh propitiate (only iradhanta and ir&dhyai,
apparently for iradhadhyfti).

b. The middle stem lya, not infrequent in the oldest language, is
often called an intensive of yi gOy but without any propriety, as it has no
analogy of form whatever with an intensive. The isolated 1st pi. imahe,
common in RY., is of questionable character.

1022. The root li totter ^ with constant intensive reduplication, lell,
is quite irregular in inflection and accent: thus, pres., leliyati and lelft-
yate, pples lelfty&ntl and lel&yatas (gen. sing.) and lelftyamftna, impf.
alelftyat and alelet and aleliyata, perf. lel&ya and lel&ya (?).

1023. The RY. anomalous form dart (or dard), 2d and 3d sing,
from ydjf or dar, is doubtfully referred to the intensive, as if abbreviated
ftrom dardar. RY. has once avarivus (or -vur) where the sense requires
a form from Vv^T^, as avanv^tus. The form rarftn&tft (RY., once) seems
corrupt.

1024. A marked intensive or freqaentative meaning is not always
easily to be traced in the forms classed as intensiye; and in some
of them it is quite effaced. Thus, the roots oit» nij, vif use their
intensive present-system as if it were an ordinary conjugation-class;
nor is it otherwise with gf (j^lgr)- The grammarians reckon the
inflection of nij and vi? as belonging to the reduplicating present-
system, with irregularly strengthened reduplication; and they treat in
the same way vio and vij; jSg^) as we have seen, they account a
simple root.

a. Also daridrfi, intensive of >^dr& run, is made by the grammarians
a simple root, and furnished with a complete set of conjugational forms:
as dadaridrS.u; adaridrftsit, etc. etc. It does not occur in the older
language (unless d&ridrat TS., for which YS. MS. read d&ridra). The
so-called root wvi flutter is a pure intensive.

24*

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1026--] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 372

1025. It is allowed by the grammarians to make from the iotensire
stem also a passlTe, desiderative, causative, and so on: thus, txom vevid,
pass. vevldy6; desid. v^vidif&mi; cans, vevid&y&mi; desid. of caiua-
tlve, v6vidayif&ini. But such formations are excessively rare; qnotaUe
are varivarj&yantl AY., Jfigar&yant TB. etc.; dfidh&rayati JB.,
danda^ayitvft DKC.

ill. Desiderative.

1026. By the desiderative conjugation ifl signified a de-
sire for the action or condition denoted by the simple root:
thus, fqsnf^r pibSmi / drinky desid. (MmmJH pipSsami I wish
to drink; sfk?^ jivami / live, desid. Kisflf^Nift jijivi^ami
I desire to live. Such a conjugation is allowed to be formed
from any simple root in the language, and also from any
causative stem.

a. The desiderative coDJugation, although its forms outside the
presefit-system are extremely rare in the oldest language, is earber
and more fully expanded into a whole verbal system than the inten-
sive. Its forms are also of increasing frequency: much fever than
the intensives in RV., more numerous in the firahmanas and later;
not one third of the whole number of roots (about a hundred) noted
as having a desiderative conjugation in Veda and Brahma^ have
such in RV.

1027. The desiderative stem is formed from the simple
root by the addition of two characteristics: 1. a reduplication,
which always has the accent; 2. an appended H sa — which,
however (like the tense-signs of aorist and future), sometimes
takes before it the auxiliary vowel ^ i, becoming ^ i^.

a. A few instances in the concluding part of QB. in which the accent
is otherwise laid — thus, tifthaset, yiyfts&ntam, vividifinti* ips&ntaft
— must probably be regarded as errors.

1028. The root in general remains unchanged; but with
the following exceptions:

a. A final i or u is lengthened before sa: thus, cik^i^a, ciki^a,
jigi^a; QUQrufa, juha^a, oukfufa.

b. A final x becomes ir or Or before sa: thus, oikir^ tlilr^a
(also irregularly tiitar^a RV.), didhir^a, siur^a, tistir^a (also tn-
atur^a), jihirfa; bubhur^a, mumurfa (the only examples quotable).

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373 Dbsiderativb. [—-1029

o. Before i^a, a final i- or u- or ^-vowel necessarily, and a
penultimate i or u or ^ optionally, have the gnu^-strengthenlng; no
examples are quotable from the older texts; later occur ^iQayi^a,
^i^arifa; oikarti^a, ninarti^ay mimardi^a, vivar^i^a, QUQcbhi^a;
but mrudifa.

More special exceptions are:

d. A few roots in S. weaken this vowel to I or even i: thus, jigi^a
from }/ga go; pipi^a (beside pip&sa) from ypSL drink^ jihi^ (-^^0
from yh& remove (jihite: 664)*, didhi^a (heside dhitsa) from >^dh£.

e. A fiew roots in an or am lengthen the vowel : thns, jiggfisa (beside
jigamifa) from i/gam; jighftfiBa from ylian; mim&JiBa from )/man;
and titftflsa from ytan.

f. Reversion to guttural form of an initial after the reduplication is
seen in oiki^a from yoi, oikitsa from }/oit, jigi^a from /Ji, Jigha&sa
from }/han; and yhi is said to make jighi^a (no occurrence).

g. The roots van and san make vivasa and si^ftaa, from the root-
forms vS. and sa.

h. The root jiv forms Jujyufa (fB.: Jijivisa, VS.); and the other
roots in iv (765) are required to make the same change before aa, and to
have gui^a before i^a: thus, ausyufa or sisevifa from }/8iv. Svap
forms BUfupsa. Dhtlrv forms dudhurfa.

i. Initial s is usually left unchanged to ^ after the reduplication
when the desiderative sign has f (184 e): thus, Bisafik^a ((B.: i/saflj),
and BTisyu^a and siBanifa, according to the grammarians; but tu^f^fa
is met with.

j. Farther may be mentioned as prescribed by the grammarians:
ninafiksa (or nina^ii^) from yna^ be lost; mimafikfa from ymajj
(occurs in mimafikfu) ; mimftrjifa (or mixQ^k^a) from /mfj.

1029. The consonant of the reduplication follows the

general rules (590); the vowel is ^ i if the root has an a-

vowel, or lH y, or an i- vowel; it is 3 u if the root has an

u- vowel. But:

a. A few roots have a long vowel in the reduplicating syllable: thus,
'bibhatsa from ]/badh or badh; inim&&Ba from yman ; and tutiir^a (RV.)
from i^tnr ; dadhisu (AV.) and dada&k^u (0.) are probably false forms.

b. From ^aij is made (^B.) aQl^ifa, and from yedh (VS.)
edidhi^a (with a mode of reduplication like that followed sometimes in
the reduplicating aorist: 862). In the older language, these are the only
roots with Initial vowel which form a desiderative stem, except ftp and
ydh, which have abbreviated stems: see the next paragraph. In the later
language occur further e^ififa (yi^ eeek) and loikfifa (]/ik9); and the
grammarians add others, as arjihi^a (v'arh), undidi^a (^und), ardi-
dhlija (/ydh).

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1029—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 374

o. RV. haa the stems fnak^a and fyakffa, regarded as desideratiTetf
from yynw^ attain and yi^, with mutilated reduplication.

1030. A number of roots, including some of very com-
mon use, form an abbreviated stem apparently by a con-
traction of reduplication and root together into one syllable:
thus, ^ ipsa from v^TR 5p; f^rH ditsa from >^ dS.

a. Such abbreviated stems are found in the older language as follows:
dhitsa (beside didhi^a) from v^dha; ditsa (beside did&sa) fi'om yda;
dipsa (dhipsa JB.) from /dabh ; 9ikf a from y'9ak ; sikfa from |/Bah :
these are found in RV.; in AV. are added ipsa from y&p (RV. has apsa
once), and irtsa from V^dh; the other texts furnish lipsa (9^0 or
llpsa (TB.) from |/labh, ripsa (GB.) from )/rabh, pitsa (^B.) from
]/pad, and dhik^a (^B.) from ]/dah (not y^dih, since no roots with i as
medial vowel show the contracted form). In the later language axe farther
found pitsa from ]/pat also, j&ipsa from the causative quasi -root jfiap
(below, 1042 j), and the anomalous mitsa from )/mft measttre (allowed
also from roots mi and mi); and the grammarians give ritsa f rom yrftdh.
Also mok^a is (very questionably) viewed as a desidejative stem ft-om
|/muc.

1081. The use of the auxiliary vowel ^ i is quite rare
in the early language, but more common later; and it is
allowed or prescribed by the grammarians in many stems
which have not been found in actual use.

a. It is declared to follow in general, though not without ex-
ceptions, necessary or optional, the analogy of the futures (984,
948 a).

b. No example of the use of i is found in RV., and only one each in
AV. (pipati^a), VS. (jijivisa), and TS. (jigami^a). The other examples
noted in the early texts are a9i9if a, cikrami^a, jigrahi^a (with i for i,
as elsewhere in this root), cioarifa, edidhisa, jijanifa, didlkfisa,
bibftdhif a, rumcifa, vivadi^a, vividi^a, 9i9&8i9a, ti^fighifa, jihiA-
8i§a: most of them are found only in (B. Stems also without the auxil-
iary vowel are made from roots gam» grab, car, jiv, pat, badh, vid.

1082. Inflection: Present-System. The desider-
ative stem is conjugated in the present-system with per-
fect regularity, like other a-stems (788 a), in both voices, in
all the modes (including, in the older language, the sub-
junctive), and with participles and imperfect. It will be
sufficient to give here the first persons only. We may take

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375 Desidbrative. [—1082

as active model ^^ Ipsa seek to obtain^ from y^P\ ftp obtain]
as middle, frriTRT titikfa endure^ from yfHsT tij be sharp (see
below, 1040).

1. Present Indioatiye.

active. middle.

8. d. p. 8. d. d.

1 ^c^ (t^MH^ pn^ ifri?J^ irlfrlTdW^ fHlH5n%
ipsftmi ips&vas Ipsftmas titikfe titikfftvahe tftik^ftmahe

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

2. Present Subjanctive.

1 ^^iIh ^cqicf ^cOT^r IhIh^ IhIh'HH*^ %f?RTF%

ipsftni ipsftva ipsfima titikf &i tftik^ftvahfti tftik^ftmahfii

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

3. Present Optative.

ipseyam ipseva ipsema tftikfeya tftik^evahi tftik^emahi
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

4. Present Imperative.

2 ^ ^cqrT\ piH Idfrl^W iHfH^IH^ Irlfrl^yH^
ipsa ipsatam ipsata tftikfasva tftlk^ethfim tltikfadhvam

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

6. Present Participle.
^C^IH ipsant (f. ^mtfl ipsanti) frlfrl^HIUI tftikfamfti^a

6. Imperfect.

1 "^c^^ "^1:^1^ "^FT 35rf?lf?l% JblidfH^Nt^ MidrHTHlHi^ -
aipsam ftfpsftva ftfpsfima dtitiki^ dtitik^ftvahi dtitik^fimahi
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

a. There are almost no irregularities of inflection to be reported from
the older langnage. No Ist pi. in maai, or 2d pi. in thana or tana, is
met with; of the impv. in tftt, only ipsatSt. The quotable sabjnnctiye
forms are those in sftni, sSt and Bat» sftn, and santa. KBU. has jijiifisita
(cf. 788 b). But the fern, pple Bifdsati (instead of siij^asanti) occurs
once or twice in the older texts; and RV. has d£dhi|&]gLa.

b. In the epics and later are fonnd sporadic forms of the non-a-

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1082—] xrv. Secondaby Conjugation. 376

conjugation: thus, sisrkfmas (BhP.), titikyniihe and bubhu^ate 3d
pi. (BfBh.); and the fern, participles lipsati'and oikir^ati (MBh. : against
449 b). The anomalons jigh&ABiyat occurs also in MBh. and Yas.

1038. a. Desiderative forms outside the present-system are
extremely rare in the oldest language. The BY. has only perfect
forms from a stem mimik^ — thus, mimikfithus, mimikf&toa,
mimik^us; mimikfe, mimikfire — along with the present forms
mimik^ati, mimikf a etc., mimikfant (pple) : they show that wiiTrt^Va
or mik^ has taken on the character of an independent root In AY.
are found two aorist forms, irtsia and aoikitsls, and a participle or two
from mima^a (see below, 1037 a, 1089 a) — all of them from stems
which have lost their distinct desiderative meaning, and come to bear
an independent value. The forms noted from the other earlier texts
will be given in full below.

b. In the later language, a complete system of verbal

forms is allowed to be made in the desiderative conjugation,

the desiderative stem, less its final vowel^ being treated as

a root. Thus:

1034. Perfect. The desiderative perfect is the peri-
phrastic (1070 ff.).

a. Thus, ipa&di oak&ra etc.; titikf&m cakre etc. Such forms
are made in QB. from yv^kram, dhtirvy b&dh, ruh; and in ChU.
from man.

b. Apparent perfect fonns of the ordinary kind made from twltnilra
in RY. haye been noticed in the preceding paragraph. And AB. (viii. 21. 10)
has once didSsitha thou hast desired to give,

1035. Aorist. The aorist is of the if-form: thus

a. The AV. has aoikitsis, and irtsis (augmentlesB, with ma pro-
hibitive: 679). TB. has ftipslt; QB. ftirtsit, adlorfis and ajIghftAfnfl,
and amim&ABiftb&s; KB. jijiiasifi; JUB. aipsifma; and AA. adhit-

• sifam. No examples have been found in the later language.

b. A precative is also allowed — thus, ipsyftsam, titik^iisiya; bat it
never occurs.

1086. Futures. The futures are made with the auxil-
iary vowel ^ i: thus, ^R^^lfH Ipsi^ySmi and ^fM4Hlfu^
ipBit&flmi; (dfrli^^i titikffijyi and rdfclf^HI^ titik9itSho.

a. The 9B. has titikfifyate and did^k^itaraa. Such forms as
jij&ftsy&maa (MBh.), didhakfy&mi (R.), and mimiAsyant (GQS.) tre
doubtless presents, with -sya- blunderingly for -sa-.

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377 Dbsidbbativb. [—1089

1087. Verbal Nouns and Adjectives. These too
are made with the auxiliary vowel ^ i, in all cases where
that vowel is ever taken.

a. In the older language haTe been noted: participle in ta, mimfiii-
Bit& (AV., GB.), jijyti|ita (AB.), QU^ru^ltA and dhik^itd (gB.); —
gemndiYo in tavya, Upsitavya (AB.), didhyftsitavyk ((^B.); in ya,
jljiifiayk ((;B.)i — gerund in tva, mimftftBitvft (K.).

1088. Of other declinable stems derived from the desiderative stem,
by far the most common are the adjective in u — e. g. tdtikf u» dipsu,
bibhatsUy siffiau (RV. once didfkfu) — and the abstract noun in a —
e. g. ipsft, bibhatsa, mim&fLsa, 9U9ra9& — both of which are made
with increasing freedom from an early epoch of the language : especially the
former, which has the value and construction (271 a) of a present parti-
ciple. A few adjectives in enya (having a gerundive character: 966 b)
occni in the earlier language: thus, did^kf^^ya (RV.), QUQr&fd^ya (TS.),
ninlfei^a (PB.), jij&ftsenya (AB.), and, with irregular reduplication
(apparently) pap^kf^i^ya (RV.), dadhifenya (JB.) ; and didf kf^ya (RV.)
is a similar formation. RV. has also sif &8&ni and ruruk^&i^, and sifft-
84tu(P). In the later language, besides some of the formations already
instanced (those in u and ft, and in sya and sitavya), are found a few
derivatives in aka, as cikitsaka, bubhasaka; in ana, as JiJ&fisanat
didhyftsana; and, very rarely, in aniya (cikitsaniya) and tf (9U9ru9itr) ;
further, secondary derivatives (doubtless) in in from the noun in ft, as
Ipsin, jigl^in (one or two of these occur in the older language). And of
an adjective in a we have an example in bibhatsA (B.S., and later), and
perhaps in avalipsa (AVP.); such words as ajugupsa, da^oikitsa, are
rather to be understood as possessive compounds with the noun in ft. As
to noun-stems in is, see 892 d.

1089. Derivative or Tertiary Conjugations. A
passive is allowed to be made^ by adding the passive-sign
IT y^ to the desiderative root (or stem without final a) : thus,
^cnirT Ipsy^te it is desired to be obtained; — and a causautive,
by adding in like manner the causative-sign ^^ dya (1041):
thus, ^mUlfn TpsdySmi / cause to desire obtainment

a. Of these formations in the older language are found niimft&8y&-
mftna (doubtless to be read for -s^mftna, AV.), lipsy&m&na (9^.), and
rurutsyamSna (K.). Half-a-dozen such passives are quotable later, and
one or two causatives: e. g. dkitsyate, vivak^ate, jijiiftsyate; cikir-
fayanty cikitsayifyati.

b. For the desiderative conjugation formed on causative stems,
which is found as early as the Brahmanas, see below, 1062 b.

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1040—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 37S

1040. Some Btems which are desideratiye in form have lost tk
peooliarity of desideratiye meaning^ and assumed the value of inde-
pendent roots: examples are cikits cure, jugupB despise, titilc^ mmittre,
bibhats abhor, mimftViB ponder, i^uqru^ obey. Doubtless some of the
apparent roots in the language with sibilant final are akin with ibs
desideratives in origin: e. g. ^ik^, desideratiye of ^ak.

a. On account of the near relation of deeiderative and fa tore (d.
948 b), the former is occasionally found where the latter was ratfaex to be
expected: thus, rSJftnaiii prayiyfisantam ((B.) a king about to d^ari
prfi]^ uooikramifan (ChU.) the breath on the point of expiring; mil-
murf ur ivft 'bhavat (H.) he teas fain to die,

IV. Causative.

1041. a. In the later language is allowed to be made
from most roots a complete causative conjugation. The
basis of this is a causative stem, formed by appending^ the
causative-sign ^bht dya to the, usually strengthened, root.

b. But hy no means all conjugation-stems formed by
the sign ^BHT &ya are of causative value; and the grammarians
regard a part of them as constituting a conjugation-class,
the tenth or cur-class, according to which roots may be
inflected as according to the other classes, and either alone
or along with others (775).

c. In RY., the proportion without causative value is fully one third.
The formation is a more ohTionsly denominative one than any of the other
conjugation-classes, an intermediate hetween them and the proper denom-
inatives. A causative meaning has established itself in connection with
the formation, and become predominant, thongh not exclusive. A number
of roots of late appearance and probably derivative character are included
in the class, and some palpable denominatives, which lack only the usual
denominative accent (below, 1056).

d. The causative formation is of much more frequent use, and more
decidedly expanded into a full conjugation, than either the intensive or the
deaiderative. It is made from more than three hundred roots in the early lan-
guage (in RY., from about one hundred and fifty); but in the oldest, its
forms outside the present-system are (apart from the attached rednpUeated
aorist: 1046) exceedingly few.

1042. The treatment of the root before the causative-
sign ^nr aya is as follows:

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379 Causative. [—1042

a. Medial or initial i, u, x* I ^<^ve the gui^a-strengthening (if
capable of it: 240); thus, vedaya from /vid, oodaya from |/oud,
tarpaya from ytfp; and kalpaya from yOslp (only example): but
ointaya, salpl^ayA» d^pAhaya.

b. Bat a few roots lack the strengthening: these are, in the older
language, cit (oitaya and oetaya), if, 11, ri^ (ri^aya and re^aya),
vip (vipaya and vepaya), tuj, tur, ttuj (tufaya and to^aya), dyut
(dyntaya and dyotaya), ruo (ruoaya and rooaya), 9U0 (^uoaya and
90oaya)9 9abh (^ubhaya and 9obhaya), Iqpp, mr<}, sp^h ; and grabh
makes in RV. g^bhaya. Duf and guh lengthen the vowel instead. Mfj
sometimes has v^ddhi, as in other forms: thns, m&rjaya (beside mar-
jay a). On the other hand, giuoa appears irregularly (240 b) in Brevaya
(beside Qrivaya), he<}aya» mekfaya. Similar irregularities in the later
language are giraya, tulaya (also tolaya), ohuraya (also ohoraya),
xnufaya, sphuraya. No forms made without strengthening have a causative
value in the older language.

o. A final vowel has the v^ddhi-strengthening: thus, ofiyaya,
9ftyaya, oyfivaya, bhftvaya, dhftraya, sftraya.

d. But no root in i or 1 has v^dhi in the Veda (unless piyaya
[k, below] comes from pi rather than p&) — as, indeed, regular causa-
tives from such roots are hardly quotable: only RV. has k^ayaya (beside
k^epaya) from ykf i possess ; for a few alternatively permitted forms, see
below, 1. In B. and S., however, occur ^ftyaya and sSyaya (/si or eft);
and later -ftyaya, cay ay a, smftyaya, 4&yaya, nftyaya.

e. A few roots have a form also with g^u^a-strengthening: thus, cyu,
dm, plu, yu separate, Qru, pa, stu, sru; jf waste away, da^ pierce, s^,
8II17, h^; vf choose makes varaya later (it is not found in V.; epic also
varaya).

f. A medial or initial a in a light syllable is sometimes length-
ened, and sometimes remains unchanged: thus, bhSjaya, svSpaya,
adaya; janaya, ^ratbaya, anaya (but mandaya, valgaya, bbakfaya).

g. The roots in the older language which keep their short a are jan,
pan, Bvan, dban, ran, stan, gam (gfimaya once in RV.), tarn, dam,
raj (usually rafijaya), prath, 9rath, 9nath, vyath, svad, chad please
(also ebandaya), nad, dbvas (also dhvaiisaya), rab, mab (also
maAbaya), nabb (also nambbaya), tvar, svar, bvaL In the later
language, further, kvai^, jvar, trap, day, pa^, rac, ran ring, vadb,
val, va9, 9latb, skbal, stbag. Both forms are made (either in the
earlier or in the later language, or in both taken together) by ad, kal,
kram, k^am, kban, gbat, cam, oal, jval, tvar, dal, dbvan, nad,
nam, pat, bbram, matb, mad, yam, ram, lag, lal, vam, vyadb,
9am he quiet, 9ram, 9va8, svap. The roots which lengthen the vowel
are decidedly the more numerous.

b. If a nasal is taken in any of the strong forms of a root, it usually
appears in the causative stem: e. g. dambbaya, da&9aya, indbaya.

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1042—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 380

limpaya, mndhaya, 9undhaya, k^taya, d^p&haya. From & number
of roots, stems both with and ^thont the nasal are made: thus (besides
those mentioned above, g), kufilcaya and kocaya, granthaya and smth-
aya, bf&haya and barhaya, bliraii9aya and bhrft^aya, ^undhaja
and ^odhaya, safiijaya and BiOJ&7ft> aiftcaya and seoaya. In a fev of
these is seen the influence of present-stems.

i. Most roots in final &, and the root Xy acid P before the oon-
jugation-sign : thus, dfipaya, dhfipaya, sthfipaya; arpaya.

j. Such stems are made in the older language from the roots kfft.
khyft, gft sing (also gfiyaya), gift, ghrft, Jfift, dft give^ d& divide^ drfi
rufij dhfi put and dhft auckj mft measure^ mlft, yfi, vfi blow, Btha« mi,
b& remove; the later language adds kfmft, dhmft, and hfi leave, Fron
Jfift and snft are found in AY. and later the shortened forms jfiapaya
and snapaya, and from Qrft only Qrapaya (not in BY.). Also, in the
later language, gift forms glapaya, and mlft forms mlapaya.

k« Stems from fi-roots showing no p are, earlier, g&yaya (also g&pa-
ya) from |/g& sinffj ebftyaya, pftyaya from ]/pft drink (or pi), pyi^-
aya from )/pyft or py&y; aftyaya from ]/8ft (or si); also, later, livflj-
aya from yhvE (or hu) ; — and ftirther, from roots vft weave, vy*, and
9ft (or Qi), according to the grammarians.

1. The same p is taken also by a few i- and i-roots, with other
accompanying irregularities: thus, in the older language, kfepaya (BY.,
beside kfayaya) from yk^i possess; jftpaya (VS. and later) ftt)m yji;
Iftpaya (TB. and later; later also l&yaya) from yu cling; 9rftpaya (YS.,
once) from Yqri; adhyftpaya (S. and later) from adlii-|->/i; — In the
later, kfapaya (beside kfayaya) from |/kfi destroy; mftpaya from
ymi; smftpaya (beside smayaya) from yemi] hrepaya from >'liri;
— and the grammarians make further krftpaya from )/krI ; eftpaya (beside
cSyaya) from yd gather; bhftpaya (beside bbfiyaya and bbi^aya)
from yhhl ; repaya from >/r5, and vlepaya from yvll. Moreover, yiuh
makes ropaya (B. and later) beside rohaya (V. and later), and yknu
makes knopaya (late).

m. More anomalous cases in which the so-called causative is palpably
the denominative of a derived noun, are: p&laya from yptL protect; prx^iaya
from yprl; Imaya (according to grammarians) from yU; dhfbiaya (not
causative in sense) from |/dhu; bhifaya from yhhl; ghfttaya from ylian;
Bphftvaya Arom |/sphft or sphfty.

n. In the Prakrit, the causative stem is made from all roots by the
addition of (the equivalent of) ftpaya; and a number (about a dozen) of
like formations are quotable from Sanskrit texts, mostly of the latest period :
but three, kri<}&paya, jivfipaya, and dik|&paya, occur in the epics;
and two, a^ftpaya and kfftlftpaya, even in the Siitras.

1048. Inflection: Present-System. The causative

stem is inflected in the present-system precisely like other

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381

Causative.

[—1043

stems in ^ a (733 a) : it will be sufficient to give heie in
general the first persons of the different formations, taking
as model the stem mjTJ dhUriya, from yu dh^. Thus:
1. Present Indioatiye.

active.

dhfir&yfimi

etc.

dhariyftvas dhftr&yfimas

etc.

dhftr&ye

etc.

etc.
middle,
d. p.

qT^tnc% mpTTq%
dhftr&y&vahe dhftr&yftmahe
etc. etc.

a. The let pi. act. in masi greatly ontnumbeiB (as t«D to one) that
in mas in both RY. and AY. No example occars of 2d pi. act. in thana,
nor of 3d sing. mid. in e for ate.

2. Present Subjunotive.

For the sabjuDCtive may be instanced all the forms noted as
occarring in the older language:

active.
1 dhftr&yft]^ dhftr&yftva
fdliar&y&si
Idhftr&y&s

^ Idh&r&y&t

dhfiar&yftma
dbftrdyftthaa dhar&y&tha

dhftr&yfttas dhftr^yftn

dh&r&yfti
dhar&yftse

middle.
dh&r&y&vahai

{dhftr&yadlive
dh&dtyftdhv&i

3 /^«^y«« dhtoiymte
Idhardyftt&i ^^^

b. Only one dnal mid. form in fiite occurs: mad&y&ite (RY.). The
only RY. mid. form in fti, except in 1st dn., is maday&dhv&i. The
primary endings in 2d and 3d sing. act. are more common than the secondary.

3. Present Optative.

active.

dhfir&yeyam dhftr&yeva

etc.

etc.

dhfir&yema
etc.

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1043— J XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 382

middle.

UT^

uixosrf^ micHhI^

dh&r&yeya

dhftr&yevahi dhftr&yemahi

etc.

etc. etc.

c. Optative forms are yery rare in the oldest Ungaage (four in RY.,
two in AY.); they become more common in the Brahmanas. A 3d sing,
mid. in ita instead of eta (of. 788 b) occurs once in B. (kftmayita AB.),
is not yery rare in S. (a score or two of examples are quotable), and
is also found in MBh. and later. Of a corresponding 3d pi. in iran only
one or two instances can be pointed out (k&mayiran A(S., kalpayiran
AGS.).

4. Present Imperative.

active.

dhftr&ya dhftr&yatam dhftriyata

etc. etc. etc.

middle.

2 yi^UH ^[(IliiHH^ ^npra^

dhftr&yasva dhar&yethftm dhftr&yadhvam
etc. etc. etc.

d. Imperative persons with the ending tftt occur: dhftrayatftt (AY.)
and oyavayat&t ((B.) are 2d sing. ; p&tayatftt ((B.) is 3d sing. ; gama^
yatftt and oyfivayatftt (K. etc.), and v&rayatftt (TB,) are used as 2d pi.
Vftrayadhvftt (K. etc.) is 2d pi., and the only known example of such
an ending (see above, 649 b).

5. Present Participle.

^I^Url dhar&yant UI^UHIUI dhftrdyamfina.

e. The feminine of the active participle is regularly and usually made
in anti (449 o). But a very few examples in ati are met with (one in
the older language: namayati Apast.).

f. The middle participle in mdna is made through the whole hi«Uffy
of the language, from RV. (only y&t&yam&na) down, and is the only
one met with in the earlier language (for Iray&nas [sic 1], MS. ii. 7. 12,
is evidently a false reading, perhaps for frayft nas). But decidedly more
common in the epics and later is one formed with ana: e. g. k&may&nav
cintay&na, p&layftna, vedayftna. It is quotable from a larger number
of roots than is the more regular participle in mfina. As it occurs in no
accentuated text, its accent cannot be given.

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383 Causative. [—1046

6. Imperfeot.

actiTe.

1 sraippq^^ MMi(uH srarpiPT

idhftrayam &dliftrayava ddhftrayfima

etc. etc. etc.

middle.

Uhftraye AdhfirayftTahi idhftrayfimalii
etc. etc. etc.

1044. As was aboTe pointed oat, the formations from the cansatiTe
stem aya outside the present-system are in the oldest language very
limited. In RV. are fonnd two forms of the future in syftmi, one passive
participle (oodit&), and ten infinitives in dhy&i; also one or two deriv-
ative noons in Iqp (bodhayitf , oodayitrl), five in if^u, seven in itnu,
and a few in a (atip&ray&, iiidhftray&» vftcaml&khay&, viQvamejaya),
and in u (dh&rajri^ bhftvayu, mandayu). In AY., also two s-future
forms and four gerunds in tvfi; and a few derivative noun-stems, from
one of which is made a periphrastic perfect (gamay&h oakara). In the
Brahmanas, verbal derivative forms become more numerous and various, as
will be noted in detail below.

1045. Perfect. The accepted causative perfect is the
periphrastic (1071a); a derivative noun in S is made from
the causative stem, and to its accusative, in Sm, is added
the auxiliary: thus,

^||Ul ^RJT^ dhftrayaih oakSra (or Ssa: 1070b)

^l^til ^9f\ dhSrayaih cakre
a. Of this perfect no example occurs in RV. or SV. or VS., only one
— gamayaih oakSra — in AY., and but half-a-dozen in all the various
texts of the Black Tajur-Yeda, and these not in the mantra-parts of the
text. They are also by no means frequent in the Brahmanas, except in
9B. (where they abound: chiefly, perhaps, for the reason that this work
uses in considerable part the perfect instead of the imperfect as its narrative
tense).

1046. Aorist. The aorist of the causative conjugation
is the reduplicated, which in general has nothing to do
with the causative stem, but is made directly from the root.

a. It has been already fully described (above, 856 ff.).

b. Its asBOciation with the causative is probably founded on an
original intensive character belonging to it as a reduplicated form,
and is a matter of gradual growth; in the Veda, it is made from a

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1046—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 384

considerable number of roots (in BY., more than a third of its in-
stances; in AV., about a fifth) which have no causative stem in aya.

o. The causative aorist of yu dhr, then, is as follows:
1 *<<iy|H^ *<{iy^N *<<(1U(IH

ddidharam ididliar&va Adidharfima
etc. etc. etc.

&cUdhare &didliarfiTabi ididharftmahi

etc. etc. etc.

An example was inflected in full at 864.

1047. In a few cases, where the root has assumed a peculiar
form before the causative sign — as by the addition of a p or f
(above, 1042 i ff.) — the reduplicated aorist is made from this form
instead of from the simple root: thus, ati^thipam from sthSp (stem
Bthapaya) for >/8tha. Aorist-stems of this character from quasi-roots
in &p are arpipa ()/r)» Jijapa or Jljipa, jij&apa or Jijfiipa, ^i^rapa,
ti^t^ipa, jihipa; the only other example from the older langua^^e is
bibhifa from bhi^ for yhhi,

1048. But a few sporadic forms of an ii^-aorist from camative con-
Jagation-Btems are met with: thus, dhvanayit (RV.; TS. has instead the
wholly anomalous dhvanayit), vyathayis and ftilaylt (AY.), pyftyayi^
{hfis and av&dayi^fhfts (KBU.), in the older language (RY. has »lso
tlnayis from a denominative stem); in the later, ahladayifata (DKC),
and probably a^h&tayithas (MBh.; for -ifth&a: cf. 904 d). The passiTe
3d sing, aropi, from the causative ropaya, has a late occurrence (^atr.).

1049. A precative is of course allowed by the grammarians to be
made for the causative conjugation: in the middle, from the causative stem
with the auxiliary i substituted for its final a; in the active, ftom the
form of the root as strengthened in the causative stem, but without ib«
causative sign: thus,

MIUIVIM dhftryftsam etc. ^({{IJNIU dhfirayifiya etc.

This formation is to be regarded as purely fictitious.

1050. Futures. Both futures, with the conditional,
are made from the causative stem, with the auxiliary t t
which takes the place of its final ^ a. Thus:

S-Future.
UI|fU^|fH dhftrayifydmi etc. t|||{I|^ dhftrayi^y^ etc.
^I^nj^tl dhftrasri^y&nt tJl^fll^HIUI dhSrayi^ydmS^a

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385 Causativb. [—1061

Conditional.
Cmr^firsax? &dhftMjii|^am eto. ilMI^Rl^ &dhftr»yl9y« etc.

Periphrastio Fntnre.
Ul^fUHlfH dhfira^tfUmi etc.

a. It has been mentioned above tiiat RY. and AY. contidn only two
examples each of the s-fbtare, and none of the periphrastic. The former
begin to appear in the BrShmanas more nnmerondy, bnt still sparingly,
with participles, and conditional (only ndhiSrayitfyt (B.; alSpayi^ya-
thSs GhU.); of the latter, (B. affords two instanoes (pBra^tasHii and
Janayitfbi). Examples of botii formations are quotable from the later
language (including the middle form dar^ayitSlie : 947 c).

1061. Verbal Nouns and AdjectiYes. These are
made in two different ways: either 1. from the full causa-
tiYe stem (in the same manner as the futures, just des-
cribed); or 2. from the causatively strengthened root-form
(with loss of the causa tiYe-sign) .

a. To the latter class belong the paBsiye participle, as dhftrita;
the gerundive and gernnd in ya, as dhfirsrs, -dhSrya; and the gerund
in am, as dhftram; also, in the older language, the root-infinitive,
as -dhftram etc. (970 a). To the former class belong the infinitive
and the gerund in tva, as dlifirayitum, dharayitvfi, and the gerundive
in tavya, as dharayitavya (also, in the older language, the infinitives
in tavfii and dhyfti, as j&nayitav&f, iray&dhy&i» etc.). The auxiliary
1 is taken in every formation which ever admits that vowel.

b. Bzamples of the passive participle axe: irit^ vftsita, ^rSvitA.
Bnt from the qnasi-root jiiap (1042 J) is made jliapta, without nnion-
Towel.

e. Examples of the infinitive and gerund in tvft are: J6fayitum,
dHarayitmn ; kalpayitva, arpajritva. But in the epics, and even later,
inflnitiYeB are occasionally made with loss of the causatlTe-sign : e. g.
9e9itiim» blifivitum» dhftritum» mocitum.

d. Examples of the gerunds in ya and am are: -bbf^jya, -ghftrya,
-pftdya, -vfiaya, nfiyya, -sthftpya; -bhi^am, stbftpam. But stems
showing in the root-syllable no difference from the root retain ay of the
causative-sign in the gerund, to distinguish it from that belonging to the
primary conjugation : e. g. -kramiyya, -gam&yya» -jan&yya, -Jval&srya,
•kalayya, -9amayya, -racayya, -ftpayya.

e. Examples of the gerundive in tavya are: tarpayitavy^ gam-
syitavya, hvftyayitavya ; of that in ya, atbapya, hirya, yiUya; of
that in an|ya» sthftpanlya, bhavanlya.

Whitney, Orsmmar. 8. ed. 25

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1061—] XIV. Sbcondaey Conjugation. 386

f. Examples of other formations ocurring in the older langaage are
as follows: root-inflnitiYe, -sthapaniy -vftsas; — infinitive in tu, other
cases than aocnsative, -janayitave; j&nayitavafy payayitavfi£» -^oot-
ayitavfif; Qdmayitos; — inflnitlTe in dhyfii, ifay&dhy&i, iray&dhyfii,
taABay&dhyftiy nft9ay&dhy&i, manday&dhySi, mftday&dhy&i, rif-
ay&dhySi, vartay&dhy&i, vfijay&dhyOi, syanday&dliy&i (&U BY.);
— gerundive in fiyya, panayayya, sp^hayayya, trayayayya (? >^trft).

g. Other noun-deriTatiyes ftom the cansative stem are not infrequent,
being decidedly more nnmerons and yarions than from any other of the
secondary conjugation-stems. Eiamples (of other kinds than those instanced
in 1044) are: ktpBj^ d&pana, pru^Lana, bhliffaj^a; jxlftpaka, ropaka;
patay&lu, spfhayftlu; J&nayati, jiiaptd.

h« All the classes of deriyatives, it will be noticed, follow in regtid
to accent the analogy of similar formations horn the simple root, and show
no influence of the special accent of the causatiye-stem.

1052. Deiiyative or Teitiary Conjugations.
Fiom the causative stem are made a passive and a de-
sideiative conjugation. Thus:

a. The passive-stem is formed by adding the usual
passivoHsign IT y^ to the causatively strengthened root, the
causative-sign being dropped: thus, ITTOH dhSry^te.

b. Such passives are hardly found in the Teda (only bh^yd- AY.),
but some thirty instances are met with in the Brahmanas and Sutras: ex-
amples are jiiapyd- (TS.), s&dya- (K.), pftdya- (AB.), vftdya- (TB,),
sthftpya- (OB.); and they become quite common later.

o. The desiderative stem is made by reduplication and

addition of the sign ^ iffa, of which the initial vowel replaces

the final of the causative stem: thus, {^MI^fUMfrl didhSrayi^ti

d. These, too, are found here and there in the Brahmanas and later
(about forty stems are quotable) : examples are pipgyayifa (K.), bibhSv-
ayifa and cikalpasrifa and lulobhayifa (AB.)} dldrapayifa and rirfidb-
ajri^ (?B.), and so on.

e. As to causatives made from the intensive and desiderative stems,
see above, 1025, 1089.

V. Denominative.

1058. A denominative conjugation is one that has for

its basis a noun-stem.

a. It is a view now prevailingly held that most of the present-
systems of the Sanskrit verb, along with other formations analogous with a

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387 Denominative. [ — 1066

present-system, are in their ultimate origin denominative; and that many
apparent roots are of the same character. The denominatives wliich are so
called differ from these only in that their origin is recent and nndiggnised.

1054. The giammarians teaoh that any noun-stem in
the language may be conveited, without other addition than
that of an iEI a (as union-vowel enabling it to be inflected
according to the second general conjugation) into a present-
stem^ and conjugated as such.

a. But snch formations are rare in actual use. The RY. has a few
isolated and doubtful examples, the clearest of which is bhif^kti he hedU,
from bhifU physician) it is made like a form of the root-class; abhifijiak
seems to be its imperfect according to the nasal class j and p&tyate li€
rules appears to be a denominative of p&ti master', other possible cases
are ifaj^iaa etc., kfp&i^anta, taru^ema etc., vanufanta, bhurajanta»
vtoanvati. From the other older texts are quotable kavy&nt (TS.),
49lonat (TB.), unmulati (SB.), svadhfimahe (99S.). And a consider-
able number of instances, mostly isolated, are found in the later language:
e. g. kalahant (MBh.), arghanti (Pafic), abjati (9atr.), gardabhati
(SD.), ntka^fhate (SD.), Jagannetrati (Pras.), keli9vetaBahaBra-
pattrati (Pras.)-

1056. In general, the base of denominative conjugation
is made from the noun-stem by means of the conjugation-
sign TJ[ yd, which has the accent.

a. The identity of this ya with the ya of the so-called causative
conjugation, as making with the final a of a noun-stem the causative-sign
aya, is hardly to be questioned. What relation it sustains to the ya of
the ya-class (759), of the passive (708), and of the derivative intensive
stem (1016), is much more doubtful.

1058. Intermediate between the denominatiye and causative
coDJugatioDS stands a class of verbs, plainly denominative in origin,
but having the causative accent. Examples, beginning to appear at the
earliest period of the language, are mantr&yate speaks, takes counsel,
(from mantra, )/man + tra), kirt&yati commemorates (from kirti,
l/kf praise'), arth&yati or -te makes an object of, seeks (from &rtlia goal,
object), van^ayati depicts (from van^a color), kathayati or -te gives
the how of anything, relates (from katham howf), and so on. These,
along with like forms from roots which have no other present-system
(though they may make scattering forms outside that system from
the root directly), or which have this beside other present-systems
without causative meaning, -are reckoned by the grammarians as a
separate conjugation-class, the cur-class (above, 807, 775).

26*

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1057—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 388

1067. Denominatiyes are formed at eyeiy period in the

history of the language, from the earliest down.

a. They are frequent in BY., which contains oyer a hundred ,
of all yarieties ; AV. has only half as many (and personal forms from
hardly a third as many: from the rest, present participles, or deriy-
ative nouns); AB., less than twenty; QB., hardly more than a dozen;
and so on. In the later language they are quotable by hundreds^
but from the yast majority of stems occur only an example or two;
the only ones that haye won any currency are those that haye assumed
the character of '^cnr-class*' verbs.

1058. The denominatiye meaning is, a« in other lan-
guages, of the greatest yariety; some of the most frequent
forms of it are: be like^ act aSy play, the part of\ regard
or treat a8\ cause to be^ make into; use, make application
of; desire, toish for, crave — that which is signified by the
noun-stem.

a. The modes of treatment of the stem-final are also yarioua;
and the grammarians make a certain more or less definite assignment
of the varieties of meaning to the yarieties of form; but this allot-
ment finds only a dubious support in the usages of the words as met
with even in the later language, and still less in the earlier. Hence
the formal classification, according to the final of the noun-stem
and the way in which this is treated before the denominatiye sign yA,
will be the best one to follow.

1068. From stems in a. a. The final a of a noun-stem
oftenest remains unchanged: thus, amitray&ti plays tiltf enemy, ie
hoetUe-, deyay&ti cultivates the gods, is pious.

b. But final a is also often lengthened: thus, aghSy&ti plam
mischief 'y priyfiy&te J^lds dear; agySy&ti seeks for horses; aganiy4tl
desires food,

c. While in the Veda the various modes of denomintiiye fbniialioii
are weU distributed, no one showing a marked preponderance, in the latsr
langnage the vast majority of donominatlTes (fully seven eighths) are ef
the two kinds jast noticed: namely, made from a-stems, and of the fotm
aya or fiya, the former predominating. And there is seen a decided ten-
dency to give the denominatives in aya an active f^rm and tnositive mean-
ing, and those in ftya a middle form and Intransitive or reflexive meaning.
In not a few cases, parallel formations from the same stem illusftrato this
distinction: e. g. kalufayati makes turbid, kalufiyate is or beeomee
turbid; tanujiayati r^uvenates, taro^fiyate is rejuvenated; fitfaUsiyatt
loosens, 9ithilayate grou)s hose. No distinct traces of this distincten are

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389 Dbnominativb. [-—1064

reoogninble in the Teda, although the? e also conespoBding forms with short
a and with long ft sometiines stand side by side.

d. Final a is sometimes changed to i (Tery rarely i) : thns, adlivsrly&ti
performs the sacrifice; tavl^Iy&ti is mighty ; putrfy&ld or putriy&ti desires
a sen; mMiuOykti craves jUsh; si^yate is ready; oandrakfintSjrati is
moonstanelike. Not fifty stems of this form are quotable.

e. It is oecasionally dropped (after n or r) : thns, tara^jr&ti is rapid;
adhryary&td performs the sacri^fice,

f. Other modes of treatment are sporadic: thus, the addition of 8, as
in Btanasyati seeks the breast; the change of a to e, as in varey&ti
plays the toooer.

1060. From stems in ft. Final ft usually remains, as in gopfty-
Ati plays the herdsman, protects; yfUa^M^Ati Jighis; hut it is sometimes
treated in the other methods of an a-stem; thus, p^^tanyati fights; tilotta-
miyati acts Tilottama.

1061. From stems in i, i, and u, &. Such stems are (especially
those in tL» il) very rare. They show regularly i and ft befbre ya: thus,
arfitly&tl (also -tiy-) pUis injury; janiy&ti (also -niy-) seeks a wife;
sakhly&ti desires friendship; nftriyate turns woman; — 9atrQy&ti acts
the foe; fjl&y&ti is straight; vasny&td desires wealth; nsuykti grumhleSy
is discontented: with short u, gfttay&U sets in motion.

a. More rarely, i or u is treated as a (or else is gunated, with loss
of a y or v): thus, dhunay&ti comes snorting; laghayati makes easier.
Sometimes, as to a (above, 1069 f), a sibilant is added: thus, avi^y^ti
is vehement; um^y&ti saves. From dhl, BY. makes dhlyfty&te.

1062. From other to wel -stems, a. Final ^ is changed to rl:
thus, mfttiiy&ti treats as a mother (only quotable example).

b. The diphthongs, in the few cases that occur, have their final ele-
ment changed to a semiTOwel: thus, gavy&tl seeks cattle^ goes a-raiding.

1068. From consonant-stems. A final consonant usually remains
before ya : thus, bhi^ajy&ti plays the physician, cures ; uki^a^&ti ads
like a hull; apasy&ti is active; namasy&ti pays reverence; BvaxiajiABykte
is favorably disposed; taruijy&ti fights.

a. But a final n is sometimes dropped, and the preceding vowel treated
as a final: thus, riy&y&te or riyiy&ti is kingly^ tiom rsyan; -karma-
yati from -karman; svfimiyati treats as master, from Bvftmin: Tqr9&-
y&te from v^^^an is the only example quotable from the older language.
Sporadic cases occur of other final consonants similarly treated: thus, ojft-
y&te from ojas, -manftyate from -manas; — while, on the other hand,
an a-vowel is occasionally added to such a consonant before ya: thus, i^a-
y4td from if, satvaniyati from satvan.

1064. The largest class of consonantal stems are those showing a B
before the ya; and, as has been seen above, a sibilant is sometimes, by
analogy, added to a final vowel, making the denomitive-sign virtually sya

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1064—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 390

— or eTCD, with a also added after an i- or a-vowel, asya; and this cozii»
to be recognized by the grammarians as an independent sign, forming denoc-
inatiyes that express desire: thus, suxnakhasy&te is merry ; jlvanaaym-
(in -sya love of life)] v^^fasyati desires the male (the only quotable exan-
pies); madhufyati or madhvasyati longs for honey] kiirassrati eracet
milk,

1066. The grammarians reckon as a special class of denomiiiatiTe*
in kftmya what are really only ordinary ones made from a compound noon-
stem having kama as Its final member : thus, rathakfimyati lan^ for
the chariot (K.: only example fonnd in the older language); arthalcSm-
yati desires wealth-, putrak&myati wishes a son (the only quotable exam-
ples) ; coming from the possessiTe compounds rathakftma etc. And artbJL-
pftyati treats as property is a (sole quotable) example of a stem kaTing
the Prakritic causatiye form (1042 n),

a. Stems of anomalous formation are drfighaya from dirgha, dra^k-
aya from dr^a, and perhaps mradaya from m^o.

1066. a. A number of denominatiye stems occur in the Veda for
which no corresponding noun-stems are found, although for all or nearly
all of them related words appear: thus, ankuy&, Btabhuyd, i^udliya;
dhi^ai^yd, rifa^yi, ruvanya, havanya, ifa^&; ratharyd, ^ratharya*
saparya; iyasya ((B.), irasyd, da^asy^, makhasyd, panasySy sa-
oasyi. Those in anya, especially, look like the beginnings of a new
conjugation-class.

b. Haying still more that aspect, however, are a Yedic group of stems
in ftya, which in general have allied themselves to present-systems of the
nft-class (782), and are found alongside the forms of that class: thur,
grbhfty&ti beside g^bhi^ftti. Of such, RV. has g^bbftyd, mathfiyi,
pniffty&y mu9&y&, 9rathfiya» skabbftyd, stabbftyi. A few others
haye no nft-class rompanious: thus, damfiy&, 9aiDfiy&, tudfiy& (AV.);
and panftya, na9&ya» v^^&ya (yvx^ rain), vasfiyi (yvas clothe), and
perhaps a^ftya (/a9 attain),

O. Here may be mentioned also quasi-denominatives made from one-
matopoetic combinations of sounds, generally with repetition: e. g. ki^aki-
(ftya, thatathatarftya, mifami^&ya, 9ara9arfiya.

1067. The denominatiye stems in RV. and AY. with causative accent-
uation are: RY. a&kh&ya, arth&ya, if&ya (also i^ay^), urj&ya, ftAya,
kfp&ya, maiitr&ya» mrg&ya» vavr&ya» viy&ya (also vl^ayi), viliiya,
BUQv&ya (also su^vayi) ; AY. adds kirt&ya» dhtip&ya, pftl&ya, vir&ya,
sabhfig&ya.

a. The accent of &imiya and hdstaya (RY.) is wholly anomalous.

1068. Inflection. The denominatiYe stems are in-
flected with regularity like the other stems ending in 39 a
(788 a] throughout the present-system. Forms outside of

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391 Denominative. [—1069

that system — except fiom the stems which aie reckoned
to the causative or our-class, and which follow in all re-
spects the rules for that class — are of the utmost rarity.

a« In BV. occurs no form not belonging to the present-system, except
nnayls (with ma prohibitive), an ii-aorist 2d sing. (of. 1048). Fxirthei
examples of this torist are &8uyit ((B.), papayi^ta (^S.: pi., with mi
prohibitive), and avr^Esd^ata (VS. etc.). The form Asaparyait (AV.
xiv. 2. 20), with ai for i (555 c), might be aorist; bnt, as the metre
shows, is probably a corrupt reading; amanaeyftit, certainly imperfect,
appears to occur in IB. (ii. 3. 8^). Other forms begin to appear in the
Biahmanas: e. g. the futures gopftyi^yati ((B.), meghayify&nt, luu^-
cjuyi^y&nt, Qikftyify&nt (TS.), the participles bhifajyit4 (? JB. -jita)
and iyasiti (9B.), ka]^<}uyit4, 9ikit&, and meghit& (TS.), the gerund
sazhQl^k^i^ya ((B.), and so on. In the later language, also, forms out-
side the present-system (except the participle in ta) are only sporadic; and
of tertiary conjugation forms there are hardly any: examples are the causa-
tiyes dhum&yaya and as^aya (MBh.), and the desiderative abhififei^a-
yifa (gig.).

b. Noun-derivatives from denominative stems follow the analogy of
those from causative stems (1051g). In the older language, those in a
and a (especially the former) are much the most numerous; later, that in
ana prevails over all others.

CHAPTER XV.

PERIPHRASTIC AND COMPOUND CONJUGATION.

1069. One periphrastic formation, the periphrastic
future, has been already described (942 ff.), since it has
become in the later language a recognized part of every
verbal conjugation, and since, though still remainig essen-
tially periphrastic, it has been so fused in its parts and al-
tered in construction as to assume in considerable measure
the semblance of an integral tense-formation.

By far the most important other formation of the
class is —

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1070—] XV. Periphrastic and Compound Conjugation. 392

The Periphrastic Perfect

1070. This (though almost unknown in the Veda, and
coming only gradually into use in the Biahmanas) is a
tense widely, made and firequenlly used in ihe clwjwKiml
Sanskrit.

a. It is made by prefixing the acjiisative of a deriva-
tive noun-stem in 9T i (accented) to the perfect tense _pf an
auxiliary verb : namely, of y^ k^ make, more often of
05IH as be, and very rarely of yH bhtl be.

b. In the older Ungaage (see below, 107Bd), kf is almost the only
auxiliary used in making this tense, as oconrring yery few times, and bhfi
neyer. Later, also, bhtl is qoite rare (it is found nine times in MBh.,
six times in Rgh., and a few times elsewhere), hut as gains Tory greatly
in currency, haying become the usual auxiliary, while kf is only exceptional.

c« Somewhat - similar formations with yet other auxiliaries are not
absolutely unknown in the later language: thus varayfiih praoaknunus
(MBh.), p^ayftm (etc.) vyadhus (YTracaritra), m^^gaySm av&tait (ib.).

1071. The periphrastic perfect occurs as follows:

a. It is the accepted perfect of the derivative conjuga-
tions: intensive, desiderative, causative, and denominatiTe;
the noun in ^ i being made from the present-stem which is
the general basis of each conjugation: thus, from ysm budh,
intensive <M [®U4 l^^bobudhim, desiderative 5>J=RW bubhuteim,
causative <^Mti i<^bodhay&m ; denominative TTPHTR mantray-
Sm.

b« The formation from causatiye stems (including those denominatiyes
which haye assumed the aspect of causatiyes: 1066) is by far the most
frequent Only a few desideratiyes are quotable (1034 a), and of inten-
siyes only jfigaram ftsa (1020 a; beside Jsjag&ra).

o. Most roots beginning with a vowel in a heavy syl-
lable (long by nature or long by position) make this perfect
only, and not the simple one: thus, 9THFT &sfim from yiHH
Ss sit; J^TR Ik^&m from y^ tk^ see; ^s^lH^ujjhfim from
V3^ ujh forsake; ^ym edhfim from Y^ edh thrive (the
only examples quotable).

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393 PsRijrasASTic Pbbfbot. [—1^73

d. Excepted are the roots ftp and ftftoh, and those beginning with a
before two consonants (and taking ftn as reduplication: 788).

e. The roots (tiiat is, stems reckoned by the grammarians as roots) of
more than one syllable have their perfect of this formation: thns, oaklsim.
Bnt Qr^XL (718) is said to form Qr^oiUlTm only; while Jfig^p (lOSO)
makes a perfect of either formation, and daridrft (1024 a) is said to do
tbe same.

f. A few other roots make tbe periphrastic in addition to the nsnal
radnpUcated perfect Thus, in the older language only are tovnd tiie stems
emySm, t&jrftm, nilayftm, vlsftm iyvtm dwell), vidftm (Vvid kww),
vyayfim, and the reduplicated stems bibhi^ftm and juhaTtm ; the later
langaage adds ayim, jayftm, dayftm, nagrSm, smayftm, hvayfim, and
the redoplicated bibtharftm; and the grammarians teach like formatioiis
£rom n^f kft8» and the reduplicating luA. The stem is made in every .case
from the present-stem with gva^ of a final yowel.

1072. The periphrastic perfect of the middle voice is

made with the middle inflection of y^ kr* For passive

use, the auxiliaries CTFT as and H bhfl are said to be allowed

to take a middle inflection.

a. One or two late examples of bhQ with middle inflection have been
pointed oat, but none of as.

Ji. It is unneceBsary to give a paradigm of this formation, as
the inflection of the auxiliaries is the same as in their independent
use: for that of }/lqr, see 800k; of vl>hii, see 800 d; of yas, see 800m.

c. The connection of the noun and auxiliary is not so close that other
words are not occasionally allowed to come between them : thus, xninifiia-
sam ev& cfikkre ((B.) he merely speculated ; vidftih vft idam ayaih
oakftra (JB.) he verily knew this; prabhrafL9ay&iii yo naghufaih ca-
kftra who made Naghusha fall headlong (Bgh.).

1073. The above is an account of the periphrastic formation
with a derivative noun in ftm as it appears especially in the later
language; earlier, its aspect is rather that of a more general, but
quite infrequent, combination of such a noun with various forms of
the root k^. Thus:

a« Of the periphrastic perfect occurs only a single example in the
whole body of Yedic texts (metrical): namely, gamayaih oakftra (AY.).
In the Brahmanas examples from causatlYe stems begin to appear more
freely, but are everywhere few in number except in ^B. (which has them
ftom twenty-four root^, and a few of these in seToral occurrences). From
desiderative stems they are yet rarer (only seven occurrences, five of them
in 9B.: see 1084 a); and from intensives they are unknown. The peri-
phrastic perfects of primary conjugation were noted above (1071 f : in i^B.,

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1078—] XV. Periphrastic and Compound Conjugation. 39^

eight stems and about eighty occurrences, chiefly from ikf, bhiy and vid;
that from vid is found in the greatest number of texts).

b. Forms with the aorist of the auxiliary are in the oldest Brahinanas
as numerous as those with the perfect. Thus, with akar occiir raxna^FABi
(K.), Janayam and Bftdayim and svadayam and sthftpayam (MS.);
and with akran, vidam (TS. TB. MS.). With the aorist optoUve or pre.
cative has been found only pftvayaih kriyftt (MS.).

O. Like combinations with other tenses are not entirely unkDOwn:
thus, Juhavfiih karoti (99S.). So also in the later language, where bave
been found quotable half-a-dozen such cases as vidfiih karoti (P»f»c.)j
vidftiii karotu and kurvantu (Pa&c. etc.).

d. Only two or three cases of the use of as instead of kf ae auxil-
iary are met with in the older language: they are mantray&m asa (AB.
GB.), Janayftm asa ((vU.), and Ikfam ftsa (9(8.).

e. A single example of an accented auxiliary is met with in the accent-
uated texts: namely, atiraoayaih oakruB (QB.). As was to be expected,
ttom the nature of the combination, the noun also retains its accent (com-
pare 945).

Participial Periphrastic Phrases.

1074. The firequent use, especially in the later language,
of a past or a future passive participle with the copula (or
also without it] to make participial phrases having a >alue
analogous to that of verb-tenses, has been already noticed
(999). But other similar combinations are not unknown in
any period of the language, as made with other auxiliaries,
or with other participles.

a. They occur even in the Veda, but are far more common and
conspicuous in the Brabmanas, and become again of minor account in the
later language.

1076. Examples of the various formations are as follows:
a. A (usually present) participle with the tenses of the verb i po.
This is the combination, on the whole, of widest and most frequent occqt-
rence. Thus : &yaJvaiio vibh^jann 6ti v6da^ (R^O ^ ^^' ff*^^ owa^
the wealth of the non-offerer', yathft sucyft vftsa^ saihdadhad iyftd
evam evil tftbhir y^jflasya chidraih saihdadhad eti (AB.) just om
one would mend \hahituaUy] a garment with a needle^ so with these one
mends any defect of the sacrifice ; agnir vft idaih vfti9vfinaro dahann
iit (PB.) Agni Vaicvanara kept burning this creation; t6 'surfi^p&ri-
jitS y&nto dyav&p^hivl upft^rayan (TB.) those Asuras, getting beaten^
took refuge with heaven and earth ; t^ 'sya gl^l^ckl^ pa^&va npamfiryi-
mSi^ft lyuh ((B.) the animalsy his family, wotild be continually destroyed.

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395 Participial Phrases. [—1076

b. The same with the verb oar go {continually or hcibitually) signifying
still more distinctly than the pioceding a continued or habitual action. Thus:
agnav agni9 oaratd pr&vi^ta^ (^^O ^9^^ <*« constantly present in the
Jire\ culai^ijiyaih dai^<}ena ghnanta^ caranti (PB.) they make a practice
of beating with a rod what is undeserving of punishment.

O. The same with the xeibs fis sit and Bthft stand^ with a like mean-
ing. Thus, juhvata fisate (K.) they continue sacrificing ; te *pakramya
prativftvadato 'ti^than (AB.) ihey, having gone of, kept vehemently
refusing. In the later language, sthft is the verb oftenest used, with predi-
cates of Tarlous kind, to make a verbal phrase of continuance.

d. A present or future or perfect participle with as and bhu he.
The participle is oftenest a future one; as only is used in the optative,
bhtl usually in other forms. Thus: yah purvam an^jfinah syftt (AB.)
whoever may not have made sacrifice before-, samSvad eva yajfte kur-
v&]^ asan (GB.) they did the same thing at the sacrifice*, parikA^ajotA
asan (MS.) they were playing about; y&tra suptva punar nk 'vadr&-
sy&n bh&vati (fB.) wlien, after sleeping, lie is not going to fall asleep
again-, havyaih hi vak^yan bhavati (AB.) for he is intending to carry
the sacrifice; dasyant syftt (K.) may be going to give; y^navahcmena
syantsy&nt syat ((B.) with what vehicle he may be about to drive. True
expressions for perfect and pluperfect and future perfect time are capable
of being made by such means, and now and then are made, but in no
regular and couKhued fashion.

Composition with Prepositional Prefixes.

^76. All the forms, personal and other, of verbal con-
jugation — of both primary and secondary conjugation,
and even to some extent of denominative (so far as the
denominative stems have become assimilated in value to
simple roots) — occur very frequently in combination with
certain words of direction, elements of an adverbial character
(see the next chapter}, the so-called prepositions (according
to the original use of that term), or the verbal prefixes.

a. Practically, in the later language, it is as if a compounded root
-were formed, out of root and prefix, from which then the whole conjugation
(with derivatlTeB: below, chap. XYIl.) is made, just as from the simple
root. Tet, even there (and still more in the older language: 1081 a-o), the
combination is so loose, and the members retain so much of their independent
value, that in most dictionaries (that of Sir Monier Williams is an exception)
the conjugation of each root with prefixes is treated under the simple root,
and not in the alphabetic order of the prefix. Derivative words, however,

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1076—] XV. Periphrastic and Compound Conjugation. 396

are by uniTersal agreement given in their independent alphabetic plaoe, like
simple words.

1077. Those verbal prefixes which have value as suoh
throughout the whole history of the language are given
below in alphabetic order with their fundamental meanings:

^Eripf &ti <icro$8, beyond^ past, over^ to excess ;

^rfir 4dhl ahopej over, on, on to;

5R &nu after, along, toward;

vm^ ant&r between, among, toithin',

5|t| dps away, forth, off\

Sifq &pi unto, close upon or on;

Slfn Abhi to, unto, against (often with implied violence);

5Ior iva dotjon, off;

m t to, unto, at;

35" 6d up, up forth or out;

OT lips to, unto, toward;

^ ni doion; in, into;

f5(^ nis out, forth ;

q^ pArS to a distance, away, forth;

qf^ pdri round about, around;

^ pri forward, onward, forth, fore ;

^f^ pr&tL in reversed direction, back to or agai$^
in return;

1% vi apart, asunder, away, out;

H^s&m along, with, together.

a« Some of these, of course, are nsed much more widely and frequently
than others. In order of frequency in the older language (as estimated by
the number of roots with which they are found used in RY. and AT.), tiiey
stand as follows : pra, &, vi, 8am» abhi, ni» ud« pari, ana, upa, prati,
ava, nis, ati, apa, par&» adhi, api, antar. Api is of very limited
use as prefix in the later language, having become a conjunction, toOt aUo.

b. The meanings given above are only the leading ones. In eombiaatioiis
of root and prefix they undergo much modification, both literal and llguxatlTe
— yet seldom in such a way that the steps of transition from the fund-
amental sense are not easy to trace. Sometimes, indeed, the T«lae of •

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597 Verbal Prefixes. [—1081

root ia hardly perceptibly modified by the addition of the prefix. An in-
teDst^e force is not infrequently given by pari, vi, and Bam.

1078. Prefixes essentially akin with the above, bat more dis-
tinctly adverbial, and of more restricted use, are these:

&olia (or dchft) io, unto: tolerably frequent in RV. (used with
over twenty roots), but already unusual in AV. (only two roots), quite
restricted in B., and entirely lost in the later language;

ftvis forth to highly in view: used only with the roots bhu, as,
amd kr;

tir&s through, crossways] out of sight: hardly used except with
lq>, dhft, bhtl (in RV., with three or four others);

pur&8 in front J forward: used with only half-a-dozen roots,
especially kr» dhS, i;

prftd^ forth to view: only with bhu, as, k^*

a. A few others, as bahis outside, vinS unfhout, alam (with bhu
and kf) sufficiettlt/j properly, Bfikijfftt in view, axe BtiU less lemoned from
ordinary adverbs.

1079. Of yet more limited use, and of noun- rather than adverb-
value, are:

9rad (or 9rathP), only with dhft (in BY., once also with k^):
Qraddha believe, credit:

hifl, only with kf (and fitsolete in the classical language): hi&lq^
nuA^ the sound hing, low, murmur.

a. And beside these stand yet more fortuitons combinations: see
below, 1091.

1080. More than one piefix may be set before the same
root. Combinations of two are quite usual; of three, much
less common; of more than three, rare. Their order is in
general determined only by the requirements of the meaning,
each added prefix bringing a further modification to the
combination before which it is set. But 35(T S is almost
never allowed, either earlier or later, to be put in front
of any of the others.

a. The very rare cases of apparent preflxion of ft to another prefix
(as avihanti MBh., ftvitanvSnft^ BhP.) are perhaps best explained as
having the a used inj^pendently, as an adverb.

