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E. wnroisoH. 


A Sanscrit Grammar, including both the Classical Language, and 

THE Older Dulects, of Veda and Brahhana 

BY William Dwight Whitney. 




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Entered according to Act of Coagreis, in the year 1879, by W. D. Whitney in the office 
of the Librarian of Congwse at Waehington D. C. 

Printers: Breitkopf 6 H&rtel, Leipiig. 

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'fcUut,-*— ^ '^^ -t-J.- n^i^^^i.^^) 



TO THE First Edition. 

It was in June, 1875, as I chanced to be for a day or 
two in Leipzig, that I was unexpectedly invited to prepare 
the Sanskrit grammar for the Indo-European series projected 
by Messrs. Breitkopf and H^rtel. After some consideration, 
and consultation with friends, I accepted the task, and have 
since devoted to it what time could be spared from regular 
duties, after the satisfaction of engagements earlier formed. 
If the delay seems a long one, it was nevertheless unavoid- 
able; and I would gladly, in the interest of the work itself, 
have made it still longer. In. every such case, it is necess- 
ary to make a compromise between measurably satisfying a 
present pressing need, and doing the subject fuller justice 
at the cost of more time ; and it seemed as if the call for 
a Sanskrit grammar on a somewhat different plan from those 
already in use — excellent as some of these in many respects 
are — was urgent enough to recommend a speedy com- 
pletion of the work begun. 

The objects had especially in view in the preparation 
of this grammar have been the following: 

1. To make a presentation of the facts of the language 
primarily as they show themselves in use in the literature, 
and only secondarily as they are laid down by the native 
grammarians. The earliest European grammars were by the 
necessity of the case chiefly founded on their native prede- 

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vi Preface. 

cessors; and a traditional method was thus established which 
has been perhaps somewhat too closely adhered to, at the 
expense of clearness and of proportion, as well as of scien- 
tific truth. Accordingly, my attention has not been directed 
toward a profonnder study of the grammatical science of the 
Hindu schools : their teachings I have been contented to take 
as already reported to Western learners in the existing 
Western grammars. 

2. To include also in the presentation the forms and 
constructions of the older language, as exhibited in the Veda 
and the Brahmana. Grassmann's excellent Index- Vocabulary . 
to the Rig- Veda, and my own manuscript one to the Atharra- 
Veda (which I hope soon to be able to make public*), gave 
me in full detail the great mass of Vedic material ; and this, 
with some assistance from pupils and friends, I have sought 
to complete, as far as the circumstances permitted, from the 
other Vedic texts and from the various works of the Brah- 
mana period, both printed and manuscript. 

3. To treat the language throughout as an accented one, 
omitting nothing of what is known respecting the nature of 
the Sanskrit accent, its changes in combination and inflection, 
and the tone of individual words — being, in all this, ne- 
cessarily dependent especially upon the material presented 
by the older accentuated texts. 

4. To cast all statements, classifications, and so on, 
into a form consistent with the teachings of linguistic science. 
In doing this, it has been necessary to discard a few of the 
long-used and familiar divisions and terms of Sanskrit gram- 
mar — for example, the classification and nomenclature of 
'^special tenses" and "general tenses" (which is so indefen- 
sible that one can only wonder at its having maintained itself 
so long), the order and terminology of the conjugation-classes, 
the separation in treatment of the facts of internal and ex- 

* It was published, as vol. XII. of the Journal of the American 
Oriental Society, in 1881. 

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ternal euphonic combination, and the like. But care has been 
taken to facilitate the transition from the old to the new; 
and the changes, it is belieyed, will commend themselves to 
unqualified acceptance. It has been sought also to help an 
appreciation of the character of the language by putting its 
facts as far as possible into a statistical form. In this respect 
the native grammar is especially deficient and misleading. 

Regard has been constantly had to the practical needs 
of the learner of the language, and it has been attempted, 
by due arrangement and by the use of different sizes of 
type, to make the work as usable by one whose object 
it is to acquire a knowledge of the classical Sanskrit alone 
as those are in which the earlier forms are not included. 
The custom of transliterating all Sanskrit words into Euro- 
pean characters, which has become usual in European San- 
skrit grammars, is, as a matter of course, retained through- 
out; and, because of the difficulty of setting even a small 
Sanskrit type, with anything but a large European, it is 
practiced alone in the smaller sizes. 

While the treatment of the facts of the language has 
thus been made a historical one, within the limits of the 
language itself, I have not ventured to make it comparative, 
by bringing in the analogous forms and processes of other 
related languages. To do this, in addition to all that was 
attempted beside, would have extended the w^k, both in 
content and in time of preparation, far beyond the limits 
assigned to it. And, having decided to leave out this ele- 
ment, I have done so consistently throughout. Explanations 
of the origin of forms have also been avoided, for the same 
reason and for others, which hardly call for statement. 

A grammar is necessarily in great part founded on its 
predecessors, and it would be in vain to attempt an acknowl- 
edgment in detail of all the aid received from other schol- 
ars. I have had at hand always especially the very schol- 
arly and reliable brief summary of Eielhom, the full and 

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▼Hi Peepace. 

excellent work of Monier Williams, the smaller grammar of 
Bopp (a wonder of learning and method for the time when 
it was prepared), and the volumes of Benfey and Mttller. 
As regards the material of the language, no other aid, of 
course, has been at all comparable with the great Peters- 
burg lexicon of Btthtlingk and Roth, the existence of which 
gives by itself a new character to all investigations of the 
Sanskrit language. What I have not found there or in the 
special collections made by myself or by others for me, I 
have called below "not quotable" — a provisional designa- 
tion, necessarily liable to correction in detail by the results 
of further researches. For what concerns the verb, its forms 
and their classification and uses, I have had, as every one 
must have, by far the most aid from Delbrtlok, in his Alt- 
indiscbes Verbum and his various syntactical contribu- 
tions. Former pupils of my own, Professors Avery and 
Edgren, have also helped me, in connection with this 
subject and with others, in a way and measure that calls for 
public acknowledgment. In respect to the important matter 
of the declension in the earliest language, I have made great 
use of the elaborate paper in the Journ. Am. Or. Soc. (print- 
ed contemporaneously with this work, and used by me 
almost, but not quite, to the end of the subject) by my 
former pupil Prof. Lanman; my treatment of it is founded 
on his. Myi< manifold obligations to my own teacher, Prof. 
Weber of Berlin, also require to be mentioned : among other 
things, I owe to him the use of his copies of certain un- 
published texts of the Brahmana period, not otherwise access- 
ible to me; and he was kind enough to look through vnth 
me my work in its inchoate condition, favoring me with 
valuable suggestions. For this last favor I have likewise to 
thank Prof. Delbrttck — who, moreover, has taken the trouble 
to glance over for a like purpose the greater part of the 
proof-sheets of the grammar, as they came from the press. 
To Dr. L. von Schroder is due whatever use I have been 

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Preface ix 

able to make (unfortunately a very imperfect one) of the im- 
portant Maitrayani-Samhita. * 

Of the deficiencies of my mork I am, I think, not less 
fully aware than any critic of it, even the severest, is likely 
to be. Should it be found to answer its intended purpose 
well enough to come to another edition, my endeavor will 
be to improve and complete it; and I shall be grateful for 
any corrections or suggestions which may aid me in mak- 
ing it a more efficient help to the study of the Sanskrit 
language and literature. 

GoTHA, July 1879. 

W. D. W. 


TO THE Second Edition. 

In preparing a new edition of this grammar, I have 
made use of the new material gathered by myself during 
the intervening years,** and also of that gathered by others, 
so far as it was accessible to me and fitted into my plan;*** 
and I have had the benefit of kind suggestions from various 
quarters — for all of which I desire to return a grateful 
acknowledgment. By such help, I have been able not only 
to correct and repair certain errors and omissions of the 
first edition, but also to speak with more definiteness upon 

* Since published in full by him, 1881—6. 
** A part of this new material was published by myself in 1885, 
as a Supplement to the grammar, under the title **Roots, Verb-Forms^ 
and Primary Derivatives of the Sanskrit Language'^. 

*♦♦ Especially deserving of mention is Holtzmann^s collection of 
material from the Mahabharata, also published (1884) in the form of 
a Supplement to this work; also BOhtlingk's similar collection from 
the larger half of the Ramayana. 

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X Prefacb. 

very many points relating to the material and usages of 
the language. 

In order not to impair the applicability of the referen- 
ces already made to the work by various authors, its para- 
graphing has been retained unchanged throughout; for in- 
creased convenience of further reference, the subdivisions 
of paragraphs have been more thoroughly marked, by letters 
(now and then changing a former lettering); and the par- 
agraph-numbers have been set at the outer instead of the 
inner edge of the upper margin. 

My remoteness from the place of publication has for- 
bidden me the reading of more than one proof; but the 
kindness of Professor Lanman in adding his revision (ac- 
companied by other timely suggestions) to mine, and the 
care of the printers, will be found, I trust, to have aided 
in securing a text disfigured by few errors of the press.^ 

Circumstances beyond my control have delayed for a 
year or two the completion of this revision, and have made 
it in some parts less complete than I should have desired« 

New-Haven, Sept. 1888. 

W. D. W. 

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Brief Account op the Indian Literature. 

it seems desirable to give here such a sketch of the 
history of Indian literature as shall show the relation to 
one another of the different periods and forms of the lan- 
guage treated in the following grammar, and the position 
of the works there quoted. 

The name ^Sanskrit" (saihskqrta, 1087 d, adomedy elab- 
orated, perfected), which is popularly applied to the whole 
ancient and sacred language of India, belongs more properly 
only to that dialect which, regulated and establis hed by the 
laoors oi the nativ e grammarians; has le d tor the lajst two 
ti iousana years or more an artificial |ifft^ li kft that of the 
Liatin during most of the same period in Europe, as the 
written and spoken means of communication of the learned 
and priestly caste; and which even at the present day fills 
that office. It is thus distinguished, on the one hand, from 
the later and derived dialects — as the Prakrit, forms of 
language which have datable monuments from as early as 
the third century before Christ, and which are represented 
by inscriptions and coins, by the speech of the uneducated 
characters in the Sanskrit dramas (see below), and by a limited 
literature; the Pali, a Prakritic dialect which became the sac- 
red lang^uage'SrKuddhism in Ceylon and Farther India, and is 

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Still in service theie as such; and yet later and more altered 
tongues forming the transition to the languages of modern 
India. And, on the other hand, it is distinguished, but 
very much less sharply and widely, from the older dialects 
or forms of speech presented in the canonical literature, 
the Veda and Brahmana. 

This fact, of the fixation by learned treatment of an 
authorized mode of expression, which should thenceforth be 
used according to rule in the intercourse of the educated, 
is the cardinal one in Indian linguistic history; and as the 
native grammatical literature has determined the form of 
the language, so it has also to a large extent determined 
the grammatical treatment of the language by European 

Much in the history of the learned movement is still 
obscurse, and opinions are at variance even as to points of 
prime consequence. Only the concluding works in the devel- 
opment of the gramatical science have been preserved to 
us; and though they are evidently the perfected fruits of a 
long series of learned labors, the records of the latter are 
lost beyond recovery. The time and the place of the cre- 
ation of Sanskrit are unknown; and as to its occasion, we 
have only our inferences ahd conjectures to rely upon. It 
seems, however, altogether likely that the grammatical sense 
of the ancient Hindus was awakened in great measure by 
their study of the traditional sacred texts, and by their com- 
parison of its different language with that of contemporary 
use. It is certain that the grammatical study of those texts 
(9&kh&8, lit'ly branche^\ phonetic and other, was zealously 
and effectively followed in the Brahmanic schools; this is 
attested by our possession of a number of phonetico-gram- 
matical treatises, pr&ti9SkliyaB (prati 9&khSm bdonging to 
each several text), each having for subject one principal 
Vedic text, and noting all its peculiarities of form; these, 
both by the depth and exactness of their own researches 
and by the number of authorities which they quote, speak 
plainly of a lively scientific activity continued during a long 
time. What part, on the other hand, the notice of differ- 

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iKTRODUOnON. xlil 

eences between the correct speech of the learned and the 
altered dialects of the vulgar may have borne in the same 
«ioyement is not easy to determine; but it is not customary 
thi^ a language has its proper usages fixed by rule until 
the danger is distinctly felt of its undergoing corruption. 

The labors of the general school of Sanskrit grammar 
reached a climax in the grammarian Panini, whose text^book, 
containing the facts of the language cast^to the highly 
drtful and difficult form of about four thousand algebraic- 
formula-likfi rules (in the statement and arrangement of 
which brevity alone is had in view, at the cost of distinct^ 
ness and unambiguousness), became for all after time the 
authoritative, almost sacred, norm of correct speech. ' Re- 
specting his period, nothing really definite and trustworthy 
is known; but he is with much probability held to have 
lived some time (two to foui: centuries) before the Christian 
era. He has had commentators in abundance, and has under- 
gone at their hands some measure of amendment .and com- 
pletion; but he has not been overthrown or superseded. 
The chief and most authoritative commentary on his work 
is that called the MahSbhSshya great comment^ by Pa- 

A language, even if not a vernacular one which is in 
tolerably wide and constant use for writing and speaking, 
is, of course-, kept in life principally by direct tradition, by 
communication from teacher to scholar and the study and 
imitation of existing texts, and not by the learning of gram- 
matical rules; yet the existence of grammatical authority, 
and especially of a single one, deemed infallible and of pre- 
scriptive value, could not fail to' exert a strong regulative 
influence, leading to the avoidance more and more of what 
was, even if lingering in use, inconsistent with his teachings, 
and also, in the constant reproduction of texts, to the grad- 
ual effacemenl^of whatever they might contain that was 
unapproved. Thus the whole more modern literature of 
India has been Taninized, so to speak, pressed into the 
mould prepared by him and his school. What are the 
limits of the artificiality of this process is not yet known. 

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xiv Introduction. 

The attention of special students of the Hindu grammar 
(and the subject is so intricate and difficult that the number 
is exceedingly small of those who have mastered it suffix 
. ciently to have a competent opinion on such general matters) 
has been hitherto mainly directed toward determining what 
the Sanskrit according to Panini really is, toward explaining 
the language from the grammar. And, naturally enough, 
in India, or wherever else the leading object is to learn to 
speak and write the language correctly — that is, as author- 
ized by the grammarians — that is the proper course to 
pursue. This, however, is not the way really to understand 
the language. The time must soon come, or it has come 
already, when the endeavor shall be instead to explain the 
grammar from the language: to test in all details, so far 
as shall be found possible, the reason of Fai^dni's rules 
(which contain not a little that seems problematical, or even 
sometimes perverse); to determine what and how much 
genuine usage he had everywhere as foundation, and what 
traces may be left in the literature of usages possessing an 
inherently authorized character, though unratified by him. 
By the term '^classical" or ^ater" language, then, as 
constantly used below in the grammar, is meant the lan- 
guage of those literary monuments which are written in con- 
formity with the rules of the native grammar: virtually, the 
whole proper Sanskrit literature. For although parts of this 
are doubtless earlier than Panini, it is impossible to tell 
just what parts, or how far they have escaped in their style 
the leveling influence of the grammar. The whole, too, 
may be called so far an artificial literature as it is written 
in a phonetic form (see grammar, 101 a) which never can 
have been a truly vernacular and living one. Nearly all of 
it is metrical: not poetic works only, but narratives, histories 
(so far as anything deserving that name can be said to exist), 
and scientific treatises of every variety, are done into verse ; 
a prose and a prose literature hardly has an existence (the 
principal exceptions, aside from the voluminous commen- 
taries, are a few stories, as the Da9akumfiraoarita and the 
VSsavadatt^). Of linguistic history there is next to nothing 

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in it all ; but only a history of style, and this for the most 
part showing a gradual depravation, an increase of artificiality 
and an intensification of certain more undesirable features 
of the language — such hjs the use of passive constructions 
and of participles instead of verbs, and the substitution of 
compounds for sentences. 

This being the condition of the later literature, it is of 
so much the higher consequence that there is an earlier 
literature, to which the suspicion of artificiality does not 
attach, or attaches at least only in a minimal degree, which 
has a truly vernacular character, and abounds in prose as 
well as verse. 

The results of the very earliest literary productiveness 
of the Indian people -are the hymns with which, when they 
had only crossed the threshold of the country, and when 
their geographical horizon was still limited to the river- 
basin of the Indus with its tributaries, they praised their 
gods, the deified powers of nature, and accompanied the 
rites of their comparatively simple worship. At what period 
these were made and sung cannot be determined with any 
approach to accuracy: it may have been as early as 2000 
B. C. They were long handed down by oral tradition, pre- 
served by the care, and increased by the additions and 
imitations, of succeeding generations; the i^iass was ever 
growing, and, with the change of habits and beliefs and 
religious practices, was becoming variously applied — sung 
in chosen extracts, mixed with other material into liturgies, 
adapted with more or less of distortion to help the needs 
of a ceremonial which was coming to be of immense elab- 
oration and intricacy. And, at some time in the course 
of this history, there was made for preservation a great col- 
lection of the hymn-material, mainly its oldest and most 
genuine part, to the extent of over a thousand hymns and ten 
thousand verses, arranged according to traditional authorship 
and to subject and length and metre of hymn: this collection 
is the Big- Veda Veda of verses (yo) or of hymns. Other 
collections were made also out of the same general mass 
of traditional material: doubtless later, although the inter- 

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xvi Introduction. 

relations of this period are as yet too unclear to allow of 
our speaking with entire confidence as to anything concern- 
ing them. Thus, the SSma-Veda Veda of chanU (sftman), 
containing only about a sixth as much, its verses nearly all 
found in the Rig-Veda also, but appearing here with nume- 
rous differences of reading: these were passages put together 
for chanting at the soma-sacrifices. Again, collections called 
by the comprehensive name of Yajur-Veda Veda of sac^ 
rtficial formulas (yajus) : these contained not verses alone, 
but also numerous prose utterances, mingled with the former, 
in the order in which they were practically employed in 
the ceremonies; they were strictly liturgical collections. Of 
these, there are in existence several texts, which have their 
mutual differences: the VSjasaneyi-SaihhitS (in two slightly 
discordant versions, Mfidhyandina and ElS^va), sometimes 
also called the White Yajur-Veda; and the various and 
considerably differing texts of the Black Yajur-Veda, namely 
the TSittijiya-Saihliita, the MftitrSya^I-SaihhitS, the Kapi?- 
(hala-SaihhitS, and the ESfhaka (the two last not yet pub- 
lished). Finally, another historical collection, like the Rig- 
Veda, but made up mainly of later and less accepted 
material, and called (among other less current names) the 
Atharva-Veda Veda of the Atharvans (a legendary priestly 
family) ; it is somewhat more than half as bulky as the Rig- 
Veda, and contains a certain amount of material correspond- 
ing to that of the latter, and also a number of brief prose 
passages. To this last collection is very generally refused 
in the orthodox literature the Name of Veda; but for us it 
is the mo^t interesting of all, after the Rig-Veda, because 
it contains the largest amount of hymn-material (or mantra, 
as it is called, in distinction from the prose brfihma^a), 
and in a language which, though distinctly less antique 
than that of the other, is nevertheless truly Vedic. Two 
versions of it are extant, one of them in only a single 
known manuscript. 

A not insignificant body of like material, and of various 
period (although doubtless in the main belonging to the 
latest time of Vedic productiveness, and in part perhaps 

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Introduction xvii 

the imitative work of a yet more modern time), is scattered 
through the texts to be later described, the BrShma^ias and 
the Stltras. To assemble and sift and compare it is now 
one of the pressing needs of Vedic study. 

The fundamental divisions of the Vedic literature here 
mentioned have all had their various schools of sectaries, 
each of these with a text of its own, showing some differ- 
ences firom those of the other schools ; .but those mentioned 
above are all that are now known to be in existence; and 
the chance of the discovery of others grows every year 

The labor of the schools in the conservation of their 
sacred texts was extraordinary, and has been crowned with 
such success that the text of each school, whatever may 
be its differences firom those of other schools, is virtually 
without various readings, preserved with all its peculiarities 
of dialect, and its smallest and most exceptional traits of 
phonetic form, pure and unobscured. It is not the place 
here to describe the means by which, in addition to the 
religious care of the sectaries, this accuracy was secured: 
forms of texts, lists of peculiarities and treatises upon them, 
and so on. When this kind of care began in the case of 
each text, and what of original character may have been 
effaced before it, or lost in spite of it, cannot be told. But 
it is certain that the Vedic records furnish, on the whole, 
a wonderfully accurate and trustworthy picture of a form of 
ancient Indian language (as well as ancient Indian beliefs 
and institutions) which was a natural and undistorted one, 
and which goes back a good way behind the classical San- 
skrit. Its differences from the latter the following treatise 
endeavors to show in detail. 

Along with the verses and sacrificial formulas and 
phrases in the text of the Black Yajur-Veda are given 
long prose sections, in which the ceremonies are described, 
their meaning and the reason of the details and the accom- 
panying utterances are discussed and explained, illustrative 
legends are reported of fabricated, and various speculations, 
etymological and other, are indulged in. Such matter comes 

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xviii Introduction. 

to be called brShma^a (apparently relating to the brahman 
or warship). In the White Yajur-Veda, it is separated into 
a work by itself, beside the saihhitS or text of veises and 
formulas, and is called the ip&toP&^ha-Brfihma^a Brahmana 
of a hundred ways. Other similar collections are found, be- 
longing to various other schools of Vedic study, and they 
bear the common name of BrShma^a, with the name of the 
school, or some oth^r distinctive title, prefixed. Thus, the 
Aitareya and KSu^Itaki-BrShmai^aS} belonging to the schools 
of the Rig-Veda, the Paiioavin9a and Sa4vin9a"Br&hmai?as 
and other minor works, to the Sama-Veda; the Gopatha* 
BrShmai^, to the Atharva-Veda ; and a JSiminlya- or Tala- 
vakftra-Brfthmai^, to the Sama-Veda, has recently (Burnell) 
been discovered in India; the T&ittirlya-Br&hniail^ is a col- 
lection of mingled mantra and brShmaii^, like the saibhitS 
of the same name, but supplementary and later. These 
works are likewise regarded as canonical by the schools, 
and are learned by their sectaries with the same extreme care 
which is devoted to the saibhitfis, and their condition of 
textual preservation is of a kindred excellence. To a cer- 
tain extent, there is among them the possession of common 
material: a fact the bearings of which are not yet fully 

Notwithstanding the inanity of no small part of their 
contents, the Brahma^as are of a high order of interest in 
their bearings on the history of Indian institutions; and 
philologically they are not less important, since they re- 
present a form of language in most respects intermediate 
between the classical and that of the Vedas, and offer spe- 
cimens on a large scale of a prose style, and of one which 
is in the main a natural and freely developed one — the 
oldest and most primitive Indo-European prose. 

Beside the Brahmanas are sometimes found later ap- 
pendices, of a similar character, called Arai^yakas (forest^ 
sections): as the Aitareya-Araijyaka, Tluttiriya-Arai^yaka , 
Brhad-Arai^yaka, and so on. And from some of these, or 
even from the Brahmanas, are extracted the earliest Upa* 
ni^ads [sittings^ lectures on sacred subjects) — which, 

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Introduction. xix 

however, are continued and added to down to a compara- 
tively modern time. The Upanishads are one of the lines 
by which the Brahma^a literature passes over into the later 
theological literature. 

Another line of transition is shown in the StLtras (lines, 
rules). The works thus named are analogous with the 
Brahmanas in that they belong to the schools of Vedic 
study and are named from them, and that they deal with 
the religious ceremonies : treating them, however, in the 
way of prescription, not of dogmatic explanation. They, 
too, contain some mantra or hymn-material, not found to 
occur elsewhere. In part (9rSuta or kalpa-stltras) , they take 
up the great sacrificial ceremonies, with which the Brah- 
manas have to do; in part (grhya-stltras], they teach the 
minor duties of a pious householder; in some cases (sS- 
may&cSrika-stltras) they lay down the general obligations of 
one whose life is in accordance with prescribed duty. And 
out of the last two, or especially the last, come by natural 
development the law-books (dharma-9S8tra8), which make 
a conspicuous figure in the later literature: the oldest and 
most noted of them being that called by the name of 
Manu (an outgrowth, it is believed by many, of the Manava 
Vedic school); to which are added that of Yftjilavalkya, and 
many others. 

Respecting the chronology of this development, or the 
date of any class of writings, still more of any individual 
work, the less that is said the better. All dates given in 
Indian literary history are pins set up to be bowled down 
again. Every important work has undergone so many more 
or less transforming changes before reaching the form in 
which it comes to us, that the question of original con- 
struction is complicated with that of final redaction. It is 
so with the law-book of Manu, just mentioned, which has 
well-founded claims to being regarded as one of the very 
oldest works of the proper Sanskrit literature, if not the 
oldest (it has been variously assigned, to periods from six 
centuries before Christ to four after Christ). It is so, again, 
in a still more striking degree, with the great legendary 


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epic of the MahSbhSrata. The ground-work of this is 
doubtless of very early date; but it has served as a text 
into which materials of various character and period have 
been inwoven, until it has become a heterogeneous mass, 
a kind of cyclopedia for the warrior-caste, hard to separate 
into its constituent parts. The story of Nala, and the phil- 
osophical poem Bhagavad-GItS, are two of the most noted 
of its episodes. The BSm&srai^a, the other most famous epic, 
is a work of another kind: though also worked over and 
more or less altered in its transmission to our time, it is 
the production, in the main, of a single author (Yalmiki); 
and it is generally believed to be in part allegorical, re- 
presenting the introduction of Aryan culture and dominion 
into Southern India. By its side stand a number of minor 
epics, of various authorship and period, as the Baghuva&9a 
(ascribed to the dramatist Ealidasa), the MSghakftvya, the 
BhattikSvya (the last, written chiefly with the grammatical 
intent of illustrating by use as many as possible of the 
numerous formations which, though taught by the gram- 
marians, find no place in the literature). 

The PurBijiaB, a large class of works mostly of immense 
extent, are best mentioned in connection with the epics. 
They are pseudo-historical and prophetic in character, of 
modern date, and of inferior value. Real history finds no 
place in Sanskrit literature, nor is there any conscious 
historical element in any of the works composing it. 

Lyric poetry is represented by many works, some of 
which, as the Meghadtita and GItogovinda, are of no mean 
order of merit. 

The drama is a still more noteworthy and important 
branch. The first indications of dramatical incliaation and 
capacity on the part of the Hindus are seen in certain 
hymns of the Veda, where a mythological or legendary 
situation is conceived dramatically, and set forth in the 
form of a dialogue — well-known examples are the dialogue 
of Sarama and the Panis, that of Yama and his sister Yami, 
that of Vasishtha and the rivers, that of Agni and the other 
gods — but there are no extant intermediaries between these 

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Introduction. xxi 

and the standard drama. The beginnings of the latter date 
horn a period when in actual life the higher and educated 
characters used Sanskrit^ and the lower and uneducated used 
the popular dialects derived from it, the Prakrits ; and their 
dialogue reflects this condition of ^things. Then, however 
learning (not to call it pedantry) intervened, and stereotyped 
the new element; a Prakrit grammar grew up beside- the 
Sanskrit grammar, according to the rules of which Prakrit 
could be made indefinitely on a substrate of Sanskrit; and 
none of the existing dramas need to date from the time of 
vernacular use of Prakrit, while most or all of them are 
undoubtedly much later. Among the dramatic authors, 
Kalidasa is incomparably the chief, and his 9^kuntalS is 
distinctly his masterpiece. His date has been a matter of 
much inquiry and controversy; it is doubtless some cen- 
turies later than our era. The only other work deserving 
to be mentioned along with Kalid^sa's is the MfoohakatikS of 
^udraka, also of questionable period, but believed to be 
the oldest of the extant dramas. 

A partly dramatic character belongs also to the fable, 
in which animals are represented as acting and speaking. 
The most noted works in this department are the Fafica- 
tantra, which through Persian and Semitic versions has made 
its way all over the world, and contributes a considerable 
quota to the fable-literature of every European language, 
and, partly founded on it, the comparatively recent and 
popular Hitopade9a (salutary instruction). 

Two of the leading departments of Sanskrit scientific 
literature, the legal and the grammatical, have been already 
sufficiently noticed; of those remaining, the most important 
by far is the philosophical. The beginnings of philosophic- 
al speculation are seen already in some of the later hymns 
of the Veda, more abundantly in the Brahmanas and Ajan- 
yakas, and then especially in the Upanishads. The evo- 
lution and historic relation of the systems of philosophy, 
and the age of their text-books, are matters on which much 
obscurity still rests. There are six systems of primary rank, 
and reckoned as orthodox, although really standing in no 

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accordance with appioved religious doctrines. All of them 
seek the same end, the emancipation of the soul from the 
necessity of continuing its existence in a succession of 
bodies y and its unification with the All^soul; but they 
differ in regard to the means by which they seek to attain 
this end. 

. The astronomical science of the Hindus is a reflection 
of that of Greece, and its literature is of recent date; but 
as mathematicians, in arithmetic and geometry, they have 
shown more independence. Their medical science, although 
its beginnings go back even to the Veda, in the use of 
medicinal plants with accompanying incantations, is of little 
account, and its proper literature by no means ancient. 

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Chap. Page. 

PfiEFACE .......... V 

Introduction xi 

I. Alphabet 1 — 9 

II. System op Sounds; Pronunciation .... 10 — 34 
Vowels, 10; Consonants, 13 ; Quantity, 27; Accent, 28. 

IlL Rules of Euphonic Combination 34 87 

Introductory, 34; Principles, 37; Rules of Vowel Ck)m- 
binatio'n,42; Permitted Finals, 49; Deaspiration, 63; 
Surd and Sonant Assimilation, 54; Combinations of 
Final 8 and r, 66; CouTerslon of s to 9, 61; Con- 
version of n to ]^» 54; GonTexsion of Dental Mutes to 
Lingnals and Palatals, 66; Combinations of Final n, 
69; Combinations of Final m, 71; the Palatal Mutes 
and Sibilant, and h» 72; the Lingual Sibilant, 77; 
Extension and Abbreviation, 78; Strengthening and 
Weakening Processes, 81 ; Qnna and V^^ddhit 81 ; 
Vowel-lengthening, 84; Vowel-lightening, 86; Nasal 
Increment, 86; Reduplication, 87. 

IV. Declension 88 110 

Gender, Kumber, Case, 88; Uses of the Cases, 89; 
Endings of Declension, 103; Variation of Stem, 107; 
Accent in Declension, 108. 

y. Nouns AND Adjectives Ill 175 

Classi^cation etc.. Ill ; I^eclension I., Stems in a, 112 ; 
Declension II., Stems in i and u, 116; Declension 
IIL, Stems in Long Vowels (&, i, ti): A. Root-words 
etc., 124; Stems in Diphthongs, 130; B. Derivative 
Stems etc., 131; Declension IV., Stems in j or ar, 
137; Declension V., Stems in Consonants, 141; 
A. Root-stems etc., 143; B. Derivative Stems in as, 
is, .aeul53; C. Pei;iva^ve S^ems in an, 156: D. 
in in, 161 ; B. in ant or at, 163 ; F. Perfect Par- 
ticiples in vftAs, 169; Q. Comparatives in yfi&s or 
yaa* 172; Comparison, 173. 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

xxiv Contents. 

Chap. Page. 

VI. Numerals 177 — 185 

Cardinals, 177; Ordinals etc., 183. 

Vn. Pronouns 185 — 199 

Personal, 185; Demonstrative, 188; Interrogative, 
194; Relative, 195; other Prononns: Emphatic, In- 
definite, 196; Nonms used pronominally, 197; 
Pronominal Derivatives, Possessives etc., 197; Ad- 
jectives declined pronominally, 199. 

VIII. Conjugation 200 — 226 

Voice, Tense, Mode, Number, Person, 200; Verbal 
Adjectives and Nouns, 203; Secondary GoDjugations, 
203; Personal Endiogs, 204; Subjunctive Mode, 209; 
Optative, 211 ; Imperative, 213 ; Uses of the Modes, 
215; Participles, 220; Augment, 220; Reduplication, 
222; Accent of the Verb, 223. 

IX. The Present-System 227 — 278 

Genera], 227 ; Conjugations and Conjugation Classes, 
228; Root-Class (second or ad-class), 231; Re- 
duplicating Class (third or hu-dass), 242; Nasal 
Class (seventh or rudh-class), 250; nu and u-CIasses 
(fifth and eighth, or su- and tan-classes), 254; ni,- 
Class (ninth or kri-class), 260; a-Class (first or 
bhu-class), 264; Accented &-Class (sixth or tud- 
class), 269; ya-Class (fourth or dlv-class), 271; 
Accented yd-Class or Passive Conjugation, 275; 
So-called tenth 'or our-class, 277; Uses of the Pres- 
ent and Imperfect, 278. 

X. The Perfect-System 279 — 296 

Perfect Tense, 279; Perfect Participle, 291; Modes 
of the Perfect, 292; Pluperfect, 295; Uses of the 
Perfect, 295. 

XI. The Aorist-Systems 297 — 330 

Classification, 297; I. Simple Aorist: 1. Root-Aorist, 
299; Passive Aorist 3d sing., 304; 2. the a-Aorist, 
305; II. 3. Reduplicated Aorist, 308; III. Sibilant 
Aorist, 313; 4. the 8-Aorist, 314; 5. the i?- Aorist, 
320; 6. the eif-Aorlst, 323; 7. the aa- Aorist, 325; 
Precative, 326 ; Uses of the Aorist, 328. 

XII. The Future-Systems 330 — 339 

I. The 8-Future, 331 ; Preterit of the s-Futuro, Con- 
ditional, 334; U. The Periphrastic Future, 335; 
Uses of the Futures and Conditional, 337. 

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Contents. xxv 

Chap. ph«. 

XIII. Verbal adjectives and Nouns: Partici- 
ples, Infinitives, Gerunds 340 — 360 

Passive Participle in t& or n&, 340; Past Actire 

Participle in tavant, 344; Future Passive Parti- 
ciples, Gerundives, 345; Infinitives, 347; Uses of 
the Infinitives, 361; Gerunds, 355; Adverbial Gerund 
in am, 359. 