1081. In classii^l Sanskrit, the prefix stands immediately
before the verbal form.

a. In the earlier language, however (especially in the Veda; in
the Brahmana less often and more restrictedly), its position is quite

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1081—] XV. Periphrastic and Compound Conjugation. 398

free: it may be separated from the verb by another word or word«,
and may even come after the form to which it belongs; it may also
stand alone, qualifying a verb that is understood, or conjointly with
another prefix one that is expressed.

b. Thus, 8& devaA 6 1i& vak^yati (RY.) he shall bring the gods
hither \ pr& i^a ayufi^i tari^at (AY.) may se lengthen out our lives; tiv
a yatam upa drav&t (RY.) do ye two come hither quickly; g&mad
vfvjebhir a si nah (RV.) may he come with gifts hither to U8\ pAri
m^ pari me prajaiii p&ri i^ah p&hi y&d dh&nam (AY.) protect me,
my progeny, and what wealth we own ; y&tah sadyA i ca p&r& ca yAnti
(AY.) from whence every day they advance and retire ; vy ah&di sArvena
p&pin&n& [a-y^tam] vi y&k^mena B&m ayof & (AY.) / Juive eeparaied
from all evil, from disease, [I have joined myself '\ with life\ vi hy
enena pa9yati (AB) for hy it he sees; vi va e^k praj&yft pa^ubhir
^dhyate (TB.) he is deprived of progeny and cattle.

C. Three or four instances have been cited from the later langua^
of a prefix separated ftom, or following, a Terb ; perhaps the prefix in every
such case admits of being regarded as an adverb.

1082. As regards the accent of verb-forms compounded with
prefixes, only the case needs to be considered in which the prefix
stands (as always in the later language) immediately before the verb;
otherwise, verb and prefix are treated as two independent words.

1083. a. A personal verbal form, as has been seen above (59S),
is ordinarily unaccented; before such a form, the prefix has its own
accent; or, if two or more precede the same form, the one nearest
the latter is so accented, and the others lose their accent.

b. If, however, the verb-form is accented, the prefix or prefixes
lose their accent

c. That is, in every case, the verb along with its normiUly
situated prefix or prefixes so far constitutes a unity that the whole
combination is allowed to take but a single accent.

d. Examples are: pAre lii nftrl punar 6 'hi k^ipxAm (AY.) go
away, woman; come again quickly; Atha 'staiii vlpAretana (RY.) iA<f»
scatter ye away to your home-, samaoinu^vft 'nusamprAyfihi (AY]
gather together, go forth together after; yAd gfhan upod&iti (AY.) when
he goes up to the house; evi oa tv&m sarama SjagAntha (RY.) nov
that you, Sarama, have thus come hither; y6na ''viftitah pravivA^ithft
'pA^ (RY.) enveloped in which thou didst enter the waters,

1084. A prefix, however, not seldom has a more independent
value, as a general adverb of direction, or as a preposition (in the
usual modem sense of that term), belonging to and governing a nonn ;
in such case, it is not drawn in to form part of a verbal compound,
but has its own accent. The two kinds of use shade into one anotber.
and are not divisible by any distinct and fixed line.

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399 Verbal Prefixes. [—1087

a. Theje is in BY. a considerable number of cases (some thirty) in
which the pada-text gives unnecessarily, and probably wrongly, an inde-
pendent accent to a prefix before an accented verb (or other prefix): re-
solving, for example, inihat into a &ruliat, vy&oet into vf &oet,
abhy&var^it into abhi dvar^It, vyisarat into vi i asarat (instead of
&-&ruhat etc.).

1086. In combination with the non-personal parts of the yerb-
system — with participles, infinitives, and gerunds — the general rule
is that the prefix loses its accent, in favor of the other member of the
compound. But the prefix instead has sometimes the accent : namely,
when combined —

a. with the passive participle in ta or na: thus, p&reta gone
forth] ant&rhita concealed; &vapanna fallen; s&mp^n^ complete
(cf. 1284).

b. But some exceptions to this rule are met with: e. g., in BY., nioit&,
niflq^ pra9a8t&» ni^atti, etc.; in AY., apakriti.

o. with the infinitive in tu (972), in all its cases: thus, s&ih-
bartom to collect; &pidh&tave to cover up; &vaganto8 of descending.
The doubly accented dative in tav&f retains its final accent, but
throws the other back upon the prefix : thus, &nvetavft£ for follow-
ing; &pabhartavSi /or carrying off,

1088. The closeness of combination between the root and the
prefix is indicated not only by their unity of accent, but also by the
euphonic rules (e. g. 186, 192), which allow the mutual adaptations
of the two to be made to some extent as if they were parts of a
unitary word.

1087. A few special irregularities call for notice:

a. In the later language, api, adbi, and ava» in connection with
certain roots and their derivatives, sometimes lose the initial vowel : namely,
api with nab and dbS, adM with stbO, ava with gftb etc.: e. g.
plnaddba, pibita, dbi^fbita, vag&bya, vataftsa, vadftnya, va^fabbya,
vainajjaiia» vek^ana, valepana. In the Yeda, on the other hand, i^
is in a few cases found instead (apparently) of nis with ylqp.

b. The final vowel of a prefix, especially an i, is (oftenest in the
older language) sometimes lengthened, especially in derivative words: e. g.
pratikfira, niv^t, parib&ra, virudb, adbivftsd, &pivTta, abblvart&;
antlrudb; avSyaU, pr&vf^, upftvasu. In the Yeda, the initial of anu
is sometimes lengthened after negative an: e. g. anfinudd, anftniikyty&.

o. In combination with yi go, the prefixes parS, pari, and pra
sometimes change their r to 1. In this way is formed a kind of derivative
Btem pal&y^e«, inflected according to the a-class, in middle voice, which
is not uncommon from the Brahmanas down, and has so lost the con-
sciousness of its origin that it sometimes takes the augment prefixed: thus,
apalftyl9t^&8 (9^8.), apalftyata (B.), apalftyanta (MBb.); it makes

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1067—] XV. Perirhrastic and Cohpound GoNJuaATiON. 4O0

the periphrastio perfect palftyfiih oakre. The stem palyay, aimlUdr
inflected, ocean only In one or two texts ((B. JB. JUB.); and plfiy kaf
been fonnd nowhere except in MS. Alto the imperfect nflftyata (TS. TBu*
not Beparated in the pada-text) and perfect nilayaih oakre (9^-) aie
douhilesa a conespondiDg formation from |/i with nia, though nearly akin
in form and meaning with forms from yli-{-Xii* So also pari becomes
pall in the combination palyafig (QB. Qt^^O) ^bethex viewed as a deiu)^-
inative formation or as /afig + pari. And MS. has once pl&^&rayan
(iii. 10. 2 J in an etymology).

gL The root "kf make sometimes assumes (or retains from a more
original condition) an initial s after the prefixes sam, pari* nis, and npa:
thus, saxhskiirutey samaakurvan, saiiiskrtay etc.; pari^kp^iranti,
pari^kfta, etc.; nfr ask^ta; upask^ta. And yk^ seaUer is said by
the grammarians to add 8 in the same manner, under certain circumstances,
after apa and prati (only apaakiramajjia, pratioaskare, both l^te, are
quotable).

e. The passive participle of the roots dft give and d& cut has oft^
the abbreviated form tta after a prefix — of which the final vowel, if i. Is
lengthened (compare 955 f, and the derivative in ti, below, 1157o).

f. In a few sporadic cases, the augment is taken before a pr«flx,
instead of between it and the root: tiius, ava^a^kftr^it (GB.); udi^sni-
patat (AB.); anvasaihoarat, pratyasaihharat, pratyavy&hat, anv-
avIk^etSm, apr&ifit, aaambhramat (MBh.); abhyanimantrayat
(Har.); vyftvasthftpi (SDS.) ; compare also the forms from palfty, above, o.
And AB. has once niniyoja (for niynyoja, as read in the corresponding
passage of 9?*^*)* Some of the apparent roots of the language have been
suspected of being results of a similar unification of root and prefix: e. g.
ftp from ft H- ap, vyao from vi + ao, tyaj from ati + ^i>

g. The loss of the initial a of sthft and Btambh after the prefix
ud has been noticed above (233o). Also (187a, c), certain peculiarities
of combination of a prefix with the initial '^owel of a root.

1088. As to the more general adverbial uses of the prefixes,
and their prepositional uses, see the next chapter.

1089. As to the combination of the particles a or an privative, dna
ill, and 8U tcell^ with verb-forms, see 1121b, g, i. As to the addition of
the comparative and superlative suffixes tarfim and tamfiaoi to verbs, see
above, 473 o.

Other Verbal Compounds.

1090. It has been seen above that some of the prepositioaal
prefixes are employed in combination with only very smi^ daswa
of roots, namely those whose meaning makes them best fitted for
auxiliary and periphrastio uses — such as k^ make^ bhfi and as he,
dhft put, i go^ and that the first of these are widely iisi»d in oom*

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401 Verbal Compounds. [—1093

bination with a deriyative in im to make a periphrastic conjugation.
Such roots have also been, from the earliest period of the language,
bat with increasing frequency, used in somewhat analogous combi-
nations with other elements, substantive and adjective as well as
adverbial; and this has become, in part, developed finally into a
regular and indefinitely extensible mothod of increasing the resources
of verbal expression.

1091. a. The older Ungual has a number of (mostly) redoplieatiTe
onomatopoetic compounds with roots kf and bhti, the prefixed element end-
ing in a or 1 (generally the former): thus, in RY., akkhallkftya croak-
ing, jafijanftbh&vant flimmering, alalftbfa&vant makmg merry , Idldrt
Iq^u tear; in AV., ma^ma^i Icaram / hope crttehed; in VS., mas-
masa .(also TS.; MS. mrsmrst) kuru; in TS., malmalftbhiyant ; in K.,
manmaiabhayant, kikkitftkfira; in MS., bibibftbh&yant, bharbhart
'bhavat; in AB., bababfikurvant. The accentuation, where shown, is
like that of a verb-form with accompanying prefix.

b. Farther, combinations with ylqp of utterances used at the sacrifice,
and mostly ending in ft: thus, svihS, svadha, 8vag&; also v&iaf. In
these, too, the accentuation is generally that of a verb with prefix: e. g.
8va«^ftkar6ti (gB.; but svadlia kar6ti [?] TA.), va^th^uryat (MS.);
and, with another prefix, anuv&^atkaroti (9^.).

c. An instance or two also occur of ordinary words in such combi-
nations, put in corresponding form: thus, gula kuryftt (9B.) mag roast
on a pit (Qtila); aiq^Skartos (AB.)- of getting clear of debt; ftikyft-
bhftvayant (A A.) uniting.

1092. a. The noun namas obeisance, homage, in a still more purely
Boun-valae, becomes combined with j/kf : in the Yeda, only with the gerund,
in namaskftya (beside hastag^hya and kangLagfhya: above, 990 b).

b. A solitary combination with yi go is shown by the accusative iuB'
tarn home; which, appearing only in ordinary phrases in RV., is in AY.
compounded with the participles — in astaihy&nty astamefy&nt, &8ta-
mita (with accent like that of ordinary compounds with a prefix) — and
in the Brahmanas and the later language is treated quite like a prefix:
thus, astam^ti (()B.).

c. Other ordinary accusative forms of adjectives in combination with
verbal derivatives of kf and bhu are found here and there in the older
language: thus, ^^aiiikftya and nagnaiiikftya (TS.); nagnambhaTuka,
pftman ambhavuka etc. (TS. et al.)j &narufkareti (9B.).

1098. In the early but not in the earliest language, a noun-
stem thus compounded with kf or bhU (and very rarely with as),
in verbal nouns and ordinary derivatives, and then also in verbal
forms, begins to assume a constant ending i (of doubtful origin).

a. There is no instance of this in RY., unless the i of akkhalikftya
(above, 1091 a) is to be so explained. In AY., besides the obscure
Whitney, OraiBmar. 8. ed. 26

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1093—] XV. Pebiphrastic and Compound Conjugation. 402

vfttikfta and vftt^&r&y is found only phalXk&rai^. In the Brahmapt
language, examples begin to occur more often: thus, in TS., fyetX« mith-
imi, mufti; in TB., further, phali, krurl, udvftsi; in ^B., besidei
some of these, also eki, kfilvSli, tivrl, daridri, brfthma]^ tttit-HwuT,
Bvi; and a^vftbhidhSnl, of which (as of muffi) the i might be that of
an ordinary grammatical form; in* K., dvf ; in GB., prava^I; in 8B^
vi^ri; in AB., mati (from matya). From Upanlshad and Sutra are te
be added dv&iti (MU.), sami (KgS.], navi and ka9ali (AGS.)- The
accent is in general like that of the similar combinations treated above (1091):
e. g. krurikurv&nti, svikftya, br&hma^Ibhdya, mithunibh&vantyfto.
phalikartavSi» krOrikfta; but sometimes a mere collocation takes place:
thus, mithuni bh&vantis (TS.), phall kriy&m&^^&nftm (Tfi.j, mjA
bhutva (TA.). The I is Tarioosly treated: now as an uncombinable final,
as in 9yeti akuruta and mithuni abhavan (TS.) ; now as liable to the
ordinary couTersions, as in mithusy enayft syftm, mithuny abhi^
syftm, and svykkurvata ((B.).

b. Out of such beginnings has grown in the later language. the follow-
ing rule:

1094. Any noun oi adjective stem is liable to be com-
pounded with veibal forms or derivatives of the roots ^
kr and H bhfl (and of SIH as also; but such oases are ex-
tremely rare), in the manner of a verbal prefix. If the
final of the stem be an a- or i-vowel, it is changed to ^ I;
if an u-\owel, it is changed to 3" tl.

a. Mamples are: stambhlbhavati becomes a post; ekaoittibliuya
becomingof one mind\ upahftrlkaro^i thou makest an offering; nakhaiyra-
hari^arjankf ta torn to pieces toUh blows of the claws ; fithilibhAvanti
become loose; ku^<}allk^a ring-shaped; surabhikfta made J^ragrant;
ftdhikaraija pawning; fjuk^tya straightening; hetukara^a tajkng as
cause. As in the case of the denominatiyes (1069 c), the combinations
with a-stems are the immense migority, and occur abundantly (hardly less
than a thousand are quotable) in the later language, but for the most part
only dnce or twice each ; those made with i- and u-stems are a very small
number. In a few instances, stems in an and as, with those finals
changed to i, are met with: e. g. fttmi-k^y yuvi-bhQ; unmanik|',
amani-bhu; final ya >fier a consonant is contracted to I: e. g. k&ft^-kf ;
and anomalous cases like kfiihdi9i-bhQ occur. Final ^ is said to become
ri, but no examples are quotable. The oombinations with kf are about
twice as frequent as those with bhfi, and examples with as do not appear
to have been brought to light.

b. Similar combinations are occasionally made with elements of ques-
tionable or altogether obscure character: e. g. urarl-k^, uri-k|p.

' o. Examples are not altogether wanting in the later language of ft as

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403 Noun- and Adjectivb-oompounds. [—1098

final of the oompounded noan-ftem (cf. 1091): thus, duhkhA-kf*, ni^kulft-
kf, 9amb&-kr, and one or two others.

1096. Of all the forms which constitate or are attached to the
verbal system, the passiye participle is the one most closely assimi-
lated in its treatment as a combinable element to an ordinary adjective.
Next to it come the gerund and the gerundives. Combinations of the
kind above treated of are qaite common with passive participles and
gerunds.

CHAPTER XVI.

INDECLINABLES.

1006. Th£ indeclinable words are less distinctly divided
into separate parts of speech in Sanskrit than is usual
elsewhere in Indo-European language — especially owing
to the fact that the class of prepositions hardly has a real
existence, but is represented by certain adverbial words
which are to a greater or less extent used prepositionally.
They will, however, be briefly described here under the
usual heads.

Adverbs.

1097. Adverbs by suffix. Classes of adverbs, some-
times of considerable extent, are formed by the addition
of adverb-making suffixes especially to pronominal roots or
stems, but also to noun and adjective stems.

a. There is no ultimate difference between snch snfflxes and the case-
endings in declension; and the adverbs of this division Bometimes are nsed
in the manner of cases.

1088. With the suffix tas are inade adverbs having an ablative
sense, and not rarely also an ablative construction. Such are made:

a. From pronominal roots, in &taB, lt&8, t&ta8» y&tae, kiitas,
amutaSy svataa (not found earlier); from the pronominal stems in t or

26*

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109a—] XVI. iMDEOLINABLBfi. 404

d (494) of th« peisontl prononns: thus, matt&s (only example in T.).
tvattas, asmattas, yu^mattas ; and ftom pronominal derivatiTefl: ibu,
itar&tas, katar&taa. '

b. From noon and adjective stems of eyery class, since the earliest
period, but more freely later: e. g. muUiat&B, agratda, ^hut&s, fktiiB,
hrtt&8» 9lr9at&8, janmatas, naat&s, yajuffaa* pftr4ta8, anyitaa,
ansratar&tas, Barv&tas, dak^i^atis, abhipat&s (once, in BY., from •
case-form: patBUt&s).

o. From a few prepositions: thus, abhftas, paiitaa, intitaa.

d. Examples of ablative constroction are: &to bhftyah (RY.) more
than that; t&tal^ fa^thit (AY.) fi-om that sixth; &to *nytea (gB.) witk
any other than this; sarvato bhayftt (AGS.) from aU fear; kuta^ old
de^ftd agatya (H.) arriving from some region or other; purftd ita^ (2L)
from this city; tasmat pretakftyatahi (KSS.) from that dead body,

e. Bnt the distinctive ablative meaning is not infrequently effaced, and
the adverb has a more general, especially a locative, valne: thos, agrat&s
in front; asmatBamlpatas in our presence; dharmataa in aecord4mee
with duty; ohfigataa (H.) with reference to the goat; gui^to *dliikah
(M.) superior in virtue.

1099. With the suffix tra (in the older language often trft) are
\y made adverbs haying a locative sense, and occasionally also a loca-
tive construction.

a. These adverbs are very few, compared with those in taa. The;
are formed chiefly f^om pronominal stems, and from other stems having a
qaasi-pronominal character: namely, in tra» itra, t&tra, sr&tra, k&tra,
amAtra, aay&tra, vl9v&tra, aarv&tra, ubhay&tm* aparatra, tittara-
tra, itar&tra, anyataratra, pOnralfra, paratra, sam&n&tra, ekatra,
anekatra, ekfiikatra; in trS» aamatra, satra, purutr^ bahutra,
dak^ii^trcL' But a few in trft come ftom ordinary nouns: thus, deva-
tr^ martyatra, puru^atri, inanxi9yatra» pfikatra, ^ayutri, knru-
paficftlatrt. Those in tra are distinguished flrom the others by their
accent

b. Examples of locative construction are: h&ata i dakfli^atra (RY.)
in the right hand; y&tra 'dhi (RY.) in which; ekatra porofe (HBh.)
m a single man; atra mftrfttmake (H.) in this murderous erealm^;
prabhutvaih tatra yujyate (H.) sovereignty befits him. And, as the
locative case is nsed also to express the goal of motion (304), so the ad-
verbs in tra have sometimes an accusative as well as a locative value:
thus, tatra gaooha go there or thither; path6 devatra y&iftn (BY.)
roads that go to the gods.

1100. One or two other suffixes of locality are:

a. ha, in ih& here^ ktiha where f and the Yedic viQv&lMi (alsovi^-
v&hft, vi^viihft) ahdays (compare below, 1 104 b) ; and ih4 (Uke &tra etc :

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405 A D VERBS BY DERIVATION. [•— 1 1 02

1098b) is fometimefl used with locatiye-case Talae: e. g. iha samaye
(H.) at this conjuncture. •

b. tfit» wUcb is added to words hsTing tliesdy a local or diiectiye
valno: thus, to adTerbial accnsatiToe, pr&t&t, udakt&t» tavattftt; to
adTerMal ablatiyes, ftrattftt» attar&tt&t» parfikittftt; and to prepositional
adverbs, pa9oit&t» adh&8t6t» av&8t6t» par&8tftt» puriatftt* bahi^t&t.
Apparently by analogy with these last, the suffix has the form stftt $n
up^hri^t&t (and BhP. has ndastftt).

c. hit in uttarahi ((B.) and dak^ii^fthi (not quotable).

1101. By the suffix thft are made adverbs of manner, especially
from pronominal roots or stems.

a. Thus, t&tha» y&th&; kathi and ittha (by the side of which stand
katbftm ^id ittbAm; and gB. has itth^t); and the rare im&thft and

amuthft. And itiia (Y. often &thft) so then doubtless belongs with them. ^ vt^,^.

Further, tiom a few adjectiye and noun stems, mostly of quasi-pronominal -^**- ^if\
cbaraeter : thus, vi^vfttha, 8arv&tliS» aay^tha, ubhay&thft, aparathS»
itar&th&, yatar&thSy yatam&tlift, katarathfi^ katamathfi, purv&th&,
pratn&thft, urdhv&thS, tira90&tha, ekathft (JB.), ^uth^ nam&thft
(once, AV.]; and ev&thft.

b. YAtiift becomes. usually toneless in Y., when used in the sense of
iva after a noun forming the subject of comparison: thus, tfty&vo yathft
(RV.) like thieves.

1102. One or two other suffixes of manner are:

a. ti, in iU thus, very commonly nsed, from the earliest period,
especially as particle of quotation, following the words quoted.

b. Examples are: brahmajfiyd *ykm Iti c6d &vocan (RV.) if they
have said ^this is a Brahman's wife"; tkAi deva abravan vritysk kixh
nu ti^thasl 'ti (AY.) the gods said to him: ^ Vratya, why do you standt"
Often, the iti is used more pregnantly: thus, jiJ^ 9radd4dli&ti B&nti
deva {ti (AY.) whoever has faith that the gods exist; tadi vyftghraih
munir mn^iko 'yarn iti pa^yati (H.) the sage looks upon that tiger as
being really a mouse; yuysoh kim iti aidatha (H.) why (lit. alleging
what reason) do you sitf

0. But iti is sometimes used in a less specialized way, to mark an
onomatopoeia, or to indicate a gesture: e. g. bahf^ (e astu bal iti (AY.)
let it come out of you with a splashy Ity igre Iq^ty &th6 'ti ((B.)
?ie ploughs first this way, then this way ; or it points forward to something
to be said: e. g. yan nv ity Shur anyftni chanda&si varflyfi&si kas-
mad bfbaty uoyata iti (PB.) when now they say thus: ^^the other
metres are greater; why is the b^hati spoken f" It also makes a number
of deriyatlyes and compounds: e. g. ititha the so'-many-'eth; itivat in this
fashion; ityarthKm for this purpose; itibftsa a story or legend (lit. thus
forsooth it was). As to the use of a nominatiye with iti as predicate to
an accusatiye, see 268 b.

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110»— ] XVI. Indeclinablbs. 406

d. With the suffix of {ti is to be compared that of t&ti etc. (619). TW
word is abbreviated to ti two or three times In-QB.

e. va in iva (toneless) /tX^, tu^ and ev& (in V. often ev&% eariis
thuSj later a particle emphasizing the preceding word ; for thus is used Utn
the related ev&m, which hardly occurs in RV., and in AY. only witli ynd
as, ev&iii vidv&L knowing thus.

f. In later Yedic (AV. etc., and the later parts of RV.) ivm more oflea
counts for only a single syllable, Va.

11 08. a. By the saffix dft are made adverbs of time, bnt almost
only from pronominal roots.

b. Thus, tadi, yada, kada (in RY. also k&d&), Ida (only In Y.); !
and 8&d&, beside which is found earlier s&dam. Besides these, in tk€ I
older language, only aarvadi; later a few others, anyadft, ekadfi, nit- '
yadft. A quasi-locatiTe case use is seen occasionally in such pbrases ai
kadftoid divase (R.) on a certain day,

o. By the perhaps related dftnun are made Idanim, tad&i&ii,
vi9vad&iim, tvadfinim (toneless). VlQvad&ii occurs as a^jectiTe in TB.

d. With rhi are made, from pronominal roots, t&rhi* et&rlii» y&rhl,
k&rhl, amurhi.

e. The suffix di, found only in y&di (f, is perhaps related with dft,
in form as in meaning. Sadadi (MS.) is of doubtful character.

1104. By the suffix dhS are formed adverbs especially from
numerals, signifying -fold, timesj toays^ etc.

a. Thus, ekadha, dvidha (also dvldbft and dvedhi), trfdhft
(in the the older language usually tredba), 9a4<Jba (also ^Oijihi and ^a^-
dbS), dv&da^adha* ekftnnaviii^atidh^ aabaaradha, and so on. Also,
naturally, from words haying a quasi-numeral character: thus, anekadhft,
katidha tatidha, bahudha, purudba, vlQv&dhft, Qa^vadha,
aparimitadbft, yftvaddha, etftvaddha, mfisadbft. In a very few cases,
also ftom general noun and adJectiTo stems: thus, mitradhtL (AY.),
priyadh^ (TS. ; predha, MS.), fjudhd (TB.), urudhft and oitradhft
(BhP.); and from one adverb, bahirdh^

b. The particle idha or &dbfi, a Yedic equivalent of &tha, probably
belongs here (parudli& and vl^&dha, with shortened final, occur a few
times in RY.); also addha in truth\ and perhaps sahd fi^ii^, which has
an equivalent sadba- in several Yedic compounds. And the oUier adverbs
in ha (1100 a) may be of like origin.

1105. From a few numerals are made mnltiplicative adverbs with s:
namely, dvla* trla, and oati^ (probablyi for oat&ra): 489 a.

a. The corresponding word for onoe^ aakft, is a compound rather
than a derivative; and the same character belongs still more evidently to
pafioakftvaa, navakftvae, aparimitakftvas, etc., though k^t and
k^^tvaa are regarded by the native grammarians as suffixes; Uie earlier

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407 Adverbs by Derivation. [—1109

«exts (AV. 9B. MS.) have 8apt& kftvas, d&^a kftvas, dvida^a kf tvas,
ct^^av ev& kftvas, etc. AB. hta the redundant combination tri^ kftval^.

b. The qnasi-snfflx dyuB, from a case-form of div <fay, is in a*
siooilar manner added to rarions determining words, generally made to end
la e : e. g. anyedyus another day, ubhayedyixs (AY. -yadjnu) <m either
day, ptLrvedy&8 the day before.

1106. By the suffix qks are made, especially from numeral or
quantitative stems, many adverbs of quantity or measure or manner,
generally used distributively.

a. Examples are: eka9&8 one by one, ^ata^&s by hundreds, ^ptu^&s
season by season, paoohaa foot by foot, ak^ara^&s syllable by syllable,
Saaa^&s in crowds, 8tamba9&B by bunches, paru^Q&s lifnb by limb,
tftvaCoh&B in such and such number or quantity: and, in a more general
way, sarva^ds wholly, makhya9a8 principcdly, Iqfohra^as stingily,
manina^&a as minded,

1 107. By the suffix v&t are made with great freedom, in every
period of the language, adverbs signifying after the manner of, like, etc.

a. Thns, aagiraav&t like Angiras, manu^v&t (RV.) as Manu did,
jamadasniv&t aper the manner of Jamadagni, ptUrvav&t or pratnav&t
or purft^av&t as of old, k&katftliyavat after the fashion of the crow
and the pakn-fruit,

b. This is really the adverbially used accnsative (with adverbial shift
of accent: below, 1111 g) of the snfflx vant (1238 f), which in the Veda
makes certain adjective compounds of a similar meaning: thus, tviivant
like thee, mivant of my sort, etc.

1108. By the snfflx Bftt are made from nonns qnasl-ad verbs signify-
ing in or into the condition or the posse sion of what is indicated by the
nonn; they are used only with verbs of being, of becoming, and of making:
namely, oftenest k^ and bhQ, bnt also as, gam» yft» and nl (and, accord-
ing to the grammarians, aam-pad). Some twenty-five examples are quo-
table from the later literatare; bnt none from the earlier, which also
appears to contain nothing that casts light npon the origin of this formation.
The 8 of Bftt is not liable to conversion into 9. The connection with the
v^rb is not so close as to require the use of the gerund in ya instead of
that in tvft (990); and other words are sometimes interposed between the
adverb and verb.

a. Examples are: Barvakarmft]^ bhasmaeftt kurute (MBh.) reduces
all deeds to ashes; loko *yaih dasyusftd' bhaved (MBh.) this world
would become a prey to barbarians ; yassra brfthmai^as&t sarvaih vittam
ftsit (MBh.) whose whole property t&tu given to Brahmans ; niyataih bhas-
masftd y&ti (Har.) it is inevitably\educed to ashes; agi^n fttmas&t
kftvft (Y.) having taken the fires. to ^'s self.

1109. a. Suffixes, not of noun-derivation or of inflection, may be
traced with more or less plausibility in a few other adverbs. Thus, for

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1109—] XVI. Indeclinablbs. 408

example, in pr&t&r early ^ and sannt&r away; in dakyiiyft with right hm^

and oikitvit toith consideraUon ; in n&i&m now^ and xiftnftn4in varunMf.

9at the casei are in the main too lare and donbtfol to be word notice bere.

b. In the epici begin to be found a small class (about a dozen are
qnotable) of adverbs having the form of a repeated nonn-etem with its list
oconrrence ending in & and its second in i: e. g. hastfthasti hand U
hand, rathftrathi chariot agaimi chariot, kar^ftkar^i ear to ear.

o. The adverbs, thus far describBd are almost neyer used pre-
positionally. Those of the next division, however, are in many in-
stances so used.

1110. Case-foims used as Adveibs. A large num-
ber of adverbs are more or less evidently cases in form,
made from stems which are not otherwise in use. Also
many cases of known stems, pronominal or noun or adject-
ive, are used with an adverbial value, being distinguished
horn proper cases by some difference of application, which
is sometimes accompanied by an irregularity of form.

1111. The accusative is the case most frequently and widely
used adverbially. Thus;

a. Of pronominal stems : as, y&d if, when, that, etc ; t4d then, etc ;
kim why, whether, etc.; id&m now, here; ad&8 yonder; and so on. Of
like valuCf apparently, are the (mostly Vedlo) particles k&d, k&m and
kam(P)» {d, old (common at every period), sm&d and sumid, Im and
aim (by some regarded as still possessing prononn-value), -kim. Com-
pounds with Id are o^d if, n6d lest, 6d, Bvid» knvld; with oid, k6oid;
with -klm» n&kim and makim« and akim.

b. Of noun-stems: as, n&na by name; stikham happily; ^tim^m
at will, if you please; nEktam by night; r&has secretly; o^&m quiekfy
(v.); and so on.

c. Of adjective stems, in unlimited numbers: as, saty&m truly;
cir&m long; pllrvam formerly; nltyam constantly; bhAyas mom,
again; vi9rabdham con^fidently; prakft^am openly; and so on.

d. The neuter singula/ is the case commonly employed in this way;
and it is so used especially as made firom great numbers of compound ad-
jective stems, often from such as hardly occur, or are not at all found, in
adjective use. Gertain of these adverbial compounds, having an indecli-
nable as prior member, are made by the Hindu grammarians a special clsss
of compounds, caUed avyayibh&va (1318).

e. But the feminine singular also is sometimes used, especially in
the so-called adverbial endings of comparison, tarSm and tamSm, which
are attached to particles (cf. 1119), and even (478 o) to verb-formi:

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409 Case-forms as Adverbs. [—1112

e. g, natarim, kathaihtarfim, aooai8tar^» ^anftlBtarftm, Jyokta*
xnMm. In the oldest language (RY. and AY.), the neater instead of the
feminine form of thete safflxes is almost alone in use: se 1118.

f. Many adverbs of obsonre form or oonneetion are to be explained with
probability as accnsatlTos of obsolete nonn or adjective stems: examples are
tn^i^Xm in silence; sfiy&m at evening; sfik&m ihogether^ with Cprep.);
&CB3D, or &lain sufjicient (in the later language used with ]/kf in the manner
of a prefix: 1078 a); prfiyas ueuaUy; i^&t ewnewhai; ainn&a unex-
pectedly; bahis outside; mfthu and mithAa, m^n and mahu8» Jttu,
and so on. Madrik etc., and nii^ (in RY.), are perhaps contracted
forms of adjectives having y^ao or afto as their final (407 if.). The pres-
ence of other roots as final members is also probable for n^&dhak, ftnu-
9&k and ftytmi^ anxi^thA and sxi^tha, yiigap&t» etc. Compare also
the forms in am beside those in ft, above, 1101a, llOSe, 1108 b.

g. In (Yedic) drav&t quickly is to be seen a change of aooent for
the adverbial nse (pple drdvant running); and drahy&t etoutly (RY.,
once) may be another example. The comparative a|id superlative suffixes
(above, e) shoir a like change; and it is also to be recognised in the deriv-
atives with v&t (1107).

1112. The instrumental is also often used with adverbial
value: generally in the singular, but sometimes also in the plural.
Thus:

a. Of pronominal stems: as, ena and ayt» Uyft» ani, am^ amnya.

b. Of noun-stems: as, Iqai^ena instantly; a9e9e9a completely;
-viije^ei^ especially; divAby day; 6i^%jh fortunately; MimBiL suddenly;
aktubhia by night; and so on.

0. Of adjectives, both neuter (not distinguishable from masculine) and
feminine: as, akhllena wholly; prftych^ mostly; d&k^lnena to the south -^
uttarei^ to the north; intarei^ within; drdi^ long; — ^inftis and
9&nakai8 slowly; uocftis on high; nioftlB below; parfto&b afar;
tdvi^^bhie mightily; and so on.

d. More doubtful cases, mostly from tiie older language, may be in-
stanced as follows : tira9oitfi9 der&tft, bSh^tft, and sasv&rtft (all RY.),
homonymous instmmentals from nouns in tft; dvit^ tftditnft, Irm^
mrfi» vfthft, 8&0&, a8thi(P), mudhft (not Y.), adhona (B. and later).

6. Adverbially used instrumentals are (in the older language), oftener
than any other case, distinguished from normal instrumentals by difTerences
of form: thus, especially, by an irregular accent: as, am^ and dfvft
(giTen above); perhaps gohft; apftlLa, ftsay^ Iraliayi(P); naktay^
svapnay^ eamana; adatraya, ftaji^ nbhay^ 8iimnayi(P); dak-
9li^ madhya; nio^ prftea» ucct, pa^oa, tira9clt; vas&ntft; — in
a few u-stems, by a y inserted before the ending, which is accented : thus,
amuyi (givm above), ft^nya, sftdhuyf^ raghny^ dhrfi^iiy^i aniu}-

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1112—] XVI. Indbolinablbs. 410

(hnyi, mithnya; — and nrvisri (for urvji) and vf^vyB (properlf
vi^vayft) are more slightly irregnlar.

1113. The dative has only very seldom an adverbial use.

a. Examples are aparaya /or <A6 /ti^tir^ (RV.: irltb changed mccent):
oirfiya long; arthftya far the sake of\ ahnftya presenify,

1114. The ablative is not infrequently nsed adverbially.
Thus:

a. Of pronominal stems: as, k&smftt whyt akaam&t easualfy, un-
expeeiedly\ it^ titt, ykt (V. : normal forms, instead of the pronominal
asmftt eto.).

b. Of nonn-stems: as, fiatt near\ firitt afar\ bal&t /orct^fy; kut€l-
halSt emuhu$Jy\ aakft^ftt on ike part of,

c. Oftenest, of adjectiTe stems: as, duratq/Vxr; nioit 6eAnr; paQC&
behind] B^!k^it plainly^ actwiUy\ i^^unSkOXX^t completely; wArikt not Umg \
pratyakfatam&t (AB.) moet obviously; pratyantftt (S.) to ths end,

d. In a few instances, adyerbially nsed ablatives likewise show a
changed accent in the early language: thus, ap&kit ^om afar; amityVom
near by; Baxtit from of old (but instr. 8&n&); uttBTtt from the norA:
adharat below.

1115. The genitive is almost never used adverbially.

a. In the older language occur akt68 by nighty and v&stos by d4ty\
later, cirasya long,

1116. The locative la sometimes used with adverbial value.
Thus:

a. From nonn and adjeetlTO stems: 8k6 near; ftr6 and dtM a/ort
abhisvar^ behind; astamik^ at home; ^ without (prep.); ^igre inftomi;
Bthftne suitably; sapadi immediately; -arthe and 'Inpte (common in eom-
position) for the sake of; aparlfu in after time; ftdftn first; rahasi
in secret,

1117. Even a nominatiTe form appears to be stereotyped into an ad-
Terbial value in (Yedic) Ida, interrogatire particle, and its compounds
n&kis and mikis, negative particles. And masc. nominatlTes f^m afto-
stems (as pfirfiii AB., nyafi Apast) are sometimes found used by tob-
stitution for neuter^.

1118. Verbal Prefixes and kindred words. The
verbal prefixes, described in the preceding chapter (1076 ff ),
are properly adverbs, having a special office and mode of
use in connection with verbal roots and their more imme-
diate derivatives.

a. Their occasional looser connection with the verb has been
noticed above (1084). In the value of general adverbs, however.

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.411 Adverbial Prefixes. [—1121

they only rarely occur (except as &pl has mainly changed its office
from prefix to adverb or conjunction in the later language); but their
prepositional uses are much more frequent and important: see below,
1125 b.

b. In composition with nouns, they (like other adverbial elemeDts) not
infrequently have an adjective value: see below, 1281 ff., 1305.

1119. Several of the prefixes (as noticed above, 473-4) form com-
parative and superlative adjectives, by the suffixes tara and tama, or ra
and ma: thus, uttara and uttam&, &dliara and adhamA, &para and
apam&, &vara and avami, upara and apam&, and prathami is
doubtless of the same character; also, &ntara and dntama. And accusa-
tives of such derivative adjectives (for the most part not otherwise found in
use) have the value of comparatives, and rarely superlatives, to the prefixes
themselves: thus, s&iiiQitaifa oit saiiitar&ih skAt qiqWdhi (AY.) whatever
tf quickened do thou atili fitrther quicken; vltar&iii vi kramasva (RY.)
stride out yet more widely; pr& t&iii naya pratariih vkayo &cha (RY.)
lead him forward still further toward advantage; iid enam nttar&ih
naya (AY.) lead him up still higher.

a. Besides those instanced, are found also nitar&m, apatar&m, abhi-
tar&m, avatar&m» pcu^tar&m, paraatar&m. In the BrShmanas and
later (ahove, 1 1 1 1 e), the feminine aoeusative is used instead : thus, ati-
tar&n and atitamftm, abhitaritm* anutamam, fttamam, pratitar&n,
nitardm, uttar&n» pratar&n and pratam^, vitaram, saifatarain
(also RY., once).

1120. Kindred in origin and character with the verbal pre-
fixes, and used like them except in composition with verbs, are a
few other adverbs: thus, av&s down; adh&a below (and adhaataram);
par&8 far off (and parastartm); para before; antard (apparently,
ant&r+£) among^ between; toti near; up&ri ahove; and 8ali& (already
mentioned, 1104 b) along ^ with^ and s&oft together, with, may be noticed
with them. Vina without, and vi^u- apart, appear to be related
with vi.

1121. Inseparable Prefixes. A small number of
adverbial prefixes are found only in combination with other
elements. Thus:

a. The negative prefix a or an — an before vowels, a before
consonants.

b. It is combined especially with innumerable nouns and adjectives;
much more rarely, vrith adverbs, as akutra and &pnnar (RY.), &neva
(AY.), &nadha8 (TB.), akasmftt* asak^t; in rare cases, also with pro-
nouns (as atady akiifaoit) ; snd even, in the later language, now and then
with verbs, as asprhayanti (BhP. gic.) they do not desire, alokayati
(SD.) he does not view. Now and and then it is prefixed to itself: e. g.
anakfimamfira, anaviprayukta, anaTadya(P).

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1121—] XVI. lKt>ECLINABLE8. 412

o. In a Tery few cmob, the negatiTo a eppeen to be made loof :
thiu, a8»t n&n-extaieni, ^eva godUss, irftti m^emjf^ ft9fttioa impmrit^.
itnra iUC?).

d. The independent negatlTe adverbs, n4 and mi, are only in ex-
ceptional instances nsed in composition: see below, 1122 e.

e. The comitative prefix sa, used instead of the preposition earn,
l^nd interchangeably with aahi, before nouns and adjectives.

f. The prefix of dispraiso dai iUy ftod^^Iidentical^wijJi.. V^^
226 a).

g. It is combined in the same manner as a or an. Of combinatioaf
with a yerbal form, at least a single example appears to be qtiotable:
du^oaranti (R.) behave ill.

h. The corresponding laudatory prefix an weU is in general to
closely accordant in its use with the preceding that it is beat mei-
tioned here, though it occurs not rarely as an independent partick
in the oldest language (in RV., more than two hundred times ; in the
peculiar parts of AV., only fourteen times), and even occasionally
later.

i. The particle an sometimes appears in B. and later before a verV-
form, and considering its rapid loss of independent use in Y., and tke
analogy of a and dus (above, b» g) it is probably at least in part to be
regarded, as in composition with the verb. The pada-text of AY. xtx. 49.
10 reads aa-&pftyati, bnt its testimony is of little or no valne. K. has
na an viJIiSyete and na vfti au vidoh, and KeU. has su veda; TB.
has 8U8&mbodli&yati(P); MBh. and BhP. have sfipatasthe; B. has su-
9akyante.

J. The exclamatory and usually depreciative prefixed forma of the
interrogative pronoun ((M)6) are most analogous with the inseparable
prefixes.

1122. Miscellaneous Adv.erbs. Other words of ad-
verbial character and office, not clearly referable to any of
the classes hitherto treated, may be mentioned as follows:

a. Asseverative particles (in part, only in the older language^':
thus, afig&, h4nta» kila, kh&lu, td (rare in older language), vfti, wivi
(in Brahmana language only), hl» liin&, u, iiha, ha, gha, SAmaha,
ama, bhala.

b. Of these, h&nta is a word of assent and Incitement; hi has won
also an illative meaning, and aecents the verb with which it stands in
connection (696 e); ama sometimes appears to give a past meaning to s
present tense (778 b) ; u is often combined with the final a of other par-
ticles: thus, &tho, n6, m6, nt6, upo, pro; bnt also with that of v«ib-
forms, as datt6, vidm6. The flnal o thus produced is prag^^iya or in-
combinable (138 o). Particles of kindred value, already meottoaed abevt.

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413 Adverbs. [—1122

are {d, k&m or kam, dd, j£tu, ev&. Some of the asfteyeratiYe particles
are much used in the later artificial poetry with a purely expletiye value,
as deVlees to help make out the metre (pftdap^a^a verse-JUlert); so
especially ha, hi, tj^sma.

c. Negative particles are: n&, signifying simple negation; ma,
signifying prohibition.

d. As to the eonstmction of the yerb with m^ see ahove, 679. In
the Veda, nu (or nA: 248 a) has also sometimes a negative meaning. For
the Yedic n4 of comparison, see below, g, h.

6. In nahf, n& is combined with hi, both elements retaining their
full meaning; also with fcL In ndd lesi. It Is perhaps present in nanu
and oand, but not in hin& (RV., once). In general, neither n& nor m^
is used In composition to malte negative compounds, but, instead, the in-
separable negative prefix a or an (1122 a): exceptions are the Yedic par-
ticles n&ldB and makis, n&kim and m&kim; also naoiram and mft-
ciram, napiuhoaka, and, in the later language, a namber of others.

f. Interrogative particles are only those already given: k&d, kim,
kuvid, svld^ nana, of which the last introdoces an objection or ex-
postolation.

g. Of particles of comparison have been mentioned the toneless
iva, and yathft (also toneless when used in the same way). Of fre-
quent occnrrence in the oldest language is also n&, having (without
loss of accent) the same position and value as the preceding.

h. Examples of the n& of comparison are : ^ i^dvi^a i^uih n& Bfjata
dvi^am (RV.) let loose your enmity like an arrow at the enemy of the
singer; v&yo n& vfk^&m (AY.) as birds to the tree; gftar6 n& tfifiM^
piba (RY.) drink like a thirsty buffalo. This use is generally explained
as being a modification or adaptation of the negative one: thus, [although,
to be sure] not [precisely] a thirsty buffalo; and so on.

i. Of particles of place, besides those abready mentioned, may be
noticed kvli where f (in Y., always to be read kiia).

j. Particles of time are: nil now (also nil: nun&m was mentioned
above, 1109 a), ady& and sady&s and sadlvas (BY., once) today ^
at once (all held to contain the element div or dyu), hy&s yesterday ^
qviM tomorrow y jy6k (also related with dyu) long; punar again.

k. Of particles of manner, besides those abready mentioned, may
be noticed nanft variously (for nBnftn&m, its derivative, see 1^8 a);
aaav&r (BY.) secretly,

L In the above classlflcationB are included all the Yedio adverbial
words, and most of those of the later language: for the rest, see the die-
tionarles.

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1123—] XVI. bJDBCUNABLBS. 414

Prepositions.

1123. There is, as already stated, no proper class of
prepositions [in the modern sense of that^rm), no body of
words having for their prevailing office the '^government"
of nouns. But many of the adverbial words indicated above
are used vrith nouns in a way which approximates them
to the more fully developed prepositions of other languages.

a. If one and another of such words — as 'vin&» t^ — oceors almoct
solely in prepositional use, this is merely fortuitoot and unessential.

1124. Words are thug used prepoeitioDally along with all the
noon-cases excepting ihe^ dative. But in general their office is direc-
tive only, determining more definitely, or strengthening, the proper
case-use of the noun. Sometimes, however, the case-use is not easy
to trace, and the noun then seems to be more immediately **govenied"
by the preposition — that is, to have its case-form more arbitrarily
determined by i£s association with the latter. This is ofteneat true
of the accusative; and also of the genitive, which has, here as elae-
where (294 b), suffered an extension of its normal sphere of use.

1126. a. The adverbs by derivative form (1097 ff.) have least
of a prepositional value (exceptions are especially a few made with
the suffix tae: 1098).

b. Most of the verbal prefixes (exceptions areud* ni, par&, pra;
and ava and vi are almost such) have their prepositional or quasi-
prepositional uses with cases; but much more widely in the older
time than in the later: in the classical language the usage is mainly
restricted to prati» ana and &.

c. Most of the directive words akin with the more proper pre-
fixes are used prepositionally: some of them — as aaha, vinft, upari,
antara, purft — freely, earlier and later.

d. The case-forms used adverbially are in many instances used
prepositionally also: oftenest, as was to be expected, with the gen-
itive; but frequently, and from an early time, with the accusative;
more rarely with other cases.

e. We will take up now the cases for a brief exposition, beginning
with those that are least freely used.

1>26. The Locative. This case is least of all used with words
that can claim the name of preposition. Of directlTes, ant&r and its later
derivative antara, meaning within, in, are oftenest added to it, and in the
classical language as well ^ earlier. Of frequent Yedic use with it are ^ and
&dlii: thus, m&rtyefv i among mortals; p^pthivyam &dby b^adhi^
the plants upon the earth; t^jo m^srl dh&raya 'dhi (AY.) establish glory

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415 Prepositions. [— 1 1 29

mme; — kpi and 4pa are much rarer : thus, ji B,pim. &pi vrat6 [s&nti]
(RY.) who are in the domain of the waters; amtir ya upa sttrye [s&nti]
(RV.) who are up yonder in the sun; — s&oft along with is not rare In
RY., bat almost entirely unknown later: thus, pitr6^ sioft satl staying
with her parents*

1127. The Instrumental. The directiTes used with this case are
almost only those which contain the associative pronominal root sa : as 8ah&
(most frequent), s&k&m, Bftrdh&m, sam&m, Bam&yft, sar&tham ; and, in
the Yeda, the prefix s&m : as, te BTiniatibhil^ 8&xh p&tnlbhir n& vf^ai^o
nasimahi (BY.) may we be united with thy favors as men with their
apouses. By substitution of the instrumental for the ablative of separation
(283 a), vinft without (not Yedic) tskes sometimes the instrumental; and
80, in the Yeda, avis down and par&s beyond^ with which the ablative is
also, and much more normally, construed. And &dM, in BY., is used with the
instiumentals anunft and snabhis, where the locatiTe would be expected.

1128. The Ablative. In the prepositional constructions of the ab-
lative (as was pointed out and partly illustrated above, 298), the ablative
value of the case, and the merely directive valae of the added particle, are
for. the most part clearly to be traced. Many of the verbal prefixes are
more or less frequently joined in the older language with this case: often-
est, ddhi and p&ri; more sporadically, &nii, &pa, &va, pr&ti, and the
separatives nis and vi. The change of meaning of the ablative with A
hither^ by which it comes to fill the office of its opposite, the accusative,
was sufficiently explained above (293 o). Of directive words akin with
the prefixes, many — as bahis, pur&s, av&s, adhis, par&a, pur^ vln&»
and tlr&a out of knowledge of — accompany this case by a perfectly regular
construction. Also the case-forms arvik» prik» pa9oat, nrdhv&m,
ptirvam, p&ram, and x^ without^ of which the natural construction with
an ablative is predominant earlier.

1129. The Accusative. Many of the verbal prefixes and related
words take an accompanying accusative. Most naturally (since the accusa-
tive is essentially the <o-case), those that express a motion or action to-
ward anything: as abhi, pr&ti» &nu, upa, i. At! and ddlii in the sense of
over on to, or across^ beyond, tirAs through, antAr and antara when mean-
ing between, pAri around, Exainpl^s are: ya^ pradf^o abhi sliryo
vio&ft^ (AY.) what quarters the sun looks abroad unto; Abodhy agni^
pr&ty &yaUin xi^asam (BY.) Agni has been awakened to meet the ad-
vancing dawn; gaoohet kadftcit svajanaih prati (MBh.) she might go
somewhither to her own people; imaih prak^yfimi nfpatixh prati (BiBh.)
him I will ask with reference to the king; xn&ma oittAin Anu oitt^bhir
6 'ta (AY.) follow after my mind with your minds; 6 Tiy a nalji (AY.)
come hither to us; upa na 6 'hy arvan (B^) come hither unto us; y6
devo mArtySfL Ati (AY.) the god who is beyond mortals; adhift^^aya
v&roasa 'dhy anyan (AY.) excelling above others in glory. Also abhitas
and paritas, which have a like value with the simple abhi and pAri;

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1128—] . XYI. Indbounables. 416

and up&ri above (oftener with genitive). Less aoeordant with ordiaAiy
aceosatiye constnictionB is the use of this case with adhas, paras, puraa,
vlnfty beside other cases which seem more suited to the meaniDg of tboae
particles. And the same may he said of most of the adTerhial caae-fozsis
with which the accasatlve is used. Thus, a nomher ofinstmmeiitaLlft of
situation or direction: as y6 'varei^ "dity&m, yd p&renft "^Htyion
(TB.) those who are below the sun, those who are beyond the sun\ ^ntare^a
ydniin (QB.) within the womb ; te hi 'dam antarei^ Barvam <AB.) for
all this universe is between ihem\ iittarei^a garhapatyam (QB.) to the
north of the householder's fire\ d&k^ii^ena v6dim (QB.) to the south of
the sacrificial hearth; dak^ii^ena v^k^avfttikfiin (^.) to the right of the
orchard; nika^a yamiin&in (Har.) near the Yamuna, Similarly, tliTdii-
vam and ptiryam hare an accusative object as well as an ablatiTe; and
the same is true later of p». Abhimukham toward has a more natural
right to construction with this case.

1180. The Genitive. The words which are accompanied by the
genitiye are mostly case-forms of nouns, or of adjectives used substantivelr,
retaining enough of the noun-character to take this case as Uieii natuiai
adjunct. 3nch are the locatives agre m front of abhyft^e notary artho
and ]q^ for the sake of nimitte and het&n by reason of madhye oi
the midst of and other cases, as arthfiya, kftranat, aakft^ftt, hetoe. And
really, although less directly and obviously, of the same character are other
adjective cases (some of them showing other constructions, already noticed):
as adharena, uttare^a and uttarftt» dakigijgiena and dak^ii^t, pa^elt,
tirdhvam, anantaram, aamak^am, sftk^&t. More questionable, and
illustrations rather of the general looseness of the use of the genitlTO, are its
constructions (almost wholly unknown in the oldest language) with more
proper words of direction: thus, with the derivative paritaSt parataa,
and antitas, and parast&t and pnrastftt (these found in the Brahmana
language: as, Baifavatsarasya parastftt after a year; Buktasya puras-
t&t before the hymn [AB.]); with anti, adlias, avas, puraa; with upari
above (common later); and with antar.

Conjunctions.

* 1181. The conjunctions, also, as a distinct class of words,

are almost wanting.

a. The combination of elanses is in Sanskrit in general of a very
simple character; much of what in other Indo-Earopean languages is
effected by subordinating conjunctions is here managed by means of
composition of words, by the use of the gerunds (994), of iti (1108),
of abstract nouns in case-forms, and so on.

1132. The relative derivative adverbs, already given

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417 Conjunctions. [—1 135

(1008 ff.), may properly be regarded as conjunotionB; and a
few other particles of kindred value, as c6d and ned (1111a).
1133. Purely of conjunctive value are ^ ca and^ and
^ vS or (both toneless, and never having the first place
in a sentence or clause).

a. Of copulative value along with ca, is in the older language
especially utk (later it becomes a particle of more indefinite use); and
4pi, t&tas, t&thft, kfih ca, with other particles and combinations of
particles, are used often as connectives of clauses.

b. Adversative is tu but (rare in the older language); also, less
strongly, u (toneless).

c. Of illative value is hi for (originally, and in great part at
every period, asseverative only):- compare above, 1122b.

d. To ca (as well as to its compound o6d) belongs occasionally the
meaning if,

e. It is needless to enter into further detail with regard to those uses
which may be not less properly, or more properly, called conjunctive than
adverbial, of the particles already given, under the head of Adverbs.

interjections.

1184. The utterances which may be classed as inter-
jections are, as in other languages, in part voice-gestures,
in part onomatopoeias, and in part mutilations and corrup-
tions of other parts of speech.

1135. a. Of the class of voice-gestures are, for example: ft, h&,
haha, ahaha, he, h&£ (AV.), ayi, aye,.liay6 (RV.), aho, b&{ (RV.),
bata RV.) or vata, and (probably) hiruk and huruk (RV.)«

b. Onomatopoetic or imitative utterances are, for example (in
the older language): oi^ca whiz (of an arrow: RV.): kikira (palpita-
tion: RV.); bal and ph&t (ph&f?) or phil apkish (AV.); bhuk bow-
woto (AV.); 9&1 pat (AV.); &9, Mf, as, and has (PB.); and see the
words already quoted in composition with the roots ky and bhu,
above, 1091.^

o. Nouns and adjectives which have assumed an interjectional
character are, for example: bhos (for the vocative bhavas, 456); are
or re ;voc. of art enemy] ; dhik a/asf (may be mere voice-gesture, but
perhaps related with i^dih); ka^fam tooe is me! diffyft thank heaven!
svasti hail! suffhu, sadhu good, excellent! None of these are Vedic
in interjectional use.

Wliitney Oraromar. 3. ed. 27

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liae— ] XVn. derivation op declinable Stems. 418

CHAPTER XVII.

DERIVATION OF DECLINABLE STEMS.

•

1186. The formation from roots of conjugable stems — namely.
tense-stems, mode-stems, and stems of secondary conjugation (not
essentially different from one another, nor, it is believed, ultimately
from the formation of declined stems) — was most conveniently tr^t-
ed above, in the chapters devoted to the verb. Likewise the for-
mation of adverbs by derivation (not essentially different from case-
formation), in the chapter devoted to particles. And the formatioii
of those declinable stems — namely, of comparison, and of infinitives
and participles — which attach themselves most, closely to the sys-
tems of inflection, has also been more or less fnlly exhibited. Bat
the extensive and intricate subject of the formation of the great body
of declinable stems was reserved for a special chapter.

a. Of course, only a brief and compendious exhibition of the subjeet
can be attempted within the here necessaxy limits: no ezhaostive tracing
out of the formative elements of every period; still less, a complete state-
ment of the varied uses of each element; least of all, a discussion of ori-
gins; but enough to help the student in that analysis of words whUh wbma
form a part of his labor fronr the outset, giviug a general outline of the
field, and preparing fbr more penetrating Investigation.

b. The .material from accented texts, and especially the Yedic material,
will he had especially In view (nothing that is Yedic being intoitionaD;
left' unconsidered); and the examples gi?en will he, so Cu as it posslhle,
words found in such texts with their accent marked. No word not tim
vouched for will he accented unless the fact is specifically pointed out.

1187. The roots themselves, both verbal and pionom-
inal, are tised in their bare form, or without any added
suffix, as declinable stems.

a. As to this nse of verbal roots, see below, 1147.

b. The pronominal roots, so-called, are essentially, declinable;
and hence, in their further treatment in derivation, they are throne-
out in accordance with other declinable stems, and not with verbal
roots.

1188. Apart from this, every such stem is made by a
suffix. And these suffixes fall into two general classes:

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

419 Primary and Secondary Suffixes. [—1140

A. Primary suffixes, oi those which are added directly
to roots;

B. Secondary suffixes, or those which are added to de-
riyative stems (also to pronominal roots, as just pointed out,
and sometimes tp particles).

a. The' division of primary suffixes nearly corresponds to the kft
(more resolar) and ui^&di (less regular) suffixes of the Hinda grammarians ;
the secondary, to their taddhita-snfflxes.

1139. But this distinction, though one of high value,
theoretically and practically, is not absolute. Thus:

a. Suffixes come to have the aspect and the use of primary which
really contain a secondary element — that is to say, the earliest
words exhibiting them were made by addition of secondary suffixes
to words already derivative.

b. Sundry examples of this will he pointed out below: thus, the
gernndival suffixes, tavya, aniya, etc., the suffixes uka and aka, tra,
and others. This origin is probable for more cases than admit of demon-
stration; and it is assumble for others which show no distinct signs of
composition.

o. Less often, a suffix of primary use passes over in part into
secondary, through the medium of use with denominative ^roots'' or
otherwise: examples are yu, Iman, lyas and iftl^a, ta.

1140. Moreover, primary suffixes are added not only
to more original roots, but, generally with equal freedom,
to elements which have come to wear in the language the
aspect of such, by being made the basis of primary con-
jugation— and even, to a certain extent, to the bases of
secondary conjugation, the conjugation-stems, and the bases
of tense-inflection, the tense-stems.

a. The most conspicuous examples of this are the participles, present
and future and perfect, which are made alike from tense and conjugation-
stems of evert form. The infinitives (968 if.) attach themselves only in
sporadic instances to tense-stems, and even from conjugation-stems are made
tut sparingly earlier; and the same is true of the gerundives.

b. General adjectives and nouns are somewhat widely made from con-
jugation-stems, especially from the base of causative conjugation: see helow
the ffDfflxes a (1148J, k), ft (1149 c, d), ana (1150 m), as (1151 f),
ani (115eb), u (1178g-i), ti (1157fir), tf (1182e), tnu (liaeb),
snu (1194b}, nka(1180d), fiku (1181d), filu (1192b), tn(1161d).

27*

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1140—] XVn. Primary Derivation. 420

o. From tense-stems the examples are far fewer, but not unknown:
thus, from present-stems, occasional derivatives in a (1148j), ft (1149 d, e),
ana (1160n), i (1166d), u (1178f), ta (UTOe), tu (1161 d), nka
(llSOd), tra (1186e), ti(1167fir), vin(or in: 1232b, 1188a); from
stems in a 8 apparently of aorlstic character (besides infinitives and gerund-
ives), occasional derivatives in a (1148j), ana (1150j), ani (1159 b),
an (1160a), ftna (1175), as (1151.o), i (1156b), i^t^a (1184a),
a (1178 f), US (1154a), tf (1182e), in (1183a)i

1141. The primary suffixes are added also to loots as

compounded with the verbal prefixes.

a. Whatever, namely, may have been originally and strictly the
mode of production of the derivatives with prefixes, it is throughout
the recorded life of the language as if the root and its prefix or pre-
fixes constituted a unity, from which a derivative is formed in the
same manner as from the simple root, with that modification of the
radical meaning which appears also in the proper verbal forms as
compounded with the same prefixes.

b. Not derivatives of every kind are thus made; but, in the main,
those classes which have most of the verbal force, or which are most
akin in value with infinitives and participles.

o. The occnnence of snch derivatives with prefixes, and their accent,
will be noted under each suffix below. They are chiefly (in nearly the
order of their comparative frequency), besides root-stems, those In a, In
ana, in ti, in tar and tra, and in in, ya, van and man, i and u, as,
and a few others.

1142. The suffixes of both classes are sometimes joined to their
primitives by a preceding union-vowel — that is to say, by one which
wears that aspect, and, in our ignorance or uncertainty as to its real
origin, may most conveniently and safely be called by that name.
The line between these vowels and those deserving to be ranked as
of organic suffixal character cannot be sharply drawn.

Each of the two great classes will now be taken up by itself,
for more particular consideration.

A. Primary Derivatives.

1148. Form of root. The form of root to which a

primary suffix is added is liable to more or less variation.

Thus:

a. By far the most frequent is a strengthening change, by gn^a-
or v^ddhl-increment The former may occur under all circumstances ,
(except, of course, where go^a-change is in general forbidden: 286,
240): thus, v6da from |/vid, moda from )/mud, v&rdha from V^idh;

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

421 Form op Root. [—1146

dyana from )/i, s^vana from ysxif sdra^a from ^8^; and so on.
But the latter is only allowed under such circumstances as leave long
a as the resulting Yowel: that is to say, with non-final a, and with
a final 1- or u-vowel and x before a yowel (of the ending): thus, nftd&
from ynacU gr&bh& from ygt^h or grabh, vah& from yvah, n&y&
from yni, bhftvd from yhhn, "kSatk from ykf ; such strengthening as
would make vftida and mftuda does not accompany primary deriyation.

b. Strengthening in deriyation does not stand in any such evident
connection with aocent as strengthening in conjugation; nor can any gene-
ral rales he laid down as to its occnrrence ; it has to be pointed out in
detail for each suffix. So also with other TOwel-changes, which are iu
general accordance with those found in inflection and in the formation of
tense- and mode-stems.

c. The reversion of a final palatal or h to a gattaral has been already
noticed (218). A final n or m is occasionally lost, as in formations already
considered. •

d. After a short final vowel is sometimes added a t: namely, where
a root is used as stem without suffix (1147d), and before a following y
or V of van (1169), vara and vari (1171), yu once (1165 a), and ya
(1213 a). The presence of t before these suffixes appears to indicate an
original secondary derivation from derivatives in tl and tu.

e. The root Is sometimes redij^llcated : rarely in the use without suffix
(1147c, e); oftenest before a (1148k), i (1156e), u (1178d); but
also before other suffixes, as & (1149e), ana (1150 m), vana (1170 a),
van and vari (1168d, 1171a, b), vani (1170b), vi (1183),^ vlt
(118db), ani (l>58b), in (1183a), tnu (1186a), ta (1176a), ti
(1157d), tha (116da), tf (1182b), tra (1185f), uka (1180f), aha
(1181a), ika (1186c), ma (1166b).

1144. Accent. No general laws [governing the place of the
accent are to be recognized: each suffix must in this respect be con-
sidered by itself.

a. In connection with a very few suffixes is to be recognized a cer-
tain degree of tendency to accent the root in case of a namen actionis or
infinitival derivative, and the ending In the case of a nomen agentis or
participial derivative: see the suffixes a, ana, as, an, and man, below,
where the examples are considerd. Differences of accent in word) made
by the same suffix are also occasionally connected with differences of gender :
see the suffixes as and man.

1145. Meaning. As regards their signification, the primary
derivatives fall in general into two great classes, the one indicating
the action expressed by the verbal root, the other the person or
thing in which the action appears, the agent or actor — the latter,
either substantively or adjectively. The one class 'is more abstract,
infinitival; the other is more concrete, participial. Other meanings

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

1146—]

XVII. Prihary Derivation.

422

v

nu^ in the main be viewed as modificatio&s or apeoializatiosB of
these two.

a. Bven the - woids indicating recipience of action^ the passlTo parti-
ciples, are, as their nse also as neater er reflexive shows, only notably
modiiled words of agency. The gemndlTes are, as was pointed ont above
(961 ff.), seoondary derivatlYes, originally indicating only concerned with
the acUon.

1146. Bat these two classes, in the processes of formation, wet
not held sharply apart There is hardly a suffix by which action-
nouns are formed which does not also make agent-nouns or adjec-
tives; although there are not a few by which are made only the latter.
In treating them in detail below, we will first take up the suffixes
by which derivatives of both classes are made, and then those form-
ing only agent-nouns.

a* To facilitate the finding of the different suffixes Is given tbe
following list of them, in their^rder as treated, with references to paragraphs:

—

1147

yu

1166

in

1183

a

1148

ma

1166

lyas, i9$ha

1184

a

1148

mi

1167

tra

1185

ana

1160

mem

1168

ka

1186

as

1161

vai^

1169

ya

1187

tas, nas, aas

1162

vana, -ni, -nil

1170

ra

1188

is

1168

vara

1171

la

1188

U8

1164

^aiit

1172

va

1180

i

1166

Vft&8

1173

ri

1181

i

1166

1174

ni •

1182

tir

1167
1168

ana
ta

1176
1176

vi

1183

ni

snu

1184

ani

1168

na, ina, una

1177

sna

1186

an

1160

u

1178

tnu

1186

tu

1161

a

1178

sa

1187

nu

1162

uka

1180

aai

1188

tha

1163

aka

1181

abha

1188

thu

1164

tf or tar

1182

sundries

1200-1

1147. Stems without suffix; Root-words. These
words and their uses have been already pretty fully consid-
ered above (323, 348 ff., 883 ff., 400, 401).

a. They are used especially (in the later language, almost solely;
as finals of compounds, and have both fundamental values, as action-
nouns (frequently as infinitives: 871), and as agent-nouns and adject-
ives (often governing an accusative: 271 e). As action-nouns, they
are chiefly feminines i884: in many instances, however, they do not
occur in situations that determine the gender).

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

423 Boot-Stbms; Stbms in a. [--1148

b. In a small number of words, mostly of rare oocnrrence, the
reduplicated root is used without suffix.

0. The Tedlc cases are: irith simple redaplicatlon, sasy&d, oildt,
dacLfh, did3n& and didyit, Johti, and perhaps g^iUgft and ^{qti; with
intensive reduplication, -nenl, malimlao, yavfyudh, and J6gil and
v4nivan (with the intensive instead of the usual radical accent). In
d&Mdra is seen a transfer to the a-declension. Asliati Is probahiy to be
understood as a compound, as^-eli.

d. If the root end in a short yowel, a t is reguhu'ly and usually
added (388f-h).

6. Examples have been given at the place jnst quoted. In J&gat the
t is added to ^e mntilated form of ^gam reduplicated, and p^ay&
(TS., once) appears to put it after a long vowel. In a single Instance,
^rdtkan^ (R^O of listening ears, a stem of this class occurs as prior
member of a compound.

f. Words of this form in combination with verbal prefixes are
very numerous. The accent rests (as in combination of the same with
other preceding elements) on the root-stem.

g. A few exceptions in point of accent occur: thus, ivasft, upastut;
and, with other irregularities of form, p&rijri, ap&stha, nparf^tha.

1148. ^ a. With the suffix 9 a is made an immensely

large and heterogeneous body of deriyatives, of various*

meaning and showing various treatment of the root: gu](^-

strengthening, vrddhi-stiengthening, retention unchanged,

and reduplication.

In good part, they are classifiable under the two usual general
heads; but in part they have been individualized into more special
senses.

1. a. With gpii^a-strengthening of the root (where that is poss-
ible: 235, 240). These are the great majority, being more than
twice as numerous as all others together.

b. Many nonUna actionis: as, Qr&ma weariness, gr&ha seizure, &ya
movement, v6da knowledge, h&va call, krbdba wrath, J6^ eryoyment,
t&ra crossing, s&rga emission.

o. Many nomina agentis: as, kfam& patient, Bvaj& constrictor, jiva
living, megh& cloud, ood& inciting, plavi boat^ aari brook, sarpi ser-
pent, bhoji generous, kbftdi devouring.

d. Of the examples here given, those under b accent the radical syl-
lable and those under o the ending. And this is in perhaps a majority
of cases the fact as regards the two classes of derivatives; so that, taken
in connection with kindred facts as to other suffixes, it hints at such a
difference of accent as a general, tendency of ^e language. A few sporadic

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

1148—] XVII. Primary Derivation. 424

/nsUQces are met with of the same form having the one or the other Talat
according to its accent: thus, 6fa haste, esk hasting] ^Ssa order, ^Ssa
orderer (other examples are ooda» 9&ka» goka: compare a similar differ-
ence with other deriyatlves in as, ana, an, man). But exceptions are
numerous — thns, for example, jayi, javd, amard, action-nonns ; ^r&va,
mdgha, at&va, agent-noans — and the snhject calls for a much wider
and deeper Investigation than it has yet received, hefore the accentaation
referred to can be set up as a law of the language in derivation.

2. e. With vrddhi-strengthening of the root — but only where
ft is the resnlting radical vowel: that is, [of medial a, and of final x
(most often), u or u, i or i (rare).

f. Examples of action-nouns are: kama love, bhSgd share, nadi
noise, d&v& ^re, t&r& crossing. Very few forms of dear derivation and
meaning are quotable with accent on the root-syllable.

g. Examples of agent-nouns are: gr&bh& seizifig, vShi aanying,
n&y& leading, jar& lover.

3. h. With unstrengthened root, the examples are few: e. g. "kjpqk
iean, tori rapid, yng& yoke, Bruv& spoon, priy& dear, vr& troop, qjiek
bright

1. A number of words of this class, especially as occurring in com-
position, are doubtless results of the transfer of root-stems to the a-declen-
slon : e. g. -ghuf a, -aphnra, -tnda, -d^^a, -vida, -kira.

j. A few a-etems are made, especially in the older language, from conju-
gation-stems, mostly causative: thus, -ftmaya, ilaya, -ifikhaya, -ejaya,
-dhftraya, -pfiraya, -mr^^^ya, -^amaya (compare the a-stems, 1 148o, d);
also deslderative, as bibhatsa (compare 1038). Occasional examples alto
occur from tense-stems : thus, from nn-stems, or secondary stems made
from such, -hinvi, -inva, -jinva, -pinva, -sinva, -Bunva, -a^nuva;
from others, -p^ioa, -nq^a, -stp^a, -puna, -Jftna, -pa9ya, -manya,
-dasya, -jurya, -k^udhya, -sya, -ti^fha, -jighra, -piba; from future-
stems, kari^ya (JB.), janifya, bhavifya, ruoifya(?); JapparenUy from
aorist-stems, jefi, n^a-, par^^, pfk|&(?), -hofa.

4. k. Derivatives |in a from a reduplicated root-form are a consider-
able class, mostly occurring in the older language. They are sometimes
made with a simple reduplication : thus, oaoar4, oikita, df dlir&, '^'^^T^
babha^a, -babhra, vavri, ^i^ayi, gi^n&tha (an action-noun), aaard;
but oftener with an intensive reduplication: thus, merely strengthened,
oftkfm&, oftoala, jSgara, n&nada, Iftlaea, vivadh&(?)» -memi^a,
rerili& and leliha, vevij&, nonuva, momugh&, -roruda, lolupa; with
consonant added, -caAkaQa, [-oailkrama, Jaiigama, oa&cala, -jafi-
japa, dandhvana, -nannama, -jarjalpa, Jaijara, -tartura, -dardira,
murmura, gadgada; dissyllabic, -karikra, kanikrad&, carftoari and
oal&cal&y marinir9&, maUmluci, variv^td, 8ari8n>&» [panifpadi,
Banifyadd, aanisrasi, patfipata» madftmada, -vadftvada, ghan&-

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

425 Stems in a, ft. [—1148

glLan&. Many of these are to be regarded as from an intensive conjngation-
stem; but some of them show a form not met with in intensive conju-
gation.

5. 1. Deriyatives with this suffix from roots as compounded with
the verbal prefixes are quite commoD, in all the modes of formation
(in each, in proportion to the frequency of independent words): con-
stituting, in fact, considerably the largest body of derivative stems
with prefixes. They are of both classes as to meaning. The accent
is, with few exceptions, on the ending — and that, without any re-
ference to the value of the stem as action-noun or agent-noun.

m. Examples are: aaihgami oBsemhly, nime^ toink^ abhidrohi
enmity, anukar& assistance, udftnd inspiration^ pratyft9rftv& response^
— parioari wandering, eaifajayi victorious, vibodhi wakeful, atiyiU&
over-^ious, adSr& inciting, elfvaied, uttudd rotising, eaihg^d swallowing,
fidardir& crmhing, adhioankrami climbing,

n. The only definite class of exceptions in regard to accent appears
to be that of the adverbial gerunds in am (above, 995), which are accent-
ed on the lOot-syllable. A very few other stems have the same tone: for
example, utp^ta ^portent, ft^r^fa plague, A few others, mostly agent-
nouns, have the accent on the prefix: for example, vyofa (i. e. vi-ofa)
burning, pr&tive^a neigfibor, abhaga sharing; but also s&xiik&Qa ap-
pearance.

o. For the remaining compounds of these derivatives, with the insep-
arable prefixes and with other elements, see the next chapter. It may be
merely mentioned here that such compounds are numerous, and that the
a-derivative has often an active participial value, and Is frequently preceded
by a case-form, oftenest the accusative.

p. Many words In the language appear to end ,with a suffix a, while
yet they are referable to no root which can be otherwise demonstrated
as such.

1149. m &. The vast majority of stems in 3E(T a are

feminine adjectives, corresponding to masculines and neuteis

in 3E( a (332, 334). But also many suffixes ending in ^ a

have corresponding feminine forms in long m S, making a

greater or less number of action-nouns. These will be

given under the different suffixes below.

a. There is further, however, a considerable body of feminine
action-nouns made by adding a to a root, and having an independent
aspect; though they are doubtless in part transfers from the root-
noun (1147). Usually they show an unstrengthened form of root, and
(such as occur in accented texts) an accented suffix.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

1149—] XVII. Primary Derivation. 426

b. Examples are i^i lordship^ kri<jLi play^ daya pity^ nindU reproodi,
^afiki douht^ hiAflft injury, kf amft patience, kfudhft hunger, blOifS
epeechy aevft service, Bp{>h& eagemese,

0. But especially, such nouns in ft are made in large numbers,
and with perfect freedom, from secondary conjugation-stems.

d. Thus, especially from deslderative stems, as Jigii^ bhik^
virtat, bibhatsa, etc., (see 1038); in the formation of periphrastic
perfects, especially from causative stems, but also from desideratire and
intensiye, and eyen from primary present-stems (1071 o-f); from denomina-
tive stems, in the older language, as a^vay^ Bukratuyi, ai>a8ya, xira-
fya, asilya, a9anaya, jlvaxtaay^ etc., and quite rarely in the later,
as m^ayft.

6. The only example firom a reduplicated stem is the late paapa^ft;
for BO^a, j^tfigh&y and jihva, which have. a reduplicated aspect, are of
doubtful origin. From present-stems come icohfi and probably -foohft.

1160. 5R ana. With this suffix (as with ^ a) are form-
ed innumerable derivatives, of both the principal classes of
meaning, and with not infrequent specialisations. The root
has oftenest gu^a-strengthening, but not seldom y^ddhi
instead; and in a few cases it remains unstrengthened.
Derivatives of this formation are frequent froni roots with
prefixes, and also in composition with other elements.

a. The normal and greatly prevalent accent is upon the root-
syllable, without regard to the difference of meaning; but cases occur
of accented final, and a few. of accented penult. The action-nouns
are in general of the neuter gender. The feminine of adjectives is
made either in & or in i (for details, see below). And a few feoiinine
action-nouns in anfi and ani occur, which may be ranked as belong-
ing to this suf^.

1. b. With strengthened and accented root-syllable. Under this
head fall, as above indicated, the great mass of forms.

o« With guj^a-strengthening : examples of action-nouns are s&dana
seat, r&k^a]^ protection, dina giving^ c&yana coUeetion, vMana pro-
perty, h&vana cnU, bh6Jana enjoyment, k&rana deed, v&rdhana inerease',
— of agent-nouns, t&pana burning, c^tana visible, c6dana impelling.

d. With vrddhi-strengthening (only in such circumstances that ft
remains as vowel of the radical syllable): examples are -oitana, na^ana,
madana, -vaoana, -v^sana, -v&ana, -stdana, -spi^ana, sv^tdana,
-ilyana» -yavana, -srftvai^a, -parai^a.

6. From roots with prefixes, the derivatives of this formation are very
numerous, being exceeded In frequency only by those made with the suffix

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

427 Stems in ft, ana. [—1150

a (above, 11481, m). A few examples are: ftkr&mai^ striding on,
udyana ingoing, nidhina reeepiable, pri^ana expiration, vim6oana
release and releaeing^ saifagdmana assembly and oAembler, adhivlk&rtana
cutting ojf, avaprkbhr^^ana falling away down. For otber compounds
of these derWatiTes, showing the same accent (and the same feminine
stem), see the next chapter (below, 1271). A few exceptions occur:
vioakyaiyA, apari9ayaa4, and the f eminlnes pramandanf and nirdahani.

f. The adjectlTos of this formation, simple or componnd, make their
feminine nflually in I: thns, o6dani, pe^anl, Bp&ra^ J&mbhaiii;
praJil&Ll, prok^a]^!, saihgrAhani, abhifiTai^i, vidhiSurai^ (oetani
is of doubtfal meaning: below, 1), An adjective compound, however,
»- having a noun in ana as final member, makes its feminine in ft: thns,
.Bupasarpana of easy approach^ ^h4-vidti6,n& of sextuple order, anapavft-
cana not to be ordered away.

2. The more irregahir formations may be olassed as follows:

S. With accent on the final: a number of agent-nonns and adjectives,
as karai^ active (against k&rai^a act) lappai^k miserable (against k^&i^a
misery), tvara^ hasting, rooan& shining, Isroqaxik yelling, svapani
sleepy, kf aya^ habitable.

h. These, unlike the preceding class, make their feminine in ft: e. g.
tvaraigia, spandana. A few femine action-nouns in the older language
have the same form : thus, a^ana, asana, manani, dyotand, rodhana,
^vetana, hasana (and compare kapai^, raQana); those of the later
language in anft (rather numerous) are doubtful as regards accent

i. Beside these *may be mentioned a few femlnlnes in axil, of more
or less doubtftil character: anjai^, eetanl (to edtana), tapanl (to t&p-
ana), p^^anl, vrjani (with v^j&na),' rajani, tedant.

j. With accent on the penult: a small number of adjectives: as
tur&na hasting, doh&na milking, man&na considerate, bhand&na and
maiid&na rejoicing, sakf 4]|^ overcoming, and perhaps vakf&nft carrying
(the last two with aoristie a) ; and a still smaller number of neuter action-
nouns: danflAna great deed, vfjAna enclosure, town, Tef&i^a service,
Iq^Asia misery, (against kfpanA miserable), with the masculine kir&na dttst.

k. The only noticed example of a feminine is in ft: tnrAi^ft. And
a few feminine nouns have the same form: arh&^a, jarA^ft, barhA^,
bhandAnft, mafthAna, mehAnft, vadh&nft, vanAaft, vak^Anft. (And
compare the anomalous maso. name U^AnS: 856a.)

1. Without strengthening of the root are made a small number of
derivatives: thus (besides those already noted, kfpA^ and k|*panA,
v^j&na and v^Janf, kirAi^, tnrAi^a), farther accented examples are
urauQia, dhuvana, pf9ana, bh^vana, vfjane^ vf^ana, -suvana; and
later are found sphurai^, aphatana, Bpfhai^, -bnuyana, likhana,
rudana, etc. RY. makes denominatives from rif ana**, mvana-, vipana-,
huvana-.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

1150—] XVII. Primaby Derivation. 428

m. Stems in ana are made also from secondary co^jagation-Btems:
thus, from desideratiyes, as oikitsana (see 1038); from causatiTes, as
hftpana, bhi^ana (see*1051g); from denominatives, with great freedom.
in the later language, as ftkan^ana, unmulana, ^lak^^ana, cihnana;
from intensives and other reduplicated stems, only oankramaiya, Jan-
gama]^a9 Jagarai^, yoyupana.

n. A few isolated cases may be farther mentioned: from tense-stems,
-jighrai^, -un^avana, -pa9yana, yaoohana, -eifioana; from prepo-
sitions, antarai^a and sAmana; astamana from the qnasi-preflz (lOOSb)
astam. Feminines in anft of donhtfnl connection are yofai^ tconmn
(beside y6fan, yofft, etc.) and p^anft.

1151. Wl as. By this suffix aie made (usually with
gu^a-strengthening of the loot-vowelj especially a large class
of neuter nouns, mostly abstract (action-nouns), but some-
times assuming a concrete value; and also, in the older
language, a few agent-nouns and adjectives, and a consid-
erable number of infinitives.

a. The accent in words of the first class is on the root, and in
the second on the ending; and in a few instances words of the two
classes having the same form are distingaished by their accent; the
infinitives have for the most j^ri the accent on the saffix.

1. b. Examples of the first and principal class are: dvas aid,
favor, t&pae iDarmth, pr&yas pleasure^ t^jas splendor, ^r&vas fame^
d6ha8 milking^ k&ras deed, pr&thas breadth, o6taB and m&nas mind^
c&k^as eye, s&ras pond, v&oas ep'eech,

o. A few words of this class are of irregular formation: [thns, without
strengthening of the root, juvae quickness (beside j&vas), urae breast,
mfdhae contempt; and Iras- (irasy-) and vlpas-, and the adverbs tir&a,
mith&Sy huras-y also ^fras head, are to be compared; — with v^ddhi-
strengthening, -vaoas, vaeas, vahas, -svadas, and, of donbtfal connect-
ions, pajas, p^thae, and -hftyas; — perhaps with an aoristio b, h^fas
missile \ — pivas contains a v apparently not radical.

d. After final & of a root is nsnally inserted y before the suffix
(258) : thus, dhayas, -gayas. But there are in the oldest language appar-
ent remains of a formation in which as was added directly to radical &
thus, bhas and -d&s (often to be pronounced as two syllables), Jfias,
mas; and -dhas and -das, from the roots dhft and dft.

2. 6. The instances in which an agent-noun is differentiated by its
accent from an action-noun are: &pas work, and ap&s active; y&QSB
beauty^ and ya9&s beauteous', t&ras quickness, and tar&s (VS., once)
quick) t&vas strength, and tav&s strong-, duvas worship, and davis
lively {X^-, m&has greatness, and mah&s great) between r&kfas n. and

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

429 Stems in ana, as, tas, nas, sas. [—1152

rakfis m., both meaning demons and between ty&jas n. abandonment {^^
and tyaj&B m. descendeni{f), the antithesis is much less clear.

f. AdjectlTes in &8 without correBponding abstracts are: to^&s he-
siomng, yaj&s offering, vedh&s pious, probably ahan&s heady, and a few
other words of isolated occurence, as veQ&s, dlivar&8. From a denomina-
tive stem is made m^ayis wild animal (RV., once).

g. Bat there are also a yery few cases of abstract nonns, not neater,
accented on the ending: thus, jar&s old age, bhiy&s /ear; and doubtless
also hav&s call, and tve^&s impulse. The femine xl^&B daum, and do^&s
night, might belong either here or under the last preceding head.

h« Apparently containing a suffix as are the noun up&8 lap, and
certain proper names: ingiras, nodh&8, bhalan&s, aroanan&s, nad-
ketas. The feminine apsar&s nymph is of doubtful derivation.

i. The irregular formation of some of the words of this division will
be noticed, without special remark.

3. j. The infinitives made by the suffix as have been explained
above (973): they show various treatment of the root, and various
accent (which last may perhaps mark a difference of gender, like that
between sdhas and Jar&s).

4. k. The formation of derivatives in as ftom roots compounded with
prefixes is very restricted — if, indeed, it is to be admitted at all. No infin-
itive in as occurs with a prefix; nor any action-noun; and the adjective
combinations are in some instances evidently, and in most others apparently,
possessive compounds of the noun with the prefix used adjectively: the
most probable exceptions are -ny6ka8 and vffpardhas. As in these
examples, the accent is always on the prefix.

1. Certain Yedic stems in ar may be noticed here, as more or less
exchanging with stems in as, and apparently related with such. They were
reported above, at 168 a.

In connection with this, the most common and important suffix
ending in s, may be best treated the others, kindred in office and
•possibly also in ongin, which end in the same sibilant.

1162. cTH^tas, ?m nas, W{ saa. With these suffixes are
made an extremely small number of action-nouns. Thus:

a. With tas are made r6ta8 seed, and srotas stream,

b. With nas are made &pna8 acquisition, ir^as wave, -bh&r^as
offering, T6k^as riches; and in dr&vinas wealth, and p&ri^as fulness
is apparently to be seen the same suffix, with prefixed elements having the
present value of union-vowels. Probably the same is true of d&mimas
house-friend, and fjtinas (RV.) n. pr., U9&na8 (or -na) n. pr.

o. With sas is perhaps made v&psas heautg; and t&r^fas may be
mentioned with it (rather tarus-a?).

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1168—] XVIL Primary DBRirATiON. 430

115d. ^ is. With the suffix is is formed a small num-
ber [about a dozen) of nouns.

a. Tbey are in part nouns of action, bnt most are used concretely.
The radical syllable has the giujia-strengthening, and the accent Is on the
suffix (except in jy6tiB Itghty vy&thls, and ^mis raw meaf). ExampIeE
are: arois, rooie, and 900^ lights ohadis or chardfs cover, hsAh
straw, Taitls track, sarpfs butter, havis oblation^ dyotis Ughtj and
kravfs raw flesh. Avis-, pathis, bhrfijis-, and m&hifl- are iBoUted
variants of stems in as; and t^vis-, Quois^, and surabhls- appear in-
organically for tuvi etc in a few compounds or deriTatires.

1154. 3^ us. With this suffix are made a few words,

of various meaning, root-form, and accent.

a. They are words signifying both action and agent. A few hare
both meanings, without difference of accent: thus, t&ptts heat and hoi\
&raB wound and 8ore\ c&kfus brightness and seeing, eye\ v&pos wonder-
yW and wonder. The nouns are mostly neater, and accented on t^e root-
syllable: thus, ayus, t&ms, piorus, muhus (? only adverbial), mithns
(do.), y^us, 9aaus; exceptions are: in regard to accent, jan^ birth; 1b
regard to gender, minus num, and n&hus n. pr. Of adjectlTes, are
accented on the ending jayus, vanus, and dakiftos burning (whi^
appears to attach itself to the aorist-stem).

1156. ^ i. With this suffix are formed a large body
of derivatives, of all genders: adjectives and masculine
agent-nouns, feminine abstracts,, and a few neuters. They
show a various form of the root: strong, weak, and re-
duplicated. Their accent is also various. Many of diem
have meanings much specialized; and many (including most
of the neuters) are hardly to be connected with any root

elsewhere demonstrable.

1. a. The feminine action-nouns are of very various form: thus,
with weak root-form, rdoi brightness, tvf^i sheen, Iq^ ploughing^ nftf
dance] — with goi^strengthening (where possible), r6pi |?am, t^odkecsL^
vanf and sani gain; — with v^ddhi-strengthening, g^rahi seizure^ d]iz«i|i
course, &j{ race, from /duf comes dtl^i (compare dOi^yati, 104Sb>
The variety of accent, which seems reducible to no role, ia illustntad by
the examples given. The few inflnttlvely used words of this formatiea
(above, 875b) have a weak root-form, with accent on the ending.

2. b. The adjectives and masculine agent-^onns exhibit the sase
variety. Thus:

o. With unstrengthened root: Quei bright, bhtmi lively (yb]ixain\
gfbhi container.

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431 Stems in is, ub, i, i. [—1166

d. With unstrengthened loot (or root incapable of gui^a-change): mtl
enemy, in&td great, aroi beam, granthi knoi, ]cri<jli playing \ with v^ddhi-
luozement, kir^i, Jani» -dhftri, ^ari, 8fto{» sl&di, 8fthi» and a few words
of obscure connections: thus, drftpf mantle, r&^i heap, p&^l hand, etc.
The Isolated -ftna^ appears to come from the perfect-stem (788) of ye^.

e. With reduplicated root. This is in the older language a eonslder-
able class, of quite Tarious form. Thus: with weak or abbreviated root,
o&kri, j&gbri, ()/ghar), p&prl, s&sri, -mamrl, babhrf, vavri, j&gmi,
-jiijfii (VJan), -tatni, J&ghni, s&sni, su^vl, -^i^vi; and, with displace-
ment of final ft (or its weakening to the semblance of the suffix), dadf,
pap{, yay{ (with a case or two from yayl), -Jajfii, d&dhi; — from the
ur-form of roots in changeable f, J&guri, t&turi, p&pnrl (p^pnri ST.);
— with simple reduplication, ofkiti, yuyudhi, -yivioi; — with strength-
ened reduplication, -cacali, tatn>i» didh^i, v^vahi, sasahf, ttituji
and tutDji, ydyuvi, ytltyudhi; and jarbh&ri and b&mbhfirl. And
karkari lute and dundubhi drum have the aspect of belonging to the
same class, but are probably onomatopoetlc. The accent, it will be noticed,
is most often on the reduplication, but not seldom elsewhere (only once on
the root). It was noticed above (27 If) that these reduplicated derivatives
is i not seldom take an object in the aocusative, like a present participle.

f. Formations in 1 from the root compounded vrlth prefixes are not
at all numerous. They are accented usually on the suffix. Sxamples are:
fiyaji Tyftna^f^ rijaglmf, parftdadf, vi^asahl; but also iUani, fimuri,
▼{vavrL As compounded with other preceding words, the adjectives or
agent-nouns in i are not rare, and are regularly accented on the root: see
the n£xt diapter, 1276.

g. From ydhft comes a derivative -dhi, forming mftiy masculine
compounds, 'with the value both of an abstract and a concrete : thus, with
prefixes, antardhi, uddhf, nidhi, paridhi, etc. From )/da is made in
like manner ftdi beginning, and from )/8thft, pratii}t^ resistance. Opin-
ions are at variance as to whether such forms are to be regarded as made
with the suffix i, displacing the radical ft, or with weakening of ft to i.

3. h. Neuter nouns in i are few, and of obscure derivation: examples
are &k^i eye, isthi bene, d&dhi curds, etc.

1166. ^ T. Stems in ^ I (like those in sett ft, above,
1149] are for the most pait feminine adjectives, -correspond-
ing to masculines and neuters of other terminations.

a. Thus, feminines in i are made from a-stems (832, 834: and see
also the different suffixes), from i-stems (844, 346), from a-stems (344 b),
from f -stems (876 a), and from various consonant-stems (878 a).

b« But there are also a few stems in i wearing the "aspect of inde-
pendent derivatives. Examples are: dakfi, dehi, nadi, nftndl, p^fi.

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1150—] XVII. Primary Derivation. 43^

vakfi (apparently with aoristio s), ve^I, 9aki, ^aoi, i}kmi, ^fnu, taa%
vftpi; they are either action-nouns or agent-nonns. In the later I&ngmacr
(as noticed at 344 a) there is very f^eqnent interchange of i- and .i-steai
and the forms from them.

0. In the eldest language there are even a few mascnlines in I. The;
were noticed, and their inflection illustrated, aboTe, at 355 b, 8&0.

1157. f?T ti. This suffix foims a large clk^ of fre-
quently used feminine nouns of action: and also a few
agent-nouns (masculine) and adjectives. The root has in
general the same form as before the suffix cT ta of the pass-
ive participle (962 ff.) — that is to say, a weak, and often
a weakened or abbreviated, form.

a. The accent ought, it would appear,' in analogy with tkat oi
the participle, to rest always upon the suffix; but in the recorded
condition of the language it does so only in a minority of cases:
namely, about fifty, against sixty cases of accent on the radical syl-
lable, and a hundred and forty of undetermined accent; a number of
words — iti, f ti, eitti, t^ti, pakti, puffi, bhuti, bh^ti, v^fi, ^akti,
9ruf ft, sf^fi, sthiti — have both accentuations.

1. b. Examples of the normal formation are: r&t{ gift, utf ou/,
ritf Jlow, stuti praise, bhakt{ division j viijtf service, kirtf fame, purtf
bestowal, mati thought, piti drink (V'pa; pple pita), dhaut{^^rea»i
()/dhav; pple dhauta); — and with accented root, g&ti motion, ^aifati
repose, df ti division iyd&; pple dit&), dff fi sight, if ti offering (yynj :
pple ift&), ukti speech (/vac: pple ukti), vfddhi increase.

C. The roots which form their participle in ita (866) do not hare
the i also before ti: thus, only gupti, d^ti. A few roots having their
participle in na instead of ta (957) form the abstract |noan also in ni
(below, 1158). And from the roots tan and ran occur tanti and r4nti,
beside the more regular tati and r&ti; also ihanti (once, VS.) beside
&hati. From the two roots d& give and dft divide, the derivatlTe in com-
position is sometimes -tti (for dS.ti, with loss of radical vowel: compare
the participle-form -tta, above, 955 f): thus, niravatti (K.), sampratti
((JB), piritti (TB.) v&sutti, bh&gatti, magh&tti (all RV.).

d« A few derivatives are made from rednplic^ted roots; their aeceot
is various: thus, oarlqptf, dldhiti and -dlditi, jigarti, and perhaps the
proper name yayati; also j&gdhi from i/jakf (233 f).

e. Derivatives from roots with prefixes are numerous, and have (as io
the case of the participles in ta, and the action-nouns in tu) the accent
on the prefix: examples are &numati, abhlti, ahuti, niirti, vylpti,
B&iiigati. The only exceptions noticed are asaktf and ftsutf, and abhi-

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433 Stems in i, tl, nl. [—1168

^^ (beside abhifti). In other combinations than with prefixes, the accen-
tuation is in general the same: see the next chapter (1274).

2. f. The adjectives and agent-nouns — which, as masculines, are to
be connected with these rather than with the feminine abstracts — are yery
few : thns, pAti putridy v&^t^ eager ^ dhtitl shaker ^ jfi&t{ relative, pattf
footmany p&ti master; and a few others, of more or less dubious character.
The accent is various, as in the other class.

3. g. A few words show Ae suffix ti preceded by various vowels,
union- or stem-vowels. The ordinary indermediate 1 of the ta-participle etc.
is seen in einiti, i^jl^ti, -grhiti (i, as usual with this root: 800b),
pathitiy bhaj^ti; and with them may be mentioned the adjective tiiU^
the proper names torvlti and dabhiti, and snlhiti and 8n6hiU, not-
withstanding their long finaL With ati are made a few derivatives, va-
riously accented: thus, the action-nouns afihatfy d^^ati, pakfatf, mith-
ati» vasatf, ram&ti, vrat&ti, am&ti and imati, -dhrajati; and the
agent-words arati, khalatf, vrk&ti, r&mati, dahati. In some of these
is to be seen with probability a stem-vowel, as also in j4nayati and
rasayati (and RY. has gopay&tya). The grammarians* method of re-
presenting a root by its 3d sing. pros, indie, declining this as a ti-stem,
begins in the older language: e. g. 6tivant (T6.), kfetivant (A6.),
yajati and Jnhoti and dad&ti (S.), nandatl (MBh.). The feminine
yuvati young, maiden is of isolated character.

h. In some of the words instanced In the last paragraph, ti is per-
haps applied as a secondary suffix. A kindred character belongs to it in
the numeral derivatives tiom pronominal roots, kAti, tAti, yAti, and from
numerals, as dahati, ylA^ati, ^aftfif etc., with pa&kti (from pAfioa);
in padftti; and in addh&ti, from the particle addha.

1158. f^ ni. This suffix agrees in general in its uses
and in the form of its derivatives vrith the preceding; but
it makes a very much smaller number of words, among
which the feminine abstracts are a minority.

a. As was noticed above (1157 c), a few verbs (ending in vowels)
makiog their passive participle in na instead of ta make their action-noun
in ni instead of ti. From .the older language are quotable jyani ir\fury,
Jfbngi heat, hSni abandonment (and the masculines fi^i^ and Jln^);
later occur glftni, -mlftni, sanni-.

b. Words of the other plass are: a^ni eating, -Ufi^ burning, v&hni
carrying t jdr^i singing, t(ln^ hasty, bhttngi excited, dhan^ sustaining
pre^i loving, v^r?^^ ^^^ ^f??^ virile; and with them may be mentioned
pf 9ni speckled,

o. In pre^i, y6ni, men{, ^r^^i, 9r69i is seen a strengthening of
the radical syllable, such as does not appear among the derivatives in ti.
d. Derivatives in ni from roots with prefixes do not appear to occur.
Whitney, Orankmar. 3. ed. 28

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1168—] XVII. Primary Derivation. 434

e. In hrftddni and hlftduni we ha^e a prefixed u« In the woidi
ending In ani, the a has prohably the same value irlth that of ail (abore,
1167g); bat ani baa gained a more independent status, and may be ben
treated as a separate suffix.

1159. 3Elf^ ani. The words made by this suffix have
the same double value with those made by the preceding
suffixes. Their accent is various. Thus:

a. Feminine action-nouns, sometimes with concreted meaning : as, ifl^
impulse, f^ar&s}! injury, dyotani brightness, Iqfipai^ blow, a^toi mimU.
vartani track; and -ar9ani, udani-, Jara^i-.

b. Adjectives and other agent-words are: ar4nl Jire-stick, carani
movable, cak^ATyi enlightener, tar&^ quick, dham4ni pipe, cUivasAni
scattering, vakgATji strengthener, sarai^ track. Dharaj^ and one or tn
other late words are probably variants to stems in anL From a redu-
plicated root-form comes -paptani. From desiderativo stems are made
rorukf&^i, BifSs&ni, and (with prefix) a-9a9uk9&^. And a small
nnmber of words appear to attach themselves to an s-aorist stem: tfau^
par«}&]^ Bak9&^ oar^a^i.

o. It is questionable whether the infinitives in ^ki}i (978) are to b<
put here, as accusatives of a formation in ani, or under the next suffix,
as locatives of a formation in an, from roots and stems increased by as
aoristio a

1160. 3ER an. Not many words are made with a suffix
of this form, and of these few are plainly to be connected
with roots. Certain rare neuters (along with the doubtful
infinitives) are nouns of action; the rest are masculine and
neuter agent-nouns. The accent is various.

a. The infinitives which admit of being referred to this suffix, as
locative cases, are those in ^kx^, of which the sibilant may be the AbaI
of a tense-stem. They are all given above (978).

b. The other action-nouns in an are mah&n greatness, rfij&a authority
(RV., once: compare rc^an; the accent-relation is the reverse of the usual
one), and g&mbhan depth (VS., once); and PB. has kfopi^ft once.

o. Agent-no nns (in part of doubtful connection) are: uk^&n os.
o&kfan eye, t&k^cm carpenter, dhvas&n proper name, pQ^&n n&me ^f
a god, miOJ&ii marrow, raj an king, vffan virile, bull, sdghan, snih^
(snuhan Apast); also -g^an, jm&n, -bhvan, -9van» with ^v&n, y^
van, y69an, and the stems ihan, t![cUian» etc. (430-4), filling up t^
inflection of other defective stems.

d. With prefixes occur pratidfvan and &tidivan, vibhviiii* ni-
kftman.

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435 Stems in ni, ani» an, tu, nu. [ — 1162

1161. ^ tu. The gieat mass of the words of this form-
ation are the infinitives — accusatives in the later lan-
guage, in the earlier likewise datives and ablative-genitives:
see above, 970 b, 972. But a few are also used independ-
ently, as action-nouns or with concreted meaning; and an
extremely small number, of somewhat questionable charac-
ter, appear to have the value of agent-words. They are of
all genders, but chiefly masculine. The root has the gui^a-
strengthening.

a. The infinitive words are accented on the radical syllable when
simple, and most of the others have the same accent; but a few have
the tone on the ending.

b. Examples are: of the regnlar fonnation, masc. data ahare^- J&tn-
hirtk, dbitu element^ t&ntu thread, m&ntu counsel, 6ta weft, sStu
receptacle, s^tu tie, Bbta pre»m*re', also kr&tu capacity, aod B4kta grite',
fern, v&stu morning'', neut. vastn thing, vaatu abode; — with accent
on the ending, aktu ray, Jant6 being, g&tu way and eong, yftti^ (P)
demon, hetu came, ket4 banner (all masc); — with unstiengthened root,
Xtd season, pitu drink, stitu birth, and apparently k^u (in kftvas
times); with v^ddhi-strengthening, vastn (a1>oye). Agent-nonns appear
to be dhitu drinkable and tro^^n jackal,

o. The inflnitiyes In tu have (968) often the nnion-yowel 1 before
the suffix, and this in a few cases is lengthened to L In other use occur
also -et&ritu and -dh&ritu (both with due), -h&vlta (with bu); tor-
ph&ritu seems of the same formation, bat is obscure.

d. In a few instances, the suffix tu appears to be added to a tense-
or conjugation-stem in a; thus, edhatd and vahat4; tamyatd and
tapyatd; and Bi^ftB&tu. The accent of the last is paralleled only by that
of Jivitu life, which is farther exceptional in showing a long ft; it is
Qsed sometimes in the manner of an inflnitiye.

1162. ^ nu. This suffix forms a comparatively small
body of words, generally masculine, and having both the
abstract and the concrete value.

a. The accent is nsnally on the ending, and the root unstrength-
ened. .

b. Thus: kfepnu jerk, bhftnii light (later sun), vagnu sound,
siinu son, danu (with irregular accent) m. f. demon, n. drop, dew; dhenii
f. cow ; — g^pdhnu hasty, tapnu burning, trasnu fearful, dhf^i^u bold;
— and vif^u Vishnu, and perhaps sthai^u pillar. Compare also suffix
tnuy 1196 a.

28*

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1102—] XVII. Primary Derivation. 43^

o. This also (like tu) appears sometiiiies with a prefixed a: itm.
kfipai^a miasiUy krandanu and nadanii roaring, nabhanu (and -nl
t) fountain, vibhafiyand (only instance with prefix) breaking to pieetar
and perhaps the proper names dftsaxm and k^^u heloag here.

1163. ^ tha. The words made with this suffix are
almost without exception action-nouns (though some hare
assumed a concrete value). They are of all genders. Hie
root is of a weak (or even weakened) form, and the aoom
usually on the suffix.

a. Thus: masc, -itha going, irtha goal, -kftha making, gStiii
song, pakthd n. pr., bh^^tbi offering, -y&tha road, -^itha fying dbtrn.
9otha swelling, siktha sediment; and, of less dear connectiona, yn&i
herd, r&tha chariot; — neat., ukihi sajfing, iSrthk ford, nithk settf.
rikihk heritage, and apparently P|i}t^ back; — tern, (with &), gathi
song, nithft wag. Radical & la weakened to I in gltha song and -pitha
drink and -pitha protection; a final nasal Is lost in -gatha going an^
h&tha slaying. In vijigithi (QB*; bat BAU -Ita) is apparently seen i
formation from a reduplication of y]i, vidorums.

b. A few examples of combination with prefixes ocenr, with accent
on the final: thus, nlr^^thd destntction, Baihgath& union, etc

o. Still more common in the older language is a fbrm of this suffix
to which has become prefixed an k, which is probably of thematic origin,
thongh become a unlon-yowel. Thns: -an&tlia breathing, ay&thA fooi.
oar&tha mobility, tvof&tha vehemence, and so protli&tha» yid4tha, ra-
v&tha, vakf&tha, ao&tha» vid&tha, ^aAaatha, ^ap&tha, ^ay4tha,
9vay&tha, 9vaB&tha, sao&tha, stan&tha, Btav&tha, 8rav4tha» and,
with weak root-form, mv&tha; the later language adds karatha, taratlift,
9amatha» savatha. With a prefix, the accent is thrown forward upoa
the final: thus, ftvasathi abode, pravasathi absence; but prfta|^4tiiA
breath is treated as if prin were an integral root

d. Isolated combinations of tha with other preceding vowels occur:
thus, v&ratha protection, J&rutha wasting(^'i) ; and mati&tha (>^man f\

1164. ^ thu. This suffix (like ST tha, above) has an ^9 ^

attached to it, and, in the very few derivatives whidi it

makes, appears only as ^ ithu.

a. The only Yedic exaifiples are ej&thu quaking, vap&thu trembly,
stan&thu roaring. Later cases are nand&thu (TS.), nadathu (U.>
Imavathu (8.), davathu* bhraA9athu, mi^iJathUy vamathu, Qvayathu,
BphiUjathu.

1166« ^ yu. With this suffix are made a very few nouns^

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437 Stems in nu, tha» tha» yo, ma, mi» man. [ — 1168

both of agent and of action, with unstrengthened root and
^various accent. Thus:

a. Abstracts (masc.) are manyu wrath, jxuptju death (with t added
-feo the short final of the root).

b. Adjectives etc. are dmhyu n. pr., bhujyu pliable, mueyu (6B.
i. 1. 7), 9andhyu pure, yijyu pious, sihyu strong, d&syu enemy; and,
-v^ith vrddbl-strengthening, j&yu victorious,

0. For other derivatiyes ending in yu, see the suffix u, below, 1 178 h» 1.

1166. ^ ma. The action-nouns made by this suffix are
almost all masculine; and they are of various loot-form and
accent, as are also the agent-nouns and adjectives.

a. Examples of action-noans are: ajmd course, gharm& heat, ema
jirogress, bhama brightness, skmiAjlow, 8t6ma song of praise.

b. Examples of agent-nonns etc. are: tigmA sharp, bhlmA terrible,
^agniA mighty, idhxnjk fuel, yudhmA warrior. A single instance from
a reduplicated root is tutumA powerful. Sarimft f., with a before the
suffix, is of doubtful connection.

c. A number of stems in ma have stems in man beside them, and
appear, at least in part, to be transfers from the an- to the a-declension.
Sarch are ajma» oma, ema» arma» t6kma, darm&, dh&rma, narmi,
yama» yugma, vema, 9ai|ma» B6ma» sArma, h6ma,

1167. FT mi. A very small number of nouns, masculine and
feminine, formed with mi, may be conveniently noticed here.

Thus, from ^-roots, Urmf wave, -kiirml action, BUSami f. tube; from
others, j&mi relation, bhtlmi or bhtlmi f. earth, lakfmi sign ; also prob-
ably raQmi line, ray ; and the adjective krudhmi (? BY., once).

1168. Wl man. The numerous derivatives made with
this suffix are almost only action-nouns. The great majority
of them are neuter, and accented on the root-syllable; a
much smaller number are masculine, and accented on the
suffix. The few agen1>-words are, if nouns, masculine, and
have the latter accent: in several instances, a neuter and
a masculine, of the one and the other value and accent,
stand side by side. The root has in general the gu^^a-
strengthening.

1. a. Examples of regularly formed neuters are: kArman action,
j&ipnan birth, naman name, vArtman track, v69man dwelling, h6man
sacrifice, -dy6tman splendor.

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lies—] XVII. Primary Derivation. 438

b. Examples of masciillne abstracts are: om&n/oror, ojm&n Hreng(k
Jem&n conquest^ Bvftdm&n Btceetness^ hem&n impulse.

o. Corresponding nenter action-nouns and masculine agent-nouns are:
br&hman worship and brahm&n priesi ; daman gift and dSiii4n giver;
dh&miaii rule and dharm&n orderer; s^dman seat and Badm&n sitter.
But 6Tti3;n friend stands in the contrary relation to om&n m. favor. Tery
few other agent-nonns occur ; and all, except brahmdn, are of rare occurrence.

d. On the other hand, Jeman and varfman and sv&dman (and
variman) have the difference of gender and accent without a correspondinf
difference of meaning.'

e. The noun &9inan stanet though masculine, is accented on the
radical syllable; and two or three other questionable cases of the same kind
occur.

f. The derivatives in man used as inflnitives (974) have for the most
part the accent of neuters : the only exception Is vldm&ne.

g. A few words, of either class, have an irregular root^form: thus,
udman, ufm&n or ufman, bhtlbnan earth, bhum&n abundance, ayfi-
man, BUn&n, bhujm&n, vldm&n, 9{kman, 9aBman, Bidhman; and
kar^man, bharman, 9akman.

h. DerlvatLves in man from roots with prefixes are not numerous.
They are usually accented on the prefix, whether action-nouns or adJectiTes:
thus, pT&hYiBjrmaJi forthhringing, pr&yftman departure; inuvairtman
following after: the exceptions, vljaman, prativartm&n, visarm&n,
are perhaps of possessive formation.

2. i. The same suffix, though only with its abstract-making valae,
has in a number of cases before it a union- vowel, i or 1; and im^
comes to be used as a secondary suffix, forming abstract nouns fma»-
culine) from a considerable number of adjecdves.

j. The neuters in iman and iman are primary formations, belonging
almost only to the older language: thus, j&niman» dhariman (M.), v&ri-
man (beside varlm&n, as noticed above); and d&riman» dh^rfman,
p&riman (and p&reman SY., once), bh^runan, v&riman, s^rfman,
Bt&rlman» B&vlman, and h&vlman. Those in iman are hardly met
with outside the Rig-Veda.

k. The masculines in im&n are in the oldest language less frequent
than the neuters just described: they are t&niman(?), jarim&n, prathi-
m&n, mahim&n» varim4n (beside the equivalent v&rimcm and vAii-
man), varf im&n (beside the equivalent v&r^man and varfm^n), hari-
m&n, and drftghimdn (VS.) beside drfighm&n (V.B.). Some of these,
as well as of the derivatiyes in simple man, attach themselyes in meaniBf.
or in form also, to adjectives, to which they seem the accompanying ab-
stracts: compare the similar treatment of the primary comparatiYes ami
superlatives (above, 468): such are pftpm&n (to pftp&» piplynB etc);
dr&ghm&n etc. (to dirghi, draghfyas, etc.); Tiriman etc. (to nxu.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

439 Stems in man, van, vana* vani, vanu. [ — 1170

v&riyaB, etc.); pr&thiman (to p^ii, pr&thlgtha); harim&Ti (to hkei
or h&rita); v&rfman etc. (to v&rfiyas etc.); svadman etc. (to sv&dd,
svadlyaSy etc.). Then in the Brihmana language are found ftiither ex-
amples: thus, dhttmrimin (T8. K.), dra^him&n (MS. K.: to dr(}li&,
dr&4hiya8, etc.), aijiin&n (QB.; and Ai;t1nian n. bii), sthem&n, 8th4-
viman (n. big piece\ taru^iman (K.), paro^iman (AB.), abaliman
(GhU.), lohitlman (KB.); and still later such as laghiman, Iq^^iman, /

pUn^iman, madhnrtman* 909iman, etc., etc.

1169. opT van. By this suffix are made almost only
agent-words^ adj get iyes ^nd jiouns, the latter chiefly m;
culines. The root is unstiengthened, and to a short final'
vowel is added a cT t before the suffix. The accent is almost
always on the root, both in the simple words and in their
compounds.

a. The insertion of t is an intimation that the words of this form are
originally made by the addition of an to derivatives in u and tu; yet
van has the present yalue of an integral snfAx in the language, and must
be treated as such.

b. Examples of the usual formation are: maso. y^van offering^
driibvan harming^ 9&kvan capable^ -rikvan leaving^ -jltvan conquering^
sutvan pressing^ kftvan active, -g&tvan (like -gat, -gatya) going, sil-
van {yBSJi) warrior; neut. pkrvaxi Joint, dhknvsjo. bow. Irregular, with
strengthened root, are &rvan courser, -yftvan (? AV.) driving off; and,
with accent on the suffix, d|v&n (? VS.) and vidv&n (? AV.).

o. Examples from roots with prefixes (which are not rare) are: atitvan
excelling, upah&svan reviler, sambhftvan collecting; and perhaps viv&s-
van shining: abhisatvan is a compound with goyeming preposition (1310).
For the compounds with other elements, which, except In special cases,
have the same accent, see below, 1277.

d. The stems mafiv&n robber and sanitvan (each BV., once) are the
only ones with a union-TOwel, and are perhaps better regarded as second-
ary deriyatires — of which a few are made with this suffix: see below,
1284. From a reduplicated root are made r&rftvan and oikitv&n (and
possibly viv&svan).

6. Action-nouns made with the sufilx van are only the infinitiyal words
mentioned at 974 — unless bhurv&i^ (RV., once) is to be added, as
locatiye of bhurv&n.

f. The feminines corresponding to adjectives in van are not
made (apparently) directly from this suffix, but from vara, and end
in vari; see below, 1171b.

1170. cR vana^ crfSf vani, sg vanu. The very few words

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1170—] XVII. Frikart Derivation. 440

made with these suffixes may best be noticed h^e, in con-
nection with ^ van (of which the others are probably sec-
ondary extensions).

a. With vana are made vagvani talkative^ satvani warrior (betSde
8&tvan, aboye); and, from a reduplicated root, 9a9iikvan4 shining,

b. With van! are made from simple roots tnrv&^i exeeUingy and
bhurv&i^l restless, and, from redbplicated roots, Qii^ukv&ni shining, da-
dli|^T&]^ daring, tatarv&i^ striving after, and jugurv&^i praising;
arhari9v&^ is obscure.

o. With vanu is made only vagvanu tone, noise,

1171. cl^ vara. With this suffix are made a few deriv-
atives, of all genders, having for the most part the value
of agent-nouns and adjectives. Much more common are the
feminine steins in of^ varl, which, from the earliest period^
serve as corresponding feminines to the masculine stems in
5R van.

a. A few masculine adjectiyes In var& occur, formally aooordant (ex-
cept in accent) with the feminines: thus, itvard going, -advara eating:
and BO, further, in the older language, igvar&, -jftvara* ph&rvara,
bhttrvari, bli&Bvar&, vyadhvar^ (?), -sadvara, sth&vari, and doubt-
less with them belongs vldval&; later, -kaavara» gatvara, ghasvara
(also ghasmara), -Jitvara» na^vara* pivara, madvara* -ei^tvara;
ttom a reduplicated root, yfiySvar& (B. and later). Many of these have
feminines in ft.

b. The feminines in vari accord in treatment of the root and in
accent with the masculines in van to which they correspond: thus, y^j-
varl, -jitvari, sftvari, -^ivari, -y&varl, and so on (about twenty-flre
such formations in RY.); from a reduplicated root, -^i^varl.

o. A yery small number of neuters occur, with accent on the root:
thus, k&rvara deed, g&hvara (later also gabhvara) iAte^; and a femin-
ine or two, with accent on the penult: urv&r& afield, and urv&ri totr
(both of doubtful etymology).

We take up now the suffixes by which are made only stemj
having the value of agent-noans and adjectives; beginning with a
brief mention of the participial endings, which in general have beet
already saffioiently treated.

1172. €IH ant (or 3^ at). The office of this suffix, in
making present and future participles active, has been fully
explained above, in connection with the various tense-stems
and conjugation-stems (chaps, VIII.-XIV.], in combinatio&

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

441 Stems ik vana etc., vara, ant, vft&s, mftna, ftna, ta. [—1 176

with which alone it is employed (not directly with the root,

unless this is also used as tense-stem).

a* A few words of like origin, but used m independent adjeotiyes,
were gifon at 460. With the same or a formally identical suffix are made
firom pronominal rooU {yant and kiyant (451, 617 a). And &dvayant
noi doubl&-t<mgued (BV., once), appears to contain a similar formation from
the numeral dvl — unless we are to assume a denominatlTe yerb-stem as
intermediate.

1178. gTIh vS&b (or ^ vas). For the (perfect active) par-
ticiples made with this suffix, see ahove, 802-6, and 458 ff.

a. A few words of irregular and questionable formation were noticed
at 402, abofe. Also, apparent transfers to a form as or Ufa. RV. yoca-
lizes the v once, in jujumin.

b. The oldest language (RV.) has a yery few words in vas, of doubt-
ful relations: fbhvas and ^ikvaa skilful (beside words in va and van),
and perhaps khidvaa (ylchftd). The neuter abstract v&rivas breadth,
room (belonging to uru broad, in the same nunner with v&riyaa and
vaxim&n), is quite isolated. MBb. makes a nominatiye pivftn, as if from
pivftfis instead of pivan.

1174. TTH mSna. The participles having this ending
are, as has been seen (584 b), present and future only, and
have the middle, or the derived passive, value belonging in
general to the stems to which the suffix is attached.

1175. SETH &na. The participles ending in ^TH Sua are

of middle and passive value, like those just noticed, and

either present, perfect, or (partly with the form ^TR sSna:

above, 897 b) aorist.

a. A few other words ending in the same manner in the old language
may be mentioned here. The RY. has the adjeotiyes t^av&na, bhfga-
vfti^a, v&savftna, drd]iva8an&, apparently made on the model of par-
ticipial stems. Also the proper names dpnavftna, pfthavftna, and cy&-
vftna and cy&vatftna. F&r9&na abyss is doubtful; rt^inft (RV., once)
is probably a false reading; apn&na is of doubtful character.

1176. cT ta. The use of this suffix in forming parti-
ciples directly from the root, or from a conjugational (not
a tense] stem, was explained above, 962-6. The participles
thus made are in part intransitive, but in great part passive

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1176—] XVII. Primary Derivation. 442

in value (like those made by the two preceding suffixes, but
in much larger measure, and more decidedly).

a. A few general adjecttves, or nouns with concrete meaning, are
adaptations of this participle. Examples are: tf^\k rough, 9itil etMj dp-
^hk (for df <}h& : 224 A)Jinn ; dCtti mesaenffer, stltd charioteer ; ftd rigM,
glxftk ghee, J&t& kindj dyat& gambling, nq^t& dance, jivit& Itfe^ oarita
behavior, smita smile. The adijective tigit& (RV.) sAorp shows anonulras
reversion of palatal to guttural before the 1 (216 d). V&vata dear li ■
single example ftom a reduplicated root

b. Doubtless after the example and model of participles from denomi-
native stems (of which, however, no instances are quotable from the Veda
— unless bhftmita BV.), derivatives in ita are in the later langna^ made
directly from noun and adjective-stems, having the meaning of etuhwed
with, affected by, made to be, and the like (compare the similar English
formation in ed, as homed, barefooted, bluecoatedy Examples are rathita
furnished with a chariot, duhkhita pained, knaumita flowered, dux-
balita weakened, nit^Baih^ayita indubitable, etc. etc.

o. A few words ending in ta are accented on the radical syllable,
and their relation to the participial derivatives is very doubtful: such are
&Bta home, m&rta mortal, vata wind; and with them may be mentlooed
g&rta high seat, n&kta night, h&sta Jumd. Vrati is commonly viewed
as containing a suffix ta, but it doubtless comes from yvft (vrat-4, like
trad&, vrc^&) and means originally course,

d. Several adjectives denoting color end in ita, but are hardly con-
nectible with roots of kindred meaning: thus, palit& gray, &Bita bh^ck,
r6hita and I6hita red, h&rita green ; akin with them are 6ta variegaUtLi
Qyet& white. The feminines of these stems are in part irregular: thus,
6ni and 9y6ni; r6hi9i and lohini, and h&rugl (but the corresponding
masc. h&rii^La also occurs); and ^siknl* p&Uknl, and h&riknl.

e. A small number of adjectives in the older language ending in ata
are not to be separated flrom the participial words in ta, although their
specific meaning is in part gerundive. They are : paoat& cooked, dar^ati
and paQyata seen, to be seen, worth seeing] and so yi^at&, haiyat^
bharat&. The y of pa9yata and haryat& indicates pretty plainly that the
a also is that of a present tense-stem. Bajati silvery is of more obscure
relation to }/raj color; p&rvata mountain must be secondary.

1177. s? na (and ^ ina, 3^ una). The use of the sujESx

^ na in forming from certain roots participles equivalent to

those in cT ta, either alongside the latter or instead of them,

was explained above, at 957.

a. With the same suffix are made a number of general adjectives,
and of nouns of various gender (fern, in nft). The accent is on the soCax'

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

443 Stems in ta, na, ina, una, u. [—1178

OT on the root. A few examples are : ufi^ hot, f^xmk fortunate, d^na
r€tvenous, ^tna white; maac, pra^n& question, yc^ft& offering, ghp^&
heat, v&rna color, BV&pna sleep; neut, pan^ toing, vktnB, jewel (?);
fem. tf^^ft thiret, yftofti supplication. But many of the stems ending in
na are not readily connectible with roots. An antithesis of accent is seen
ill k4r9a ear and kan^ eared.

b. The few words ending in ina are of doubtful connection, bat may
be mentioned here: thus, aminA violent, v^JinA crooked, dAkfina right,
dxkvij^ property , druhii^ay -Qrei^iJ^a* hariij& ; and kanlna may be added.

o. The words ending in una are of yaiions meaning and accent, like
those in ana: they are irjuna, kartu^a, -oetuna, tAruijia, dfiruigi&y
dliaru^a, naru]^ p{9una, mithunA» yatuna, vayuna, v&rui^ay 9a-
luna, and the feminine yam^ft; and bhrui^d may be added.

d. These are all the proper participial endings of the language.
The gerundives, later and earlier, are in the main evident secondary
formations, and will be treated under the head of secondary derivation.

We take up now the other suffixes forming agent-nouns and
adjectives, beginning with those which have more or less a parti-
cipial value.

1178. 3 u. With this suffix are made a considerable
body of derivatives, of very various character — adjectives,
and agent-nouns of all genders, with different treatment of
the root, and with different accent. It is especially used
with certain conjugational stems, desiderative (particularly
later) and denominative (mainly earlier), making adjectives
with the value of present participles; and in such use it
wins in part the aspect of a secondary suffix.

a. The root has oftenest a weak (or weakened) form; but it is
sometimes vriddhied ; least often (when capable of guna), it has the
guna-strengthening — all without any apparent connection with either
accont or meaning or gender. After final radical & is usually added
y (268) before the suffix. A few derivatives are made from the re-
duplicated root. But many words ending in u are not readily, or not
at all, connectible with roots; examples will be given especially of
those that have an obvious etymology.

b. Examples of ordinary adjectiyes are: uru wide, ^Ju straight, pfthu
broad, m^du soft, sftdhu good, svftdii sweet, t&pu hot, v48U good; jftyu
conquering, dftru bursting; 9ayu lying, r6ku empty; dhayu thirsty, pftyii
protecting. Final & appears to he lost hefore the suffix in -sthu (sui^^u,
anni^t^u), and perhaps in yu, -gu (agrefi^u), and -khu (ftkhu).

c. Examples of nouns are: masc, a&9u ray, ripu deceiver, v&yu

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

1178—] XVU. Primary Dbrivation. 444

windf &8a life, m&nu man, Manu ; fern., ii^u (aUo masc.) arroto, sindibji
(also maso.) river, tanti or tanu 60%; neut., k^u food.

d. Derivatives from reduplicated roots are: cikita, j&gmii, jigyu^
JijiiUt Bif^Uy -tatnu (unless this is made with nu or tnu), didja (f),
dadru, y&yu or yayii and y{yu (with final ft lost), p{pra (proper name),
-didhayn; and titaii, babhru, -ram (ar&m), malimlu (?) have the
aspect of being similar formations.

e. A few derivatives are made from roots with prefixes, with various
accentuation : for example, up&yi& on-eoming, pramayd going to destruc'
Hon, vikllnda a certain disease, abh!9U rein (director), B&xhvasu dweU-
ing together.

f. From tense-stems, apparently, are made tanyu thundering, bhindu
splitting, 'Viadn finding, and (with aoristic s) d&k^u and dh&kfu (all RY.).

g. Participial adjectives in u from desiderative ^roots" (sterna with
loss of their final a) are sufficiently numerous in the ancient language (BY.
has more than a dozen of them, AY. not quite so many) to show that the
formation was already a regular one, extensible at will; and later such
adjectives may be made from every desiderative. Examples (older) are:
ditBUy dipsu, cikitBU, titik^u, pipi^u, mumuki^d, iyakf u, ^i^lik-
^u; with prefix, abhidipBU; with anomalous accent, didflqfu. These ad-
jectives, both earlier and later, may take an object in the accusative (271 a).

h. A few similar adjectives are made in the older language from caus-
atives: thus, dhftrayu (pereiateni), bhSjayii, bh&vayu, maAhayu, man*
dayu, Qramayu; and m^gaya from the caus.-denom. m^&ya.

i. Much more numerous, however, are such formations from the more
proper denominatives, especially in the oldest language (BY. has toward
eighty of them; AY. only a quarter as many, including six or eight which
are not found in BY. ; and they are still rarer in the Brahmanas, and
hardly met with later). In a majority of cases, personal verbal forms from
the same denominative stem are in use: thus, for example, to ashtl^yu*
ar&tlyu, rjuyu, oara^iyu, manasyu, Bani^yu, uru^yu, aaparyu; in
others, only the present participle in y&nt, or the abstract noun in yi
(1149 d), or nothing at all. A few are made upon denominative stems from
pronouns: thus, tv&yu (beside tv&y&nt and tvEyi% yuvayu or yuvftyu,
aBmayii, Bvayii, and the more anomalous ahaihyu and kiihyd. Espe-
cially where no other denominative forms accompany the adjective, this has
often the aspect of being made directly from the noun with the suffix yu,
either with a meaning of seeking or desiring, or with a more general adjec-
tive sense : thus, yavayu seeking grain, var&hay^ boar-htmting, Btanasyu
desiring the breast; un^ftyu woolen, yuvsjiyiL youthful, bhimayu terrible.
And so the '^secondary suffix yu" wins a degree of standing and application
as one forming derivative adjectives (as in ahaihyu and kiihyii, above,
and doubtless some others, even of the BY. words). In three BY. eases,
the final aa of a noun-stem is even changed to o before it: namely, aA^
hoyu» duvoyu (and duvoya; beside duvaayu), Aakydhoyu.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

^^l^ —

445 Stems in u, u, uka* [ — 1180

j. The words in yu do not show in the Veda resolution into iu (ex-
cept dhSsiuB AY., onee).

1179. 3" H. Stems in 3" tl are very few, even as
compared with those in ^ I (1166). They are for the most
part feminines corresponding to masculines in u (844 b),
with half-a-dozen more independent feminines [see 855 o).

a. To those already mentioned abo^e are to be added kartj^ti pitj -caltl
(in pum^calti), -janti (in prajanti), ^nmbhti.

1180. 3oR uka. With this suffix are made derivatives
having the meaning and construction (271 g] of a present
participle. The root is strengthened, and has the accent.

a. The dexiyatives in uka are hardly known in the Veda; but they
become frequent in the Brahmanas, of whose language they are a marked
characteristic (about sixty different stems occnr there); and they are fonnd
occasionally in the later language. In all probability, they are originally and
properly obtained by adding the secondary suffix ka (1222) to a derivatiye
in u; bnt they haye gained fally the character of primary formations, and
in only an instance or two is there found in actual use an u-word from
which they should be made.

b. The root is only so far strengthened that the radical syllable is a
heayy (79) one ; and it has the accent, whether the deriyatiye is made from
a simple root or from one with prefix.

c. Examples, from the Bnhmana language, are: vaduka, na^uka,
upakramuka, pn^iduka* upaath&yuka (258), vyfiyuka, v^duka,
bhSTuka* k96dhuka, h^truka, v&rfuka, sam&rdhuka, d&&9uka,
ftlambuka, 9ik9uka (GB.: RY. has ^Ikfu)* pramayuka (§B. has
pram&yu).

d. Exceptions as regards root-form are : nirmargurka (with v^ddhi-
Btrengthening, as is usual with this root: 627), -kasuka, ^pdhnuka (ftom
a tense-stem; beside &rdhuka). AY. accents B&ixikaBuka (9B. has
saihk&auka) and vikasuka; RY. has 8ftnuk& (which is its only example
of the formation, if it be one; AY. has also ghatuka from ylian, and
^raxnftyuka) ; vasuka (TS. et al.) is probably of another character.
A9anSyuka (PB. et al.) is the only example noticed from a conjugation-stem.

6. Of later occurrence are a few words whose relation to the others is
more or less doubtful: kftrmuka and dhftrmuka, taftruka, tarkuka,
nftuduka, pftdukft» peouka, bhik^uka, U^uka, seduka* hi^^uka*
breipika. Of these, only lA^uka appears like a true continuer of the
formation; several are pretty clearly secondary derivatiyes.

f. A formation in uka (a suffix of like origin, perhaps, with uka)
may be mentioned here: namely, indbfUca, majjtzka* and, firom redn«

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118<V— ] XVII. Primary Derivation. 446

plicated roots, Jftgarlika wakeful, Jafijapuka (later) muUering, daada-
9tika biting^ yftyf^jtika sacrificing much^ vftvaduka (later) talkative;
salalftka Is questiouable.

1181. 3E|of) aka. Here, as in the preceding ca^ey we
doubtless have a suffix made by secondary addition of efi ka
to a derivative in 3^ a; but it has, for the same reason as
the other, a right to be mentioned here. Its free use in
the manner of a primary suffix is of still later date than
that of uka; it has very few examples in the older language.

a. In RY. is found (besides p&vak4, which has a different accent,
and which, as the metre shows, is really pav&ka) only a^lyaka mitnie;
AY. adds plyaka and v&dhaka, and VS. abhikr6Qaka. Bnt in the later
language such derivatiyes are common, more usually with raising of the root-
syllable by strengthening to heavy quantity : thus, nfiyaka, dfiyaka (268),
pftcaka, gr&haka, bodhaka, jagaraka; but also Janaka, khanaka.
They are declared by the grammarians to have the aooent on the radical
syllable. They often occur in copulative composition with gerundiree of
the same root: thus, bhakfyabhakfaka eaiodfe and eater, vftoyavftoaka
designated and designation, and so on.

b. That the derivatives in aka sometimes take an accusative object
was pointed out above (271 o).

c. The corresponding feminine is made sometimes in akft or in aki,
but more usually in ik&: thus, n&yikft (with n&yakft), p&eikft» bodhikft;
compare secondary aka, below, 1222.

d. Derivatives in fika are made from a few roots: thus, Jalpfika,
bhikf&ka; but very few occur in the older language: thus, pav&ka (above,
a), nabh&ka, smayaka, J&h&ka(?), -oalfika» patfikft. With Ska is
made in RY. m^c^yiku, from the causative stem: p^^dfiku and the pro-
per name ik^fiku are of obscure connection.

e. Derivatives in ika and ika will be treated below, in connection
with those in ka (II860).