XIV. Derivative or Secondary Conjugation . . 360—391 

I. Passive, 361; II. Intensive, 362; Present-System, 
365; Perfect, Aorlst, Future, etc., 370; III. Desider- 
atlve, 372; Present- System, 374; Perfect, Aorist, 
Future, etc., 376; IV. Causative, 378; Present-System, 
380; Perfect, Aorist, Future, etc., 383; V. Denom- 
inative, 386. 

XV. Periphrastic and Compound Conjugation 391 — 403 
The Periphrastic Perfect, 392; Participial Periphras- 
tic Phrases, 394; Composition with Prepositional 
Prefixes, 395; Other Verbal Compounds, 400. 

XVI. Indbclinables 403 — 417 

Adverbs, 403; Prepositions, 414; Conjunctions, 416; 
Inteijections, 417. 

XVII. Derivation of Declinable Stems 418—480 

A. Primary Derivatives, 420; B. Secondary Deriva- 
tives, 454. 

XVIII. Formation of Compound Stems . . .« •. . . 480 — 515 
Classification, 480; I. Copulative Compounds, 485; 

II. Determinative Compounds, 489; A. Dependent 
Compounds, 489; B. Descriptive Compounds, 494; 
in. Secondary Adjective Compounds, 501; A. Pos- 
sessive Compounds, 501 ; B. Compounds with Governed 
Final Member, 511 ; Adjective Compounds as Nouns 
and as Adverbs, 512; Anomalous Compounds 514; 
Stem-finals altered in Composition, 514; Loose 
Construction with Compounds, 515. 

Appendix 516—520 

A. Examples of Various Sanslirlt Type, 516 ; B. Ex- 
ample of Accentuated Text, 518; Synopsis of the 
conjugation of roots bhu and k^, 520. 

Sanskrit-Index -. 52 1 — 539 

General-Index 540 — 551 

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AA. Aitareya-Aranyaka. 

AB. Aitareya-Brahmana. 
A^S. A^valayana-Qraata-SCltra. 
AGS. AQvalayana-Grbya-Sutra. 
Apast. Apastamba-Sutra. 
APr. Atharva-PratiQakhya. 
AV. Atharva-Veda. 

B. or Br. Brabmanas. 

BAU. Brbad-Aranyaka-Upanisad. 
BhG. Bbagavad-Glta. 
BhP. Bbagayata-Purana. 
BK. Bttbtlingk and Rotb (Peters- 
burg Lexicon). 

C. Classical Sanskrit. 
Q. Qftkuntala. 

Qatr. Qatrumjaya-Mabatmyam. 
QB. Qatapatba-Brabmana. 
QQS. 9ankbayana-9rauta-Sutra. 
gGS. 9ankhayana-Grbya-SQtra. 
CbU. Ghandogya-Upanisad. 
^vU. 9v6t^^&tof<^Upani§ad. 
DKC. Da9a-Kumara-Carita. 
E. Epos (MBh. and R.). 
GB. Gopatba-Brabmana. 
GGS. Gobbiliya-Grhya-Sutra. 
H. Hitopade^. 
Har. Harivan^a. 
JB. Jaiminlya (or Talavakara) Brab- 

JUB. Jaiminiya - Upanisad - Brab- 

K. Eathaka. 

Eap. Kapistbala-Sambita. 
KB. Kauflltaki- (or 9^kli^7&i>&*) 

KBU. Eaufitaki-Brabmana-Upani- 

KQS. Katyayana-^rauta-Sutra. 
KS. Kau^ika-Sutra. 
KSS. Katba-Sarit-Sagara. 
EtbU. Katba Upani§ad. 

EU. Eena-Upanifad. 

LQS. Latyayana-^rauta-Sutra. 

M. Mann* 

MaiU. Maitri-Upanifad. 

MBh. Mababbarata. 

MdU. Mundaka-Upanisad. 

Mogh. Megbaduta. 

MS. Maitrayani-Samhita. 

Nais. Naisadbiya. 

Nir. Nirukta. 

Pafic. Pancatantra. 

PB. PaiicaviiiQa- (or Tandya-) Brab- 

PGS. Paraskara-Grbya-Sutra. 

PU. Pra^na Upanisad. 

R. Ramayana. 

Ragb. Ragbavaii^a. 

RPr. Rigveda-PratiQakbya. 

RT. Raja-Tarangini. 

RV. Rig- Veda. 

S. SQtras. 

SB. Sadvih^a-Brabmana. 

Spr. Indiscbo SprUcbe (B{$btlingk). 

SV. Sama-Veda^ 

TA. Taittiriya-Aranyaka. 

TB. Taittirfya-Brabmana. 

TPr. TaittirTya-PratiQakhya. 

I'ribb. Tribbasyaratna (comm. to 

TS. Taittiriya-Sambita. 

U. Upanisads. 

V. Vedas' (RV., AV., SV). 

Vas. Vaaistba. 

VBS. Varaba-Brbat-Sambita. 

Vet. Vetalapancavin^atl. 

Vikr. Vikramorva^i 

VPr. Vajasaneyi-PratlQakhya. 

VS. Vajaseneyi-Sairfbita. 

VS. Ean. do. Eanva-text 

Y. Tiyftavalkya. 

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^^' 1. Thb natives of India write their ancient and sacred 
language in a variety of alphabets — generally, in each 
part of the country, in the same alphabet which they use 
for their own vernacular. The mode of writing, however, 
which is employed throughout the heart of Aryan India, or 
in Hindustan proper, is alone adopted by European scholars: 
it is called the devanagari. 

a. This name is of doubtful origin and value. A more comprehensive 
name is nSgari (perhaps, of the city) ; and deva-nftgari is nfigari of 
the goda^ or of the Brahmans. 

2. Much that relates to the history of the Indian alphabets is still 
obscnre. The earliest written monuments of known date in the country are 
the inscriptions containing the edicts of A9oka or Piyadasi, of about the 
middle of the third century B. G. They are in two different systems of 
characterit, of which one shows distinct signs of derivation from a Semitic 
sourcei while the other is also probably, though much less evidently, of the 
same origin. From the latter, the Lath, or Southern A^oka character (of 
Girnar), come the later Indian alphabets, both those of the northern Aryan 
languages and those of the southern Dravidian languages. The nSgari, 
devan&gari, Bengali, GuzeratT, and others, are varieties of its northern 
derivatives; and with them are related some of the alphabets of peoples 
outside of India — as in Tibet and Farther India — who have adopted Hindu 
culture or religion. 

a. There is reason to believe that writing was first employed in India 
for practical purposes — for correspondence and business and the like — 
and only by degrees came to be applied also to literary use. The literature, 
to a great extent, and the more fully in proportion to its claimed sanctity 
and authority, ignores all written record, and assumes to be kept in existence 
by oral tradition alone. 

Whitney, Orammar. 3. ed. 1 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


1. Alphabet. 

3. Of the devanftgari itself there are minor varieties, depending on 
diiferenees of locality or of period, as also of indiTidual hand (see examples 
in Webei's catalogue of the Berlin Sanskrit MSS., in Rajendxalala Mitra's 
notices of MSS. in Indian libraries, in the published fac-similes of in- 
scriptions, and so on); and these are in some measure reflected in the type 
prepared for priutiug. both in India and in Europe. But a student who 
makes himself familiar with one style of printed characters will have little 
difficulty with the others, and will soon learn, by practice, to read the manu- 
scripts. A few specimens of types other than those used in this work are 
given in Appendix A. 

a. On account of the difficulty of combining them with the smaller sizes 
of our Roman and Italic type, the devanftgaii characters are used below only 
in connection with the first or largest size. And, in accordance with the 
laudable usage of recent grammars, they are, wherever given, also trans- 
literated, in darendon letters ; while the latter alone are used in the other 

4. The student may be advieed to try to familiarize himself from 
the start with the devanSgari mode of writing. At the same time, 
it is not indispensable that he should do so until, having learned the 
principal paradigms, he comes to begin reading and analysing and 
parsing; and many will find the latter the more practical, and in the 
end equally or more eflfective, way. 

6. The characters of the devanfigari alphabet, and the 

European letters which will be used in transliterating them^ 

are as follows: 



1 ^ a 

« 35(T fi 


M * 

' \ "^ 

Vowels: simple i labial 

» 3 u 

• 3" ti 


^ ^ r 

• ^ f 


• 5T 1 

[" 5J fl 

( palatal 
diphthongs 1 ^^.^j 

u ^ e 
w % o 

»\ BX 

u ^ au 

Visarga » : ^ 

Anus vara i« jl, .^ ii or ih (see 78 c 


surd Bitrd asp. 


son. asp. nasal 

guttural 17 of) k i* ^ kh 

» 3T g 

so ^ gh « S'^lT 

palatal a t[ c a S" ch 

«sr j 

» ^ jh «• 3t Jf 

Mutes I lingual ^Z ^ "• 7 fb 

»I 4 

n Jo ^ n XJi jf 

dental « cT t » SI thf 

M ^ d 

^^^ dtk m^ n 


n ^ -p m m ph »^b «oJ|bh «Jf 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

f^^ Theory op this Mode op Writing. [—9 

SemivoweU < 

' palatftl «s IT y 

lingual « ;[ r 

dental «« ^ 1 

labial ♦» Sf v 

I palatal «• ^ 9 

lingual *' ^ 9 

dental «• H b 

Aspiration « ^ h J 7 

To these may be added a lingual 1 "SS, which in some of ^he 
Yed texts takes the place of 7 4 when occurring between two 

TO» (54). 

A few other sounds, recognized by the theories of the Hindu 

giaraarians, but either having no separate characters to represent 

tbagor only very rarely and exceptionally written, will be noticed 

h(k (71 b, Oy 280). Such are the guttural and labial breathings, the 

aaaal semivowels, and others. 

7. The order of airangement given above is that in 

which the sounds are catalogued and debcribed by the native 

grammarians; and it has been adopted by European scholars 

as the alphabetic order, for indexes, dictiona.ries, etc. : to the 

Hindus, the idea of an alphabetic arrangement for such 

practical uses is wanting. 

a. In some works (as the Petersburg lexicon), t viaarga which is re- 
garded as equivalent to and exchangeable with a sibilant (172) is, though 
rittea as visarga, given the alphabetic place of the sibilant. 

8. The theory of the devanSgarl, as of the other Indian 
modes of writing, is syllabic and consonantal. That is 
to say, it regards as the written unit, not the simple sound, 
but the syllable (ak^ara); and further, as the substantial 
part of the syllable, the consonant or the consonants which 
precede the vowel — this latter being merely implied, or, 
if written, being written by a subordinate sign attached to 
the consonant. 

9. Hence follow these two principles: 

A. The forms of the vowel-characters given in the 

t,betical scheme above are used only when the vowel 
■ ■ 


©— ] I. Alphabet. 

forms a syllable by itself, or is not combined with a precedii 
consonant: that is, when it is either initial or preceded 
another vowel. In combination with a consonant, other modj 
of representation are used. 

B. If more consonants than one precede the vow^ 
forming with it a single syllable, their characters must 
combined into a single compound character. 

a. Native Hindu usage, in manuscriptB and inscriptions, tr 
the whole material of a sentence alike, not separating its words 
one another, any more than the syllables of the same word: a 
consonant is combined into one written syllable with the initial vc 
or consonant or consonants of the following word. It never occu) 
to the Hindus to space their words in any way, even where the 
of writing admitted such treatment; nor to begin a paragraph 
new line; nor to write one line of verse under another: everything, 
without exception, is written solid by them, filling the whole page. 

b. Thus, the sentence and verse-line ahaih rudrebhir vasubhi^ 
oarftmy aliam adlty&ir uta vi9vadev&i]^ (Big-Yeda X. 125. 1: see 
Appendix B) 1 wander with the Vasus, the Rudras^ I with the Adityas 
and the Ail- Gods \6 thus syllabized: a haih ru dre bhi rva subhi 
90a ra mya ha mS di tyfti ru ta vi 9va de vSifu each syllable end- 
ing with a vowel (or a vowel modified by the nasal-sign anusvfira, 
or having the sign of a final breathing, visarga, added: these being 
the only elements that can follow a vowel in the same syllable); and 
it is (together with the next line) written in the manuscripts after this 


Each syllable is written separately, and by many scribes the 
successive syllables are parted a little from one another: thus, 

and so on. 

c In Western practice, however, it is almost universally customary 
to divide paragraphs, to make the lines of verse follow one another, 
and also to separate the words so far as this can be done witho^L 
changing the mode of writing them. See Appendix B, where the verse 
here given is so treated. 

d. Further, in works prepared fo\ beginners in the language, it 
is not uncommon to make a more complete separation of words by a 

Digitized by 


) 5 Writing op Vowels. [—10 

free nse of the virftma-Bign (11) under final consonants: thus, for 

or even by indicatlDg also the combinations of initial and final vowels 
(126, 127;: for example, 

e. In transliterating, Western methods of separation of words are 
of coarse to be followed ; to do otherwise would be simple pedantry. 

10. Under A, it is to be noticed that the modes of 
indicating a vowel combined with a preceding consonant 
are as follows: 

a. The short 5[ a has no written sign at all; the con- 
^niant-^ign itself implies a following ? a, unless some other 
vowel-sign is attached to it (or else the virSma: 11). Thus, 
the consonant-signs as given above in the alphabetic scheme 
are really the signs of the syllables ka, kha, etc. etc. (to ha). 

b. The long 5JT S is written by a perpendicular stroke 
ifter the consonant: thus, ^ kS, ^T dhS, ^ hS. 

c. Short ^ i and long ^ I are written by a similar stroke, 

rhich for short i is placed before the consonant and for 

}ng I is placed after it, and in either case is connected with 

le consonant by a hook above the upper line : thus, % ki, 

f W; ft bhi, >ft bhl; f^ ni, ?ft nl. 

The hook aboye, taming to the left or to the right, is hiftorically tbe 
entlal part of the character, haTing been originally the whole of it; the 
kfl were only later prolonged, so as to reach all the way down beside 
consonant. In the MSS., they almost never have the horizontal stroke 
wTi across them above, though this is added in the printed characters: 
, OTl^nally % kl, sf ki; in the MSS., {%, ^; In print, ^, 5Rt. 

cl«. The n-80unds, short and long, are written by hooks 

elied to the lower end of the consonant-sign: thus, ^ 

^ kH: ^ du, ? dfl. On account of the necessities of 

b^ination, du and dfl are somewhat disguised: thus, Xr 

kzid the forms with ^ r and ^ h are still more irregular: 

"^ ra, ar rtl; ^ hu, "^ hfU 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

10—] I. Alphabet. 6 

e. The r-^owels, short and long, axe written by a sub- 
joined hook, single or double, opening toward the right: 
thus, ^ kr, ^ kf ; 7 dr, ^ df. In the h-sign, the hooks 
are usually attached to the middle: thus, ^ hr, ^ hf . 

As to the combination of ^ with preceding r, see below, 14 cL 

f • The l-vowel is written with a reduced form of its 
full initial character: thus, ^ kl; the corresponding long has 
no real occurrence (28 a), but would be written with a similar 
reduced sign. 

g. The diphthongs are written by strokes, single or 

double, aboye the upper line, combined, for ^ o and ^ fiu, 

with the S-sign after the consonant: thus, % ke, % kfti; 

% ko, ^ kSu. 

h. In Bome devan&ga]rt mtnuscripts (as in the Bengali alphabet), the 
single stroke above, or one of the doable ones, is replaoed by a sign Uke the 
a-sign before the consonant: thus, {3f\ ke, R! kfti; |e|n ko, Ril kftu. 

11. A consonant-sign, however, is capable of being made 
to signify the consonant-sound alone, without an added vowel, 
by having written beneath it a stroke called the virSma 
[resty stop): thus, ^ k. '5' d, 5 h. 

a. Since, as was pointed out aboye, the Hind as write the words of a 
sentence oontlnaously like one word (8 a, b), the yirftma is in general oaUed 
for only when a final consonant occors before a pause. Bat it is also oc- 
casionaUy resorted to by scribes, or in print, in order to avoid an awkward 
or difflcolt eombination of consonant-signs: thus, 

fSTlft: ll^bhl]^, fItlOT llteu, 5r^?5r afik^va; 
and it is used to make a separation of words in texts prepared for begin- 
ners (8d). 

12. Under B, it is to be noticed that the consonant 
combinations are for the most part not at all difficult to 
make or to recognise for one who is familiar with the 
simple signs. The characteristic part of a consonant-sign 
that is to be added to another is taken (to the exclusion of 
the horizontal or of the perpendicular framing-line, or of 
both), and they are put together according to convenience. 

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7 Combinations op Consonants. [—14 

either side by side, or one above the other; in a few oom- 
binations either arrangement is allowed. The consonant that 
is to be pronounced first is set before the other in the one 
order, and abore it in the other order. 

a. Examples of the side-by-side arrangement are: HT gga, 
5f jja, or pya, sq nma, f8l ttha, vtj bhya, '^ ska, iniT wa, 
f^ tka. 

b. Examples of the above-and-below arrangement are: 
^ kka, lar kva, ^ ooa, IT 2ja, ^ dda, H Pta, ^ tna, 
a* tva. 

18. In some cases, however, there is more or less ab- 
breviation or disguise of the independent form of a con- 
sonant-sign in combination. Thus, 

a. Of ^ k in ^ kta, ^ kla; and in 'spa la^ etc. 

b. Of fT t in fr tta; 

o. Of ^ d in 7 dga, ? dna, etc.; 

d. Of R m and IT y, when following other consonants: 
thus, ^ kya, ^ kma, ^ fima, ^ liya, 7T dma, ts dya, 
^ hma, ^ hya, ^ ohya, ^ dhya. 

6. Of 51 9, which generally becomes 5T when followed 
by a consonant: thus, Q 90a, W 9na, H 9va, ^ 9ya. The 
same change is usual when a vowel-sign is added below; 
thus, 5 9U, 5T 9^ 

f. Other combinations, of not quite obvious value, are 
HT m^, ^ 11a, 7 ddha, ? dbha, ^ ^^^ *? 9tha; and the 
compounds of ^ h: as ^ bi^, "^ hna. 

g. In a case or two, no trace of the constituent letters 
is recognizable: thus, ^ kfa, ^ jfia. 

^. 14. The semivowel ;[ r, in making combinations with 
other consonants, is treated in a wholly peculiar manner, 
analogous with that in which the vowels are treated. 

a. If pronounced before another consonant or combination 
of consonants, it is written above the latter, with a hook 

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14—] I. Alphabet. 8 

opening to the right (much like the sign of the vowel r, 
as written under a consonant: 10 e}: thus, o^ rka, ^ r^a, 
(^ rtva, TTJ rmya, pp rtsna. 

b. Then, if a consonant-group thus containing r as 
first member is followed by a vowel that has its sign, or a 
part of its sign, or its sign of nasality (anusvSra: 70, 71), 
written above the line, the r-sign is placed furthest to the 
right: thus, "^ rke, oR rkaii, fsR rki, ^rkl, ^ rko, ^rklA, 
1^ rko&. 

o. If r is pronounced after another consonant, whether 
before a vowel or before yet another consonant, it is written 
with a straight stroke below, slanting to the left: thus, 
V( pra, U dhra, ^ gra, W( sra, '^ ddhra, ^ ntra, m grya, 
TT srva, ^ ntrya; and, with modifications of a preceding 
consonant-sign like those noted above (18), ?r tra, ?r dra, 
TJf 9ra, ^ hra. 

d. When ^ r is to be combined with a following iff ^r, 
it is the vowel which is written in full, with its initial 
character, and the consonant in subordination to it: thus, 

_£ -mm* 
^ ^' 

16. Further combinations, of three, or four, or even 
five consonant-signs, are made according to the same rules. 
Examples are: 

of three consonants, ^ ttva, ST ddhya, ^ dvya, iCT 
drya, OT dhrya, c^ psva, SJT 9oya, ^ 9thya, ^ hvya; 

of four consonants, Wi ktrya, ^ fik^ya, ^ 9trya, 
fFHI tsmya; 

of five consonants, fpf rtsnya. 

a. The manuscripts, and the type-fonts as well, differ from one another 
more in their management of consonant combinations than in any other respect, 
often haying pecularities which one needs a little practice to understand. It 
is quite useless to give in a grammar the whole series of possible combinations 
(some of them excessively rare) which are provided for in any given type- 
font, or even in all. There is nothing which due familiarity with the simple 


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9 Various Signs. [—18 

signs tnd with the above rales of combination will not enable the student 
readily to analyse and explain. 

16. a. A sign called the avagraha [separator) — namely 
>r — is occasionally used in the manuscripts, sometimes in 
the mannei of a hyphen, sometimes as a mark of hiatus, 
sometimes to mark the elision of initial ^ a after final 17 e 
or 3^ o (186). In printed texts, especially European, it is 
ordinarily applied to the use last mentioned, and to that 
alone: thus, ^ ^J^^^^te *bruvan, nt >I5R)r[^Bo *bravlt, for te 
abruvan, so abravlt. 

b. If the elided initial-vowel is nasal, and has the anu- 
Bvftra-sign (70, 71) written above, this is usually and more 
properly transferred to the eliding vowel; but sometimes it 
is written instead over the avagraha-sign: thus, for so '&9um&n, 
from so aficumSn, either ^ v^rm or ^ J^MH 

o. The sign ^ is used in place of something that is 
omitted, and to be understood from the connection: thus, 
c|)(HHHH^ °rTR °^ vIrasenasutaB -tarn -tena. 

d. Signs of punctuation are I and U. 

At the end of a verse, a paragraph, or the like, the latter of 
them is ordinarily written twice, with the figure of enumeration 
between: thus, n \0 \i 

17. The numeral figures are 

*( 1, :i ^ ^ 3, g 4, H &, M» <^ 7, t: 8, ^ 9, 0. 
In combination, to express larger numbers, they are 
used in precisely the same way as European digits: thus, 
t^H ^» ^^0 630, bOOO 7000, «(T:^^ 1896. 

18. The Hindu grammarians call the di£ferent sounds, and the 
characters representing them, by a kfira {maker) added to the sound 
of the letter, if a vowel, or to the letter followed by a, if a consonant. 
Thus, the sound or character a is called akftra; k is kakftra; and 
so on. But the kftra is also omitted, and a, ka, etc. are used alone. 
The r, however, is not called rakftra, but only ra, or repha snarl: 
the sole example of a specific name for an alphabetic element of its 
class. The anuevftra and visarga are also known by these names alone. 

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19—] II. System of Sounds. 10 



I. Vowels. 

19. The a, i, and u-yowels. The Sanskrit has these 
three earliest and most universal vowels of Indo-European 
language, in both short and long form — ? a and ^ fi, 
^ i and ^ I, 3 u and 3" tl. They are to be pronounced in 
the ''Continental" or Italian" manner — as in far or farther ^ 
pin and pique, pull and rule, 

20. The a is the openest vowel, an utterance from the expanded 
throat, stands in no relation of kindred with any of the classes of 
consonantal sounds, and has no corresponding semivowel. Of the 
close vowels i and u, on the other hand, i is palatal, and shades 
through its semivowel y into the palatal and guttural consonant- 
classes; u is similarly related, through its semivowel v, to the labial 
class, as involving in its utterance a narrowing and rounding of 
the lips. 

a. The Panlnean scheme (commentary to Panini's grammar i. 1. 9) 
classes a as guttural, but apparently only in order to give that series as 
well as the rest a Yowel ; no one of the Prati9akhyas puts a into one class 
with k etc. All these authorities concur in calling the i- and u-voweLs 
respectively palatal and labial. 

21. The short a is not pronounced in India with the full openness 
of a, as its corresponding short, but usually as the ^neutral vowel" 
(English so-called "short m", of huty son, bloody etc.). This peculiarity 
appears very early, being acknowledged by Panini and by two of the 
Prati^akhyas (APr. i. 36; VPr. i. 72), which call the utterance eaihvrta, 
covered up^ dimmed. It is wont to be ignored by Western scholars, 
except those who have studied in India. 

22. The a-vowels are the prevailing vowel-sounds of the language, 
being about twice as frequent as all the others (Including diphthongs) 
taken together. The i-vowels, again, are about twice as numerous 
as the n-vowels. And, in each pair, the short vowel is more than 
twice (21/8 to 3 times) as common as the long. 

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11 Vowels. [—27 

a. For more piecUe estimatea of frequency, of these and of the other 
alphabetic elementSf and for the way in which they were obtained, see 
below, 76. 

28. The y- and J-vowels. To the three simple vowels 

already mentioned the Sanskrit adds two others, the r-vowel 

and the l-vowel, plainly generated by the abbreviation of 

syllables containing respectively a ^ r or ^ 1 along with 

another vowel: the ^ r coming almost always (see 287, 241-8) 

from 35q^ ar or ^ rs, the ^ ) &om 35|^ al. 

a. Some of the Hindn grammarians add to the alphabet also a long }; 
but this is only fbr the sake of an artiiloial symmetry, since the soand does 
not occur in a single genuine word in the language. 

24. The vowel ^ r is simply a smooth or untrilled 
r-sound, assuming a vocalic ofBce in syllable-making — as, 
by a like abbreviation, it has done also in certain Slavonic 
languages. The vowel ^ 1 is an /-sound similarly uttered 
— like the English ^vowel in such words as aJfo, angle, 

a. The modem Hindus pronounce these vowels as r», rt, It (or 
even 2rt), having long lost the habit and the facility of giving a vowel 
yalne to the pnre r- and ^sounds. Their example is widely followed 
by European scholars; and hence also the (distorting and altogether 
objectionable) transliterations fi, fl, }i. There is no real difficulty in 
the way of acquiring and practising the true utterance. 

b. Some of the grammarians (see APr. i. 87, note) attempt to define more 
nearly the way in which, In these Yowels, « real r- or ^element is combined 
with something else. 

26. Like their corresponding semivowels, r and 1, these vowels 
belong respectively to the general lingual and dental classes; the 
euphonic influence of r and f (189) shows this clearly. They are 
so ranked in the Paninean scheme; but the Pritigakhyas in general 
strangely class them with the Jihvftmtillya sounds, our '^gutturals" (88). 

26. The short r is found in every variety of word and of position, 
and is not rare, being just about as frequent as long U. Long f is very 
much more unusual, occurring only in certain plural oases of noun- 
stems in X (STlby d, 876). The } is met with only in some of the 
forms and derivatives of a single not very common verbal root (k}p). 

^^ 27. The diphthongs. Of the four diphthongs, two, 

the ^ e and ^ o, are in great part original Indo-European 

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27—] II. System of Sounds. j 2 

sounds. In the Sanskrit, they wear the aspect of being 
products of the increment or strengthening of ^ i and 3 u 
respectively; and they are called the corresponding go^jia- 
vowels to the latter (see below, 235 ff.). The other two, ^ Si 
and ^ Su, are held to be of peculiar Sanskrit growth ; they 
are also in general results of another and higher increment 
of ^ i and 3 u, to which they are called the corresponding 
vipddhi-vowels (below, 286 ff.). But all are likewise some- 
times generated by euphonic combination (127); and m o, 
especially, is common as result of the alteration of a final 
5in as (175). 

^ 28. The ^ e and ^ o are, both in India and in Europe, 
usually pronounced as they are transliterated — that is, as 
long e- (English "long a", or e in thet/) and o-sounds, without 
diphthongal character. 

a. Such they apparently already were to the authors of the 
Pratigakhyas, which, while ranking them as diphthongs (saihdhyakiifara), 
give rules respecting their pronunciation in a manner implying them 
to be virtually unitary sounds. But their euphonic treatment (181-4) 
clearly shows them to have been still at the period when the euphonic 
laws established themselves, as they of course were at their origin, 
real diphthongs, ai (a + i) and au {a + u). From them, on the same 
evidence, the heavier or vrddhi diphthongs were distinguished by the 
length of their a-element, as at {a + t j and du (a + u] . 

b. The recognizahle distinctness of the two elements in the v^ddhi- 
diphthongs is noticed by the Prat 9akhyas (see APr. i. 40, note) ; but the 
relation of those elements is either deflnad as equal, or the a U made of 
less quantity than the i and u. 

29. The lighter or gui^a-diph thongs are much more frequent 
(6 or 7 times) than the heavier or v^ddhi-diph thongs, and the e and 
fti than the o and ftu (a half more). Both pairs are somewhat more 
than half as common as the simple i- and u-vowels. 

80. The general name given by the Hindu grammarians to the vowels 
is Bvara tone-y the simple vowels are called Bamftnfik^ara homogeneow 
syUahle^ and the diphthongs are called 8aihdhyaki[fara comhinaUon-syllable. 
The position of the organs in their utterance is defined to be one of openness, 
or of non-closure. 

a. As to quantity and accent, see below, 76fiC, 80 ff. 

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1 3 Mutes. [—36 

II. Consonants. 

81. The Hindu name for 'consonant' is vyafijana manifeHer, 
The consonants are divided by the grammarians into ■par9a contact 
or mute, anta^sthft, intermediate or semivowel, and Q^man spirant. 
They will here be taken up and described in this order. 

88. Mutes. The mutes, 8par9a, are so called as involving a 
complete closure or contact (8par9a), and not an approximation only, 
of the mouth-organs by which they are produced. They are divided 
into five classes or series (varga), according to the organs and parts 
of organs by which the contact is made; and each series is composed 
of five members, differing according to the accompaniments of the 

^^ 33. The five mute-series are called respectively guttural, 
palatal, lingual (or cerebral), dental, and labial; and they 
are arranged in the order as just mentioned, beginning with 
the contact made furthest back in the mouth, coming for- 
ward from point to point, and ending with the fiontmost 

^34. In each series there are two surd members, two 
sonant, and one nasal (which is also sonant): for example, 
in the labial series, ^ p and m ph, ^ b and H bh, and ^m. 

a. The members are by the Hindu grammarians caUed respectively ^r«<, 
eecondy third, fourihj and hut or ^fth. 

b. The surd consonants are known as agho^ ionelesSj and the sonants 
as gho^avant having tone ; and the descriptions of the grammarians are in 
accordance with these terms. AU alike recognise a difference of tone, and not 
in any manner a difference of force, whether of contact or of expulsion, as 
separating the two great classes in question. That the difference depends on 
vivftra opening, or saihvftra closure (of the glottis), Is also recognized 
by them. 

^36. The first and third members of each series are the 
ordinary corresponding surd and sonant mutes of European 
languages: thus, SR k and JT g, cT t and 5" d, q p and ^b. 

^ 36. Nor is the character of the nasal any more doubtful. 
What ^m is to q p, and ^ b, or s^ n to cT^t and 5" d, that 
is also each other nasal to its own series of mutes : a sonant 
expulsion into and through the nose, while the mouth- 
organs are in the mute-contact. 

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36—] II. System op Sounds. 14 

a. The Hindu grammarUns give distinctly this definition. The nasal 
(anunfiBika passing through the nose) sounds are declared to he formed hy 
mouth and nose together; or their nasality (ftntinfiBikya) to he giyen them 
hy undosure of the nose. 

^ 37. The second and fourth of each seiies are aspirates: 
thus, beside the surd mute cR k we have the corresponding 
surd aspirate l^Ckh, and beside the sonant 7T g, the corres- 
ponding sonant aspirate ^ gh. Of these, the precise char- 
acter is more obscure and difficult to determine. 

a. That the aspirates, all of them, are real mutes or oontact sounds, and 
not fricatives (like European th and ph and ch^ etc.), is heyond question. 

b. It is also not douhtful in what way the surd th, for example, differs 
from the unaspirated t: such aspirates are found in many Asiatic languages, 
and even in some European ; they involve the slipping-out of an audihle hit 
of flatus or aspiration hetween the hreach of mute-closure and the following 
sound, whatever it may he. They are accurately enough represented hy the 
th etc., with which, in imitation o f the Latin treatment of the similar ancient 
Greek aspirates, we are accustomed to write them. 

o. The sonant aspirates are generally understood and described as made 
in a similar way, with a perceptible A-sound after the hreaoh of sonant mute- 
closure But there are great theoretical difficulties in the way of accepting 
this explanation ; and some of the host phonetic observers deny that the modem 
Hindu pronunciation is of such a character, and define the element following 
the mute as a ^glottal buzz", rather, or as an emphasized utterance of the 
beginning of the succeeding sound. The question is one of great difficulty, 
and upon it the opinions of the highest authorities are much at variance. 
Sonant aspirates are still in use in India, in the pronunciation of the vernacular 
as well as of the learned languages. 

d. By the Prati^khyas, the aspirates of both classes are called socman : 
which might mean either accompanied hy a rush of breath (taking ^man 
in its more etymological sense), or accompanied hy a spirant (below, 59). 
And some native authorities define the surd aspirates as made by the combi- 
nation of each surd non-aspirate with its own corresponding surd spirant ; and 
the sonant aspirates, of each sonant non-aspirate with the sonant spirant, the 
h-Bound (below, 65). But this would make the two classes of aspirates of 
quite diverse character, and would also make th the same as ts, fh as (9, eh 
as 09 — which is in any measure plausible only of the last. Panini has no 
name for aspirates ; the scheme given in his comment (to i. 1. 9) attributes 
to them mahftprfii^La great expiration^ and to the non-aspirates alpaprfii^ 
smaU expiration. 

8. It is usual among European scholars to pronounce 

both classes of aspirates as the corresponding non-aspirates 

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1 5 Guttural and Palatal Mutes. [—42 

with a following h: for example, ST th nearly as in English 
boathooky Cfi ph as in haphazard^ U dh as in madhouse^ H bh 
as in ahhoVj and so on. This is (as we have seen above) 
strictly accurate only as regards the surd aspirates. 

88. The sonant aspirates are (in the opinion of most), or at least 
represent, original Indo-European sounds, while the surd aspirates 
are a special Indian development The former are more than twice 
as common as the latter. The unaspirated (non-nasal) mutes are very 
much more frequent (5 times) than the aspirates (for the special fre- 
quency of bh and original gh, see 50 and 66) ; and among them the 
surds are more numerous (2V2 times) than the sonants. The nasals 
(chiefly n and m) are nearly as frequent as the surd non-aspirates. 

We take up now the several mute-series. 

^^^9, Guttural series: ^ k, ^ kh, JT g, ^ gh, ^ fi« 
These are the ordinary European k and (7-sounds, with their 
corresponding aspirates and nasal (the last, like English ng 
in singing). 

a. The gattoials are defined by the Prati9akhya8 as made hy contact of 
the base of the tongue with the base of the Jaw, and they are called, from 
the former organ, Jihv&muUya tongue-root sounds. The Paninean scheme 
describes them simply as made in the throat (kai^fha). From the euphonic 
influence of a k on a following s (below, 180), we may perhaps Infer that 
in theii utterance the tongae was well drawn back in the mouth. 

40. The k is by far the commonest of the guttural series occurring 
considerably more often than all the other four taken together. The 
nasal, except as standing before one of the others of the same series, 
is found only as final (after the loss of a following k: 886, 407) in 
a very small number of words, and as product of the assimilation of 
final k to a following nasal (161). 

41. The Sanskrit guttural series represents only a minority of 
Indo-Earopean gutturals; these last have suffered more and more general 
corruption than any other class of consonants. By processes of alteration 
which began in the Indo-European period, the palatal mutes, the 
palatal sibilant 9, and the aspiration h, haye come from gutturals. 
See these yarious sounds below. 

42. Palatal series: ^e, ^ oh, sT j, ^ jh, 31 ft. ■- 

The whole palatal series is derivatiye, being generated by the 
corruption of original gutturals. The c comes from an original k — 
as does also, by another degree of alteration, the palatal sibilant 9 
(see below, 64). The J, in like manner, comes from a g; but the 

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42—] IT. System op Sounds. 16 

SaDskrit j includes in itself two degrees of altera tioD, one correspond- 
ing to the alteration of k to c, the other to that of k to 9 (see below, 
219). The o is somewhat more common than the j (abont as four 
to three). The aspirate ch is very much less frequent (a tenth of o), 
and comes from the original group sk. The sonant aspirate jh is 
excessively rare (occnrring but once in RV-, not once in AV., and 
hardly half-a-dozen times in the whole older language); where found, 
it is either onomatopoetic or of anomalous or not Indo-European origin. 
The nasal, fi, never occurs except immediately before — or, in a 
small number of words, also after (201) — one of the others of the 
same series. 

43. Hence, in the euphonic processes of the language, the 
treatment of the palatals is in many respects peculiar. In some 
situations, the original unaltered guttural shows itself — or, as 
it appears from the point of view of the Sanskrit, the palatal reverts 
to its original guttural. No palatal ever occurs as a final. The j is 
differently treated, according as it represents the one or the other 
degree of alteration. And c and j (except artificially, in the algebraic 
rules of the grammarians) do not interchange, as corresponding surd 
and sonant. 

^ 44. The palatal mutes are by European scholars, as by 

the modern Hindus also, pronounced with the compound 

sounds of English ch and j (in church and judge). 

a. Their description by the old Hindu grammaiians, however, g^ves them 
a not less absolutely simple character than belongs to the other mutes. They 
are called tfilavya palatal, and declared to be formed against the palate by 
the middle of the tongue. They seem to have been, then, brought forward in 
the month from the guttural point, and made against the hard palate at a 
point not far from the lingual one (below, 45), but with the upper flat surface 
of the tongue instead of its point Such sounds, in aU languages, pass easily 
into the (English) eh- and /-sounds. The yalue of the ch as making the 
preceding yowel ^ong by position" (227), and its frequent origination 
from t + 9 (208), lead to the suspicion that it, at least, may have had 
this character from the beginning: compare 87 d, abo^e. 

^ 45. Lingual series: Z%, ZX^i ^ 4) ^ 4h, HT i>. The 
lingual mutes are by all the native authorities defined as 
uttered with the tip of the tongue turned up and drawn 
back into the dome of the palate (somewhat as the usual 
English smooth r is pronounced). They are called by the 
grammarians mtlrdhanya, literally head-sounds, capitah, 
cephalics\ which term is in many European grammars 

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1 7 Lingual and Dental Mutes. [—47 

rendered by 'cerebral8\ In practice, among European 
Sanskritists, no_attempt is made to distinguish them from 
the dentals: 7 t is pronounced like rT t, I 4 like ^ d, and 
so with the rest. 

46. The Unguals are another non-original series of sounds, 
coming mainly from the phonetic alteration of the next series, the 
dentals, but also in part occurring in words that have no traceable 
Indo-European connection, and are perhaps derived from the ab- 
original languages of India. The tendency to lingualisation is a 
positive one in the history of the language: dentals easily pass into 
Unguals under the influence of contiguous or neighbouring lingual 
sounds, but not the contrary; and all the sounds of the class become 
markedly more frequent in the later literature. The conditions of 
their ordinary occurrence are briefly these: 1. 9 comes from a, much 
more rarely from 9, J, k^, in euphonic circumstances stated below 
{180, 218 ff.); 2. a dental mute following 9 is assimilated to it, 
becoming lingual (t, fh, i^: 197); 3. n is often changed to i^ after a 
lingual vowel or semivowel or sibilant in the same word (189 ff.); 
4. ^ which is of very rare occurrence, comes from assimilation of 
a dental after 9 (198 a) or h (222); 5. % and 4 come occasionally 
by substitution for some other sound which is not allowed to stand 
as final (142» 146-7). When originated in these ways, the lingual 
letters may be regarded as normal; in any other cases of their 
occurrence, they are either products of abnormal corruption, or signs 
of the non-Indo-European character of the words in which they 

a. In a certain nnmher of passages numerically examined (below, 75), 
the abnormal occurrences of Ungual mutes were less than half of the whole 
number (74 out of 159), and most of them (43) were of i^r all were found 
more frequent in the later passages. In the Rig-Veda, only id words have 
an abnormal (; only 6, such a fh; only 1, such a ^] about 20 (including 
9 roots, nearly all of which have derivatives) show an abnormal <jl, besides 
9 that have 9<jl; and 30 (including 1 root) show a i^. 

b. Taken all together, the Unguals are by far the rarest class of 
mutes (about IV2 per cent of the alphabet) — hardly half as frequent 
even as the palatals. 

/47. Dental series: cTt, grth,5'd,Udh,^ii. These 
are called by the Hindus also dantya dental, and are 
described as formed at the teeth (or at the roots of the 
teeth), by the tip of the tongue. They are practically the 
equivalents of our European f, dj n, 

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 2 

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47 — ] II. System op Sounds. 18 

a. But tbe modern Hlndas are said to pronounce tbeir dentals with the 
tip of the tongue thrust well forward against the upper teeth, so that these 
sounds get a slight tinge of the quality belonging to the English and Modem 
Greek <A-80unds. The absence of that quality in the European (especially 
the English) dentals is doubtless the reason why to the ear of a Hindu the 
latter appear more analogous with his linguals, and he is apt to use the Unguals 
in writing European words. 

48. The dentals are one of the Indo-Enropean origiDal mute- 
classes. In their occurrence in Sanskrit they are jnst about as frequent 
as all the other four classes taken together. 

vv\ y 49. Labial series: ^ p, Cfj ph, ^ b, >T bh, R m. 
These sounds are called o^fhya lahial by the Hindu gram- 
marians also. They are, of course, the equivalents of our 
;?, i, m. 

50. The numerical relations of the labials are a little peculiar. 
Owing to the absence (or almost entire absence) of h in Indo-European, 
the Sanskrit b also is greatly exceeded in frequency by bh, which 
is the most common of all the sonant aspirates, as ph is the least 
common of the surd. The nasal m ■ (notwithstanding its frequent 
euphonic mutations when final: 212 ff.) occurs just about as often as 
all the other four members of the series together. 

a. From an early period in the history of the language, hut increasingly 
later, b and v exchange with one another, or fail to he distinguished in the 
manuscripts. Thus, the double root-forms byh and vph, b&dh and vadh, and 
so on. In the Bengal manuscripts, v is widely written instead of more original b. 

61. Semivowels: IT y, T r, ^f 1, ^ v. 

a. The name given to this class of sounds by the Hindu grammarians is 
antahstha standing between — either from their character as utterances 
intermediate between vowel and consonant, or (more probably) from the 
circumstance of their being placed between the mutes and spirants in the 
arrangement of the consonants. 

b. The semivowels are clearly akin with the several mute series 
in their physical character, and they are classified along with those 
scries — though not without some discordances of view — by the Hindu 
grammarians. They are said to be produced with the organs slightly 
in contact (ifatspi^t^), or in imperfect contact (duhspr^ta). 

52. The ^ r is clearly shown by its influence in the 

euphonic processes of the language to be a lingual sound, 

or one made with the tip of the tongue turned up into the 

dome of the palate. It thus resembles the English smooth r, 

and, like this, seems to have been untrilled. 

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19 Sbmivowbls. [--65 

a. The P&ninean scheme reckons r as & lingual. None of the PrSti9ikhya8, 
however, doee so; nor are they entirely consistent with one another in its 
description. For the most part, they define it as made at ''the roots of the 
teeUi". This would give it a position like that of the vibrated r; but no 
authority hints at a vibration as belonging to it. 

b. In point of freqaency, r stands very high on the list of con- 
sonants; it is nearly equal with v, n, m, and y, and only exceeded 
by t. 

y^ 63. The ^ 1 is a sound of dental position^ and is so 
defined and classed by all the native authorities. 

a. The peculiar character of an ^sound, as involving expulsion at the 
side of the tongue along with contact at its tip, is not noticed by any Hindu 

b. The semiTOwels r and 1 are very widely interchangeable in Sanskrit, 
both in roots and in suffixes, and even in prefixes : there are few roots contain- 
ing a 1 which do not show also forms with r; words written with the one 
letter are found in other texts, or in other parts of the same text, written 
with the other. In the later periods of the language they are more separated, 
and the 1 becomes decidedly more frequent, though always much rarer than 
the r (only as 1 to 7 or 8 or 10). 

64. Some of the Vedic texts have another /-sound, written with 
a slightly different character (it is given at the end of the alphabet, 
6 a}, which is substituted for a lingual ^ (as also the same followed 
by h for a ^ when occurring between two vowels. It is, then, 
doubtless a lingual /, one made by breach (at the side of the tongue) 
of the lingual instead of the dental mute closure. 

a. Examples are: ^^ fle, for ^ icje, but ^ ifya; hIoo^^ 
mnha^, for ^^^^ mii^Ufe, but 41bH mi<pivan. It is especially in 
the Rig-Yeda and its auxiliary literature that this substitution is usual. 

y 66. The ^y in Sanskrit, as in other languages generally, 
stands in the closest relationship with the vowel ^ i (short 
or long); the two exchange with one another in cases in- 

a. And in the Veda (as the metre shows) an i is very often to be read 
where, in conformity with the rules of the later Sanskrit euphony, a y is 
written. Thus, the final i-vowel of a word remains i before an initial vowel ; 
that of a stem maintains itself unchanged before an ending; and an ending 
of derivation — as ya, tya — has i Instead of y. Such cases will be noticed 
in more detail later. The constancy of the phenomenon in certain words and 
classes of words shows that this was no merely optional interchange. Very 
probably, the Sanskrit y had oTerywhere more of an i-character than belongs 
to the corresponding European sound. 


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56—] II. System op Sounds. 20 

50. The y is by its physical character a palatal utterance; and 
it is classed as a palatal semivowel by the Hindu phone tists. It is 
one of the most common of Sanskrit sounds. 

^^57. The ^ V is pronounced as English or French v 

(German to) by the modern Hindus — except when preceded 

by a consonant in the same syUable, in which case it has 

rather the sound of English to; and European scholars follow 

the same practice (with or without the same exception). 

a. By its whole treatment in the euphony of the language, however, 
the V stands related to an u-vowel precisely as y to an t-vowel. It 
is, then, a v only according to the original Roman value of that 
letter — that is to say, a u7-sound in the Eoglish sense; though (as 
was stated above for the y) it may well have been less markedly 
separated from u than English w, or more like French ou in out etc. 
But, as the original w has in most European languages been changed 
to V (English), so also in India, and that from a very early time : the 
Paninean scheme and two of the Prati^akhyas ( VPr. and TPr.j distinctly 
define the sound as made between the upper teeth and the lower 
lip — which, of course, identifies it with the ordinary modern t^-sound. 
As a matter of practice, the usual pronunciation need not be seriously 
objected to; yet the student should not fail to note that the rules of 
Sanskrit euphony and the name of ^semivowel'' have no application 
except to a ti'-sound in the English sense: a t;-sound (German tc) is 
no semivowel, but a spirant, standing on the same articulate stage 
with the English ^A-sounds and the /. 

58. The V is classed as a labial semivowel by the Hindu phonet- 
ical authorities. It has a somewhat greater frequency than the y. 

a. In the Veda, under the same circumstances as the y (above, 55 a), 
V is to be read as a vowel, u. 

b« As to the interchange of v and b, see above, 50 a. 

59. Spirants. Under the name tinman (literally heatj 
steam^ flattis), which is usually and well represented by 
spirant, some of the Hindu authorities include all the remain- 
ing sounds of the alphabet; others apply the term only to 
the three sibilants and the aspiration — to which it will here 
also be restricted. 

a. The term is not found in the Paninean scheme ; by different treatises 
the guttural and labial breathings, these and the visarga, or all these and 
anusv&ra, arc also (in addition to the sibilants and h) called u^man (see 

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21 Sibilants. [—62 

APr. 1. 31 note). The organs of utterance are described as being in the 
position of tbe mute-series to which each spirant belongs respectively, but 
unclosed, or unclosed in the middle. 

^60. The H^8. Of the three sibilants, or surd spirants, 

this is the one of plainest and least questioned character: 

it is the ordinary European s — a hiss expelled between 

the tongue and the roof of the mouth directly behind the 

upper &ont teeth. 

a. It is, then, dental, as it is classed by all the Hindu aathorities. 
NotwithstandiDg the great losses which it suffers in Sanskrit euphony, 
by conversion to the other sibilants, to r, to visarga, etc., it is 
still very high among the consonants in the order of frequency, or 
considerably more common than both the other two sibilants together. 

^ 61. The ^ 9. As to the character of this sibilant, also, "^ 

there is no ground for real question: it is the one produced 

in the lingual position, or with the tip of the tongue 

reverted into the dome of the palate. It is, then, a kind of 

f^-sound; and by European Sanskritists it is pronounced 

as an ordinary $h (French ch, German 8ch)j no attempt 

being made (any more than in the case of the other lingual 

sounds: 45) to give it its proper lingual quality. 

a. Its lingual character is shown by its whole euphonic influence, 
and it is described and classed as lingual by all the Hindu author- 
ities (the APr. adds, i. 23, that the tongue in its utterance is trough- 
shaped). In its audible quality, it is a «A-sound rather than a^-sound; 
and, in the considerable variety of sibilant-utterance, even in the 
same community, it may coincide with the sh of some among 
ourselves. Tet the general and normal sh is palatal (see below, 68); 
and threrefore the sign f, marked in accordance with the other lin- 
gual letters, is the only unexceptionable transliteration for the Hindu 

b. In modern pronunciation in India, 9 is much confounded with kh; 
and the manuscripts are apt to exchange tbe characters. Some later gram- 
matical treatises, too, take note of the relationship. 

62. This sibilant (as was noticed above, 46, and will be more 
particularly explained below, 180 ff.) is no original sound, but a 
product of the lingualization of a under certain euphonic conditions. 
The exceptions are extremely few (9 out of 145 noted occurrences: 
76), and of a purely sporadic character. The Big- Veda has (apart 

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es— ] II. System op Sounds. 22 

from >/ sah, 182 b] only twelve words which show a 9 under other 

a. The final (} of a root has in some cases attained a more independent 
value, and does not revert to b when the euphonic conditions are removed, 
hut shows anomalous forms (225-6). 

S \ ^ 63. The 51 Q. This sibilant is by all the native authorities 

classed and described as palatal, nor is there anything in 

its history or its euphonic treatment to cast doubt on its 

character as such. It is, then, made with the flat of the 

tongue against the forward part of the palatal aich — that 

is to say, it is the usual and normal ^A-sound. By European 

scholars it is variously pronounced — more often, perhaps, 

as & than as sh, 

a. The two ^A-sounds, f and 9, are made in the same part of the 
mouth (the f probably rather further back), but with a different part of 
the tongue; and they are doubtless not more unlike than, for example, the 
two ^-sounds, written \ and t ; and it would be not less proper to pronounce 
them both as one sh than to pronounce the Unguals and dentals alike. To 
neglect the difference of a and 9 is much less to be approved. The very 
near relationship of f and 9 is attested by their euphonic treatment, which 
is to a considerable extent the same, and by their not infrequent confusion 
by the writers of manuscripts. 

64. As was mentioned above (41), the 9, like c, comes from the 
corruption of an original A;-soand, by loss of mute-contact as well as 
forward shift of the point of production. In virtue of this derivation, 
it sometimes (though less often than c) "reverts" to k — that is> the 
original k appears instead of it (43); wliile, on the other hand, as a 
«A-sound, it is to a certain extent convertible to f . In point of frequency, 
it slightly exceeds the latter. 

. 66. The remaining spirant, ^ h, is ordinarily pronounced 

like the usual European surd aspiration h. 

a. This is not, however, its real character. It is defined by all the native 
authorities as not a surd element, but a sonant (or else an utterance inter- 
mediate between the two) j and its whole value in the euphony of the language 
is that of a sonant: but what is its precise value is very hard to say. The 
Paninean scheme ranks it as guttural, as it does also a : this means nothing. 
The Prati^akhyas bring it into no relation with the guttural class-, one of 
them quotes the opinion of some authorities that "it has the same position 
with the beginning of the following vowel" (TPr. ii. 47) — which so far 
identifies it with our h. There is nothing in its euphonic influence to mark 
it as retaining any trace of gutturally articulated character. By some of 

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23 ViSARGA. [—69 

the natiTe phonetists it is identlfled with the aspiration of the sonant 
aspirates — with the element by which, for example, gh difPers from g« 
This view is supported by the derivation of h from the aspirates (next 
paragraph), by that of 1 -f- li ^om ^ (^)} &nd by the treatment of initial 
h after a final mote (108). 

66. The h, as already noticed, is not an original sound, but 
comes in nearly all cases ^om au older gh (for the few instances of 
its deriyation from dh and bh, see below, 228 g). It is a vastly 
more frequent sound than the unchanged gh (namely, as 7 to 1): more 
frequent, indeed, than any of the guttural mutes except k. It appears, 
like j (219), to include in itself two stages of' corruption of gh: one 
corresponding with that of k to o, the other with that of k to 9; 
see below, 223, for the roots belonging to the two classes respectively. 
Like the other sounds of guttural derivation, it sometimes exhibits 
"reversion" (48) to its original. 

^ 67. The : l^, 01 visarga (visarjanlya^ as it is uniformly 
called by the Prati^akhyas and by Panini, probably as belong- 
ing to the end of a syllable) ^ appeals to be merely a surd 
breathing, a final A-sound (in the European sense of A), 
uttered in the articulating position ot the preceding vowel. 

a. One Praa9akhya (TPr. U. 48) gives jnst this last description of it. 
It is hy Tarioos authorities classed with h, or with h and a: all of them 
are alike sounds in whose utterance the month-organs have no definite 
shaping action. 

68. The visarga is not original, but always only a substitute 
for final s or r, neither of which is allowed to maintain itself unchanged 
(170 ff.). It is a comparatively recent member of the alphabetic 
system ; the other euphonic changes of final s and r have not passed 
through visarga as an intermediate stage. And the Hindu authorities 
are considerably discordant with one another as to how far h is a 
necessary substitute, and how far a permitted one, alternative with 
a sibilant, before a following initial surd. 

09. Before a surd guttural or labial, respectively, some of the 
native authorities permit, while others require, conversion of final s 
or r into the so-called jihv&muliya and upadhmSnl^a spirants. It 
may be fairly questioned, perhaps, whether these two sounds are not 
pure grammatical abstractions, devised (like the long }-vowel: 23 a) 
In order to round out the alphabet to greater symmetry. At any 
rate, both manuscripts and printed texts in general make no account 
of them. Whatever individual character they may have must be, 
it would seem, in the direction of the (German) cA- and /-sounds. 
When written at all, they are wont to be transliterated by x ^^d ^• 

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70—] II. System op Sounds. 24 

^ 70. The I anusvSra, ±l oi ih, is a nasal sound lacking 
that closure of the organs which is required to make a 
nasal mute or contact-sound (36 j; in its utterance there is 
nasal resonance along with some degree of openness of the 

71. There \a discordance of opinion among both the Hindu phonetists 
and their modern European successors respecting the real character of this 
element; hence a little detail is necessary here with regard to its occurrence 
and their views of it 

a. Certain nasals in Sanskrit are of serrile character, always to be 
assimilated to a following consonant, of whatever character that may be. 
Such are final m in sentence-combination (218), the pennltimate nasal of 
a root, and a nasal of increment (255) in general. If one of these nasals 
stands before a contact-letter or mute, it becomes a nasal mute correspond- 
ing to the latter — that is, a nasal utterance in the same position of the 
mouth-organs which gives the succeeding mute. If, on the other hand, the 
following consonant does not involve a contact (being a semivowel or spirant), 
the nasal element is also without contact: it is a nasal utterance wi^ 
unclosed mouth-organs. The question is, now, whether this nasal utterance 
becomes merely a nasal infection of the preceding vowel, turning it into a 
nasal vowel (as in French on, 0it, uii, etc., by reason of a similar loss of 
a nasal mute)} or whether it is an element of more individual character, 
having place between the vowel and the consonant; or, once more, whether 
it is sometimes the one thing and sometimes the other. The opinions of 
the Pratigakhyas and Panini are briefly as foUows: 

b. The Atharva-Pratl9akhya holds that the result is everywhere a 
nasalized vowel, except when n or m is assimilated to a foUowing 1; in 
that case, the n or m becomes a nasal 1: that it, the nasal utterance is 
made in the 1-position, and has a perceptible 1-character. 

O. The other Prati9akhyas teach a similar conversion into a nasal 
counterpart to the semivowel, or a nasal semivowel, before y and 1 and v 
(not before r also). In most of the other cases where the Atharva-Prati9akhya 
acknowledges a nasal vowel — namely, before r and the spirants — the others 
teach the intervention after the Towel of a distinct nasal element, called the 
anuBv&ra afUr-tone. 

d. Of the nature of this nasal afterpiece to the vowel no intelligibly 
clear account is given. It is said (RPr.) to be either vowel or consonant; 
it is declared (EPr., VPr.) to be made with the noso alone, or (TPr.) to be 
nasal like the nasal mutes ; it is held by some (RPr.) to be the sou^t tone 
of the nasal mutes; in its formation, as in that of vowel and spirant, there 
is (RPr.) no contact As to its quantity, see further on. 

e. There are, however, certain cases and classes of cases where these 
other authorities also acknowledge a nasal vowel. So, especially, wherever 

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25 Anusvara. [—78 

a final n is treated (208-9) as if it were ns (its historically older form) ; 
and also in a small number of specified words. They also mention the 
doctrine of natal vowel instead of anusvftra as held by some (and TPr. 
is uncertain and inconsistent in its choice between the one and the other). 

ft In Panini, finally, the preyailing doctrine is that of anuBvftra 
everywhere; and it is even allowed in many cases where the Prati9akhyas 
prescribe only a nasal mute. But a nasal semivowel is also allowed instead 
before a semivowel) and a nasal vowel is allowed in the cases (mentioned 
above) where some of the Prati9akhyas require it by exception. 

g. It is evidently a fair question whether this discordance and uncertainty 
of the Hindu phonetists is owing to a real difference of utterance in different 
classes of cases and in different localities, or whether to a different scholastic 
analysis of what is really everywhere the same utterance. If anusv&ra 
is a nasal element following the vowel, it cannot well be any thing but 
either a prolongation of the same vowel-sound with nasality added, or a 
nasalized bit of neutral-vowel sound (in the latter case, however, the altering 
influence of an i or u-vowel on a following b ought to be prevented, which 
is not the case: see 183). 

72. The adsimilated nasal elementi whether viewed as nasalized 
vowel, nasal semivowel, or independent anusv&ra, has the value of 
something added, in making a heavy syllable, or length by position (79). 

a. The Prati9akhyas (VPr., RPr.) give determinations of the quantity 
of the antiav&ra combining with a short and with a long vowel respectively 
to malce a long syllable. 

78. a. Two different signs, i and ^, are found in the manuscripts, 
indicating the nasal sound here treated of. Usually they are written 
above the syllable, and there they seem most naturally to imply a 
nasal affection of the vowel of the syllable, a nasal (anunfiaika) vowel. 
Hence some texts (Sama- and Yajur-Vedas), when they mean a real 
anuBv&ra, bring one of the signs down into the ordinary consonant- 
place; but the usage is not general. As between the two signs, 
some manuscripts employ, or tend to employ, the r where a nasalized 
(anunftsika] vowel is to be recognized, and elsewhere the i; and this 
distinction is consistently observed in many European printed texts; 
and the former is called the anunftsika sign: but the two are doubt- 
less originally and properly equivalent. 

b. It is a very common custom of the manuscripts to write the 
anuBV&ra-sign for any nasal following the vowel of a syllable, either 
before another consonant or as final (not before a vowel), without 
any reference to whether it is to be pronounced as nasal mute, nasal 
semivowel, or anuavSra. Some printed texts follow this slovenly and 
undesirable habit; but most write a nasal mute whenever it is to be 
pronounced — excepting where it is an assimilated m (213). 

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II. System op Sounds. 


0. It is conyenient also in tranBliteration to distinguish the as- 
similated m by a special sign, ih, from the anusvftra of more inde- 
pendent origin, ft; and this method will be followed in the present work. 

74. This is the whole system of sounds recognized by the written 
character; for certain other transitional sounds, more or less widely 
recognized in the theories of the Hindu phonetists, see below, 230. 

75. The whole spoken alphabet, then, may be arranged 
in the following manner, in order to show, so far as is 
possible in a single scheme, the relations and important 
classifications of its various members : 


a, S 

\»-n 8'i* 



► Vowels 


, i 

T, T 




A-ii M» 

•T4 "Ol 






























































































a. The figures set under the characters give the average per- 
centage of frequency of each sound, found by counting the number 
of times which it occurred in an aggregate of 10,000 sounds of con- 
tinous text, in ten different passages, of 1,000 sounds each, selected 
from different epochs of the literature: namely, two from the Rig-Yeda, 
one from the Atharva-Veda, two from different Brahmanas, and one 
each from Manu, Bhagavad-Gita, Qakuntala, Hitopade^a, and Yaaa- 
vadatta (J.A.O.S., vol. X., p. cl). 

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27 Quantity. [—79 

III. Quantity of sounds and syllables. 

76. The Hindu grammarians take the pains to define the 
quantity of a consonant (without distinction among consonants 
of different classes) as half that of a shoit vowel. 

77. They also define the quantity of a long (dirgha) 
vowel or diphthong as twice that of a shoxt (hrasva) vowel — 
making no distinction in this respect between the gui^a- 
and the v^ddhi-diphthongs. 

78. Besides these two vowel-quantities, the Hindus 
acknowledge a third, called pluta (literally stoimining\ or 
protracted, and having three moras or three times the quantity 
of a short vowel. A protracted vowel is marked by a follow- 
ing figure 3: thus, ^^ S3. 

a. The protracted vowels are practically of rare occurrence (in 
BY., three cases; in AV., fifteen; in the Brahmana literature, decidedly 
more frequent). They are used in cases of questioning, especially of 
a balancing between two alternatives, and also of calling to a distance 
or urgently. The protraction is of the last syllable in a word, or in 
a whole phrase; and the protracted syllable has usually the acute tone, 
in addition to any other accent the word may have; sometimeB it 
takes also anusvfira, or is made nasal. 

b. ExampleB are: adh&^L svid ftsiad up&ri Bvid ftsidt (RV.) was 
it, foraooihj below f was it, forsooth, above f id&m bht!lya3 idasm fti 
(AY.) saying, is this more, or is thatt &gna3i p&tniva3^ B6niam piba 
(TS.) O Agni! thou with thy spouse! drink the soma, 

o. A diphthong is protracted by prolongation of its first or a-element : 
thus, e to ftsi, o to ft3u. 

d. The sign of protraction it also sometimet written as the result of 
accentual combination, when so-called kampa occurs: see below, 87 d. 

79. For metrical purposes, syllables (not vowels) are 
distinguished by the grammarians as heavy (guru) or light 
(laghu). A syllable is heavy if its vowel is long, or short 
and followed by more than one consonant ("long by po- 
sition"^). Anusv&ra and visarga count as full consonants in 

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79-—] II. System op Sounds, 28 

making a heavy syllable. The last syllable of a pSda (pri- 
mary division of a verse) is reckoned as either heavy or 

a. The distinction in terms between the di£Ference of long and short in 
TOwel-sound and that of heavy and light in syllable-construction is valuable, 
and should be observed. 

IV. Accent. 

80. The phenomena of accent are, by the Hindu gram- 
marians of all ages alike, described and treated as depend- 
ing on a variation of tone or pitch; of any difference of 
stress involved, they make no account. 

81. The primary tones (svara) or accent-pitches are two: 
a higher (ud&tta raised), or acute; and a lower (anud&tta 
not raised), or. grave. A third (called svarita: a term of 
doubtful meaning) is always of secondary origin, being (when 
not enclitic: see below, 85) the result of actual combination 
of an acute vowel and a following grave vowel into one 
syllable. It is also uniformly defined as compound in pitch, 
a union of higher and lower tone within the limits of a 
single syllable. It is thus identical in physical character 
with the Greek and Latin circumflex, and fully entitled to 
be called by the same name. 

82. Strictly, therefore, there is but one distinction of tone in the 
Sanskrit accentual system, as described by the native grammarians 
and marked in the written texts : the accented syllable is raised in tone 
above the unaccented; while then further, in certain cases of the 
fusion of an accented and an unaccented element into one syllable, 
that syllable retains the compounded tone of both elements. 

83. The Bvarita or circumflex is only rarely found on a pure long 
vowel or diphthong, but almost always on a syllable in which a vowel, 
short or long, is preceded by a y or v representing an originally acute 
i- or u-vowel. 

a. In transliteration, in this work, the udfttta or acute will be 
marked with the ordinary sign of acnte, and the svarita or circumflex 
(as being a downward slide of the voice forward) with what is usually 
called the grave accent: thus, 4, acute, ya or va, circumflex. 

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29 Accent. [—86 

84. The Prati^akhyas distingaifih and name separately the circumflexed 
tones arising by different processes of combination: thus, the circumflex is 

a. Kf&ipra (quick), when an acute i- or u-vowel (short or long) is 
converted Into y or v before a dissimilar Towel of grave tone : thus, vyilpta 
from vi-apta, apsvknt&r from apsu antir. 

b. Jfttya (native) or nitya (oum)j when the same combination lies 
further back, in the make-up of a stem or form, and so is constant, or 
belongs to the word in all circumstances of its occurrence : thus, kvk (from 
kua), Bvhx (B^ar), nyak (nfak), badhnya (budhnfa), kanyli (kan£&), 
oadyaB (nadl-aa), tanva (tanA-fi). 

o. The words of both the above classes are in the Veda, in the great 
majority of cases, to be read with restoration of the acute vowel as a separate 
syllable: thus, apsu ant&r, euar, nadlas, etc. In some texts, part of 
them are written correspondingly: thus, Buvar, tandv&, budhnfya. 

d. Pra9lifta, when the acute and grave vowels are of such character 
that they axe fused into a long vowel or diphthong (128 o) : thus, divi Va 
(RV. AV. etc.), from divi iva; Budgfttft (TS.), from BU-udgStft; nfti 'vk 
*9niyat (?B.), from n& ev& a^nly&t. 

e. Abhinihita, when an Initial grave a is absorbed by a final acute 
6 or 6 (185 a): thus, te 'bruvan, from t^ abruvan; sd 'bravit, from 
b6 abravit. 

85. But further, the Hindu grammarians agree in de- 
claring the (naturally grave) syllable following an acute, 
whether in the same or in another word, to be Bvarita or 
circumflex — unless, indeed, it be itself followed by an 
acute or circumflex; in which case it retains its grave 
tone. This is called by European scholars the enclitic or 
dependent circumflex. 

a. Thus, in t^na and t6 oa, the syllable na and word ca are 
regarded and marked as circumflex; but in ttoa t6 and t6 ca Bvkr 
they are grave. 

b. This seems to mean that the voice, which is borne up at the higher 
pitch to the end of the acute syllable, does not ordinarily drop to grave 
pitch by an instantaneous movement, but descends by a more or less per- 
ceptible slide in the course of the following syllable. No Hindu authority 
suggests the theory of a middle or intermediate tone for the enclitic, any 
more than for the independent circumflex. For the most part, the two are 
identified with one another, in treatment and designation. The enclitic 
circumflex is likewise diylded into a number of sub-varieties, with different 
names: they are of too little consequence to be worth reporting. 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

86—] II. System of Sounds. 30 

86. The essential difference of the two kinds ot circamflez is 
shown clearly enough by these facts: 1. the independent circumflex 
takes the place of the acute as the proper accent of a word, while 
the enclitic is the mere shadow following an acute, and following it 
in another word precisely as in the same word; 2. the independent 
circumflex maintains its character in all situations, while the enclitic 
before a following circumflex or acute loses its circumflex character, 
and becomes grave; moreover, 3. in many of the systems of marking 
accent (below, 88), the two are quite differently indicated. 

87. The accentuation is marked in manuscripts only of the older 
literature: namely, in the primary Vedic texts, or saihliit&s, in two 
of the Brahmanas (Taittiriya and Qatapatha), in the TaittirTya-Aranyaka, 
in certain passages of the Aitareya-Aranyaka, and in the Suparnadhyaya. 
There are a number of methods of writing accent, more or less different 
from one another: the one found in manuscripts of the Rig- Veda, 
which is most widely known, and of which most of the others are 
only slight modifications, is as follows. 

a. The acute syllable is left unmarked; the circumflex, whether 
independent or enclitic, has a short perpendicular stroke above; and 
the grave next preceding an acute or (independent) circumflex has a 
short horizontal stroke below. Thus, 

qfn^ agnfm; sT^tf?T iuh6ti; fF^T tanv^; ^ kva. 

b. But the introductory grave stroke below cannot be given if an 
acute syllable is initial ; hence an unmarked syllable at the beginning 
of a word is to be understood as acute; and hence also, if several 
grave syllables precede an acute at the beginning of a sentence, they 
must all alike have the grave sign. Thus, 

^: Indra^i; ^ t6; ^fprftf kari(?yisi; HN^ilHI tuvijata. 

c. All the grave syllables, however, which follow a marked cir- 
cumflex are left unmarked, until the occurrence of another accented 
syllable causes the one which precedes it to take the preparatory 
stroke below. Thus, 

g^!^ft^fH^ Budf ^ikaaaifadf k ; 
but ^<i^n^^*4JJ Nln^BudtQikasaifadrg g&vftm. 

d. If an independent circumflex be followed by an acute (or by 
another independent circumflex), a figure 1 is set after the former 
oircumflexed vowel if it be short, or a figure 3 if it be long, and the 
signs of accent are applied as in the following examples: 

t^L^critT: apsv kint&ll^ (from apsu ant&]|^); 
|IUI^^(f^: rfiyds v&ni^ (from rftyo av&nih). 