1182. f^ ty (or cT^ tar). The derivatives made by this
siiffix, as regards both their mode of formation and their
uses, have been the subject of remark more than once
above (see 369 ff., 042 ff.). Agent-nouns are freely formed
with it at every period of the language; these in the oldest
language are very frequently used participiaUy, governing
an object in the accusative (271 d) ; later they enter into
combination with an auxiliary verb, and, assuming a future

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

447 Stems in uka, aka, t^, in. [—1183

meaning, make a periphrastic future tense (942). Their
corresponding feminine is in tri.

a. The root has regularly the su^-strengtheDing. A union-vowel
i (very rarely, one of another character) is often taken: as regards
itB presence or absence in the periphrastic future forms, see above
(948 a).

b. Without gui^a-change is only Uf (^ plough-ox (no proper agent-noun :
apparently ukf-tp: compare the nonns of relationship farther on). The root
grah has, as usual, i — thus, grahltf ; and the same appears In -taritf,
•pairit^y -marit^, -vaxitf, -eavitf. An u-TOwel Is taken instead by
t&rutr and tarut^, dhiuiutf, and s&nutf ; long in varut^; strengthened
to o in xnandtf and manotf. From a reduplicated root comes v&vat^.

o. The accent, in the older language, is sometimes on the suffix
and sometimes on the root; or, from roots combined with prefixes,
sometimes on the suffix and sometimes on the prefix.

d. In general, the accent on the root or prefix accompanies the parti-
cipial use of the word; but there are exceptions to this: in a yery few in-
stances (four), a word with accented suffix has an accusative object; very
much more often, accent on the root appears along with ordinary noun
value. The accent, as well as the form, of man6t;r is an isolated irreg-
ularity. Examples are: j6tft dh&nani winning treasures \ yuy&ih m&r-
taih 9r6t&ra(L ye listen to a mortal) but, on the other hand, yaxhta
v&8uni vidhat6 bestowing good things on the piotis ; and J6ta j&nftnftm
conquerer of peoples.

e. The formation of these nouns in tp from conjugation-stems, regular
and frequent in the later language, and not very rare in the Brahmanas,
is met with bnt ouoe or twice in the Veda (bodhayltf and oodayitrl,
RY.). In n^^t^ a certain priest (RV. and later), Is apparently seen the
aoristic b.

f. The words of relationship which, in whatever way, have gained
the aspect of derivatives in tp, are pitf, mat^, bhritf, yat^^y duhit^,
n&ptf, jam&tp. Of these, only mat^ and yatp are in accordance with
the ordinary rules of the formation in tf .

g. Instead of tf is found tar in one or two RY. examples: yaziitdr
Bthftti^.

h. Apparently formed by a suffix x ^9^ ^ ^® ^^t* savyafth^y
n&nftndf , devf , the last two being words of relationship. For other words
ending in Xi ^^^ d^^-

1183. ^ in. This is another suffix which has assumed

a primary aspect and use, while yet evidently identical in

real charaoter with the frequent secondary suffix of the

same form denoting possession (below, 1230).

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1183—] XVII. Primary Derivation. 448

a. How far it liad gained a primary value in the early language if
not easy to determine. Most of the words in in occurring in RY. and AY.
are explainable as posaeBsives; in many the other value is possible, and is
a few it is distinctly suggested: thus, kevalftdfn, bhadrav&d{2i» nitodin,
ft^ftrftifiny inftmin, vivyftdhfn; from a tense-stem, -aQnuTin, -pa^yin
(late) ; with aoristic B» -sakfln ; and, with redaplication, niyajyfn, vmdi-
vadin. As the examples indicate, composition, both with prefixes and
with other elements, is frequent; and, in all caaes alike, the accent U on
the suffix.

b. Later, the primary employment is unquestionable, and examples of
it, chiefly in composition, are frequent. The radical syllable is osully
strengthened, a medial a being somettmes lengthened and sometimes remain-
ing unchanged. Thus, Batyav&din iruth'speaJcmgy abhibhft(^ addreMgi$9f
manoliSriii soul-toinning. In bhftvin has established itself a prevailingly
future meaning, about to be^

o. The use of an accusative object with words in in was noticed
above (271 b).

1184. ^QTT iyas and ^ i^fha. These suffixes, which, from
forming intensive adjeetives corresponding to the adjeetiye of root-
form, haye come to .be used, within somewhat narrow limits, as sof-
fixes of adjective comparison, have been already sufficiently treated
above, under the head of comparison (466-470).

a. It may be further noticed that jy6i|t^ has in the older language
(only two or three times in RY.) the accent also on the final, Jye^^^hA,
and that its correlative also is kani^t^ ^° ^he oldest language; p&rfifllia
is made f^om a secondary form of root, with aoristic s added.

b. When the comparative suffix has the abbreviated form yas (470 a),
its y is never to be read in the Yeda as L

c. No other suffixes make derivatives having participial value
otherwise than in rare and sporadic cases; those that remain, there-
fore, will be taken up mainly in the order of their frequency and
importance.

1186. '^ tra. With this suffix aie foimed a few ad-
jectives, and a considerable number of nouns, mostly neutei,
and often having a specialized meaning, as signifying the
means 01 instrument of the action expressed by the loot
The latter has usually the guqia-strengthening, but some-
times remains unchanged. The accent is Yarious, but more
often on the radical syllable.

a. Here, as in certain other cases above, we have donbtlesB a snCtx

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

449 Stems in Iya8» i^fha, tra etc., ka. [—1186

oilgliully teeondary, made by adding a to the primary t|* or tar (1182);
but its use is in great part that of a primary aufiiz.

b. Examples of neuter nonns are: gitra limbj p&ttra wing, pitra
eup, y6ktra bond, v&atra garment, ^rbtra ettr; aetr& missile, atotri
song of praise, -potrk vesshl-, of more general meaning, d&ttra gift, kf^
tra Jieid, mlitra urine, hotri sacrifice. The words accented on the final
have often an abstract meaning : thus, k^atr^ auihoriiy, rt^%tk kingdom,
9ft8tr& doctrine, Battr& sacrificial session (also JfUltra knowledge),

c. Masculines are: d&ftft^a tusk, mantra prayer, attri (or atr&:
282) devourer, XL^^jra buffalo, camel, and a few of questionable etymology,
as mltri friend, putr& son, yfttk foe. lUtrd and vftrk are sometimes
neuters even in the Veda, and mitra comes later to be regularly of that gender.

d. Feminlnes (in trft) are: &§trft goad, mitrft measure, h6trft sac-
rifice (beside hotr&), daAffrft (later, for d&ftft'a); nft^f^ destroyer.

e. Not seldom, a ^^union-yowel" appears before the suffix; but this is
not usually the equivalent of the union-vowel used with t|* (above, 1 182 a).
For the words in itra have the accent on 1: thus, aritra (&ritra AY.,
once) impelling, oqr, khaxdtra shovel, pavltra sieve, Janitra birth-place,
sanltra gift-, and so -avitra, aritra, oaritra» -taritra, dhamitra,
dhavitra, bliavitra, bharitra, vftditra (with causatiye root-strengthening),
▼ahltra: the combination itra has almost won the character of an in-
dependent suffix. The preceding yowel is also in a few cases a (sometimes
apparently of the present-stem) : thus, yijatra venerable, kpit&tra shred,
gftystrA (f. -trf) song, -damatra» p&tatra wing\ but also &inatra violent,
T&dliatra deadly weapon; and varatri f. strap. T&rutra overcoming
corresponds to tarutf . N&kfatra asterism is of very doubtful etymology.
SaThBkytatr& (RV., once) seems of secondary formation.

f. The words still used as adjectives in tra are mostly such as have
union-Towels before the suffix.' A single example from a reduplicated root
is Johtttra crying out.

g. A word or two in tri and tru may be added here, as perhaps of
kindred formation with those in tra : thus, &ttri devouring, aro4tri beam-
ing, ratri or rILtrl night; qktm (9&ttra: 282) enemy.

1186. ofi ka. The suffix ofi ka is of very common use in

secondary derivation (below, 1222); whether it is directly

added to roots is almost questionable: at any rate, extremely

few primary derivatives are made with it.

a. The words which have most distinctly the aspect of being made
from roots are pufka-, -meka (}/mi fix), yaska n. pr., ^ufka dry,
9l6ka (>^9ru hear) noise, report, etc., and -sph&ka teeming; and atukft
flake and stokd drop seem to belong together to a root atu ; rfika f., name
of a goddess, may be added.

Whitney, arammar. 3. ed. 29

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11:86—] ZVU. PancARY Dbbiyation. 450

b. Bat ka eaters, in Its vtlae as secondary, into tbe compositiea •(
certain sufilxes reckoned as^prtmary: see aka and oka (above, 11S0» 1181)

«. A few words in whieh Ika and ika seem added to a root, tlioiif^
they are really of a kindred foimation with the. preceding, may be most
conyeniently noticed here: thus, •vf90ika (yvwmqd) 9carpi&H; &Bika(t]
/ae«, dtQtka mapeety dfbhika n. pr., inr^f1t4 graeey vrdtaOcd ineremftr.
t^arika and Ti^arlka ^n^M, -fjDca beaminffj r^ka; rk^ikfi; and, inm
reduplicated root, pco^arlkA 9eaitenm§ (f). Compare secondary snfOx ka
(below, 1222).

1187. IT ya. It is altog^her probable that a part of ike de-
rivatiyeB made idth this svffiz are not less entitled to be ranked as
primary than some of those which are' above so reckoned. Sock,
however, are with so much doobt and difficulty to be separated from
the great mass of secondary derivatives made with the same avffix
that it is preferred to treat them all together under the head of see-
ondary formation (below, 1210^18).

1188, ^ va. With this suffix are «iiade a la^e number
of adjectives, almost altr ays with weak loot^form, and QsaaUr
with accent on the suffix. Also, a few words used as nouns*
of various gender. In some cases, the suffix is found with
a preceding vowel, having the aspect of a union-voweL

a. Examples of adjectives in ra are: k^pri quieky chidx4 tflH.
tur& $tron0, bhadri pleoHng^ 9akr& mighty ^ 9ukr& bright, httwrii im-
furious 't-- with accent on the root, only g^dkra grse^f t^mra tiottt
dhira wise (secondary?), viiura inspired, tugra n. pr.

b. From roots with prefixes come only an example or two: ihns,*nieira
attentive, nim^gra yomtn^r on.

c. Nouns in ra are: masc, kJTA Jield, vlr& man, v^ra ikumierMt.
qirAhero] neat., kgrApoint, k^Iri mUk, r&ndhra hoUow, ripr& defi^:
ment; fem., dharft stream, ifyr&Jaw, Borft intoxicating dry/ik.

The forms of this suffix with preceding vowel may best he ooneidfied
here, although some of them have nearly or quite gained the valne of inde-
pendent endings. Thus:

d. With ara are made a few rare words: the adjectives draYari
running, -gsXeak Jlying, (with prefix) nyocari suiting', and the nouns
gambh&ra depih, t&sara %nd trasara shuttle, s^nara gain, -fk^ars
thom\ bhftrvar& and vftsard are douhtless of secondary formation; and
the same thing may he plausihly conjectured of others. As made with ira
may he mentioned mandftra a tree, m&rjfira oat.

e« With ira are made a few words, some of which are in oottBoa
use: thus, i^iri quick, khadiri a tree, timira dark, dhYa8ir& siirnn$
up, madiri pleasing, mudira cloud, badhir^ deaf, ruoira hrig^, ifiri

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

451 Stems in ka, ya, ra etc., la, Ta, ri, rtu [—1182

lively f &Bira miBsiUy Btb&yira ,/Srm ;. and athlra hard, and sphitk fat^
ixritlL displacement of final radical ft; also aariri wave j(a8naUy aalti4).
^ith Ira are made gabhlri er gainbliJr& profound and fivira miffhty,
and perhaps 9&rlra body.

f. With ara are made a few words, of some of wbieh the aeoendary
character is probable: thus, a]&hur& (a^u-ra?) narrow ^ &Biira (48iiPraP)
living^ ohidnra tearing^ bhaflguri breaking^ bhfisura shining, bhidura
splitting, medura/o^, y&dura tm»V»n^, viihxocdk tottering, vidxxx9i know-
ing, vidhura lacking. With tira, apparently, are made 8thur& gtout
(compare sth&vira), khaijdra a tree, maylira peacock (or imitatiTe?).

1189. ^ la. This suffix is only another form of the
preceding, exchanging with it in certain words, in others
prevalently or solely used from their first appearance.

a. Conspicuous examples of the interchange are 9Ukl&, BthtU&y -mi^la,
9ithiU, saUUk.

b. Examples of the more independent use are : pal& protecting, &nila
(or anila) wind, tfp&la Joyotu; later oapala and tarala (said to be
accented on the final), and harfula (the same). Many words ending in la
are of obscure etymology.

1190. ST va. Very few words of clear derivation are
made with this suffix — too few to be worth classifying.
They are of various meaning and accent, and generally show
a weak root-form.

a. Thus : f kv& praising, |^v& lofty, takvi quick, dliruv& 'fixedj
pakvi ripe, padva going, yahvi quick (f), qarvk n. pr., hra8v& short,
9ikv& artfulj rajf^vk Joyful, urdhvi lofty, v&kva twisting, urv& stall;
^va quick, course, &9va hor9e, er&kva or s^kva comer; and perhaps
ulba caul; a feminine is prufvft (TS. pffvfi, AY. prufv^) ; with nnion-
▼owel are made saoiva companion, &iniva disease, and vidh&vft widow.

b. The words in va exhibit only in sporadic cases re8olnti|§ of the
endibg into ua.

1191. f^ ri. With this suffix are formed, directly or
with preceding u, a small number of derivatives.

a. Thns: diighri or Bdihxi foot, kqri edge, usri daum, tandri or
-dxi weariness, bhlhi abundant, v4akri rib, e^rf patron, -takri quick,
v6dlirl eunwA, 9ubhri beautiful, stliAri single {team)\ and, with luri,
J&8uri exhausted, &i^vai pious, bhfiguri n. pr., s&huri mighty; afigtiri
(or 9Skg6M) finger.

1192. "^ m. This suffix makes a few adjectives and
neuter nouns, either directly or with a preceding vowel.

29*

Digitized by

Google

1192—] XVII. Primary Derivation. 452

a. Thus: k^m teaty o^bn dear^ dh&ru sucking, bhirn timid; —
with precedlug a-TOwel: ar&ra tntrntcoi, pntkru Jlying, vandim praisim^.
pfyftm scoffing, ^artru harming; — with preceding e, tamera rtiaxad,
mader& refoicingy 8an6ra obtaining, himerd ehilfy, the eTidently tec-
ondftry mitr6ra alli/y and p^m (of doubtf^ meaning).

b. The sondary tofflz la (see 1227 b) is apparently added to certaia
noans in ft from conjugation-stems, making derivatives that have a primar;
aspect: thus, patayftlu ^tin^, apfhayftlu desiring.

1188. ^ vi. By this suffix are made:

a. Two or three derivatives f^m reduplicated roots: Jag^rvi awake,
d^Ulhrvi sustaining, didivl shining; and a very few other words: ghffri
liveh/, dhruvi firm, jfpvl toom out (AV.; elsewhere jivrl); -pharvl ij
doubtftil.

b. Here maybe mentioned oikitvit (RV., once), apparently made wiU
a suffix vlt ttom a reduplicated root-form.

1194. ^ snu. With this suffix, with or without a union-
vowel, are made a few adjective derivatives from roots, but
also from causative stems.

a. From simple roots: direct, "k^e^xi perishable, -giManvL siek, jipyii
victorious, da&kfi^ii biting, bhufi^u thriving, nl-^atsni^ sitting down,
sthftsnu fixed; with union-vowel i, karifi^u, k&9i9]^u, kfayi^u, ga-
mifi^u, grasifi^a, grahi^i^u, cari^i^ii, -jani^i^u, Jayi^^n, tapifi^ii,
-trapifi^u, -pati^i^o, -bhavifi^u, brfijifi^o, madifi^u* -mavifnu,
yaji^i^u, yftoifi^u, -vadifi^u, vardhi^i^u, -sahi^i^a.

b. From secondary conjugation-stems: kopayifi^u, ki^payifi;!!!,
cyftvayifi^u, janayifi^u, tftpayifi^u, namayif^u, patayi^u, po^a-
srlfi^u, pSrayif^i^ bodbaylfi^u, mftdajrlfi^u, yamayi^^u, ropayi^ii,
-vftrajrifi^u, -^ooasrlfj^d; and Jftgarifnu. An anomalous formation it
ulbai^fi^u.

O. These derivatives are freely compounded with prefixes : e. g.
ni^atsirfli prajani^i^ii, abhi9ocayi9i^^ saihvSraylBi^a.

d. It is not unlikely that the e of this suffix is originally that of a
stem, to which nu was added. Such a character is still apparent in kra*
vlfi^u craving raw fiesh (kravis); and also in vadhasnu, vrdhasnd (?)»
and prathasnu (?).

1195. P* sna. Extremely few words have this ending.

• a. It is seen in ti]qii^& sharp, and perhaps in 9lak9i^ -rfkkf^
-mSrtsna; and In ge^i^ and de^i^i (usually trisyllabic: dali^i^a) gifl.
Unless in the last, it is not found preceded by i; but it has (like, anu,
above) a before it in vadhasn^ deadly weapon, kar&sna fore-arm; na-
difi^ skilled seems to be secondary. Feminines are n^ptsnft loam, Jyot-
snft moonlight.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

453 ■ Stems in rti» vi, snu, Bna» tnu, sa, asi, abha, etc. [—1201

1196. ^ tnu. This suffix is used in nearly the same way
with H snu (above, 1194).

a. As used with simple roots, the t is generally capable of being-
considered the adscitttioas t after a short root-final, to which nu is then
added : thus, Iq^d aeiivey gatni& (? BY.), hatnd eUadfy, -tatnu (?)
streidting'y and, from reduplicated roots, jigatnii hasiingy and Jig1iatni&
Tiorming; bnt also dartnu bursting . Also, with union-yowel, dravitnu
running^ dayitnu (? L^S.).

b. With causative stems: fdr example, drftTa3rltni& hasting , pofay-
itnu nourishing, mftdayitnu intoxicating^ tanajrltnu and stanayitnd
thunder, stldayitni^ ^ou^m^, -ftmayitna sickening.

o. With preceding a, in plya^u scoffing, mehatni^ a river, ft-ru-
Jatnd breaking into; and kavatniEi miserly (obscnre derivation).

1197. H sa* The words ending in suffixal H sAi with or
without preceding union-yowel, are a heterogeneous group, and in
considerable part of obscure derivation. Thus:

a. With sa simply: gftsa clever, ie^k winning (rather, aoristic bP
1148 J)» -dfk^a looking, rukfi shining, rukfi rough; utsa n, fountain;
bhif a f. fear (or ftom the secondary root bluf).

b. With preceding i- vowel: tavifi (f. t&vifi) strong, mahifi (f.
m&hi^i mighty, hheixi^ CO seeking booty; ^mk rushing, -pxixi^ rubbish,
manifi f. devotion; and compare rayifin (? SV.).

o. With preceding u-vowel: arufi (f. irufi) red, a^^a ravenous,
t&nifa overeomer, purt^a and m&nufa (-us-aP) man; piytifa biestings.

1198. 3S|f^ asL A few words in the oldest language are made
with a suffix having this form (perhaps produced by the addition of
i to as).

a. Thus, atasf vttgabond, dhan^asi^rm, s&nasl thinning; and dhfisf
m. drink, f. station, sarasi (?) pool,

1199. 3B|>T abha. A few names of animals, for the most part
of obscure derivation, show this ending.

a. Thus, vp}abli& and ^^^abhi bull, 9arabh& a certain fabnlons
animal, 9erabha a certain snake, gardabh& and risabha ass; farther,
kanabha, karabha and kalabha, la^abha, ^alabha; and, with other
nnion-vowels, tu^fibha, niin<)ibha, and knkkubha. The feminine, if
occurring, is In I; and kafabhl is found without corresponding masculine.
AY. has the adjective sthOlabhi, equivalent to sthulA.

1200. A few words ending in the consonants t» d, J, etc., and
for the most part of doubtful root-connections, were given above, at
883 k (3-5, 7); it is unnecessary to repeat them here. Certain of those
in at are perhaps related to the participles in ant (1172).

1201. A number of olher primary suffixes are either set up by

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1201—] XVII. Secondary Dbriyation. ■ 454

tbe grammariftiiB and supported with examples of questionable Taliie,
or are doubtfully deduoible from isolated words traeeable to knows
roots, or from words of obscure connection.

»• A few rack may be jnenUoned here: eaf4^ la karaigL^A and t4-
rajgi^a &nd cerUin unquotable words (prAl^rltized a-forma from the preseat
participle); era or ora in unquotable wordt, and elima (above, BBBd:
perhaps a farther derivatlTe with secondary ima from era) ; mara (ma or
man with secondary ra added) in ghasmara, ffpnark, etc. ; — sara la
matsar&, kara in p^^kara and other, obscure words, pa In pai|pa»
Btup4» sttipa, and a number of other obscuxe words; and so on.

B. Soeondtry Derivatives.

1202. Words of secondary derivation are made by the
addition of further suffixes to stems already ending in eri-
dent suffixes.

a. But also, as pointed out above (lld7b), to pronominal roots.

b. further, in exceptional cases, to indeclinables, to case-forms, and
to phrases: e. g. antarvant, apitv&» paratastva, sahatva, afirva-
trika, ftikadbya, m&iaka, . fimu^mlka, ftmufyftya^&y ap8iiniAz&t»
apsavyh, kiiiioanya» kiibkartavyatA, kvftoitka, nistika, akiUketn-
maya.

1208. Changes of the stem. The stem to which the
suffix is added is liable to certain changes of form.

a. Before a suffix beg^unifig with a vowel or with y (which in
this respect is treated as if it were 1), final a- and l-vowels are regalariy
lost altogether, while a final u-vowel lias the go^^a-strengUieiiing and
becomes av; ^ ^^^^ o and ftu (all of rare occurrence) are treated in
accordance with usual euphonic rule.

b. An U-Towel also sometimes remains unstrengthened : see 1208 e.

o. A final n is variously treated, being sometimes retained, and
sometimes lost, even along with a preceding a; and sometimes an a
is lost, while the n remains: thus, vr^^a^vant, v^fa^^ ^7^9 vnatva.
vr^^ya* from vrfan. Of a stem ending in ant, the weak form, in at,
is regularly taken: thus, vftivaavata (vlvasvant).

d. In general, the masonline form of a primitire stem is that iron
which a further secondary derlYative is made. But there are not very ran
cases in which the feminine is taken instead; examples are: satttva,
bhftryfttva, praj^t&tvi, bhSrativant, rak^ftvant* priySvant. On tbs
other hand, a final long vowel — i, much more rarely ft — generally of a
feminine stem, is sometimes shortened in derivation: thus, yi^yhvant,
pra^ikhavanty gof&tama, va9&tamft, Badhanitv&, Jaratikft, anni-

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

455 CB4NOB8 OF Stbic. [— ^ISM

ditamft (cf. 471 b), rohi^itri (TB.; -ifitwk gB.), prthivitvi» pvati-
patBi^at, B4ra8vatiT«at.

e. As was pointed out above (111 o» d), the combination of a secondary
snfflx with a stem is sometimes made according to the rules of external
combination. 8ach cases are pointed out nnder the suffixes lya (1216 e)»
ka (1222 m), maya (1226 a), min (1231 b% vin (1282o), want
(12831), van (1284 o), mant (1286 f), tva (12890), taya(1246a),
tya (1246 0). tana (12461).

1204. The most frequent change in secondary derivation
is the vrddhi-strengthening of an initial syllable of the stem
to ^which a suffix is added.

a. The strengthened syllable may be of any chara^n radical,
of a prefix, or of the first member of a eoaipouid: thuBy S^^in4
(af^vin), sftninyi (sbma), pirthiva (p^^tfaivl), iinitr4 (anitra), aim*
rfijya (aamr^), aftulqrtya (sulq^ti), mftitrftvarui^ (mitrtvtou^),
ftuoofti^^ravaBi (ucoi£t^^ravaa)* As to the accompanying accent,
see the next paragraph.

b. If a stem begins with a consonant followed by y or ▼, the semi-
vowel Is sometimes rriddhied, as if it were 1 or u, and the resolting &i
or ftu has y or V farther added before the succeeding .vowel.

c This is most frequent where the y or v belongs to a prefix — as
ni, vi, su — altered before a following initial vowel: thns, n&iyftyika
ftom nyftya (as if niyftya), vftiyagvi from vy2i9va (as if viya9va),
s&uva9vya from av&^va (as if auva^va); but it oocors also in other
cases, as sftuvard from sv&ra, ^ftuva from ^an, against svftyambliuva
(swayambhu), and so on. AY. has irregularly kftveraki from kuvera
(as if f^om kv^ra, without the euphonic v inserted).

d* This strengthening takes place etpecially, aad very often, before the

sufixet a and ya; alao regularly before 1, fiyaiia» eya (with ineya), and

. later lya; before the compoand aka and ika, and later aki; and, in

single sporadie examples, before na» ana, ra^ and tva (?) : see these various

sofflxes below.

e. Sometimes an unstrengthened word la prefixed to one thus strength-
ened, as if the composition were made after instead of before the strength-
ening: e. g. indradftivatya having Indra as difnnUy (instead of ftin-
dradsfvatya), oarama^Hr^ika vnth head to the weety Jlvalinkika
belonging to the world of the living, aatarbhftnma within the earthy
8oaAlrftudra» giirolfighava (cl tJlmaBfufa gtu^alakfapam M. zii. 35).
Bet especially when the first word Is of numeral value: as ^at&^&rada
of a hundred yearsy paftoafSradxya, trisiihvataara, bahuvftrfUEa*
a^tawftrfika* aaekavarfasfihasra, dagaafthaanw trisShaari, tripAu
nma, eatoridbyftyl or -yikft of fanr ekapierey etc. etc.

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

1204—] XVII. Sboomdary Dbriyation. 456

f. More often, both members of a compound word htre the initial
strengthening: e. g. aftumftpftofi^ kfttmipftlkoftla» o&turvfticljB,
ftihalftukika, ftikabhftutika, trftistubjftgata, yi^urv^ftidika. Suck
cases are not rare.

g. The gui^-strengthening (except of a Anal u-vowel: lS03a) U
only in the rarest cases an accompaniment of secondary derivation. Excep-
tions, are dvayi and tray& and n&va (1209 i)» bhe^i and dovi
(1209 J), dr69a (1228 g), ^ekhara (1226 a).

1206. Accent, a. The derivatives with initial vrddhl-strengUi-
ening always have their accent on either the first or the last syllable.
And usually it is laid, as between these two situations, in aneh a
way as to be farthest removed from the accent of the primitiye; yet,
not rarely, it is merely drawn down upon the suffix from the final of
the latter; much less often, it remains upon an initial syllable without'
change. Only, in the case of one or two suffixes is the dbtimction
between initial and final accent connected with any difference in the
meaning and use of the derivatives (see below, suffix eya: 1216).

b. No other general rules as to accent can be given. Uauallf
the suffix takes the tone, or else this remains where it was in the
primitive; quite rarely, it is thrown back to the initial syllable (as in
derivation with initial yrddhi); and in a single case (t&: 1237) it is
drawn down to the syllable preceding the suffix.

1206. Meaning, a. The great mass of secondary suffixes are
adjective-making: they form from nouns adjectives indicating appur-
tenance or relation, of the most indefinite and varied character. But,
as a matter of course, this indefiniteness often undergoes speciali-
zation: so, particularly, into designation of procedure or descent, so
that distinctive patronymic and metronymic and gentile words are the
result; or, again, into the designation of possession. Moreoyer, while
the masculines and feminines of such adjectives are employed ai
appellatives, the neuter is also widely used as an abstract, denoting
the quality expressed attributively by the adjective; and neuter ab-
stracts are with the same suffixes made from adjectives. There are .
also special suffixes (very few) by which abstracts are made directly,
from adjective or noun.

b. A few suffixes make no change in the part of speech of the
primitive, but either change its degree (diminution and comparison),
or make other modifications, or leave its meaning not sensibly altered.

1207. The suffixes will be taken up below in the following
order. First, the general adjective-making suffixes, beginning with
those of most frequent use (a, ya and its connections, i» ka); then,
those of specific possessive value (in» vant and mant, and their con-
nections); then, the abstract-making ones (tft and tva, and their con-
nections); then, the suffixes of comparison etc.; and finally, those by
which derivatives are made only or almost only from particles.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

457

Stbms in a.

[—1208

a. For oonTeiiieiloe of reference, a list of them in their order as treated
is here added:

a

1208-9

maja

1226

tva, tv^tft

1289

ya

1210-18

ra, ira, etc.

1226

tFana

1240

iya

1214

la, lu

1227

tara, tama

1242

iya

1216

▼a, vala, vaya,

ra» ma

»

eya, eyya

1216

vya

1228

tha

M

enya

1217

9a

1229

titha

U

ftyya

1218

in

1230

taya

1246

dyana

1219

min

1281

tya

»

6yi

1220

vln

1232

tia

»

i, aid

1221

vant

1233

na

»

ka, aka, ika

1222

▼an

1234

tana, tna

n

na, Sna»

ina.

1286

vat

»

ina, ena

1228

tft

1287

kata

w

ma, ima.

nina

1224

tftti, tftt

1238

vana, ftla

H

1208. ^ a. With this suffix are made an immensely

large olass of derivatiyes, from nouns or from adjeotives

haying a noun-value. Such derivatives are primarily and

especially adjectives, denoting having a relation or connectiofi

(of the most various kind) toith that denoted by the more

primitive word. But they are also freely used substantively :

the masculine and feminine as appellatives, the neuter,

especially and frequently, as abstract. Often th^ have a

patronymic or gentile value.

a. The regular and greatly prevailing formation is that which

is accompanied with vrddhi-strengthening of the first syllable of

the primitive word, simple or oompoond. Examples of this for-
mation are:

b* From pTimltives ending in consonants: with the usnal shift of
accent,. ftyasi of metal (&yae), mfinasi relating to the mind (m&nas),
Bftamanasi friendlinese (smn&nas}, brfthmai^ priest (br&hman),
hftimavatd from the Himalaya (him&vant), aagirasd of the Angiras
family (^fiLgiras); h&tina elephantine (hastfn), m^buta pertaining to
the Maruts (marut); — with accent thrown forward from the final upon the
Bofflx, 9Srad& autumnal^ vftiriyi relating to the virf^» pftufi^ belong-
ing to Puehdn', gftirik^iti eon of Oirikekit\ — with accent unchanged,,
manuka descendant of Mdnus.

c* The suffix is added (as aboye instanced) to the middle stem-form
of siems in vant; it is added to the weakest in m^hona and vfatraghna;
the ending in remains unchanged; an osnally does the same, bnt some-

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

19(»— ] XVII. Secondary Derivation. 458

times loses its a, as in pftu^^ trSlY^p^i^ dft^ariyU; and somefiiaci
its n, as In brfihm&y ftuk^i, bftrhatsfima.

d. Fiom primltiTes in f : jfiltra victorious (Jetf or J6tf eon^u^^),
tvl^t^ relating to Todshtar, sftvitrd descendant of ike sun (Bavitt)*
&i&dbhetrs, pftitra.

e. From primitlyes in u: usaally with gtu^arstrengthening of the n,-
as vft8av& relating to the Vdeue, &rtav& concerning the eetuons (jfta^
dftnavi child of Ddnu (dimx), BftindhaTi f^om the Indus (alndhn);
— but sometimes without, as m^LdhTa full of sweets (m&dhu), ^ir^vi
side (p&r^u rib), pftidir& belonging to Pedii, t&iva of the hodiy (tanti),
y^dva of Y&dn.

f. From primitiyes in i and i, which rowels are snpplanled by ti«
added safflz : pirthiva earthly (pfthivi), Bftra0vat& of the Sdrmsoa^
ftindr&gnA belonging to Indra and Agni (indrfigni); -piSkktA Jkf&feU
(pafikti)» nftiri^ belonging to Nirrtiy pftrthuraQmi of Prihuroead,
p&9Upat& of Pacupdti,

g. From primitives in ft, which in like manner disappears: yUmuni
of the YamCina, Bftraghi AaiMy etc. (oarighft bte\ KftnTnA natural tMd
(kaainft girl).

h. A large number (m'Ore than all the rest together) ficem primitini
in a, of which the final is replaced by the suffix: for example, with lh«
usual shift of accent, ftnUtri inimical (amftra enemy\ TSnufk of Vdrusm,
vfti9vadeT& belonging to aU the gods (vl9v&deva), n&irha8t& hamdUss-
nsBs (nirhasta), vftiya^i descendant of Vyacva\ gardabha asinim
(gardabh&), dfiiva divine (deir&)» midhyuhdina meridional (mmS^
y&ihdina), - pftdtra grandchild (patr4 son)^ Bftubhaga good /ortmat
(eubh&ga), v^tdhryaQva of Vadhrya^vd^s race', with unchanged aocetjt
(comparatiTely few), vftsanti vernal (vasanti spring), mftitrd Mitr£s.
fttithigvi of AtiMgvSs race, dftivodftsa Divoddsa^s. In a few inetaaeat,
ya is replaced by the suflix: thus, sftura, pfimfi* yiyftayalka.

i« The derivatives of this last form are sometimes regarded as made by
internal change, without added suffix. Considering, however, that othei
final vowels are supplanted by this suffix, that a disappears at sCeB-Aaal
also befoTO various other suffixes of secondary derivation, and that»B» ex-
amples of derivation without suffix are quotable f^m primitives «f trnj
other final than a. It seems far too violent to assume here a deviattoa frasa
the whole course of Indo-European word-making.

J. Adjectives of this formation make their feminines in i (see 88Sa).

laoo. The deriyatives made by adding ^ a without
v^ddhi-change of the initial syllable are not numerous, and
are in considerable part, doubtless, of inorganic make, results
of the transfer to an a-declension of words of other finals.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

■ 459 Stems in a» ya. [—1210

a. A nmn'ber of exampleB of stems In a made by transfer were noticed
above (890). The oases of such transition occnr most frequently in eom-
pOBltton (1815): thus, further, apa- (for ap or ftp toater)^ -foa» -nara, etc.;
ttom stems in an, -aha, -v^^a, etc., but also -ahna and --v^^fi^ and
vf^ai^a; from stems In i, -aflgnla, -rfttra, etc.; from the weakest forms
of afio-stems (407) uooA, nloi, parftei, etc. ,

b« Also occurring especially in composition, yet likeMrise as simple
words often enough to have an independent aspect, are derivatiYes in a
froni nouns in aa (rarely is, us): thus, for example, tamas&y rajasA,
payas&y brahmavaroasa, 8arvaTeda8&, d6vftiiia8&, pam^i, tryftyn^i,
and probably m&nofa.

o. Similar derivatiyes from adjectives in in are reckoned by the
grammarians as made with the suf&x ina: thus, malizia poUuUd^ para-
me^t^iina etc. (see 441 b).

d. A number of words formed with the so-called sufAx anta are evi-
dent transfers from stems in ant. A few of them are found even from
the earliest period: thus, panta draughty 9vSntA (?], vaaantA sprinfff
bemantA winter ^ ▼e9antA etc. tank, jivanti a certain healing plant; and
others occur later, as jayanta, taranta, madhomanta, etc. They are
a&id to be accented on the final.

6. From alio-stems (407) are made a few nouns ending in !&«: thus,
Anuka, ^^;»fika, upaka, priUka, parilcA, etc.

f. From stems in f, hotrA, netrA, ne^t^^, potrA, pra^AatrA, etc.,
from titles of priests; also dhfttr&» bhrfttrA, eto.

g. Other scattering cases are : savidsrutA, ftvsrafA, vlradha, kA-
kuda, kakabh&, a^^a, bh^myi, aakhyi, Adbipatya, Jfispatyi*
aratir&, pftmfviu

h. The Yedic gerundives in tra (toa), piade by addition of a to
abstract noun-stems in to, have been already (966 a) fully given.

i« TrayA and dvay& come with gui^a-strengthening from numeral
stems; nAva new in like manner from nu now, and Antara apparently
from antAr.

J« Bhe^ajA medicine is from bhi^U healer, with gni^a-change; and
probably devA heavenly, divine, god, in like manner from div sky; heaven
(there is no **root div shine^ in the language).

1210. n ya> With this suffix are made a very large

olaM of words, both in die old language and later.

a. The derivatives in ya exhibit a great and perplexing variety of
form, connection, and application; and the relations of tiie suffix to others
containing a ya-element — iya, IJra, eya, ftyya, esrya, enya — are
also in part obscure and dtffloult In the great majority of Instances in
the oldest language, the ya when it follows a consonant is dissyllabic in

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

1210—] XYII. Seookdart Derivation. 460

metrical Talne, or 1b to be read as ia. ThuB, In BY. , 26B words (excluding
compounds) have ia, and only 75 have ya always; 40 are to be read nov
with ia and now with ya, but many of these have ya only in isolated
cases. As might be expected, the Talae ia is more frequent after a heavy
syllable: thus, in RY., there are 183 examples of ia and 27 of ^a after
SQch a syllable, and 78 of ia and 96 of ya after a light syllable (the
circumflexed yk — that is* to say, fa — being, as is pointed out below,
1212»1» more liable to the resolution than ya or y&). It must be left lor
further researches to decide whether in the ya are not included more than
one sufdx, with difTerent accent, and different quantity of the i-elementj
or with an a added to a final i of the primitive. It is also matter for
question whether there is a primary as well as a secondary soffix ya; the
suffix at least comes to be used as if primary, in the formation of gerui-*
dives and in that of action-nouns: but it is quite impossible to separate
the derivatives into two such classes, and it has seemed preferable there-
fore to treat them all together here.

b. The derivatiyes made with ya may be first divided into those
which do and those which do not show an accompanying v|pddlii-
increment of the initial syllable.

o. Adjectives in ya, of both these divisions, make their feminines
regularly in yft. But in a number of cases, a feminine in i is made,
either alone or beside one in yft: e. g. ofttormft^ figniveQi, ^fin^ili,
ari (and aryft), ddivl (and dfilvyft), Bftuml (and sftumyS); dliiri
9ir9aa^ avcuri, etc.

1211. Deriyatiyes in CT yft with initial yrddhi-strength-

ening follow quite closely, in form and meaning, the analogy

of those in 3^ a (above, X208). They are, however, decidedly

less common than the latter (in Veda, about three fifths as

many).

a. Examples are: with the usual shift of accent, dftivya divmt
(dev&), palitya grayness (palitd), gprftlvya cervical (grlvi), &rtvijya
priestly office (rtvij), g&hapatya householder's (g^h&pati), janariUya
kingship (Janari^), B^grftmiditya victory in battle (saiiigrfiniivift),
Bftuva^vya wealth in horses (svkqrva,), ftdpadra^t^ya witness (npa-
draft^) ; ftdityi Aditya (iditi), Bftum3r& relating to sdma, &tithy4 hes-
pitality (itithi), prfij&paty& belonging to Prqjipati, vfiimanasyA mM-
lessness (vimanas)* sihadevya descendant of Sahddeva; — with aeeeot
thrown forward from the final upon the ending, lftuky& of the world (loki),
kftvyi of the Kavi-raee, firtvy& descendant ofRittij Tfiyavy4 heUmgin^
to the wind (vft3n&), rfiivaty& wealth (revint); — with unchanged ac-
cent (very few), adhipatya lordship (&dhipati)» ^rfilffhya exeeUenet
(9r69tlia), vfil^ya belonging to the third caste {yi<i people)y pfti^Byt
manliness (piSuiiB).

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

461 Stems in ya. , [^1212

b. The AY. has once n&irbftdhyk, with circumllezed final; If not
an error, it is doubtlens made through n&irbftdha; vftifi^vyftiL (VS. i. 12)
appears to be dual fern, of vftifi^vi.

1212. Derivatiyes in CT ya without initial vrddhi-

strengthening aie usually adjectives, much less often (neuter,

or, in ITT yS, feminine] abstract nouns. They are made from

every variety of primitive, and are very numerous (in Veda,

three or four times as many as the preceding class).

. a. The general mass of these words may be best divided accord-
ing to their accent, into: 1. Words retaining the accent of the prim-
itive; 2. Words with retracted accent; 3. Words with acnte yk (i&);
4. Words with circumflexed ya (fa). FinaUy may be considered the
words, gerundives and action-nouns, which have the aspect of primary
derivatives.

1. b. Examples of derivatives in ya retaining the accent of their
primitiveB are : &9vya equine (&9va), &ngya of the Utnbs (&iiga)» mukh-
J9k foremost (m&kha motM), &vya ovine (&vi)» g&vya bovine (g6%
^9yA of the people (ylq), durya of the door (d&r), n&rya manfy (nf )»
vffi^a virile (vffan), Bvari^ya autocracy (avarf^), suvirya wealth in
retainers (suvfra), vi9v^anya of all men^ vl^v&devya of all the gods
(vi9v&deva), maylira^epya peacock-tailed,

c. In the last words, and in a few others, the ya appears to be used
(like ka, 1222 h: cf. 1212 m) as a snfflx simply helping to make a
possessive compound : and so farther Boh^stya (heslde the equivalent
suh&sta), m&dhuhaatya, d&9amft8ya» mi9r&dliSnya, anyodarya^
sam&nodarya.

2. d. Examples with retraction of the accent to the first syllable (hs
in derivation with v^dhi-increment) are: kdi^fhya guttural (kai^thA),.
skAndbya humeral (skandhd), vr&tya of a ceremony (vratd), m^gbya
m t?ie clouds (megli&), pitrya of the Fathers (pit^)» pr&tijanya adverse
(pratUan&). Hirai^y&ya of gold (hfranya), is anomalous both In draw-
ing the accent forward and In retaining the final a of the primitive; and
gavy&ya and avy&ya (also &vyaya) are to be compared with it as to
formation.

3. e. Examples with acute accent on the suffix are: dlvy& heavenly
(dfv), aatyi true (stot), vyfighry& tigrine (vySghrd), kavy& wise
(kavf), grftmyi of the village (grama), Bomy& relating to the soma^
anenaayft sinlessness (anen&s), adakfii^yi not Jit for ddkfii^a.

4. f. Of derivatives ending in drcumflexed ya (which in the Veda are
considerably more numerous than all the three preceding classes together),,
examples are as follows:

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

1212—] XVIT. Secondary Derivation. 462

g. From oonsonant-stems : vi^yk of the clan (RV. : vf9), h^dyk of
the heart (hfd), vidyutya of the lightning (vldyut), rfijanyit of ihe
royal class (rf^an), do^ai^yk of the arm (dof&h), girfa^yk of the head
(girf&n), liarmajifjk active (k&rman), dhanvanyk of the plain (dh£n-
van), namasyk reverend (n&mas), tvaoaayk euiieular (tv&cas), bar-
hifyk of barhisy Syu^yk giving life (iyuB)^ bhasadyk of the butiodcs
(bhas&d), prfioya eastern (prifto), etc. Of exceptional formation is ar-
yamyk intimate (aryam&n), -with which donbtless belong afttmya (sit-
man) and s&kfya (Bftkfin).

h. From n-stems : hanavyk of the Jaws (b&iiu), vfiyavya belonging
to Vaytij pa^avyk relating to cattle (pa9u), if avyk relating to arrows
({fu)* madhavyko/ the sweet (m&dhu), apsavyk of the waters (apad
loc), rajjavyk o/ f opat (rijju) ; ^aravyli f. arrow (^dro, do.); and there
may be added n&vyk navigable (especially in fern., nftvyli navigable stream:
nftu boaf). The RV. has prftQavyk to be partaken of (pra + V^a?), with-
out any corresponding no«n prft^u; and also fbcJaTyli rich in n^uriihtment
(tirj), without any intermediate orju.

i. Under this head belong, as was pointed out above (864), the so-
called gerundiTes in tavyit, as made by the addition of yk to the inflnitiTtt
noun in tu. They are wholly wanting in the oldest language, and hardly
found in later Yedic, although still later taVya wins the Talue of a ptimary
sufilx, and nakes numevons ferbal deriyatives.

J. From i- and i-stems hardly any examples are to be quoted. VS.
has dundubhya Arom dnndubhf.

k. From a-stems: Bvargyk heavenly (Bvarg&), devatyit relating to
a deity (dev&t&), prapathyk guiding (prapatli&)» budhnyk funda-
mental (budhii&% Jaghanyk hindmost Qagh&na), vanu^k Vdruna\
viryh might (vir&), udarya abdominal (udkra), ntsya of the fountain
(ixtsa) ; and from ft-stems, urvarya of cultivated land (urv&rft), svfthya
relating to the exclamation Bvahft.

1. The circumflexed ya is more generally resolved (into fa) than the
other forms of the suffix: thus, in RV. it is never to be read as ys after
a heayy syllable ending with a consonant; and even after a light one it
becomes ia in more than three quarters of the examples.

m. There are a few cases in which ya appears to be used to help
make a compound with governing preposition (next chapter, 1810: ef.
1212 o): tiius, apikakfyk about the arm-pit, upapakfyh upon the sides,
ud&pyh up-stream; and perhaps npatj'nyk lying in the grass (occurs only
in voc). But, with other accent, &nv&ntrya through the entrails^ lipa-
mftaya in each month, abhinabhyk up to the clouds, aiita]^par9avyi
between the ribs, ddhigartya on the chariot seat ; of unknown accent, adhi-
haatya* anupp^t^^^ anunftBikya, anuTa&9ya.

1218. The derivatives in CT y& as to which it may be

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163 Stems in ya. [—1213

^l^uestioned whether they are not, at least in part, primary
.derivatives from the beginning, are especially the gerund-
ives, together with action-nouns coincident with these in
form ; in the later language, the gerundive- formation (above,
963) comes to be practically a primary one.

a. In RV. occur about forty instancet of gemndiTes in ya, of toler-
ably accordant form: the root nsoally nnstrengthened (bnt c^tya, bhAvya,
-]i4vya, ]B4xjym» y6dh7a; also -midya, -vaoya, bhftvyA); tlie accent
on the radical syllaUe vben the word is simple, or compounded with prepo-
sitions: thus, pra^&sya, upas&dya, viMvya (but usually on the final
after the negative prefix: thus, anftpy&» anapav^jyi) — exceptions are
only btaftvy^ and the doubtful fikAyyk; the ya resolved into ia in the
Tory great majodty of occurmnots; a final i^ort vowel followed by t (in
^'itya, -k|Stya, «9r4feya, HBtiLtya, and the redopUcated oarkftya* beside
cark^: not in n&vya and -h&vya), and 5 changed to e (in -deya
only). If regarded as secondary, they might be made with ya, in accord-
ance with other formations by this suffix, in part from the root-noun, as
anukft-ya, in part from deriTatives in a, as bhftvy& (from bb&wa).

b. The AY. has a somewhat smaller number (about twenty-fiye) of
words of a like formation; but also a considerable group (fifteen) of deriv-
atives in yk with the same value: thus, for example, ftdyk eatable, k&r-
yk to he done, eaanfipyk to be obtained, atitfiryk to be overpaaeedj
nivibbMxjh to be carried in the apron, pvathamavftsyk to be fret worn.
Tbese seem more markedly of secondary origin: and especially such forms
as parivargyk to be avoided, avimo]cy& not to be gotten rid of, where
the guttural reversion oleady indicates primitives in ga and ka (216 b).

c. Throughout ^e older language are of common occurrence neuter
abstract nouns of the same make with the former of these classes. They
are rarely found except in composition (in AY., only oitya and St6ya as
simple), and are often used in the dative, after the manner of a dative
infinitive. Examples are: brahmajy^ya, Tasud^ya* bhigadkdya,
ptir^ap^a, ^atas^ya, abhibhiiya, devahtiya, mantra^rutya, kar-
makftya, Tq-trattirya, hotfvlirya, ahik&tya, Battras&dya, 9^^?^-
bhidya, brahmac4rya, n^f&hya. Of exceptional form are i^dya (y^ad
and ^aha^^yya (j/^l); of exceptional accent, aadb&rtatya. And AY.
has one example, rai^k, with circumflexed final.

d. Olosely akin with these, in meaning and use, is a smaller class
of feminines in jti thus, kftya, vidy^ ityii» agnioitya, vfijs^itya,
xnti^ftibatya, devayajy^ etc.

e. There remain, of course, a considerable number of less classifiable
words, both nouns and adjectives, of which a few from the older langnage
]nay be mentioned, without discussion of their relations : thus, Btirya (with

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1213—] XVn. Sbcondabt Derivation. 464

fern. sQry^), fUya» pufya, n&bhya; yujya, g^dhya, iryig aryd and
arya, m&rya, m&dhya.

The suffixes apparently most nearly akin with ya may best be
next taken np.

1214. ^ iya. This suffix is virtually identical with
the preceding, being but another written form of the same
thing. It is used only after two consonants, where the
direct addition of IT 3ra would create a combination of diffi-
cult utterance. It has the same variety of accent with ya.
Thus:

a. With accent fya (s= £a or jk): for example, abbriya (also abh-
riy&) J^om the ehudB (abhri), kfatiiya having authority (kfatri),
yajfklya reverend (yajfii), hotriya libational (b6trft), amitriya inimieal
(amitra).

b. With accent iy& (s= ik or y&): for example, agriy& (also asxiya)
foremost (&gra), indriy& Indra's (later, sense: {ndra)» kfetxiy^ of the
field (kf^tra).

e. With accent on the primitive: gr6triya learned (9r6tTa), ftviya
(also ^ptvfya) in season (ftu).

1216. ^ lya. This suffix also is apparently by origin a ya
(ia) of which the first element has maintained its long quantity by the
interposition of a euphonic y. It is accented always on the i.

a. In RV. occur, of general adjectives, only ftrjikfya and fi^hame-
dbiya, and examples in the later Yedic are very few: e. g. parvatiya
mountainous (AY., beside RY. parvatyk). In the Brahmanas &re found
a number of adjectives, some of them from phrases (first vrords of Terses
and the like): thus, anyarftftriya* pa&oavfttiya, mftijfiliya, kayS-
9abluya, sv&dafkiliya, fipohiftblya, etc.

b. It was pointed out above (066) that derivative adjectives in iya
from action-nouns in ana begin in later Yeda and in Brahmana to be
used gerundivally, and are a recognized formation as gerundives in the
classical language. But adjectives in aniya without gerundive ohuaeter
are also common.

o. Derivatives in Iya with initial Vfddhi are sometimes m^e in
the later language: e. g. pftrvatiya, pSitftputriyay ftparapakfiya,
vftira^lya.

d. The pronominal possessives madlya etc. (616 a) do not occur either
in Yeda or in Brahmana; but the ordinals dvitiya etc. (467 b, o: with
fraotionals tftiya and turfya : 488 a) are found from the earliest period.

e« The possessives bhagavadlya and bhavadlya, with the final of
the primitive made sonant, have probably had their form determined by the
pronominal possessives in -dlya.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

465 STEMtt IN iya, lya, eya, eyya, enya. [ — 1217

1216. ^ eya. With this suffix, accompanied by v^ddhi-
inciement of an initial syllable, are made adjectives, often
having a patxpnymic or metronymic value. Their neuter
is sometimes used as abstract noun. The accent rests
usually on the final in adjectives of descent, and on the
first syllable in others.

a. Examples are: &r[^ey& descendant of a eage (fsi), Jftna^ratey&
son of Janacruiij 8&raxney4 of Sardmd's race^ 9fttavaney& (^ataioan€s
descendant, rftthajitey& son of Mathofit; asneya of the blood (as&n),
vaateya of the bladder (vastiX p&uruf eya coming from man (p^rufa),
paitf^vaseya of a paternal aunt (pit^vas^), etc.

b. A moie than usual proportion of deriTatiTes In eya come from
primitiTes in i or i; and probably the snfflx first gained its form by addition
of ya to a gnnated i, though afterward used independently.

C. The gerundive etc. deriTatiyes in ya (above, 1213) from ft-roots
end in 6ya; and, besides such, BY. etc have sabh^ya from sabh^, and
didpk^^ya worth seeing, apparently from the desiderative noun didfkfa,
after their analogy. M. has once adhyeya as gerund of yi.

d. Derivatives in the so-called suffix iney& — as bhSgineyi,
jyJUyth1neya» kftniffhineya — are doubtless made upon proximate
derivatives in -Ini (fem.).

e. In eyya (i. e. esria) end, besides the neuter abstract 8aha9eyya
(above, 121 3 o), the adjective of gerundival meaning stu^eyya (with aor-
istic B added to the root), and ^apatheyyk curse-bringing (or accursed),
from ^apitha.

1217. T^ enya. This suffix is doubtless secondary in
origin, made by the addition IT ya to derivatives in a na-
suffix; but, like others of similar origin, it is applied in some
measure independently, chiefly in the older language, where
it has nearly the value of the later aniya (above, 1216b),
as making gerundival adjectives.

a. The y of this suffix is almost always to be read as vowel, and the
accent is (except in v&renya) on the e: thus, -6nia.

b. The gerundives have been all given above, under the different
conjugations to which they attach themselves (066 b, 1010 b, 1038). The
RV. has also two non-gerundival adjectives, vir^^ya manly (vir&), and
kirt^nya famous (kirti), and TS. has anablii9a8ten3r& (abhi9a8ti);
vjjenyk (RY.) is a word of doubtful connection; 9ikfe]^ya instructive is
found in a Sutra j prav^ei^a of the rainy season occurs later.

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 30

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

1218—] XVn. Secondary Dbrivation. 466

1218. MiuJk &yya. With this sufOx are made gerandiyal adjee-
tives almost only in BY. They have been noticed above (866^.
The ending is everywhere to be read ayia.

a. A few adjectives without gerandival value, and neuter ah«tnets,
also occur; thus, bahup^yya protecting many^ n^ayya men'guardmg\
ktu^^Apaysra, and pummayya, proper names; purvapayya^^ drink^
mahayayya enjoyment \ — and rasdyya nervous^ and uttamayya summit.
contain no verbal root. Alayya is doubtful; also SkSyyk, which its ac-
cent refers to a different formation, along with prahftyya (AY.: ylii)
messengefy and prav&yyk (AY.), of doubtful value.

1219. ^lUH Syana. In the BrShmai^afl and later, patro-
nymics made by this suffix are not rare. They come &om
stems in 35f a, and have vrddhi-strengthening of the first
syllable, and accent on the final.

a. In RY., the only example of this formation is kft^vfiyana (voc:
k&i^va); AY. has in metrical parts dSk9gya]i& and the fem. ramSya^;
and fimu^ySyai^ eon of so-and-so (516) in its prose; ^B. has ri^m-
stambayana beside -bftyan&. The RY. name uk^ai^yayana is of a
different make, elsewhere unknown.

1220. taHiil &yi. Only a very few words are made with this
suffix, namely agnayi (agnf) Agni's wife vf^ftkapSyi wife of Vrishi-
kapi] and later putakratftyl, and manSyi Manu's wife (but manSvi ^B).

a. They seem to be feminlnes of a derivative a made with vrddhi-
increment of the final 1 of the primitive.

1221. ^i. Derivatives made with this suffix are patro-
nymics from nouns in a. The accent rests on the initial
syllable, which has the y^ddhiHstrengthening.

a. In RY. are found half-a-dozen patronymics in i: for example, ag-
nive9i, pft^rukutsi, pratardani, saihvara]^; AY. has but one, pra-
hr&di; in the Brahmanas they are more common: thus, in AB., Bfiuyavasiy
Jftnaihtapi, ftni^i, jSnaki, etc. A single word of other value — sarathi
charioteer (saritham) — is found from RY. down.

b. The words made with the so-called suffix aki — as vfiiySaaki
descendent of Vyasa — are doubtless properly derivatives in i from others in
ka or aka. That the secondary suffix Ika is probably made by addition
of ka to a derivative in i is pointed out below (1222 J).

C. RY. has t&ptifi, apparently from t4pU8 with a secondary i added,
and the n. pr. 9ucanti; bhuvantf is found in B., and Jivanti later.

1222. of; ka. This is doubtless originally one of the
class of suffixes forming adjectives of appurtenance. And

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

467 Stems ik ftyya, ftyana, fiyi, i, ka. [—1222

that value it still has in actual use; yet only in a small
minority of occurrences. It has been, on the one hand^
speciaUzed into an element forming diminutives; and, on
the other hand, and much more widely, attenuated into an
element without definable value, added to a great many
nouns and adjectives to make others of the same meaning
— this last is, even in the Veda, and still more in the
later language, its chief office.

a. Hence, ka easily asBOciates itself with the finals of deriv-
ativcB to which it is attached and comes to seem along with them
an integral suffix, and is farther used as such. Of this origin are
doabtless, as was seen above (1180, 1181), the so-called primary suf-
fixes uka and aka; and likewise the secondary soffix ika (below, J).

b. The accent of derivatiyes in ka varies — apparently without
rule, save that the words most plainly of diminutive character have
the tone usually on the suffix.

o. Examples (from the older language) of words in which the suffix
has an adjectiye-maklng value are: ^taka (^ta) end-making^ b&lhika
(b&lhi) of Balkhy fti^^Ika (&^<Jl&) egg-bearing^ sHcika (sacl) stinging^
urvarukd fruit of the gourd (urvaru), paryftyik& (paryftyd) etrophic-,
from numerals, ekak&, dvaki, trik&, a^^ka; t^iyaka of the third
day\ from pronoun-stems, asm^ka otir«, srufmaka youre^ m&maka mine
(616b): from prepositions, ^tika near^ &nuka foUowing^ &vakS a plant
(later adbika» utka); and, with accent retracted to the Initial syllahle
(besides iffaka and tftayaka, already given), rtlpaka (rup&) with form^
b&bhmka (babhru hroum) a certain lizard. Bhftvatka your worship's
has an anomalous initial v^ddlil.

d« Of words in which a diminutive meaning is more or less probable:
a9vak& nag^ kanlnaka and kumSraki hoy, kaninaka or kanlnikd
girly p&dak& little foot, putraki little son, rajakd princeling, ^akun-
tak& hirdling. Sometimes a contemptuous meaning is conveyed by such
a diminutive: for formations with this value from pronominal stems, see
above, 621; other examples are anyakd (KV.), &lakam (RV.: from dlam),
and even the verb-form y&makl (for yftnxi: KB.)-

e. The derivatives in ka with unchanged meaning are made from
primitives of every variety of form, simple and compound, and have the
same variety of accent as the adjective derivatives (with which they are at
bottom Identical). Thus:

f. From simple nouns and adjectives: &8taka home, nasikft nostril,
m&kfika^y, avika exoe, if uka arrow, durak4 distant, sarvaki all,
dh^nuka (dhenu) cow, n&gnaka (nagni) n<iked, b&ddhaka (baddhi)
captive, abhinnataraka hy no means different, anastamitakd before

30*

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1282—] XVII. Sboondaky Dbrivation. 468

sunset, vamrakA ant, arbhak^ smaU, ^qxxkk young, aQiya9ka JIner,
ejatk4 trembling, abhim&dyaik& intoxicated, patayifi^uki^ym^. Such
deriTAtWes in the later language are inniimerable ; from almoai any giyen
noon or adjective may be made an equivalent, ending in ka or kft (aceond-
ing to the gender).

g. From compound primitives: 8valpak& very small, vlmanyuka
removing wraih, vikf ii^atki destroying , pravartam&nak& moving for'
ward, vlkwlpakA destroyed,

h. In the Brahmanas and later, ka is often added to a postesaive
adjective compound (1307), sometimes redundantly, but usually in order
to obtain a more manageable stem for inflection: thus, anak^ika eyeless,
atv&kka skinless, aret&ska without seed, vyasthaka boneless, sa^iraska
along with the head, ekagftyatrlka containing a single gftyatri-o«r«e,
g^hit&vasativarika one who has taken yesterday's water, sapatnlka tcith
his spouse, bahuhastlka having many elephants, sadikfopasitka with
dikf ft and upasad, Shitasamitka wi^ his fuel laid on, abhinavava-
yaska of youtJ^l age, aSguftbamfttiraika of thumb size,

i. The vowel by which the ka is preceded has often an izrefular
character; and especially, a feminine in ikft is so common beside a maa-
cuUne in aka as to be its regular correspondent (as is the case wiUi the
BO-ci^ed primary aka: above, 1181). In RY. are found beside one an-
other only iyattaka and iyatUki; but AY. has several examples.

j. Two suffixes made up of ka and a preceding vowel — namely,
aka and ika — are given by the grammarians as independent secondary
suffixes, requiring initial v^dbi-strengthening of the primitive. Both of
them are doubtless originally made by addition of ka to a final 1 or a,
though coming to be used independently.

k. Of y^^dhi-derivatives in aka no examples have been noted from
the older language (unless mSmaki mine is to be so regarded) ; and t^
are not common in the later: thus, ftva^yaka necessary, vftrddhaka
old age, rftmai^iyaka delightfulness,

L Of v^ddM-derivatives in ika, the Yeda furnishes a very ttw
cases : vaaantika vernal, vfbn^ika of the rainy season, hrimaTitika witUry
(none of them in RY.); AY. has kSir&tiki of the Kiraias, apparent fern,
to a masc. k&irfttaka, which is not found till later. Examples tnm a
more recent period (when they become abundant) are: vSidika relatinf to
the Vedas, dh&rmika religious, fthnika daify, vftinayika well-^^aved,
dfiuvftiika doorkeeper, nftiyfiyika versed in the Nyaya,

m. Before the suffix ka, some finals show a form which is eharacter-
istic of external rather than internal combination. A final sonant mate,
of course, becomes surd, and an aspirate loses its aspiration (llTa^ 114):
cf. -upaaatka* -samitka, above, h. So also a palatal becomes guttual
(as before t etc.: 217): e. g. -srukka, -rukka, -trakka, anyirki^
A 8 remains after &, and becomes f after an alterant vowel (180): t,p
sadyaska, Jyoti^ka, dirghftytu^ka* But the other sibilants tehe the fon

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

469 Stems in ka» aka, ika, ft&l, lna» na, ima. [—1884

they would hate In compositloa : thas, adfkka (dl9), fafka, -vitka,
-tvlfka (faf «to.). Anfi^Irka (TS.: ft^is) 1b snonuaoiu; and bo is pa-
rutka (Apast.), if it comes from paras.

1223. Several suffixes, partly of rare occurrence and qnestionable
character, contain a ^ n as consonantal element, and may be grouped
together here.

a. A few derlvatlTes in Sna In RV. were given above (1176 a).

b. With Sni (which is perhaps the correspondiiig feminine) are made
a small nnmher of words, chiefly wife-names: thus, indr&^I, vanu^ftnl
(these, with u^In&r&^i, poruk&tsSni, mudgalani» urjani» are fonnd
in RY.), rudr&]^, matnlSni maternal uncle*8 toife, qarvaj^lt bhavftni^
I^anani, 9akrft]^i9 up&dhyftyftni, mr4^^^» brahmft]^; and yav&ni.

O* The feminines in ni and km from masculine stems in ta have
been already noticed above (ll76d). From p&ti master, husband the
feminine is p&tni, both as independent word, spouse^ and as final of an
adjective compound: thus, dev&patni having a god for husband, sfn-
dhupatni having the Indus as master. And the feminine of pani9& rough
is in the older language sometimes p4raf]^.

d. With ina are made a full series of adjective derivatives from the
words with final a&O (407 ff.); they are accented usually upon the penult,
but sometimes on the final; and the same word has sometimes both ac-
cents: for example, ap&cina, niolna, prftolna, arvaoina and arv&-
cin&, pratlcina and pratioin&, 8amIoin&. Besides these, a number of
other adjectives, earlier and later: examples are saihvatsarii^a yearly,
prftv^fii^a of the rainy season, viQvaJanlna of all people, Jfiataknlina
of hnoum family, adhvanlna traveller (&dlivan way), ft9vina day^s

jumey on horseback (&9va horse). RY. has once makina mine,

e. With ena is made 8anddhen& (f. -ni), from samfdh, with initial
strengthening.

f. As to a few words in ina, compare 1209 o.

g. The adjectives made with simple na fall partly under another head
(below, 1246f); here may be noted 9T!irai^ heroic (y), ph&lgona, ^ma-
^rxD^ dadnu^ and, with vrddhi-strengthening, Btrftf]^ woman^s (Its
correlative, pftmiisna, occurs late) and cyfiixtni inciting. If drdi^a comes
from dru wood, it has the anomaly of a gui^strengthening.

1224. Certain suffixes containing a If m may be similarly
grouped.

a. With ima are made a small number of adjectives from nouns in
tra: tbus, khan{trima made by digging, k^^trfma artificial, dattrima»
paktrima, pHtrima; in other finals, kuftima, ga^ima, taUma, tulima,
pftkima, adgarlma, vyfiyogimay saihvyuhinia, nirvedhima, ftsaii-
gima, all late. In agrima (RV.) foremost the ma has perhaps the ordi-
nal value.

b. The uses of simple ma in forming superlatives (474) and ordinals
(487 dt e) have been already noticed, and the words thus made specified.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

wm

1224—] XVn. Secondaky Derivation. 470

o. A few neuter abstracts end in mna: thns, dyumni brightness,
npsQn& manliness; and, from particles, niiim& depth and Bimin& tcelfm^e.
The suffix comes perhaps from man with an added a.

d. For the words showing a final min» see helow, 1281.

1226. vm mays. With this suffix are formed adjectives
signifying made oi composed oi consisting of^ also abotmd-
ing in, that which is denoted by the primitive.

a. The accent is always on the m&, and the feminine is regularly
and usually in m&yL In the oldest language (Y.), final as remains un-
changed before the suffix : thus, manasm&ya, nabhasm&ya, ayasmiya;
but d is treated as in external combination: thus, mynTnAya ; and in the
Brahmanas and later, finals in general have the latter treatment: e. g. te-
Jom&ya» adom&ya» ftpom&yay Jyotirmaya, yi^tirmiyay etanmiya,
asymnaya, vfinm&ya, ammaya, prdv^^i^maya. BY. has a9manm6ya
(later a^mamaya). In hira^m&ya (B. and later) the primitive (hira-
^a) is peculiarly mutilated. BY. has s^m&ya of good make^ and 1dm-
miya made of what?

b. A yery few examples of a feminine in yft occur in the later
language.

1226. ^ ra. A few derivative adjectives are made with
this suffix. Accent and treatment of the primitive are va-
rious.

a. With simple addition of ra are made, for example: pfiAsura
ditsty, -Qiira (also -Qlila) in a^rir& uglg, dh^mra dush/ (dhfank snufke),
madhura 0^^) 9toeet. In an example or two, there appears to be accom-
panying initial strengthening: thus, agnldhra of the fire-kindler (agnXdh),
9ftlikiLr& stake-like (9a£iku); and in 9ekhara (also Qikhaira), a gu^^
strengthening.

b. With an inorganic vowel before the ending are made, for exunpie,
medhira vjise, rathird in a chariot; karmara smith; dantora (late)
tusked; acch^ra (? MS.), QrAmaiOLera, saihgamanera.

o. The use of ra in forming a few words of comparative meaning was
noticed above (474), and the words so made were given.