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31 Accent. [—89 

The rationale of this mode of designation is not well understood; the 
Pritl9akhyafl give no accoont of it. In the scholastic utterance of the syllahle 
80 designated is made a peculiar quaver or roulade of the voicOf called 
kampa or viluunpana. 

e. The accent-marks are written with red ink in the manuscripts, being 
added after the text is written, and perhaps often by another hand. 

88 a. Nearly accordant with this, the Rig-Veda method of designating 
accent, are the methods employed in the manuscripts of the Atharva-Yeda, 
of the Yajasaneyi-Samhita, and of the Taittiriya-Samhita, Brahmana, and 
Aranyaka. Their differences from it are of trifling importance, consisting 
mainly in peculiar ways of marking the circumflex that precedes an acote 
(87 d). In some manuscripts of the Atharva-Yeda, the accent-marks are 
dots instead of strokes, and that for the circumflex is made within the 
syllable instead of above it. 

b. In most manuscripts of the Maitrayani-Samhita, the acute syllable 
itself, besides its surroundings, is marked — namely, by a perpendlcnlar 
stroke above the syllable (like that of the ordinary circumflex in the RY. 
method). The independent circumflex has a hook beneath the syllable, and 
the circumflex before an acute (87 d) is denoted simply by a figure 3, 
standing before instead of after the circumflexed syllable. 

O. The Qatapatha-Brahmana uses only a single accent-sign, the horizontal 
stroke beneath the syllable (like the mark for grave in RY.). This is put 
under an acute, or, if two or more acutes immediately follow one another, 
only under the preceding syllable. To mark an independent oircamflex, it 
is put under the preceding syllable. The method is an imperfect one, allow- 
ing many ambiguities. 

d. The Sama-Yeda method is the most intricate of all. It has a dozen 
different signs, consisting of figures, or of figures and letters combined, all 
placed above the syllables, and varying according both to the accentual character 
of the syllable and to its surroundings. Its origin is obscure; if anything 
more is indicated by it than by the other simpler systems, the fact has not 
been demonstrated. 

89. In this work, as everything given in the devanfigari characters 
is also given in transliteration, it will in general be unnecessary to 
mark the accent except in the transliterated form; where, however, 
the case is otherwise, there will be adopted the method of marking 
only the really accented syllables, the acute and the independent 
ciroomflex: the latter by the usaal svarita-sign, the former by a small 
u (for udatta) above the syllable : thus, 

^ fndra, §& igne, T^ Bvar. ^pjg nady^is. 

a. These being given, everything else which the Hindu theory recog- 
nizes as dependent on and accompanying them can readily be understood 
as implied. 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

90—] II. System op Sounds. 32 

90. The theory of the Sanskrit accent, as here given (a consistent and 
intelligible body of phenomena), has been OYerlaid by the Hindu theorists, 
especially of the PTati9akhyas, with a number of added features, of a much 
more questionable character. Thus: 

a. The unmarked grave syllables following a circumflex (either at the 
end of a sentence, or till the near aproach of another acute) are declared 
to have the same high tone with the (also unmarked) acute. They are 
called praoaya or praoita (accumulated: because liable to occur in an 
indefinite series of successive syllables). 

b. The circumflex, whether independent or enclitic, is declared to begin 
on a higher pitch than acute, and to descend to acute pitch in ordinary 
cases: the concluding instant of it being brought down to grave pitch, 
however, in the case of an independent circumflex which is immediately 
followed by another ascent of the voice to higher pitch, in acute or inde- 
pendent circumflex (a kampa syllable: 87 d). 

o. Panini gives the ambiguous name of ek&(pniia.-(monoione) to the 
praoita syllables, and says nothing of the uplifting of the circumflex to 
a higher plane ; he teaches, however, a depression below the grave pitch for 
the marked grave syllable before acute or circumflex, calling it sannatara 
(otherwise anudfittatara). 

91. The system of accentuation as marked in the Vedic texts appears 
to have assumed in the traditional recitation of the Brahmanic schools 
a peculiar and aitiflcial form, in which the designated syllables, grave and 
circumflex (equally the enclitic and the independent circumflex), have acquired 
a conspicuous value, while the undesignated, the acute, has sunk into in- 

92. The Sanskrit accent taught in the native grammars and 
represented by the accentuated texts is essentially a system of word- 
accent only. No general attempt is made (any more than in the 
Greek system) to define or mark a sentence-accent, the efiTect of the 
emphasis and modulation of the sentence in modifying the independent 
accent of indiyidual words. The only approach to it is seen in the 
treatment of vocatives and personal verb-forms. 

a. A vocative is usually without accent except at the beginning 
of a sentence: for further details, see 314. 

b. A personal verb-form is usually accentless in an independent 
clause, except when standing at the beginning of the clause: for 
further details, see 591 ff. 

98. Certain other words also are, usually or always, without 

a. The particles oa» vft, u, sma, iva, oid» avid, ha, and the Vedic 
kam (or k&m), gha, bhala, samaha, Im, aim, are always without 
accent; also yathft in RY. (sometimes also elsewhere) in the sense of iva, 
at the end of a p&da or verse-division. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

33 Accent. [—96 

b. Tbe s&me is troe of oerUiii prouoans and pronominal stems: mft, 
me, n&n, naB» tva» te, vSm, vas (491 b), ena (600)» tva (508 b), 
sama (518 o). 

c. The cases of tlie pronominal stem a are sometimes accented and 
sometimes accentless (502). 

d. An accentless word is not allowed to stand at the beginning 
of a sentence; also not of a p&da or primary division of a verse; a 
p&da is, in all matters relating to accentaation, treated like an in- 
dependent sentence. 

94. Some words have more than a single accented syllable. 
Such are: 

a. Certain dual copulative compounds in the Veda (see 1255), as 
mitravdmi^ dyavftpf thivl. Also, a few other Yedic compounds (see 
1267 d), as b^hasp&ti» t&nun&p&t. 

b. In a few cases, the further compounds and derivatives of such 
compounds, as dyav&p^thivlvant, bfhaspatipranutta. 

o. Inflnitiye datives in tavfti (see 872 a), as ^tavftf. dpabhar- 

d. A word naturally barytone, but having Its final syllable protracted 
(see 78 a). 

e. The particle vav& (in the Brahmanas). 

95. On the place of the accented syllable in a Sanskrit 

word there is no restriction whatever depending upon either 

the number or the quantity of the preceding or following 

syllables. The accent rests where the rules of inflection 

01 derivation or composition place it, without regard to any 

thing else. 

a. Thus, (ndre» agnftu, {ndrei^a, agnfnft, agninam, bfihuoyuta, 
anapacynta, parj&nyiyinvita, abhimfttif&h&y Anabhimlfttavar^a, 
abhi^aatioatana, hira]^yava9imattama9 c&taQoatvari&9adak9ara« 

96. Since the accent is marked only in the older litera- 
ture, and the statements of the grammarians, with the 
deduced rules of accentuation, are far from being sufficient 
to settle all cases, the place of the stress of voice for a 
considerable part of the vocabulary is undetermined. Hence 
it is a general habit with European scholars to pronounce 
Sanskrit words according to the rules of the Latin accent. 

Whitney, Orammar. 3. ed. 3 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

97—] in. Euphonic Combination. 34 

97. In this work, the accent of each word and form will in 
general be marked, so far as there is authority determining its place 
and character. Where specific words and forms are quoted, they 
will only be so far accentuated as they are found with accent in 
accentuated texts. 




98. The words in Sanskrit, as in the other languages related 
with it, are in great part analysable into roots, suffixes of derivation, 
and endings of inflection, these last being added mostly to stems 
containing suffixes, but also sometimes directly to roots. 

a. There are, of course, a certain number of uninflected words — 
indecUnahles, particles; and also not a few that are incapable of analysis. 

99. The Sanskrit, indeed, possesses an exceptionally analysable 
character; its formative processes are more regular and transparent 
than those of any other Indo-European tongue. Hence the prevailing 
method of the Hindu native science of grammar, which sets up a 
certain body of roots, and prescribes the processes by which these 
may be made stems and words, giving the various added elements, 
and laying down the rules by which their combination is effected. And 
the same general method is, for like reason, followed also by European 

100. The euphonic laws, accordingly, which govern the combination 
of suffix or of ending with root or stem, possess a high practical im- 
portance, and require to be laid down in preparation for the topics 
of declension and conjugation. 

101. Moreover, the formation of compounds, by joining two or 
more simple stems, is extremely frequent in Sanskrit; and this kind 
of combination has its own peculiar euphonic rules. And once more, 
in the form of the language as handed down to us by its literature, 
the words composing a sentence or paragraph are adapted to and 
combined with one another by nearly the same rules which govern 
the making of compounds; so that it is impossible to take apart and 
understand a Sanskrit sentence without knowing those rules. Hence 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

35 Introductory. [—103 

mn increased degree of practical importance belonging to the subject 
of euphonic combination. 

a. This euphonic interdependence of the words of a sentence is un- 
known to any other language in anything like the same degree; and it 
eannot hut be suspected of being at least In part artificial, implying an 
erection into necessary and invariable rules of what in the living language 
were only optional practices. This is strongly indicated, Indeed, by the 
evidence of the older dialect of the Vedas and of the derived Prakrltic 
dialects, In both of which some of the rules (especially that as to the hiatas : 
see 118) are often violated. 

102. The roots which are authenticated by their occurrence in 
the literary monuments of the language, earlier and later, number 
between eight and nine hundred. About half of these belong fully 
to the language throughout its whole history; some (about a hundred 
and fifty) are limited to the earlier or pre-classical period; some, 
again (over a hundred and twenty), make their first appearance in 
the later language. 

a* There are in this number roots of very diverse character. Those 
occurring only later are, at least in great part, presumably of secondary 
origin; and a certain number are even doubtless artificial, used once or 
twice because found in the root-lists of the Hindu grammarians (108). 
But also of the rest, some are plainly secondary, while others are ques- 
tionable; and not a few are variations or differentiated forms of one another. 
Thus, there are roots showing respectively r and 1, as rabh and labh, 
mroo and mluc, kfar and kfal; roots with and without a strengthening 
nasal, as vand and vad, mand and mad; roots in ft and in a nasal, as 
khft and khan, gft and gam, Jft and Jan; roots made by an added ft, 
as trft from t^, mnft from man, peft from bhaa, yft from 1; roots the 
product of reduplication, as Jakf from ghas, dudh firom dhu; roots with 
a final sibilant of formative origin, as bhakf and bhikf from bhaj, 
nak^ from na^, ^ruf from Qm, hfts from hft; root-forms held apart by 
a well-established discordance of inflection and meaning, which yet are 
probably different sides of one root, as k^ drag and k^ plough, vid know 
and vid Jhtd, y^ enclose and y^ choose ; and so on. In many such cases 
it is doubtful whether we ought to acknowledge two roots or only one; and 
no absolute rule of distinction can be laid down and maintained. 

108. The list of roots given by the Hindu grammarians contains 
about two thousand roots, without including all those which students of 
the language are compelled to recognize. Considerably more than half of 
this number, then, are unanthentioated by use; and although some of 
these may yet come to light, or may have existed without finding their 
way into any of the preserved literary documents, it is certain that most 
are fictitious: made in part for the explanation of words falsely described 
as their deriyatives, but in the main for unknown and perhaps undiscoverable 


Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

103—] IIL Euphonic Combination. 36 

a. The roots nn&athenticated by traceable use wlU be made no account 
of In this grammar — or, if noticed, will be specified as of that character. 

104. The forms of the roots as here used will be found to differ 
in certain respects from those given by the native grammarians and 
adopted by some European works. Thus: 

a. Those roots of which the initial n and 8 are regularly converted 
to n and § after certain prefixes are by the Hindu grammarians given as 
beginning with i^ and f; no western authority follows this example. 

b. The Hindus classify as simple roots a number of derived stems: 
reduplicated ones, as didhi» Jfigf* daridrft; present-stems, as nrnn; and 
denominative stems, as avadhir, kamfir» sabhSg, mantr, Bfintv, arth» 
and the like. These are in European works generally reduced to their 
true value. 

0. A number of roots ending in an ft which is irregularly treated in 
the present-system are written in the Hindu lists with diphthongs — e or 
ft! or o; here they will be regarded as ft-roots (see 251). The o of such 
root-forms, especially, is purely arbitrary; no forms or derivatives made 
from the roots justify it 

d. The roots showing interchangeably ^ and ir and Ir or ur and 
ur (242) are written by the Hindus with ^ or with f, or with both. The 
f here also is only formal, intended to mark the roots aS liable to certain 
modifications, since it nowhere shows itself in any form or derivative. Such 
roots will in this work be written with f. 

e. The roots, on the other hand, showing a variation between ^ and 
ar (rarely ra) as weak and strong forms will be here written with ^ , as by 
the native grammarians, although many European authorities prefer the other 
or strong form. So long as we write the unstrengthened vowel in vid and 
91, in mud and bh^, and their like, consistency seems to require that we 
write it in BfJ and kf also — in all cases alike, without reference to what 
may have been the more original Indo-European form. 

105. In many cases of roots showing more than one form, the selection 
of a representative form is a matter of comparative indifference. To deal 
with such cases according to their historical character Is the part rather of 
an Indo-European comparative grammar than of a Sanskrit grammar. We 
must be content to accept as roots what elements seem to have on the 
whole that value in the existing condition of the language. 

106. Stems as well as roots have their variations of form (311}. 
The Hindu grammarians usually give the weaker form as the normal 
one, and derive the other from it by a strengthening change; some 
European authorities do the same, while others prefer the contrary 
method; the choice is of unessential consequence, and may be deter- 
mined in any case by motives of convenience. 

107. We shall accordingly consider first of all, in the present 
chapter, the euphonic principles and laws which govern the combination 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

37 Introductory. [—109 

of the elements of words and of words as elements of the sentence; 
then will be taken up the subject of inflection, under the two heads 
of declension and conjugation; and an account of the classes of 
uninflected words will follow. 

a. The formation of conjugational stems (tense and mode-stems; 
also participles and infinitive) will be taught, as is usual, in connection 
with the processes of conjugational inflection; that of uninflected 
words, in connection with the various classes of those words. But 
the general subject of derivation, or the formation of declinable stems, 
will be taken up by itself later (chap. XYII.); and it wUl be followed 
by an account of the formation of compound stems (chap. XVIII.). 

108. It is by no means to be expected of beginners 
in the language that they will attempt to master the rules 
of euphonic combination in a body, before going on to learn 
the paradigms of inflection. On the contrary, the leading 
paradigms of declension may best be learned outright, 
without attention, or with only a minimum of attention, 
to euphonic rule. In taking up conjugation, however, it 
ia praotically, as well as theoretically, better to learn the 
forms as combinations of stem and ending, with attention 
to such laws of combination as apply in the particular cases 
concerned. The rules of external combination, governing 
the make-up of the sentence out of words, should be 
grappled with only when the student is prepared to begin 
the reading or the formation of sentences. 

Principles of Euphonic Combination. 

100. The rules of combination (sarhdhi putting together) 
are in some respects different, according as they apply — 

a. to the internal make-up of a word, by the addition 
of derivative and inflectional endings to roots and stems; 

b. to the more external putting together of stems to 
make compound stems, and the yet looser and more accidental 
collocation of words in the sentence; 

c. Hence they are usually divided into rules of internal 
combination, and rules of external combination. 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

110—] III. Euphonic Combination. 38 

110. In both classes of oases, however, the general principles 
of combination are the same — and likewise, to a great extent, the 
specific rules. The differences depend in part on the occnrrenoe or 
non-occurrence of certain combinations in the one class or the other; 
in part, on the difference of treatment of the same sound as final of 
a root or of an ending, the former being more persistent than the 
latter; in part, on the occurrence in external combination of certain 

/ changes which are apparently phonetic but really historical; and, most 

/ frequent and conspicuous of all, on the fact that (157) vowels and 

/ semivowels and nasals exercise a sonantizing influence in external 

y / combination, but not in internal. Hence, to avoid unnecessary repe- 

^ tition as well as the separation of what really belongs together, the 

rules for both kinds of combination are given below in connection 

with one another. 

111. a. Moreover, before case-endings beginning with bh and a 
(namely, bhy&m» bhis, bhyas, su), the treatment of the finals of stems 
is in general the same as in the combinations of words (pada) with 
one another — whence those endings are sometimes called pada-end- 
ings, and the cases they form are known as pada-cases. 

b. The importance of this distinction is somewhat exaggerated by the 
ordinary statement of it. In fact, dh is the only sonant mate initial of an 
ending occurring in conjugation, as bh in declension; and the difference 
of their treatment is in part owing to the one coming into collision nsually 
with the final of a root and the other of an ending, and in part to the fact 
that dh, as a dental, is more assimilable to palatals and Unguals than bh. 
A more marked and problematic distinction is made between su and the 
verbal endings si, sva, etc., especially after palatal sounds and §. 

c. Further, before certain of the suffixes of derivation the final 
of a stem is sometimes treated in the same manner as that of a word 
in composition. 

d. This is especially the case before secondary suffixes having a 
markedly distinct office, like the possessive mant and vant, the abstract- 
making tva, the suffix of material maya, and so on; and it is much 
more frequent in the later language than in the earlier. The examples are 

\ sporadic in character, and no rule can be given to cover them: for details, 

vy see the various suffixes, iu chap. XYU. In the RV. (as may be mentioned 

here) the only examples are vidyiinmant (beside garutmant, kakdd- 
mant, etc.), p^^advant (beside datv&nt, marutvant, etc.), dh^advfn 
(beside namasvin, etc.), <}agmk (beside ajm&, idhm&, etc.), nqminiiya 
(beside manasm&ya, etc.), and ahaihsni, kiihyu, 9aiiiyu9 and afthoyu, 
duvoyu, islqpdhoyii (beside namasyu, vacasyd, etc.); and the AV. 
adds only s&hovan (RV. sahavan). 

112. The leading rules of internal combination (as already stated: 
108) are those which are of most immediate importance to a beginner in 
the language, since his first task Is to master the principal paradigms of 

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39 General Prikoiplbs. [—117 

inflectioii ; the roles of external combination may better be left untouched 
until he comes to dealing with words in sentences, or to translating. Then, 
howeyer, they are indispensable, since the proper form of the words that 
eompose the sentence is not to be determined without them. 

a. The general principles of combination underlying the euphonic 
rules, and determining their classification, may be stated as follows: 

118. Hiatus. In general, hiatus is forbidden; every 
syllable except the initial one of a sentence, oi of a word 
or phrase not forming part of a sentence, must begin with 
a consonant (or with more than one). 

a. For details, and for exceptions, see 125 ff. 

b. In the earlier language, howeyer, hiatus in every position was 
abundantly admitted. This appears plainly from the mantras, or metrical 
parts of the Veda, where in innumerable instances y and v are to be read 
as i and n, and, less often, a long vowel is to be resolved into two vowels, 
in order to make good the metre: e. g., vftryft^ftm has to be read as 
vfiri-E-i^ftmy sva^vyam as su-aQ-vi-am, and so on. In the Brahmanas, 
also, we find tvac, Bvar» dyftue described as dissyllables, vyfina and 
satyam as trisyllables, rfijanya as of four syllables, and the like. See 
further 129 e. 

114. Deaspiration. An aspirate mute is liable to 
lose its aspiration, being allowed to stand unchanged only 
before a vowel or semivowel or nasal. 

115. Assimilation. The great body of euphonic 
changes in Sanskrit, as elsewhere, falls under the general 
head of assimilation — which takes place both between 
sounds which are so nearly alike that the difference 
between them is too insignificant to be worth preserving, 
and between those which are so diverse as to be practically 

116. In part, assimilation involves the conversion of 
one sound to another of the same series, without change of 
articulating position; in part, it involves a change of position, 
or transfer to another series. 

117. Of changes within the series, the most frequent and im- 
portant occur in the adaptation of surd and sonant sounds to one 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

117—] in. Euphonic Combination. 40 

another; but the nasals and 1 have also in certain cases their special 
assimilative influence. Thus: 

a. In the two classes of non-nasal mntes and spirants, surd and sonant 
are wholly incompatible ; no surd of either class can either precede or follow 
a sonant of either. 

b. A mute, surd or sonant, Is assimilated by being changed to its 
correspondent of the other kind; of the spirants, the surd s is the only one 
having a sonant correspondent, namely r, to which It Is convertible in ex- 
ternal combination (164 ff.). 

O. The nasals are more freely oombinable: a nasal may either precede 
or follow a mute of either kind, or the sonant spirant h; it may also follow 
a surd spirant (sibilant) ; no nasal, however, ever precedes a sibilant in the 
interior of a word (it is changed instead to anuBV&ra); and in external 
combination their concurrence is usually avoided by insertion of a surd mute. 

d. A semivowel has still less sonantizing influence; and a vowel least 
of all: both are freely preceded and followed by sounds of every other 
class, in the interior of a word. 

e. Before a sibilant, however, is found, of the semivowels, only r and 
very rarely 1. Moreover, in external oombination, r is often changed to its 
surd correspondent s. 


f. In composition and sentence-collocation, initial vowels and semi- 
vowels and nasals also require the preceding final to be sonant. And 

g. Before a nasal and 1, the assimilative process is sometimes carried 
further, by the conversion of a final mute to a nasal or 1 respectively. 

118. Of conversions involving a change of articulate position, the 
most important are those of dental sounds to lingual, and, less often, 
to palatal. Thus: 

a. The dental s and n are very frequently converted to 9 and n by 
the assimilating influence of contiguous or neighbouring lingual sounds : the s, 
even by sounds — namely, 1- and u-vowels and k — which have themselves 
no lingual character. 

b. A non-nasal dental mute is (with a few exceptions in external 
combination) made lingual when it comes into collision with a lingual sound. 

o. The dental mutes and sibilant are made palatal by a contiguous 

But also: 

d* A m (not radical) is assimilated to a following consonant, of 
whatever kind. 

e. For certain anomalous cases, see 151. 

119. The euphonic combinations of the palatal mutes, the palatal 
sibilant, and the aspiration, as being sounds derived by phonetic 
alteration from more original guttnrals (42 ff.), are made peculiar 

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41 General Principles. [—124 

and complicated by two oironmstances: their reyergion to a gn^ttnral 
form (or the appearance of the unaltered guttural instead of them: 
43); and the different treatment of j and h according as they represent 
one or another degree of alteration — the one tending, like o, more 
to the guttural reversion, the other showing, like 9, a more sibilant 
and lingual character. 

120. The lingual sibilant 9, also of derivative character (from 
dental s), shows as radical final peculiar and problematic phenomena 
of combination. 

121. Extension and abbreviation of conso- 
nant-gToups. The native grammarians allow or require 
certain extensions^ by duplication or insertion^ of groups of 
consonants. And, on the other hand, abbreviation of cer- 
tain other groups is allowed, and found often practised in 
the manuscripts. 

122. Permitted Finals. The permitted occurrence 
of consonants at the end of a word is quite narrowly 
restricted. In general, only one consonant is allowed after 
the last vowel; and that must be neither the aspiration, 
nor a sibilant, nor a semivowel (save rarely ^ 1), nor an 
aspirate mute, nor a sonant mute if not nasal, nor a palatal. 

128. Increment and Decrement. Besides these 

more or less regular changes accompanying the combination 

of the parts that make up words, there is another class of 

a different character, not consisting in the mutual adaptations 

of the parts, but in strengthening or weakening changes of 

the parts themselves. 

124. It is impossible to carry through a perfectly systematic 
arrangement of the detailed rules of euphonic combination, because 
the different varieties of euphonic change more or less overlap and 
intersect one another. The order observed below will be as follows: 

1. Rules of vowel combination, for the avoidance of hiatus. 

2. Rules as to permitted finals (since these underlie the farther 
treatment of final consonants in external combination). 

3. Rules for loss of aspiration of an aspirate mute. 

4. Rules of surd and sonant assimilation, including those for final 
B and r. 

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124—] III. Euphonic Combination. 42 

5. Rales for the conversion of dental sounds to lingual and 

6. Rules for the changes of final nasals, including those in which 
a former final following the nasal re-appears in combination. 

7. Rules regarding the special changes of the derivative sounds 
— the palatal mutes and sibilant, the aspiration, and the lingual 

8. Rules as to extension and abbreviation of consonant groups. 

9. Rules for strengthening and weakening processes. 
Everywhere, rules for more sporadic and less classifiable cases 

will be given in the most practically convenient connection; and the 
Index will render what help is needed toward finding them. 

Rules of Vowel Combination. 

125. The concurrence of two vowels, or of vowel and 
diphthong, without intervening consonant, is forbidden by 
the euphony of the later ox classical language. It is avoided, 
according to the circumstances of the case, either by fusion 
of the two concurrent sounds into one, by the reduction of 
one of them to a semivowel, or by development of a semi- 
vowel between them. 

a. For the not infrequent cases of composition and sentence-combi- 
nation in which the recent loss of a 8 or y or v between vowels leaves 
a permanent hiatus, see below, 132 if., 175-7; for certain final vowels 
which are maintained unchanged in sentence-combination before an Initial 
vowel, see 138. 

b« A very few words in their admitted written form show interior 
hiatus; snch are tltAVL sieve (perhaps for titasu, BR.), pr&uga wagon- 
pole (for prayuga?); and, in RY., suutL 

c. The texts of the older dialeoi are written according to the enphonic 
rales of the later language, although in them (see 113 b) the hiatus is 
really of frequent occurrence. Hence they are not to he read as written, 
but with constantly recurring reversal of the processes of vowel-combination 
which they have been made artificially to undergo. See farther 128 e. 

d. Also in the later language, hiatus between the two p&das or primary 
divisions of a metrical line is tolerably frequent, and it is not unknown in 
sporadic cases even In the interior of a p&da. 

e. The rnles of vowel combination, as regards botii the resulting 
sound and its accent, are nearly the same in internal and in external 

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43 Vowel Combination. [—127 

126. Two similar simple vowels, short or long, coalesce, 
and form the corresponding long vowel : thus, two a-vowels 
(either or both of them short or long] form m S; two i- vowels, 
^ I; two u-vowels, 3" tl; and, theoretically, two y- vowels 
form f| fj but it is questionable whether the case ever 
practically occurs. Examples are: 

H ^iKsi: sa o& 'praja^ (ca + apraja^) ; 
Mrflcf atl 'va (ati + iva) ; 
Hn)«i^8tlktam (su-uktam); 
^Isiwlrl^rajfi "sit (rfijfi + fisit); 
M^46i(! adhl9varatL (adhi-l9varatL) ; 
si^H*^juhtlpabhyt (juhfl — upabh^). 

a. Ab the above examples indicate, it wiU be the practice everywhere 
in this work, in transliteration (not in the devanSgari text), to separate 
independent words; and if an initial vowel of a following word has coalesced 
with a final of the preceding, this will be indicated by an apostrophe — 
single if the initial vowel be the shorter, doable if it be the longer, of the 
two different initials which in every case of combination yield the same result. 

127. An a- vowel combines with a following i-vowel to 
^ e; with an u-vowel, to 5JT o; with S T, to ^ ar; with 

5T I (theoretically), to 55^ al; with ^ e or^ 5i, to^ 51; with "^^^ M "* 
3^1 o or a|t fiu, to 3tt fiu. Examples are: ,/ 

(\^^ rSjendra (rSja-indra); 

J^rTlM^W : hitopade9atL (hita-upade9atL] ; 
t/ Hc^Rl : maharfi^ (maha-r9i]|;L); 

^ 8&i 'va (sS-f-eva); 

^IstUUH TSjSi9varyam (rSja-fti9VMryam); 

f^cJJc+iH: divSukasa^ (divS-okasa^); 

^ V NMM j varSu^adham (jvara-Su^adham). 

a. In the Vedic texts, the vowel y is ordinarily written unchanged 
after the a-vowei, which, if long, is shortened: thus, maha^^i^ instead of 
maharfi^. The two vowels, however, are usually pronounced as one syllable. 

b. When successive words like indra & ihi are to be combined, the 
first combination, to indrft, is made first, and the result is indre " 'hi 
(not indr&l " 'hi, from indra e 'hi). 

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128—] III. Euphonic Combination. 44 

128. As regards the accent of these vowel combinations, it ia 
to be noticed that, 1. as a matter of course, the union of acute with 
acute yields acute, and that of grave with grave yields grave ; that 
of circumflex with circumflex cannot occur; 2. a circumflex with 
following acute yields acute, the final grave element of the former 
being raised to acute pitch; a grave with following acute does the 
same, as no upward slide of the voice on a syllable is acknowledged 
in the language; but, 3. when the former of the fused elements is 
acute and the latter grave, we might expect the resulting syllable 
to be in general circumflex, to represent both the original tones. 
Panini in fact allows this accent in every such case; and in a single 
accentuated Brahmana text (QB.), the circumflex is regularly written. 
But the language shows, on the whole, an indisposition to allow the 
circumflex to rest on either long vowel or diphthong as its sole basis, 
and the acute element is suffered to raise the other to its own level 
of pitch, making the whole syllable acute. The only exception to 
this, in most of the texts, is the combination of { and i, which be- 
comes i: thus, divi Va, from divf iva; in the Taittirlya texts alone 
such a case follows the general rule, while a and u, instead, make 
a: thus, Budgfttft from Bu-udg&tft. 

129. The i-vowels, the u-vowels, and S y, before a 
dissimilar vowel oi a diphthong, are regularly converted each 
into its own corresponding semivowel, IT y or cf y or ^ r. 
Examples are: 

^rill«t ity aha (iti + ftha); 
niijci madhv iva (madhu+iva); 
ii^slif duhitrarthe (dtihitr-art£ef; 
^CfHT Btry asya (strl+aBya): 
c(^ vadhvSi (vadhtL-Si). 

a. But in internal combination the i and u-vowels are not seldom 
changed instead to iy and uv — and this especially in monosyllables, 
or after two consonants, where otherwise a group of consonants 
difficult of pronunciation would be the result. The cases will be 
noticed. below, in explaining inflected forms. 

b. A radical i-vowel is converted into y even before i in perfect 
tense-inflecUon: so ninsrima (nini+ima). 

o* In a few sporadic cases, i and u become iy and uv OTon in word- 
composition: e. g., triyavi (tri + avi), viyafiga (vi + a&ga), Buvita 
(BU + ita): compare 1204 b» c. 

d. Not very seldom, the same word (especially as found in dlfTerent 
texts of the older language) has more than one form, showing Tarions treatment 

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45 VowHL Combination. [—181 

of an i- or n-vowel : e. g. Bvkr or Buvar, tanv^ or tanuve* budhnyk 
or budhnfyay riltry&i or rttriyfti. For the most part, doubtless, these 
are ooly two vtys of writiog the same pronanciatioii, su-ar» budhnfa, 
and so on ; and the disoordance has no other importance, historical or phonetic. 
There is more or less of this difference of treatment of an i- or u-element 
after a consonant in all periods of the language. 

e. In the older langnage, there is a marked difference, in respect to 
the frequency of Towel-combination for ayoiding hiatus as compared with 
that of non-combination and consequent hiatus, between the class of cases 
where two yowel-sounds, similar or dissimilar, woold coalesce into one (126, 
127) and that where an 1- or u-Towel would be converted into a semi- 
vowel. Thus, in word-composition, the ratio of the cases of coalesced vowels 
to those of hiatus are in RV. as five to one. In AV. as nineteen to one, 
while the cases of semivowel-conversion are in RY. only one in twelve, in 
AV. only one in five; in sentence-combination, the cases of coalescence 
are in both RY. and AY. about as seven to one, while those of semivowel- 
conversion are in RY. only one in fifty, in AY. one in five. 

f* For certain cases of the loss or assimilation of i and a before y and 
V respectively, see 233 a. 

130. As regards the accent — here, as in the preceding case 
(128), the only combination requiring notice is that of an acute 1- or 
a- vowel with a following grave: the result is circnmflex; and snch 
cases of circumflex are many times more frequent than any and all 
others. Examples are: 

oUf^J vyu^tl (vi-urti); ^5P-Mt[(h abhy&roati; 
7{^ nadyftu (nadi-ftu); 

ftsfe" flvifta (su-i^ta); rF^?T tanvis (tand-w). 

a. Of a similar combination of acute f with following grave, only a 
single case has been noted in accented texts: namely, vij&fttr ^t&t (i. e. 
VJJfi&t^ et&t: (^B, xiv. 6. 8ii); the accentuation is in accordance with the 
rules for i and u. 

181. Of a diphthong, the final i- or u-element is changed 

to its corresponding semivowel, tr y or cf v, before any vowel 

or diphthong: thus, ^ e (really ai: 28 a) becomes Wi ay, 

and ^ o (that is, au: 28 a) becomes iER av; ^ fti becomes 

mcr Ay, and ^^ Su becomes SR? ftv. 

a. No change of accent, of course, occurs here; each original 
syllable retains its syllabic identity, and hence also its own tone. 

b. Examples can be given only for internal combination, since in external 
combination there are farther changes: see the next paragraph. Thus, 

^ naya (ne-a); ^M nSya (nSi-a); 

Her bhava (bho-a); yrm bh&va (bhSu-a). 

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132—] ni. Euphonic Combination. 46 

182. In external combination, we have the important 
additional rule that the semivowel resulting from the con- 
version of the final element of a diphthong is in general 
dropped; and the resulting hiatus is left without further 

188. That is to say, a final ^ e (the most frequent 
case] becomes simply ^ a before an initial vowel (except 
^ a: see 186, below), and both then remain unchanged; 
and a final ^ 5i, in like manner, becomes (everywhere) 
qr 5. Thus, 

rT**MIHI: ta Sgatftl)^ (te + 5gat51;i); 

RTT^ ^ nagara iha (nagare + iha); 

cTFTT **(<(IH tasmS adadSt (tasmSi + ftdadSt) ; 

{HMI >ifhH striyS uktam (striySi + uktam). 

a. The later grammarians allow the y in such combinations to he either 
retained or dropped; bat the uniform practice of the manuscripts, of eyery 
age, in accordance with the strict requirement of the Yedlc grammars 
(Prati9akhyas), is to omit the semiyowel and leave the hiatus. 

b. The persistence of the hiatus caused by this omission is a plain 
indication of the comparatively reeent loss of the intervening consonantal 

c. Instances, however, of the a7oidance of hiatus by combination of the 
remaining final vowel with the following initial according to the osual rules 
are met with in every period of the language, from the RV. down; but 
they are rare and of sporadic character. Compare the similar treatment of 
the hiatus after a lost final 8, 176-7. 

d. For the peculiar treatment of this combination in certain cases by 
the MS., see below, 176 d. 

134. a. The diphthong o (except as phonetic alteration of final 
as: see 176 a) is an anasnal final, appearing only in the stem go 
(361 o), in the yoc. sing, of u-stems (341), in words of which the 
final a is combined with the particle u, as atho, and in a few inter- 
jections. In the last two classes it is uncombinable (below, 138o,f}; 
the vocatives sometimes retain the v and sometimes lose it (the 
practices of different texts are too different to be briefly sUted); go 
(in composition only) does not ordinarily lose its final element, but 
remains gav or go. A final as becomes a, with following hiatus, 
before any vowel save a (for which, see the next paragraph). 

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47 Vowel Combination. [—136 

b. The cf V of SBR? ftv from ^ Su is usually Tetained: 

rllcM tftv eva (tau+eva); 

3Hlic(-^ilUl ubhSv indr&gnl (ubhSu + indrftgnl). 

c. In the older languAge, however, it is in some texts dropped be- 
fore an U-Yowel: thus, ta ubhftu; in other texts it is treated like fti, or 
loses its u-element before every initial vowel: thos, ta ev&, ubht in- 

186. After final ^ e or 3^ o, an initial ^ a disappears. 

a* The resulting accent is as if the a were not dropped, but 
rather absorbed into the preceding diphthong, having its tone duly 
represented in the combination. If, namely, the e or o is grave or 
circnmflex and the a acute, the former becomes acute; if the e or 
o is acute and the a grave, the former becomes circumflex, as usu- 
ally in the fusion of an acute and a grave element If both are 
acute or both grave, no change, of course, is seen in the result. 
Examples are: 

^ vJSlcp? te *bruvan (ti abruvan); 
nt ^J5^cftrT BO 'bravit (sdl)^ abravTt); 
l^fHdoyl >rfn: hinsitavyo *gni^^ (hifisitavya^ agnil^); 
yi^-^il vS'sIoJIh yid indro 'bravit (ydd indral)^ dbravit); 
mrRFOT >^s|41h y4d r&jany6 'bravit (ydd rSjanyd^ 

b. As to the use of the avagraha sign in the case of snch an elision, 
see above, 16. In transliteration, the reversed apostrophe, or rough breath- 
ing, will be used in this work to represent it. 

C. This elision or absorption of Initial a after flnal e or o, which in 
the later language is the invariable rule, is in the Veda only an occasional 
occurrence. Thus, in the RV., out of nearly 4500 instances of such an 
initial a, it is, as the metre shows, to be really omitted only about seventy 
times; in the AY., less than 300 times out of about 1600. In neither 
work is there any accordance in respect to the combination in question 
between the written and spoken form of the text: in RV., the a is (as 
written) elided in more than three quarters of the cases; in AY., in about 
two thirds; and in both texts it is written in a number of instances where 
the metre requires its omission. 

d. In a few cases, an initial ft is thus elided, especially that of 

e. To the rules of vowel combination, as above stated, there 
are certain exceptions. Some of the more isolated of these will be 

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186—] III. Euphonic Combination. 48 

noticed where they come up in the processes of inflection etc.; a few 
require mention here. 

186. In internal combination: 

a. The augment a makes with the initial vowel of a root the 
combinations fti, fiu, fir (vrddhi-vowels: 286), instead of e» o» ar 
fgu^a-vowels), as required by 127: thus, ftita (a + ita) fiubhnfit 
(a+ublmftt)» ftrdhnot (a+r^hiiot)- 

b. The final o of a stem (1208 a) becomes av before the suffix ya 
(originally la: 1210 a). 

o. The final Towel of a Btem is often dropped when a secondary suffix 
is added (1208 a). 

d. For the weakening and loss of radical Towels, and for certain inser- 
tions, see below, 240 £f., 257-8. 

187. In external combination: 

a. The final a or & of a preposition, with initial ^ of a root, makes 
fir instead of ar: Thus, firohati (&-hrohati), avfirchati (ava+rchati)» 
upfir^ati (^B.: upa+r^ati; but AY. upaxi|anti). 

b. Instances are occasionally met with of a final a or fi beiug lost 
entirely before initial e or o: thus, in verb-forms, Kv* efyfimas Afi., 
up' e^atu etc AV.; in derivatives, as upetavya, upetf; in compounds, 
as da^oni* yathetam» and (permissibly) compounds with o^fha (not rare), 
otu (not quotable), odaiia» as adharo^tha or adhar&u^thay tilodana 
or tilftadana-, and even in sentence-combination, as !▼* etayas* a^vln' 
eva, yath' ooi^e (all RY.), tv* eman and tv* odman B.; and always 
with the exclamation om or oiiik&ra. 

o. The form uh from y^vah sometimes makes the heavier or v^dhi 
(285) diphthongal combination with a preceding a-vowel: thus, prfiu<}hi» 
akQftuhi]^ (from pra + Hijihi. etc.). 

138. Certain final vowels, moreover, are uncombinable 
(pragrhya), or maintain themselves unchanged before any 
following vowel. Thus, 

a. The vowels i, u and e as dual endings, both of declen- 
sional and of conjugational forms. Thus, bandhu fisftte im&u; glri 

b. The pronoun ami (nom. pi: 501); and the Vedic pronominal 
forms a8m6, yu^m^, tv6 (402 a). 

o. A final o made by combination of a final a-vowel with the particle 
u (1122 b): thus, atho» mo» no. 

d. A final i of a Vedic locatiye case from an i-stem (886 f). 

e. A protracted final vowel (78). 

f. The final, or only, vowel of an interjection, as aho» he» &, U u. 

g. The older language shows occasional exceptions to these rules : thus, 
a dual I combined with a following i, as ni^&ti *va; an a elided after o, 
as iktho *ai\ a locative i turned into a semivowel, as v6dy asyibn. 

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49 Permittbd Finals. [—141 

Permitted Finals. 

189. The sounds allowed to occur as finals in Sanskrit 
words standing by themselves (not in euphonic combination 
with something following] are closely limited^ and those 
which would etymologically come to occupy such a position 
are often variously altered, in general accordance with their 
treatment in other circumstances, or are sometimes omitted 

a. The variety of consonants that would ever come at the end of either 
an inflected form or a derivative stem in the language is very small : namely, 
in forms, only t (or d), n, m, 8; in derivative stems, only t, d, n, r, 8 
(and, in a few rare words, j). But almost all consonants occur aa finals 
of roots; and every root is liable to be found, alone or as last member of 
a compound, in the character of a declined stem. 

140. All the vowel sounds, both simple and diphthongal, 
may be sounded at the end of a word. 

a. But neither f nor I ever actually occurs; and ^ is rare (only as 
neuter sing, of a stem in x or ar, or as final of such a stem in composition). 

Thus, {ndra» QivdyS, &kftri, nadl, datu» oamd» Janayitf» &gne, 
^iviyfti, vayo, agn&u. >^ 

141. Of the non-nasal mutes, only the first in each series, 

the non-aspirate surd, is allowed; the others — surd aspirate, 

and both sonants — whenever they ly^ould etymologically 

occur, are converted into this. 

Thus, agnim&t for agnim&th» suh^ for suhf d, virut for virudh, 
triiitdp for trif ^bh. . / 

a. In a few roots, when their final (sonant aspirate) thus 
loses its aspiration, the original sonant aspiration of the 
initial reappears: compare ^ h, below, 147. 

Thus, dagh becomes dhak, budh becomes bhut, and so on. 
The roots exhibiting this change are stated below, 166. 

b. There was some question among the Hindu grammarians as to 
whether the final mute is to be estimated as of surd or of sonant quality; 
but the great weight of authority, and the invariable practice of the manu- 
scripts, favor the surd. 

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 4 

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142—] III. Euphonic Combination. 50 

142. The palatals, however, form here (as often else- 
where) an exception to the rules for the other mutes. No 
palatal is allowed as final. The ^ o reverts (48) to its 
original SR k: thus, ofl^ vSk, ^«^|i|oh aiihomuk. The W oh 
(only quotable in the root ^^ praeh) becomes Z t- thus, 
^n?r prSf. The sT j either reverts to its original guttural oi 
becomes 7 t, in accordance with its treatment in other com- 
binations (219): thus, ftqcR bhi^ak, f^^l^ virSt. The ^ jh 
does not occur, but is by the native grammarians declared 
convertible to Z t- 

148. Of the nasals, the ^ m and ^ n are extremely 
common, especially the former (IT ni and H b are of all final 
consonants the most frequent); the QI qi is allowed, but is 
quite rare; ^ ft is found (remaining after the loss of a fol- 
lowing gR k) in a very small number of words (886 b, o, 
407 a); t^fi never occurs. 

a. But the final m of a root is changed to n (compare 212 a, 
below) : thus, akran from kram, &gan, ajagan» aganlgan from gam, 
inftn from nam, ayftn from yam, pra9&n from 9am ; no other cases 
are quotable. 

144. Of the semivowels, the cT 1 alone is an admitted 
final, and it is very rare. The ^ ^ ^ (^^^ ^^ nearest surd 
correspondent, H s: 145) changed as final to visarga. Of 
IT y and cf v there is no occurrence. 

145. Of the sibilants, none may stand unaltered at the 
end of a word. The H 8 (which of all final consonants 
would otherwise be the commonest) is, like ^ r, changed to 
a breathing, the visarga. The ^ 9 either reverts (48) to its 
original ^ k, or, in some roots, is changed to ^ t ("^ accor- 
dance with its changes in inflection and derivation: see 
below, 218): thus, f^ dik, but fsRT vit. The ^9 is like- 
wise changed to Z %: thus, ^TFRT prSvrt. 

a. The change of Q to f is of rare occurrence : see below, 226 d. 

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51 Pbbmittbd Finals. [—160 

b. Final radical s is said by the grammariant to be obanged to t ; but 
no sue example of tbe cooTorslon is quotable: see 168; and compare 
555 a. 

146. The compound ^ k^ is prescribed to be treated 
as simple ^ ? (not becoming of) k by ISO, below) . But 
the case is a rare one, and its actual treatment in the older 
language irregular. 

a. In tbe only RV. cases where tbe kf has a qoasi-radical character — 
namely aniik from an&kf, and &myak from ymyakf — tbe conTorsion 
is to k. Also, of fonns of tbe s-aorist (see 890), we baye adhSk. aarftk, 
arftiky etc (for adhftk^-t etc.); bat also aprftf, ay&t> av&t» aarftt (for 
aprakf-t etc.). And RV. has twice ayfis from ^yaj, and AY. twice erfts 
from ysfj (wrongly referred by BR. to )/8ra&B), both 2d sing., where the 
personal ending has perhaps crowded ont tbe root-final and tense-sign. 

b. Tbe numeral faf iix is perhaps better to be regarded as ^akf, with 
its ki} treated as 9, according to the accepted rule. 

147. The aspiration ^ h is not allowed to maintain 
itself, but (like sT j and ^ 9) either reverts to its original 
guttural form, appearing as qF k, or is changed to Z t — 
both in accordance with its treatment in inflection: see 
below, 222. And, also as in inflection, the original sonant 
aspiration of a few roots (given at 155 b) reappears when their 
final thus becomes deaspirated. Where the ^ h is from 
original ? dh (228 g), it becomes cT t. 

148. The visarga and anusvara are nowhere etymolog- 
ical finals; the former is only the substitute for an original 
final H 8 or ^ r; the latter occurs as final only so far as 
it is a substitute for IT m (218 h). 

149. Apart from the vowels, then, the usual finals, 
nearly in the order of their frequency, are : ^ IT m, ^n, 
H t, e|) k, ^ p, 7 t; those of only sporadic occurrence are 
:? ft, ^ 1, in ^; and, by substitution, - lii. 

150. In general, only one consonant, of whatever kind, 
is allowed to stand at the end of a word; if two or more 
would etymologically occur there, the last is dropped, and 
again the last, and so on, till only one remains. 


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150—] III. Euphonic Combination. 52 

a. Thus, tudantB becomes tudant, and this tudan; udafio-B 
becomes adafik(142)» and this udaii; and aohftntat (B-aor., 3d sing., 
of yohand [890 b]) is in like manner reduced to aohftn. 

b. Bat a non-nasal mate, if radical and not suffixal, is retained 
after r: thus, iA from urj, vktk from yvi^i» avart from yvxt, 4mfirt 
from ymfjy soh&rt from suhftrd. The case is not a common one. 

c. For relics of former doable finals, preserred by the later language 
under the disguise of apparent euphonic combinationB, see helow, 207 ff. 

161. Anomalous couTersions of a final mute to one of another class 
are occasionally met with. Examples are : 

a. Of final t to k: thus, 1. in a few words that have assumed a 
special value as particles, as Jyok, tfij&k (beside tBikt)^ fdhak (beside 
fdhat)» p^ak, drftk; and of kindred character is kh&dagd&nt (TA.); 

2. in here and there a verbal form, as sftvi^ak (AV. and VS. Kan.), 
dambhi^ak (Apast), avi^yak (ParaskOt filialak (VS. MS.; ^ ftharat); 

3. in root-finals or the t added to root-stems (883 e), as -dh^k for -dh^ 
(Sutras and later) at the end of compounds, BU^ruk (TB.), PlT^^u (SV.); 
and 4. we may further note here the anomalous efikf va (AB. ; for intava, 
l/idh) and avfikaam (AB.), and the feminines in kni from masculines 
in ta (1176 d). 

b. Of final d or t to a lingual: thus, pad in Vedie pa^bhia, 
p&<3lgrbhi, p&<jlbi9a; upfinA<jLbhy&m (gB.); vy avftf (MS. iii. 4. 9} 
j/vaa shine), and perhaps &p& *r9.\ (MS.; or ^raj?). 

o. Of k or J to t, in an isolated example or two, as samyAt, ^uqpt, 
vi^vaaft (TS. K.), and pray&teu (VS. Ts.; AV. -k^u). 

d. In Taittlriya texts, of the final of anu^tubh and triftubh to a 
guttural: as, anuftuk oa» tri^tugbhia^ anu^tugbhyaa. 

e. Of a labial to a dental: in kakdd for and beside kaki&bh; in 
saihstdbhis (TS.) from )/Bn>; and in adbhis, adbhy&a, from ap or 
ftp (393). Excepting the first, these look like cases of dissimilation; yet 
examples of the combination bbh are not very rare in the older language : 
thus, kakabbhyftm» triftubbhis, kakubbha]^<}A» anuffub bhi. 

f. The forms pratidhu^aa, -9ft (Taittlriya texts) from pratidoli are 
isolated anomalies. 

162. For all the processes of external combination — 
that is to say, in composition and sentence-collocation — 
a stem-final or word-final is in general to be regarded aa 
having, not its etymological form, but that given it by the 
rules as to permitted finals. From this, however, are to be 
excepted the s and r: the various transformations of these 
sounds have nothing to do with the visarga to which as 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

53 Dbaspiration. [—165 

finals before a pause they have — doubtless at a com- 
paiatively recent period of phonetic history — come to be 
reduced. Words will everywhere in this work be written 
with final or r instead of l)^; and the rules of combination 
will be stated as for the two more original sounds, and not 
for the visarga. 


168. An aspirate mute is changed to a non-aspirate 
before another non-nasal mute or before a sibilant; it stands 
unaltered only before a vowel or semivowel or nasal. 

a. Such a case can only arise in internal combination, since the 
proeeeses of external combination presuppose the redaction of the aspirate 
to a non-aspirate sard (162). 

b. Practically, also, the rales as to changes of aspirates concern 
almost only the sonant aspirates, since the sard, being of later deyelopment 
and rarer occorrence, are hardly ever foand in sitaations that call for their 

164. Hence, if such a mute is to bb doubled, it is 
doubled by prefixing its own corresponding non-aspirate. 

a. Bat in the manascripts, both Yedic and later, an aspirate mute 
is not seldom found written double — especially, if it be one of rare occur- 
rence: for example (RV.), aUikhali» jUl\)liati 

166. In a few roots, when a final sonant aspirate (C| 
gh, q[^dh, H^bh; also ^ h, as representing an original ^ gh) 
thus loses its aspiration, the initial sonant consonant (7f g 
or ^ d or Sf b) becomes aspirate. 

a. That is to say, the original initial aspirate of such roots is restored, 
-when its presence does not interfere with the euphonic law, of comparatiyely 
recent origin, which (in Sanskrit as in Qreek) forbids a root to both begin 
and end with an aspirate. 

b. The roots which show this peculiar change are: 
in gh — dagh; 

in h (for original gh) — dah, dih, duh, druh» df^ guh ; and 
also grah (in the later desideratiye Jigh^kfa); 

in dh — bandh, bftdh» budh; 

in bh — dabh (but only in the later desideratiye dhipsa for which 
the older language has dipsa). 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

165—] III. Euphonic Combination. 54 

o. The same change appears when the law as to finals causes the loss 
of the aspiration at the end of the root: see above, 141. 

d. But from dah^ duh, druh, and guh are found in the Yeda 
also forms without the restored initial aspirate: thus, dakfat; adaki^at; 
duduk^a etc.; Jugukfa; mitradruk. 

e. The same analogy is followed by dadh, the abbreviated substitute 
of the present-stems dadhft, from ydhft (667), in some of the forms of 
conjugation: thus, dhatthas from dadh + thas, adhatta from adadh-}- 
ta» adtiaddhvam from adadh+dhvam, etc. 

f. No case is met with of the throwing back of an aspiration upon 
combination with the 2d sing. impv. act. ending dhi: thus, diigdhl, 
daddhi (RV.), but dhugdhvam, dhaddhvam. 

Surd and Sonant Assimilation. 

156. Under this head^ there is especially one very -marked 
and important difference between the internal combinations 
of a root or stem with suffixes and endings, and the external 
combinations of stem with stem in composition and of word 
with word in sentence-making: namely — 

157. a. In Internal combination, the initial vowel or 

semivowel or nasal of an ending of inflection or derivation 

exercises no altering influence upon a final consonant of the 

root or stem to which it is added. 

b. To this rule there are some exceptions : thus, some of the deriyatives 
noted at 111 d; final d of a root before the participial suffix na (957 d); 
and the forms noted below, 161 b. 

o. In external combination, on the other hand, an initial 

sonant of whatever class, even a vowel or semivowel or 

nasaJ, requires the conversion of a final surd to sonant. 

d. It has been pointed out aboye (152) that in the rules of external 
combination only admitted finals, along with 8 and r, need be taken 
account of, all others being regarded as reduced to these before eombining 
with initials. 

158. Final vowels, nasals, and ?r 1 are nowhere liable 

to change in the processes of surd and sonant assimilation. 

a. The r, however, has a corresponding surd in b, to which it is 
sometimes changed in external combination, under circumstances that 
favor a surd utterance (178). 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

55 AssuaLATiON. [—161 

150. With the exceptions above stated, the collision 

of surd and sonant sounds is avoided in combinations — 

and, r^^nlarly and usually, by assimilating the final to the 

following initial, (or by regressive assimilation. 

Thus, in internal combination: ktsi, &tti, atth&8» att4 (>^ad + 
si etc) ; ^agdhl, 9agdhv&m (/9ak + dhietc.) ;— in external combination, 
ibhud ay&m, Jy6g Jiva, ^^ a^it&ya^, triftub &pi, dig-gaja, fa^- 
ahkt arc&d-dhuma, brh&d-bhftnu, ab-J&. 

160. If, however, a final sonant aspirate of a root is 

followed by cT t or ST th of an ending, the assimilation is in 

the other direction, or progressive : the combination is made 

sonant, and the aspiration of the final (lost according to 163, 

above] is transferred to the initial of the ending. 

Thns, gh with t or th becomes gdh; dh with the same becomes 
ddh, as baddh& ()/budh + ta)» ruddhitB (yrundh -|- thas or tas); 
bb with the same becomes bdh, as labdhi (yiabh-f-ta), labdhva 

a. Moreover, b, as representing original gb, is treated in the same 
manner: thns, dugdb&y d6gdbum from dub — and compare rfifbi 
and U^ba from rob and lib, etc., 222 b. 

b. In this eombination, as the sonant aspiration is not lost but transferred, 
the restoration of the initial aspiration (165) does not take place. 

c. In dadb from ydhJBL (165 e), the more normal method is foUowed; 
the db is made sard, and the initial aspirated : thns, dbattbas, dbattas. 
And BV. has dbaktam instead of dagdbam from /dagb; and TA. has 
inttam instead of Inddbftm from yidb. 

161. Before a nasal in external combination, a final 

mute may be simply made sonant, or it may be still further 

assimilated, being changed to the nasal of its own class. 

Thus, either tAd nAmas or t&n nAmas, vig me or vafl me» bA<jL 
mabin or bAi^ maban, triftub nonAm or tri^tum nUnAm. 

a. In practice, the conversion into a nasal is almost invarjably made 
in the manuscripts, as, indeed, it is by the Pratioakhyas required and not 
permitted merely. Even by the general grammarians it is required in the 
compound fAi^J^vati, and before mfttrft, and the suffix maya (1226): 
thus, vSfimAyay mfnmAya. 

b. Even in internal combination, the same assimilation is made In 
some of the derivatives noted at 1 1 1 d, and in the na-partioiples (857 d). 
And a few spondio instances are met with even in verb-inflection: thus. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

lei— ] III. Euphonic Combination. 56 

Btifinoti, Btiflnuyfit (MS. ; for 8tighn-)» mpinita (L^S. ; foi lafdn.-)^ 
jSnmayana (KS. ; for jSgm-) ; these, however (like the double aspirates, 
154 a), are donhtless to be rejected as false readings. 

162. Before 1, a final t Is not merely made sonant, bat fully 
asBimilated, becoming 1: thus, t&l labhate, ulluptam. 

163. Before ^ h (the case occurs only in external com- 
bination], a final mute is made sonant; and then the ^ h 
may either remain unchanged or be converted into the 
sonant aspirate corresponding with the former: thus, either 
rrf^^ tdd hi or rTfe tdd dhi. 

a. In practice, the latter method is almost invariably followed ; aod the 
grammarians of the Prati9akhya period are nearly unanimous in requiring it. 
The phonetic diiference between the two is very slight 

Examples are: vig ghut&l^ 9&<Jl4hotft (^at+hotfi), taddhita 
(tat + hita), anuftub bhi. 

Combinations of final H^s and ^ r. 

164. The euphonic changes of H b and ^ r are best 
considered together, because of the practical relation of 
the two sounds, in composition and sentence-collocation, 
as corresponding surd and sonant: in a host of cases H 8 
becomes ^ r in situations requiring or favoring the occur- 
rence of a sonant; and, much less often, ;^ r becomes H s 
where a surd is required. 

a. In internal combination, the two are far less exchangeable with 
one another: and this class of cases may best be taken up first. 

165. Final r radical or quasi-radical (that is, not belonging to 
an ending of derivation) remains unchanged before both surd and sonant 
sounds, and even before su in declension: thus, pfpar^i, catarth&, 
oatiEir^u, ptlrij^u. 

166. Final radical b remains before a surd in general, and usu- 
ally before s, as in ^assi, 9fi8Bva» fi8Be» ft^I^^u (the last is also 
written ft9ihfa: 172): but it is lost in dsi ()/as+8i: 686). Before 
a sonant (that is, bh) in declension, it is treated as in external com- 
bination: thus, ft^irbhlB. Before a sonant (that is, dh) in conjugation, 
it appears to be dropped, at least after long & : thus, ^ftdhi, Qa^&dhi, 
oak&dhi (the only quotable cases); in edhf (j/as+dhi: 636) the 
root syllable is irregularly altered; but in 2d perss. pi., made with 
dhvam, as ftdhvam, 9&dhvam» ar&dhvam (881 a)» vadhvam [Y'vtm 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

57 Final s and p. [—169 

eMhe]j it is, on account of the equivalonce and interchangeability of 
dhv and ddhv (232), impoBsible to say whether the 8 in omitted or 
converted into d. 

a. Final radical n is very rare; RY. (twice, both 2d pers. sing.) treats 
&ghaa from ^^ghas in the same manner at any ordinary word ending 
in as. 

b. For certain cases of irregnlar loss of the 8 of a root or tense-stem, 
see 23d b-e. 

167. In a very few cases, final radical a before a is changed to 
t (perhaps by dissimilation): they are, from /vas dwell (also sporad- 
ically from vas shine, QB., and* vas cloihej Har.)> the future vatsy^bni 
and aorist ivatsam; from /ghas, the desiderative stem jfghataa. 

a. For t as apparent ending of the 3d sing, in s-verhs, see 655 a. 

168. According to the grammarians, the final 8 of certain other rooUi, 
used as noan-stems, hecomes t at the end of the word, and hefore bh and 
an : thus, dhvas, dhvadbbis, aradbhyas, sratsn. Bnt genuine examples 
of such change are not quotable. 

a. Sporadic cases of a like conTorsion are found in the Veda : namely, 
mfidbbfa and mftdbhy&s from mi»: o^&dbhis from of&a; Bv&tavad- 
bhyas ttom ar&tavaa; av&vadbhia etc. (not quotable) from av&vas. 
But the actuality of the conversion here Is open to graye douht; it rather 
seems the snhstitatlon of a t-stem for a 8-stem. The same Is true of the 
change of vftfra to vat in the declension of perfect participles (458). The 
stem ^au^TuJcL (404), from anas-vah, is anomaloas and isolated. 

b. In the compounds duqohunft (dua-^nnft) and p&ruoohepa 
(para8-9epa), the final a of the first memher is treated as if a t (208). 

168. As the final consonant of derivative stems and of inflected 
forms, both of declension and of conjugation, a is extremely frequent; 
and its changes form a subject of first-rate importance in Sanskrit 
euphony. The r, on the other hand, is quite rare. 

a. The r is found as original final in certain case-forms of stems in 
f or ar (368 if.)-, in root^stems in ir and ur from roots in ^ (383b); 
in a small number of other stems, as avkr, ihar and Adbar (beside 
Allan and ddhan: 430), dvar or dnr, and the Vedic v&dhar, u^ar-, 
vasar-y vanar-, ^rutar-* aapar-, aabar-* athar- (cf. 176 o); in a 
few particles, as ant&r, prftt&r» punar; and in the numeral oatur 
(482 g). 

b. The euphonic treatment of a and r yielding precisely the same 
result after all vowels except a and &, there are certain forms with regard 
to which it is uncertain whether they end In a or r, and opinions diifer 
respecting them. Such are ur (or tta) of the gen.-abl. sing, of ^-sterns 
(371 o), and ua (or ur) of the 3d plur. of verbs (550 o). 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

170—] ni. EuPHOKio Combination. 58 

170. a. The H 8, as already noticed (145), becomes 
visarga before a pause. 

b. It is retained unchanged only when followed by 
rT t or ST th, the surd mutes of its own class. 

c. Before the palatal and lingual surd mutes — ^^o and 
^ eh, 7 t and 7 fh — it is assimilated, becoming the sibilant 
of either class respectively, namely ^ 9 or cr f . 

d. Before the guttural and labial surd mutes — ofi k and 

1^ kh, ^ p and ^ ph — it is also theoretically assimilated, 

becoming respectively the jihvSmUlIya and upadhm&nlya 

spirants (69); but in practice these breathings are unknown, 

and the conversion is to visarga. 

Examples are: to b. tatas te» cakfus te; to c. tata9 oa,, tasy&g 
chayft; pada? (alati; to d. nala^ kfimam, pmrufalj^ khanati; ya^a^ 
prfipa, vrkjfatL phalavftn. 

171. The first three of these rales are almost universal; to the 
last one there are namerous exceptions, the sibilant being retained (or, 
by 180, converted into f), especially in compounds; but also, in the 
Veda, even in sentence combination. 

a. In the Veda, the retention of the sibilant in compoands is the general 
rule, the exceptions to which are detailed in the Yedic grammars. 

b. In the later language, the retention is mainly determined by the 
intimacy or the antiquity and frequency of the combination. Thus, the final 
sibilant of a preposition or a word filling the office of a preposition before 
a verbal root is wont to be preserved ; and that of a stem before a deriyatlTe 
of ykf, before pati, before kalpa and k&ma, and so on. Examples are 
namaskara, vftcaspati, ayufk&ma, payaskalpa. 

c. The Vedic retention of the sibilant in sentence'Collocation is detailed 
in fnll in the Prati9akhyas. The chief classes of cases are: 1. the final of 
a preposition or its like before a verbal form; 2. of a genitive before a 
governing nonn: as div&8 putr&h» i^&B pad6; 3. of an ablative before 
p&ri: as him&vatas p&ri; 4. of other less classifiable cases: as dyftuf 
piti, trff piitva» y&s p&ti^, parldhf? p&t6ti» etc. 

172. Before an initial sibilant — ^ 9, cr 9, T\ s — H s 

is either assimilated, becoming the same sibilant, or it is 

changed into visarga. 

a. The native grammarians are in some measure at variance (see 
APr. ii. 40, note) as to which of these changes should be made, and in 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

59 Combinations op Final b. [—176 

put ibey allow either at pleatnre. The nsage of the manusoripts is also 
diseordant; the eonrerslon to visarga is the preralent practice, thongh the 
iibilant is also not infrequently found written, especially in South-Indian 
manuscripts.' European editors generally write visarga; but the later 
dictionaries and glossaries generally make the alphabetic place of a word the 
same as if the sibilant were read instead. 

Examples are: manuh svayam or manus svayam; indrah ^Orah 
or indra^ ^tirah; tft^ ^a,% or tSf ^af. 

173. There are one or two exceptions to these rules: 

a. If the initial sibilant has a surd mute after it, the final B may be 
dropped altogether — and by some authorities is required to be so dropped. 
Thus, vSyava stha or vftyava]^ stha; catustanftm or oatuhatanftm. 
With regard to this point the usage of the different manuscripts and editions 
is greatly at Taiiance. 

b« Before ts, the 8 is allowed to become visarga, instead of being 

174. Before a sonant, either vowel or consonant (ex- 
cept ^ r: see 179), H s is changed to the sonant ^ r — 
unless, indeed, it be preceded by ^ a or 3srr ft. 

Examples are: devapatir iva* Qririva; manur gaochati, tanur 
apBu; Bvaafr ajanayat; tayor adp^iakftmall^; sarvftir gtugi&ih; agner 

a. For a few cases like du4&9a9 d&t^a^ see below, 199 d. 

b. The exclamation bhOB (466) loses its s before vowels and sonant 
consonants; thus, bho nfiifadha (and the s is sometimes found omitted 
also before surds). 

c. The endings ^^ as and i^TTH fis (both of which are 
extremely common) follow rules of their own, namely: 

176. a. Final SBFR as, before any sonant consonant and 
before short 35( a, is changed to ^ o — and the 9 a after 
it is lost. 

b. The resulting accentuation, and the fact that the loss of a is only 
occasional in the older language of the Veda, haye been pointed out above, 
135 a, o. 

Examples are: nalo n&ma, brahma^yo vedavit; manobhava; 
hantavyo *8mi; anyonya (anyas -f anya), ya9ort]iam (ya^as-f 

e. Final 35|^as before any other vowel than ^ a loses 
its H 8, becoming simple ^ a; and the hiatus thus occasion- 
ed remains. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

175—] III. Euphonic Combination. (i\ 60 

d. That is to say, the o from as is treated as an origloal e is treated 
in the same situation: see 13SU3. / 

Examples are: b^hada^va uvftoa, ftditya .iva, n&maukti, 
v&syaifti. / 

176. EzceptioDB to the rales as to final as a^B: 

a. The nominative mascnllne pronouns ska anfd e^&s and (Yedic) 
sy&8 (496 a, 499 a, b) lose their s before any Unsonant: thus, sa 
dadar^a he saw, e^ purufa)^ this man] bat so *bravlt ?ie said, 
puru^a ei|^. 

b. Instances are met with, both in the earlier and in the later lan- 
guage, of effacement of the hiatus after alteration o&as, by combination 
of the remaining final a with the following initial vowel; thus, tato 
VAca (tatas-f-uv&ca), payof^i (payas +11991% adhfisana (adhas + 
asana): compare 133 c, 177 b. In the Veda, such a combination is 
sometimes shown by the metre to be required, though the written text has 
the hiatus. But sa in RY. is in the great majority of cases combined with 
the following vowel: e. g., b6 'd for b& id, sa 'smfti for si asmfti, 
sftu 'fadhil^ for si b^adhil^i and similar examples are found also in the 
other Yedic texts. 

c. Other sporadic irregularities in the treatment of final as occur. 
Thus, it is changed to ar instead of o once in RV. in av&s, once in SY. 
in ivas (RY. &vo), once in MS. in dambhi^as; in bhuvas (second of 
the trio of sacred utterances bhiis, bhuvas, svar), except iu its earliest 
occurrences; in a series of words in a Brahmana passage (TS. K.), viz. 
jinv&r, ugr&r, bhlm^, tvef4r, ^rut&r, bhtit&r, and (K. only) ptlt&r; 
in Janar and maliar; and some of the ar-stems noted at 169 a are perhaps 
of kindred character. On the other hand, as is several times changed to o 
in RY. before a surd consonant; and s&s twice, and y&s once, retains its 
final sibilant in a like position. 

d. In MS., the final a left before hiatus by alteration of either as 
(o) or 6 (133) is made long if itself unaecented and if the following initial 
vowel is accented: thus, sitrft 6ti (from stiras+^ti), nimpyAtft {ndrfiya 
(from -yAte+fnd-), and also kftry^ 6ka- (from kftryks, because virtually 
kftrias); but ftdity& {ndra^ (from ftdity&s + Indrah), et&ftare (from 
et^ + itare). 