1227. ^la. This and the preceding suffix are really

but two forms of the same. In some words they exchange

with one another, and ^ la is usually, but not always, the

later form in use.

a. Examples are : bahuli abundant, madliul4 (later madhura) and
madhula sweet, bhimala fearful, Jival& lively, AqVSlk (and a^riri)
wretched; with a, vftofila talkative (late); with i, phenila /oomy 0<^^*

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

471 Stems in mna, maya, ra, la, va, 9a, in. [—1280

phena); with n, vfttula» and vfttMa windy (late: v^ta); and mfttula
maternal uncle is a somewhat irregolai formation from mfttf mother,

b. In the later language are foand a few adjectives in lu, always
preceded by ft; examples are: k^Slu and daySlu compcissionate, Iri}-
yftlu iedhu$^ ofi^Slu heated, ^ayftlu and svapn&lu sleepy^ lajjftlu mod-
esif Iftlftlu drooling, 9raddlifilu trusting, krodhfilu passionate. One or
two such deriyatives haying a primary aspect were noticed at 1102 b.

1228. ^ va. A small number of adjectives have this
ending (accented, added to an unaltered primitive).

a. Examples are: an^vft billowy, ke^avd hairy; i^Umftv& girded]
a2ijiv& slippery, 9antiv& tranquilliting, 9raddhiv& credible, amai^va
j'ewelless, riyiva striped.

b. There are a very few adjeotiyes in vala and vaya which may be
noticed here : thus, k^ival& peasant (k^ ploughing^ ur^ftvald wooly,
rajasvala, urjasvala, payasvala, 9ftdvala, na<Jlvcda, 9ikliftvala, dan-
tftvala ; druv&ya wooden dish, caturvaya fourfold.

c. With vya are made two or three words from names of relation-
ship, thus, pit^^vya paternal uncle, bhratfvya nephew, enemy.

1220. ^ 9a. A very few adjectives appear to be made
by an added ending of this form.

a. Thns, roma9& or loma9& hairy, 6ta9a (also eta9&) variegated,
arva9a or &rva9a hasting, bablilu94 or bablira9& and kapi9a brownish,
kp}9a9a blackish, 3niva9& youthful, bfili9a childish, karka9a harsh, kar-
ma9a (?) n. pr.; and giri9a» v&ri9a (?), V7kfa9a are doubtless of the
same character (not containing the root 91). The character of harima9&»
k&9ma9a, kala9a is doubtful.

b. Many of the adjective derivatives already treated have some-
times a possessive valne, the general meaning of being concerned with,
having relation to being specialized into that of being possession of
But there are also a few distinctively possessive suffixes; and some
of these, on account of the unlimited freedom of using them and
the frequency of their occurrence, are very conspicuous parts of the
general system of derivation. These will be next considered.

1280. ^ in. Possessive adjectives of this ending may

be formed almost nnlimitedly &om stems in ^ or ^ S,

and are sometimes (but very rarely) made from stems with

other finals.

a. A final vowel disappears before the suffix. The accent is on
the suffix. As to the inflection of these adjectives, see above, 438 ff.
They are to be counted by hundreds in the older language, and are
equally or more numerous in the later.

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

1830—] XVn. SeOONDA&T DBBXYATIOir. d

b. ExMDplet from a-stems ar«: A^vln poBssssmg horseB^ cQiai
wealthy y pakffn winged^ b«l£n strong, bhag&i forUmate^ vmgflefm, wi<
ing ike thunderbolt, ^ikhaijfjifn creeUd, haatiii poesesnng hmuU^ 9<MJ^
of eizteen, gardabhanftdin having an aee^s voice, hruhixmvmnsmain.
eminent eanetity^ Bftdhndevin having husk at play, k&oidartli&L kme^
errands everywhither; — from ft-Bteou^ manTfCn toise, ^tlthfn eresi
ftftyfn piotts.

c. DerlT&tlyes from other stems are very few in comparUon: th
from i-stems, atithin(?), abhimatfn, arofn, a^anin, farodn^ kfi]
nemin, khft<&i, -pfii^in, marfoin. mandUtn, mftulln, 'jonin^ -^aoi
ttftihdhin, sam^ddtaJn, aurabhin (of ^ose found only at the end oi
poflBesi^Te compomid the character 1b doahtfal, sliiee ease-forms of i* a
in-stems are not seldom exchanged); — from u-stems^ guwixty n^twrrl
(?), vei^vin (with guna of the u); — firom stems in an, wmxmL
karmin, oarmin^ -ohadxnin, Janmln, dhanvin, -dharmin* n&nu
brahmin, yakymin, 9anniii9 and 9Tan£n; — in as, retfnrM tia sm
and probably varoin n. pi.; also (perhaps through stems in -sa) 9«Taai
and sahasin, manasln, -vayasfn; — isolated are parisrajin garlanded
and hira^in (hir&gya).

d. It was pointed out above (1188) that deriyatives in in have aseTUE
ed on a large soale the aspect and value of primary derivatiTes, with ik
Bigniflcance of present participles, especially at the end of compounds. Tk
properly seoondary character of the whole formation is shown, on the oq
hand, by the frequent use in the same manner of words bearing an immis
takably secondary form, as pra9n{n, garbhin, JGr^in, H>iflmTTi^ gna
nin, hoTnin, matsarfn, paripanthin, pravepazdn, saihgatin; and
on the other hand, by the occurrence of reverted palatals (216) before tl<
in, which could only be as in replaced a: thus, arldn, -bha&g{n, -ean*
g£n, -roldn.

e. In a few cases, there appears before the in a y preceded by a
ft of inorganic character: thus, dhanvftyfn, tantrftyin, ^Tet^yln,
Bfkfiyfn, fttatSyin, pratihitfiyfn, marSyfny |rtayin, svadhSyfn (VS.
TB. -vfn). The y in all such words is evidently the inserted y after a
(258 a), and to assume for them a suffix yin is quite needless.

f. The accentuation pravrivjin, prasy&ndin, in the concluding ptn
of QB., is doubtless false; and the same is to be suspected for 9^bd, nkiU
(ri (BY. each once).

g. A very few words in in have not suflTered the possessive epedjli-
zation. Such are vanfn tree, hermit, kapotin dovelike, a^f^ scrotsm-
like (cf. 1233f.).

1281. {rpf min. With this suffix aie made an extremely

smfldl niunber of possessive adjectives.

a. In the old languUge, the words in min hsfve the aspect of dsrir-
atives in in from nouns in ma, although in two or three oases — ifoiin

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

473 Stbms m in, min, vin, viint. [^12^8

and fgaain in BY., Tfigmin in (B. — no such nonns are fonnd in tetttal
vse betide them. In the later lanfoftge, min is used as independent ele-
ment In a Tery few words: thns, g&tl^n possessing eoHle, BrSmin (Sfttras
and later) mastsTy lord («m ocm), kakodBsdn humped.

t». The two words ^smfil and vfifin^fn show not only reversion hnt
also sonantizlng of an original palatal.

1232. fsp{ vin. The adjectives made with this suffix
aie also not numerous. They have the same meanings frith
those in ^ in. The accent is on the suffix.

a. The RY. has ten adjectives in vin; they become rather more com-
mon later. Though for them may be suspected a similar origin to those in
yin and min (above), signs of It are much less clearly traceable.

b. The great majority have vin added after as: e. g. namasvln
reverential^ tapaevln heated, tejasvfn briUiant, ya^asvln beautiful^ and
so retasvfn, enasvin, haraevin, etc.; and 9ata8vin, ^rotasvfn, rii-
pasvin have an inserted s, by analogy vrith them. Most others have &
(sometimes, by lengthening): thus, gl&vin, medhavin, m&ySvfn, sa-
bhftvfn, a^frftvln obedient to the goad, dvayftvin doubh-minded, ubha-
ySvin possessing of both kinds, dhanvftvin, tandrftvin, fimayftvlny
atatftv{n. More rarely, vin is added after another consonant than s: thus,
vSgvfn, dhr^adv&i, fttmanvin, kumudvin, sra^n, yajvin, ajvin.
The doubtful word vya^nuvln (VS., once: TB. vy&9niya) appears to add
the ending (or in, with euphonic v) to a present tense-stem.

c. An external fbrm of combination is seen only in vftgrvfn and
dttf^^vfn (both Yedic), vrith the common reversion of a palatal in sragVln.

1288. GftT vant. Very numeious possessive adjectives
are made by this suffix, from noun-stems of every foim,
both in the earlier language and in the later.

a. The accent generally remains apon the primitive, without
change ; bat an accent resting on a stem-final, if this be anything but
& or i, is in the majority of cases thrown forward upon the suffix.
As to inflection, formation of feminine, etc., see 462 ff.

b. A final vowel — oftenest a, very rarely u — is in many words
leng^ened in the older language (247) before this ending, as in oompo-
gitlon. Nonns in vcl more often retain the n.

0. Examples of the normal formation are: with unchanged accent,
Icd^avant hairy, putipdvant having a son, prajAnanavant procreative,
pw^^kfSkwant rich in lotuses, h{ra]^avant rich in gold, apQp&vant
having cakes, rWanykvant allied with a kshatriya-, "preitrrKnt having pro-
geny, tln^ftvant wooly, d&kfii^avant rich in sacrificial gifts-, B&khivant
Tuning friends, saptar^fvant accompanied by the seven sages; 9&o£vant
potoerful; t&vii|Ivant vehement, p&tnivant tviih spouse, dhlvant devoted,

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

1283—] XVII. Secondary Derivation. 474

dyav&pipthivivant (94b) with heaven and earth-, vffnuvant aecompamed
by Vishnu; h&xitvant golden, ftvftvant hither turned, S^trvant mixed
with milk, Bvhrvajot eplendid, 9ar&dvant/ti// off/ears, p^uixsvant Aovtfi^
a male, p&yasvant rich, t&masvant dark, brAhmapvant aeccmpanied
with worship, r6mai^vant hairy (but also romavant, Idmavant, vrtraha-
vanty etc.), kakdbhvant containing a kakubh; — with aocent oa the
suffix, agniv&nt having fire, rayiv^t wealthy, nprant mofdy, padvimt
having feet^ naav&nt with nose, ftsanv&nt having a mouth, 9irf a9.v4nt
headed (also 9frffavant).

d. With final stem-Towel lengtheDed: for example, A^vftvant (bedde
&9vavant) possessing horses, sutivant having soma expressed, vfsi^iyftvant
of virile force (about thirty such cases occur in V.) ; ^Aktivant mighty,
8v4dhitlvant having axes, gh^vant hot; vii|uv&nt dividing (yi^n tq>arf).

e. Certain special Irregularities are as follows: an inserted 8 in in-
drasvanty m&hifvant; inserted n in v4nanvant, budhanvant, v&-
dhanvant, gartanvdnt, mSAsanv^t; shortening of a final of the primi-
tive in mSyivant, ySjy^tvant, ptironuv&ky^tvant, Smikfavant,
sarasvativaiit; abbreviation in hirai^vant; inserted ft in 9avaBftvant,
sahasftvant, and the odd mahimftvant; anomalous accent in kr9ana-
vant (if from kf9ana pearl); derivation firom particles in ant&zvant
pregnant, vii|iiv&nt (above, d).

£• Instead of the specialized meaning of possessing, the more genenl
one of like to, resembling is seen In a number of words, especially in the
derivatives from pronominal stems, mavant like me etc. (517: add
ivant» kivant). Other examples are {ndrasvant like Indra, movant
nestlike, nllavant blackish, nfviaat manly, pf^advant speckled, kfftf-
tavant princely; compare the later pairavant dependent. It was pointed
out above (1107) that the adverb of comparison in v4t is the aecosatiTe
neuter of a derivative of this class.

g« In a few words, vant has the aspect of forming primary deiiv-
atives: thus, viv&svant (or vfvasvant) shining, also n. pr., &niipa-
daevant, &rvant, pipl§vant(?), yahv&at.

h. For the derivatives in vat from prepositions, which appeal to have
nothing to do with this suffix, see 1246 J.

1. While this suffix is generally added to a primitive according to the
rules of internal combination (see examples above, o), treatment also u
in external combination begins already in RY., in pffadvant (pf^),
and becomes more common later: thus, tapovant, tejovant, a&gtrovaat
(beside t&pasvant etc.); vidyudvant (beside vldyutvant), b^liadvaiit,
Jagadvant, sadvant, etc.; tri^tubvant (against kakiibhvant). Bam-
idvant, vlmi^vant; vftgvant (against fkvant); Bvarft^'^'^uit; havya-
vS^vant; ft^irvant.

J. None of the suffixes beginning with v show in the Veda resolotica
of V to u.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

475 Stems in vant, van, mant. [—1236

1834. Gp{ van. The secondary deriyatiyes in this suffix beloDg
to the older language, and are a small number, of which extremely
few haye more than an occurrence or two.

a. They have the aspect of being produced under the Joint inflnence
of primary van and secondary vant. A final short Towel is usually length-
ened before the suffix. The accent is yarious, hut oftenest on the penult
of the stem. The feminine (like that of the derivatives in primary van:
1169f) is in vari.

b. The Yedic examples are: from a-stems, p^ftv^ or ^navdn, ^^ta-
van (and f. -van), f^ghftvan, dhitavan, aatyavan, sumnftv&rl, and
magh&van; ftom ft-stems, s&iftftvari, svadh^van (and f. -vari); from
i-fitems, amatlv&n, arftlJv&n, ^m^fivin, muflv^, and kp^ivan (only
in the further derivative kir^ivai^a); dhlvan; from consonant-stems,
&tharvan, sam&dvan, s&hovan (bad AY. variant to RY. aahavan);
hardvan (TA. also hSrdivan). Somewhat anomalous are aahavan,
indlianvan (for (ndhanavan P), and sanitvan (for a&nitivanP). The
only words of more than sporadic occurrence are ^£van, magh&van,
&tliarvan.

c. S&liovan (see b) is the only example of external combination
with this suffix.

1235. ffH mant. This is a twin-suffix to cltf vant (above,

1288); theii deriyatives have the same value, and are to

some extent exchangeable with one another. But possess-

ives in ^IrT mant are much less frequent (in the older lan-

g^uage, about a third as many), and are only very rarely

made from a-stems.

a. If the accent of the primitive word is on the final, it is in
the great majority of instances (three quarters) thrown forward upon
the added suffix ; otherwise, it maintains its place unchanged. A final
vowel before the suffix is in only a few cases made long. Exam-
ples are:

b. With the accent of the primitiye unchanged: kAi^vamant, y&va-
mant rich in barley, and vibhavamant n. pr. (these alone from a-stems,
and the first only occorring once); &viniant possessing sheep ^ a9&niniant
bearing the thunderboHf 69adhlmant rich in herbs, va9imant carrying an
axe, v&sumant possessing good things, m&dhumant rich in sweets, tv&§-
f imant accompanied by Tvashiar, h6trmant provided with priests, ayu^-
mant long-lived, Jydti^mant /u/^ of brightness; — uUniflmant accom-
panied with meteors, pHumant (?), prastlmant having young shoots,
S6mant rich in kine, garutmant winged, vihutmant with libation,
Icakiidmant humped, vidyunmant (with irregnlar assimilation of t: YS.
bas also kak&nmant) gleaming, virukmant shining, bavifmant with
libations, vipm^mant with drops.

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

1M6— ] XVII. Sboondabt Dbrivation. 476

o. With the accent thrown forward upon tbe end^: ifcwiTrtfeVt wUk
knwea, agnlm&nt having fir^ iyadhiinAiit wi^ a quweTf pa^umiuit
possessing cattle, vSyam4nt with wind, pitinUuit (AY. pitfniAnt) acecm-
pamed hy the Fathers, mfttpnimt having a mother] no long final Yowels
are fonnd before the Bofflx in tiiis diyision, and only once a consonant^ in
dMUn&t (RV., once).

d« Protraction of a final yowel Is seen in tvifxmanty dlir^Imant»
hirimant; in J76ti9imant is Irregiolarly inserted an I (after the anslofy
of tivii^DnaBt); in ^uoifmant, mahifzuant, an a; Bo^amant (BY.,
once) appears to be primary.

e. The adverb ftQum&t appean to be related to adverbs in vAt as
the snffix mant to TMit.

f. By the side of deriTstiyes made with internal combination appean
vldydnmant even in RY.; and other like cases ooenr later: thus, p«ri-
sHmmant* kakunmant, k^iminaiit, pnrordfkmeutit) vJUkxnant, kairam*
mant, gndaJliymant, 7a90ziia&t.

12d6« It has been seen aboye (especially in c^onnection with the
suffixes a and ya) that the nenter of a deriyatiye adjectiye is fre-
quently used as an abstract notin. There are, howeyer, two suffixes
which haye in the later language the specific office of niakiiag a1>8tnct
nouns from adjectiyes and nouns; and these are found alea, more
sparingly used, in the oldest language, each haying there one or two
other eyidently related suffixes beside it.

a. For deriyatives of the same yalue made with tiie solflx <>^<fc%, see
above, 1168i-k.

1287. rIT tS. With this suffix are mcide femiiiine sba-
tiact nouns, denoting the quality of being eo a/nd so, from
hoth adjectives and nouns.

a. The form of the primitiye is unchanged, and the accekt is
uniformly on the syllable preceding the suffix.

b. Examples (from the older language) are: dev&tS divinity, v^r&tft
manliness, purui^tft human nature, agnitft fire^od, apa^iitft eatHe^^Uss-
ness, bandhiatft relationship, vasi&tS wealth; nagn4tft nakedness, suti-
r&ta wealth in retainers, anapaty&tft lack of descendants, eigdtJi potert^
in cattle, abrahm&ta lack of devotion, apraj&stft absence of progeajf,
also doubtless stUittft (from sUn&ra), although the word is a few timtf
used as an adjective Oike ^aihtftti and satyatfttl: see next paragraph).

o. Of special formation are mam&tfi selfishness, tr6t& triplieity, asBti
actuality, RY. has avIratS, with exceptional accent. In ekapatnlti i»
seen a shortened final vowel of the primitive. Jan&tft has acquired a eo>*
Crete meaning, people ^ folk; also grftmatS (once) villages collectively.

1238. cnf?T tftti, fTTrT tftt These suffixes are Vedie only, sad
the latter is limited to RY. Their relationship to the preceding i?

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

477 Stbms in mant, t&, Uti, Ut, tvy, trana. [—1240

evident, but opiniowi are at varianoe at to its nature. The accent is
as in th^ derivatives with t6.

a. The quotable examples In t&ti are: arift^tAti ufitr^ednessy
ayak^poi&t&ti freedom from diseoM, gfbhit&t&ti the being seized^ Jyef-
(h&t&ti stspremaqfy devitftti divinity^ vaautftti toedHh, 9&xiit&ti good-
fortune f BarT&tftti eampletenes$; and, with ezceptioQal accent, istatftti
home, and d&k^at&ti clevemesa; Qivatftti and 9abhat&ti oecnr (once
eaeh) in the later language. Two words in t&ti are used adjeetively (in-
organically, by apposition?): ^iiht&ti (BY., twice; and AY. ziz. 4i. 1,
in mannscxlpts), and satyatftti (RY., once: yoc).

b. The words in tftt (apparently made by abbreyiation from t&ti)
occur in only one or two case-forms; they were all mentioned abore (388 k« 2).

1280. ^tva. With this suffix aie made neutei nouns,
of the same value as the feminines in rTT tS (above, 1887).

a. The neuter abstracts in tva are in the older language con-
siderably more common than the feminines in tft, although them-
selves also not very numerous. The accent is without exception on
the soffix.

b. Szamples (from the older language) are: anirtatv& immortality,
devatv4 divinity , tnbhugatvkgood'fortutte, aliamattaratv& Hrttggle for
precedency, t^noitvk purity, patitv& huebandehip, tara^itwi energy, dlr-
ghftyatvi long life, 9atrutv& enmity, bhrfttftv& brotherhood, V7fatv&
virility^ 8fttniatv& eoulftdness, maghavattvi liberality, rak^astvi sorcery.
In anAgfi8tv4 and ^rajft8tv& there is a lengthening of a final syl-
lable of the primitive; and in 8&uprajft8tv& (AY., once) this appears to
be accompanied by initial v^ddbi (a&abhagatvi is doubtless from sftii-
"bbaga, not subb&ga) *, and in these and pratyanastv^ there Is an appa-
rent insertion of s. In 8adhanitv& (RY.), vasativaritv^ (TS.), rohl-
i^tvk (TB.), there is shortening of final feminine i before the auffix. Of
peculiar formation are astitva actuality and sabatva union. The apparent
feminine datlYcs yflthatvfty&i and gai^tviyfti (KS.) are donbUess false
forms.

o. Besides the usual guttural roTersions in aamyaktva* Bayuktva,
we have external combination in samittva (-idb-) and pOmravftttva
(-vali-).

d. In lfitatv&t6 (RY., once) incitednese, and pnro^atv&tft (RY.,
twice) hunum quality, appears to be a combination of the two equivalent
suffixes tva and tft.

e« The v of tva is to be read in Yeda as u only once (rakijastuA).

1240. W{ tvana. The derivatives made with this suffix are,
like those in tva, neuter abstracts. They occur almost only in BY.,
and, except in a single instance (martyatvani), have beside them
equivalent derivatives in tva. The accent is on the final, and the
trv^ is never resolved into tua.

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

1240—] XVIL Sbcondakt Derivation. 478

a. The words are: kavltvan&, Janitvan&, patitvand (also JB.):
martyatvanA, mahitvan&, vaautvanA, vr^atvanA, sakhitvan^.

1241. A few BuffixcB make no change in the character as part
of speech of the primitive to which they are added, but either are
merely formal appendages, leaving the value of the word what it was
before, or make a change of degree, or introduce some oUier modi-
fication of meaning.

1242. The suffixes of compaiison and oidina] sufBxes
have for the most part been treated already, and need only
a reference here.

a. r17 tara and cTR tama are the usual secondary suffixes of
adjective comparison : respecting their use as such, see above, 471 -478 j
respecting the use of tama as ordinal etc. suffix, see 487-8; resj^eet-
ing that of their accusatives as adverbial suffixes to prepositions
etc., see lllle.

b. In vrtrat&ra and purut&ma (RV.) the accent is anomalous;
in mf^ay&ttama, it is drawn forward to the final of the participle, as
often in composition (1308); 9a9vattam& (RV.) has the ordinal accent;
BuhvatsaratamA (QB.) is an ordinal; dfv&tara (BY., once: an error ?)
is an ordinary adjective, of the day ; surabhi^tama and tuvl^ffasna insert
a s; k&rotar& and kSulitard are probably v^ddhi-derlTatives in a. lo
vatsatarA (f. -rl) wecmiing^ a^vatari mviUy and dhenu^tcurl ccw losing
her milk, the application of the suffix is peculiar and obscure; so also in
rathaihtard, name of a certain aaman,

0. ^ ra and ^ ma, like tara and tama, have a comparative and
superlative value; and the latter of them forms ordinals: see above,
474, 487.

d. ST tha, like tama and ma, forms ordinals from a few nume-
rals: see 487 c; also (with fem. in -thi) from Uti, kati, yati, iti:
thus tatith& so-many-eVi etc.

e. Apparently by false analogy with tatithA etc. (above, d), tke
quasi-ordinals tftvatitha, y&vatitha, bahutitha are made, as if witfc •
suffix titha (also katititha, late, forkatithA); and, it is said, from other
words meaning a number or collection^ as gai^ puffa* saihgha; butnos«
such are quotable.

1243. Of diminutive suffixes there are none in Sanskrit with
clearly developed meaning and use. The occasional employment of
ka, in a somewhat indistinct way, to make diminutives, has be«i
noticed above (1222).

1244. Of the ordinary adjective-making suffixes, given above,
some occasionally make adjectives from adjectives, with slight or
imperceptible modification of value. The only one used to any con-
siderable extent in this way is ka: as to which, see 1222.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

479 Stems in tara, tama, tha, taya, ti, na, tana etc. [ — 1246

1246. A few suffixes are used to make deriyatives from certain
limited and special classes of words, as numerals and particles. Thus :

&• 7m taya makes a few adjectives meaning of so many divi-
sions or kinds (used in the neuter as collectives), from numerals:
thus, 6kataya (MS.), dvitaya, tritaya* o&tn^taya (AV.), ^aftaya (KB.:
with external combination), aapt&taya (QB.), a^ffttaya (AB.), d&^ataya
(RY.), bah^taya (TS.). Their fem. is in -yl

b. rd tya makes a class of adjectives from particles: e. g. nftya
oum, lii^^Ytk foreign^ amitsra companion, etc. As the examples show,
the accent of the primitive is retained. The fem. is in -ty&.

o. The other quotable examples are: &patya, ftvlftyft^ 8&natya»
antastya, anyata8tya-» tataatya, kutastya, atratya, tatratya, ya-
tratya, kutratya, ihatya, upatya, adhitya» prfttaatya, dakigiiyfttyft
(instead of which, the regular form, is generally found dfik^ii^tyftt appa-
rently a further VTddhi-derlTatlTe from it: as if belonging to the southern'
ers^j and pft^cftttya and pfturastya (of a similar character: these three
last are said by the grammarians to be accented on the final, as is proper
for vrddhi-deriTatives); apty& and ftpty& perhaps contain the same suffix.
In antaatya and prfttaatya is seen external combination.

d. The y of tya is in RY. always to be read as 1 after a heavy
eylUble.

e. cT ta forms ekatd, dvltd, and trit&» also muhtlrt& moment,
and apparently avat& weU (for water).

f. With ^ na are made ptirSi^ ancient, vifii^ various, and
perhaps samftni like,

g. With cH tana or (in a few cases) ^ tna are made adjectives
trom adverbs, nearly always of time: e. g. pratn& andeni, ntitana
or nAtna present, aanftt&na or aan&tna lasting, divfttana of the day,
^v&Btana of tomorrow, hyastana of yesterday. The accent is various.
The feminine is in ni.

li. The other quotable examples are: agretana, adyatana, adhu-
XLftt&na, idaihtana, idSniditana, etarhitana, oiraiiitana» tad&niiii-
tana, doffttana, purfttana, prftktana, prfttast&na, sad&tana, sft-
yaxiit&na; from adverbs of place, adhastana, arvfiktana, uparitana,
kutaatana; — with tna, paraatftttna, puraatattna. A further vrddhi-
derivative, with equivalent meaning, nftutana (cf. above, c), occurs late.
In PB. is once found tvattana belonging to thee.

i. Besides the obvious cases, of an assimilated final m before this
suffix, we bave external combination in prfttast&na.

j' ^cT vat makes from particles of direction the feminine nouns
mentioned above (883 k, 1).

k« ^ kata» properly a noun in composition, is reckoned by the

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1245—] XVUL CoHPOsmoK. 490

grammariaAfl as a suffix, in atka(a» nilcata* praJtota, vikaita (BY.,
once, Yoc.}, and aamkat^ (all said to be accented on tbe finat).

1. A suffix vana is perhaps to be seen in iiivaii4» pr»7iu^; —
and fila in antarftla.

m. Occasional derivatiyes made with the ordinary mifixes ef
primary and secondary derivation from numerals and particles have
been noted above: thus, see ana (1160n), td (1157h), ant (1178i^,
u (11781), a (19091), ka (12220), nina (1224c), maya (1225a)« vant
(12386).

CHAPTER XVm.

FORMATION OF COMPOUND STEMS.

1246. Thb frequent combination of declinable stems
with one another to form compounds which then axe treated
as if simple, in respect to accent, inflection, and construc-
tion, is a conspicuous feature of the language, &om it«
earliest period.

a. There is, however, a marked difference between the earlier
and the later langnage as regards the length and intricacy of the
combinations allowed. In Veda and Brahmana, it is quite raro fkU
more than two stems are compounded together — except that to tone
mnch nsed and familiar compound, as to an integral word, a forthtf
element is sometimes added. Bot the later the period, and, especiallyr
the more elaborate the style, the more a cumbrous and difficult aggre*
gate of elements, abnegating the advantages of an inflective language,
takes the place of the due syntactical union of formed words into
sentences.

1247. Sanskrit compounds fall into three principal
classes :

I. a. Copulative or agg^^^tive compounds, of which
the members are syntically coordinate: a joining together
into one of words which in an uncompounded oonditton
woiild be connected by the conjunction and (larely or).

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481 Classbs of Compounds. [—1847

b. Bxamples are: {ndrftvAru^Au Indra and Varuna^ satySiqrt^
irtUh and falsehood, Iqptftkft&m done and undone, devagan dharvamft-
nuforagarftk^aBfta gods and Oandharvas tmd men and serpents and
demons.

c« The memberi of bucIi a compound may obvionily be of any num-
ber, two or more than two. No compound of any other class can contain
more than two members — of which, howeTer, either or both may be com-
pound, or decompound (below, 1248).

U. d. Determinative compounds, of which the fonner
member is syntactically dependent on the latter, as its
determining or qualifying adjunct: being either, 1. a noun
(or pronoun} limiting it in a case-relation, or, 2. an adjective
or adverb describing it. And, according as it is the one
or the other, are to be distinguished the two sub-classes:
A. Dependent compounds; and B. Descriptive com-
pounds. Their difference is not an absolute one.

e. Examples are: of dependent compounds, amitraseni army of
enemies, pftdodaka water for the feet, fijrurda life-giving, h&etajqfta
made with the hands; of descriptive compounds, inaharff{ great sage, priya-
sakhi dear friend, amftra enemy, sulq^a well done,

t. These two classes are of primary value ; they have undergone
no umfying modification in the process of composition; their charac-
ter as parts of speech is determined by their final member, and they
Are capable of being resolved into equivalent phrases by giving the
proper independent form and formal means of connection to each
member. That is not the case with the remaining class, which accor-
dingly is more fundamentally distinct from them than they are from
one another.

in. g. Secondary adjective compounds, the value

of which is not given by a simple resolution into their

eomponent parts, but which, though having as final member

a. noun, are themselves adjectives. These, again, are of two

0^ab-classes: A, Possessive compounds, which are noun-

oompounds of the preceding class, with the idea of possess-

iTM^g added, turning them * from nouns into adjectives ;

^ « Compounds in which the second member is a noun syn-

f^^xstically dependent on the first: namely, 1. Prepositional

compounds, of a governing preposition and following noun ;

Whitney, Onmmftr. 8. ed. 31

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1247—] XVni. Composition. 482

2* Participial compounds (only Vedic), of a present par-
ticiple and its following object.

h. The snb-claBs B. is comparatively small, and its second divisioD
(participial componnds) is hardly met with even in the later Yedie.

i. Examples are: vfrasena possessing a hero-army ^ praJakSma
having desire of progeny ^ ttgm&^pflga sharphomed, h&rltasraj tpearimg
green garlands \ ati]nfttr& excessive'^ yavay&ddveyus driving awm/
enennes,

j. The adjectiTO compounds are, like simple a^Jectlres, liable to be
nsed, especially in the neater, as abstract and coUectiTe nonns, and in the
accnsative as adverbs; and ont of these uses have grown apparent spedil
classes of compounds, reckoned and named as such by the Hindu gna*
marians. The relation of the olaseiflcation given above to that presented im
the native grammar, and widely adopted from the latter by the European
grammars, will be made clear as we go on to treat the classes in detail.

1248. A compound may, like a simple word, become a
member in another compound, and this in yet another —
and so on, without definite limit. The analysis of any
compound, of whatever length (unless it be a copulatiTe),
must be made by a succession of bisections.

a. Thus, the dependent oomponnd pfbryajanmalqrta done in a previous
existence is first divisible into k^^ and the descriptive pQrv^amnmiit
then this into its elements; the dependent sakalanlti^fistratattvajlU
knowing the essence of aU books of behavior has first the root-stem Jfia
(for Vjftft) knowing separated ftom the rest, which is again dependent 9 t&»
this is divided into tattva essence and the r^alnder, which is descriptive;
this, again, divides into sakala all and nitt^ftBtra books of behavior, of
which the latter is a dependent compound and the former a possestive (sa
and kalft having its parts together).

1249. a. The final of a stem is combined with the initial
of another stem in composition according to the general
rules for external combination: they have been given, with
their exceptions, in chap. III., above.

b. If a stem has a distinction of strong and weak formSs
it r^ularly enters into composition as prior member in its
weak form; or, if it has a triple distinction (Sll), in iu
middle form.

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483 Form of Prior Mbmbbr of Compound. [—1260

o. That is, especially, stems in x or ar» at or ant, ao or a£ko, etc.,
show in composition the forms in x» c^t, ao, etc.; while those in an
and in usually (exceptions sometimes occnr, as v^^i^^i, vrvc^-
▼as&) lose their final n, and are combined as if a and i were their
proper finals.

d. As in secondary derivation (1208 d), so also as prior member of
a compound, a stem sometimes shortens its final long yowel (osnally I, rare-
ly &): thas, in Y., rodasipri, p^ptliivi^tl^i, p^thivi^&d, dh^pftta,
dliSraTSk&; in B., p)*thivi-dft, -bhfiga, -loki, sarasTatllq^a, senft-
nigrSma^yftii ; In S., garbhiniprftya^citta, s&xnidhenipr&ifa, vas-
at^vaiipariharai^, ekftda^inilinga, prapharvidft, devatalak^a]^,
deratapradhftnatva; later, devakinandana, lakfaUvardhana, ku-
mftridatta, i^takacita, etc.

e. Occasionally, a stem is. nsed as prior member of a compound which
does not appear, or not in that form, as an independent word: examples
are mahft great (apparently nsed independently In Y. in accnsative), tuvl
mighty (V.), dvi two.

f. Not infrequently, the final member of a compound assumes a special
form: see below, 1816.

1260. But a case-form in the prior member of a compound is by
no means rare, from the earliest period of the language. Thus:

a. Quite often, an aocnsatiTO, especially before a root-stem, or a derir-
ative in a of eqaiyalent meaning : for example, pataihg& going hy flighty
dlianaifajay& winning weaUh^ abhayaihkar& causing absence of danger^
pri9timbliar& bringing proeperity, v&oamiiikliay& inciting the voice; bat
also sometimes before words of other form, as ^Qvamiffi horecdesiring,
Qubhaiiiyavan going in splendor, subhftgaTiilr Arap a making happy,
bliayaxhkartf causer of fear. In a few cases, by analogy with these, a
word receives AU accusative form to which it has no right: thus, h^daihs&n^
xnak^tixiigama, vasuihdhara, fttmambhari.

b. Much more rarely, an instrumentalT: for example, girftvfdh increas-
ing by praise, vSoastena stealing by incantation, kr&tvfimagha gladly
hestovoing, bhftsakefa bright with light, vidman^pas active with wisdom.

o. In a Tery few instances, a dative: thns, nare^fh^ serving a man,
ajmi^biti errand to us, and perhaps kiyedhi and mahevfdh.

d. Not seldom, a locative; and this also especially vrith a root-stem or
ar-derivative : for example, agreg& going at the head, divikflt dwelling
%n the shy, vane^&li prevailing in the wood, afige^fha existing in' the
limbs, pro9the9ay& lying on a couch, sut^kara active with the soma,
di-vicara moving in the sky; ftr69atru having enemies far removed,
BWnn&ftpi near in favor, m&deraghu hasting in excitement, srudhi^fhira
firm in battle, antevftsin dwelling near; ap8uj& horn in the waters,
Iif'tav&s hurling at hearts.

e. Least often, a genitive: thns, rfiy&akfixna desirous of wealth,

31*

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I960—] XVni. Composition. 484

akasyavid knowing no one. But the older language has a few examplei
of the putting together of a genltlTe with its governing noon, each member
of the combination keeping its own accent: see below, 1267 d.

*f. Ablatiye forms are to be seen in bal&tkftra violence and balftt-
kfta, and perhaps in parfttpriya. And a stem in-f sometimes appean in a
copnlatiye compound in its nominative form: thus, piULpvLtrHvi father and
sony hotSpotftrftu the invoker and purifier, Anyonya one another is t
fused phrase, of nominatlTe and oblique case.

g. In a very few words, plural meaning is signified by plural form:
thus, apanji etc. (in deriTation, also, apsu is used as a stem), hftsv&B,
n^I^iprai^etra conducting men^ rujaakara causing pams^ (and dvtl)
hanflVampa trembling of the two jaws.

h. Much more often, of words having gender-forms, the feminine ii
used in composition, when the distinotlve feminine sense is to be conveyed:
e- g. gopinfttha maeter of the shepherdeeseSy dSsiputra son of a femaU
slave, m^Id^ gazelU-eyed, praijItftpraijL&yana vessel for consecrated
water,

m

1261. The accent of compounds is very varioas, and liable to
considerable irregularity even within the limits of the same formation;
and it must be left to be pointed out in detail below. All posaible
yarieties are found to occur. Thus:

a. Each member of the compound retains its own separate aeoent This
is the most anomalous and Infrequent method. It appears in certain Yedit
copulative compounds chiefly composed of the names of divinities (so-called
deyatA-dvandTaa : 1266 ff.), and in a small number of aggxegatiosi
partly oontainiog a genitive case-form as prior member (1267 d).

b. The accent of the compound is that of its prior member. This U
especially the case in the great class of possessive compounds; but also to
determinatives having the participle in ta or na as final member, in tkose
beginning with the negative a or an, and in other less numerous and ixs-
portant classes.

c. The accent of the compound is that of the final member. This Ib not
on so large a scale the case as the preceding; but it is nevertheless qutef
common, being found in many compounds having a verbal noun or adjectlvt
as final member, in compounds beginning with the numerals dvl and tri
or the prefixes BU and dua, and elsewhere in not infrequent exceptioiu.

d. The compound takes an accent of its own, independent of tkat c^
either of its constituents, on its final syllable (not always, of course, to be
distinguished from the preceding case). This method is larg^ foUowed.
especially, by the regular copulatives, and by the great mass of depeadex
and descriptive noun-compounds, by most possessives beginning witk tb«
negative prefix; and by others.

6. The compound has an accent which is altered from that of oae »<
its members. This is everywhere an exceptional and sporadically occ«niDt

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485 CopuLATivB Compounds. [— 1S58

CAse, and the InBtances of it, noted below under eacli fornutton, do not
require to be assembled here. Examples are: medh&s&ti (mMhA), ti-
IkadqTfk (tila)» khtdihasta (kh&df), y&vay&dcLvefas (yfty&yant);
9akadhAma (dhnmd), amfta (mft&), Buvira (vlr&), tuvigriva
(grivi). A few words — as vi^va, ptibrva, and sometimes s&nrll — take
usually a changed accent as prior members of compounds.

I. Copulative Cempeunds.

1252. Two or more nouns — muoh less often adjectives,
and, in an instance or two, adverbs — having a coordinate
construction, as if connected by a conjunction, usually and^
are sometimes combined into qpmpounds.

a. This is the class to which the Hi^du grammarians give the
name of dvandva pair, couple; a dvandva of adjectives, however, is
not recognized by them.

b. Compounds in wiiicb the relation of the two members is altematiye
instead of copulatiye, though only exceptional, are not yery rare: examples
are ny&iftdhika defective or redundant, Jayaparijaya victory or defeat,
kritotpanna purchaeed or on hand, kft^t^ialoftasama like a log or
clod, palqfimrgata the condition of being bird or beast, tri^^advifi^a
numbering twenty/ or thirty, oatu^pafkcalq^as four or Jive timee,
dvyekftntara different by one or two. A less marked modiilcation of the
copniative idea is seen in such instances as priyasatya agreeable though
true, prSrthitadurlabha sought after but hard to obtain; or in ^rSnta-
l^ta arrived weary.

1258. The noun-copulatives fall, as regards their in-
flective form, into two classes:

1. a. The compound has the gender and declension of

its final member, and is in number a dual or a plural,

according to its logical value, as denoting two or more than

two individual things.

b. Examples are: prfti^pfinS^ inspiration and expiration, vrlhi-
ywKii rice and barley, fks&m^ verse and chant, kapotoltikft^ dove
and owl, oandrfidityftu moon and sun, hastya^vftu the elephant and
horse, c^ftv&yas goats and sheep, devSsur&a the gods and demons,
atharwftagir&sas the Atharvans and Angirases, samb&dhatandryks
iMnxieties and fatigues, vldyftkarm&gl knowledge and action, hasty a^vfta
'9l^hanis and, horses; of more than two members (no examples quotable
from the ol^cr language), ^ayyftaanabhog&s lying, sitting, and eating,
fcygJUiTn aigakyatrlyavlt^ndrfts a Brahman, KshaHya, Vai^a, and godra,

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1268—] XVIII. Composition. 486

roga^okaparitftpabandluuiavyftsaxiftni di$6a$€i pain^ g^ft eapUoi^^
and muforiune.

2. c. The compound, without regard to the number de-
noted, *or to the gender of its constituents, becomes a neuter
singular collective.

d. Examples are: iftftP^^zt&m tehai is offered ami -bestowed , aho-
rfttr&m a day and nighty Iqptftlqpt&m the done and undone, bhfttabhav-
y&m past and future, ke9a9ma9r4 hair and heard, o^adhivanaspatl
plants and trees, candratftrak&m moon and stars, ahinaknlaTn snakt
and ichneumon, ^irogrivtfm head and neck, yfllfftinalnsfikamatknyaiii
lice, fiies, and hugs,

1264. a. That a stem in f as prior member sometimes takes its
nominatiye form, in ft, was noticed ^bove, 1260 f*

b* A stem as final member is sometimes changed to an a-form to maka
a neuter coUectiTe: thas, ohattropftnaham an umbrella and a shoe.

o. The grammarians give roles as to the. order of the elements com*
posing a copnlatiYe compound: thus, that a more* important, a briefer, «
vowel-initial member should stand first; and that one ending in a should
be placed last. Violations of them all, however, are not infrequent.

1266. In the oldest language (BY.), copulatlye compounds such
as appear later are quite rare, the class being chiefly represented by
dual combinations of the names of divinities and other penooM^j
and of personified natural objects.

a. In these combinations, each name has regularly and usually
the dual form, and its own accent; but, in the very rare instances
(only three occurrences out of more than three hundred) in whieh
other cases than the nom.-acc.-yoc. are formed, the final member only
is inflected.

b. Examples are4 {ndraB6mft, {ndrftv{f]giQ» {ndrftb^haap^^ agnl-
96mftu» turv&9fiy&d&, dyaTftp^thivI, u^aa&niktft (and, with inter-
yening words, n&ktft • . • u^aaft), stiryfim&aft. The only plural is indri-
marutaa (voc). The cases of other than nominative form are mitrlU
v&rui^ftbhyfim and mitrav&ruj^yoe (also mitr&yor v&rui^ayo^), ao J
{ndrftT&ru^ayoe (each once only).

c. From dy^vftp^hivi Is made the yery peculiar genitiye diviapf-
thiyy6B (4 times: AY. has dyavftp^^thivlbhyftm and dyavftprtliiwyos>

d. In one compound, parj&nyavitft, the first member (RY., onct)
does not have the dual ending along with the double accent (indranft-
sat^ft, voc, is doubtful as to accent). In several, the double aooent is
wanting, while yet the double designation of nnmber is present: thV}
indrftpa9i^68 (beside indrftptl^^ft), somSptlf&bhjrfini (aomftpQfa^A
occurs only as voc), vAtftparJanyA, sCiryftoandram&Bfty and indrignl
(^ith indrftgnlbhyftm and indr8gny68): somSmdrftifi is accented ooly

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487 Copulative Compounds. [—1267

in 9B. And in one, indravjiyt^ fonn and accent are both accordant with
the naages of the later language.

e. Of other copnlatiyes, like those made later, the RV. has the ploial
i^T^as, the duals jflaOm^, 0aty&nrt^> sft^anftna^and ; also the neu-
ter coUectiye ift&purt4m, and the substantively used neuter of a copu-
iative adjective, nUaloliit&iii. Further, the neuter plurals ahorfitri^i
nydkemera^ and nkthftrlf it. praties and songs, of which the final members
as independent words are not neater. No one of these words has more than
a single occurrence.

1266. In the later Vedlc (AV.), the usage is much more nearly
accordant with that of the classical language, save that the class of
neuter singular collectiyes is almost wanting.

a. The words with double dual form are only a sinall minority (a
quarter, instead of three quarters, as in RV.) ; and half of them have only
a single accent, on the final: thus, besides those in RY., bhavftradrftu,
blLavft9arvft^; agnftvl^i^fl, voc, is of viomalous form. The whole num-
ber of copulatives is more than double that in RV.

b. The only proper neuter collectives, composed of two nouns, are
ke^a^ma^r^ hair andlieard, afijanftbhy afij an Km sake and ointment, and
ka^iptipabarha^&m mat and pillow, unified because of the virtual unity
of the two objects specified. Neuter singulars, used in a similar collective
way, of adjective compounds, are (besides those in RY.): kftfik^t&in what
is done and undone (instead of what is done and what is undone), oittd-
lcot4m thought and desirs, bhadrapftp&m good and evil, bhfltabhavy&m
past and future.

1267. Copulative compounds composed of adjectiyes
which retain their adjeotiye character are made in the same
manner, but are in comparison rare.

a. Examples are: 9iiklakr9i^ light and dark, sthalajftudaka ter-
restrial and aquatic, dftntarSjatasftavan^ of ivory and stiver and gold
used distributiyely; and -vTttapina round and plump, 9fint&nukula
tranquil and propitious, h^itasragrajohina wearing fresh garlands and
free from dust, ni9ek&di9nia9ftnftnta beginning with conception and
ending with burial, used cumulatively; nS ti9ito^a nfit over cold or
hot, used alternatively ; kijai^ad^t^ui^t^ '^^^ f^ ^ moment and then
lost, ointitopasthita at hand as soon as thought of, in more pregnsnt
sense.

b. In the Yeda, the only examples noted are the cumulative nUa-
lobit& and iff&pQrtd etc., used in the neut. sing, as collectives (as point-
ed out above), with tSniradlimnr& dark taumy; and- the distributive
dakgiigaflavyi right and left, 8aptamfi9tcun& seventh and eighth, and
bliadrapftpi good and bad (beside the corresponding neut. collective).
Such combinations as satyfinft^ truth and falsehood, pxiyftpriya^^Atn^s

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1267—] XVIIL Composition. 488

agreeable and disagreeable, vhere each component is used snbstantlTely, are,
of course, not to be separated from the ordinary nonn-componnde.

o, A special case is that of the compound adJectlYes of direction: as
uttarapf&rva nortk-east, prSgdak^i^a sotUh^emi, dalry1ijiiim<9<ttin>
south-weH, etc.: compare * 1881 b.

1258. In aooentuated texts, the oopolative compoimds have
uniformly the accent (acute) on the final of the stem.

a. Exceptions are a case, or two in AV., where doubtless the* reading
is false: thus, vfttftparjanyll (once: beside -ny&yofl), devamaniifyito
(once: QB. -8y&), bra]imariyan3rlU>hyS3ai (also VS.); farther, vfiiko-
pavftkyk (QB.), a^anftyapipftse (9B.).

1269. An example or two ajre met with of adrerbial copulaHves :
thus, iharditrl day by day, sfijr&mprfttar at evening and in the m&ming.
They haye the accent of their prior member. Later occur also bShyantar,
pratyagdakfii^ pratyagodak.

1260. Bepeated words. In all ages of the language, nom»
and pronouns and adjectiyes and particles are not infrequently repeated,
to give an intensive, or a distributive, or a repetitional meaning.

a. Though these are not properly oopulatiye compounds, tiiere is no
better connection in which to notice them than here. They are, as the
older language shows, a sort of compound, of which the prior member has
its own independent accent, and the other is without accent: hence they
are most suitably and properly written (as in the Vedic pada-texts) u
compounds. Thus : Jahy ^fftih ^uraih-varam slay of ihem each b^ man ;
div6-dive or dy&vi-dyavi from day to day; &iigSd-afig91 Idmno-lom-
nalji p&rva^i-parvai^ from every limb, from every hair, in eadi joint;
pr&-pTa yajfi&patiiii tira make the master of the sacrifice live on and on;
bliAyo-bhuya^ 9V&h-9va^ further and further, tomorrow and again to-
morrow] ^kay&i-'kayft with in each case one; vay&ih-vayain our very
selves.

b. Exceptional and rare cases are those of a personal verb-form re-
peated: thus, p{bft-piba (Ry.)> y&JAsva-yaJasva (QB.), v6da-veda
(? 9^.)» — ^^^ ^^ *^o 'w^ords repeated: thus, yavad vfi-yftvad vft (^B.),
yatam6 vft-yatame vft (9^.)*

0. In a few instances, a word is found used twice in sucoeerton with-
out that loss of accent the second time which makes the repetition a ^-
tual composite: thus, n* nd (RV.), s&iil a&m (AV.), ih^ *hk (AV.),
aniyft- 'n&yft (gB.), etuhl etuhl (RV., ace. to pada-text).

d. The class of combinations here described is called by the native
grammarians ftmre^ita aidifd^mtd^). .-^ '

1261. FinaUy may be noticed in passing the compound numsraU,
tiLftda^a //, dviviii9atl 22, tri^ata 103, c&ta]|^8ahaara 1004, tnd
so on (476 ff.), as a special and primitive class of copulatives. They tie
accented on the prior member.

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489 DBTBBMINATiyB COMPOUNDS. [— 1S64

II. ' Determinative Compounds.

1262. A noun pr adjeotive is often combined into a
compound with a preceding determining or qualifying word
— a noun, or adjective, or adverb. Such a compound is
conveniently called determinative.

1268. This is the class of compounds which is of most
general and frequent occurrence in. all branches of Indo-
European language. Its two principal divisions have been
already pointed out: thus, A. Dependent compoulids, in
which the prior member is a substantive word (noun or pro-
noun or substantively used adjective), standing to the other
member in the relation of a case dependent on it; and
B. Descriptive compounds, in which the prior member is
an adjective, or other word having the value of an adject-
ive, qualifying a noun; or else an adverb or its equivalent,
qualifying an adjective. Each of these divisions then falls
into two sub-divisions, ' according as the final member, and
therefore the whole compound, is a noun or an adjective.

a. The whole class of determinatives is called by the Hindu
grammarians tatporo^a (the term is a specimen of the* class,* mean-
ing Am num)'j and the seeond division, the descriptives, has the
special name of karmadh&raya (of obscure application: the literal
sense is something like offietrhearmg). After their example, the two
divisions are in European- usage widely known by these two names
respectively.

A. Dependent Oompounds.

1264. Dependent Noun-compounds. In . this di-
vision, the case-relation of the prior 'member to the other
may be of any kind; but, in accordance with the. usual re-
lations of one noun to another, it is oftenest genitive, and
least often accusative.

a. Kxamples are: of genitive relation, devfuieni army of goda^
yamadntd Yama^s meMMger, Jivalok4 the world of the living^ ijidra-

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1264—] XVIII. Composition. 490

dhanuB Indra'a bow, brabxnagavl the JBtspMrnan's caWf vi^agiH poutm-
mountf mitralftbha acquisition of friends, mfirkha^atftni hundreds of
fools, vfrasenasuta Virasena's son, riyendra chief of kings, aamat-
putr&B our sons, tadvaoaa his words; — of datlTe, pSdodaka water for
the feet, mSsanioaya accmnukUion for a tnonA; — of iustnimenUl, ftt-
masftdfgya likeness with self, dhftnyftrtha wealth acquired by grain,
dharmapatni lawful spouse, pitftyandlixi paternal relation; — of abUtiTe,
apBaratiaambhava descent from a nymph, madvijogt^ separation from
me, ofturabhaya fear of a thief; — of locttire, Jalakri^ft sport in the
water, grfimavftsa abode in the village, purof&iqrta untruth abaift a man;
— of accusatiye, nagaragamana going to the city.

1266. Dependent Adjectiye-oompounds. In thifi
division, only a very small proportion of the compoundi
have an ordinary adjectdve as final member; but usually a
participle, or a derivative of agency with the value of a
participle. The prior member stands in any case-relation
which is possible in the independent construction of such
words.

a. Examples aie : of locative relation, sthftUpakva cooked in a pet,
a9vakovida knowing in horses, vayal^sama alike in age, yudhmhlra
stettdfast in battle, tantt^ubhra beautiful in body; — of iiAtnimental,
mftt^psad)^ like his mother; — of dativ^ gohita good for cattle; — of
ablative, bhavadanya other than you, garbhS^fama eighth ftom birth,
df^yetara other than visible (i. e. invisibley, — of genitive, bharata^reftha
best of the Bharatas, dvijottama foremost of Brahmans : — with particip-
ial wor^a, in accusative relation, vedavid Veda-knowing, aiuiftd4 food-
eating, tan&pana body-protecting, aatyavftdin truth-speaking, pattragata
committed to paper (lit. gone to a leaf); — in instrumental, madhupA
cleansing with honey, svay&ihkfta self-n^de, Indragapta protected by
Indra, vidyfil^a deserted by (L e. destitute of) knowledge; — in loca-
tive, hf^layftvldli pierced in the heart, ^rtvij sacrificing in due season,
divicara moving in the aky;^ia ablative, riUyabhra^ta fallen from
the kingdom, v^kabhita afraid of a wolf; — in dative, ^arai^figata come
for ref%kge.

.• 1266. We take up now some of the principal groups of compouadB
falling under these two heads, in order to notice their specialities of
formation and use, their relative frequency, their accentuation, and so on.

1267. Compounds having as final member ordinary nouns (such,
namely, as do not distinotly exhibit the character of verbal nouns,
of action or agency) are quite common. They are regularly and usu-
ally accented on the final syllable, without reference to the accent of
either^ constituent. Examples were given above (1264 a).

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491 Dependent Compounds. [—1270

a. A piinofpal exception with regard to aeoent is p&tl masterj lard
(and its feminine p&tnl), componnda with which uanally retain the aeoent
of the prior member : thus, prajipati, T&Bupati, ^tithipati, g6patl»
KTh&patni, etc. eto. (compare the Teibal noons in ti, below, 1274). But
in a few words p&ti retains its own accent: thus, vi^p^ti* rayip&ti,
pa^p&tiy yasup&tni, etc.; and the more general rule is followed in
apiMur&patf and vrijapatf (AY.), and nadipatf (VS.), oitpati (MS.;
elsewhere oitp4ti).

b. Other exceptions are sporadic only: for example, Jaxiarfyaii» deva*
v&rmaii, hira^yat^JaSy pftanfth^va^ godhAma and 9akadhtiTna (but
dlL^mi); Tfto^atena.

o. The'appearanoe of a case-form in such' compounds is rare: examples
are dfvodftsay vftoastena* uoo&fl^^avas, uccftfrgho^a, dOrdbh&B
(the three last in possessiye application).

■ d* A number of compounds are accented on both members : thus^
9&cip&ti, s&daep&ti, bfhasp&ti, v&nasp^ti, r&thaap&ti, J&p&ti (also
Ja8pati)» n&ra9AA8a, t&nun&pt^y t&nun&pftt (tantt as independent word),
9ana^96pa. And (B. has a long list of metronymics having the anoma-
loua acoentoation kftat8ip^tra» g^brglpatra» etc.

1268. The compounds having an ordinary adjective as final mem-
ber are (as already noticed) comparatively few.

a. So far as can be gathered from the scanty examples occurring in
the older language, they retain the accent of the prior member^ thus,
g&vifthira (AY. gaA^XhitSL)^ tantt^ubhra, m&deraghu, yajfi&dhira,
a&navlpra, til&ini9ra (but tila); but Iqpft^paoyi ripening in cttUi-
voted soil,

1269. The adjective dependent compounds having as final mem-
ber the bare root — or, if it end in a short vowel, generally with
an added t — are very nnmerons in all periods of the language, as
has been already repeatedly noticed (thus, 888 f-h, 1147). They are
accented on the root.

a* In a very few instances, the accent of words having apparently or
eonjeeturally this origin is otherwise laid : thus, iAaatra, &iiarvi9, svavfj,
prmtyiik^adfi}, piQiraiiidhi, 69adhi, irami^ U9&dagh, vats^pa, &bda.

b. Before a final root-stem appears not very seldom a case-form: for
example; pataiiig&, girftvfdh, dhiySjuTy ak^^ayftdruh^ hqrdi8p^9,
divi8pf9, vanes&li, divi^&d, afige^tba, IqrtBT&a, p^utur» apsuji.

o. The root-stem has sometimes a middle or passive value: for ex-
ample, mcuioyuj yoked (yoking themselves) by <he tvillj h^daySvidh
pierced to the heart, manuja bom of Manu,

1270. Compounds made with verbal derivatives in a, both of
action and of agency, are numerous, and take the accent usually on
their final syllable [as in the case of compounds with verbal prefixes:
1148 m).

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1270—] XVIII. Composition. 492

a. Examples are: luuitagr&bh& hand^gr taping ^ devavancUi god-
praiiing, havlradi devouring the offering, bhUTaziao7av& shaking the
world, vrStyabrav& eaUdng one's self a vrfttya; ak^parlUayi /iiili»r«
at play, va^a^kftr^ utterance of va^f, gopofd prosperity in eatUe,
afigajvari pain in the limbs.

b. In a few Instances, the accent is (as in compounds with ordinary
fidJeotiTes: above, 1268) that of the prior member: thus, mar&dvrdha,
8ut6kara, divfcara (and other more questionable words). And di&gha
milking, yielding is so accented as final: thns, madhudi&gha, kSmadugha.

o. Case-forms are especially freqnent in the prior members of compounds
with adjectiTe deriyatives in a showing gtu^strengthening of the root:
thus, for example, abhayaihkar&, yudhiihgami, dhanaiiija^ pvraih-
dar&, yi^vambhariy divftkard, talpe^ay4» diyifVAnLbh^.

1271, Compounds with verbal nouns and adjectives in ana are
very numerous, and have the accent always on the radical syllable
(as in the case of compounds with verbal prefixes: 1160e).

a. Examples are: ke^av&rdhana hair^inereasing, ftyuyprat&raya
life-lengthening, tanQp^a body-protecting', devah6<jLana hatred of the
gods, puxhsi^vana giving birth to males,

b. A very few apparent exceptions as regards accent are really cases
where the derivative has lost its verbal character : thus, yamasfldani Tamds
realm, ftoMdvldhftna means of protection,

o.#An accusative-form is sometimes found before a derivative in ana:
thus, sarnpaihp&ra^ay ayak^maiiik&rai^ subhfigadik&ra^La, vanaifa«
k&rai^.

1272. a. The action-nouns in ya (1218) are not infrequent in
composition as final member, and retain their own proper accent (as
in combination with prefixes). Sufficient examples were given above
(1218).

b. The same is true of the equivalent feminines in y&: see above,
1218 d.

c. The gerundives in ya (1218) hardly oecar in the older language
in combination with other elements than prefixes. The two nlvibhSry^
and prathaxnavftsy^ (the latter a descriptive) have the accent of the
independent words of the same form ; balavijfiifiy& and &9vabadhya (?)
are ineonsistent with these and with one another.

1278. Compounds made with the passive participle in ta or na
have the accent of their prior member (as do the combinations of the
same words with prefixes: 1086a).

a. Examples are: h&8tak|^ made with the hand, vfrAJftta bom of a
hero, gh69abaddlia awakened by noise, priji£paticqrf (a created by Pn^
pati, dev&tta given by the gods; and, of participles combined with prefixes,
indraprastlta incited by Indra, bfhasp&tiprai^atta driven away hy
Brihaspati, ulkibhihata struck by a thunderbolt, v^jravihata, saihrat-

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493 Dbpemdbnt Compounds. [—1276

•sriaammita eommensurate untk the year, AY. has the anomtloot aputi-
saih^ita quickened by the watere,

b. A number of exception! oeenr, in whirh the flntl syllable of the
compound has the accent: fbi example, agnitapt&, indrotA, pit^ttA,
rathakritA, agnldagdhi (beside agnfdagdha), kavi9a8t4 (beside kav{-
9a8ta), .kavipra^aatd.

o. One or two special nsages may be noticed. The participle gata,
gone tOf as final of a compound, is used in a loose way in the later Jau-
guage to express relation of various kinds : thus, jagatlgata existing in the
world, tvadgata belonging to thee^ aakhigata relating to a friend, oitra-
gata in a picture, putragataih aneham affection toward a son, etc. The
partic^le bhuta been, become is used in composition with a noun as hardly
more than a grammatical device to give it an adjective form: thus, idaih
tamobh&tam this creation, being darkness (existing in the condition of
darkness); t&di ratnabhat&di lokaaya ?ter, being the pearl of the world;
k^etrabhUta* smrtA nftri bl^jabhtlta^ sm^pta^ pumftn a woman is
regarded as afield; a man, as seed; and so on.

d. The other participles only seldom occur as finals of compounds:
thus, prftBakftrmukabibhrat bearing javelin anlj bow, a9&BtravidTfifui
not knowing t^fi text-books, arjunadar9iT&&8 having seen Arf una, apriya*
^aAsivfifiB announcing what 'is disagreeable, g&atamabruvfi]^& trailing
himself Gautama.

1274. Compounds with deriyatiyes in ti baye (like combinations
with the'prefixest 1167 e) the accent of the prior member.

a. Examples are: db&naaftti winning of wealth, sdmapiti soma-
drinking, devAbtlti invocation of the gods, n&maukti utterance of
homage, hAYjiiMXi presentation of offerings; and so tok&a&ti* dev&hiti,
rudr&huti, BQkt6kti, sva^ak^ti, divi^ti*

b. In nem&dbiti, medli&8ftti» ▼an&dhiti (all RV.)i *^® tccent of
the prior member is changed from penult to final.

o. Where the verbal character of the derivative is lost, the general
rule of final accent (1267) is followed: thus, devaheti weapon of the gods,
devasomatf favor of the yods, b'rahmacitf Brahman-pile. Also in sar-
vajy&ni entire ruin, the accent is that of compounds with ordinary nouns.

1275. Compounds with a deriyatiye in in as final member haye
(as in all other cases) the accent on the in. .

a. Thus, uktha^aiLsin psalm-singing, vrataoftiin vow-performing,
f^bbad&yln bullock-giving, satyavadin truth-speaking, 9ro]^pratodln
thigh-pounding.

1276. There is a group of compounds with deriyatiyes in i,
having the accent on the penult or radical syllable.

a. Thus, pathir&k^i road- protecting, havirm&thi sacrifice-disturbing,
fttmadt&i^i soul-harming, patbi^&di sitting in the path, sahobhiri strength-

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1276—] XVIII. Composition. 494

•
hearing^ vaauv&nl winning good-^things, dhanaB^iii gaining teeaUhy mano-
m.{L^i mind-stetUing^ 'ph9lBg;ri,hi setting f^it; and, from, reduplicated root,
urao&kri making roam, Gempoands with -s&ni and -v&ni are especially
frequent in Veda and Brahmana; as independent words, nouns, these are
accei^ted sani and vazi£. In many cases, the words are not found in
independent use. Combinations with prefixes do not oocnr in sufficient
number to establish a distinct rule, but they appear to be oftenest accented
on the suffix (1156fj. '

b. From |/han are made in composition -ghni and -ghnl, with
accent on the ending: thus, Bahaaraghni. ahighnf, 9vaghni; -dhi from
}/dh& (1156g) has the accent in its numerous compounds: thus, ifudhl»
garbhadhi, puochadhl.

1277. Compoands with deriyatiyes in van have (like combhii-
tions with prefixes: 1169o) the accent of the final member: namely,
on the radical syllable.

a. Thus, Bomapivan toma-drinkingy baladivan itrength-giving^
pftpakftvan wit-doing, bahuBlivan much^ielding, talpa^van fying on
a conchy rathaytvan going in a chariot, druf&dvan sitting on a tree,
agretv&ri f. going at ffie head. The accent of the obscure words mSta-
ri^yan and m&taHbhvan is anomalous. •

b. The few compounds with final man appear to follow the same rule
as those with van : thus, Bv&diikf&dman sharing out swfets, ft^ubdman
steed'impeUing.

1278. Oompounds with other derivatlTes, of rare or sporadic occurrence,
may be briefly noticed: thus, in n, rfi^tradipBd, devaply^, govindOc
vanarfi^i (?)• compare 1178e; — in nn or tnn, lokak^tno, BUiil-
pakf tnd: compare 1 196; — in tp, n^&t^, mandb&t^, haskartf (vasu-
dbitaraa, AY., is doubtless a false reading"). The derlyatives in as are
of infrequent occurrence in composition (as in combination with prefixef^.
above, 1151k), and appear to be treated as ordinary nouns: thus, yi^iia-
vao&8 (but birai^atdjas, AY.).

B. Desoriptiye Compounds.

1279. In this division of- the class of determinatiyes,
the prior member stands to the other in no distinct case-
relation, but qualifies it adjectively or adverbially, accord-
ing as it (the final member) is noun or adjective.

a. Examples are: nilotpald blue loitu, Barvagui^a all good quality.
priyasakba dear friend, mahar^f great-sage, rajatapstr& silver cup]
&jii&ta unknown, Bulq^a well done, dufkft ill-doing, puraffat^ mucA
praised, punarnava renewed.

b. The prior member is not always an adjective before a noun, or

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495 Dbsobiptivb CaicPOUNDS. [—1280

an adTerb before an adjeotlTe; other parts of speech are sometimes nsed
adjeetlTely and adTerhially in that position.

c The boundary between descriptiye and dependent compoonds is not
an absolnte end; in certain oases it is open to qnestion, for instance, whether
a prior nonn, or ad)ectiTe with nonn-Talne, is used more in a case-relation,
or adverbiany.

d. MoreoTsr, where the final member is a derivatiTe having both nonn
and adjectiTO Talne, it Is not seldom doobtfal whether an adjective com-
pound is to be regarded as descriptWe, made with final adJectiTe, or pos-
sessiTe, made with final nonn. Sometimes the accent of the word determines
its character in this respect, but not always.

^ A satisfactorily simple and perspionons classification of the descrip-
tive compounds is not practicable ; we cannot hold apart thronghont the com-
pounds of nonn and of adjeotiTe Talne, bnt may better gronp both together,
as they appear with prefixed elements of various kinds.

1280. The simplest case is that in which a noun ^ as
final member is preceded by a qualifying adjective as prior
member.

a. In this combination, both nonn and adjective may be of any
kind, verbal or otherwise. The accent is (as in the corresponding
class of dependent noon-compounds: 1267) on the final syllable.

b. Thus, ajfiatayakfrn^ unknoten disease, mahadhani great weaUhj
kfipra^yend stoi/i hawk, kf^i^a^akuni black bird, dakfii^figni aouihem
fire, uruk^itlu;^ abode, adharahanii lower jaw, itarajan& other folke,
sarv&tm&n whole soul, ekavird sole hero, ^aptar^ seven sages, t^tiya-
«avan& third libation, ekonavifi^ati a score diminished by one, jagrat-
BVtL-pnk waking sleep, y&VAyaXBskhk defending friend, apak^Iyamftna-
palc^ waning half.

O. There are not a few exceptions as regards accent. Especially, com-
pounds with vffva (in composition, accented viQvd), which itself retains
the accent: thus, vi^v&devfts aU the gods, vl9v&manu9a every man. For
words in ti, see below, 1287 d. Sporadic cases are madhy&iiidina,
▼^ikapi, both of which show an irregular shift of tone in the prior
member; and a few others.

d. Instead of an adjective, the prior member is in a few cases
a nonn used . appositionally, or with a qnasi-a^ective value. Thus,
rlUa7ak9ni& king-disease, brahmar^i priest-sage, rijarfi king-sage,
rijadanta king-tooth, devajana god-folk, duhitpjana daughter-person,
^axnUata creeper named garni, muflkftkhyft the name ^mouse^, Jaya-
Qabda the word ^conqaer^, ujhitagabda the word ^desertecT; or, more
figuratively, g^hanaraka house-hell {house which is a hell), 9&p&gni
curse-fire (consuming curse),

e. This group is of consequence, inasmuch as in possessive application

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1280—] XVIII. Composition. 496

it l8 gxe«tly extended, and fonas a nameioiis oUss of appoBltional eom-
ponndff: see below, 1298.

f. This whole sabdiiislon, of noana with preceding qualifying adjec-
tiyes, is not mn common; but it is greatly (in AY,, for example, more than
flTe times) exceeded in frequency by the sob-class of poasessiTes of the
same form: see below, 1298.

1281. The adverbial words which are most freely and
commonly used as prior members of compounds, qualifying
the final member, are the verbal prefixes and the words of
direction related with them, and the inseparable prefixes,
a or an^ bu, dus, etc. (1121). These are combined not
only with adjectives, but also, in quasi-adjectival value,
with nouns; and the two classes of combinations will best
beii treated together.

1282. Verbal adjectives and nouns with preceding
adverbs. As the largest and most important class under this head
might properly enough be regarded the derivatives with preceding
verbal prefixes. Th^se, however, have been here reckoned rather
as derivatives from roots combined with prefixes (1141), and have
been treated under the head of derivation, in the preceding chapter.
In taking up the others, we will begin with the participles.

1288. The participles belonging to the tense-systems — those in
ant (or at), mftna» ftna» vSj&lb — are only rarely compounded With
any other adverbial element than the negative a or an, which then
takes the accent

a. Examples are : inadant, ddadat, ina^nant, Aaravant, &lnbh-
yant, &d&Byant» ^ditsant, &devayaat; Amanyamtna, Ahiftaftna,
Aohidyamftna; &dadiv&]&B, Abibluvafke, atasth&na; and, with yerbal
prefixes, Anapaaphurant, Anfigfluni^yant* Anabhyftgami^yant^ &vi-
rftdhayant, Avlo&oalat, Apratimanyuyamftna.

b. Exceptions in regard to accent are very few : arondhatly fO^vantlt
aood&nt (RV., once: doubtless a false reading; the simple participle is
o6dant); AY. has anip&dyamftna for BY. &nipadyam&na (and the
published text has aeaiixydnt, with a part of the manusciipts); (B. has
akfim&yamftna.

o. Of other compounds than with the negative prefix haye been noted
in the Yeda -punardlyamftna (in Apnnard*) and B^vidvft&s. In alalt-
bh&vant and jafijan&bh&vant BY., as in astaiiiy&nt and astame^yint
(AY.), we have participles of a compound conjugation (1091), in which,
as has been pointed out, the accent is as in combinations with the Terbal
prefixes.

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497 Dbsobiptive Compounds. [—1285

1284. The passiye (or past) participle in ta or na is maoh more
yarioQBly compoimded; and in general (as in the case of the verbal
prefixes: 1086a) the preceding adyerbial element has the accent

a. Thus, with the negative a or an (by far the most common case) :
4]qrta, ddabdha, Ariffa, &nftdhr9t<^ dpariyita, isaibkhyata, &na*
bfayarfifha, &par1ini tawamyddha ; — with so, siij&ta, sdhuta, s^aih-
^ta, ayiuraifak^; — with das, d49oarita9 d^rdhita and dtirhita,
doh^fta; — with othei adverbial woids, d&AsuJQta, n&Tidftta» s&na-
9rata, avay&ihkrta* trfpratifthita: &raihkrta and kakiO^tkyta are
rather partidples of a compound conjugation.

b. Exceptions in regard to accent are^ with a or an» anft^astd, apra-
^ast&y and, with the accent of the participle retracted to the root, amfta,
adffta, aoitta,. aydta myrtW, atArta (beside dtOrta), aslirta (? beside
sl&rta) ; — with su (nearly half as numerous as the regular cases), BubhtitA,
8tikt&» supra^asti, avikta, Biilqrt& and BnJ&t4 (beside s^kyta and
BUJftta)» and a few others; with duB (quite as numerous as the regular
cases), dnriti (also diirlta), durukti, da^kre^ (also d^^kyta), dor-
bliQt&; with Ba» sajftti; with other adverbs, amot&, ari^t^t&t tuvij&t&,
pT&<nnopavIt&, tadftnuhdagdhi, pr&tardiigdb&, etc., and the com-
pounds with pom, puny&t&, purapny&t&, porupra^asti, piira9tut&,
etc., and with Bvayaxn, svayaihk^ etc. The proper name a^ft^h^
stands beside A^ft^ha; and AY. has abhinn& for RY. ibhinna.

1285. The gemndiyes occur almost only in combination with
the negatiye prefix, and haye usually the accent on the final syllable

a. Examples are: an&py&y anindy&» abndhyi, asahyi, ayodhyi,
ainoky&; adyifei^d; ahnavSyy&; and, along with yerbal pre/lxes, the
cases are asaibkbyeyi, apramf^yd, anapavrJy&» anatyndy&, anft-
dlq*9y&» ayimokyd, anftniikfty& (the accent of the simple word being
Baihlcby^ya etc.).

b. Exceptions in regard to accent are: &nedya» ddSbhya* &gohya,
^o^ya, dyabhya. The two anavadhar^ya and anativyftdhyh (both AY.)
belong to the yii-diylsion (1218b) of gerundives, and have retained the
accent of the simple word. And dghnya and aghnyd occnr together.

o« The only compounds of these words with other adverbial elements
in T. are soyabhya (accented like its twin dyabhya) and prathamavfisyk
(which retains the final circumflex), and perhaps ekavftdyd.

d* The neuter nouns of the same form (1218c: except sadh&Btutya)
retain their own accent after an adverbial prior member: thus, purvapasrya,
pOrvap^ya, amutrabhtflya; and saha^^yyii. And the negatived gerundives
instanced above are capable of being viewed as possessive compounds with
such nouns.

e. Some of the other rerbal deriyatiyes which haye rules of their
own as to accent etc. may be next noticed.

Wbitoey, Oraminar. 3. ed. 32

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1286—] XVUI. Composition. 498

1286. The root-Btem (pare root, or with t added after a short
final Yowel: 1147d) is very often combined with a preceding adyerbisl
word, of yarious kinds; and in the combination it retains the accent

a. Examples are: with Inseparable prefixes, adrdh not harming, aad
not giving birth, aruc not shining; Bukft well-doing, BU9r&t hearing wefl;
du^k^t ill-doing, dQ^^ (199 d) impious; sayiO joining together, sam&d
conflict; Bahi^A horn together, sahav&h carrying together; — with ether
adverbs, 'am^or growing old at home, upanBpf9 touching upward,
puxuurbhli appearing again, pr&tary^ harnessed early, sadyahkrl bought
the same dag, Bfikaihvfdli growing up together, Bi^aihdf ever-binding,
vl^uvft turning to both sides, -vTthftB&h easHg overcoming; — with ad-
ject! yes used adTerblally, uruvy&o wide-spreading, prathamaJa^<<-5om,
9akrap{9 brightly adorned, dvij& twice bom, trivft triple, svariU self-
ruling; — vlth nouns used adverbially, 9ambhti benejicent, 8arya9yit
shining like the sun, l9anakft acting as lord, Bvayambhti self-existent;
and, with accusative oase-foTm, pataihgd going by Jlight.

b« When, however, a root-stem is already in composition, whether
with a verbal prefix or an element of other character, the further added
negative itself takes the accent (as in case of an ordinary adjective; belov,
1288 a): thus, for example, infik^it not abiding, infivrt not turning back,
kvidvi^ not showing hostility, ddufk^t not HMoing, &na9vadft not giving
a horse, &pa9uhaii not slaying cattle, (anfigaa would be an exception, if
it contained V'gft: which is very unlikely). Similar combinations witii an
seem to» retain the radical accent: thus, Bupratdr, Bvftbhtiy svfiynj:
svav^ is an unsupported exception.

e. A few other exceptions occur, mostly of doubtful character, ai
pr&tiprft9, Badh&stha, idliriga, and the words having afio as flnal
member (407 ff.: if this element is not, after all, a suffix): compare 1269a.

1287. Other verbal derivatives, requiring to be treated apart
from the general body of adjectives, are few and of minor impor-
tance. Thus:

a. The derivatives in a are in great part of doubtful character, beeause
of the possibility of their being used with substantive value to make a pos-
sessive compound. The last ambiguous, probably, are the derivatives froD
present-stems (1148j), which have the accent on the suffix: thus, asunvi*
apa9y&, akfudhyd, avldasyi, anftmp^, sadapj^A, punannanyi;
and with them belong such cases as atn>&y av^dhd, araiiigam&y umkrami.
evftvadd, Batrftsah&y puiiahBar&, purahsar&; and the nouns s&yam-
bhav&, Bahacard, pr&tah8&v&, niithoyodh&. Differently accented, oi
the other hand, although apparently of the same formation, are such u
dnapaaphura* inavahvara (compare the compounds noticed at ISSSb)-
Badavrdha, Blibharva* nyagr6dha, puro^a9a, sadhamida» Bad€iglia«
BUp&oa, Buh&Ta, and others. Words like ad&bha, durhiu^ Btikira,
8uy&ma» are probably possesslves.

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499 Descriptive Ck>icpouNDS. [—1288

b. The deriTatiyes in van keep in general the accent of the final
member, on the root (compare 1169 0» 1277): thns, ft^up&tvan and
raghup&tvan 9u>%ft-flying, pnroyavan going in front, Bokftvan well-
doing', andsut&rman and sav&hman and raghuy^an are probably to
be classed with them. Bnt the negatiye prefix has the accent e^en before
these: thus, &yajvan, &r&van, dprayutvan; and Baty&madvan (if it
be not possessive) has the accent of its prioi member.
* c. A few words in i seem to hsTe (as in dependent compounds : 1276)
the accent on the radical syllable : thus, dorg^bhi, fjnv&ni, tuvi^v&i^.

d. The derivstiTes in ti are yariously treated: the negative prefix has
always ihe accent before them: as/&oitti, &bhQti» dnfihuti; with su and
dUB, the compound is accented now on the prefix and now on the final, and
in some words on either (sdniti and Bonltl, d^^tuti and duftutf); with
other elements, the accent of the prefix prevails : thos, B&huti^ Badh^Mtuti,
piir6hiti» purv&piti, pfbrvy&stuti.

e. The derivatives in in have, as in general, the accent on the soffix:
thns, purvftsfn, bahuo&rin, Bftdhadevfn,* Bavftafn, kevalftdin. But
with the negstive prefix, &n&min, dvitftrin.

f. Other combinations are too various in treatment, or are represented
by too few examples in accentuated texts, to justify the setting up of rules
respecting them.

1288. Of the remaining combinations, those made with the insep-
arable prefixes form in some measure a class by themselves.

1. a. The negative prefix a or an, when it directly negatives the
word to which it is added, has a very decided tendency to take the
accent.

b. We have seen above (1288) that it does so even in the case of
present and perfect and future participles, although these in combination
with a verbal prefix retain their own accent (1086: but there are exceptions,
as avad4nt» apa^y&nt, etc. (!B.); and also in the case of a root-stem, if
this be already compounded with another element (1286 b). And the same
is true of its other combinations.

o. Thus, with various adjective words: dtandra, ddabhra* ^dft^uri,
4nTJii» ddevayn, dtr^i^aj, dtavySAs, dnfimin, &dvay&vln, dpraoetaa,
dnapstyavant, dnupadasvant, &pramSyuka» dmamri, &praji0£l^>
&vididha3ru» inagnidagdhaf &kftmakar9ana, &pa9Cftddaghvan. Fur-
ther, with nouns, dpati, ^kumfira, dbrahmapa, dvidyft, i^raddhft,
dvrfttya.

d. Bnt there are a number of exceptions, in which the accent is on
the final syllable, without regard to the original accentuation of the final
member: thus, for example, acitrd, a9xir&, avipr&, ayaJMyd, anfi-
BvaSJsi^ aathurf, anS^u, i^ctrayu, anftmayitnu ; and in amitra enemy,
and avira unmanly, there is a retraction of the accent from the final syllable
of the final member to its penult.

32*

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1288—] XVm. Composition. 500

2. e. The prefixes su and dns have this tendency in a much
less degree, and their compounds are very variously accented, now
on the prefix, now on the final syllable, now on the accented syllable
of the final member; and occasionally on either of two syllables.

f. Thus, for example, edbhadra, s^vipra, supakva, subrShnuu^a,
B^bhi^aj; sutirthd, suvasani, Bu^firathl, sup&^i, sucitr^; 8U96va,
Bii]i6t|^: suvira la like avlra; — durmitrd, dul^Lfv&pnya ; and ducchunfi'
(168 b), with inegulai retraction of accent (<jiin&). *

3. g. The compounds with sa are too few to famish occasion for
separate mention} and those with the interrogatiye prefix in its vaiioos
forms are also extremely rare in the Yeda: examples are kueari, kat-
pay&» k&bandha, ktmannami, kumftri, ki&yava, ku^iva.

1289* The verbal prefixes are sometimes used in a general ad-
verbial way, qualifying a following adjective or noun.

a* Examples of such combinations are not numerous in the Yedt.
Their accentuation is various, though the tone rests oftenest on the pre-
position. Thus ddhipati over-lord, Aparflpa mis'form, pr4ti9atra oppos-
ing foe, pr&pada fore part of foot, pr&i^p&t great-grandMid, vipakva
quite done, s&mpriya mutually dear*, upajihvikft side tongue (with re-
traction of the accent of Jihva); antarde^^ intermediate direction, pradiv
forward heaven, prapitSmah& (also [pr&pitsmaha) great-^andfather,
pratijan& opponent, vyadhv& midway. These compounds are more fre-
quent with possessive value (below, 1306).

b. This use of the verbal prefixes is more common later, and some of
them have a regular value in such compounds. Thus, ati denotes excess,
as in atidura very far, atibhaya exceeding fear, dtiptirufa ((B.) c^f
man; adhi, superiority, as in adhidanta upper- tooth adhistrl chief woman;
abhi is intensive, as in abhinamra much inclining, abhinava epan^neit^
abhirucira delightful; & signifies eomewhai, as in fiku^a somewhat crooked,
ftnUa bluish; upa denotes something accessory or secondary, as in upa-
pur&i^ additional Purana; paxi, excess as in paridorbala very weak;
prati, opposition, as in pratipakfa opposing side, pratipuataka copy;
vi, variation or excess, as in vidQra very far, vipft^^u greyish, vikfudra
respectively small; earn, completeness, as in sampakva quite ripe.

1290. Other compounds with adverbial prior members are quite irreg-
ularly accented.

Thus, the compounds with ptiru, on the final (compare the partldples
with pum, 1284 b): as, purudasmi, purupriyd, puru^candrA; thoM
with piimar, on the prior member, as punar^va, pi^armagha, pftnar-
yuvan, punarvasu (but punal^sari etc.); those with sat&a. sattni.
8aty&, the same, as Bat6maliant, satln&manya, saty&mugra; a fev
combinations of nouns in tf and ana with adverbs akin with the prefixes,
on the final syllable, as puraStf , pura^Bth&tf, upari9ayan&, pr&ta^sa-
van&; and miscellaneous cases are mith6avadyapa, h&ri9oandra, idpa*
9a3ru, Bftdhvaryi, yftcchre^thi and y&vaochre9th&, JyogftmayftTtn*

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501 Sbcondaky Adjectivb Compounds. 1293 — ]

1S81. Ooe or two exceptional cases may be noted, as follows:

a. An adjeotlTe is sometimes preceded by a noan standing toward It
in a qnasi-adyerbial relation expressiye of comparison or likeness: e. g.
Qukababhru (VS.) parroUhroton, dn^ftmrdu (TB.) soft as wool, prfti^
priya dear as life, ku9e9a7avaJomrdu soft as lotus^oUen^ bakftUna
hidden like a heron, mattamfttangagftmin moving like a maddened elephant,

b« An adjeetiye is now and then^nalifled by another adjectiye: e. g.
Iqpi^nftita dark-gray ^ dhnmr&rohlta grayish red: and compare the adjec-
tiyes of intermediate direction, 1257 c.

e« The adjective p&rva is in the later language frequently nsed as
final member of a componnd in which its logical value is that of an adverb
qualifying the other member (which is said to retain its own accent). Thus,
drffaptlrva previously seen, parl^Itaptbrva already married, aparijftfi-
tapfbrvti not before known, somapitapurva having formerly drunk soma,
BtrfpwcvA formerly a woman,

III. Secondary Adjective Compounds.

1292. a. A compound having a noun as its final mem-
ber very often wins secondarily the value of an adjective,
being inflected in the three genders to agree with the noun
which it qualifies, and used in all the constructions of an
adjective,

b. This class of compounds, as was pointed out above
(1247. III.), falls into the two divisions of A. Possessives,
having their adjective character given them by addition of
the idea of possessing] and B. those in which the final
member is syntactically dependent on or governed by the
prior member.

A. PosseBsive OompoujidB.

1208. The possessives are noun-compounds of the pre-
ceding class, determinatives, of all its various subdivisions,
to which is given an adjective inflection, and which take
on an adjective meaning of a kind which is most conve-
niently and accurately defined by adding having or pos'
sessing to the meaning of the determinative.

a. Thus: the dependent stLryatej&s sun's brightness becomes the

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1293--] XVIII. Composition. 502

posBessive sAryatejas possessing the brightness of the sun; yajftakftma
desire of saerijice becomes yiQft&kifcinft having desire of sacrifie€\ the
descriptiye b^hadratha great chariot becomes the possessive b^hid-
ratha hamng great chariots; Shasta not hand becomes alia8t4 hwMOest;
durghandi HI savor becomes dnrgindhi of ill savor; and so on.

b. A copnlatiye compoimd U not convertible into an adjective directly,
any more than is a simple noun, J>at requires, lUce the latter, a possessiTe
suffix or other means : e. g. vfigghaatavant, do^agti^in, rajastamasks,
a^irogrrlva* an^rgyi^^u* A yery small number of exceptions, howerec,
are found: thus, 8omendr& (TS.), Bt6mapf^t^ (^3* ^^O* hastyj^^abliA
(9B.), dfttini^ka (ChU.)) ^^) l^ter, cakramtiBala, sadftnanda, saocid-
ftnanda, s&akhyayoga (as n. pr.), balftbala, bhatabhftutika.

o. The name giyen by the natire grammarians to the possessiTe com-
pounds is bahuvrihi : the word is an example of the class, meaning pos-
sessing much rice.

d. The name **relatiTe'', instead of possessiTe, sometimes applied to
this class, is an utter misnomer; since, though the meaning of such a eom-
pound (as of any attribute irord) is easily cast into a relatlTe form, its
essential character lies in the possessiTe verb which has neTertheless to bd
added, or in the possessiye case of the relatiye wich must be used: thus,
mahfikavi and ftyurdft, descriptiTO and dependent, are ^relatiye^ also.
who is a great poety and that is life-giving^ but b^hadratha, possessiTe,
means who has a great chariot ^ or whose is a great chariot,

1294. a. That a noun, simple or compound, should be' added to an-
other noun, in an opposite way, with a yalue yirtually attributlTe, and that
such nouns should occasionally gain by frequent association and applicatloo
an adJectlTO form also, is natural enough, and occurs in many languages;
the peculiarity of the Sanskrit formation lies in two things. First, thit
such use should haye become a perfectly regular and indefinitely extensible
one in the case of compounded words, so that any compound with noon-
final may be turned without alteration into an adjectiye, while to a simple
noun must be added an adjectiTe-making suffix in order to adapt it to
adjectiye use: for example, that while hasta must become hastin an^
bfihu must become bfihomant* hira^yahasta and mahabfthu change
from noun to adjectiTe yalue with no added ending. And second, that
the relation of the qualified noun to the compoond should haye come to be
so generally that of possession, not of likeness, nor of appurtenance, nor of
any other relation [which is as naturally involved in such a constructioo:
that we may only say, for example, mah&bfihuh porufa^ man iri^A
great arms, and not also mahftbfthor vxbs^ jewel for a great arm^ or
mahftbahava^ 9&khfi]^ branches like great arms.

b. There are, however, in the older language a few derivative Md-
Jective compounds which imply the relation of appurtenance rather than &»(
of possession, and which are with probability to be viewed as suivivals of
a state of things antecedent to the specialization of the general ola» f

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503 Possessive Compounds. [—1297

possetsiye (oompare the similar exceptioDs under posBessive sofflxes, 1280g,
128df). Examples are: vl9vanara of oi for all men^ belonging to aU
(and 80 vi^&lTfti, -oarfa^i, -kfiti, -gotra» -manuSy -&yti» and sar-
vdpa^u, saptiun&nufa), vi^&^ftrada of every autumn^ vipath& for
bad roadsy dvirfijd [battle] of two kingsy a^vapjp^t^ carried on horseback^
vir&pastya abiding with heroes^ pUn^&mfisa at full moon^ ad^vaka /or
no divinity^ bahudevata or -tyk for many divinitiesy aparisaihvatsara
not lasting a full year y ek&da9akapftla /or eleven ditheSy Bomendr& /or
Soma and Indra. And the compounds with final membei in ana mentioned
at *1 296 b are probably of the same character. But also in the later lan-
guage, some 6t the so-ealled dvigu-compounds (1813) belong with these:
80 dvigu itself, as meaning worth two cows, dvin&u bought for two eh^s;
also occasional cases like devftsura [saihgrfima] of the gods and demons,
narahaya of man and horse^ cakramusala with discus of club, gtiru-
talpa violating the teacher^s bed,

1296. The posBessiye oompound is distlDgiiished from its sub-
Btrate, the determinative, generally by a difference of accent JTbis
difference is not of the same nature in all the diviBions of the class;
bnt oftenest, the possessive has as a compound the natural accent
of its prior member (as in most of the examples given above).

1296. Possessively used dependent compounds, or pos-
sessive dependents, are very much less common than
those corresponding to the other division of determinatives.

a. Further examples are : mayliraroxnan having the plumes of pea-
coeksy agnitejas having the brightness of fire, jfifttiniukha wearing the
aspect of relativesy p&tikftma desiring a husbandy hastipftda having an
elephant's feet, rSjanykbandhu having kshatriyas for relatives.

b. The accent is, as in the examples gi^en, regularly that of the
prior member, and exceptions are rare and of doubtful character. A few
compounds with deriyatiTes in ana have the acccent of the final member:
e. g. indrapana serving as drink for Indra, devas^dana serving as seat
for the gods, raylsthana being source of wealth-, but they contain no
implication of possession, and are possibly in character, as In accent, de-
pendent (but compare 1294 b). Also a few in as, as n^po&kij^ men-
hsholdingy n^&ias men-bearingy k^etrasadhas fleld-prosperingy are pro-
bably to be judged in the same way.

12^7. Possessively used descriptive compounds, or pos-
sessive descriptives, are extremely numerous and of
every variety of character; and some kinds of combination
which are rare in proper descriptive use are very common
as possessives.

a. They will be taken up below in order, according to the char-

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11J97— ] XVIII. CoMPOflinoN. 504

acter of the prior member — whether the noun-final be preceded by
a qualifying adjective, or noun, or adverb.

1298. PoBsessive compounds in which a noun is preceded by
a qualifying ordinary adjective are (as pointed out above, 1280f,
very much more common than descriptives of the same form.

a. They regularly and usually haye the accent of theii prior member:
thus, any&rtipa of other form, ugr&bfthu having powerful arms, jivA-
putra having living sons, dlrgh&9ma9m longhearded, bf h&cohravaB of
great renown, bhtbimiila many-rooted, mahivadha bearing a great i^eo-
pon, vi^v&rupa having aU forms, 9ukT&van^ of bright c(dor, ^ivabhi-
mar9&]ia of propitious touch, saty&saihdha of true promises, B&rvSflga
whole-limbed, sv&ya^aB having own glory, h&ritaBraj wearing yellow
garlands,

b. Exceptions, however. In regard to accent are not rare (a seventh
or eigbth of the whole number, perhaps). Thus, the accent is sometimes
that of the final member; especially with derivatiTes in as, as tnviradhas,
pufUp^^as, pfthup&kij^, and others in whleh (as above, 1296b) a
determinatiye character may be suspected : thus, ornjr&yas beside arojrl,
uruvy&oas beside tiruvy&c, and so on; but also with those of other
finals, as fjuh&sta, Qitik&]qia etc., kf^i^ak^^^i^ citrad^ika, tnvi-
9^ma, fjukr&tOy p^^np^u^u, pnruv&rtman, raghtiyaman, vi^u-
p&tman. In a very few cases, the accent is retracted from the final to
the first syllable of the second member: thus, afthubh^da, tuvigiTva»
puruvira, pumrApa, ^itibihn (also 9itib&h4). The largest class is
that of compounds which take the accent upon their final syllable (in part,
of course, not distinguishable from those which retain the accent of the
final member): for example, bahvann&, nUanakh&y puruputri,
vi9v&ag&, BvapatC tnvipratf, p^niparni f., dar9ata9rl» putin^iJtit
asitajfiu, p^agm&n, bahuprfO&a.

c. The adjective v{9va aU, as prior member of a compound (and also
in derivation), changes its accent regularly^ to vi9v&; 8&rva whole, aU,
does the same in a few cases.

1299. Possessive compounds with a participle preceding and
qualifying the 'final noun-member are numerous, although such a
compound with simple descriptive value is almost unknown. The
accent is, with few exceptions, that of the prior member.

a. The participle is oftenest the passive one, in ta or luu Thus,
ohinn&pak^a with severed wing, dlqpt&rfi^tra of firmly held royalty,
hat&m&tf whose mother is slain, iddhi^gni whose fire is kindled, uttSni*
hasta with outstretched hand, pTkYtttSiMk^ij^ having presented sacrifieitJ
gifts; and, with prefixed negative, ^ziftavlra whose men are unhitrmid,
dtaptatanu of unbumed substance, inabhimlfttavan^a of untarnished
color. Exceptions in regard to accent are very few : there have been noticed
only paryaatfikfi, vya8take9i f., aehinnapar^d.

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505 PossBSSiYE Compounds. [—1800

b. Examples ocem of % present partidple in the same sltaation. In
about half the (accentnated) instances, it glTes its own accent to the com-
ponnd: thus, dyat&dyftman» dh|^&dvan^ etc., 9U0&dratha, rd9ad-
vatsa etc., bhr^ajjanman etc., 8aihy&dvira» stan&yadama, s^Ulliad-
ift^; in the others, the accent is drawn forward to the final syllable of
the participle (as in the componnds with gOTcming participle: below, 1800):
thus, drav&tpft^ etc. (drav&t also occurs as adverb), rap^&dQdhaii,
Bvan&dratha, aroiddhftma, bhand&di^ti, krand&di^ti. With these last
agrees in form Jar&da^^ attaining old age, long-lived; but its make-up,
in Tiew of its meaning, is anomalous.

o. The RY. has two compounds with the perfect middle participle as
prior member: thus, yuyujftn&sapti with harnessed coursers (perhaps rather
having harnessed their cottrsers), and dad^finipavi (with regular accent,
instead of d&d^ftna* as elsewhere irregularly in this participle) with con'
spicuous wheeUrims,

d« Of a nearly participial character is the prior element in ^rdtkan^
(RV.) of listening ear\ and with this are perhaps accordant didyagni and
8thira9ma]i (RV., each once).

1800. PosseBsiye compoonds having a numeral ae prior member
are very common, and for the moBt part follow the same rule of
accent which is foUowed by compoundB with other adjectives: ex-
cepted are those beginning with dvl and tri, which accent in general
the final member.

a. Examples with other numerals than dvi and tri are: 6kaoakra,
^ka^ir^an, 6kapad, o&tura&ga, o&tu^pak^a, p&ftofifigtiri, p&ftofta-
dana, 944a9va, f&fpad, sapt^jibva, aaptim&tr, aafapad, a^f&putra,
n&vapad, n&vadvftra, d&^a^fikha, d&^a^Irfan, dvida^ftra* trl&^&d-

ara, ^at&parvan, ^atiulant, Bah&arai^ftman, sah&sramula.

b. Exceptions in regard to accent are but few, and haye the tone on
he final syllable, whatever may be that belonging originally to the final
member; they are mostly stems in final a, used by substitution for others
in an, 1, or a consonant: thus, caturak94 etc. (akf&n or Kkffi.: 481),
(;^a4ah& etc. (&han or &har: 480 a), da^av^fi etc. (vf^an), ekarfttx^
etc. {ttktri or ritrf), ekaro& etc. (fc); bat also a few others, as i|^-
yog^ a9tSyog&, 9atfirgh&, Baha0r&rgh&, ekapar&(P).

o. The compounds with dvl and trl for the most part have the ac-
cent of their final member: thus, for example, dvij&ninan, dvidhtra,
dvlb&ndhu, dvivartanf, dvip&d; trit&ntu, trinabhl, trlQ6ka, triv&-
rfitha, trioakrd, tri9lr94n, trip&d. A number of words, however, follow
the general analogy, and accent the numeral : thus, for example, dv{pakf a»
dvf^avma, dvy^toya, trfyindhi, trykra, tryll9lr, and sometimes dvf-
pad and tripad in AV. As in the other numeral compounds, as substi-
tuted stem in a is apt to take the accent on the final: thus, dviv^fd
and trivT^i, dviriyi, dvirfttr&» tryfiyufi, tridivi; and a few of other

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1300—] XVIII. Composition. 506

charactei with tri follow the same rule: thus, trlka94, trinfiki, tri'
bandhu« tryudh&n, tribai^hfs, etc.

d. The neuter, or also the feminine, of numeral compounds is often
used BubstantiTely, with a collective or abstract Talae^ and the accent is
then regularly on the final syllable: see below, 1812.

1801. PoBsessive compounds having as prior member a noan
which has a quasi-adjective value in qualifying the final member are
very frequent, and show certain specialities of usage.

a. Least peculiar Is a noun of material as prior member (hardly to be
reckoned as possessive dependents, because the relation of material is not
regularly expressed by a case: 295): thus, hfranyahasta gold-hmtdel,
hirai^asraj with golden garlands, dyahsthui^a having brazen supports,
rajat&n&bhi of silver navel.

1802. Especially common is the use of a noun as prior member
to qualify the other appositionally, or by way of equivalence (the
occasional occurrence of determinatives of this character has been no-
ticed above, 1280 d). These may conveniently be called ap po-
sitional possessives. Their accent is that of the prior member,
like the ordinary possessive descriptives.

a. Examples are : &9vapan^ horse-winged, or having horses as wings
(said of a chariot), bhtimig^ha leaving the earth as home, indrasakhi
?iaving Indra for friend, Agnihotf Tiaving Agni as priest, gandharv&patnl
having a Gandharva for spouse, ^Cir&putra having hero-sons, jaramftyu
having old age as mode of deaih, living till old age, agnivfiaas Jtre-ekd,
tadanta ending with that, cftraoakfus using spies for eyes, viygLii^ar-
manfiman named Vishnuearman\ and, with pronoun instead of noon,
tvadtlta having thee as messenger, t&dapas having this for work. Excep-
tions in regard to accent occur here, as in the more regular deeeriptive
formation : thus, agniJUiv&» vr^ai^a^vi* dbama9iklL&» paYinasi, asftn-
nama, tatkula, etc.

b. Not infrequently, a substantively used adjective is the floal monber
in such a compound: thus, {ndriOyeftha having Indra as chief, jnkn$J^
^a^tha having the mind as sixth, 86ina9rei|ftha of which soma is heeL,
ekapar4 of which the ace is highest (?), ^sthibhtiyas having bane as the
larger part, chiefly of bone, abhirupabhtiyiftha chiefly composed ef
worthy persons, da9&vara having ten as the lowest number, ointftpara
having meditation as highest object or occupation, devoted to meditation^
ni^^vfisa-parama much addicted to sighing.

o. Certain words are of especial frequency in the compounds here de-
scribed, and have in part won a peculiar application. Thus:

d. With ftdi beginning or ftdika or &dya^r«^ are made compounds
signifying the person or thing specified along with others, such a person or
thing et cetera. For example, d9v& indr&daya)^ the gods having Indra m
first, i. e. the gods Indra etc., marloy&dXn munin Marici and the other

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507 PossBSflivB Compounds. [—1803

sages, BT&yambhuv&dyft^ saptfti te manava^ those seven Manusy
SvayambJntva etc., agniftomftdikftn the sacrifices Agnishtoma and so on.
Or the qualified noan is omitted, as in annapftnendhanftdini /oo(/, drink,
JUei, etc., dftnadhannftdikaih oarata bhay&n let your honor practise
Uberality, religious rites, and the like. The particles evam and iti are also
sometimes nsed by substitution as prior members: thus, evamftdi vaoa-
nam words to this and the like effect; ato liaih bravimi kartavya^
saihoayo nityam ityftdl hence I say ^accumulation is ever to be made^ etc.

e. Used in much the same way, but less often, is prabh^ begin-
ning: thus, vi^vftvasuprabh^bhir gandharv&i]^ with the Oandharvas
Vicvavasu etc.; especially adrerbially, in measurements of space and time
as tatprabhrti or tata^prabh^ thenceforward.

f. Words meaning foregoer, predecessor, and the like — namely,
pQrya» piirvaka* porahsara, puraskrta, ptLrogama — are often
employed in a similar manner, and especially adverbially, but for the most
part to denote accompaniment, rather than antecedence, of that which is
designated by the prior member of the compound: e. g. Bmitap&rvain
with a smile, anfimayapra^nap^vakam with inquiries after health
pitftmahapurogama accompanied by the Great Father.

g. The noun mfttrft measure stands as final of a compound which is
used a^jectively or in the substantiye neuter . to signify a limit that is not
exceeded, and obtains thus the virtual value of mere, only: thus, jala-
mfttrei^ vartayan living by water only (lit. by that which has water
for its measure or /tintQ,**garbhaoyatim&trena by merely issuing from
the womb, prSi^y&trikamfttra^ ayftt let him be one possessing what
does not exceed the preservation of life; uktam&tre tu vaoane but the
words being merely uttered.

h. The noun artha object, purpose is used at the end of a compound,
in the adverbial accusative neuter, to signify for the sake of or the like :
thus, yi^fiaslddhyarthaiii in order to the accomplishment of the sacrifice
(lit. in a manner having the accotnplishment of the sacrifice as its object),
'damayantyarthain for DamayanfVs sake (with Damayantl as obfecf).

i. Other examples are &bhft, kalpa» in the sense of like, approaching:
thus, hemftbha gold- like, irqrtakalpa nearly dead, pratipannakalpa
almost accomplished; — vidhft, in the sense of kind, sort: thus, tvadvidha
of thy sort, pura^avldha of human kind; — prSya* in the sense of
mostfy, often, and the like: thus, duhkh&pr&ya full of pain, tp^pr&ya
abounding in grass, nirgamanaprdya often going out; — antara (in
substantive neuter), in the sense of other: thus, de9&ntara another region
(lit. that which has a difference of region), Janmftntar&i^ other existences,
^akhftntare m another text.

1808. In appositiorial possessive cojnpounds, the second member, if it
designates a part of the body, sometimes logically signifies that part to which
what is designated by the prior member belongs, that on or in which It is.

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1808—] XVIII. Composition. 508

a. ThoB, ghft&pi^t^ buiter-backedy m&dlmJihTa honey'tongued,
nifkiigrlva and mai^igriva neeklaee-^teek&df pitrahasta venelrhtmdei,
v^rabfthu Ughtntng-armed, iarftmukha blood-faced, 'kWnXfHJhnn metd-
udderedy v^ajafhara aacrifice-bellied, vft^pakaj^fha with tears in tke
throat, 9raddhainana8 with faith in the heart; with irregular aeeent,
dhtunfikff f. smoke'eyed, a^rumukhl f. tear-faced; and khadihasta
ring-handed (khftdlj. In the later langaage, such compoonda are not in-
frequent with words meaning hand: thus, 9a8trapft9i having a eword in
the hand, lagu^ahasta carrying a staff.

1804. Of possesBive compoundg having an adverbial element as
prior member, the most numerous by far are those made with the
inseparable prefixes. Their accent is yarions. Thus:

a. In compounds with the negative prefix a or an (in which the latter
logically negatives the imported idea of possession), the accent is prevailingly
on the final syllable, without regard to the original accent of the final memher.
For example: anant& having no end^ abal& not possessing strength, arathi
without chariot, a^raddhi faithless, amai^ without omamenty a^atrd
without a foe, avarm&n not cuirassed, ad&nt toothless, B^yiid footless^
atej&8 without brightness, anfirambha]|^ not to be gotten hold of, apra-
timSn& incomparable, aducchiin& bringing no harm, apak^paoohi
without sides or tail,

b* But a number of examples (few in proportion to those already in-
stanced) have the prefix accented (like the simple descriptives : 1288 a):
thus, ^k^iti indestructible, &ga kineless, i/goip9^^iihout shepherd, ^vana
lifeless, &n&pi without friends^ &9i9Vi f. without young, &m^^tya deaik-
less, &brahman without priest, dvyacas without extension, &havia without
oblation, and a few others; AV. has dprajas, but ^B. apraj&8. A very
few have the accent on the penult: namely, a^^fas, aj&ii» and avira
(with retraction, from vir&), apdtra (do., from putri)-, and AT. has
abhrStr, but RV. abhrftt^.

e. In compounds with the prefixes of praise and dispraise, BU aod
due, the accent is in the great minority of cases that of the final member:
thus, Buk&lpa of etksy make, subh&ga weU portioned, sunAkfatra of
propitious star, suputrd having excellent sons, sugopi well-shepherded,
Buklrti of good fame, Bxxgkadhi flagrant, BuhShAweU-armed, suy&dita
of easy control, Bukr&tu of good capacity, Buhird good-hearted, wasrii
well-garlanded, BUvArman weU-cuirassed, Buvfaaa well-clad, BUpiA^IU
weU guiding ; durbh&ga ill-portioned, durdf 9lka of evil aspect, dordhira
?uird to restrain, durg&ndhi ill-savored, durftdhi of evil designs, dor-
dh&rtu hard to restrain, du^t&rita Jutrd to excel, duraty^tu hard to cress.
durdhiir ill-yoked, dun^iman iU-named; duryiBaB iU-dad,

d. There are, however, a not Inconsiderable number of instances Is
which the accent of these compounds is upon the final syllable: thus, sn-
9ipr& welUlipped, Bvapatyi of good progeny, BaBa]hkft9& ofgoodaspsd,
Bvafiguri weU-fingered, Bvif d having good arrows, Bapiv&B well fatted;

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509 POSSESSIYE COMPOUKDS. [^1306

and compounds with deriyatiToi io ana, m 8tivijli&ii& of easy dtscemmenty
sftpaaarpa^A cfeaay approach^ du9oyavan& hard to $hake; and AY. has
BuphalA and Bubandh^ against BY. Buph&la and sttbdndha. Like
avira, Buvira shows retraction of accent. Only dorft^ir has the tone on
the prefix.

e. On the whole, the distinction by accent of possessive from deter-
minatire is lose deariy shown in the words made with su and das than
in any other body of compounds.

f. The associatire prefix sa oi (less often) Bah& is treated like an
adjective element, and itself takes the accent in a possessive compound:
thus, B&kratu of joint toiU^ B&n&man of like name, 8&rQpa of eimilar
form^ nkyojii having a common origin, 84v&oa8 of assenting words^ 8&toka
having progeny ahng^ with one*s progeny, B&brfthmaija together with the
Brahmans, nkmfi\rkwith the root, sintardeqtk with the intermediate direct-
ions; saldkgopa with the shepherd, Bahdvataa accompanied by one's young,
8ah4patni having her husband with'her, Bah&pVau^ti along with our men.

g. In BY. (save in a doubtful case or two), only saha in such com-
pounds gives the meaning of having with one, accompanied by; and, since
saha 'governs the instrumental, the wor^s beginning with it might be of the
prepositional class (below, 1310). But in AY. both sa and saha have this
value (as Illustrated by examples given above); and in the later language,
the co.mbinations with sa are much the more numerous.

h. There are a few exceptions, in which the accent is that of the final
member: thus, 8iy69a, Ba^d^aB^ sadf ga, sapr&thas, sabadhas, sapianyu
and AY. shows the accent on the final syllable in sftikgi ((B. siflga) and
the BubsUntivized (1312) savidyutd.

i* Possessive compounds with the exclamatory prefixes ka etc. are
too few in the older language to furnish ground for any rule as to accent:
k&bandha is perhaps an example* of such.

1805. PoBsesslTe compounds in which a verbal prefix is used
as prior member with adjective value, qualifying a noan as final
member, are found even in the oldest language, and are rather more
common later (compare the descriptive compounds, above, 1289; and
the prepositional, below, 1310). They usually have the accent of
the prefix.

a* Most common are those made with pra, vi, and sam: thus, for
example, pr&mahas having exceeding might, pr&gravas widely famed;
vfgriva of wry neck, vykfiga having limbs away or gone, limbless, vilSni
wifeless, viparva and YipBTUBjointless, vykdhvan of wide ways, vimanas
both of wide mind and mindless, viv&oas of discordant speech; B&mpatnl
having one's husband along, s&mmanas of accordant mind, s&ihsahasra
accompanied by a thousand, s&mokas of joint abode. Examples of others
are : &t5rtbrmi surging over, idhivastra having a garment on, 4dhyardha
with a half over, idhyakfa overseer, ipodaka without water, abhirupa

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1306—] XVni. Composition. 510

of adapted character^ &vatoka that ha$ aborted, amanas of favorahU
mind, udojas of exalted power, nimanyu of asituiged fury, nirmfiya
free from guile, nirhasta handless,

b« In a comparatively small number of cases, the accent is other^rise,
and generally on the final: thus, avake9&» upamanyi^, vi9aph&, vi9lkli4
(AY. vlgikha), vikary4, Bamm&tf , etc. ; in an instance or two, that of
the final member: thus, saih9{9vari having a common young.

1306. Possessive compounds with an ordinary adverb as prior
member are also found in every period of the language. They usu-
ally have the accent which belongs to the adverb as independent word.

a. Examples are: &ntytlti bringing near help, av6deva calling down
the gods, it&Qti helping on this side, ih4citta with mind directed hither,
dakfii^at^skaparda wearing the braid on the right side, ninftdharman
of various character, purudh&pratlka of manifold aspect, viQv&tomakhA
with faces on all sides, sady&Qti of immediate aid, v{f urapa of varum
form, Bm&dudhan with udder, adh&atfillak^man with mark below, eka-
tomukha with face on ^ne side, t&th&vidha of such sort

b. An Instance or two of irregular accent are met with: thus, pnro-
rath& whose chariot is foremost, qvaibkratifi so-minded

1307. a. It was pointed out in the preceding chapter (ISfiSh,
that the indifferent suffix ka is often added to a pure possessive
compound, to help the conversion of the compounded stem into an
adjective; especially, where the final of the stem is less usual or
manageable in adjective inflection.

b. Also, the compojind possessive stem occasionally takes farther a jiFOf-
sessiTo-making suffix: thus, ya9obhag{n» BU9iprin» varavan^, dirgha-
Butrin, ptu^av&gbuddhikarmln, sutisomavant, tftdfgr&pavant,
trayodagadvipavant, nSrakapftlakiu^^alavant, amitabuddhimant.

o. The frequent changes which are undergone by the final of a stem
occurring at the end of a compound are noticed farther on (1816).

1808. The possessive compounds are not always used in the
later language with the simple value of qualifying adjective; often
they have a pregnant sense, and become the equivalents of depen-
dent clauses; or the having which is implied in them obtains virta-
ally the value of our having as sign of past time.

a. Thus, for example, ^Tit,'pt9:!f^\xvtiJi9k possessing attained adoleseence,
1. e. having arrived at adolescence', anadhigatagfiBtra with unstudied bookt^
1. e. who has neglected study; k^^prayatna possessing performed efufii,
1. e. on whom effort is expended; afiguliyakadar^an&vaBftna having iht
sight of the ring as termination, i. e. destined to end on sight of the ring;
uddh^ptavifftda^alya];! having an extracted despair-arrow, i. e. when IshaU
have extracted the barb of despair; QrutaviBtftral;! kriyatftm let him ^
made with heard details. 1. e. let him be informed of the details; dp^faviiyo
me r&mah Hama has seen my prowess, bhagnabhfi]^<}o dvijo yathfi /<^

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511 Participial and Prepositional Compounds. [ — 1310

the Brahman thai broke the pots, aktftnrtam xi^ yath& Uke a eage
that has spoken faleefy.

B. Ck>mpoimd8 with Gk>yenied Final Member.

1309. Participial CompoundB. This gronp of compounds,
in which the prior member is a present participle and the final mem-
ber its object, is a sioall one (toward thirty examples) and exclusi-
vely Vedic — indeed, almost limited to the oldest Vedic (of the Big-
Veda). The accent is on the final syllable of the participle, whatever
may have been the iatter*s accent as an independent word.

a. Examples axe: vid&dvasu winning good things^ k^ay&dvira
governing (k^^yant) heroes, tar4ddve^^ overcoming (t&rant) foes,
ftbhar&dvasu bringing good things, eoday&nmati inciting (cod&yant)
devotion, manday&tsakha rejoicing friends, dh&rayitkavi sustaining
sages, ma&hay&drayi bestowing wealth.

b. In B&d&dyoni sitting in the lap (sftdat quite anomaloiisly for sldat
or sadat), and spiphay&dvan^a emulous of color, the case-relation of the
final member is other than accasative. In patay&n manday 4t8akh am
(RV. i. 4. 7), patay&ty with accent changed accordingly, represents patay-
&t8aJEham» the final member being understood from the following word.
Vidida^va Is to be inferred ftom its deriyatiye vftidada^vl Of this
formation appear to be Jam&dagni» prat&dvasu (prath&dP)» and tras-
&da8yu (for tras&ddasyu P). It was noticed above (1299 e) that yuynja-
n&aapti is capable of being understood as a unique compound of like
character, with a perfect instead of present participle; B^dhadifti, on
account of its accent, is probably possessive.

1310. Prepositional Compounds. By this name may be
conveniently called those combinations in which the prior member
is a particle having true prepositional value, and the final member
is a noun governed by it. Such combinations, though few in num-
ber as compared with other classes of compounds, are not rare, either
in the earlier language or in the later. Their accent is so various that
no rule can be set up respecting it.

a. Examples are: &tyavi passing through the wool, atiratr& over-
night, atim&tr4 exceeding measure; ddhiratha lying on the chariot, adhi-
gav4 belonging to the cow ; adhaspadi under the feet, adhoalm^ below
the axle; kDUpatha following the road, annpQrv& following the one pre-
ceding, one after another, anuf aty& in accordance with truth, anukdla
doum stream, etc. ; &ntaBpatha (with anomalously changed accent of ant&r),
within the way, antardftv^ within the flame (?), antarhasti in the hand;
dntig^ha near the house; apiprai^a accompanying the breath (prfti^), &pi-
vrata concerned with the ceremony, api^arvari bordering on night, api-
kan^ next the ear ; abhijiiu reaching to the knee, abhf vira and abhf satvan
overcoming heroes; tpathi on the road, adeva going to the gods, fijarasi

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1310—] XVni. Composition. 512

reaching old age, ftdvftds9& tip to twelve ; upakak^d reading to the arm-
pits, upottami next to last, penultimate ; up&ribudhna abo>oe the bottom,
ap&rimartya rising above mortals; tiroJaii& beyond people; ni\i8ill& out
of the house; parip&d (about the feet) snare, parihast& about the hand,
bracelet; pardk^a out of sight, par6m&tra beyond measure, parogavyati
beyond the fields, para^ahasri (p&«U|ysaha8ra, (!B.) above a thousand;
purok^ in front of the eyes; pratidof^ toward evening, pratilomA
against the grain, pratiktila up stream, praty&k^ before the eyes; bahi^
paridhi outside the enclosure; v{pathi outside the road; eamak^^ elou
to the eyes, in sight

b. Compounds of this character are in the later language especially
common with adhi: thus, adhy&tma relating to the soul or self, adhi-
yajfia relating to the sacrifice, etc.

o. A snfflxal a is sometimes added to a final consonant, as in Qpfinasa
on the wagon, Avyufd until daybreak. In a few instanoee, the suffix ya
is taken (see above, 1212 m]; and in one word the snfflz in: thns, pari-
panthin besetting the path,

d. The prepositional compounds are especially liable to adverbial nte:
see below, 1318 b.

Adjective Compounds as Nouns and as Adverbs.

1811. Compound adjectives, like simple ones, are freely used
sabstandvely as abstracts and coUectiTes, eiH)ecially in the neuter,
less often in the feminine; and they are also much nsed adverbiaUy,
especially in the accusative neuter.

a. The matter is entitled to special notice only beeanse certain forms
of combination have become of special frequency in these uses, and because
the Hindu grammarians have made out of them distinct classes of com-
pounds, with separate names. There is nothing in the older language which
by its own merits would call for particular remark under this head.

1812. The substantively used compounds having a numeral as
prior member, along with, in part, the adjective compounds them-
selves, are treated by the Hindus as a separate class, called dvigo.

a. The name is a sample of the class, and means of two cows, said
to be used in the sense of ufOrth two cows; as also pafteaga bought for
five cows, dvin&u worth two ships, p&Skcakapfila made in fhe etqfs, and
so on.

b. Yedio examples of numeral abstracts and collectiyes are: dviriUi
[combat] of two kings, triytig4 three ages, triyoJan& space of three leagues,
tridivi the triple heaven, pafioayojanit space of five leagues, ^aijlahi sir
dayi^ titne, daqBikgv^ ten fingers* breadth ; and, with suffix sra, SBhaariiaffk
thousand days' journey. Others, not nomeral, but essentially of the saae
character, are, for example: nai^mitrk freedom from enemies, nikilhiyi
freedom from guilt, savidyntd thunderstorm, vfhrdaya heartUssness, sod

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513 Adjective Compounds as Nouns and Advbbbs. [—1813

B&brdaya heartiMis, sudlvi praeperity hy day, 8tun|>g& and eu^akoni
proiperify with beatit and birds, Feminlnes of like use are not quotable
from BY. or AY.; later occur tuch as tri^atl three hundred, (481), triloki
the three worlds, pafioamtUi aggregate of Jive roots.

o. As the examples show, the accent of words thus used is various;
but it Is more prerailingly on the final syllable than in the adjective com-
pounds in their ordinary use.

1818. Those adverbially used aoousatives of secondary adjec-
tive compounds which have an indeclinable or particle as prior mem-
ber are reckoned by the Hindu grammarians as a separate class of
compounds, and called by the name avyayibhftva.

A. This term is a deriratlTe txom the compound verb (1094) made up
of avyaya uninfieeted and yl>hfi, and means eonversUm to an indeeUnable,

b. The prepositional compounds (1810) are especially firequent in this
use: thus, for example, annyradh^m by one^s own wiU, abhipflrv&m
and parovar&m in succession, ftdv&da^toi up to twelve, pratido(|^4m at
evening, samak^Am tin sight. Instances given by the grammarians are :
adhihari upon Hari, upariyam with the king, upanadam or upanadi
near the river, pratyagni toward the fire, pratini^am every night, nir-
iiiftV^irft.Tn ioiih freedom from fiies.

O* A large and important dass is made up of words having a relative
adverb, especially yath&, as prior member. Thus, for example, yath&va9&in
as one chooses (v&^a wtU), yathfikftAm as done \before\, according to
usage, yathftnftni& by name, yathabhflg&m according to several portion,
yathafis&m and yathftpar^ limb by limb, yatrakamam whither one will,
yftvanmfttr&m in some measure, y&vi^Uiv&m as long as one Uves^
yftvata&bandhu according to the number of relations.

dm These compounds are not common in the old language; BY. baa
with yathS only four of them, AY. only ten ; and no such compound is
used adjectively except STftcehre^thi RY., yavaochra^tbi AY. as good as
passible. ^. has yathftkftrln» yathftoAr{n» y&thftkftma, y&thfikratu as
adjectives (followed in each case by a correlative tdthft). The adjective use
in the later language also is quite rare as compared with the adverbial.

e. Other cases than the accusative occasionally occur: thus, instrumental,
as yath&Baiiikhyena» yathft^aktyft, yathepsayft, yathftpratifirtu^s;
and ablative, as yatbSuoity&t.

f. A daiijB of adverbs of frequent occurrence is made with sa: e. g.
sakopam angrily, Bftdaram respectfuUy, aaamitani with a smile, savi-
^e^am especially.

g. Other adverbial compounds of equivalent character occur Earlier, and
are common later: for example, ^ekarm&m without work, nfinftrath&m
on different chariots, ubhayadytiB two days in succession, eitrapadakra-
main with wonderful progress, pradSnapQrvam with accompaniment
of a gift', etc.

Whita«y, Onkmniar. 8. ed. 33

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— ] XVUL Composition. 514

AnomalMs ComiMiinis.

814. Ab in every language, compounds are now and then met
which are of anomalous character, as exEibiting combinatioDs
omenta not usually put together, or not after such a methoil, or
ich a purpose. Some of these, especially of thotiie occurHtig in
Id language, may well be noticed here.

« Gompoundfi havittg & particle ia flntl member: as, apract{ having
Ud, tiiTiprAti mightify opponhg^ dtatblS refiuing^ Titatlta /dSie,
ltath& ai it reaUy isy stbiikhb prosperity in compamb^Mp^ aniha
namutra having no here a^d no y&nder, eto.
• AgglomeratlonB of two or more elements out of pbitses : thus, aham-
i eager to hefiret; itoitomttte& contest for pre^n/dnenee^ MAttiaiili^
i for possession^ iJdhSmk Ugentt (iti hft "sa tkusj indeed^ it icoil
smMitk and naghftri^ not, sureiy, dying ot' coming to harmy kiivilaa
inknown person, tadidartba havihgjust that as aim, IcfloiriTtJrfn
f errands in every directiony "kMeitkBTk doing tdl sorts of things,
oidvid wherever found, aknta^oidUttya outofaU danger^ yftd*
L^fya Whait-is-Uhhe, eto.

. AgglomeratioBB in which the prior memher retatna a syntaede^foni:
Lyonya and paraspara one another^ avaraapara inverted,
. Aggregations with the natural order inverted: e. g. pitJfcnrmhi and
\MSbk grandfather, putrahata totth his sons slain, jSavfilmik and
akta ioiih bended knee, daintajftta providedwith tee^; aoaXptX^
>ed Of soma, piaSktIrSdBaa havihg groups of gifts, gojate oliMT,
Ihtri, agrattfiafks; eto. t^ of the tongue, of^ nose, eto. OoBirpara
291 o.

» Aggregations of particles were pointed out a'bove (II I la); also
te) Cases m which n4'and int are ns^d in composition.
I -In late Sanslult (perhaps after the false analogy of comMoatioiis
Ekl anu, viewed as tadanu, with tad as stem Instead of nenter aecn-
I, a preposition is sometimes compounded as final member with the
gOTdtned by it: e. g. vrk^itdhas or vrkQ&dliaat&t under the
Aantfinta^ between the teeth, bhaTatiopari on top of the Mouse.
vfna i^ithout truth.

Stem-finals altered in Cdmposftion. .

815. Transfers to an a-form of declension from other leu
on finals, which are not rare in independent use, are especiaUy
on in the final members of compounds. Thus:

> A stem in an often drops its final consonant (compara

examples are ak^a, adhva, arva» aatha, aha, tak^a,
ha, rfija, loma» vrfa, gva, eaktha, s&ma.

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515 LooBB C0N8TBUOT10N WITH Compounds. [—1816

b. An i or i is changed to a: examples are afignla, afijala, a^s,
knk^a, khlra, nada» n&bha, bhtUna, rfttra, sakha.

o« An a is added after a ilnal consonant, and sometimea after an
U-Towel or a diphthong ^compare 890): examples are |^oa» tvaoa; uda*
pada, ^arada; ai>a; dhura, para; ahna, a^mana» Odlma, rljfia;
aiuuMk ayasa^ Syn^a. uraaa» enasa, tamaaa* manasa, jnsiuf a, rajasa,
rahaaa, varoaaa, Tedasa, ^reyasa* sarasa; bhruva, diva, gava,
g&va, nftva.

d« More sporadic and anomalous cases are snch as : apanna-da (-dant)»
paiioa-fa (-^a^)* ajAika-pa (-pad), ^ata-bhi^ft (-bhi^oj), vipag-oi
(-dt), yathft-pura (-pnras).

Loose Construction with Compounds.

1816. In the looBeness of iiillimited and fortnitooift ccmbination,
es|Moially in the later laagnage, it is by no means rare that a word
h) eompoBition has an independent word in the sentence depending
npon or qualifying it alone, rather than the componnd of which it
forms a part.

a* Examples are: rfty&sUmo ▼i9v4paiyaaja (RT.) de9ir^m of
M-mj^abU weaUh; aAli6r uruc&kri^ (R^O causing relief /^om distrees;
mahftdhan^ &rbhe (RV.) in great conieet and in mtmll; SFftafidi fsiif-
fhyakftmaf^ (A^S.) desiring superiority over his felUnos) brShma^&fi
ohrata^IlaYrttaaaiiipaimAn ekana v& (AGS.) ^raJmums endowed with
learning, character, and hehabior, or with onS [0/ the ^ee]; cittapramft-
thini bfilft devfinftm api (MBh.) a girl disturbing the minds eten of
the gods; vasifthavacanftd nya9|!f&ga8ya co 'bhayol^ (R.) at the words
of both Fasishtha and Biskgacringa; idtftdravyipahara^e ^astrtM^Ain
ati^ndbasya ca (H) in ease of stealing ploughing implements or weapons
or medicament] Jyoti^f&iii madbyaofiri (H.) moving in the midst of the
stars; dimpitvaih oa mrmnayam (M.) a wooden and an earthen
vessel; syandane dattad^fil^ (^.) with eye fixed on the chariot;
tftiwninn ullambitamrta^ (KfiS.) dead and hanging upon it.

33*

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APPENDIX.

A. The following text is given (as proposed above, S) in order
to illustrate by an example the variety of Sanskrit type in nse. It
is given twice over, and a transliteration into European letters follows.
The text is a fable extracted from the first book of the Hitopade^

The Hunter, Deer, Boar, and Jackal.

^^ 1^: I Ari^H ft >j^ fnyi^ i^j '^Ni fw: i

^^1T»^ inn ^ ^q*nifiif<ni7> m

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Appendix. 517

«:^ln^\^4(N1HlHd^^:^f^^HHlt^l(l8^fdl^d^

HraflnnPi im^ m^rfir fiiwm «)du<id41<A«4 «ig«^ ^lanilNwwwr

ftBlt kalyb^akatakSv&Btavyo bhftiravo nftma vyftdha^. ea
ofti *kadft mftftsalubdha^ Ban dhanur ftdfiya vindhy&tavUnadhyaih
gata^. tatra tena m^a eko vyftpftdita^* mr^aiu AdSya gaoohatft
tena ghorftk^tl^ sOkaro d^t^^* tatas tena m^gaih bhttm&u ni-
dh&ya aukara^ ^are^a hata^. stULarei^ *pj figatya pralayagha-
naghoragarjanaih k^tvA sa vy&dho mafkadege hata^ ohinnadroma
iva pap&ta. yata^:

Jalam agniih vi^aih ^astraih k^udvy&dhl patanaih gire^
nlmittaih klihoid ftaftdya dehl pr&i^ftlr vimuoyate.

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\

ISLJi

5 IS Apbbkdix.

atrftntare dlrgharftvo nitana jambuka^ paribhramann fihfir-
ftrthi tftn mrtftn m^pgaTsrftdhaBtlkarftn apa^yat Slokyft *<sintayad
amim: abo bfaJIgyain. siated hh^mit saflMtpasttdtaat^ atbay*:
aolntit&ni du^^kh&ni yathfii 'v& 'V&ntl d^iinftin,
oakhfiny api te<h& .manye dfiiaraai ateS *ti«loyat«.
bboirjctiL; et^Sih mftVinftlr mdaotrayadi BaiaadMkadi bhojaTmih
me bhavi^yald. tata^ prafthainabiili^ukffiyftih t&vad imAni svft-
dtnS wftftitHiri v^hqya.>flwTaT?iJg^(BrnftgTiwh asOirubandksib lrMitti>f
'ty uktvft tathft 'karot. tata^ ohizine Bn&yubandhe drutam utpa-
titena dbanu^ft hrdi bhinna\i sa dirghar&val^ pafiioatvadi gata;^
ato 'haih bragsSm^:

kartavya)^ saihoayo nityaih kartavyo nS 'tisaihoaya^;
atlaaiiaagiadpfei^ dhfuuu|& jAinlNiko tatah«

B. The fbUoving text is given m order to illustrate by a saffi-
cient example Hib luuial Htetbod jo£ mwkiag acesttt, -as deaGdbed
above (87). In the mannscripts, the accent-signs are almost invariably
added in red ink. The text is a hymfi estiaeted Irom the tmtk er
last book of the Big- Veda; it is regarded by the tradition as uttered
by vac voice (i. e. the Word or Logos).
•

Hynm @L IWi ftrom the BigrV«ds.

^ i^fHq T^ ^M^ ^S^ TJ^mm ^^ u :^ u

rtT 4t^ sd^t 3^ Hf^Jwii^f] ntfi^ydrilH^H ^ h
TOT ^ «3W% d %qsqi% uj.«iRiMd n f xyftrjic^i

**ft^ WUJij^ sl^rft §]if ^f%fT *n^5C?: I

ti ^iiq^ cIcl^U 4iiii)fH ft g^fTPft fPtf^ rt ^^mih^u H »

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Google

Appbndiz. 519

^ 1^ ^ ^ iil|i<^ffi4d1 Hr«iHi ^ sh^i II r II

ahiih mdr6bhir v&aubhi^ oarSxny ah&m ftdityfiir at4 v1qt&-
devfti^» ali4ih mitrav&ru^o 'bht bibharmy ahim. indrftgni ah&m

a^v{no 'bhi. 1.
ah&ih 86main fthan&BftTfa bibharmy ahAih tv&^t^urain ut& ptl^ii^aih
bh&gam, ah&m dadhftml dr&yii^aih lyivf^mate supr&vyd y^a-

mftnfiya sonvsld. %.
alx&jfti rtq^A saihg&iiiani visQnftih cAMtiufi prathamt yajfifyftnftm,
taih m& deva vy kdadhiitL pumtr^ bhAristh&trfiih bhtby

Sve^&yantim. 3.
m^& b6 &imam atti y6 Tip&^yati j&i^ pra^tl y& Uh 9P^6ly nkt&m,
amant&vo maih t4 4pa kfiyanti 9Tad]x{ ^ruta 9raddhiv&ih te

vadftmi. 4.
ah&m 9vk sray&m id&ih vadfimi Ji^t<u^ dev^bhir ut& mano^ebhl^,
y&ih k&m&ye t&ih-tam ugr&ih Iq^oml t&ih brahmaijaTh t&m ^iih

t&xh BumedlUbn. 5.
ah&ih rudraya dh&nur a tanoml brahmadvlfe ^drave hiuitavt a,
ahioh j&nftya sam&daih kp^omy ah&ifa dyav&p^^thivi a vlve^a. 6.
ahit^ Buve pit&ram asya mtlrdh&ii inAma ydnir apsv hnWi^ sa-
madr6, t&to vi ti^fhe bhuvand 'nu vi^vo ta *mdih dy^ varf-

iniu^ 'pa sp^ami. 7.
*ah&m ev& v^ta iva pr& vftmy ftr&bhamfti^ bhdvanftni vlqv^
par6 divi pari eni pfthivyftf *t^va1a mahint skAi babhflva. 8.