177. Final sgnH Sa before any sonant, whether Yowel or 

consonant, loses its T\ s, becoming simple ^ fi; and a hiatus 

thus occasioned remains. 

a. The maintenance of the hiatus in these cases, as in that of o and 
6 and fti (above, 133-4), seems to indicate a recent loss of the intermediate 
sound. Opinions are divided as to what this should have been. Some of 
the native grammarians assimilate the case of &s to that of fti, assuming 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

61 Combinations op Final r. [—180 

the eoDTeiBion to fiy in both alike — but probably only as a matter of 
fonnal conyenience iii lole-making. 

b. Here, too (as in the timilar caset of e and fti and o: 188 O9 
176 b), there are examples to be found, both earlier and later, of effaeement 
of the hiatns. 

178. Final ^ r, in general, shows the same form which 

H 8 would show undei the same conditions. 


ak Thus, it becomes vlsarga when final, and a sibilant or viaarga 
before an initial surd mate or sibilant (170): thus, mdatS puna^, 
dv&B tat, 8va9 oa, oatu^oatvariA^at ; and (lllo,d) prfttast&na, 
antaetya* oatu^^aya, dhustva; prftta^ karoti» anta^pftta. 

b. But original final r preceded by a or ft maintains itself un- 
changed before a sonant: thus, punar eti, pr&tarjit» &kar jyotl^ 
&har d^unna, vSrdhl. 

o. The r is preserved unchanged even before a surd in a number of 
Vedic compounds: thus, aharp&ti; svarcanas, sv&rcak^as, svarpati, 
srar^a, avar^ati; dhor^fiUl, dhortjah; ptirpati, v&rkary&y a^Irpada, 
punartta; and in some of these the r is optionally retained iu the later 
language. The RY. also has &var t&mah once in sentence-combination. 

d« On the other hand, final ar of the verb-form avar is changed to 
o before a sonant in several cases in RY. And r is lost, like s, in one 
or two cases in the same text: thus, ak^a (ndti^» &ha ev&. 

179. A double r is nowhere admitted: if such would occur, either 
by retention of an original r or by conversion of s to r, one r is 
omitted, and the preceding vowel, if short, is made long by compen- 

Thus, puna ramate, n^pati rlUati» matA rih&n, Jyotiratha» 

a. In some Yedic texts, however, there are instances of ar changed to 
o before initial r: thus, Bv6 rohava. 

Conversion of ^s to ^9. 

180. The dental sibilant H s is changed to the lingual 
tST 9, if immediately preceded by any vowel save 5f a and 
3BrT 5, or by gR k or IJ* r — unless the H s be final, followed 
by T r. " 

a. The assimilating influence of the preceding lingual vowels and 
semiTowel is obyious enough ; that of k and the other rowels appears to 
be due to a somewhat retracted position of the tongne in the mouth during 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

180—] III. Euphonic Combination. 62 

their utterance, cauiing its tip to reach the roof of the month more easily 
at a point further back than the dental one. 

b. The general Hindu grammar prescribes the same change after a 1 
also; but the Prati9akhyas give no such rule, and phonetic considerations, 
the 1 being a dental sound, are absolutely against it Actual cases of the 
combination do not occur in the older language, nor hare any been pointed 
out in the later. 

0. The YOwelB that cause the alteration of s to 9 may be called 
for brevity's sake "alterant" vowels. 

181. Hence, in the interior of a Sanskrit word, the dental s is 
not asually found after any vowel save a and ft, but, instead of it 
the lingual 9. But — 

a. A following r prevents the conversion: thus, usra* tiaras, 
taniiBra. And it is but seldom made in the forms and derivatives of 
a root containing an r-element (whether r or 7), whatever the position 
of that element: thus, sisarti, sisftam, Barl8n>^ tistire, parisrat. 
To this rule there are a few exceptions, as vift^, vl9tar&, nf^ffta, 
vifpardhae, g&viftl^ft* etc. In aju^ran the final 9 of a root is 
preserved even immediately before r. 

b. This dissimilating influence of a following r, as compared with 
the invariable assimilating influence of a preceding r, is peculiar and prob- 

o. The recurrence of 9 in snccessiye syllables is sometimes avoided by 
leaving the formers unchanged: thus, sisakfl, but sifakti; yftBisiffliftSy 
but yftsiijimahi. Similarly, in certain desiderative formations: see below, 
184 e. 

d. Other cases are sporadic: RY. has the forms siaioe and sisiouB 
(but sificatua), and the stems rbfea* kiBt&» bfaa* btL8&» bfsaya; a 
single root pis, with its derivative pesuka. Is found once in QB,; MS. 
has mpsm^a; mi^sala begins to be found in AY.; and such cases 
grow more numerous; for puiiiB and the roots nifiB and hiiiB, see below, 
183 a. 

182. On the other hand (as was pointed out above, 62), the 
occurrence of 9 in Sanskrit words is nearly limited to cases falling 
under this rule: others are rather sporadic anomalies — except where 
9 is the product of 9 or k^ before a dental, as is draQfum, ca^t®, 
tva^far: see 218, 221. Thus, we find — 

6U Four roots, kaQ, la^, bha^, bhfif, of which the last is common 
and is found as early as the Brahmanas. 

b. Further, in RY., afa* kav&i|fa, ca^&a, c^a, j&lfi^a, p&^ya, 
ba^k&ya, v&faf (for vak^atP), kf^^hft; and, by anomalous alteration 
of original s» -ffth (turfiflth etc.), ifftijiia, upaftut» and probably apfift^i 
and aQtbiv&nt* Such cases grow more common later. 

O. The numeral fa^, as already noted (149 b), is more probably fakij^ 

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63 CONVBRfllON OF 8 TO 9. [—186 

183. The nasalization of the alterant vowel — or, in other words, 
its being followed by anusv&ra — does not prevent its altering effect 
npon the sibilant: thus, haviAfi, partUi^i. And the alteration takes 
place in the initial s of an ending after the final 8 of a stem, whether 
the latter be regarded as also changed to 9 or as converted into 
visarga: thus, haviffu or havil^fu, paru^u or panilj^fu. 

a. Bat the 8 of puma (394) remainB unchanged, apparently on 
aeoonnt of the retained sense of its value as puma; also that of yhitkf 
because of its value as bins (hlnasti etc.); yzdhs (RY. only) is more 

184. The principal cases of alteration of a in internal combination 
are these: 

a. In endings, inflectional or derivative, beginning with a— thns, 
8u; Bi» 869 8va; 8 of sibilant-aorist, future, and desiderative; suffixes 
ana, bdxl, ay a, etc. — after a final alterant vowel or consonant of root 
or stem, or a union- vowel: thus, juhofi, ^ei|^, anftii^am, bhavi^yfiml, 
9U9rQfe9 de^ijia* ji^nu, vikfu, akfirfam. 

b. The final a of a stem before an ending or suffix: thus: havifft, 
havifas, etc., from havia; ^ak^tmmant, ^ocifka, mftntma, manufya, 

O. Roots having a final sibilant (except 9) after an alterant vowel are 
— with the exception of fictitious ones and pi8» niji8» hifia — regarded as 
ending in f, not a; and concerning the treatment of this 9 in combination, 
see below, 226-6. 

d. The initial a of a root after a reduplication: thus, aifyade, 
au^vftpa, aifftaati, ooi|fkQyate, aanifva^t. 

e. Excepted is in general an initial radical a in a desiderative stem, 
when the desiderative-sign becomes 9: thus, aialr^ati from ye^g aiaaakfati 
from yaafiij. And there are other scattering cases, as treaua (perf. from 
ytraa), etc. 

186. But the same change occurs also, on a considerable scale, 
in external combination, especially in composition. Thus: 

a. Both in verbal forms and in derivatives, the final 1 or u of a 
preposition or other like prefix ordinarily llngualizes the initial a of 
the root to which it is prefixed; since such combinations are both of 
great frequency and of peculiar intimacy, analogous with those of root 
or stem and affix: thus, abhlf^, pratlft^^, nffikta, vi^itek; anu- 
9vadh&m» au^ka; the cases are numberless. 

b. The principal exceptions are in accordance with the principles 
already laid down: namely, when the root contains an r-element, and when 
a recurrence of the sibilant would take place. But there are also otheis, 
of a more irregular character; and the complete account of the treatment 
of initial radical a after a prefix would be a matter of great detail, and not 
worth giving here. 

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186-—] III. Euphonic Combination. 64 

o. Not infireqoently, the initial a, usually altered after a certain 
preflx, retains the altered sibilant even after an interposed a of angmeot 
or reduplication: thus, aty afth&t* abhy a^thim, pary afa^vajat. vy 
a^ahanta, ny aQadfima, nir a^tfl^ftpayan, abhy a^iftcan, vy aQfabh- 
nftt; vi ta^the, vi ta^fhire. 

d. Much more anomalous is the occasional alteration of initial radical 
8 after an a-element of a prefix. Such cases are ava ffambh (against 
ni stambh and prati stambh) and (according to the grammarians) ava 

186. In other compoundB, the final alterant vowel of the first 
member not infrequently (especially in the Veda) lingoalizes the 
initial a of the second: for example, srudhiftliira, pit^fvasr, g09tli&, 
agniftom&y antm^ubh, trifaibdhi, divi^&d, parame^t^^, abhi^en^, 
pit|p^^» puruf tut&. 

6U A Tery few cases occur of the same alteration after an a-element: 
thus, sa^tabh, ava^^ainbha, savya^tbi* apft^fha, upa^tut; also 
ysah, when its final, by 147, becomes f: thus, satr&filt (but satr&- 

187. The final a of the first member of a compound often be- 
comes 9 after an alterant vowel: thus, the s of a prepositional prefix, 
as nif^fdhvan, dtmf&ra (for dtmft&ra), ftvi^lqrta; and, regularly, a 
8 retained instead of being converted to visarga before a labial or 
guttural mute (171 a), as havifp^ jyotifkft; tapo^pa. 

188. Once more, in the Yeda, the same alteration, both of an initial 
and of a final 8, is not infrequent even between the words composing a 
sentence. The cases are detailed in the Prati9akhya belonging to each text, 
and are of very various character. Thus: 

a. The initial 8, especially of particles: as u fu, h{ fma* Um u 
fvit; — also of pronouns: as hi 9&^; — of verb-forms, especially from 
yas: as hi fthi, divl ffha; — and in other scattering cases: as u ^fuhi, 
ni 9thir&m» tri ^adh&sthft, kdhi 9i^6^» n&kl^ 9&]|^, y^uh yTraTiTi4m, 
agnf^ 9^ve. 

b. A final 8, oftenest before pronouns (especially toneless ones): as 
agnff fvft, nif t®» lyuf \^t ^ucif (v&m, s&dhi^ ^va; — but also in 
other cases, and wherever a final s is preserved, instead of being turned 
into visarga, before a guttural or labial (171): as trf^ putva, tyn^ 
kfi^otu, vtsto^ p&til^ dyft^ piti^ vibhif p&tftt. 

Conversion of ^ n to QT 9. 

189. The dental nasal ^ n, when immediately followed 
by a vowel or by ?T n or i? m or Ttj or ^v, is turned in- 
to the lingual QT igi if preceded in the same word by the 

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65 CONVBBSION OP n TO IJ. [ — 191 

lingual sibilant oi semivowel oi vowels — that is to say, 
by 'T^ 9, ^ r, or fff r oi ^f — : and this, not only if the 
altering letter stands immediately before the nasa], but at 
whatever distance from the latter it may be foimd: unless, 
indeed, there intervene (a consonant moving the front of 
the tongue: namely) a palatal (except IT y), a lingual, or a 

a. We may thus figure to oarBelyes the ratumaU of the process: in 
the marked procllrity of the language toward lingual utterance, especially 
of the nasal, the tip of the tongoe, when once reyerted into the loose lin- 
gnal position by the utterance of a non-contact lingnal element, tends to 
hang there and make its next nasal contact in that position; and does so, 
unless the proclMty is satisfied by the utterance of a lingual mute, or the 
organ is thrown out of adjustment by the utterance of an element which 
causes it to assume a different posture. This is not the case with the guttur- 
als or labials, which do not move the ftrout part of the tongue (and, as the 
influence of k on following s shows, the guttural position favors the succes- 
sion of a lingual): and the y is too weakly palatal to interfere with the 
alteration (as its next relative, the i- vowel, itself lingualizes a s). 

b. This is a rule of constant application; and (as was pointed 
out above, 46) the great majority of occarrences of igi in the language 
are the result of it. 

190. The rule has force especially — 

a. When suffixes, of inflection or derivation, are added to roots or 
stems containing one of the altering sounds: thus, mdr^i^, mdrdi^Sm, 
virile, v^bii^I, vart^i, datp^» h&rfii^ dv^^fti^, kru^aml* ^p^ti, 
kfubhai^, gbr^A, kte^a» v^to^i^ rug^i, dr&vli^, if&^i* pur&i^ 
rtt^as, dkk^a^a, ciklr^amfti^a, kfpam&^a. 

b. When the final n of a root or stem comes to be followed, in inflection 
•r derivation, by such sounds as allow it to feel the effect of a preceding 
altering cause: thus, from }/ran, r&i^nti, r&]^ati» rSraj^a, arfi]|^faB; 
f^om brahman, br&hma^ft, br&hmfii^, brfthmapA, brahmai^a, 

o. The form pijjiak (RY. : 2d and 3d sing, impf.), from j/pif, is wholly 

191. This rale (like that for the change of s to 9) applies strictly 
and especially when the nasal and the cause of its alteration both lie 
within the limits of the same integral word; but (also like the other) 
it is extended, within certain limits, to compound words — and even, 
in the Veda, to contiguous words in the sentence. 

Whitney, Gnmniar. 3. ed. 5 

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192. Especially, a preposition or similar prefix to a root, if it 
contain r or end in eapbonic r for a (174), very often lingualizes the 
n of a root or of its deriyed stems and forms. Tbns : 

a. The initial n of a root it usnally and regularly so altered, in all 
forms and deriratlves, after parft» pari, pra, nir (for nia), antar, dur 
(for dua): tVus, p&rft i^ya, p&ri ^lyate, prd igiudaava; pai^utti, 
parij^ama, pra]^av&» nin^, duri^&^a. Roots suffering this change are 
written with initial i^ in the native root-lists. The only exceptions of im- 
portance are n^, nabh, nand, and na^ when its q becomes 9 (as In 

b. The final n of a root is lingaalized in some of the forms of an 
and han: thns, pra 'i^ti, prfti^ pr& ha^yate, prah&?ana. 

o. The class-signs nu and n& are altered after the roots hi and mi: 
thus, p&rl hii^omi, pr& miji^anti (but the latter not in the Yeda). 

d. The 1st sing. impy. ending Sni is sometimes altered: thus, pr4 

6. DerivatiYes by suffixes containing n sometimes have 1^ by influence 
of a preposition: thus, prayai^ 

f. The n of the preposition ni is sometimes altered, like the initial 
of a root, after another preposition: thus, pra^ip&ta, praijldhi. 

193. In compound words, an altering cause in one member sometimes 
lingualizes a n of the next following memher — either its initial or final 
n, or n in its inflectional or derivative ending. The exercise of the altering 
influence can he seen to depend in part upon the closeness or frequency 
of the compound, or its integration by being made the base of a derivatlTe. 
Examples are: g^r&ma^I, tri^&man* iiriii^aB&; v^trah&i^am etc. (but 
vrtraghna etc.: 195a), npn&i^aB, drugha^^; pravaha^a, nxvinA^ 
p^ya^a, pit^ai^; svarg^i^a, durga^i, uar&y&m^e, tryaftgaiyftm. 

194. Finally, in the Veda, a n (usually initial) is occasionally lingu&l- 
ized even by an altering sound in another word. The toneless pronouns 
naa and ena- are oftenest thus affected : thus, p&ri i^aa, prfi{ "nftn, Indra 
ei^m; but also the particle nd like: thus, var ^4; and a few other 
cases, as var ]^ama» punar jgiayamaai, agn^r kvei^. More anomalous, 
and perhaps to be rejected as false readings, are such as trli^ iman and 
akfa^ &va and suhar^ r^al^ (MS.), and vy^a^ va (Apast). 

195. a. The immediate combination of a n with a preceding guttural 
or labial seems in some cases to hinder the conversion to r^ : thus, v|*traghiia 
etc., kfubhnati, tipnoti (but in Veda tfp^u), kfepnu, Bxu^umn&. 

b. The RY. has the exceptions uftr&n&m and rftffi^&i&m. 

Conversion of dental mutes to Unguals and palatals. 

196. When a dental mute comes in contact with a 
lingual or palatal mute or sibilant, the dental is usually 
assimilated, becoming lingual or palatal respectively. 

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67 Dental Mutes to Linguals and Palatals. [—199 

The casea are tbe following: 

197. A dental sturd mute or nasal, or the dental Bibilant, when 
immediately preceded by a 9, is everywhere converted into the cor- 
responding lingual. 

a. Under this rule, the oombinations 9^ ^fh, and 91^ are yery common ; 
^ is rarely to written, the viaarga being put instead of the former sibilant 
(172): thns, Jy6tlhipi instead of jy6tiffu. 

b. Mach less often, dh is changed to <}h after final 9 of a root or 
tense-stem, with loss of the 9 or Its conversion to 4 ^ "^ ^^^ <^* 

o. Those cases in which final 9 becomes \ before an (e. g. dvitsu: 
226 b) do not, of conrse, fall under this mle. 

198. In the other (comparatively infrequent) cases where a dental 
is preceded by a lingual in internal combination, the dental (except 
of su loc. pi.) becomes lingual. Thus: 

a. A n following immediately a 1^ made such by the mle glren at 
189, abore — or, as it may be expressed, a double as well as a single n 
— is subject to the lingnalization : thus, the participles an^j^ Iqftu^a, 
k^vini^ ch^^&y tp^i^i and, after prefixes (185 a), ni^ai^a^ pari- 
▼in^a, vi^a^igLa* vi^yai^^a. But TS. has ddhi^kanna, and RT. ykivh 

b. Only a yery few other instances occur: iffe and ti^a from yi^; 
^a^^lha (also fatjLdba and ^<}ha), and fai^am (^af + nftm: anomalous 
gen. pi. of ^af: 483). A small nnmber of words follow the same rule in 
external combination: see below, 199. 

o. But t&4hi (Vedlc: yta^ + dhi) shows loss of the final lingnal 
after assimilation of the dental, and compensatory lengthening. 

d« Some of the cases of abnormal occurrence of 4 sre explained in a 
similar way, as resnlts of a lingnalized and afterward omitted sibilant before 
d: thns m<Jl& from nisda, >^pi<} from pisd, ^m^ from mrsd. For 
words exhibiting a like change. in composition, see below, 199 c. 

199. In external combination — 

a. A final t is directed to be assimilated to an initial lingnal mute: 
thus, tat-^a» ta4 <}ayate, ta^fl^ftlini, ta^ <}hftxikate: but the case 
nerer occurs in the older language, and yery rarely in the later. For final 
n before a lingual, see 206 b. 

b. An initial dental after a final linguallusnally remains unchanged; 
and Bu of the loc. pi. follows the same rule: thus, ^k\trui<^a,t, inn^ 
div&h, ekarat tv&m; fatso* rafBu. 

o. Exceptions are: a few compounds with fa§ six showing double r^ 
(198 b): namely, f&i^avatiy faijua&bhi (and one or two others not 
quotable); and JB. has ^a^ igiramimita. 

d. In a few compounds, moreover, there appears a lingnalized dental, with 
compensatory lengthening, after a lost lingual sibilant or its representatlye : 


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199—] III. Euphonic Combination. 68 

namely, in certain Yedic compounds with doB: dti<Jl&bha, dQ4^» d^^hl. 
du]^a» duna9a (compare the anomalous puro^^ and -^a^a: pura8 + 
yd&q) ; and, in the language of erery period, certain compounds of ^a^, 
with change of its vowel to an alterant qaality (as in vo<}hiim and 80<}hiixii: 
284 b): i^d^qa, ^^ha (also ^a^ipia and f^^dht), foijant. 

e. Between final \ and initial 8, the insertion of a t is permitted — 
or, according to some authorities, required: thus, ^4^ Bah&srfi^ or ^k%t 

200. The cases of assimilation of a dental to a contignoas palatal 
occur almost only in external combination, and before an initial palatal. 
There is bat one case of internal combination, namely: 

201. A ^ n coming to follow a palatal mute in internal 
combination is itself made palatal. 

Thus, y&ciia (the only instance after o), sraJM, jajfi6, ajfiata, 

202. a. A iinal cT t before an initial palatal mute is 
assimilated to it, becoming ^ c before ^ c or S" ch, and sT j 
before sf j (^ jh does not occur). 

Thus, uo carati, etac chattram, vidynj jftyate; y&tayijjana, 
vidyujjihva, b^b^oohandas, Baccarita. 

b. A final ^ n is assimilated before sT j, becoming of fi. 

c. All the grammarians, of every period, require this assimilation of 
n to j ; but it is more often neglected, or only occasionally made, in the 

d. For n before a surd palatal, see below, 206. 

208. Before the palatal sibilant ^ 9, both cT t and ^ n 

are assimilated, becoming respectively ^ c and 31 fi; and 

then the following ^ 9 may be, and in practice almost 

always is, converted to ^ oh. 

Thus, vedavio ohtira^ (-vit 911-), tao ohmtvft, hrcchaya (h^4- 
9aya); b^hafi ohefah or 9e9ah, svapafi chete or 9ete. 

a. Some authorities regard the conversion of 9 to ch after t or n as 
everywhere obligatory, others as only optional; some except, peremptorily 
or optionally, a 9 followed by a mute. And some require the same con- 
version after every mute save m, reading also vlpftf chutudrX, ana^ 
chuoi, anuftup ohfircuil, 9uk ohuoi. The manuscripts generally write 
oh, instead of coh, as result of the combination of t and 9. 

b. In the MS., t and 9 are anomalously combined into fi 9: e. g. 
t&fi 9at&m9 etftvafi9&B. 

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69 Combinations op final n. [—207 

Combinations of final ^n. 

204« Final radical n is assimilated in internal combination to a 
following sibilant, becoming anasyftra. 

Thus, v&ftai, vkhsva^ vktaat, ma&By&te, JighfiAsati. 

a. According to the giammariaos, it is treated before bh and 8U In 
declension as in external combination. But the cases are, at best, exoess- 
iTely rare, and RV. has r&&su and vdiisu (the only Yedic examples). 

b. Final n of a derivative snfflx is regularly and usually dropped before 
a consonant in inflection and composition — in composition, even before a 
Yowel; and a radical n occasionally follows the same rule: see 421 a» 439, 
1208 o, 637. 

o. For assimilation of n to a preceding palatal, see 201. 
Thus remaining cases are those of external combination. 

205. a. The assimilation of n in external combination to a follow- 
ing sonant palatal and the palatal sibilant ^ have been already treated 
(202 b, 208). 

b. The n is also declared to be assimilated (becoming if) before 
a sonant lingnal (4* 4^ 9)) bat the case rarely if ever occurs. 

206. A n is also assimilated to a following initial 1, becoming 
(like m: 218 d) a nasal L 

a. The manuscripts to a great extent disregard this rule, leaving the 
n unchanged; but also they in part attempt to follow it — and that, either 
by writing the assimilated n (as the assimilated m, 213 f, and jast as 
reasonably) with the annsv&ra-sign, or else by doubling the 1 and putting 
a sign of nasality above; the latter, howeyer, is inexact, and a better way 
would be to separate the two Ts, writing the first with virftma and a nasal 
sign abOTe. Thus (from trin lok&n): 

manuscripts Jfidl+H or ^nSH+H ; better jft^ ^°r»l1. 

-Sw >. >. •>» 

The second of these methods is the one oftenest followed in printed texts. 

SK)7. Before the lingual and dental sibilants, 9 and a, final n 
remains unchanged; bnt a t may also be inserted between the nasal 
and the sibilant: thus, tan 9&t or tant 9&t! niahan s&n or ma- 
htnt 84n. 

6U According to most of the grammarians of the Prati^akhyas (not RPr.), 
the insertion of the t in such cases is a necessary one. In the manuscripts 
it is yery frequently made, but not uniformly. It is probably a purely 
phonetic phenomenon, a transition-sound to ease the double change of sonant 
to surd and nasal to non-nasal utterance — although the not infrequent 
cases in which final n stands for original nt (as bharan, abharan, 
agnimftn) may have aided to establish it as a rule. Its analogy with the 
conyersion of n 9 into iioh (203) is palpable. 

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208—] ni. EuPHONio Combination. 70 

208* Before the surd palatal, lingual, and dental mutes, there is 
inserted after final n a sibilant of each of those classes respectively, 
before which the n becomes annsvftra: thus, dev&&9 oa, bhvft^^ 
ohidyate* kum&rftfts trin, abharafts tata^, dadha&9 (425 o) oamin. 

a. This rule, which in the classical language has established itself in 
the form here given, as a phonetic lole of unvarying application, really 
involves a historic survival. The large majority of cases of final n in the 
language (not far from three quarters) are for original ns; and the retention 
of the sibilant in such cases, when once its historical ground had been forgotten, 
was extended by analogy to all others. 

b. Practically, the mle applies only to n before o and t, since cases 
involving the other initials occur either not at all, or only with extreme 
rarity (the Veda does not present an example of any of them). In the Yeda, 
the insertion is not always made, and the different texts have with regard 
to it different usages, which are fully explained in their Prati9i]Lhya8; in 
general,. it is less frequent in the older texts. When the ^ does not appear 
between n and o, the n is of course assimilated, becoming fk (203). 

209. The same retention of original final s after a nasal, and 
consequent treatment of (apparent) final fin» In, un, fn as if they were 
ftfts, IhBt vdiBf fhn (long nasalized vowel with final s), shows itself 
also in other Yedic forms of combination, which, for the sake of unity, 
may be briefly stated here together: 

a. Final ftn becomes && (nasalized ft) before a following vowel: that 
is to say, fi^, with nasal vowel, is treated like fis, with pure vowel (177): 
thus, dev&L 6 'h&, upabaddhftii ib&, maliaA asi. This is an extremely 
common case, especially in RV. Once or twice, the s appears as ^ before 
p: thus, 8v&tavft&^ pftyul^. 

b. In like manner, a is treated after nasal i, u, f as it would be after 
those vowels when pure, becoming r before a sonant sound (174), and 
(much more rarely) ^ before a surd (170): thus, ra^ml^ iva, BantbSir 
yuvansrtb&r lit, n^iir abh{; n^&l^L patram (and nffi^ p-, MS.). 

O. RV. has once -lA before y. MS. usually has aA instead of ftji. 

210. The nasals n» i^. &, occurring as finals after a short vowel, 
are doubled before any initial vowel: thus, praty&iixi ^d efi, udy&nn 
ftdity&^, ftB&nn-ifa. 

a. This is also to be regarded as a historical survival, the second 
nasal being an assiudlatiou of an original consonant following the first It 
is always written in the manuscripts, although the Yedic metre seems to 
show that the duplication was sometimes omitted. The RY. has the com- 
pound TT^ms^aqvtu 

211. The nasals ii and 9 before a sibilant are allowed to in- 
sert respectively k and f — m n (207) inserts t: thus, praty^^ak 

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71 Combinations OF FiKAL m. [—219 

Combrnations of final ^m. 

212. Final radical Tf m, in internal combination, is as- 
similated to a following mute or spirant — in the latter case, 
becoming anusTftra; in the former, becoming the nasal of 
the same class with the mute. 

a. Before m or v (as when final: 143a), it is changed to n: thus, 
from y'E^am come &ganma» aganmahi, ganvahi, jaganv^u&s (which 
appear to be the only quotable cases). According to the grammarians, the 
same change is made in the Inflection of root-stems before bh and m : thus, 
pra^anbhlB, pra^ftnsu (flrom pra^ftm: pra+V^^am). No derived noun- 
stem ends in m. 

b. The (B. and K^iS. have k&mvant and 9&mvant. 

218. Final Tf m in external combination is a servile sound, 
being assimilated to any following consonant. Thus: 

a. It remains nDcbanged only before a vowel or a labial mute. 

b. But also, by an anomalous exception, before r of the root rSj in 
Bamrcsj and its deriTatives samr^fii and s&mrl^ya. 

c. Before a mate of any other class than labial, it becomes the 
nasal of that class. 

d. Before the semivowels y, 1, v it becomes, according to the 
Hindu grammarians, a nasal semivowel, the nasal counterpart of each 
respectively (see 71). 

6. Before r, a sibilant, or h, it becomes anosvSra (see 71}. 

f. The manuscripts and the editions in general make no attempt to 
distinguish the nasal tones produced by the assimilation of m before a follow- 
ing semivowel ttom that before a spirant. 

g. But if h be immediately followed by another consonant (which can 
only be a nasal or semlYowel), the m is allowed to be assimilated to that 
following consonant This is because the h has no position of the mouth- 
organs peculiar to itself, but is uttered in the position of the next sound. 
The Prati9akhyas do not take any notice of the case. 

h. Cases are met with in the Veda where a final m appears to be 
dropped before a vowel, the final and initial vowels being then combined 
into one. The pada-text then generally gives a wrong interpretation. Thus, 
saihv&nano 'bliayaihkar&m (RY. vlll. 1. 2; pada-text: -nana ubh-^ 
SY. -nanam). 

i. It has been pointed out above (73) that the assimilated m is 
generally represented in texts by the anoBvftra-sign, and that in this 
work it is transliterated by xh (instead of a nasal mute or t). 

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214—] III. Euphonic Combination. 72 

The palatal mutes and sibilant, and ^ h. 

214. These aoonds show in Bome situations a reversion (48) 
to the original gutturals from which they are derived. The treat- 
ment of J and h, also, is different, according as they represent the 
one or the other of two different degrees of alteration from their 

215. The palatals and h are the least stable of alphabetic sounds, 
undergoing, in virtue of their derivative character, alteration in many 
oases where other similar sounds are retained. 

216. Thus, in derivation, even before vowels, semivowels, and 
nasals, reversion to guttural form is by no means rare. The cases 
are the following: 

a. Before a of suffix a, final becomes k in a&U, ^vaAka, arU, 
piki, vfikA, 9aka, parka, mark&, TfkA^ pr&tika etc., reka, s^ka, 
moka, rok&, q6kA, toki, mxdkkf vraakA; — final J becomes g in 
^figi, bh&ga, bhag&» yfiga, aikga, bhafigi, safiga, svaiigay ffiga, 
tufiga, yufiga, varga, m&rga, nqpgi, varga, aarga, nega, vega, bh6ga, 
70g&» y6ga, loga, r6ga; — final h becomes gh in aghA, inagh&, argli&, 
dirgh& (and dr jghiyas, dragfaiffha), degha, megh&, ogha» d6gha, 
dr6gha, m6gha; and in dughftna and m^ghamSna. In neka (KniJ) 
we ha?e farther an anomalous substitution of a sard for the final sonant of 
the root 

b. In another series of deriTatives with a, the altered sound appears: 
examples are aj&, ylUa, 9uo&» 90ca, vraj&, vevlj&» yuja, urji» d6ha. 

o. Before the suffixes as and ana, the guttural only rarely appears: 
namely. In iikkas, 6ka8, rbkas, ^bkas, bh&rgas, and in rogana; also 
In abhog^a. 

d. Before an i-vowel, the altered sound appears (except in ftbhogf, 
6i^a&8» tigiti, moki, sphigi): thus, fij{, tujf, ruci, 9&C1, vivioi, 

6. Before u, the guttural reappears, as a rule (the oases are few) : thus, 
a&ka, vanko, reku» bhfgu, mirgoka, raghu (and r&ghiyaAa). 

f« Before n, the examples of rerersion are few, except of J (becoming 
g) before the participial ending na (957 o): thas, r^kigiaSy vagnu (with 
the final also made sonant); and participles bhagn&y rugiji^, etc.; and 
apparently pfgi^a from ^pfo. 

g. Before m (of ma» man, mant, min), the guttural generally 
appears : thus, rukm&, tigm&» yngma, f gma (with sonant change) ; tak- 
xnAn» v&kman, s&kman, yugm&n; r^ikmant; n^^ ^^ vfigmin 
(with sonant change): — but 4jman, ojin4n, bhujm&n. 

h. Before y, the altered sonnd is used: thus, pacya, yi^ya, yiHiyu* 
ynijtk, hhiaiju. Such cases as bhogya, yogya* negya, okya are doubt- 
less secondary derl?atiYes fh>m bhoga etc. 

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73 Combinations op final Palatals. [—218 

i. Before r, the cases are few, and the osage apparently diyided: thns, 
takra, sakra, vakr&, ^ukri, vigri, iigr&, tugra, mrgra, v&£ikri; 
Imt TiiirtL and pi^ra(?). 

J. Before v (of the suffixes va* van^ vin, etc., and participial v&iis) 
the guttural is regularly preserved : thus, ^kvi, pakv&» vikva; vikvan, 
(kvan, rikvan, 9iikv'aii, m^gvaiiy tagvan, yngran; t^^^Ant, p^k- 
vant; vSgrvin, vagvand, vagvanu (with ftirther sonant change); vivak- 
viiia, ririkva&B, vivikvaiifl, rurukv^u&By ^uQnkviba; ^u^ukvani, 
^9tikY4ni: also before the union-vowel i in okivaAa (RV., once). An 
exception is yAJvan. 

k. The reversion of h in derivation is comparatively rare. The final 
j which is analogous with q (219) shows much less proclivity to reversion 
than that which corresponds with o. 

1. A like reversion shows itself also to some extent in co^Jugational 
stem-formation and inflection. Thus, the initial radical becomes guttural 
after the reduplication in the present or perfect or desiderative or intensive 
stems, or in derivatives, of the roots oi, oit, ji, hi, han» and in J&guri (y}^); 
and han becomes ghn on the elision of a (402, 637). The RV. has 
vivakmi from y'vao and vftvakre from }/va£io; and SY. has Bas^^gmahe 
(RV. HB^-). And before ran etc. of 3d pi. mid. we have g for radical j 
in aargran, asrgram, aBasfgram (all in BY.). 

217. Final r[ c of a root or stem, if followed in internal 
combination by any other sound than a vowel or semivowel 
or nasal, reverts (48) to its original guttural value, and shows 
everywhere the same form which a oFi k would show in the 
same situation. 

Thus, v&kti, uv^tha, v&kiji, vak^yami, vagdhi; vfigbhis, 
vftkfu; Qkt&» nkiha, vakt&r. 

a. And, as final o becomes k (above 142), the same rule applies 
also to o in external combination: thus, -vik oa» vag &pi» va£i me. 