O. On. the next page is given, in systematic arrangement, a
Bjnppsis of all the modes and tenses recognised as normally to be
made from every root in its primary conjugation, for the two common
roots bhu be and Iqp make (only the precative middle and peri-
phrastic future middle are bracketed, as never really occurring).
Added, in each case, are the most important of the verbal nouns and
adjectives, the only ones which it is needful to give as part of every
verb-system.

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520

Appendix.

1 .^1 • 5-|l ??

i!

S?:§

11 ? ?

■?.

•4

• 0«

. PI

Jtorororo* j^'O'o'o'o'

I

5 < < 3 "I

f

?

I

or

I

or

I

ft ^

cr o

a

I

11

-?

■?

I

»

I

§:
?

II

I

I r

I

r 5

I

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SANSKRIT INDEX.

The referenees in both Indexes are to ptngr^^hs. In this one, many
abbioTlations are used; but it is beliered that they will be foond self-
explaining. For example, ^pron.'' is pronnnciation ; ^enph." points out
anything relating to phonetic form or euphonic combination; '^pres.'', to
present-system; ^t" is intensive; ^des.'' is desideratiye; and so on. A
prefixed hyphen denotes a sofflx; one appended, a prefix.

a, pron. etc., 19-22; combination
with foUowing vowel, 126, 127;
loss of initial after e and o, 186,
175 a; resulting accent, 135 a; not
liable to gw^, 235a; Ughtened
to i or u, 249; lost in weakened
syllable, 263.

a, as nnlon-vowel in tense-inflection,
621c, 631.

-a, primy, 1148; scdry, 1208, 1209;
-a in -aka, 1181; — a-stems,
dcln, 326-34; f^om rdcl fi-st, 333,
344; in compsn, 1270, 1287 a.

a- or an*, negative, 1121 a-e; in
compsn, 1283 ff., 1288 a. 1304 a, b.

-aka, prmy, 1181; aka-stems some-
times govern aeons., 271 c^ sodry,
1222J, k.

-aki, see 1221b.

}/akf, pf., 788.

ak^ara, 8.

ak^&n, dk^l, 343 f, 431.

agho^a, 34b.

j/ao or afio, pf., 788 b; pple 956 b,
967 c; stems ending with, 407-10.

-aj, 219a, 383 k. 5.

yaSiOy see ac.

V'afiJ, enph., 219 a; pros., 694,687;
pf., 788; tva-ger'd, 991 d.

-a^^. 1201a.

-at, 383k. 3 — and see -ant.

-ata, see 1176 e.

-ati, see 1157 g.

-atu, see 1161 d.

-atnu, see 1196c.

-atra, see 1185 e.

-atha, see 1163c.

-athu, see 1164.

yady impf., 621c; cans., 1042g.

-ad, 383k. 4.

adhi, loss of initial, 1087 a.

adhlka, in odd nnmbers, 477a, 478 b.

yan, enph., 192b; pros., 631.

-an, 1160.

an-, see a-.

-ana. 1150; stems in compsn, 1271,

ana^v&h, enph., 224 b; decln, 404.

-anft, 1150;

-ani, 1169.

-ani, 1150.

-anlya, 962, 965, 1215 b.

anu, changed to inn after an-, 1087b.

-ana, see 1162c.

annd&tta, 81.

anud&ttatara, 90 c.

annnfisika, 36 a, 73 a.

anuvrata, with accns., 272.

anu^t&bh, enph., 151 d.

anusv&ra, pron. etc, 70-3; trans-
literation, 73 c.

aneh&8, dcln, 419.

-ant or -at, of pples, 684, 1172;
their dcln, 443 if.

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.- ^ '^^

522

Sanskeit Xndex.

-anta, 1209 d.

antalljLBthft, 31, 51a.

antara, in oompsn, 13021.

-anti, see 1221c.

anyi, ddn, 623. •

ap or &p, dcln, 151 e, 393.

apl, lost of initial, 1087 a.

•abba, 1199.

abhinihita-ciicimiflez, 84 e.

V'am, pres., 634; aor., 862.

-am, iniln. In, 970 a; gerund, 995.

-am&, see 1166b.

-aye, infln. in, 970 f, 9751).

-ara, see 1188d.

ari, dcln, 343 g.

-ara, see 1192a.

yarth, so-called, 104b. 1056, 1067.

artftia, in eonpss. 1302k.

aoryavkto, doln, 426a.

&rvan« &rvaxLt, 455.

yarh, pres., 618; pf., 788; aor., 862;

desid., 1029 b.
-ala, see 1189b.
alpaprfii^a, 37 d.
]/av, aor., 838, 908; pple, 954e;

inf., 968 e; ya-ger'd, 992 c.
ava, loss of initial, 1087 a.
-ava, see 1190a.
avagraha, 16.
yavadhir, so-called, 104 b.
avayU» avaya, 406.
avyayibhftva, 1111 d, 1313.
j/ao attain, pf., 788; aor., 834b,

837-9, 847; fat., 936c; inf.,

968 d.
yac eat, pf., 803a; dee., 1029b,

1031; cans., 1042 n.
ya» be, pres., 636, 621 e; pf., 800 m;

in periphr. conjn, 1070-2, 1073 d;

in ppiiJ periphr. phrases, 1075 d;

in cmpd conjn, 1093, 1094.
yas throw, pres., 761 c; aor., 847;

pple, 956 e; int, 968 c.
as final, enph. treatment of, 175;

exceptiopal cases, 176.
-as, 1151; dcln of stems in, 411 if.;

as-stems in oompsn, 1278, 1296 e,

1298 b.
-as, iniln. in, 970a, 971.
as&n, &srj, 398, 432.
-asi, 1198.

&sti, enph., 219: and see asin.
-ase, infln. in, 970 c, 973 a.
asth&n, &sthi, 3431, 431.
-asna, see 1195a.
-aanu, see 1194 d.
yah eay, pf., 801a.

yah earmeet [?), 788 a.
ahan, &har, &has, 430.

ft, pron. etc., 19, 22; combination of
final, 126, 127; elision of initial,
135 d; vTddhi of a, 236 A; Ugh-
tened to I or i, 250; to a, 250c;
in pres., 661-6, 761 f, g; in aor.,
884; in pple, 954c; in des.,
1028d.

a, with ablative, 293 o, 983 a.

-ft, 1149.

fi^temi, doln, 347 if.

-flea, see 1181 d.

-ftkn, see 1181 d.

-fttu, see 1161 d.

fttman, nsed reflexlTely, 514 a.

ftteiano padam, 529.

ftdi, idika, ftdya> in cobo^sb, 13024.

rftna, in pples, 584, 1175; used in-
stead of mftna, 741 a, 752 e, 1043 f ;
-fbia in other derlratiTes, 1175 a.

•AOl, see 1223b.

•ftau, tee 1162o.

ftnunftsikya, 36 a.

yftp, 1087f; pf., 783d; aor., 847,
862; des., lOSO.

ftbhft, in compsn, 13021

fim, impv. 3d sing. In, 618i

snire<}ita, 1260 d.

-ftyana, 1219.

-ftyi, 1220.

-ftyya, 966c, 1051 f. 1218.

-ftra, see 1188d, 1226b.

-firo, see 1192a.

-fila, see 1227a, 12451.

-ftlu, see 1192b, 1227b.

yas, pres., 619c, 628; inf., 9884;
periph. pfl, 1071 c ; in pplal periph.
phrases, 1075 c.

ia, fts&n, fisyk, 398b, 432.

fis final, enph. treatment of, 177.

i\ pron. etc., 19, 20, 22; i and y,
55; combinations of final, 126,
129, 797f. ; with preceding a-irow^
127; from ya, 252, 784c, 76§,
922 b, 954 b; cases of loss bef«f«
y, 233 a.

i, union-vowel, 254, 556 b; in pres.,
630, 631, «i4,640; inpf., TWi,
803; in aor., 876 b, 877; in ftat,
934, 935, 943; in pple, 9d6; ifi
infin., 968; in des., 1031.

i-stems, ddn, 335fr.; firom sdd I-
st, 354; in compsn, 1276, 1^87 c;
sometimes govern accns., 2711

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ShNSMSJT ImBBX*

523

yi go, pf^ 783b, 801 d; CoL, 935*.;

ya-ffei'd, 992a, c; int, 1002e,

1021b; cans., 10421; in ppial

periphr. pbraAes, 994 e, 1075 a;

yflvfyhr. eonj^ 1071 f ; kieg. oomb^

spitik proflxe«» 1087c; Ia oompd

Mojn, 1092b.
yi (in, ImT) send, 716a.
4« pmi, lite; sedry, 1221.
4ka, pimy, 1186c; godzy, 1222J, 1.
*ik4 ISmiw to -aka, lt81c, 1222i.
viS, 608b, 75ab.
-4, 219a, 983k. 6.
-it, 38ak. a; advbl, i±&h^
4ta, 1176 a, b, d.
(tt, was af, 1102a-e; pecniiar oon-

stniotioa with, 268b; abbretf'd to

ti, 1102 d.
-Iti, see 1157 g.
4ta, aoe 1161 e.
-ilBU, aaa 1196.
-Itra, tee li8&e.
y^h, or tidh, evpb., 160c ; aor.,

836, 837, m^
ytm (Of lav), 699b, 709, 716a,

749b.
-ai. 1188, 1230; in-atema, dt^ln,

438 ff.; in eompm, 1275, 1987 e;

aonetlHiee gotaa aoona., 271b;

used partlclpially, 960 bu
-Ina, see 1177b, 1209e, 1223f.
teakfa, lOt^c.
-ineya, see 1216 d.
Vtey, see in.
-Ibhm Me 1199 a.
-Ima, 12Ma.
-iman, see 1168i-k.
ijr ia eupK coiK^^n Itom an i-to«el,

120 a, c, d, 352 b.
-iyo, 1214.
iyakfA, 1029 c.
iyant, dcln, 451.
Ir-stems, dcln, 392.
ix«., soo 1188e, 1226b.
ifiye^ iradte, 1021a.
yn, cans., 1042b.
-ila, see 1189b, 12;27a.
iva, enph., 1102.
-Iva, see 1190a.
-Ivas, see 1173b.
yim desire, pros., 608b, 753b; inf.,
eeSd; deaid., 1029b.

yUt ^^^y ^^"> 1042 w

.iM, see il97b.

.iijrtl^ 467-7Q, 1184.

-ifipiift, 1194.

-10, 1153; iB-stems, daln, 411ff.

i, pron. etc., 16, 20, 22; combina-
tions of iinal, 126, 129, 797 f;
wHb preceding a-TOwel, 12jr ; eir-
cnmtlexed, 128; nnoomblnable in
dnal etc., 138; i as final of stem
in yerbal oompsn, 1093, 1094.

% nnlon-iwwel, 254; in tensa-4a-
flection, 665b, c; -of pros., 682-4;
of impt, 621, 63l4; of a-aac,
880b, 888-91; of int., 1004 ff.;
i foi 1, 900 b, 936 a, 968d, f.

I-stems, dcln, 347 ff.

-I, 1150; to 1 befioce added afx,
471b, 1203d, 1237c, 1239b; U
oompsn, 1249 d.

-Ika, see 1186c.

ylkf, aor., 862; desid., 1029b;
pedpb. pf.. 1071c, 1073 a.

yl^, pros., 628, 630; pf., 783d.

ita- for etfr-forms in optative, 738 b,
771 d, 1032 a, 1043 c.

-ltd, see 1157 g.

-Itu, sao 1161c.

-ina, pxmiy, »ee 1171b; sadry,

•«Ban, sea 1168J.

iya, coDj.-stem, 1021b.

-lya, 1215.

-lyaa, 467-70, 1184; stems in, dcln,

463 ff.
yir, pros., 628; pf., 783d, 801d;

pple, 957 b.
-Ira, see 1188e.
-Xra, see 1190a.
VI9, pres., 628, 630.
iQvara, witb infln., 984, 987.
Vlf, ai«»h., 226 a.
-if% see 1197.-
yih, eapb., 240 b.

u, pron. etc, 19, 20, 22; u and v,
57; combinations of final, 126,
129; with preceding a-vowel, 127;
ftom va, 252, 784, 769, 922b,
954b, 956d; aaaea of loss before
W^ 2!K)a; flnai u gunated in scdry
darlYation, 1203 a.

u-stems, dcln, 335 ff.; from i^ u-
st., 354: desid. u-stems gOTom
accns., 271a.

-u, 1178; -u in -uka, 1180a.

-aka> 1180; stems sometimes govern
accus., 271 g.

tikf&n, dcln, 426 b.

yxiUdbi^ 608 b, 753 b.

Vujh, periphr. pf„ 1071 c.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

524

6AN8KBIT Index.

yulLoh, pres., 758.

tu^di-sufaxes, 1138a.

-ut, 383 k. 3.

-utra, see 1185 e.

-ut^, Bee 1182b.

-utha, Bee lJ63d.

|/ad or and, pres., 694 a, 758a
pple, 957d; desld., i029b. ?

^d, i&daka, 4dan, 398 b, 432.

ud&tta, 81.

-una, see 1177c.

-unl, see 1158 e.

upadhmftnlys, 69.

yubj, aor., 862.

yuhh or umbh. pres., 694, 758a.

-ubhs, see 1199e.

ubh&ys, dcln, 525 o.

ur or us as 3d pi. ending, 169b.

ur-stems, dcln, 392.

-nra, see 1188 f, 1226b.

-uri, 1191a.

-ula, see 1189b, 1227a.

uv in euph. comb'n from an u- vow-
el, 129 a, c,d, 852 b, 697 a.

U9&na8, U9anft9 dcln, 355 a, 416.

yuf, pres., 608b; ya-ger'd, 992b;
peripbr. pf., 1071 f.

-uaa, see 1197c.

iqju9, enph., 168 a; dcln, 415 b.

-ufl, see 1221c.

u^^ih, eupb., 223a.

-118, 1154; OS-stems, dcln, 411 if.

UBt 371 j.

U8 or ur as 3d pi. ending, 169b.

a, pron. etc., 19, 20, 22; combina-
tions of final, 126, 129, 797 f;
witb preceding a-voWel, 127; cir-
cumflexed, 12iB; uncombinable in
dual, 138 a.

u-stems, dcln, 347 ff.

-u, 1179.

-aka, see 1180 f.

-utr, see 1182b.

-atha, see 1163d,

ddhan, ddhar, tidhas, 430 d.

una,. in odd numbers, 477a, 478b.

-unaj see 1177c.

-Ora, see 1188f.

drj, eupb., 219 a.

)/urnu, 80-caUed, 104b, 713; pf.,
801g, 1071 e; ya-ger'd, 992c.

-u^a, see 1197c.

u^man, 31, 59.

yuh remove f infln., 968 c; ya-ger'd,
992 c.

ytOk consider, enph., 240b, 745a;
pres., 894d, 897b.

f, pron. etc., 23-6; objectionable
pronunciation and tranBliteratlon
as ^ 24 a ; question of ^ or ar in
roots and stems, I04d, e, 237;
combinations of final, 126, 129;
with preceding a-Towel, 127; ex-
ceptions, 127 a; impedes change of
preceding B to 9, 181a; changes
succeeding n to i^, 189 ff.; gu^a
and "yTddlii increments of, 235 it;
irregular changes, 241, 243; Taxi-
able final f of roots (so-called f),
242.

Ip^roots, root-nouns from, 383 b, g.

•^-stems, dcln, 369 ff.

X, variable (so-called f), roots in,
242, 245b: their passive, 770c;
aor., 885, 900b; prec, 922a; tax.,
935a; pple, 957b ; root-infin., 971 ;
gerund in ya, 992 a.

1/r, euph.. 242c; pre&., 608a, 699a,
753b, 643d, 645, 716a; passive,
770c; pf., 783a; aor., 834a,
837b, 840b, 847, 853, 862; pple,
957 b; int., 1002 e; cans., 10421;
caus. aor., 1047.

-^, see 1182 h.

7I, ri, bad transliterations for x,%

YXO or arc, pf., 788a; aor., 862,

894 d, 897 be ya-ger'd, 992b.
Vroh, 608, 753 b; pf., 788 b.
-yj, 383 k. 5.
i/rfij or rj or arj stretch out, pres.,

758a; pf., 788b; aor., 894 d, 897b.
|/fi^v, 716 a.
-ft, 383k. 3.
ytvft, euph., 219.
yyd, pple, 957 d.
T/rdh, pres., 694; pf., 788a; aor.,

832, 837. 838, 840a, 847, 862;

des., 1029b, 1030.
^bhuk^iui, dcln, 434.
VVf, pf., 788b
jflx&Rt, dcln, 450 e.

f , pron. and occurrence, 23-6; ob-
jectionable pronunciation and trans-
literatioii as )^, 24 a: as alleged
final of roots, 104 d, 242 (and see
^, variable); changes succeeding
n to 9, 189ff.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

Sanskeit Index.

525

}, proD. and occurrence, 23-6; ob-
jectionable pronunciation and trans-
Utaration aa )i or M, 24a; its
gm^a-inciement, 236.

]i, }ri, bad tranaliterationa for ), 24 a.

1,23 a.

e, proD. etc., 27-9: combinationa of
final, 13i-3, 135; with flhal a-
vowel, 127; uncombinable in dual
etc., 138 a, b, f; go^a of 1 and I,
235 fr.; from radical &, 260d; as
alleged final of roots, 251, 761 f.

e, infln. in, 970a, 971.

OUL dcln, 483 a, b; used as article,
482c; in making 9*b, 477a, b.

ekacratl, 90c.

yodii, pf., 790 c; desid., 1029 b,
1031 b ; periph. pf., 1071 c

-ena, 1223 e.

-enya, 966b, 1038, 1217.

-eya, 1216.

-eyya, 1216 e.

-era, see 1201a, 1226b.

-era, see 1192a.

-ellma, 966 d 1201a.

ef&s, euph., 176 a.

fti, pron. etc., 27-9; combination
with final a-vowel, 127; as final,
131-3 ; vrddhl of 1 and I, 235 ff. ;
as alleged final of roots, 251, 761 e;
for nnion-Yowel i in tense-inflec-
tion, 555 c; for e in sabj. endings,
561a.

fti as gen.-abl. ending, 365d.

o, pron. etc., 27-9; combination
with final a-vowel, 127; as final,
131, 132, 134, 135; before suffix
ya, 136b; uncombinable, 138 c, f;
for final as, 175, 176; ar, 179a;
gtu^a of a and fl, 235 ff.; as alleg-
ed final of roots, 251, 761 g.

oih, eupb., 137 b.

-otr, see 1182b.

odana, euph., 137b.

-ora, see 1201a.

Oftha, euph., 137 b.

o^fbya, 49.

ftu, pron. etc., 27-9; combination
with final a-Towel, 127; as final,
131, 132, 134 b; vrddhi of a and
G, 235 ff.

^, pron. etc., 67-9; makes heaTj
syllable. 79; occurrence as final,
148, 170 a; fbr the labial and gut-
turU spirants, 170 d ; horn final B,
145, 170 a, 172; from r, 144, 178;
allows change of B to 9, 183.

& or ih, pron. etc., 70-3; makes
heayy syllable, 79; occarrence as
final, 148; allows change of B to
9, 183; occurrence, 204, 212, 213e.

k, pron. etc., 39, 40; relation to o,
42; to 9, Cf4; B to B after, 180 ff.;
added to final 2k, 211 ; ttom o, by
reversion, 214 ff.; as final, and in
internal combination, 142, 217;
from 9, do., 145, 218; from 9,
266 e; anomalously from t, 151a;
to t, 151 0.

-ka, prmy, 1186; scdry, 1222; ka
in -uka, 1180a; in -aka, 1181.

-kafa, see 1245k.

ka^fhya guttural, 39.

l/kan, pf., 786 e; aor,, 899 d.

ylcath, so-called, 1056.

ykam, aor., 868; pple, 955a.

kampa, 78 d, 87 d, 90b.

k&mvant, euph., 212.

-kara, 1201a.

karmadhftraya, 1263a.

ykal, cans., 1042 g.

kalpa In compsn, 1302 i.

ykas, pple, 956 b.

i/kft, int (?), 1013 b.

Kftixia, with accus., 272; in compsn,
with infln.-8tem, 968 g.l

kftmya as denom.-sign, 1065.

kfira, in sound-names, 18.

y^ft9, int., 1017.

l^kftB, periph. pf., 1071 f.

klyant, dcln, 451.

>/klr, 756.

ykSrt or kft, so-oaUed, 1056.

yku, pres., 633.

ykuo, cans., 1042 h.

ykup, pros., 761a; aor., 840b;
pple, 956 h.

ykmnSr, so-called, 104 b.

Kuvld, accent of verb with, 595 e.

ylqr make, pres., 714, 715, 855a;
pf. 797c, 800k; aor. 831, 834a
-40, 847, 894d; int, 1002g, h;
prefixes b, 1087 d; in periph. conjn,
1070-3; in compd conjn 1091-4;
special constructions, 26oa.

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

526

SAlfSAlT IlfDBZ.

Vlqr» 1^ scatter, 242b; pres., 756;

tor., 885; prefixes b, 1087 d.
vto amunenUMrate f ItK. , 1092 d,

101^,
ylqt cut, pres., 758; aor., dl7,

S52a; fut, 935b.
-Iqrt, see 1105.
k^uffizes, 1183 a.
-Iqrtvas, see 1105.
yihsPi pies., 745b; aor., 834b;

oaus., 1042b.
k|r9& as pple, 958.
Vlqr? 102a: eupb., 226f; pf. 790c;

aor., 9iea, 9208; fat, 985d,

93eid; inf., 966 d.
yklp, 26; pf., 786a; fut, 935b,

-kni, see 1176d.

yisxLfX, caus., 10421.

1/krand, pf., 794 d; aor., 847, 861 a,

890 b; Int, 1002 g,h, 1017.
>/kram, pres., 745 d; aor. 883, 847,

899d, 904a; fcU. 935b; pple,

955 a; inf., 968 d; tvfi-ger'd. 991 b;

des., 1031b; cans., 1042g; in

periphr. coi^., 1070 c.
Vtol, cans., 10421.
]/kri4, cans., 1042 n.
V^kmdh, aor., 847.
ykru9, aor., 916 a, 920 a. '
kr69tu, kroirtt* 343J^ 374.
yklam, pros., 745d, 761«, 763;

pple, 955 a.
ykUd, pple, 957 d.
}/kli9, aor., 916a.
k9, oombfaiatloDs of, 146, 221.
V^an, pple, 954d; inf.,.966e.
yk^am, pres., 763; fat, 935b;

pple, 965a, 966b; inf., 968d;

cans., 1042g.
ks&m, dclD, 388.
I/K^ar, sor., 890.
yk^al, caus., 1042 n.
ykfft, ptes., 761 e; pple, 957 a.
kiBftma as pple, 958.
]/kBl possess y pres., 766; eavs.,

1043d, L
ykei destroy, pres., 761b; fut,

935 a; pple. 957a; y«-ger'd, 922a;

cans., 10421.
^kigmd, pple, 957 d.
yk^udh, pres., 761a; aor., 847.
j/k^ubh, pple, 956 b.
ka&tpra-circnmflex, 84 a.
ykipyij pres., 626.
>/ki^vid, pple, 957 d.

Idi, pron. etc., 39; reUtion to 9, 01 b.
y^aia/n orlOift, 102a; pass., 772;

pf., 794 e; aor., 890 ar; pple, 910V;

inf., 968e; ym-gn^ 992<; esoi.,

104ag.
l^khS, 102 a,

ykhid, pf., 790b; pple, 957 d.
|/khacU khan, int. 1002g, b.
yaoirft, an;, 847, 8tec; fat, 986 e.

g,. pron« ete., 29; relation to j, 42 ;

f^om j by leronion^ 214 if.
gata, in oojBpsn, 127^
ygaoL, lQ2a; prat., 60db, 747,

855a; aor., 883, 834b, 837-40,

847, 881 e, 887b; pt, 794«, 606a;

fut, 943a; pple, 9544;^ int,

1002g,b. 1003; des., 102dcL 103i^,-

cans., I042g; root-noon, 3831l
ygal, int, 10024.
i/g&yo. 102a: pres., 660; an., 830,

836, 839, 864, 8a4oi deald., 10284.
YfOL sing, 251; pres., 761 e; sot*,

894d, 912; pple, 954c; int. 966f;

ya-ger'd, ma; eaw., 1042j, k.
ygSh or gah, pple, 95B«; int.,

1002d.
ygir, gil, 756; cana., 1042 b.
ygu, int, 1002 d.
gu^a, 27, 235ff.
Vgup, aor., 863a; inf., 968c; ya-

geir'd, 992o;.de8., iQ40.
ygatf pres., 756; aor., 834 a; pple,

967b.
V«uh, enph., 166 b, d, 223b, 240e;

pres., 745c; pf., 793i; aor.. 847,

852, 916a, 920a, f; inf., 968e;

ya^er'd, 992 c; cans., 1042 b.
ygr smg, eupb., 242b; aor., 894d.
|/gr swallow , eupb., 242b; pres.,

756: aor., 836; inf., 9fi8d; int,

lOOid.
VCT.(or j«g^) wake, 1020; aor., 867,

871.
Vgydh, .pf., 786a; aor., 847.
g6, eupb., 134a, 2d6b; dcln, 361c, f.
gdha, gdhi, 233 f.
|/grath or grants, pros., 78Ds;

pf., 794 b; cans., 1042 b.
ygrabh or grab, eupb., 155 b, ^228 g;

pres., 723, 729, 731, 732, 904d,

1066b; pf., 794c, 8011; aor.,

834b, 847, 900b, 904a, b; fot,

936e; pole, 956^, e; infln., 96df;

pass., 998 f; des., 1031b; eavf.,

1042b.
|/gra8, pple, 956 b.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

SAWSlOlIt IMBIX.

527

l^gia, pre*., 761 •} sot., 912 ^ pple,

967a; o«i»., 1042J.
i^ld, d«lii, Mia.

I^k, pvMi. etc, 30; h d«ilT#d freia,
fm\ from h, by rtTertlon, !H4ff.,

y^fitti^i, eaos., I042g.

ygbBB, euph., 167, 28df; Jidtf

from, 640; pf., 794d; aor., 883,

847; pple, 954 e.
I^iofavant, 34.
Vfidurft, pies., 671, 749a; tv^-ger'd,

Mid; ye-gei'd, 992o; oaita.,

104!7d.

fi, pron. etc., 99; ooemrenoe at teal,
143, 387. 2, 3, 407 a; dnplieatten
as final, 210; adds k before stM-
laat, 211.

o, proD. et«., 42-4; as final, 142;
from t before a palatal, 202a,
203; n te ik before it. 208l>; inter-
nal eomblnattOBs of, 1^17; reTOnion
to k, 216ff.: in pros., 681; pf.,
787; int., 10021; des., 1028f.

y'oakfts 6t oidcflg, so-ealled, 677.

yoakt^y pros., 444a, 621a, 628, 676.

CfttAr, deln, 482g, \.

yoam, presi, 74od; p^, 966a;
cans., 1042g.

yoar, empb., 242 d; aor., 899 d; pple,
957 b; inf., 968 c; tvft-ger»d,
991b, c; int., 1002d, 1003, 1017;
des., 1031b; in pplal perlpbr.
phrases, 1075b.

]/oarv, pple, 956a, 957b.

/(Md, int., 1003; cans., 1042g.

yiO^, pres., 761 e; tvft-gerM, 991 c;
ya-ger'd, 992b; peripbr. pf., 1071 f.

yd gettheTf reversion of o to k,
2161, 681, 787, 1028f; pros., 716b,
855a; aor.. 889; tvft-gef d. 991 d;
ya-ger'd, 992a; cans., 10421.

yd noUy pres., 64(^;; tor., 834a.

1/elt, reversion of o to k, 2161,
681, 788, 10021, 1028f ; pf., 790b,
801 e; aor., 840 a, b; int., 10021,
1024; des., 1040; cans., 1042b.

Vceijt, P^, 790 c.

yoyn, pi, 786a; aor., 840b, 866,
867, 866a, 870; inf., 968o; cant.,
1042 e.

oh, pron. etc., 42, 44; as final, 142;
from q after t or n, 208; after

other mntes, 203*; in interaal.
ooAblBatlon, 220; dnplicatlon be-
tween Towels, 227; qoh'fbr, 227 a.

aha present-stems. 608.

ydmd, pple, 957d.

y^elijttnd, aor., d66a, 890b; eaos.,
1042g.

ytd&ft, pres., 753e; pple, 964c;
tvft-ger*d, 991b; cans., 1042k.

Vohid, pres., 694a; pt, 80l)h;
aor., 832a, 884d, 847, 887a;
pple, 957 d.

Isobar, eans., 1042b.

i^okfil, pple, 967d ; trft-gerM, 991 d.

j, pron. etc., 42-4; as final, 142;
in internal combination, 219; n
to fi before it, 202b; tma t be-
fore sonant palatal, 202a; rever-
slon to ff, 215fr.; In pf., 787; in
des., 1028 f.; before ns ef pj^e,
967 c; anomalensly changed to d,
161 c

yjakf, 102a; eo]^, 288f; pres.,
640, 675; pple, 9Me.

J&gat, dcln, 450 d.

Jagdha etc., 233 f.
yjan, 102a; pres., 631a, 646, 680,
761b, 772; pf.. 794e; aor., 834 b,
904d; nple, 955b; inf., 968e:
des., 1031 b.

J&nl, dcln, 3431

JanuB, dcln, 415 c.

>^J*P, pple, 95^l>i int., 1002d, 1017.

yiaiaMk or Jabh, Inf., 968e; int.,
1017.

Klalp, pi, 790 0.

]/J*«, aor., 871.

Vjfi, 102a.

VJftSr, so-called, 104b, 1020; pi,

Jfttya-oireomflex, 84b.

y]i conquer , reversion of J to g,
2161; In pi, 787; in des., 1028 f;
aor., 889, 889, 894 b, 904 b; fut.,
935a; cans., 10421; cans, aor.,
1047, 861b; perlph. pi, 10711

yjl injure — see Jyft.

YJlnv, 716a, 749b.

Jihvftmfniya, 39 a, 69.

y'JIv,aor.,861a; des., 1028 h, 1031b;
cans., 1042n.

Vjur, pres., 756, 766.

yStX^, aor., 834b, 836, 840b; in
sajlbi, 225 a, 392 b.

yju, pres., 728; pi, 786c.

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

528

Sanskkit Index.

Vjy waste amoayy euph., 2161, 242b;

preg., 756, 766; pf., 793b, 794k;

pple, 967 b: oaos., 1042 e.
VJflft, pres., 730b. 731; pf., 790b;

aor., 830, 838, 894o, 912; cans.,

1042 J; cans, aor., 1047, 861b;

cans, des., 1030; caas. pple, 1051b.
yjyS or jl, pres., 761b; pf., 785 a,

794b; aor.. 912; pple, 954c.
VJri, aor., 897 b.
Vjval, aor., 899d; ous., 1042 g.

Jh, pron. and ocoarrenee, 42; as
final, 142; In Internal combination,
220b.

fi, pron. etc., 42; from n after a

5alatal, 201; before j, 202b; 9,
03; o, 208b.

t, pron. etc., 45, 46; from a final
palatal, 142; 9, 146, 218; 9, 145;
h, 147; adds t before B, 199e;
added to final i^ before sibilant,
211; from J in internal combina-
tion, 219; oh, 220; k^, 221; h,
222; 9, 226 b.

fh, pron. etc., 45, 46.

4, pron. etc., 45; ordinary derivation,
46; 1 ased for, 5 a, 54; from <| with
preceding sibilant, 198d, 199 d.

^, pron. etc., 45, 46; Hi used for,
54; from dh with preceding sibi-
lant, 199 d; fh)m h with following
t or th or dh, 222b.

dhvsm or dhvam, 226 c, 881b,
901a, 924 a.

1^ pron. etc, 45; ordinary derivation,
46: as final, 143; change of n to,
189-95; from n with preceding
sibilant, 199b; doubled as final,
210; adds \ before a sibilant, 211.

t, pron. etc., 47, 48; f^om final
radical 8, 145; do. in internal
combn, 167, 168; with preceding
sonant aspirate, 160; assim. to
following 1, 162; added after (
before B, i99e; after n before b
or 9, 207; to palatal before pal-
atal, 202; before 9, 203; anoma-
lously changed to k, 151a; to (,
151b; from k and j, 151c.

-t, added after short final vowel of

root, 345, 376b, 383 f-h, 1143d,

114Zd, 1196a, 1213a; Irregular

cases, 1147 e.
-ta, of pple, 952-6. 1176; ta-stems

in oompstt, 1273, 1284; scdiy,

1245 e.
|/taA8 or tas, pf., 794d; aor., 847.
ytakf, pres., 628; pf., 790b; pple,

956 a.
V^ta^t eaph., 198 c.
tatpnrofa, 1263 a.
taddhlta-sQffixes, 1138 a.
ytan stretch, pass., 772; pf., 794 f,

805a; aor., 833a, 834b, 847,

881e, 890a, 899d; pple, 964d;

ya-ger*d, 992 a; des., 1028 e.
-tana, 1245 g-i.
tanQ as refl. pronoun, 614 b.
ytap, pres., 761 b; aor., 834d, 233e,

865a; fut.» 935b.
V'tam, pres., 763; aor., 847; pple,

955a; inf., 968e.
-tama, 471-3, 487 f, g, 1242a, b.
-tamam and -tamim, lllle, 1119.
-taya, 1245a.

-taye, Infln. in, 970 e, 976.
•tar, see 1109a, and -tp.
-tara, 471-3, 1242a, b.
-taram and tarftm, lllle, 1119.
-tari, infin. in, 9701, 979.
-tavant, pple in, 959, 960.
-tave and tavfii, infin in, 970b,

972.
-tavya, 962, 964, 12121.
ytaB, see ta&8«
-tas, 1152; advbl, 1098.
-tft, 1237.
-tftt, impV. forms in, 670, 671, 618,

664, 704, 723, 740, 762c, 760e,

839, 1011a, 1032 a, 1043 d.
-tat, 383k, 1238; advbl, 1100b.
-tftti, 1238.
i^tfiy, pres., 761 e; periphr. pf.,

1071 f.
tfilavya, 44 a.
-ti, 1157; tl-stems in eompm, 1274,

1287d; scdry, 519, 1157h; advbl,

1102 a-d.
ytlj, eaph., 219a; dee., 1040.
-tltha, 1242e.
I^tir, 756, 766.
ytu, pres., 633; pf., 786c; aor.,

868a; int, 1002g.
-tu, 1161, 970b, 972.
ytiij, cans., 1042b.
j/tud, pres., 768; pple, 9674.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

Sanskbit Index.

529

-torn, infln. in, 968, 970b, 972,

987 988.
yttir,*pres., 756, 766; des., 1029 a;

eaiiB., 1042b.
-tor, 1182 g.
yttaly cans., 1042b.
ytuf, cans., 1042b.
ytr. enph., 242b; pies., 709, 716c,

766, 766; pf., 794k, 801 f, 804;

aoT., 904d; pple, 957b; Inf.,

968d: ya-ger'd, 992a; int.. 1002d,

g, 1003, 1017; deaid., 1029 a.
-tr, 943, 1182; tr-stems, doln, 369ff.;

govern accoB., 271 d; verba] use

of, 946; make peripbr. fat., 942-7.
tqpca, enpb., 233 a.
trta, tjiSyei, enpb., 243.
ytyd, aor., 836 b. 837 a; pple, 967 d.
yttP, pres., 710, 758; pf., 786a;

fat., 936 d; aor., 847, 852a.
yty9, pt, 786a; aor., 840b, 847.
ytfti or tqpbh, enpb., 223 b, 224b;

pros., 694 a, 696; aor., 847, 916 a.
to^ds, dcln, 416 b.
-toB, Infln. in, 970 b, 972.
tU for d&ta, 956 f, 1087 e.
ttl for dftti, 1167 G.
-tna, 1245g, h.
-taiu, 1196.
tman, dcln, 416 b.
-tya, for -ya, 992; scdry, 1245 b-d.
V^tyaJ, 1087 f; eupb., 219a; pf.,

786 a; fut. 935 b; pple, 956 b.
-tyfii, Infln. In, 970 e, 976 a.
-tra, 1185; or trft, advbl, 1099.
/trap, pf., 794h.
/tras, pf., 794h; aor., 899 d.
ytvA, 102a; pres., 628; aor., 887 d,

893 a, 895.
-tr&, Bee -tfa*
txi, dcln, 482a, f; in compBn,

1800 c.
-trl, Bee 1185 g.
triatubb, enpb., 161 d.
-tri, 376 c, 1182.
-tra, Bee 1186 g.
•tva, gemndlval, 966 a, 1209 b; scdry,

1239.
-tvatft, 1239 d.
-tvan, see 1169.
-tvana, 1240.
y'tvar, cans., 1042 g.
-tvara, see 1171.
-tvft, 990, 991, 993.
-tvanam. 993 c.
-tvfiya, 993 b.
/tvl9, pres., 621a; aor., 916 a.

Wbitney, Grammar. 3. ed.

-tvi, 993 b.

-tvmam, 993 c.

ytsar, aor., 890 a, 899 d.

th, pron. etc., 47, 48; with preced-
ing sonant aspirate, 160.

-tha, 1163; ordinal, 487c, 1242d;
or fh&, advbl, 1101.

-tham, advbl, see 1101a.

-th&, see tha,

-fh&t, advbl, see 1101a.

-thu, 1164.

d, pron. etc., 47, 48; anomalously

changed to 4) 151b; do. from h,

404.
d&lrqiipa, ddn, 525 c.
Vdagh, eapb. , 156b, 160o; aor.,

833, 836 b, 838, 847.
ydad, 672; pf., 794 J.
Vdadh, 672; enpb., 165 e, 160 c.
dadli&n, d4dhi, 343 i, 431.
d^, euph., 389 b.
diknt, doln, 396.
dantya, 47.
ydabh or dambh, enph., 155b;

pf., 794h; aor., 833; des., 1030.
/dam, pres., 763; pple, 965 a; tvft-

ger'd, 991b.
-dam, advbl, see 1103b.
/day, pres., 761 f; periph. pf., 1071 f.
ydarldrS, so-called, 104.b, 1024 a;

pf., 1071 e.
y6al, cans., 1042 g.
ydac or daA9, pres., 746; pf.,

794 d; tvft.ger'd, 991 d.
ydas, aor., 847, 852b, 899 d.
Vdab, enph., 165b, d, 223a: aor.,

890a, 897a, 444a: fnt., 936d;

Int, 1002 d; des.. 1030.
yd& give, pres., 667-9, 672, 856 a;

pf., 803a; aor., 830, 834 », 836,

837, 839, 847, 884, 894c; pple,

955f, 1087 e, 1157c; inf., 968f;

tvft-ger'd. 991b; ya-ger'd, 992 a;

des., 1030, 1034 b.
/dft divide, 261; pres., 763 c, 761 g;

aor., 834a: pple, 954c, 966 f,

957a, 1087e, 1157c; ya-ger'd,

992 a.
]/dft bind, pres., 763c, 761 g; aor.,

884; pple, 954 c.
ydSk protect, alleged, pt, 787.
-dft, advbl, 1103 a b.
-d&nim, advbl, 1103 c.
]/dao, pres., 444, 639o; pf., 790b,

803 a.

34

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

wm

530

Sanskrit lJ!a)£x.

ydas, pres., 444.

-di, advbl, 1103 e.

didy6t etc., 386 e.

}/div, see div.

d£v, ddn, 361 d.

1/dio, eaph., 218a; aor., 916, 920a;

int., 1017.
I^dih, eapb., 156b, 223a; aor., 916.
j/dik?, d68., 1031b: caas., 1042 n.
ydidi, so-called, 676; pf., 786 b.
V'didlu, 80-caUed, 104b, 676; pf.,

786b; aor.. 897b.
ydip, aor., 861a.
ydivplay, euph., 240b; pres., 765;

pple, 955 c; inf., 968 e.
]/div or dev lament , pple, 957a;

inf., 968 e.
I^du or du, pres., 716b; pple, 957a.
ducohunS, enpb., 168 b.
ydudh, 102a.
l^duB, eupb., 240c, 1155a; aor.,

847; cans., 1042b.
duB-, 225a, 1 121 ; in compsn, 1284 a, b,

1288 e, f; g, 1304 c, d.
l/duh, enph., 156b, d. f, 223a; pres.,

621, 635; pf., 801 h; aor., 916,

920a-f.
V'dy ^wrce, eupb., 242 c; pf., 793 h;

pple, 957b; int., 1002d, 1003,

1023; cans., 1042e.
ydf heed, pres., 757, 773; aor.,

834a, 881b.
}/dn>, w)r., 847; fat, 935b, 936d.
yd^c, enpb., 218a; pf., 790c, 801 e,

805b; aor., 832, 834b, 836, 840b,

847, 890 a, 894 a; fat., 936 d; pass.,

998f ; root noun, dcln, 386. 3.
dfOf d^a, drk^Af with pron.-stems,

518.
j/dyb or dr£ih, euph., 155 b, 223 b, d ;

pres., 758, 761b, 767; pf., 786a.
devanigarl, 1.
do84n, d6B, 398 a, 432.
dyA and dy6, dcln, 361 d, e.
ydyut, pf., 785a; aor., 840a, b,

847, 863a, 890a; int., 1002g;

cans., 1042b.
-dyus, see 1105 b.
ydrB, run, pple, 967 a; int., 1024 a.
|/drft sleep, aor., 912; pple, 954c,

957a; int., 1024a.
ydm. pf., 797c; aor., 868; int.,

1018a; cans., 1042 e.
|/druh, eupb., 155b, d, 223a, o;

aor., 834d, 847, 920e, f.
dvaadvs, 1252 a.
dvar, dcln, 388. 3.

dvi, compds with, 1300 c
dvigu, 1812.

/dTlff, eupb., 226 d, f; pret., 621ai
aor., 916, 920 b.

dh, pron. etc., 47, 48; from torth

after sonant aspirate, 160; h bom,

223 g.
-dha, see -dlift.
ydham or dtunft, pres., 760; pasi.,

772; aor., 912; pple, 955b; ya-

ger'd, 992 a.
ydiOL put, eupb., 223 g; pres., 667

-9, 672, 856a; aor., 830, 834-

7, 839, 847, 884; pple, 954c;

inf., 968 f; tva-ger'd, 991b; des.,

1028 d, 1030, 1031a; in peziphr.

conj,, 1070 0.
ydhti euek, 261; pres., 761 f; aor.,

868; pple, 954c; inf., 968f; y»-

ger'd, 992 a.
-db& or -dha, advbl, 1104.
ydhftv rinse, pple, dhfiutd, 954e.
|/dhi (or dhinv), 716 a.
dhl, final of compds, li66g, 1276b.
ydim or dhu, pres., 712, 728 1,

765; pf.. 790b; aor., 868a, 887o;

int., 1002g, 1003, 10jk8a; cans.,

1042 m. ;

/dhurv, aor., 887c ; des., 1028b.
ydhip, pres., 757, 773; pf., 786a;

aor., 834a, 867, 871 ; Int, 1003.
ydh^ pf., 786a; aor., 847, 852b;

pple, 956 b.
ydlunft, see dhaiii.
ydhyft, pres., 761 e; aor., 912.
-dhyfti, Infln. in, 970 g, 976, 1050 f.
ydhvafta or dhvas, euph., 166;

pf., 790 o; aor., 847; cans., 1042 g.
ydhvan, pple, 955 a, 956 b; cans.,

1042g.
V'dhv^, pple, 955 e.

n, pron. etc., 47, 48; as final, 143;
for final rdcl m, 143 a, 212a:
change to i^, 189-96; ;to ii after
and before palatals, 201-3, d28b;
combinations as root-final, 204;
loss as stem-final, 204b; assim.
to palatals and Unguals, ^206; to
I, 206; before sibilants, 207;
treated as ns, 208, 209; dupUea-
tion of final, 210; insUbiUty as
final, 266, 1203 b; used as onien-
cons., 257, 313, 482h; questien
of final of pafioan etc., 481; final
n in secndry dervn, 1203 c.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

Sansksit Index.

531

n4, eompantiye, 1122 b.

xui added to thft or ta of 2 d pi.,

549a; forms so made, 613, 616b,

618, 621b, 654, 658, 669, 690,

704, 707, 723, 735b, 740, 752 b,

760c, 831a, 839, 849a.
-na, of pples, 952, 957, 1177: eupb.,

161b; scdry, 1223g, 1245f; in

compsn, 1273, 1284.
Vnakf, 102 a.
V'nad, cans., 1042 g. .
yjMady enpb., 192 a.
ynabh, eupb., 192 a; cans., 1042 g.
j/nam, pf., 786*; aor., 890a, 897b,

911, 912; fut., 935b; pple, 954d;

inf., 968 d; int., 1017; dns.,

1042g.
-nam, advbl, 1109 a.
V^nao be lost, enpb., 192a; aor.,

847, 854b, 867; fut., 935d,936a;

des., 1028.
y^na^ attain, enpb., 218a; pf., 801 g;

aor., 833, 834b, 837b; des., 1029c.
ynas, aor., 837b.
n&a, dcln, 387, 397.
-naa, 1152.

y^nali, enpb., 223 g; pres., 761c.
-na, see 1177.
n&grari, la.
nflsikya, 230 b.
nf, eupb., 192 f.
-ni, 1158.

yniikB, enph., 183 a; pros., 628.
i/nij, eupb., 219a; aor., 847; Int.,

loai.

nitya-circnmflex, 84b.'

1/nind, pf., 790b; aor., 840b.

nilay, qnasl-root, 1087 c.

ni^ and nl^ft, 397.

nlB, loss of initial of. 1087a,

]/ni, aor., 889, 896, 900b; fat.,

936 a; inf., 968 c; tvS-ger'd, 991c;

int., 1017, 1018a; peripbr. pf.,

1071 f.
-ni, fem, ending. 1176 d, 1223 c.
ni4&, enpb., 198 d.
ynu or nu, pres., 626a; aor., 868a,

887 c; int., 1002 g, 1003.
-nu, 1162.
ynud, aor., 834d, 904o; pple, 956b,

957 d; int., 1017.
nt, dcln, 371.
ynft, eupb., 192a; aor., 833, 847,

852b; Inf., 968 d; tvS-ger'd, 991 o.
n^d, accent of verb wltb, 595 e.
n6ma, dcln, 525 c.
nftd, dcln, 361a.

p, pron. etc., 49, 50.

-p, oau8.-sign, 10421-1; aor. from

suob cans., 1047.
-pa, 1201.
pa]rv& as pple, 958.
V'pao, pres., 761b.
ypat, pf., 794f, b; aor., 847; int.,

1002g; des., 1030, 1031; cans.,

1042 g.
p&tl, dcln, 343 d, e; in dpndt compsn,

1267a; denom. conj. from, 1054 a.
p&th, pathi, p&nthan, dcln, 3431,

395, 433.
]/pad, pres., 761 o; aor., 834b, d,

836, 837b; pple, 957d; int.,

1002 g; des., 1030.
p&d, dcln, 387, 389 b.
pada, Ilia; pada-endings and oases,

Ilia, b.
ypan, pf., 794 f; int., 1002 g.
p&nthan, see p&th«
p&ra, doln, 525 c.
parasm&i padam, 529.
p&rucohepa, eupb., 168b.
palfty, quasi-root, 1087 c.
palyafig, quasi-root, 1087 c.
palyay, quasi-root, 1087 c.
KP»9) P'm» 761c.
pa^olma, dcln, 525 c.
l/pS drink, pres., 671, 749a, 855a;

aor., 830. 838; pple. 954c; ya-

ger'd, 992a; des., 1028 d; cans.,

1042k.
y^^ protect, aor., 912; cans., 1042 m.
pftda, 79, 93 d.
pftdaptira]^, 1122 b.
pl^iak, eupb., 190 c.
l/pinv, 699 b, 716 a, 749 b.
y'pi9, pres., 758; aor., 840b; pple,

956 b.
yv^ or plfi^, eupb., 226 d, f : pres.,

694a, 920a: aor., 190 o, 758a.
}/pl8, eupb., 181 d.
i/pi4, eupb., 198 d.
pipi, conJ.-stem, 676, 786 b.
pmiiB, pum&&8, eupb., 183 a; dcln,

394.
pnrahsara, puraskrta, puro-

gama, in compsn, 1302 f.
para, pres. in past sense with, 778 a.
puru, in compsn, 1284b, 1290.
I^puf , aor., 847.
ypa. pres., 728; aor. (?), 868a,

894 d; inf., 968 e; cans., 1042 e.
ptirva, dcln, 525 c; in compsn, 1251 e,

1291c, 1302 f.

34*

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

532

Sanskrit Index.

pu9&n, dclD, 426 a.

Vi>r /IW, eoph., 2426; pres., 731,

761b, 766; pf..793h; pple, 966d,

957b; Inf., 968c.
ypX ^«w, pt, 793 h; aor., 896.
YPX oe fttwy, pres., 757, 773.
VPTO, prei., 694t: aor., 834o, 886b,

887b, 840b, 890, 894a; pple,

967 c.
VPTO, 731, 753.
pft, pftana, 397.
p^ant, dcln, 450 o.
V'pyft or pi, pies., 761 e; pf., 785,

794b; aor., 912, 914b; pple,

957a; cans.. 1042k.
prag^bya, 138.

praoaya or pradta accent, 90 a.
|/praoh, euph., 220: pres., 756a;

pf., 794c; aor., 834c, 890; pple,

954b.
Vprath, aor., 840b, 863a.
prabhftl, in compsn, lB02e.
pra^Uijta-circnmflex, 84 d.
>/prft, aor., 830, 889.
pr&ya, in compsn, 13021.
ypri, pres., 731 ; aor. (?), 866, 868;

(^us., 1042 m.
)/pruth» ya-ger^d. 992 b.
/prtm, euph., 226 d, 302b; pres.,

732, 1066 b.
pl&y, quasi-root. 1087 c.
yplu, aor., 863b, 866; ya-ger'd,

992a; cans., 1042a.
pluta, 78.
}/pBft, 102 a.

ph, pron. etc., 49, 50.

Vphan, pf., 794b; int., 1002 g,

yphalj pf., 794 h.

as pple, 958.

KPnai,
phulla

b, pron. etc., 49, 50; Interchange

with V, 60 a.
yheAh, euph.» 223 b.
yl^adh or vadh, aor., 904 a; des.,

1029 a, 1040.
)/bandh, euph., 155 b; pres., 723,

730a; pf,, 794d; fat., 935b; inf.

968 d.
bahuvrihi, 1293 b.
j/bftdh, euph., 156b; aor., 904 d;

int., 1002d, 1003; des., 1029a,

1031, 1040.
Vbudh, euph., 155b; aor., 834 b, d,

839, 840b, 847.

ybyh, enph., 223b: pres., 758; int,
1011; cans., 1042h.

b^h&nt, dcln, 450a.

bbh, occurrence, 151 e.

ybT% pres., 632; peculiar construc-
tion, 268 a.

bh:, pron. etc., 49, 60; anomalous-
ly changed to a guttural*, 151 d;

h from, 223g.
ybhak^, 102a.
|/l)hnj, euph.. 219a; pf.,. 794h;

aor., 834c, 867, 890a; fut, 935b;

inf., 968d.
j/bhifij, euph., 219a; pres., 694;

pple, 967 c; tvft-ger'd, 991 d.
bhivant, 456, 514 c
ybhae, euph., 233 f; pres., 678.
ybhftf, inf., 968 d.
yl>liik9, 102 a.
Vbbid, aor., 832, 884d, 836a, 840a,

847; pple, 957 d.
bhl^ij, euph., 219a; denom. oonj.

ttom, 1054 a.
ybhi, pres., 645, 679; pf., 786b;

aor., 831a 840b, 866, 891, 897b;

cans., 10421, m; cans, aor., 1047;

periphr. pf., 1071 f, 1073 a.
ybhi9, 1042 m; aor., 861a, 1047.
ybhxi bend, euph.. 219a; pple,

957 c; tvft.ger»d, 991 d.
j/bbuj er^'ay, euph., 219a; pres.,

694a; aor., 836 b, 847, 912.
f/bhur, pres., 756: int., 1002 d.
bhi&vas, euph., 176c
vl>ha,.pf., 789a, 793b, 8Qftd; aor.,

829, 830, 836-9, 853, 924; inf.,

968 e; in periphr. conjn, 1070-72;

in ppial periphr. phrases, 1075 d;

in compd coi^n, 1091-4.
bhQta In compsn, 1273 c.
yhhr, pres., 645, 856a; pf., 789b,

797c; aor., 890a; int., 1002g,.h,

1003; periphr. pf., 1071 f.
bhOB, 466; euph., 174b.
f/bbra&o or bbra^, pres., 767;

aor.. 847; pple, 964b; cane,

1042h.
)/bbraJJ or bh^JJ, euph., 219b.
>/bbrain. pres., 763; pf., 794 h;

pple, 956a; inf., 968d; tvft-ger*d,

991b; ya-ger'd, 992 e; cms.,

1042 g.
yhbx^, euph.. 219b; pf., 790e,

794h; aor., 833.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

Sansxbit Index.

533

m, pion. etc, 49,50; as final, 143;

ai final radol, 143a, 212, 266; in

extrnl oombn, 213; before rij,

213b.
-ma, pimy, 1166; scdry, 474, 487 a, d,

1224b, 1242c.
VmaHh or mah, pf., 786a; cans.,

1042g.
mash&van, dcln. 428.
VmajJ, enpb.. 219a; pi., 801 g; aor.,

887|i; fat, 926a; pple, 967c; inf.,

968e;de8., 1028J.
-mat, adTbl, 1236 e.
i/math or manth, pros., 730a,

731, 732, 1066b, 746; aor.. 899d;

ya-ger'd, 992b; cans., 1042g.
vinad or maud, 102 a; prea., 628,

645, 764; aor., 833, 834d, 839,

840b, 887a, 897b, 899d, 904d;

pple, 956 b; rana., 1042 g.
I^man, pf., 764f; aor., 834b, 840b,

881e, 887a, b; fat., 935b; pple,

964d; des., 1028e, 1029a, 1040;

special constraction, 268 a, 994 e.
-man, 1168; man- and ma-atems,

1166 c; man-stems in compsn,

1277b.
manas. In comp. with infln.-stem,

968g.
-mane, infin. in, 970d, 974.
-mant, 1236.
ymantr, so-called, 104b, 1056,

1067, 1073 d.
mfathan, dcln, 434.
i/mand, 102a: see mad*
-maya, 161a, 1226.
-mara, 1201a.
ymah, see mai&li*
m4h, mahi, 400a.
mah&nt, dcln, 460 b.
mahi, 356a.
mahftprftijLa, 37 d.
y^m& measure, pres., 660. 663; aor.,

839; pple, 964c; inf., 968f; tvft-

ger'd, 991b; ya-gei'd, 992a; des.,

1030.
ymft exchange, pres., 761 fl
/mfi beOoWy pres., 660, 663, 672,

676 o; aor., 868 e.
mihSt mftjisi (and mis), 397.
mfttrft, in compsn, 1302 g; eupb.,

161a.
-mftna, 684 b, 1174.
mis, enph., 168a; dcln, 389b, 397:

and see miha,
ymijix, aor., 911; des., 1030.
-ml, 1167.

ylnikf, 1033a; cans., 1042b.

mitr&, 1185 0.

-min, 1231.

ymil, fut, 936b.

i/mi or mi damage, pres., 192 c,

731, 761b; aor., 911; des., 1030;

cans., 10421.
ymih, enph., 223b; pf., 790b; aor.,

916 a, 920 a.
ymiv, pple, 966 b.
ymjxo, pres., 758, 761b, 866a; aor.,

832,834c, 837b, 889, 847,890a;

des., 1030.
|/mnd, aor., 837b.
ymtm, prea., 732, 1066b; pple,

966b; cans., 1042b.
ymuh, enpfa., 223a, e; pres., 761 a;

aor., 847: pple, 966 e.
}/mlkroh, 22X)a; pres., 745 f; pple,

964e.
mOrdlianya, 46.
Vmi die, enph., 242c; pres., 767,

773; aor., 834 a, 837 h.
|/mr crush, pres., 731.
|/mr|, enph., 219b; pres., 621a,

627, 745e; pf., 786a, 793i; aor.,

900a, 919, 920; ftit., 936b, 936 d;

pple, 966b, d; inl, 968c; tvft-

ger'd, 991c; ya-ger'd, 992b; int.,

1002 g, 1003, 1017; des., 1028 j;

cans., 1042 b.
ym^, enph., 198d; cans., i042b.
ymm, 731, 753 a.
ywid, fat., 936 d.
ymrdh, aor., 838, 847.
ym^, pf.. 786a; aor., 916, 920;

pple, 966b; int, l002g, 1003,

1017.
Vmrf, aor., 834 c, 840 a, 847.
-mna, 1224 c.
ymnft, 102a; aor., 912.
ymxuo, aor., 847.
}/mlft, pres., 761c; aor., 912; pple,

967 a; cans., 1042 J.
ymluo, int., 1002g.

y, pron. etc., 51, 56, 56: relation to

i-vowels, 55; nasal y, Vic, 213d;

y as union-consonant, 258, 313 b,

8U, 1112e, 1151d, 1236p,996b;

resolved to 1, 55, 113b, 129e;

cases of loss of 1 before. 233a;

y of s£k treated as i. 1203 a.
ya contracted to i, 252, 769, 784b,

794 b.
ya as conj. -class-sign, 606^ 759;

as passiye-sign, 606, 768, 998a;

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

534

Sansebit INDEx.

added to intens. Btem, 1016; in

cans. sigD, 1055 a; as denom. sign,

1056-67,
-y« (or yft) of gerund, 990, 992,

993 ; of genindiye, 962, 963, 1213.
-ya, prmy, 1187, 1213; ya-stems in

compsn, 1272; scdiy, 1210-12.
yak&n, y&kft, 396a, 432.
yyaj, euph., 219 b, 784b; pres,,

628; pf., 784 b; aor., 834 c, 839,

890 a, 894 d ; inf., 968 d : des., 1029c.
y^yat, aor., 840 b; pple, 956 b.
y&thft, accent, 1101b; in compsn,

1313 o—e.
Vyam, pres., 608b, 631a, 747;

pf., 790b : aor., 833, 836-9, 887 a,

890 a, 896, 897b, 911; fut., 936 b;

pple, 964d; inf., 968 d ; tva-ger»d,

991b; cans., 1042 g.
yaxna, 230 a.

l/yae, aor,, 847: pple, 966 b.
-yas for -lyas, 470 a.l
l/yft, 102a; aor., 894c, 912, 914 c
-yfi, 1213 d.
-yin, aee 1230 e.
I^yu untie J pres., 626 a, 755; ya-

ger'd, 992 a.
yyxL separate, pres., 608a, 645: aor.,

838, 868a. 889, 894b; int., 1018a;
cans., 1042 e.

-yu, 1165; Beell78h-j.
V^yiij , enph. , 219 a ; pres. , 758 a ;
aor., 832, 834b, 836b, 837a,

839, 840b, 847, 887a; root-nonn,
386.

Vyudh, aor., 834d, 836b, 839,

887 a.
l/yup, int., 1017.
yuvan, ddn, 427.
yu^d, yu^^, 432.
y69an, dcln, 426b.

r, pron. etc., 51, 62; r and 1, 63b;
r and b as corresponding sonant
and snrd, 117b, 158a, 164; final,
144, 169; words ending in original
r, 169 a; combination as final rdd,
165; as other, 178; ayoidance of
double, 179; B or r as final of
certaiji forms, 169b; Arom 8 after
a, 176c; B to B after, 180ff.; but
not before, 181 a, b; changes
succeeding n to i^, 189 ff.; dupli-
cation of consonant after, ^^2&;
Bvarabhakti after, 230 c.

r-endings in 3d pi., 613, 618, 629,
699b, 738a, 752b, 799, 813, 818a.

ra and rft as increments of x^ 241.
-ra, prmy, 1188; scdry, 474, 1226,

1242 c.
yrak9, aor., 899 d.
yraj or raBJ, euph., 219 a; pres.,

746, 767; cans., 1042g.
yradh or randh, pf., 786a, 794h;

aor., 847.
|/ran, pf:, 786a; aor., 899d.
Vralbh, pf., 786a, 794h; aor., 834d,

897b; des., 1030.
yram, aor., 911, 912; pple, 954d;

inf., 968 d; tvft-ger*d, 991b; cans.,

1042g.
V^pft give, pres., 660, 666, 672;

aor., 839, 896.
|/rft harky pres.. 761 e.
yrfij, euph., 213b, 219b; pf., 794h.
}/radh, pf., 794h; aor., 836; des.,

1030.
yri or ri, cans., 10421.
-rl, 1191.
i/t1o, pres., 761b; aor., 834 c, 839,

847, B90.
}/rl9, aor., 916.
yrlB, euph., 226f; aor., 847, 862a,

853, 870; caus., 1042b.
yrih, euph., 223b; int., 1017.
|/rl, see ri.

Vru, pres., 626, 633, 755.
-ru, 1192.
|/ruo, aor., 834c, 837b, 840b, 847;

d^sid., 1031b.
ymj, euph., 219 a; aor., 832; pple,

957 c; tvft-ger'd, 991c.
yrudf pres., 631; aor.», 847; tv«-

ger'd, 991d.
|/rudh, pres., 694a, 758a, 856a;

pf., 801 h; aor., 832, 834 d\ 847,

887a, 890a; inf., 968d; ya-ger*d,

992 b.
/ruQ, aor., 916; cans., 1042 b.
r^Qant, dcln, 460c.
I^riuj, pple, 956 b.
j/rtih, euph., 223b, d; aor., 840b,

847, 853, 916, 920a, b; fut, 935d;

inf., 968d; ya-ger'd, 992c; cans.,

10421.
repha, 18.
r&i, dcln, 361b, f.
-rhi, adTbl, 1103 d.

1, pron. etc., 51, 53; 1 and r, 53b;
1 for r in certain verbal prefixes,
1087c; nasal 1, 71b,c, 206, 213d;
as final, 144; assim. to, 117g; oft,
162; of n, 206; of m; 213d;

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

Sanskbtt Index.

535

tSMrted 8 to 9 after, IdOb; du-
plication of consonaDt after, 228 a;
Bvarsbhakti after, 230d.

-la, prmy, 1189; scdry, 1227.

yOag, pple, 967 c; tvft-g«''d, 991c;
cau8., 1042g.

yiaSi, pre*.,. 754.

ylap, pple, 956b; infln., 968c

ylabb, aor., 834d; fat., 936b; des.,
1030.

ylal, caus., 1042g.

VUkh, fat., 936 b.

yiip, pres., 763, 758; aor., 83id,

Ql'7

yll9, aor., 916.

/lib, eupb., 223b; aor., 916,920a,
yii clma, aor., 911; pple, 967a;
ya-gerM, 992a: cauB., 10421, m.
yH totter, int., 1018a, 1022.
>lup, pros., 758, 761b; aor., 887 a,
ylubb, pre«., 761a.
yiu, preB., 728a; pple, 967a.

1, pion. etc., 5a, 64.

V, proo. etc., 61, 57, 68; relation
to u-yowel8, 57 a; interchange
wltbb, 50a; nasal v, 71c, 213 d;
resoWed to a, 58a, 113b; cases
of loss of u before, 233a; dapli-
cation of consonants after, 2tea.

va, contracted to u, 252, 769, 784,
794 b.

-va, prmy, 1190; scdry, 1228; advbl,
1102e, f.

V^vak^, pple, 956 b.

i/vao, euph., 2161: pros., 660; pf.,
784, 789|d; aor.,A847, 863, 854a.

yvaSiOy euph., 2151; pf., 786 a.

-vat, advbl, 1107, 1233 f; scdry,
383k. 1. 1245j.

I^vad, 102a; pros., 738a; pf., 784;
aor., 899 d, 904 d; pple, 966 d;
int., 1017; desld., 1031b.

y^vadb, see badb.

yvan, pf., 786a, 794 f; aor., 839,
887 b, 912, 914; pple, 955 b; des.,
1028g.

-van, pnny, 1169; scdry, 1234: van-
stems in compsn, 1277, 1287b.

-vana, -vani, -vann, 1170; -vana,
12451.

-vane, infln. in. 970 d, 974.

-vant, 517, 969, 1233; prmy,
1233 g.

Vvand, 102 a.

T/vap, pf., 784; fut, 936b; pple,

964b.
Vvam, pies., 631 a; pple, 966a;

tvft-ger*d, 991b; caus., 1042 g.
vam (from vr)i 543 a.
-vam, adTbl, 1102b.
-vaya, 1228 b.
-vara, 1171.
-vari, fern, to van, 1169, 1171,

1234 a.
varga, 32.

)/var]^, so-called, 1056.
-vala, 1228 b.
Vvao, pres., 638, 660; pf., 784,

yvaa ihiney enph., 167; pres., 608 b;

763b; pf., 784; aor., 834b; pple,

966b, d.
|/va8, ciothe, euph., 167; pres., 628,

631a, 688a; pf., 786a.
yvaa, dw0U, euph., 167: pf., 784;

aor., 840 b, 883; fut., 935 d; pple,

956 b, d; inf., 968c; tvft-ger'd,

991c; in periphr. conj. 1070 c;

periphr. pf., 1071 f.
-vas, 1173b: and see vfti^.
i/vab, eupb., 137c, 223b, 224b;

pf., 784; aor., 837b, 839, 840b,

890a; ftit., 935d: pple, 954b;

iut, 1002g, 1017^ at end of

compds, 403.
]/vft hhto, aor., 912; pple, 957 a.
yva droopf pres., 7ole.
yvft or vl toeavBy pres., 761 f; pf.,

784, 801b; fut., 935 0; pple, 954e;

inf., 968 f; cans., 1042k.
y-vBiiB (or -vas), of pples, 584c,

802-6, 1173; vafta-stems, dcln,

458ir.
vSgb&t, ddn, 444 a.
)/vft9, pf.. 786 a; aor., 861a.
vl, dcln, 343 h.
-vl, 1193.
vlkampana, 87 d.
Vvlo, int., 1024.
|/vij, euph., 219a; aor., 834c ; ftat.,

936b, 936c; pple, 957 c; Int.,

1017, 1024.
-vlt, see 1193b.
yvid know, 102e; pres., 613, 618,

621a; pf., 790a, 803a; fut., 935b;

inf., 968d; des., 1031b; periphr.

pf., 1071 f, 1073a; periphr. aor.

and pres., 1073 b, c.
l/vid find, 102a; pres., 758: pf.,

805b; aor., 847, 852a; pple, 967 d.
vldbft, in compsn, 13021.

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

536

Sanskeit Index.

-vln, 123Z

yVlndli, pr«6., 758.

yvip, aor., 840b; caos., 1042b.

▼irbna, 11.

T/vlQ, enph., 218ai pt, 803a, 806b;

aor., ^b, 916, 9^a.
Tfova, dcln, 524;. In compsn, 1251 e,

1280 c, 1298c.
yviB, euph., 225a, 226 d, f; aor.,

916; Int, 1024.
vlBarga, ylBaijan|ya» 67; and

Bee ^
yv% int, 1017, 1024a.
yvr cover y 102 a; pros, (fbrnu),

713; aor., 831a, 834a, 836b,

839, 840b, 900b; int, 968d;

int., 1002 g.
yvTp ehooaey 102 a; enph., 102 a,

242c ; pf., 797 c ; aor.. 837b, 840b;

inf., 968 d; cans., 1042 e.
VvTJ, enph., 219a; pf., 786 a, 803 a;

aor., 8$2, 834c, 836-9, 919, 920a;

Int, 1002 g.
i/vrt, pres., 643c, 855a; pf., 786a;

aor., 832, 834b, 836b, 839, 840a,

847, 904d; fnt., 935b, 943a;

Inf., 968 e; Int., 1002 g, 1003,

1017, 1023.
vytrA, 1185 c.
vyddhi, 27, 235 fT.
Vv^rdh, pf., 786a: aor., 847, 852a, b,

897b; Alt, 943 a; int. 968 e.
yvM, pf., 786a; aor., 847; inf.,

vf^fan, dcln, 426 b.

yvxh, aor., 916, 920 a.

voo, qnasi-root, 854 a.

-vya 1228 c.

i/vyao, 1087 f; pros., 682; pf., 785,

794 b.
yyafijana, 31.
yvyath, pf., 785.
yvyadh, prea., 767; pf., 785, 794b;

fnt, 936b ; pple, 954b; inf., 968f ;

cans., 1042g.
yvyay, prea., 761 f.
Vvyft, or vi, pres., 761 f; pf., 785,

794 b, 801c; aor., 847; ftit, 935 c;

pple, 954 c; cans., 1042 k.
VvraJ, enpb., 219b; aor., 899 d.
y-mqOf eupb., 221b; pple, 957 o;

tvft-ger'd, 991 c.
yvli, pret., 728b; pple, 957a; int,

1017^ cans., 10421.

9, pron., etc., 59, 63, 64, 119; re-
Ution to 9, 63a; as final, 145;

in intml combn, 218; with pre-
ceding t or n, 203. .
-9a, 1229.

V9aft8, pf., 790 c; ya-ger^d, 992 c
1/oak, aor., 837a, 869, 847; pple,

956b; dot., 1030, 1040.
Qak&nt 9ttrt, 398, 432.
V^9afik, aor., 904 d.
V'9ad prevailj pf., 786.
V9ad faU, pple, 957 d.
V9ap, aor., 233 e; int. 968 a.
yqam Mar, pres., 634, 763.
y^Bxa be qutet, pret., 763; aor.,

847;. pple, 955a; cans., 1042g.
T/9a9, pf., 794j.
}/9a8, aor., 839.
^as, adTbl, 1106.
V9ft, pres., 660, 662, 753 c, 761 g;

aor., 834a; pple, 954o; causu,

1042k.
Veto (or 9ia), pres., 4U, 639,

675; aor., 847, 852a, 864c; pple,

954e, 956b; inf., 968o; ya-gei'd,

992 c; desid., 1031b; ftob fro^^

225 a, 392b.
f^9lfij, enph., 219a; pres., 628.
i/oIb leave, enpb» 226 f; pres., 694 a,

758a; aor., 847, 853.
]/9i9, see 9^0.
^91 lie, pres., 628, 629; pt, 806a;

ftit, 935 a; pple, 956c; ya-ger*d,

992e.

uo, pres., 631a; aor., 847; inf.,

)68d; tvft-ger'd, 991c; cans.,

1042b.
V9adh, cans., lt)42h.
V^cubh, pres., 858; aor., 852&, b;

840b; cans., 1042b.
^j^tu}, pres., 761a.
9U9ka as pple, 958.
y<^fLy see 9vft.
l/9Uf, enpK, 240 b.
V9r crush, enph., 242b; pres., 731;

pf., 793h; aor., 900a, 904b;

pple, 955d, 957b; inf., 968d.
y9oand, Int, 1002g.
>^9nath, pres., 631a; aor., 867.
yqyti or ci, pres., 761 e; pple, 964 c

957 a.
V'9Path, pres., 732, 1066b, 758;

pf., 794h; pple, 956 d.
y<yrBxa^ pres., 763; pf., 794h; aor.,

847; pple, 955a; cans., 1042 g.
V9rt, pres., 761 e; pple, 954b;

cans., 1042J; cans, aor., 861b,

1047.

n^

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

Sanskbit Index.

537

ycri, tor., 831, 867, 868, 889a;

inf., 968 e; caas., 10421.
V^rii}, aof., 847.
y^ri, pple, 956 d.
j/^riv, see etiv.
Vqru, eupb., 243; pres., 699b, 711 ;

pf-i 798c; aor.. 831, 836, 838,

839, 853, 866, 867; desid., 1040;

caai., 1042 e.
yqru^, 102 a.
yoll9, euph.. 226 d,f; pies., 761 o;

aor., 847, 916.
y^afto, aor., 863 a.
^v&n, dcln, 427.
yqvaa, pres., 631; pple, 966b;

cans., 1042g.
i^ovft or Qvi or oft, pf., 786c,

794 b; aor., 847, 868,897 b; pple,

963 a; inf., 968 e.
V^vit, aor., 832, 790.

9, pron. etc., 69 61, 62, 120, 182;
relation to 9, d3 a ; ordinary deriv-
ation, 46; exceptional occurrence,
182; aa final, 146, 146b; B chang-
ed to, 180-8; recorrence avoided,
181c, 184e, 10281; as root final,
182a, 184 c, 225, 226; changes
succeeding n to n, 189 ft; assim.
of denUl after, 197; from 9, 218.

-sani, (or -sani), InflD. in, 970b,
978, 1159 c, 1160 a.

i^m, enph., 146b, 199c.

-^ (or -Be), Infln. in, 970 c, 973 b.

Vfthiv, enph., 240b; pres., 746 g,
766; pf., 789 c; pple, 956 c; tvft-
ger'd, 991 d.

-^yfil (or -Byfil), Infin. in, 970 g,
977.

8, pron. etc., 69, 60; b and r as
corresponding surd and sonant,
117b, 158a, 164; b or r as final
of certain forms, 169b; as final,
146, 169, 170 a: combinations of
final rdcl 8, 146b, 166-8; of
other, 170-7; exceptional cases,
171, 173; final 88, 175, 176; SB,
177; 8 to §, 180-8; exceptional
cases, 181, 184e, 186c, d, 186a;
( adds t before, 199e; final n
adds (retains) 6, 208, 209; B lost
between mutes, 233 c-f ; in b- aor.,
834, 881, 883 ; after a vowel, 233 b ;
exceptional combination after such
loss, 233 f; 8 anomalously from
final root-consonant, 406a; b before

ftm of gen. pL, 313 a, .496 c; in

aor., 874 ff.; in fut, 931 ff.; in

desid., 1027 ff.
-8, advbl, 1106.
-88, 1197.
Ba-, 1121 e; In compsn, 1288 g,

1304f-b, 1313f.
Baihvrtft a, 21.
B&khi, dcln, 343 a-c.
Bakth&n, B&kthi, 343 i, 431.
VBagh, aor., 836b.
i/Bao, pres., 660; pf., 794 f; aor.,

840b; Baoo ftom, 673, 676.
^Bi^i or BafiJi enpb., 219 a; pres.,

746; pf., 794d, h, 801h; aor.,

834c, 887a; inf., 968f; des.,

10281; cans., 1042h.
VBad, pre*., 748; aor., 847, 862a,

863, 899 d; fat., 936b, 936c';

pple, 967,d; inf., 968 d.
VBan or Bft, pf., 804; aor., 847,
• 853. 899 d; pple, 965b: int.,

1002 g; des., 1028 g, i, 1032a.
-Bani, infio. in, see -Bani.
Baxhdhi, 109.

Baihdhyak^K"^} ^^^^ ^^'

Bannatara, 90 c.

yBabhSg, so-called, 104b, 1067.

Bamftntt^ara, 30.

BampraBftrai^, 262 a.

BamrfiJ etc., 213 b.

-Bara, 1201a.

Bar&gh or Bari^, 389b.

B&rva, dclD, 524; in compsn, 1261 e,

1298c.
1/8890, pres., 444, 673, 676.
B&B, euph., 176 a, b.
-888, iib%
Vsah, enpb., 186a, 223b, 224 b;

pres., 628; pf., 786a, 790b,

803a; aor., 837, 838, 887a, 897a,

b, 899 d; ftit., 935 d; pple, 965 e;

inf., 968 d; des., 1030; at end of

cmpds, 405.
Bah&, in cmpsn, 1304f, g.
VBft or Bi bind, pres., 763 c; aor.,

830, 834a, 839, 868a, 894c;

fut., 936a, 936b; pple, 954c;

inf., 968f; ya-ger'd, 992a; cans.,

1042 k.
-B&t, advbl, 1108.
}/B&dh, aor., 8618.
-BSna, ppial words in, 897 b, 1175.
VBfintv, so-called, 104b.
I^Bi, see Bft.
i^Blo, pres., 758; aor.. 847; tvft-

ger'd, 991 d; cans., 1042h.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

Sanskbit Index.

h repel, fut., 935 h.

, pres., 761c, 766; pple, 955 c;

., 1028h, i.

press out. Tpres., 699 b; aor.,

I, 840b, 867; fut., 936 a; ya-

M, 992 a.

1121 h, i; in compsu, 1284 a,

1288, 1304 c, d.

see 1178f.

>h, pres., 768.

or BU, pres., 626, 628, 766;

789 a; aor., 868 a; ftit., 936 a,
\h, 939b; inf., 968d, e.
, aor., 861.
I, aor., 871.

pf., 797 c, 806 a; aor., 847;
s., 1042 e.

, enph., 2161, 219b, c; aor.,
lb, c, 840b, 890; fat., 936d.
, euph., 161 d; pf., 790 c; aor.,
Id, 847; fut., 935b, 936 d; inf.,
Je; int., 1002g.
Inflo. in, see -i^e.
lan, 87 d.
riginal of oh, 42.
^d, aor., 833, 890 b; pple,
^d; ya-gerM, 992b; int.,

.bh or skambh, pros., 730,
I, 1066b; pf., 786a, 790b,
td.

L, pres., 626 a; int., 1017.
n, pres., 631a; aor., 899 d.
bh or Btambh, euph., 233 c;
s., 730,732,1066b; pf., 794d;
e, 966 b.

for -tfit, advbl, 1100b.
(h, desid., 1031b.
, pres., 626, 633; pf., 797 c;
., 866, 894 b, d; fot., 936 a;
.gei'd, 992a; desid., 1028 i;
8., 1042e.

euph., 242 c; pf., 801 f, 806 a;
., 831, 8348, 885, 900 a; pple,

b; inf., 968d; ya-ger'd, 992 a.
icln, 371k.
1, aor., 916.

&, pres., 761 e; pple, 957 a.
dcln, 366, 367 c.
a, euph., 233 c; pres., 671, 749 a;
, 830, 834 a, 836, 837, 8408,
', 884, 894 c; pple, 954c; inf.,
if; caus. aor., 861b, 1047; in
ftl periphr. phrases, 1076 c.

1195.

,, cans., 1042 j.
Ii, eiiph., 223 a, c.

|/Bnu, pros., 626 a.

-Bnu, 1194.

sparga, 31, 32.

)/BpaQ, aor., 834 c.

VBpy, aor., 831, 836 b, 839.

j/Bpydh, euph., 242 d; aor., 834 b,

840 b.
y«PX9, euph., 218 a; aor., 916, 920 a;

fut., 936d.
yspjfli, euph., 223 b, d; cans., 1042d.
}/8ph&, pple, 964c; caus., 1042m.
yBphut, fut., 936 b.
)/BphT, pres., 766; tvfipger'd, 991 d;

cans., 1042b.
sphotana, 230 e.
sma. In pronoml ddn, 493, 496 a,

603.
sma, prea. in past sense with, 778b, c
ysmi, tvft-gei'd, 991 d; cans.,

10421; periph. pf., 1071 f.
ysmf, pass., 770 c; tvft-ger'd, 991 d;

caus., 1042e.
Bya as denom. sign, 1064.
ysyand, pf., 786a; aor., 861a,

890b; fut.. 943a; pple. 957d;

ivft-ger'd, 991 d; Int., 1002 g.
yByam, pf., 794 h.
sy&B, euph., 176a.
Hsyfil, infln. in, see -i^y&L
ar&j, euph., 219 a.
ysTAB or srafts, euph., 168; pf.,

790 c; aor., 833, 847; ya-ger'd,

992 b.
ysridh, aor., 847, 862 b.
I^Brlv (or Qriv), euph., 240 b; pres.,

766; caus., 1042b.
ysru, pf., 797c; aor., 868; cans.,

1042 e.
Bva^ 513 b, 616 e: dcln, 526 c.
I^Bvaj, eoph., 219 a; pres., 746; pf.,

794h; aor., 863 a; tva-ger'd,

991c.
Bvitavae, euph., 168 a, 415 b.
)/Bvad, pple, 964 f.
^Bvan, pf., 794h; aor., 899 d; int.,

1002 g.
V^Bvap, pies., 631; pf., 785 b, 794b;

aor., 867: fUt., 936b; pple, 964b;

des., 1028 h; cans., 1042 g.
Bvayam, in compsn, 1284 b.
1/Bvar, aor., 890 a, 899 d.
Bvar, dcln, 388.
Bvara, 30, 81.
Bvarabhaktl, 230 c-e.
Bvarlta, 81.

BV&vaB, euph., 168a, 415b.
}/BVid, pple, 957 d.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

Sanssbit Index.

539

h, proD. etc., 59, 65, 66, 119; from
dh and bh, 223 g; as final, 147;
eompensatlng aspiration of initial,
147, 155 b; with following t or
th, 160a; with preceding final
mute, 163; m before h and an-
other cons., 213 g; reTorsion to gh,
214 if., 222: in Infiectlon, 402,
637; in pf., 787; in Intens., 1002 i;
in desid., 1028 f; internal combn,

. 222-4; anomalously changed to
a sibilant, 150 f; to d, 404: du-
plication of a cons, after, 228 a;
nftsikya added after, 230b; loss
before hi, 101 la.

-ha, ad^bl, 1100 a, 1104 b.

yhad, pple, 957 d.

vlian, enph., 192 b. 2161, 402,
637, 787; pros., 637, 673, 709;
pf., 794 e, 805 a; aor., 899 d; fat.,
935b, 943a; pass., 998f; pple,
954d; inf., 968d; int., 1002g,
h. i, 1003; des., 1028 e, f: cans.,
1042 m; root-nonn, 383 h, 402.

h&nta, accent of verb with, 598 a.

yhas, jaki} from, 640.

ylift move J pres., 660, 664; des.,
1028 d; cans., 1042 d.

}/h& leave, pres., 665, 761b; aor.,
830, 889, 912: fut., 936 c; pple,
957a; inf., 968 f; cans, aor., 861b,
1047.

yh&B, 102a 912.

]/hi, enph., 192c. 2161, 674. 787;

pres., 699b, 716 a; aor.. 831,839,

840b, 847, 889a, 894d; des.,

1028 f.
hi, 595e, 1122b.
•hi, advbl, 1100c.
VliiAs, enph., 183 a; pres., 687, 696;

des., 1031b.
Vhinv, 716a.
ylii^, enph., 240b; pf., 786b; cans.,

1042b.
yhu, pres., 645, 647 o. 652; periphr.

pf. etc., 1071 f, 1073 c.
Vhfl or hva, pres., 761 f, 755; pf.,

794b; aor., 834a, 847, 687c,

912: fnt, 935c; inf., 968f; cans.,

1042k; periphr. pf., 1071 f.
yhf eeize, aor.. 834 a, 890 a; inf.,

968 d; cans., 1042e.
yhfd, hfdaya, 397.
yh^, aor., 847; pple, 956b.
ylinii, pres., 626 a.
yliras, pple, 956 b.
yhri, pres., 645; aor., 840 b; pple,

957 a; cans., 10421; periphr. pf.,

1071 f. •
l/hvd, see hu.
yhvr or hvar, enph., 242 c; pres.,

682; aor., 863a, 890; pple, 955 e.

Digitized by VjOOQIC

GENERAL INDEX,

a-aoilBt (simple aoriat, 2), 824, 846
-54: in the later language, 846;
roots fonning it In the older lan-

Sage, 847; inflection, 848; modes,
9-51; parUoiples, 852; irregu-
Urities, 853, 854.

a-dasfl (first, bh^-class) of verbs,
606, 784-50: formation of stem,
734; inflection, 735-43; roots of
the class, 744; irregularities, 745
-50.

d-class or accented a-dass (sixth,
tud-dass) of verbs, 606, 751-8:
fonnatlon of stem, 751 ; inflection,
752; roots of the class, 753, 754;
irregnlarities, 755-8.

&-conJngation — see conjugations.

a- or &-declension , transference of
cons.-stems to, 399, 415a, 429a,
437, 441b: 11481, 1149a, 1166c,
1209, 1315.

a-stems (tense-stems), uniform in-
flection of, 738 a.

abbreviation of consonant- groups,
231-3.

ablative case, uses of, 289-93; ab-
lative of comparison. 292b; with
prepositions, 293, 1128; used ad-
verbiaUy, 1114; abl. Inflnitive. 983 ;
abl. by attraction with infln., 983b;
abL use of adverbs in tas, 1098 d ;
abl. as prior member of compound,
1250 f.

absolute use of instrumental, 281 g;
of genitive, 300b; of locative,
303 b-d; of gerund, 994 e.

absolutive — see gerund.

abstract nouns, secondary derivation
of, 1206, 1286-40.

accent, general, 80-97: its varieties,
80-6; accentuated texts, 87; mo-
des of designating, 87, 88; iUus-
tration of BY. method, pp. 518-9;

over^reflnements of Hindu theory,
90; modem delivery of andent
accented texts, 91; no sentenee
accent, 92; accentlefs windB. 98;
words doubly accented, 94, It^,
1267 d; accent of protracted syl-
lable, 78 a; freedom of place of
accent, 95; — changet of accent
in vowel combination, 128, 130,
135 a; — accent in dedenalon,
314-20; of vocative, 92a, 814;
change of accent in monosyllabie
etc. declendon, 316-9; in nu-
meral. 482g, 483a-c; of finetion-
als, 488a; of case-forms used as
adverbs, llHg, 1112e, 1114d;
different accent of action-nouns
and agent-nouns, 1144 a; of deter-
minative and possessive com-
pounds, 1295; — ^, accent of personal
endings, 552-4; in relation to

' strong and weak forms, 556; of
personal verb-forms in the sen-
tence, 92 b, 591-8; of perij^ias-
tic formations, 945, IvTSe: of
compounded verb-forms, 1082-5;
— accent in primary derivation,
1144; in secondary, 1205; in
composition, 1251 ; — ordinary ac-
centuation of Skt words by Western
scholars, 96.

accusative case, uses of, 269-77:
with verbs, 270, 274; with nouns
and adjectives, 271, 272; with pre-
positions, 273, 1129; with verbs
of motion and address etc, 274;
cognate, 275; adverbial, 276, 1111 ;
double, 277; acous. inflnitive, 961,
986-8; gerund, 995; aocua. as prior
member of compound, 1250 a.

action-nouns and agent-nouns, chief
classes of primary derivatives, 1145,
1146.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

Oenebal Index.

541

active voice, In verbs, 628, 529.

acate (odfttta) accent, 81.

ad-cIasB of verba — see root-class.

adjective, its distinction from nonn,
322; from pple", 967; ^formation
of componnd adj., 323-5, 1292 if.;
inflection of adj., 321-465; com-
parison, 466-74; a4J. pronominally
inflected, 522-6.

adjective compounds, secondar7,1247g,
1292-1313; of other than possess-
ive valne, 1294, 1309, 1310; adj.
copnlative compnonnds, 1257.

adverbs, 1097-1122: adv. by deri-
vation , 1097-1109 ; case - forms
nsed as adv., 1110-17: adverbial
compotmds, 1111 d, 1313: verbal
prefixes etc. as adv.. 1118-20;
inseparable prefixes, 1121; other
miscellaneons adv., 1122; adv.
nsed prepositionally, 1123 if.; adv.
copulative compounds, 1259 ; forms
of comparison, 473 b.

agent-nouns — see action-nouns.

aggregative compounds — see copu-
lative compounds.

alphabets used for writing Sanskrit,
1 ; older Indian , 2 ; the Devana-
gail alph., 1-17; varieties of writ-
ing and of type for, 3, pp. 516-7;
characters and transliteration, 5;
arrangement, 7; theory of use, 8,
9; native mode of writing, 9 a, b;
modifications of this in Western
practice, 9c-e; vowel-writing. 10;
consonant combinations , 1^2-15 ;
other signs, 11, 16; numeral fig-
ures, 17; names of characters, 18;
signs and transliteration of anu-
Bvftra, 73.

alphabet, spoken — see system of
sounds.

alterant vowels, changing following

B to 9, 180.
- analysis of language into its elements,
98, 99; anal, of componnd words,
1248.

antithetical constmction, its influence
on accent of verb, 596, 597.

anuBvftra, its pronunciation etc.,
70-2; signs and transliteration, 73,
16b; see also ii, ih*

aorist tense, 532; its uses, 926-30;
in prohibitive expression, 579; —
aor. system, 535, 824-930; classi-
flcation of forms of aor., 824;
character and occurrence, 825-7;

variety from same root. 827b, c;
simple aor., 824,828: 1. root-aor.,
829-41; passive aor. 3d. sing.,
842-5; 2. a-aor., 846-54; 3. re-
duplicated or causative aor., 856-
73; sibilant-aor., 874-920; 4. a-
aor., 878-897; 5. la-aor., 898-910 ;
6. aithaor., 911-15; 7. aa-aor.,
916-20; aor. optative or precatlve
of later language, 921-5; aor. in
secondary conlugation, 1019, 1035,
1046-8, 1068; periphrastic aor.,
1073 b; — B-aor. stem in deriva-
tion, 1140 0.

apposition al compounds,1280d: appos.
possessive compounds, 1302.

ar or r in root and stem forms, 104 e,
237.

article, indeflnlte, represented later
by eka, 482 c.

aspirate mutes, phonetic character etc.
of. 37, 38; their deaspiration, 114,
153-5; restoration of lost aspira-
tion to, 141a, 147, 155; not be-
fore impv. ending dhi, 155 f; de-
rivation of h from, 66; sonant
aspirate with following t, th, 160;
non-aspirate for aspirate in redu-
plication, 590a: — and see the
different letters.

aspiration Qi), its pronunciation etc.,
59, 65, 66: ~ and see h.

asseverative particles, 1122 a, b.

assimilation in euphonic combination,
115-20; with or without change
of . articulate position, 116; sard*
and sonant, 117, 156-64; nasal,
117 g, 198b, 199c; 1, 117g, 206;
dental to lingual and palatal, 118;
other cases. 118-20.

augment, 585-7; ft as augment,
586 a; omission, 587; irreg. com-
bination with initial vowel of root,
136 a; irregularly placed, 1087 c, f;
uses of augmentless preterit per-
sons, 563, 687; with mft prohibit-
ive, 579.

avyayibh&va compounds, 1318.

bahuvrihi compounds — see pos-
sessive compounds,
benedictive — see precatlve.
bhu-olass of verbs — > see a-class.

cardinal numerals, 475 ; their combi-
nations, 476-81; infleotion, 482

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

542

Oenebal Index.

-6; construction, 486; deriyatives,
487-9.

case-endings — see endings of de-
clension.

oase-fonns, prolongation of final vow*-
el of, 248b; nsed as adverbs,
1110-17; change of accent in such,
1111 g, 1112 e, 1114d; ^eir pre-
positional uses, 1126d; derivatlTes
from case-forms, 1202 b; case-forms
in composition, 1250.,

cases, 26d; their <order of arrange-
ment], 266a; uses, 267-305: —
and see the different cases.

causative coi^jagation, 640, 607, 775,
866 ff., 1041-52; relation to so-
called tenth or our-class , 607,
1041b; to denominative, 1041c,
1066; formation of stem, 1041,
1042; inflection, present-system,
775. 1043; other older forms,
1044; perfect, 1045; attached re-
dunlicated aorist, 1046, 1047,
856 ff.; other aorist forms, 1048,
1049; future etc., 1050; verbal
nouns and adjectives, 1051 ; deriva-
tive or tertiary conjugations firom
cans, stem, 1052; cans, from in-
tens., 1025; from desid., 1039;
declinable stems from cans, stem,
1140 b; double object with cau-
satives, 277 a, 282 b.

cerebral mutes, 33, 45.

changeable or variable x of roots —
see variable.

circumflex (svarita) accent, 81-6,
90b; independent, 81-4; its va-
rieties, 84: enclitic, 85; their dif-
ference, 8o ; designation, 87-9 ; oc-
currence from vowel combinations,
128, 130, 135.

classes or series of mutes, 32 ff.

classes of verbs — see oonjugation-
classes.

clauses, simplicity of combination of,
1131a; dependent clauses, mode
in, 581, 950; accent of verb in,
595.

coUective singular form of copulative
compounds, 1253 c; in Yeda, 1255 e,
1256 b.

combination of elements, 100, 101;
euphonic rules for, 109-260; dis-
tinction of internal and external,
109-12; general arrangement of
rules, 124; order of comb, of three
successive vowels, 127 b.

comparison of adjectives etc, 466-
74 ; primary, in lyaa and i^fha,
467-70, 1184; secondary, in tara
and tama, 471-3, 1242a, b ; in ra
and ma, 474, 1242c; Inflection
of comparatives in yas, 463-5;
oomp. of nouns, pronouns, pxepo-
sitions, 473, 474, 520, 1119; of
verbs, 473 c; double comparison,
473 d; particles of oomp., 1101b,
1102e, 1107, 1122g, h.

comparison or likeness, desoripUve
compounds of, 1291a.

compensatory vowel-lengthening, 246.

composition of stems — see oom-
pound stems.

compound conjugation, 540a, 1076
-95: roots with verbal prefixes and
like elements, 1076-^9; accent
of oomp. forms, 1082-6; irregula-
rities, 1087: roots with inseparable
prefixes, 1089, 1121b, g,i; with
noun and adjective stems, 1090-5.

compound stems, formation of, 101,
1246-1316: difference of earUer
and later language as to composition,
1246 a; classification of compounds,
1247; their analysis, 1248; rules
of phonetic combination, 1249;
case-forms as prior member, 1250;
accent, 1251; copulative comp.,
1252-61 ; determinative : dependent,
1262-78; descriptive, 1279-91; se-
condary adjective : possessive, 1292
-1308; participial, 1309; prepo-
sitional, 1310; adjective comp. as
nouns and as adverts, 1311-3;
anomalous comp., 1314 ; stem-finals
altered in comp., 1315; loose con-
struction with comp., 1316.

conditional tense, 532, 940, 941 ; its
uses, 950; conditional nses of op-
tative and subjunctive, 581 b, e, f.

conjugation, verbal inflection, 527-
1095; general, 527-98: voice, 528
-31; tenses and their uses, 592,
776-9, 821-3, 926-30, 948-60;
modes and their uses, 683, 567
-82, 921-5; tense-systems, 536;
present - system , 536 , 599-779 ;
perfect- system, 780-823; aorist-
systems, 824-930; future-systems,
931-50; number and person, 536;
personal endings, 541-56; Terbal
adjectives and nouns, 537-9, ^1
-95; seooudary conjugations, 540,
996-1068; periphrastic and corn-

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

Genbral Index.

543

pound conjugation, 540 a, 1069-95 ;
examples of conjugation in syno-
psis, p. 520.

conjugation-classes, on what founded,
601; their chaiacters, 602-10.

coi^jugations, first or non-a- and sec-
ond or a-conjugation, 601-8, 733 ;
transfers ftom the former to tho
Utter, 625a, 631a, 666a, 670-4,
694 a, 716, 731. 896.

cox^nnctions, 1131-3.

consonants , pronunciation etc. , 31-
76: mutes, 32-60; semivowels,
51-8; spirants, 59-66; visarsa
and anasvftra etc., 67-78; quan-
tity, 76: cons, allowed as finals,
122, 139-52; occurring at end of
stems and endings, 139a: — and
see the different classes and
letters.

consonant-groups, how written in de-
vanftgari, 9, 12-5; their ex-
tension and abbreviation, 121,
227-33.

consonantal stems, declension of, 377
-465; their classification, 382.

contemptuous prefix, 506, 1121e; do.
suffix, 521, 1222d.

copulative compounds , 1247 a - o,
1262-61; of nouns, 1263-6; ad-
jectives, 1267; adverbs, 1269; nu-
merals, 1261; copulatives in later
language, 1253, 1254; in Rig-Veda,
1255; in Atharva-Veda, 1256; ac-
cent, 1268; possessives from copu-
latives, 1293 b.

our-class of verbs, 607, 776, 1041 b,
1056: — and see causative con-
jugation.

dative case, uses of, 286-8; dat
infinitive, 982 986; dat used ad-
verbially, 1113; dat by attraction
with infin. , 982 a; dat. as prior
member of compound, 1250 c.

deaspiration of aspirate mutes, 114,
153-5 ; consequent re-aspiration of
initUl, 141a, 147, 156.

declension, in general, 261-320:
gender, 263; number, 264, 265;
ease, 266; uses of the cases, 267
-305; endings of decl., 306-10;
variation of stem and insertions,
311-3; accent, 314-20; — decl.
of nouns and adlectives, 321-466:
classification, 321b, c; I. a-stems,
326-34; II. i-and a-stems, 336

-46; in. S-, i-, and a- (and diph-
thongal) stems 347-68; IV. y-
stems, 369-76: V. consonant-
stems, 377-465: A. root-stems
etc., 383-410; B. derivative stems
in as* iB, us, 411-9; G. in an,
420-37; D. in in, 438-41; E. in
ant, 442-57; F. in vft&s, 458
-62; a. in yas, 463-6; — decl.
of numerals, 482-6; of pronouns,
491-621; of adjectives infiected
pronominally, 622-6.

declinable stems, composition of, with
verbs, 1090-5; derivation of — see
derivation.

decompound compounds and their
analysis, 1248.

decrement and increment of elements,
123, 234ff.

demonstrative pronouns, 495-603.

denominative conjugation, 540a, 1053
-68; formation without sign, 1064 ;
with sign ya, from stems of various
final. 1055-64; their occurrence,
1057; meaning, 1068; relation of
ay a- and fiya-stems, 1059 c: re-
lation to causative, 1041c, 1056,
1067; with signs Bya, kfimya,
Spaya, 1064, 1065; with fiya,
beside nft-class verbs etc., 732,
1066; from other stems, 1066 a, c;
inflection, 1068; declinable stems
from denom. stem, 1068 b, 1149 d,
1178h, i, 1180d.

dental series of mutes (ti th, d» dh,
n), pronunciation eta, 33, 47, 48;
peculiar quality of Skt dentals,
47 a; dent character of 1, 26; of
1, 61, 63; of B, 60; assimilation
of dent, to palatals and Unguals,
118, 196-203, 205; dent sibilant
and nasal converted to lingual,
180-95; anomalous conversions to
guttural and lingual, 161a, b;
of guttural, palatal, and labial to
dental, 161c, e: — and see the
different letters.

dependent clause, accent of verb in,
595.

dependent compounds , 1247 d - f,
1263, 1264-78; noun, 1264; ad-
jective, 1266; their varieties, 1266
-78: with ordinary noun or ad-
jective as final member. 1267, 1268;
with root-stem, 1269; derivative
in a, 1270; ana, 1271 ; ya, 1270;
participle in ta or na, 1273; ti,

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

544

Oeicbral Index.

1274; in, 1275; i. 1276; van,
man etc., 1277, 1278; dep. comp.
in possessive use, 1296.

derifatioD of adyerbs, 1097-1109; of
declinable stems, 1136-1245: in
general, 1136-42; primary, 1143
-1201; secondary, 1202-45.

deriyatlTe or secondary conjugation —
see secondary.

descent, a^ectWes and nonns indicat-
ing, 1206 a.

descriptlYe oomponnds, 1247 d-f,
1263, 1279-91; of ordinary ad-
jeotiye with nonn, 1280; of appo-
sitlonal nonn with noun, 12o0d;
with participle as final member,
1283, 1284; with gerundiye, 1285;
with root-stem, 1286: with other
yerbal derivatiyes, 1287; with in-
separable prefix as prior member,
1288; with yerbal prefix etc., 1289;
with other adyerbial words, 1290;
special cases, 1291; descr. comp.
in possessive nse, 1297 if.

desideratiye conjngation, 540, 1026-
40; meaning, 1026, 1040; used in
fatnre sense, 1040 a; formation of
stem, 1027-9; abbreyiated stems,
1030; nse of union- vowel i, 1031;
inflection , present-system , 1032 ;
other forms, 1033-6; deriyatlye
or tertiary conjugations ttom desid.
stem, 1039; desid. i^om causative
stem, 1052c; declinable stems f^om
desid. stem, 1035, 1036, 1140b,
1149d, 1159b 1161 d,il78g; desid.
root-stems, 392 d; fatuie in desid.
sense, 949; desid. in fu^nre sense.
1040 a.

determinative compounds , 1247 d-f,
1262-91; dependent, 1264-78;
desoriptiye, 1279-91; in possessiye
ad^ectiye use, 1293 if.

devatft-dvandvacomponnds,125i a,
1255.

diminutiyes, secondary derivation of,
1206b, 1222d, 1243.

diphthongs (e» &i, o» ftu), mode of
writing with consonants, 10 g, h;
pronunciation etc., 27-30; protrac-
tion of, 78 c ; enphonic combination
as finaJs, 131-5: — and see the
different letters.

diphthongal stems, declension of, 360,
361.

div- or div-class of yerbs — see
ya-dass.

double stems, present, 815; aorist,
894d, 897b.

doubling of aspirate mates, 154; of
a final nasal, 210; of oh, 227; of
first consonant of a group, 229 ; of
a consonant after r (and h, 1, v),
228.

dual number, its use, 265; its forms
in declension, 308; in personal pro-
noun, 492 b.

dual finals e. i, il uncomblnable,

^ 138a, g.

dvandva compounds — see copula-
tive.

dvlfl^ compounds, 1312.

eighth class of yerbs — see u-class.

elision of initial a, 135; how mark-
ed. 16; its infrequency in Yeda,
13Dc; elision of initial ft, 135d; of
final a or 8, 137 b.

emphasis, accent of yerb for, 598.

emphatic pronoun, 513.

enclitic or dependent cirenmfiex, 86,
86.

endings, of inflection and deriyatlon,
98-100; of declension 306-10; of
singular, 307; dual, 308; plujal,
309; normal scheme, 310; end. of
a-stems, 327-9 ; of i-and u-stems,
336-8; of radical S^, I-, u-stems,
349; of deriyatlye do., 363; of |w
stems, 371; of personal pronouns,
492, 493; of general pronominal
declension, 496; — end. of con-
jugation, 523, 541-69; of 1st
sing., 543: 2d, 5U; 3d, 545^ of
Istdu., 546; 2d and 3d. 547: of

• Ist pi., 548; 2d, 549; ^d, 560:
normal schemes, 553; accent, 562
-4; end. of 2d and 3d sing, tak-
ing the plaoe of root-final, 555a;
union-yowels , 555 b, c; end. of
subjunctive combined nfith mos^^
sign, 560-2; of oputiye, 566; of
precatlve, 568; tftt of imperatiye,
570; — end. of derivation — see
sufiflxes.

euphonic combination of elementB,100,
101; rules respecting it, 109-226.

exclamatory pronoun, 507; exelam.
prefix from Interrogative pronoun,
506, 1121 e.

extension of oons.-groop6, 227-30.

external and Internal comblnatloD,
distinction of, 109-12; cases of

Digitized by

Google

General Index.

545

external comb, in declension. Ill a, b;
in derivation, 111c, d, 1203 e.

feminine stems: to ft-stems, 332,
334b; to 1- and u-stems, 344^6;
to r-stems, 376 a; to cons.-stems,
378 a, 401c, 436, 436, 449, 462b,
469, 463d; fem. in i from ya-
stems, 1210 c; fem. forms in com-
position, 1260 h.

fifth class of yerbs — seenu-class.

finals, permitted, 122, 139-62; most
nsual, 149; only one final consonant
allowed, 160; exceptions, 150 b, c;
anomalous changes of final mntes,
151 ; final consonants of stems and
endings, 139 a.

final clauses, modes used in, 681 c, d.

first class of verbs — see a-class.

first or non-a-conjugation of verbs,
its chara<^teristics, 604.

forms, stronger and weaker, of roots
and stems, 104e, 105, 106; — and
see variation of stem.

fourth class of verbs — see ya-
class.

Aractional use of ordinals, 488.

frequentative conjugation — see in-
tensive.

future passive participles — see ge-
rundives.

future tenses, 532; their uses, 948,
949; fut. systems, 635, 931-60;
8-future and conditional, 932-41;
periphrastic future, 942-7; future
use of pros., 777 ; of desid., 1040 a;
desid. use of fut, 948 b; fut par-
ticipial phrases, 1075 d.

gender in declension, 262, 263.

general and special tenses, 599 a.

genitive case, uses of, 294-300:
witii adj., 296; with verb, 297,
298; with prepositions, 299a, 1130;
with adverbs, 299 b ; gen. absolute,
300 b; loss of accent of gen. with
vocative, 314 d, e; gen. infinitive,
984; gen. used adverblaUy, 300 a,
1116; as prior member of com-
pound, 1260 e.

gerunds, 639, 989-95; their uses,
989, 994; ger. in tvft, 990, 991,
993; in ya or tya, 990, 992,
993; in tvSya and tvi, 993 b;
in tv&nam and tvinam, 993 c;
adverbial gerund in am, 996.
Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed.

gerundives, or future passive parti-
ciples, 961-6, 12121, 1213. 1216
-8; ger. in ya, 962-3, 1213; in
tavya, 962, 964, 12121; in aniya,
962, 965, 1215b; in tva, 966a,
1209 h; in enya. 966 b, 1217;
in i^yya, 966c, 1218; in elima,
966 d, 1201a; ger. in composition,
1286.

grave (anudfttta) accent, 81.

gxu^a-strengthening, character and oc-
currence of, 27, 236-43, and oa»«tm ;
ijQ primary derivation, 1143 a; in
secondary, 1203 a, 1204g.

guttural series of mutes (k, kli« gt
ghp &), pronunciation etc., 33,
.39-41, 180 a; asserted gntt char-
acter of a, 20a; of h, 66 a; pal-
atals from original gutt, 41-3;
Q and h do., 64, 66;- reversion of
palatals etc. to gutt form, 43, 64,
142, 145, 147, 214-26: — and
see the different letters.

heavy and light syUables, 79.

hiatus, avoidance of, 113, 126-38;
not avoided in Veda, 113 b^ 126 e,
129 e; its occurrence as result of
euphonic proc^ses, 132^, 176 b, d,
177.

hu-class of verbs — s«e reduplicat-
ing class.

imperative mode, 633, 669, 572, 575,
578; scheme of its endings, 653 d;
its 1st persons old subjunctive,
633, §74, 578; impv. form in tat
and its uses, 570, 671; with in&
prohibitive, 679c; Vedic. 2d sing,
in si, 624; impv. use of infini-
tives, 982d.

imperfect, tense, 632, 699; its use,
779.

imperfect time, no real designation of,
632 a.

increment and decrement of elements,
123, 234if.

indecUnables 98 a, 1096-1136: ad-
verbs , 1097-1122 ; prepositions,
1123-30; conjunctions, 1131-3;
interjections, 1134, 1135; derivative
stems from indecUnables, 1202b,
1245; compounds with indecl. as
final member, 1314 a, f.

indefinite pronouns, 513 c; indef. use
of interrogative and relative pro-
nouns, 507, 511.

35

Digitized by VjOOQIC ,

546

QfBSfEBiAL hXTPBX

inflttltires, 538, 968-88; liter, 968,
987 ; earlier, 969-79; uses, 980-8;
relation to ordinary rer^al nouns,
969, 970L

inseparable prefixes, 1121; in de-
scriptiTe compoMtlon, 1283 ff., 1288 ;
in possessive, 1304.

insertfons between stem and ending
in declension, 313.

instrumental case, uses of, 278-84;
of separation, 2i83a; witJi preposi-
tions, 284, 1127; gerundial, 989;
used adyerbially, 1112; as prior
member of coMpound, 1250 b.

IntenslTe for ArequehntatlTe) conjuga-
tion, 540, 1000-25; character and
occurrence, 1000, 1001 ; redupli-
cation, 1002, 1003; inflection, pres-
ent-system, 1004-17; derivative
middle itiflection, 1016, 1017;
forms outside present-system, 1018,
1019, 1025; doubtful fntens. for-
mations, 1020-4; derivative or
tertiary conjugations from intens.
stem, 1025.

inteijections, 1134, 1135; their flnal
vowel uncombinable, 138 £

intehial and ertemal <iomblnation,
distinctoon of, 109-^12.

internal change, question of derlva-
tldn ^y, 12081.

interrogative particles, 1122f.

interrogative pronoun, 504-7; its in-
deflnlte use, 507 ; exelamhtory prefix
from It, 606. 1121 j.

InveMed compounds, 1291c, 1314 d.

i^-aorist, 824, 898-910: formation
of 'Stem, 898-900; inflection, 901,
902; roots making it. 903; irregu-
larities, 904; modes, 905-8; from
secondary conjugations , 1010. 1035,
1048, 1068a.

jihvftflraUya-spirtint, 69, 170d.

kamisdltfiMya compounds — see

descriptive compounds.
Idri-dass of verbs — see nft-elass.

labial series of tanutes (p, ph, b,
bh, m), pronunciation etc, 33,
49/50; lab. character of, a/ tl»
20; of V, 51, 57, 58; anomalous
conversion of labial to guttdral,
151 d; to dental, 151 e: — and
see the dlfferOflf letters.

lengthening of vowels in formation

and lnfleetl6n, 244^; of Ansl
vowel In composition, 247, 1087 b;
In the sentence in Veda, 248.

light and heavy, syllables, 79.

lightening of a or S to an 1- or u-
•vowel, 249 ff.

' lingual series of mutes (^ th, '4* 4^
j^), pronunciation etc, 33, 45, 46;
non-orlglnallty and ordinary deriva-
tion 46; ling, character of f , 26;
of r, 61, 52; Hug. 1, 5a, 54; fing.
character of 9, 61; assimilation of
dentals to ling., 118, 196 ff.; Un-
guaUzaUon of B and n, 180-95:
— and see the different let-
ters.

locative case, uses of, 301-6; loc
absolute, 303 b-d; of goal of mo-
tion or action 301 e, 304; with
prepositions. 305, 1126; used ad-
verbially, 303 e, 1116; loc. Infini-
tive, 985; loc. use of adverbs in
tra, 1099; in ha, 1100a; in d&,
1103 b; loc. as prior member of
compound, 1250 d.

long and short quantity, 76-9.

manner, particles of, 1101, 1102,

1107, 1122 k.
manuscripts, native Sansklit, mode

of writing in, 9a, b.
middle stem-form in declension, 311.
nrlddle voice, 528-30; its use as

passive, 631, 998 c, d.
mode In verbal Inflection, 588; sub-

junttive, 657-63; optative, 564-8;

imperative. 569-71; uses of the

modes, 572-82.
multiplicative numeral adverbs, 489 a,

mutes, series of, their pronunciation
etc., 32-50: classiflcation , 32-8;
guttural series. 39-41; palatal,
42-4; Ungual. 45, 46; dental, 47,
48; labial, 49, 50; assimilation,
117 a. b; mutes permitted as finals,
141*3; anomalous conversions from
one series to another, 151: — and
see the different series.

nS^lass (ninth, kri-elssk) of Tttbs,
603, 717-32: formation of vtem,
717; inflection, 718i^26; roots of
the class, 727; Irregularities, 728

. -32; • accompanying -denottiinative
in iya, 732, 1066 b.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

Geneiul Index.

547.

DtMl sfisimiUtion , 117c, f, g, 161,
198 b, 199 c.

naaal class (seventh . rudh-elass) of
verbs, 603, 683-96: formation of
stem, 683; inflection, 684-92;
loots of the class, 694 ; irregulari-
ties, 693-6.

nasal increment in strong forms, 265,
386. •

nasal mutes (fi, ft, i^, n, m), 34, 36 ;
their occurrence as finals, 143;
duplication, 210; assimilation of
preceding mute, 161, 198b, 199b;
abbreviation of consonant-gronp af-
ter, 231 : — nasal spirant or anu-
sv&ra. 70-8 ; — nasa) semivowels,
71 c, 206, 213 c ; — nasal vowels, 71,
72: — and see the different
letters.

nasality, Hinda definition of, 36 a.

negative particles, 1122 c-e; neg.
prefix, 1121 a-c.

neutral pron. of a, 21.

ninth class of verbs — see nft-class.

nominative case, uses of, 267, 268;
peculiar construction with verbs,
268a; with itl, 268b; with voc-
ative, 268 c; used adverbially,
1117; nom. use of Infinitive, 987;
nom, form as particle, 1117; in
composition, 1260 f.

noun and adjective, distinction of,
322; Infiection of nouns — see
declension.

nu-dass (fifth, su-class) of verbs,
603, 697-716 : formation of stem,
697; Inflection 698-707; roots
of the class, 708; Irregularities,
710-3, 716.

number In declension, 264, 266; In
coQjugation, 536 ; number-forms in
composition, 1250 g.

numerals, 475-89; simple cardinals,
475; Uieir combinations for odd
numbers, 476-81; inflection, 482
-5; construction, 486; ordinals,
487, 488; other num. derivatives,
489, 1104-6, 1246; num. figures, 17;
possessive compounds with num.,
1300; num. or dvlgu compounds,
1312.

omission, sign Indicating. 16.

onomatopoetic words, 1091, 1136 b.

optative mode, 633, 564-8; its for-
mation, 564, 565; scheme of end-
ings combined with mode-sign,

666; i^reoaUve, 567, 921-6; spheme
of prec. endings, 668; uses of
opt., 673-82; with m^ prohib-
itive, 579 b; optative use of aug-
mentlest preterit forms, 587.

order of subjects In the grammar,
107; as best taken up by a stu-
d^t, 108, 112; of subjects In euph.
combination, 124.

ordinal numeral adjectives, 487, 488.

pada-endings In declension. Ilia.

palatal series of mutes (o^ oh, J, Jh,
ft), pronunciation etc, 33, 42-4;
derived from original gutturals, 42;
reversion to guttural form, 43,
214fr. : euphonic combinations, 118,
119, 214-20; treatment as finals,
142; assimilation of dentals to,
196-203; pal. character of 1, I,
20; of y, 51, 66; of 9, 63, 64;
palatal foY guttural in reduplica-
tion, 590b: — and see the dif-
ferent letters.

participial compounds, 1247 g, 1309.

participles, 534, 537, 683, 584 1172
-7; of present-systems, 619 etc.
etc; of perfect, 802-7; of aorist,
840, 852, 872, 897, 909 ; of future,
939: passive part., 962-8, 1176,
1177; active, In tavant, navant,
959, 960; future passive, 961-6;
of secondary conjugations, 1012,
1013, 1019, 1037, 1043e,f, 1051,
1068; part in possessive composi-
tion, 1299; — Inflection of part
in ant, 443-9; in vftfts, 468-
62; — part.-phrase8, periphrastic,
1074, 1075; — relation of part,
and adjective, 967.

particles , 98 a ; prolongation of final
vowel of, 24oa; part, giving ac-
cent to verb, 695 c, e, 598 a.

passive conjugation, 531, 640, 998;
present-system (y4-class), 606, 768
-74; aorist 3d sing., 842-6, 1048;
periphrastic perfect, 1072; partl-
ch>le in ta or na, 962-8, 1051b,
1176, 1177; future partftiples, 961
-6 (and see gerundives); pass,
use of Infinitive, 988; pass, ttom
Intransltlves, 999 a ; pass, of secon-
dary conjugations, 1025, 1039,
1062a; pass, constructions, 282a,
999.

past use of present tense, 777, 778.

perfect tense, 582; scheme of Its

35*

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

General Index.

dings, 563c; uses, 821-3; —
irf.-system, 535, 780-823: for-
ation of stem, 781-94; redu-
ication, 782-91 ; strong and weak
3m-forn)s, 792-4; endings and
eii combination with stem, 795
I; union-vowel 1, 796-8; in-
ictioti, 800; irregularities, 801;
Jticiple, 802-7: its inflection,
►8-62; modes, 808-16; pluper-
ct, 817-20; — periphrastic perf.,
)70-73. .

)ct time, expressed by so-called
rist, 532 a, 825, 928; by perfect,
12, 823; by participial phrases,
175 d.

>hrastic conjugation 640 a, 1069
5; periph. future, 532, 931, 942
; its uses, 949; perfect, 1070
, 1018, 1034, 1045; aorist and
ecative, 1073 b; present, 1073 c;
triph. participial phrases, 1074,

m.

on In verbal inflection, 536.
onal endings — see endings of
>nJagation.

onal pronouns, 491-4; nouns used
I such, 514.

ses , derivatives from , 1202 b ;
mpounds from, 1314b.
a, particles of, 1099, 1100, 11221.
erfect tense, 632, 817-20 ; plup.
me, no designation of, 532a;
ve by participial phrases, 1075 d.
don, length of syUable by, 79.
jssive adjectives, 1206 a 1229 b,
t30-36; pronominal, 516.
essive compounds, 324, 1247 g,
(93-1308; poss. dependents.
196; poss. descriptives, i297ff. :
Ith ordinary adjective as prior
ember, 1298; with participle,
199; with numeral, 1300; with
•positive noun, 1301-3; with
verb, 1304-6; added sufflxes,
il2c, 1307; pregnant use, 1308.
itlve optative, 533b; its forma-
)n, 56^; scheme of endings, 5flB ;
ec. in later language, 921-6;
e, 673 c

ositions, 1123-30; words used
such, 1123-5; cases construed
ith them, 1126-30; gerunds used
, 994 g; — prep, in composition
Ith roots — see verbal prefixes,
ositional compounds, 1247g,1310;
ith added suffix, 1212 m.

present tense, 632; its uses, 777,
778; — pres.-sy8tem, 636, 599-
779: prominence as part of verb-
system, 600; yarieties of form and
their classification, 601 -9;, various
from same root, 609; conjugations
and conjugation-classes , 602-10;
first or non-a-conjugation : I. root-
class , 611-41 ; n. reduplicating
class, 642-82; 111. nasal class,
683-96; IV. nu- and u-class,
697-716 ;.V. nft-dass, 717-32;
second or a-conjugation, 733: VI.
a-class, 734-50; VII. accented
4-clas8, 751-8; VIU. ya-class,
769-67; IX. yi-class, or passive
conjugation, 768-74; so-called
cur- or tenth class, 776; uses of
tenses, 776-9; of modes, 572-81;
— pres. stems, derivatives from,
1140 c.

present use of perfect, 821 c, 823;
of aorist, 930.

presumption o r conjecture, future of,
948.

primary and secondary personal end-
ings, 642 ff. ; confttsion of them in
use, 636 d, 938 a, 938; normal
' schemes, 563.

primary derivation, 1138-1201: rela-
tion to secondary, 1139; f^m what
made, 1140, 1141; union-vowels,
1142; form of root, 1143; accent,
1144; meaning, 1146, 1146; prim,
sufflxes and the derivatives made
with them, 1148-1201.

prohibitive expression, 674, 579, 580.

pronominal roots, 490; their char-
acter, in inflection and derivation,
1137 b, 1138; adverbs trom them,
1097 ff.

pronouns , 490-521 : personal , 491
-4; demonstrative, 495-603; in-
terrogative, 604-7; relative, 508
-12; emphatlcS indeflnite, 513;
nouns used pronominally , 514;
pron. derivative adjectives, 615
-21 ; adjectives declined pronom-
inally, 522-6.

pronunciation — see system of
sounds.

protracted (pluta) quantity , 78;
proti. flnal vowel uncombinable^
138e.

punctuation, signs of, in devanfigari,
16 d.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

General Index.

549

qaantity of consonants and vowels,
76-8; of syllables, 79.

r-endlngs of 3d pi., 650 d.
^ radical stems — see root-stems.

reduplicated (or causative) aorist, 824,
866-73 1046, 1047; formation of
stem, 867-63; Inflection, 864-7;
use in primary conjugation, 868;
in causative, 1046, 1047; modes,
869-71.

reduplicating class (third, hu-class)
of verbs, 603, 642-82: reduplica-
tion and accent, 642-6; inflection,
647-667; roots of tlie cUss, 669;
irregularities, 668, 660-82.

reduplication, occurrence of, 259;
general rules for forming, 688-90 ;

? resent red., 643, 660 ff.; perfect,
82-91; aorist, 857-63; intensive,
1002; desiderative, 1029; in deri-
vation, 1143 e; anomalous, 1087 f.

relationship, nouns of, in r, 369 if.,
1182 f.

relative clauses, peculiarities of, 612;
modes used in, 581a; accent of
verb in, 696.

relative compounds, improper name
for possessive, 1293 d.

relative pronoun, 608-12.

repeated words, 1260.

resolution, in Veda, of semivowels
into vowels, and of vowels into
two sylUbles, 56 a, 68 a, 84 o, 113 b,
126c, 129e, 309f, 363a, 470b,
666 c, 761 g, 771 g.

reversion, so-called, of palatal mutes
and sibilant, and of h, to guttural
form, 43, 64, 66, 119, 142, 146,
147, 2l4ff., 681, 787, i028f,
1176 a.

roots, 98-100; roots of the Skt
language, 102-6; roots and root-
forms ace to the native gramma-
rians, 103, 104.

root-aorist, 824, 829-45: in later
language, 829; in older, 830 if.;
modes, 835-9; participles, 840;
passive aor. 3d sing., 842-6.

root-class (second, ad-class) of verbs,
603, 611-41; inflection, 612-23;
roots of the class, 626; irregulari-
ties, 624, 626-41.

root-stems, their occurrence and use,
323, 383, 1137 1147; aa infini-
tives, 970 a, 971; in dependent
composition, 1269; in descriptive.

1286; inflection of such stems in
ft, 1, d, 349 361; in consonants,
383-410; sometimes govern accut.,
271 d; neut. pi. forms, 379 b.
rudh-class of verbs — see nasal class.

B-aorist, 824, 878-97: formation of
stem, 878, 879; endings and com-
bination with stem, 880, 881;
question of loss of B in certain
forms, 834, 881; inflection, 882;
irregularities, 884-91; absence of
1 in 2d and 3d sing, in older
language, 888-90; modes, 892-6;
participles, 897 ; — 8-aor. stem in
derivation, 1140 c.

8-future, 931-9: formation of stem,
932, 936; use of union-vowel i,
934, 936; occurrence, 937; modes,
938; participles, 939; its preterit,
the conditional, 940, 941; uses,
948.

sa-aorist, 824, 916-20 f roots allow-
ed later to make it, 916: occur-
rence in older language, 919, 920;
Inflection, 917, 918.

secoBd class of verbs — see root-
class.

second or s-conjugatlon of verbs, its
characteristics, 606, 733.

secondary adjective compounds, 1247g,
1292-1310.

secondary coQjogations, 640, 996-
1068: passive, 998, 999; intensive,
1000-1026: desiderative 1026-40;
causative, 1041-62; denominative,
1063-68; tertiary, or derivative
from secondary, 1025, 1089, 1062.

secondary derivation, 1138, 1139,
1202-46; reUtion to primary, 1139;
union-vowels, 1142; forms of stem,
1203, 1204; accent, 1206; meaning,
1206; sec. suffixes and the deri-
vatives made with them, 1207-45;
external combination in sec. deriva-
tion, HI c, d, 1203e.

secondary personal endings, 642 if.;
normal scheme, 653 b.

semivowels (y, r, 1, v), pronuncia-
tion etc.. 51-8; nasal semiv., 71o,f,
206, 213 d; semiv. assimiUtion,
117d-f: — and see the dif-
ferent letters.

sentence, rules of euphonic combi-
nation in, 101; their probable ar-
tificiality, 101a.

series or classes of mutes, 32 ff.

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

550>

Genbbal Indbx.

soTeiith clMt of verbs -—see oMal
class.

«A-80iinds (^ and 9), 61, 08.

short aDd long quantity, 76-9.

sibilants^ (9, 9, b), pronnnciatlon etc.,
60-4: — and see the different
letters*

sibilant or sigmatic aorist, 924, 874-
920: formation and classlflcation,
874-7; 4. B-«Drist, 878-97; 5. if-
aorist, 898-910 ; 6. si^-aorUt, 91 1-5 ;
7. BOraorist. 916-20; its stem in
derivation, 1140c

simple aorist. 824, 828-55: 1. root-
aorlst, 829-41; passive aor. 3d
sing., 842-5; 2. amorist, 846-55.

ai9-aorist, 824, 911-5: fonnaaon Of
stem, aod inflection; 911 ; forms In
older language, 912, 913; modes,
914; middle forms, 915.

sixth class of verbs — see 4-class.

sonant and surd sounds, 34, 35; Hindu
d^nition of their difference, 34b ;
mutes, 34, 35; affpirates, 37, 38;
question as to character of h, 65 a;
of final mute, 141b; euphonic as-
similation of the two classes, 117,
156-78.

special and general tenses, 599 a.

spirants, 59 ff.: sibilants, 59-64;
aspiration, 65; other breathings,
67-9.

stems, inflectible, 98-100, 106; their
derivation — see derivation.

strengthening and weakening process-
es, 234-60.

strong and weak, 01 strong, middle,
and weakest, forms of stems in
declension, 311; of roots and stems
in general, 104-6; confusions of
strong and weak forms in decl.,
462c; in conj_^ 566 a; strong forms
in 2d sing., 723; in 2d du., 704,
831a, 839, 1007b; in Sd du.,
793h, 639; in 1st pi., 621b, 658,
676 a, 793 h, 831 a, 832; in 2d pi.,
618, 621b, 654^ 658i, 669, 690,
704, 707, 723, 831a, 839; in 3d
pi., 793 h, 831a.

au-class of verbs — see nu-class.

subjunctive mode, 533 ; formation and
endings, 557-62; its first persons
used later as impeiative, 533, 574,
578 ; subj. use of augmentless pret-
erit forms, 56a, 587; uses of subJ.
mode, 574-82.

suffixes, 98-100; forming adverbs,

1097-1109; do. decUnable stems
— see derivation.

superlative — see comparison.

surd and sonant sounds — see sonant

syllables, quantity of, 79; distin-
guidied as heavy vnd* light, 79.

system of sounds, 19-75: vowels
and diphthongs, 19-30; conson-
ants, 31ff.: mutes, 32-50; send-
vowels, 51-8; sibilants, 59-64;
aspiration, 65, 66; vlBajqga and
other breathings, 68, 69; ana-
Bvfira, 70-3; unwritten sounds
defined by Hindu grammarians,
74^ 230 ; scheme of spoken alpha-
bet, with notice of comparative
frequency of the sounds, 75; quan-
tity, 76-9; accent and its desig-
nation, 80--97.

tan-class of verbs — see u-dass.

tatpuru^a-compounds — see deter-
minatives.

tense in verbal inflection, 532; tense-
systems, 535; present-system, 599
-779; perfect-system 780-823;
aorlst-systems . 824-930 ; future-
systems, 931-950.

tenth class of verbs — see causative
conjugation, and our-class.

tertiary, or derivative from secondary,
conjugations, 1025, 1039, 1082,
1068 a.

third class of verbs — see redupli-
cating class.

time, particles of, 1103, 1122j.

transliteration, general method of, 5;
of sign of elision, 135b; of com-
bined flnal and initial vowels, 126 a ;
of anuBTftra, 73 c; of accent, 88 a,
89.

tndHslass of verbs — see &-clas8.

u-class (eighth, tan-class) of Tttbs,
603, 697-716; formation of stam,
697; inflection, 698-707; roots of
the class, 709; irregular root k^
orkar. 714, 715; other irregulari-
ties, 716.

uncombinable (pfagflOTA) ^^1 vow-
els, 13a

uninfleeted words — see ladadin-
ables.

union-vowels, 254, 655b, c; i in
present Inflection, 630, 631, 640;
in perfect, 796-8, 803; ia attdst,

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General Index.

551

876 b, 877; in s-fatare, 934 936;
in periphrastic future, 94d; in
desiderative, 1031 ; in passiTe par-
ticiple, 956; in inflnitiye and ge-
rund, 968, 991; In derivation,
1142: — i in present inflection,
63l4; in 2d and 3d sing., 555b;
in intensive, 1004 ff.; i for i, 900b;
&i for i, 656 e.
upadhmftnlya-spiraut, 69, 170jd.

variable or changeable ^ of roots,
242; treatment of, 245 b; in pass-
ive, 770 c; in 8-aor., 885;* in i^-
aor., 900 b; in prec, 922 a; in s-
fut., 936 a; in pple, 966 d, 957 b;
in infln. , 968 d; in tvft-gerund,
991b; in ya-gerund, 992 a; in
desid., 1028 b.

variation of stem-form in declension,
311, 312; in f-Btems, 370 b; in
consonantal stems, 379, 385-8,
421, 443, 444, 468, 463; — in
conjugation, 556; in present-stem,
604; in perfect, 792-4; in aorist,
831 fr., 879, 899; in intensive,
1004; in primary derivation, 1143;
in secondary 1203, 1204; in com-
position, 1249 b, c.

verb — see conjugation.

verb-forms, accentuation of, in the
sentence, 92b, 591-8; prolonga-
tion of final a or 1 of . 248 c, d;
comparison of, 473 c, 474; comb,
with insep. prefixes, 1121b, g, i.

verbal prefixes, 1076, 1077; kindred
words, 1078, 1079, 1120; compo-
sition with roots, 1076-87, 137;
enph. effect on root, 185, 192,
1066; accent, 1082-6; their more
independent use, 1084, 1118; pre-
positional uses, 1126; forms of
comparison, 473 b, 1119; declinable
stems from roots compounded with
them, 1141, 1282; use in descrip-
tive composition, 1281, 1289; in

possessive, 1306; in prepositional,
1310.
vlsarga (or viaarjanlya) , 67-9;

Quantitative value, 79; occurrence,
44, 146, 170-72; alphabetic or-
der, 7a, 172a:. — and see h.

vocative case , form of, 266 a, 3(57 k ;
Yedic, in as, 425g, 454b, 462a,
465 a ; accent (&long with quali-
fying word), 92a^314; verb ac-
cented* after, 694 a.

voice in verbal infleetion, 528-31.

vowels, how written in devanftgari
with consonants, 10 ; sign of absence
of, 11; their pronunciation etc.,
19-29: a-, i-, u-vowels, 19-22;
y-, }- vowels, 23-6; diphthongs,
27-9; quantity, 7^, 78; accent,
80 ff.; nasal vowels, 71; rules of
vowel - combination , 126-38 ; re-
sulting accent, 128, 130, 136 a;
exceptional cases, 136-8.

v^ddhl-strengthening, character and
occurrence of, 27, 236-43, and
pasaim; in primary derivation,
1143a; in secondary, 1204.

w-80und, belonging to v, 67.

weak, or weakest, form of stem in
declension, 311.

weakening and strengthening pro-
cesses, 234-60.

writing in India, 2a; mode of, in
Skt. manuscripts, 9 a, b ; its modi-
fications in western practice, 9 c-e.

ya-class (fourth, div-class) of verbs,
606, 759-67 :. formation of stem,
759; inflection, 760; roots of the
class and their classification, 761,
762; irregularities, 763-7.

y&-class of verbs, or passive present-
system, 606, 768-74; formation
of stem, 768-70; inflection, 771;
irregularities, 772-4; y&- forma-
tion from intensive stem, 1016,
1017

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ERRATA.

ur. Loc. — for f^Icpg read HRtH

8t 1. — » bh&v&ntai » bh&vftntfti.
1. 2 — » ffuhya » giihya.

1. 3 — » akkhalikttya » akhkhalikftya.

A

,.( "..-"-

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O.

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gjg^Soogle

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