Examples of o remaining unchanged in inflection are: ucy&te, 
ririord, vfic£» mumuom&he. 

218. Final ^ 9 reverts to its original ^ k, in internal 

combination, only before the H s of a verbal stem or ending 

(whence, by 180, 5f k^) ; before cT t and BT th, it everywhere 

becomes ^ 9 (whence, by 197, Tg 9t and "^ 9th) ; before ^ dh, 

>T bh, and H su of the loc. pi., as when final (145), it 

regularly becomes the lingual mute {Z \ ox "^ 4). 

Thus, dvikfata, velqfyami; v&ffi, vift^* didei^tu; dldi4<pii> 

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218—] III. Euphonic Combination. 74 

a. But a few roots exhibit the reversion of final 9 to k before 
bh and su, and also when final (146): they are dig, d^» Bp|^» and 
optionally na^; and vi^ has in V. always vik^u, loc. pi., but v{(, 
vi^bhls, etc. Examples are diksam^ita, d^gbhis, h^disptk, n&k 
(or nat). 

Examples of 9 remaining unchanged before vowels etc. are: vtqi, 
vivi9yas9 avigran, a9nomi, va^mi, u^m&si. 

b. A 9 remains irregularly unchanged hefore p in the compound vi9p4ti. 

219. Final sT j is in one set of words treated like ^ c, 
and in another set like ^ o. 

Thus, from ynj; dyukthas, dyukta, yufikte, yukti, y6ktra» 
yokfyami, ynkfu; yungdhi, dsrugdhvam, yngbhis. 

Again, from m^j etc.: imq^k^t, sraki^yami; marij^, m^^t^ 

a. To the former or yt^-clasa belong (as shown by their quotable 
forms) about twenty roots and radical stems: namely, bhaj, saj, ^jraj (not 
v.), raj coloTy svnj, majj, nij, tij, vij, 1 and 2 bhuj, ytij, ruj, v|j, 
afijy bhafij, 9ifij; ttrj, 8r^» bhif^, &8TJ» — ^l^^^ stems formed with 
the suffixes f^ and ij (888. IV), as t^^i^, vajgiij; and ^vQ, though 
containing the root yaj. 

b. To the latter or mi'j-class belong only about one third as many: 
namely, yid» bhrajj, vraj, rSj, bhrltf, mpj, 8|j. 

o. A considerable number of j-roots are not placed in circumstances 
to exhibit the distinction; but such roots are in part assignable to one or 
the other class on the evidence of the related languages. The distinction 
appears, namely, only when the J occurs as final, or is followed, either in 
inflection or in derivation, by a dental mute (t, th, dh), or, in noun- 
inflection, by bh or su. In derivation (above, 216) we find a g some- 
times ftom the mpj-class: thus, mftrga, B&rga, etc.; and (216,1) before 
Yedlc mid. endings, sas^fgrnahe, as^pgran, etc. (beside Bas^jrire) — 
while from the yuj-class occur only yuyrUre, ayujran, bublrajrire, 
with j. And MS. has vl9va8^k from l/spj. 

220. Final oh falls under the rules of combination almost only 
in the root praoh, in which it is treated as if it were 9 (pra9 being, 
indeed, its more original form): thus, prak^yami, p|i}t&, and also the 
derivative pra9n&. As final and in noun-inflection (before bh and su), 
it is changed to the lingual mute: thus, prfti^vlvftka. 

a. Mfb*t& is called the participle of muroh, and a gerund m&rtva 
is given to the same root. They (with mltrti) must doubtless come firom a 
simpler form of the root. 

b. Of Jh there is no occurrence: the grammarians require it to 
be treated like 0. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


281. The compound k^ is not infrequent as final of a root (gener- 
mHj of demoDBtrably secondary origin), or of a tense-stem (s-aorist: 
see below, 878 ff.) ; and, in the not very frequent cases of its internal 
eombinatioD, it is treated as if a single sound, following the rules 
for 9: thus c&k^e (oakf+Be), oiilqiva; c&^, iMa^^a^^ torft^tam, 
as^rfta, tv&^far. As to its treatment when final, see 146. 

a. Thus, we are taught by the grammarians to make such forms as 
gor&t» sor4<LbliiB, gor&tfu (from gor&k^); and we actually have ^k^ 
fa^bhis, ^atsu from ^akf or ^a^ (146 b). For jagdha etc. from Vjak^, 
see 238 f . 

b. In the single anomalous root vra^o, the compound 90 is said to 
follow the rales for simple 9. From it are quotable the future vrak^sr&ti, 
the gerands vp^fva (AY.) and y^ktvl (RV.)) *^<1 ^he participle (967 c) 
vfkn&. Its o rererts to k in the derivative vraska. 

222. The loots in final ^ h, like those in sT j, fall into 
two classes, exhibiting a similar diversity of treatment, ap- 
pearing in the same kinds of combination. 

a. In the one class, as duh, we have a reversion of h (as of o) 
to a guttural form, and its treatment as if it were still its original gh: 
thus, Mlmk^am, dhokfyami; dugdh&n, dugdhd; idhok, dhuk, 
dhugbhis, dhnk^u. 

b. In the other class, as ruh and sah, we have a guttural re- 
version (as of 9) only before b in verb-formation and derivation : thus, 
^^TtLkfaty rolq^yami, s&kfiyd, sakf&ni. As final, in external combi- 
nation, and in noun-inflection before bh and su, the h i}ike q) becomes 
a lingual mute: thus, ttirafa(» p^^tana^fujl ayodhy&h, torasfu^bhis, 
tnrfti^fsii. But before a dental mute (t, th, dh) in verb-inflection 
and in derivation, its euphonic effect is peculiarly complicated: 
it turns the dental into a lingual (as would 9); but it also makes 
it sonant and aspirate (as would <}h: see 160): and further, it 
disappears itself, and the preceding vowel, if short, is lengthened: 
thus, from rub with ta comes ru<pi&, from leh with ti comes 164hi, 
from gnh with tar comes g^ii^l^&r, from meh with turn comes m6<}htim, 
from Uh with tas or thas comes li<}h&8, from lib with dhvam comes 
li<Jihv&m, etc. 

0. This is as if we had to assume as transition sound a sonant aspirate 
lingual sibilant 9I1, with the euphonic effects of a lingual and of a sonant 
pirate (160), itself disappearing under the law of the existing language 
which admits no sonant sibilant 

223. The roots of the two classes, as shown by their forms found 
in use, are: 

a. of the first or dub-class: dah^ dib» dub, drub, mub, snib 
(and the final of u^Qih is similarly treated) ; 

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288 — ] in. Euphonic Combination. 76 

b. of the second or ruh-olass : vah» sah, mih, rih or Uh, gnh, 
ruh» drfthy tv&h, b^h, badih, 8prh(?). 

o. But muh foims also (not in RY.) the participle mucjlia and agent- 
nonn mil(}li&r, as well as mugdhi and mugdh&r; and dmh and snili 
are allowed by the grammarians to do likewise: such forms as drCL^lia and 
enicjlia, however, have not been met with in use. 

d. From roots of the ruh-olass we And also in the Veda the forms 
gartftn^, nom. sing., and prfii^sdhfk and dadlifk; and hence pnrospfk 
(the only occurrence) does not certainly prove Vspph to be of the duh- 

e. A number of other h-roots are not proved by their occurring forma 
to belong to either class; they, too, are with more or less confidence assigned 
to the one or the other by comparison with the related languages. 

f. In derivation, before certain suffixes (216), we have gh instead of 
h ftom verbs of either class. 

g. The root nah comes from original dh instead of gh, and its reversion 
is accordingly to a dental mute: thus, natsyami, naddh^ up&n&dbhis* 
upfinadyuga, anupfinatka. So also the root grah comes firom (early 
Vedic) grabh, and shows labials in many forms and derivatives (though 
it is assimilated to other h-roots in the desiderative stem Jigh^k^). In 
nice manner, h is used for dh in some of the forms and derivatives of 
ydh& put; and farther analogous facts are the stem kaknhd beside 
kakabh&, the double imperative ending dhi and hi, and the dative 
mihyam beside tubhyam (491). 

224. Irregularities of combination are: 

a. The vowel x ^ ^^^ lengthened after the loss of the h-element: diut, 
d^r^Ui&» t)r4^» b7<}h& (the only cases; and in the Veda their first syllable 
has metrical value as heavy or long). 

b. The roots vah and sah change their vowel to o instead of leng- 
thening it: thus, vo^h&m, vof^ham, vo<Jhiur, 86<}hiim. But firom sah 
in the older language forms with ft are more frequent: thus, 8ft4h&» &yll<}iia 
(also later), si^hax. The root tf&h changes the vowel of its class-sign 
na into e instead of lengthening it: thus, tp^e^hi^ tp^^^u, atfi^et 
(the grammarians teach also t^ehmi and t^ekfi: but no such forms are 
quotable, and, if ever actually in use, they must have been made by false 
analogy with the others). 

o. These anomalous vowel-changes seem to stand in connection with 
the fact that the cases showing them are the only ones where other than 
an alterant vowel (180) comes before the lingualized sibilant representative 
of the h. Ck)mpare fo^a^a etc. 

d. Apparently by dissimilation, the final of vah in the anomalous 
compound ana^vah is changed to d instead of 4: see 404. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

77 Combinations op final f. [—226 

The lingual sibilant ^ 9. 

225. Since the lingual sibilant, in its usual and normal occurren- 
ces, is (182) the product of lingualization of a after certain alterant 
Bomids, we might expect final radical 9, when (in rare oases) it comes 
to stand where a f cannot maintain itself, to revert to its original, 
and be treated as a a would be treated under the same circumstances. 
That, however, is true only in a very few instances. 

a. Namely, in the prefix dus (evidently identical with ydu^); in 
MjiB (adverbially used case-form from VJUf); in (RV.) vivea and &vives, 
from v'vlf ; in fifyes (RV.)» f'o™ V^^\ a^^d in ft^is, from 9if as second- 
ary fonn of yq&B. All these, except the first two, are more or less open 
to qnestion. 

226. In general, final liogual ^ 9, in internal combioation, 
is treated in the same manner as palatal ^9. Thus: 

a. Before t and th it remains unchanged, and the latter are as- 
similated: e. g. dvi^\aa, dvlfthaa, dv^ftnm. 

This is a common and perfectly natural combination. 

b. Before dh, bh, and su, as also in external combination (146), 
it becomes a lingual mute; and dh is made lingual (by 198) after it: 
®* K- Pii^441ii9 vi<l4hi, vivi<jl4hi, dvi<L<}hvam, dvi^bhfs, dvifs^; 

o. So also the dh of dhvam as ending of 2d pi. mid. becomes <}h 
After final 9 of a tense-stem, whether the 9 be regarded as lost or as con- 
certed to 4 before it (the manuscripts write simply 4hv, not 44bv; bnt 
this is ambignons: see 232). Thus, after [^ of s-aorist stems (881 a), asto- 
^hvam, av^fjlbvam, oyo<}hvam (the only quotable cases), iVomastOf-i- 
dhvaxn etc.; bat aradhvam from ara8 + dhvam. Further, after the 9 
of i^-aorist stems (901 a), aindhi^hvam, arti<}hvam, ajani<}hvam, 
vopi(}hvam (the only quotable cases), from ajani[^+ dhvam etc. Yet 
again, in the preeatiTe (924), as bhavifi^hvam, if, as is probable 
Ouifortnnately, no example of this person is quotable from any part of the 
Uterature), the precatice-sign B (f ) is to be regarded as present in the form. 
According, however, to the Hindu grammarians, the use of <j[h or of dh in 
the if-aorist and precative depends on whether the i of if or of if! is or 
is not **preceded by a semivowel or h" — which both in itself appears 
senseless and is opposed to the evidence of all the quotable forms. Moreover, 
the same authorities prescribe the change of dh to <}h, under the same 
restriction as to circumstances, in the perf. mid. ending dhve also : in this 
case, too, without any conceivable reason; and no example of <}hve in the 
^ pi. perf. has been pointed out in the literature. 

d. The conversion of f to ( (or 4) ^s final and before bh and su is 
parallel with the like conversion of 9, and of j and h in the m^j and ruh 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

226—] III. Euphonic Combination. 78 

elMses of roots, and perhaps with the occasional change of 8 to t (167-8). 
It is a yery infrequent case, occurring (save as it may he assumed in the 
case of fai^) only once in RY. and once in AY. (-dvit and -prut), although 
those texts have more than 40 roots with final 9; in the Brahmanas, 
moreover, have heen noticed further only -prut and vff (QB.), and -^lif 
(K.). From piiif, BY. has the anomalous form pii^ak (2d and 3d sing., 
for pina^-s and pinai|^-t). 

e. Before s in internal combination (except au of loc. pi.) it be- 
comes k: thus, dv^kfi, dvek^yami* ddvikfam, 

f. This change is of anomalous phonetic character, and difficult of 
explanation. It is also practically of very rare occurrence. The only RV. 
examples (apart from pii^ak, above) are viveki^i, from Vvi^ and the 
desid. stem ririk^ from yri^; AY. has only dvik^at and dvik^ata, 
and the desid. stem ^i^lik^a from y<fli^» Other examples are quotable 
from yyk:^ and pif and vi^ (9B. etc.), and qi^ (9^0 » <^^^ ^l^^y *^ ^V 
the Hindu grammarians prescribed to be formed from about half-a-dozen 
other roots. 

Extension and Abbreviation. 

227. As a general rule, ch is not allowed by the grammarians 
to stand in that form after a vowel, but is to be doubled, becoming 
coh (which the manuscripts sometimes write oheh). 

a. The various autborides disagree with one another in detail as to 
this duplication. According to Panini, eh is doubled within a word after 
either a long or a short vowel; and, as initial, necessarily after a short and 
after the particles a and ma, and opdonally everywhere after a long. In 
RY., initial oh is doubled after a long vowel of a only, and certain special 
oases after a short vowel are excepted. For the required usage in the other 
Yedic texts, see their several Prati9akhyas. The Eathaka writes for original 
oh (not oh from combination of t or n with q: 203) after a vowel 
everywhere ^ch. The manuscripts in general write simple oh. 

b. Opinions are still at variance as to how far this duplication has 
an etymological ground, and how far it is only an acknowledgment of the 
fact tbat oh makes a heavy syllable even after a short vowel (makes 
^position": 79). As the duplication is accepted and followed by most 
European scholars, it will be also adopted in this work in words and sen- 
tences (not in roots and stems). 

228. After r, any consonant (save a spirant before a vowel) is 
by the grammarians either allowed or required to be doubled (an 
aspirate, by prefixing the corresponding non-aspirate: 164). 


r r r r 

^\ arka, or ^Rgf arkka; mjU kSrya, or <^\Ul kftryya; 
5raf artha, or 5Ir?f arttha; ^ dirgha, or ^T^ dirggha. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

79 Extension and Abbreviation. [—281 

a. Some of the euthorltles inelade, along with r, also h or 1 or v, or 
more than one of them, in this mle. 

b. A donbled consonant after r is very common in manuscripts and 
inscriptions, as also in native text-editions and in the earlier editions pre- 
pared by European scholars — in later ones, the dnplication is uniyersally 

0« On the other hand, the manuscripts often write a single consonant 
after r where a double one is etymologically required: thus, kftrtikeya, 
virtikay for kfirttikeya, vftrttika. 

229. The first consonant of a group — whether interior, or initial 
after a vowel of a preceding word — is by the grammarians either allowed 
or required to be doubled. 

a. This duplication is allowed by Panini and required by the Prati9akhyas 
— in both, with mention of authorities who deny it altogether. For certain 
exceptions, see the Prati^akhyas ; the meaning of the whole matter is too 
obscure to Justifjr the giving of details here. 

280. Other cases of extension of consonant-groups, required by 
some of the grammatical authorities, are the following: 

a. Between a non-nasal and a nasal mute, the insertion of so-called 
yamas (twins), or nasal counterparts, is taught by the Prati9akhyas (and 
assumed in Panini*s commentary) : see APr. 1. 99, note. 

b. Between h and a following nasal mote the Prati9akhyas teach the 
insertion of a nasal sound called nSaikya: see APr. i. 100, note. 

o* Between r and a following consonant the Prati9akhya3 teach the 
insertion of a svarabhakti or vatoel-fragment: see APr. i. 101-2, note. 

d. Some authorities assume this Insertion only before a spirant; the 
others regard it as twice as long before a spirant as before any other con- 
sonant — namely, a half or a quarter mora before the former, a quarter or 
an eighth before the latter. One (YPr.) admits it after 1 as well as r. It 
is variously described as a fragment of the vowel a or of p (or }). 

6. The RPr. puts a svarabhakti also between a sonant consonant 
and a following mute or spirant; and APr. introduces an element called 
Bphotana (distinguisher) between a guttural and a preceding mute of 
another class. 

f. For one or two other cases of yet more doubtful value, see the 

281. After a nasal, the former of two non-nasal mutes may 
be dropped, whether homogeneous only with the nasal, or with both: 
thus, yniidhf for yungdhi, snifidhv&m for yu&gdhv&m, fifit&mi for 
fifiktdm, paiiti for pa&kti, ohintam for chinttam, blilnth& for 
bhintthi, indh6 for inddhd. 

a. The abbreviation, allowed by Panini, is required by APr. (the 
other Prati9akhyas take no notice of it). It is the more usual practice of 
the manuscripts, tiiongh the full group is also often written. 

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232~] in. Euphonic Combination. 80 

232. In general, a double consonant (including an aspirate which 
is doubled by the prefixion of a nonraspirate) in combination with any 
other consonant is by the manuscripts written as simple. 

a. That is to say, the ordinary usage of the manascripts makes no 
difference between those groups in which a phonetic duplication is allowed 
by the rules given above (228, 229) and those in which the duplication 
is etymological. As every tv after a vowel may also be properly written 
ttv, so dattva and tattvd may be, and almost invariably are, written as 
datva and tatv&. As k4rtana is also properly k&rttana, so kSrttika 
(from k^ti) is written as kSrtika. So in inflection, we have always, for 
example, majfia etc., not majjna, from majj&n. Even in composition 
and sentence-collocation the same abbreviations are made: thus, hfdyot& 
for h^ddyot&; ohin&ty asya for chin&tty asya. Hence it is impossible 
to determine by the evidence of written usage whether we should regard 
adhvam or addhvam (from |/d8), &dvi<}hvani or &dvi4<}livam (from 
ydvif), as the true form of a second person plural. 

288. a. Instances are sometimes met with of apparent loss (perhaps 
after conversion to a semivowel) of i or u before y or v respectively. Thus, 
in the Brahmanas, tu and nii with following vfii etc. often make tirftl, 
nvfii (also tvav&y knvSi); and other examples from the older language 
are anvart- (anu + y^vart) ; paryan, paryanti, parySy&t, paryfii^a 
(pari 4- yan, etc.) ; abhyarti (abhi + iyarti) ; antary&t (antar + iySt) ; 
o&rvaCy oSrvSka, c&rvadana (oftru+vfto, etc.); kyknt for kiyant; 
dvyoga (dvi + yog^a); anv&» anv&sana ■ (anu + v&, etc.); probably 
vyiknoti for vi yunotl (RV.), urv&9i (uru-vaQi), ^{^vari for 9iQa-vari 
(RY.); vyain& (vi+y&ma); and the late svar^a for suvan^. More 
anomalous abbreviations are the common tpea (tri+TOa); and dv|rea 
(dvi-f-q^ca: S.), and trei^ (tri-f-eni: Apast.). 

Further, certain cases of the loss of a sibilant require notice. Thus: 

b. According to the Hindu grammarians, the b of s-aorist stems is 
lost after a short vowel in the 2d and 3d sing, middle: thus, adithftB 
and adita (ist sing, adi^i), akq^Jiaa and akpta (1st sing. ak^i). It 
is, however, probable that snch cases are to be explained in a different 
manner : see 884 a. 

e. The s between two mutes is lost in all combinations of the 
roots Btha and stambh with the prefix ud: thns, ut thas, utthita, 
ut th&paya, i&ttabdha, etc. 

d. The same omission is now and then made in other similar cases: 
thus oit kambhanena (for sk&mbh-: RV.); tasm&t tute (for state) 
and puroruk tuta (for stata: K.); the compounds ^kth& (^k+sthft: 
PB.) and utphulifiiga; the derivative utphfila (|/0phal). On the other 
hand, we have vidydt stan&yanti (RV.), utsthala, kakutstha, etc. 

e. So also the tense-sign of the e-aorist is lost after a final consonant 
of a root before the initial consonant of an ending: thus, aohfintta (and 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

81 Abbkbviation op Consonant-groups. [—286 

foi this, by 281, achftnta) for aohSntsta, ^ftpta for Q&psta, tftptam 
for tftpetam, abhftkta for abhftksta, am&uktam for am&ukstaiiu 
Tbete are Uie only quotable cases: compare 883. 

f* A final of root or tense-stem is in a few instances lost after a 
sonant aspirate, and the combination of mutes is then made as if no sibilant 
had ever intervened* Thns, from the root ghas, with omission of the 
vowel and then of the final sibilant, we have the form gdha (for ghs-ta: 
3d sing, mid.), the participle gdha (in agdhid), and the derivative gdhi 
(for ghfl-ti; in s^-gdhij; and farther, from the reduplicated form of the 
same root, or /Jakf, we have jagdha, jagdhum, Jagdhvft, jagdhi (from 
Jaghs-ta etc.); also, in like manner, from baps, reduplication of bhas, the 
form babdhfim (for babhs-tftm). According to the Hindu grammarians, 
the same utter loss of the aorist-sign 8 takes place after a final sonant 
aspirate of a root before an ending beginning with t or th: thus, from 
yradb, s-aorist siem ar&uts act. and aruts mid., oome the active dual 
and plural persons arftuddham and arftuddhftm and arftuddha, and the 
middle singular persons aruddhSa and aruddha. None of the active 
forms, however, have been found quotable from the literature, ancient or 
modem; and the middle forms admit also of a different explanation: see 
834, 888. 

Strengthening and Weakening Processes. 

234* Under this bead, we take up first the changes that affect 
vowels, and then those that affect consonants — adding for convenience's 
sake, in each case, a brief notice of the vowel and consonant elements 
that have come to bear the apparent office of connectives. 4 

Qtugia and Vrddhi. 

286, The so-called gui^a- and vrddbi-changes aie^the most 
i^^lai and firequent of vowel-changes, being of constant 
occunence both in inflection and in derivation. 

a. A goi^a-vowel (gui^ secondary quality) diffiets from 
the corresponding simple vowel by a prefixed a-element 
which is combined with the other according to the usual 
rules; a vyddhi-vowel (vyddhi growthy increment) ^ by the 
further preflxion of a to the guijia-vowel. Thus, of ^ i or 
^ I the corresponding gui^a is (a+i=) ^ e; the correspond- 
ing vrddhi is (a + e^*^ &i. But in all gunating processes 
^ a remains unchanged — or, as it is sometimes expressed, 

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 6 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

■] III. Euphonic Combination. 82 

9 a is its own gxu^ta; ^ ft, of course, remains unchanged 
for both guii^a and vrddhi. 

236. The series of corresponding degrees is then as 


simple vowel aft ii uu x \ 
gtma aft e o ar al 

▼rddhi ft fti ftu ftr 

a. There Is nowhere any occurrence of f In a situation to undergo 
either gui^ or iqpddhi-change ; nor does ) (26) ever suffer change to 
vfddhl. TheoreticaUy, f would have the same changes as ^ ; and the 
iqpddlii of } would be ftl. 

b. In secondary derivatiyes requiring iqpddlii of the first syllable 
(1204), the o of go (361 o) is strengthened to gftu: thus, gftumata, 

237. The historical relations of the members of each Towel-series are 
still matters of some difference of opinion. From the special point of view 
of the Sanskrit, the simple vowels wear the aspect of being in general the 
original or fundamental ones, and the others of being products of their 
increment or strengthening, in two several degrees — so that the rules of 
formation direct a, i, u, 7, } to be raised to gtujia or y^ddhi respectively, 
under specified conditions. But x I^as long been so clearly seen to come 
by abbreviation or weakening from an earlier ar (or ra) that many European 
grammarians have preferred to treat the guji^-forms as the original and 
the other as the derivative. Thus, for example: instead of assuming certain 
roots to be bhf and iqpdh, and making from them bharati and vardhati, 
and bh^^ and v^dha, by the same rules which from bhQ and ni and 
from budh and dt form bhavati and najatif bodhati and oetati, 
bhuta and nita, buddha and citta — they assume bhar and vardh to 
be tlie roots, and give the rules of formation for them in reverse. In this 
work, as already stated (104 e), the |p-form is preferred. 

238. The cni^ia-increment is an Indo-European phenomenon, and 
is in many cases seen to occur in connection with an accent on the 
increased syllable. It is found — 

a. In root-syllables: either in inflectloD, as dv^f^ from ydvi^, 
d6hmi from |/duli; or in derivation, as dv^^a, dohas, dv6i}(iun, 

b. In formatiye elements: either conjngational class-signs, as 
tan6mi from tanu ; or suffixes of derivation, in inflection or in further 
derivation, as mat&ye from mat{, bhan&vas from bhftnu, pit&ram 
from pit( (or pit&r), hantavya from h&ntn. 

239. The v^ddhi-increment is specifically Indian, and its occur- 
rence is less frequent and regalar. It is found — 

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38 Gui^A AND Vbddhi. [—842 

a. In root and suffix-syllables, instead of gn^: thus, stftuti 
from v^stn, 8&khft3ram from s&khi, infti^am from ytl^ Av^i^^nin^ 
and kfir&yati and Urya from ylqp (or kar), dfttaram from datt (or 

b. EspeciaUy often, in iDitial syllables in secondary derivation: 
thus, infina>& from minas, v&idyuti from vidyut, bhaumA from 
bhthni, pibthiva from prthivl (1204). 

But — 

240. The gui^increment does not usually take place in a heavy 
syllable ending with a consonant: that is to say, the rules prescribing 
gnna in processes of derivation and inflection do not apply to a short 
vowel which is Hong by position'^, nor to a long vowel unless it be 
final: thus, o^tati from y^oit, but nindati from /nind; n&yati from 
Vnl, but jfvatl from yjiv. 

a- The vftldbi-increment is not liable to this restriction. 

b« Exceptions to the rule are occasionally met with: thus, eh4» ehas 
from yih\ he^yftnoiy h64^» ®^) ^o°^ V^4i ^'Of'^ ^<^* froo^ V'o^i 
6hate etc from y^ih consider \ and especially, from roots in Iv: dlddva 
devifyati, ddvana, etc., from ydiv; tift^eva from i/ftblv; 8rev&y&mi, 
ardvuka, from yBtvr — on account of which it is, doubtless, that these 
roots are written with iv (div etc.) by the Hindu grammarians, although 
they nowhere show a short i. In either verb-forms or derivatives. 

c* A few casos occnr of prolongation instead of increment: thus 
do^&yati from ydxu^ gdhati from ygnh. 

The changes of r (more original ar or ra) are so various as to 
call for further description. 

241. The increments of ^ are sometimes ra and r&, instead of 
ar and fir: namely, especially, where by such reversal a difficult com- 
bination of consonants is avoided : thus, from )/dr9, drak^yami and 
^drftij^umL; but also pftha and prath, vx^ ^^^ prach, kn>a and 

242. In a number of roots (about a dozen quotable ones) ending 
in X (^or more original ar), the x changes both with ar, and more 
irregulwly, in a part of the forms, with Ir — or also with ur (espe- 
cially after a labial, in p^, mf* vr, sporadically in others): which ir 
and tir, again, are liable to prolongation into Ir and nr. Thus, for 
example, from t^ (or tar), we have tarati, titarti, tatftra, atarifam, 
by regular processes; but also tirati, tiryati, tlrtva» -tirya, ton^a, 
and even (V.) turyfima> tuturyat, tarturfii^a. The treatment of such 
roots has to be described in speaking of each formation. 

a« For the purpose of artjflcially indicating this peculiarity of treatment, 
snch roots are by the Hindu grammarians written with long f, or with both 
r and f : no f actually: appears anywhere among their forms. 


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242—] III. Euphonic Combination. 84 

b. The (quotable) ^roots are 2kr strew ^ 1 g^ ^*fHfi ^ST swaUow, 
1 jy loear outy ty, 1 ^y crush. 

c The (quotable) f and f-roots are y, 1 df pierce^ 1 py ^/WZ, 1 my rfic, 
2vT choose, Btf, hvy. 

d. Forms analogous ivitb these are sometimes made also from other 
roots: thus, oir^, oirtvd, oarcuryd, from }/oar; spurdh&n and spur^ 
dli&se from yspydh. 

243. In a few cases y comes from the contraction of other syllables 
than ar and ra: thus, in tqrta and tqptlya, from ri; In 9fnu, from ru; in 
bhykuti, from ru. 


244. Vowel-lengthening concerns especially i and u, since the 
lengthening of a is in part (except where in eyident analogy with 
that of i and u) indistinguishable from its increment, and x is made 
long only in certain plural cases of stems in x (or ar: 369 ff.). Length- 
ening is a much more irregular and sporadic change than increment, 
and its cases will in general be left to be pointed out in connection 
with the processes of inflection and derivation: a few only will be 
mentioned here. 

245. a. Final radical 1 and u are especially liable to prolongation 
before y: as in passive and gerand and so on. 

b. Final radical ir and ur (from variable f-roots: 242) are liable to 
prolongation before all consonants except those of personal endings: namely, 
before y and tvA and na: and in declension before bh and B (392). 
Radical is has the same prolongation in declension (392). 

246. Compensatory lengthening, or absorption by a vowel of the time 
of a lost following consonant, is by no means common. Certain Instances 
of it have been pointed out above (179, 198 c, d, 199 d, 222 b). Perhaps 
such cases as pit& for pitarB (371 a) and dhani for dhanins (439) are 
to be classed here. 

247. The final vowel of a former member of a compound is often 
made long, especially in the Yeda. Prolongations of final a, and before v, 
are most frequent ^ but cases are found of every variety. Examples are: 
devftvl, vayunftvid, prfivf^, ^ftvasu, {ndrftvant» Badan&B&d, Qata- 
magha, vlfvanara, ^kada^a; apijA, pari^&h» vlrudh, tavimagh&» 
tvii^imant, 9&ktivant; vasujA, anurudh, Bum&ya, puruv&su.) | 

248. In the Veda, the final vowel of a word — generally a, much 
less often i and u — is in a large number of cases prolonged. Usually 
the prolongation takes place where it is favored by the metre, but some- 
times even where the metre opposes the change (for details, see the yarioua 

Words of which the finals are thus treated are: 

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a. Particles: namely, y&thft,] &dha, eva, utt» gh^ hfi, iha, ivft, ^"^^ ^' 
eS» ema, nS, aiigfi, kflA, &tr&, y&trd, t&tra» kutrft, any&tr&» ubhay- j^ •^*^-*<^^>''^ u 
4tr8, adya, &ooha» &p&, pra; &ti, nl, y&di, nahl, abhl, vf ; a, td, 
ni^ sA, mak^A. 

b. Gase-fonuB: especially instr. sing., as ena, t^n&y y6nft, Bv6n&, 
and others; rarely gen. siug., as asyfty haru^isya. Gases besides these 
are few: so sdnft, vr^abhft, hariyojanft (voc); tanvi (loc); and urfi 
and (not rarely) purfi. 

o. Verh-forms ending in a, in great number and variety: thus (nearly 
in the order of their comparatiTe frequency), 2d sing. impy. act., as pibft, 
oya, gamayft, dhfir^fi;~2d pi. act. in ta and tha, as sthft, attft, 
bibhrtft, JayatS, ^fi^utft, anadatft, nayathft, Jivayathft (and one or 
two in tana: aviftanft, hantanft); — 1st pi. act. in ma, as vidmft, 
rlfSmft, ^^dhyAmfty ruhemft, vaniiy&m&, oakpnd, mamifjmft; — 
Id sing. impT. mid. in ava, as yuk^va, i(^bv&, dadhi^vd, vahasvft; 
— 1st and 3d sing. perf. act., as vedfi, vive^ft, jagrabhft; 2d sing. perf. 
act., vetthft; — 2d pi. perf. act., anajft, cakrft. Of Terb-forms ending 
in i, .only the 2d sing. impy. act. : thus, kfdtai» Iq^uhl, Iq^idhl, ^rudhi, 
9P^udhi, 9p^uhi, didibi, jahl. 

d. To these may be added the gerund in ya (993 a), as abhigdryft, 


249. The alteration of short a to an i- or u-vowel in the formative 
procewea of the language, except in {> or ar roots (as explained above); 
is a sporadic phenomenon only. 

850. But the lightening of a long & especially to an i-vowel 
(as also its loss), is a frequent process; no other vowel is so nn- 

a. Of the class-sign nfi (of the kri-class of verbs: 717 ff.), the 
ft is in weak forms Changed to i, and before vowel-endings dropped alto- 
gether. The final ft of certain roots is treated in the same manner: thus, 
mfty hft, etc. (862-6). And from some roots, ft- and i- or i-forms so 
interchange that it is difficult to classify them or to determine the true 
character of the root 

b. Radical ft is weakened to the semblance of the union-vowel i in 
certain verbal forms: as perfect dadima from ydS etc (794k); aorist 
adhithfts from ydhSL etc. (884 a); present jahlmas from yhSL etc. (666). 

o. Radical ft is shortened to the semblance of stem-a in a number 
reduplicated forms, as tiftlia» piba, dada, etc.: see 671-4; also in a 
few aorists, as ^hvam, &khyam, etc.: see 847. 

d. Radical ft sometimes becomes e, especially before y : as stheyftsam, 

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261—] III. Euphonic Combination. 86 

261. Oertain ft*Toot8, because of tbeir peenliai exchanges with i and 
i-fonns, especially in forming the present stem, are giren by the Hindu 
grammarians as roots ending in e or Si or o. Thus, f^om 2 dhS suek (dhe) 
come the present dh&yati and participle and gerand dhlti, dbltvi; the 
other forms are made from dhft, as dadhus» adhftt* dhftsyati, dhatove* 
dhftpayati. From 2gft sing (gfii) come the present gayati, the parti- 
ciple and gerund git& and gitva, and passive giy&te, and the other forms 
ftrom gft. From 3 dft cut (do) come the present dy4ti and participle dit& 
or din&, and the other forms from dft. The irregularities of these roots 
will be treated below, under the various formations (see especially 761 d if.)* 

262. By a process of abbreviation essentially akin with that of ar or 
ra to Xi the va (usually initial) of a number of roots becomes n, and the 
ya of a much smaller number becomes i, in certain verbal forms and deriv- 
atives. Thus, from vao come uvaoa, uoyasam, uktv^ uktd, iikd* 
ukth&y etc. ; from yaj come iy^a, iJyaBam, i^fva, if^fi, £}(i» etc. See 
below, under the various formations. 

a. To this change is given by European grammarians the name of 
Bazhprasftrai^, by adaptation of a term used in the native grammar. 

268. A short a, of root or ending, is not infrequently lost between 
consonants in a weakened syllable: thus, in verb-forms, ghn&nti» &paptaxii» 
jagm&5i» jajfiiiB, i^jiiata; in noun-forms, r^fie, rf^jSiL 

264. Union-vowels. All the simple vowels come to assume in 
certain cases the aspect of union-vowels, or insertions between root or stem 
and ending of inflection or of derivation. 

a. That character belongs oftenest to i, which is very widely used: 
1. before the B of aorist and future and desiderative stems, as in ^Ivi^am, 
jivify&ni, jfjivi^Smi; 2. in tense-inflection, especially perfect, as jlji- 
vimd; occasionally also present, as dniti, r6diti; 3. in derivation, as 
Jivit&» kh&nltmn, janitf, rocifi^iit etc. etc. 

b. Long i is used sometimes instead of short: thus, igrahlfaniy 
grahi^yami; braviti, vSvadlti; taritf, savitt; it is also often intro- 
duced before 8 and t of the 2d and 3d sing, of verbs: thus, asls, asit. 

o. For details respecting these, and the more irregular and sporadic 
occarrenoes of u- and a-vowels in the same character, see below. 

Nasal Increment. 

266. Both in roots and in endings, a distinction of stronger and 
weaker forms is very often made by the presence or absence of a 
nasal element, a nasal mute or anusvSra, before a following con- 
sonant In general, the stronger form is doubtless the more original; 
but, in the present condition of the language, the nasal has come in 
great measure to seem, and to some extent also to be used, as an 
actually strengthening element, introduced under oertain conditions 
in formative and inflective processes. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

87 Njlbal Ihobembnt. [— 9M 

a. Examples aie, of roots: ao and alio, grath and granth, vid 
and vind, da^ and daii^, sras and sraAs, d^h and dip&h: of endings, 
bhtomtam and bh&ratft, m&nasi and m&nifisi. 

256. A final n, whether of stem or o'f root, is less stahle than any 
other consonant, where a weaker form is called for: thns, from ri^jan we 
haTe rfU& and rfHJabhlB, and in composition ri^a; from HIimiIti, dhanl 
and dlianibhis and dh&ni; from ylian we haye hath4 and hat&, etc. 
A final radical m is sometimes treated in the same way: thns, from Vgam, 
gahi, gat&m, gatA, gAti. 

257. Inserted n. On the other hand, the nasal n has come to he 
nsed with great — and, in the later history of the language, with increasing 
— f^qnency as a nnion-consonant. Inserted between Towels: thns, from agnf, 
agnfnft and agnlnam; from mAdhn, m&dhtinaa, mAdhnnf, mAdhOni; 
ftom 9ivA, ^irena, ^Iv&ii, Qivbsm. 

268. Inserted y. a. After final a of a root, a y is often found as 
apparently a mere union-consonant hefore another vowel : thns, in inflection, 
Adhiyi etc (844), 9fiy&3rati etc. (1042), (jtviy&B etc. (868 o), g^ati 
etc. (761 e); further, in deiiyation, -gSya, -yiyam, dftyaka etc.; 
Hsthayika; pfiyAna» -gft3rana; dhayas, -hAyas; sthayin etc. (many 
eases); -hitSyin, -tat&yin; sthfiynka. 

b. Other more sporadic cases of inserted y — such as that in the 
pronoun-forms ayam, iyam, vayam, yOyaniy svayam; and in optative 
inflection before an ending beginning vdth a vowel (666) — will be point- 
ed out below in their connection. 


268. Redaplication of a root (originating doubtless in its com- 
plete repetition) has come to be a method of radical increment or 
strengthening in various formative processes: namely, 

a. in present-stem formation (642 ff.): as d&dftmi» bibh&rmi; 

b. in perfect-stem formation, almost universally (782 ff.): astatana, 
dadliAu, oak&a, rir6oa» lul6pa; 

o. in aorist-stem formation (866 ff.}: as Adidharam, Aouoyavam; 

d. in intensive and desiderative-stem formation, throughout (1 000 ff., 
1026ff.): asjAlkghanti, J6haviti, marm^y&te ; plpSaati, JfghSAsati ; 

e. in the formation of derivative noun-stems (1143 e): as pApri, 
oAroara, sftsahi, oikit^ maUmluoA. 

f. Bales for the treatment of the reduplication in these several cases 
will be given in the proper connection below. 

260. As, by reason of the strengthening and weakening changes 
indicated above, the same root or stem not seldom exhibits, in the 
processes of inflection and derivation, varieties of stronger and weaker 
form, the distinction and description of these varieties forms an im- 
portant part of the subjects hereafter to be treated. 

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261—] IV. Dbolbnsion. 88 



261. The general subject of declension includes nouns, adjectives, 
and pronouns, all of which are inflected in essentially the same manner. 
But while the correspondence of nouns and adjectives is so close that 
they cannot well be separated in treatment (chap. V.}, the pronouns, 
which exhibit many pecularities, will be best dealt with in a separate 
chapter (VH.) ; and the words designating number, or numerals, also 
form a class peculiar enough to require to be presented by them- 
selves (chap. VI.). 

262. Declensional forms show primarily case and num- 
ber; but they also indicate gender — since, though the 
distinctions of gender are made partly in the stem itself, 
they also appear, to no inconsiderable extent, in the changes 
of inflection. 

263. Gender. The genders are three, namely mascu- 
line, feminine, and neuter, as in the other older Indo-Euro- 
pean languages; and they follow in general the same laws 
of distribution as, for example, in Greek and Latin. 

a. The only words which show no sign of gender-distinction are the 
personal pronouns of the first and second person (491), and the nomerals 
above four (483). 

264. Number. The numbers are three — singular, dual, 
and plural. 

a. A few words are used only in the plural: as dfirfis wifty ipas waier; 
the numeral dva two, is dual only ; and, as in other languages, many words 
are, hy the nature of their use, found to occur only in the singular. 

266. As to the nses of the numbers, it needs only to be remarked 
that the dual is (with only very rare and sporadic exceptions) used 
strictly in all cases where two objects are logically indicated, whether 
directly or by combination of two individuals: thus, 9iv6 te dyt- 
v&p^^thivf ubh6 st&m may heaven and earth both bepropitioua to thee! 
dftivaih ca mftnuyiifa ca hot&rftu Vf(v& having chosen both the divine 
and the human 8acrificer9\ pathor devayftnasya pit^fii^asya ca of 
the two paths leading respectively to the gods and to the Fathers. 


89 Cases. . [—268 

a. The dual is used alone (without dva tico) properly when the 
duality of the objects indicated is well understood ; thus, a^vlnau the ttco 
Acvtns'y {ndrasya h&ri Indras ttco bm/s; but tasya dv&v a^vftu Btah 
he has two horses. But now and then the dual stands alone pregnantly: 
thus, vedaih vedftu vedftn vft one Veda or ttco or more than two; 
elLaf affe 9ate two hundred and sixty-one. 

206. Case. The cases are (including the vocative) eight: 
nominative, accusative, instrumental, dative, ablative, gen- 
itive, locative, and vocative. 

a. The order in which they are here mentioned is that established for 
them by the Hindu grammarians, and accepted from these by Western 
scholars. The Hindu names of the cases are founded on this order: the 
nominative is called prathamft ^r«^, the accusative dvitiyfi second^ the 
genitive safthl sixth (sc. vibhakti division, i. e. case\ etc. The object 
•ought in the arrangement is simply to set next to one another those cases 
which are to a greater or less extent, in oi^ or another number, identical 
in form; and, putting the nominative ^ftst, a» leading case, there is no 
other order by which that object cgsld be attained. The vocative is not 
considered and named by the native grammarians as a case like the rest; 
in this work, it will be given in the singular (where alone it is ever dis- 
tinguished from the nominative otherwise than by accent) at the end of the 
series of cases. 

A compendious statement of the uses of the cases is given in 
the following pacftgraphs: 

267. Uses of the Nominative. The nominative is the case 
of the subject of the sentence, and of any word qualifying the sub- 
ject, whether attribntively, in apposition, or as predicate. 

268. One or two peculiar constructions call for notice: 

a. A predicate nominative, instead of an objective predicate in the 
accusative, is used with middle verb-forms that signify regarding or calling 
one's self: thus, 86ina]ii manyate papiv^ (R^O ^ thinks he has been 
drinking soma-y ok manyeta puranavit (AY.) he may regard himself as 
wise m ancient things; durgad va ftharta 'vocathfil^ (MS.) thou hast 
claimed to be a savior out of trouble \ fndro brfihTnaijo bruv&gLsJ^ 
(TS.) Indra pretending to be a Brahman; katthase satyavftdi (R.) thou 
boastest thyself truthful. Similarly with the phrase rlipaiii kp: thus, 
kp9a^6 rup&iii k^^a (TS.) taking on a black form (1. e. making shape 
for himself as one that is black). 

b. A word made by iti (1102) logically predicate to an object is 
ordinarily nominative: thus, 8varg6 loka {ti y&xh v&danti (AY.) what 
they caU the heavenly world; tarn agni^^ma ity ftoak^ate (AB.) it 
they style agni^^oii^' vidarbharajatanayaih damayanti 'ti viddhi 
mftm (MBh.) know me for the Vidarbha-king's daughter ^ Damayanti by 

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268—] 17. Declension. 90 

name. Both oonstniotions are combined in ajiiaih hi balam ity ahu^ 
pite 'ty ava tu mantradam (M.) for to an ignorani man they give the 
name of ^chM, hut that of fMer" to one who unparte the sacred teste, 
c A nominative, instead of a second vocative, is sometimes added to 
a vooative by oa and: thas, {ndra9 ea 86iiiaih pibataiii bi'haspate 
(RY.) together toUh Indra, do ye two drink the soma, O Brhaepati! vl^ve 
doTfi y6Jam&iia9 oa sidatft (TS.) O ye AU-Oode^ and the eaerijicer, 
take seats! 

269. Uses of the acoasatiye. The accnsatiye is especially 
the case of the direct object of a transitive verb, and of any word 
qualifying that object, as attribute or appositive or objective predi- 
cate. The construction of the verb is shared, of course, by its par- 
ticiples and infinitives; but also, in Sanskrit, by a number of other 
derivatives, having a more or less participial or infinitival character, 
and even sometimes by nouns and adjectives. A few preposidons 
are accompanied by the accusative. As less direct object, or goal 
of motion or action, the accusative is construed especially with verbs 
of approach and address. It is found used more adverbially as ad- 
junct of place or time or manner; and a host of adverbs are accus- 
ative cases in form. Two accusatives are often found as objects of 
the same verb. 

270. The use of the accnsatiYe as direct object of a transitive verb 
and of its inflnitiyes and participles hardly needs illustration; au example 
or two are: agnim i<JLo / praise Agni] n&mo bharantah bringing 
homage; bht&yo datum arhasi thou shouldsi give more. Of predicate 
words qualifying the object, an example is t&m ugr&iii k^i^omi t&iii 
brahmai^am (RV.) him I make formidable^ him a priest. 

271. Of verbal derivatiyee having so far a participial character that 
they share the construction of the verb, the variety is considerable : thus — 

a. Deriyatiyes in a from desiderative stems (1038) have wholly the 
character of present participles: thus, damayantim abhlpsavah (MBb.) 
desiring to win Damaycmi%\ didq^k^ur janak&tmaj&iii (B.) desiring to 
see Janakds daughter. Rarely, also, the verbal noun in ft from such a root : 
thus, Bvargam abhikfink^ayft (R.) with desire of paradise. 

b. So-called primary deriyatiyes in in have the same character: thus, 
m^ kfimfni (AY.) ioving me\ enam abhibha^l^I (MBh.) addressing 
him. Even the obviously secondary garbhin has in QB. the same con- 
struction : thus, B&rvft^i bh^tani garbhy abhavat he became pregnant 
with all beings. 

0. Derivatives in aka, iu the later language: as, bhavantam abhi- 
vftdakal^ (MBh.) intending to salute you\ mithil&m avarodbaka^ (R.) 
besieging MUhUd. 

d. Nouns in tar, very frequently in the older language, and as peri- 
phrastic future forms (942 ff.) in the later: thus, h&ntft y6 V|rtr&lh 

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9i Uses op the Accusative. [—278 

Bteito t& v^aih datfi ma^iLni (BY.) who slayeth the dragon^ winneth 
booty, b€stoweth largessM; t&u hi 'daih sarraih hartftrfta (JB.) for 
ihey seiz0 on this universe; tyaktfira^ saihyage prSj^Sn (MBh.) risking 
Ufo m baUle. 

•. The root itself, in the older language, used with the valae of a 
present participle at the end of a compoond : thas, jkAi j^'h&&L pairibh&r 
48i (BY.) what offering thou surroundest {proteetest); 4him ap&^ pari- 
^fham (BY.) the dr<igon confining the waters. Also a taperlatiTo of a 
root-stem (468, 471): thus, tv&ih v&8U devayat^ v&nifthah (BY.) thou 
art chief winner of wealth for the pious; ta sdmaxh somapitama (BY.) 
tkejf two are the greatest drinkers of soma, 

f. The derivative in i from the (especially the reduplicated) root, in 
the older language: thus, babhrfr v^raih pap{^ adsiaih dadfr gc^^ 
(BY.) hearing the thunderbolty drinking the soma, bestowing kine ; yi^iik^an 
ftt&nlh (BY.) extending the sacrifice, 

g. Derivatives in nka, very frequently in the Brahmana language: 
thus, vatsan^ oa ghatuko vfkah (AY.) and the wolf destroys his calves; 
vMuko vaso bhavati (IS.) he wins a garment ; kamukft enaiii striyo 
bhavanti (MS.) the women faU in love with him. 

b. Other cases are more sporadic: thus, derivatives in a, as Indro 
d^^4^a eid ftrt^i^ (^^O Indra breaks up even whU is fast; nfii VA 
*rliah paitfkaih riktham (M.) by no means entitled to his father's 
estate ; — in atnu, as vl^ix old ftridatnabhi^ (BY.) with the breakers 
of whatever is strong; — in atha, as y^i&thftya devan (BY.) to make 
offering to the gods; — in ana, as taiii nivfirai^e (MBh.) in restraining 
him; BvamS&Bam iva bhojane (B.) as if in eating one's own flesh; — 
in ani, as sam&tsu turv&i^ Pl^any^ (R^O overcoming foes in 
combats; — in ti, as nk tk&i dhurtlh (BY.) there is no injuring him; — 
in van, as ipaQCftddaghva *nnam bhavati (MS.) he does not come 
short of food\ — in anu, as sthiri oin namayi^^avah (BY.) bowing 
even firm things. 

272. Examples of an accusative with an ordinary noun or adjective 
tf e only occasional : such words as AnuTTata faithful tOj pr&tirupa 
corresponding to, abhidhf^nu daring to cope withj praty&fio opposite 
to, may he regarded as taking an accusative in virtue of the preposition they 
contain; also ^TinTca, as dnukS d&vi v&runam (MS.) the gods are inferior 
to Varuna. BY. has t&m ant&rvati^ pregnant with him\ and AY. has 
m&h kamena through loving me. 

278. The direct construction of cases with prepositions is compara- 
tiyely restricted in Sanslcrit (1123 ff.). With the accusative are oftenest 
found prati, opposite to, in reference to, etc. •, also anu after, in tJie course 
of; antar or antarS between; rarely ati across; abhi against, to; and 
others (1129). Case-forms which have assumed a prepositional value are 
also often used with tiie accusative : as antarei^y uttarei^, dakfiiyena, 
avare^a, Ordhvam, ^. 

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274—] Declension. 92 

274. The accusative is Yery often found also as object of veibs which 
in the related languages are not transitive. 

a. It stands especially as the goal of motion, with verbs of going, 
bringing, sending, and the like: thus, vidarbhan agaxnan (MBh.) they 
toerd to Vidarhha\ divaih yayuh (MBh.) they went to heaven; vanagul- 
man dh&vantah (MBh.) running to tooods and btuhes; ap6 dfvam ud 
vahanti (AV.) they carry up waters to the sky; devan yaje (AV.) J 
make offering to the gods. 

b. With verbs meaning go, this is an extremely common construction; 
and the use of such a verb with an abstract noun makes peculiar phrases 
of becoming: thus, samatftm eti Tie goes to equality (i. e. becomes eqttal)] 
8a gaoohed badhyat&m mama (MBh.) Ae shaU become liable to be slain 
by me\ sa paiioatvam agatah (H.) he was resolved into the Jive elements 
(underwent dissolution^ died). 

o. Verbs of speaking follow the same rule: thus, tarn abravit he 
said to him-j pr&kro^ad uoeair n&ifadham (BCBh.) «Ae cried out loudly 
to the Nishadhan] jr&s tvo Vaca (AV.) who spoke to thee. 

d. The assumption of an accusative object is exceptionally easy in 
Sanskrit, and such an object is often taken by a verb or phrase which is 
strictly of intransitive character: thus, sihasft pra 'sy anyan (RV.) in 
might thou excellesi (lit. art ahead) others ^ devt, vai br&hma s&m 
avadanta (MS.) the gods were discussing (lit. were t€dking together) 
brahman; ant&r va{ ma yajiiad yanti (MS.) surely they are cutting 
me off (lit. are going between) from the offering; taih 8&ih babhnva 
(9B.) he had intercourse with her. 

275. Examples of the cognate accusative, or accusative of implied 
object, are not infrequent: thus, t&pas tapySmahe (AV.) we do penance; 
tk hSi 'tam edhatum edbaih oakrire (9B.) they prospered with thai 
prosperity; ufitvft BukhavSsam (R.) abiding happily. 

276. The accusative is often used in more adverbial constructions. 

a. Occasionally, to denote measure of space: thus, yojana^ataih 
gantum (MBh.) to go a hundred leagues; ^aiJL uoohrito yojan&ni (MBh.) 
six leagues high. 

b. Much more often, to denote measure or duration of time: thus, 84 
saihvatsar&m urdhv6 ti^fhat (AV.) he stood a year upright; tisrd 
ratrir dikfit&h syftt (TS.) let him be consecrated three nights; gatrv& 
trin ahorfttrftn (MBh.) having traveled three complete days. 

c. Sometimes, to denote the point of space, or, oftener, of time: thus, 
jim asya df^aih disyul^ syat (QB.) whatever region his enemy may 
be in; t6n&i 'taih ratriiSi saha " jag&ma (9B.) he arrived that night 
with him; imfiiii rajanuh vyuij^tiuii (MBh.) this current night. 

d. Very often, to denote manner or acoompanying circumstance. 
Thus, the neuter accusative of innumerable adjectives, simple or compound 

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93 Uses op the Accusative. [—-279 

(1111), is used adverbially, while certain kinds of compounds are thus 
used to such an extent that the Hindu grammarianfl have made of them a 
speeial adverbial class (1818). 

e. Special cases are occasionally met with: thus, brahmao^ryam 
uvSsa (9^.) he kept a term of studentship \ phal&m paoy&nte (MS.) they 
ripen their fruit] gaih divyadhvam (MS., S.) gamble for a cow, 

277. The accusative is, of course, freely used with other cases to limit 
the same verb, as the sense requires. And whenever it is usable with a 
verb In two dilTerent constructions, the verb may take two accusatives, one 
in each construction: and such combinations are quite frequent in Sanskrit. 
Thus, with verbs of appealing, asking, having recourse: as, apo y&oftmi 
bhe^aj&m (RV.) I ask the waters for medicine; tvSjn ahaih satyam 
ioohami (R.) I desire truth from thee-, tv&ih vayaih ^araaaih gatfth 
(MBh.) we have resorted to thee for succor; — with verbs of bringing, 
sending, following, imparting, saying: as, gurutvaih naram nayanti (H.) 
^ey bring a man to respectability; sita eft 'nvetu mam vanam (R.) 
and let Stta accompany me to the forest; Bup^Qasam ma Va 8|!janty 
&8tam (RV.) they let me go home well adorned; tftm idam abravit (MBh.) 
this he said to Tier ; — and in other less common cases : as, vfkf&ih pakv&iti 
ptaAlaih dhuTinhl (RV.) s?uike ripe fruit from the tree; taiii vi^&m 
eva *dliok (AV.) poison he milked from her; jitvft rSjyaih nalam 
(MBh.) htwing won the kingdom from Nala; dmu^nitaih panlm gah (RV.) 
ye robbed the Pani of the kine; dra^fum ioohSvah putraih pa^cimadar- 
9aziam (R.) we wish to see our son for the last time, 

a. A causative form of a transitive verb regularly admits two accu- 
sative objects: thus, devaft UQatdh payayS havih (RV.) make the eager 
gods drink the oblation ; 69adhir evk ph&lam grahayati (MS.) he makes 
the plants bear fruit; va^o dftpayet karftn (M.) he should cause the 
merchants to pay taxes. But such a causative sometimes takes an instru- 
mental instead of a second accusative: see 282 b. 

278. Uses of the Instrumental. The instrumental is orig- 
inally the trVM-case : it denotes adjacency, accompaniment, association 
— passing over into the expression of means and instrument by the 
same transfer of meaning which appears in the English prepositions 
i€ith and by, 

a. Nearly all the uses of the case are readily deducible from this 
fundamental meaning, and show nothing anomalous or difficult. 

279. The instrumental is often used to signify accompaniment: thus, 
agnfr dev^bhir a g^mat (RV.) may Agni come hither along with the 
gdds ; marddbln rudr&m huvema (RV.) we would call Rudra with the 
Maruis; dvapare^ sahftyena kva ySsyasi (MBh.) whither wilt thou 
go, with Dvdpara for companion f kathayan nai^adhena (MBh.) talking 
with the Nishadhan. But the relation of simple accompaniment is more 
often helped to plainer expression by prepositions (saha etc.: 284). 

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S80— ] IV. Declension. 94 

S80. The instrumental of means or inBtmment or agent is yet more 
freqaent: thus, bhadr&ih Un^ebhi^ ^p^tiyftma (RV.) may uv h4mr 
with our ears tohat is propitiom; qastrei^A nidhanam (MBh.) death by 
the sword\ keoit padbhyfiih hatfi gcjfti^ (MBh.) «ome were slain by the 
elephants with their feet\ pfthak pft^ibhySdi darbhatam^aikftur 
naTanitenft *nguythopa3caniqfthikftbhyftm ak^i^i ijya (AGS.) anoiai- 
ing their eyes with fresh btUter, by help of the bunches of darbha-^oM, 
with the thumb and ring-finger^ using the two hands successively. And 
this passes easily over into the expression of occasion or reason (for which 
the ablative is more Arequent): thus, kfpayi. through pity; tena satyena 
in virtue of that truth. 

281. Of special applications, the following may he noticed: 

a. Accordance, equality, likeness, and the like: thus, Bam&ih Jy6tih 
stbye^a (AV.) a brightness equal with the sun\ yes&m ahaih na 
pftdarajasft tulyah (MBh.) to the dust of whose feet I am not equal 

b. Price (by which obtained): thus, da9&bhi^ kri]^ti dhenubhih 
(RV.) A« buys with ten kine-y gavftih ^atasaliasre]^ diyatSih 9abal& 
mama (R.) let fabala be given me for a hundred thousand cows \ sa te 
'ktj^abfdayaih d&t& rSJft 'Qvah^dayena v&i (MBh.) tl^e king wiU give 
thee the secret science of dice in return for that of horses, 

o. Medium, and hence also space or distance or road, traversed: thus, 
udnt n& navam anayanta (RV.) they brought [him] as it were a ship 
by water] 6 'h& yfttaiii pathibhir devayanfii^ (R^O cf^^f^e hither by 
god-traveled paths \ jagmur vihSyasft (MBb.) they went off through 
the air. 

d. Time passed through, or by the lapse of which anything is brought 
about: thus, vidarbhftn yatum ioeh&my ek&hn& (MBh.) / wish to go 
to Vidarbha in the course of one day; te oa kSlena mahatft yftuvanam 
pratipedire (R.) and they in a long time attained adolescence; tatra 
kfilena jSyante mftnavfi dirghajivinah (M.) there in time are bom 
men long-lived. This use of the instrumental borders upon that of ttie 
locative and ablative. 

e. The part of the body on (or by) which anything is borne Is usually 
expressed by the instrumentol: as, kukkara]|^ skandbeno 'hyate (H.) 
a dog is carried on the shottlder; and this construction is extended to such 
cases as tulayft k^am (H.) put on (i. e. so as to be carried by) a balance, 

f. Not infrequent are such phrases as bahunfi kim pral&pena (R.) 
what is the use of (i. e. is gained by) much talking? ko nu me JIvitenA 
'rtha^ (MBh.) what object is life to me? nirujas tu kim ftuyidh&Hi 
(H.) but what has a well man to do with medicines? 

g. An instrumental of accompaniment is occasionally used almost or 
quite with the value of an instrumental absolute: thus, na tvayft *tra 
mays Vasthitena kft 'pi eint& k&ryft (Pafic.) with me at hand, thou 
needst feel no anxiety whatever on this point. 

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95 Uses of thb Instrumental. [— S86 

288. a. The construetion of * paisive Terb (or p*rticiple) with an 
InstEomenUl of the agent is common from the earlieft period, and becomes 
decidedly more so later, the passive participle vith instrumental taking to 
no smal extent the place of an active verb with its snbject. Thus, yam^na 
datt&]^ (BY.) given by Tama; fifihhir i^yah (BY.) to h§ praiisd by 
$ageM; vyftdhena J&Iaih vlstln^am (H.) by the hunUr a net [wae] spread; 
tae ohratTft Jaradgaveno 'ktam (H.) Jaradgava, hearing this, said; 
may ft gantavyam (H.) I shaU go. A predicate to the instmmental subject 
of such a construction is, of coarse, also in the instmmental : thus, adhunft 
tavft 'nuoaraoa mayft sarvathft bhavitavyam (H.) henceforth IshaU 
ahoays be thy companion; avahitftir bhavitavyaih bhavadbhil^ (Yikr.) 
you must be attentive, 

b. A causative verb sometimes takes an instrumental instead of an 
accusative as second object: thus, tftih ^vabhi^ khftdayed rijft (M.) 
ihe king should have her devoured by dogs; ta v&rtu^enft *grfthayat 
(MS.) he caused Varuna to seise them, 

283. Many instrumental constructions are such as call in translation 
for other prepositions than with or by; yet the true instrumental relation is 
usually to be traced, especially if the etymological sense of the words be 
caxefully considered. 

a. More anomalously, however, the instrumental is used interchangeably 
with the ablative with words signifying separation: thus, vatsiir vlyutft^ 
(RY.) separated from their cakes; ma 'h&m fttm&nft vi rftdhifi (AY.) 
let me not be severed from the breath of Ufe; sa tayft vyayuJsrata 
(MBh.) he was parted f^om her ; pftpm&nfti Vii 'naih vi punanti (MS.) 
tkey cleanse him from evil (compare English parted with). The same 
meaning may be given to the case even when accompanied by aaha with: 
thus, bliartrft Baha viyoga^ (MBh.) separation from her husband, 

284. The prepositions taking the instrumental (1127) are those sig- 
nifying with and the like : thus, oaha, with the adverbial words containing 
sa as an element, as Bftkam, Bfirdham, saratham; — and, in general, 
A word oompounded with sa, sam, saha takes an instrumental as its regular 
and natural complement. But also the preposition vinft without takes 
sometlmee the instrumental (cf. 288 a). 

286. Ubob of the Dative. The dative is the case of the 
indireet object — or that toward or in the direction of or in order 
to or for which anything i& or is done (either intransitively or to a 
direct object). 

a. In more physical connections, the uses of the dative approach those 
of the accusative (the more proper ^o-case), and the two are sometimes 
interchangeable; bat the general value of the dative as the toward- or for- 
case is almost everywhere distinctly to be traced. 

286. Thus, the dative is used with — 

a. Words signifying give^ share out^ assign, and the like : thus, y6 nk 
dAdftti sAkhye (RY.) who gives not to a friend; y&cchS 'smfii 9&rma 
(RY.) bestow upon him protection. 

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286—] IV. Declension. 96 

b. Words BigDifying shoWy announce, declare, atid the like: thus 
dhanur dar^aya r&mftya (R.) ehow the bow to Hdtno] fivir ebhyo 
abhavat suryah (RV.) the aun was manifested to them] ftapnxi^sj&L 
bhimSya pratyavedayan (MBh.) they announced Rituparna to Bh%ma\ 
tebbyah pratijfiftya (MBh.) having promised to them, 

o. Words signifying give attention, have a regard or feeling, aspire, 
and the like: thus, nive^fiya mano dadhuh (MBh.) they set their minds 
upon encamping \ mftte 'va putr6bhyo m^iJL^ (A^V.) he gracious as a 
mother to her sons ; kim asm&bhyaih liaise (R V.) why art thou angry 
at usf kamSya spfhayaty &tm& (Spr.) the soul longs for love. 

d. Words signifying please, suit, conduce, and the like : thus, yadyad 
rocate viprebhyah (M.) whatever is pleasing to Brahmans', tad 
anantygya kalpate (KU.) that tnakes for immortality. 

e. Words signifying inclination, obeisance, and the like: thus, m&byam 
namantam pradi^a^ c&tasrah (RV.) let the four quarters bow themselves 
to me-, devebbyo namask^ya (MBh.) having paid homage to the gods. 

f. Words signifying hurling or casting: as y6na du<jLa9e ^syaai (AY.) 
with which thou hurlest at the impious. 

g. In some of these constructions the genitive and locative are also 
used: see below. 

287. In its more distinctive sense, as signifying for, for the bene^ 
of with reference to, and the like, the dative is used freely, and in a 
great variety of constructions. And this use passes over into that of the 
dative of end or purpose, which is extremely common. Thus, {foiii kp^- 
T&na ^sanaya (AY.) making an arrow for hurling ; gyhTjami te s&u- 
bhagatvaya h&stam (RY.) I take thy hand in order to happiness; rfi^^raya 
m&hyaih badhyataih sap&tnebhysJ^ parftbhuve (AY.) be it bound 
on in order to royalty for me, in order to destruction for my enemies. 

a. Such a dative is much used predicatively (and oftenest with the 
copula omitted), in the sense of makes for, tends toward; also is intended 
for, and so must; or is liable to, and so can. Thus, apade90 morkhfi^fiih 
prakop&ya na Qftntaye (H.) good counsel [tends] to the exasperation, 
not the conciliation, of fools; sa oa tasyfth saxhtOBftya n& 'bhavat (H.) 
and he was not to her satisfaction; sugopa asi n& d&bhSya (RY.) thou 
art a good herdsman, not one for cheating (1. e. not to be cheiUed). 

b. These uses of the dative are in the older language especially illus- 
trated by the dative infinitives, for which see 982. 

288. The dative is not used with prepositions (1124). 

289. Uses of the Ablative. The ablative is the yrom-case 
in the various senses of that preposition ; it is used to express removal, 
separation, distinction, issue, and the like. 

290. The ablative is used where expulsion, removal, distinction, re- 
lease, defense, and other kindred relations are expressed : thus, t^ sedhantl 
path6 vfkam (AY.) they drive away the wolf from the path; mS pr4 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

97 Uses op the Ablative. [—292 

gftma path&|i (R^O »way toe not go away from the path \ 6tl va ei|& 
y^ flamnkh tlt (MS.) he verily goes away from the face of the sacrifice ; 
ftr6 asm&d astu heti^ (^'^O for from w he your missile \ p&t&ih no 
• vfkat (EV.) sane us from the wolf; &8tabhnad djim avasr&aal^ (RV.) 
he kept (Ut made firm) the sky from falling. 

291* The ablative is used where procedure or issue from something 
as from a source or starting-point is signified: thns, Qukra kfiffi^ad aja- 
nif^a (RV.) the bright one has been bom from the hlack one-, lobhftt kro- 
dha^ pTahhKvaU (MBh.) passion arises firom greed; vat&t te pr&gi&in 
avidam (AV.) I have toon thy life-breath from the toind; y6 pracyft dl^o 
abhidasanty aamibi (AY.) who attack us from the eastern quarter \ tae 
ehmtyfi Bakhlgaiyfit (MBh.) having heard that from the troop of friends-, 
▼Syor antarik^ftd abhft^ata (MBh.) the wind spoke from the sky, 

a. Hence also, procedure as from a cause or occasion is signified by 
the ablative : this is especially frequent in the later language, and in tech- 
nical phraseology is a standing construction; it borders on instrumental 
constructions. Thus, v^raaya ^ufn^ftd dadftra (RV.) from (by reason 
^f) ^ ftiry of the thunderbolt he burst asunder; yasya da^t^bhay&t 
sarve dharmam anurudhyanti (MBh.) from fear of whose rod all are 
constant to duty; ak&rami^ritatv&d ekftraaya (Tribh.) because e con- 
tains an element of a. 

b. Very rarely, an ablative has the sense of after: thus, agaoohann 
ahor&trSt tirtham (MBh.) they went to the shrine after a whole day; 
takftrftt aakfire takftrei^ (AFr.) after %, before b, is inserted t 

292. One or two special applications of the ablative construction are 
to be noticed: 

a. The ablative with words implying fear (terrified recoil from): thus, 
t&syft j&tayfth s&rvam abibhet (AV.) everything was afraid of her at 
her birth; y&smftd r6janta kfifft&yfiJ^ (RV.) at whom mortals tremble; 
yxupakd bhiya (RV.) through fear of you; yasmftn no 'dvijate loka^ 
(BhO.) of whom the world is not afraid. 

b. The ablative of comparison (distinction from): thus, pr& ririee 
div& fndra]^ p^^thivyal^ (RV.) Indra is greater than the heaven and the 
earth. With a comparative, or other word used in a kindred way, the abla- 
tive is the regular and almost constant construction: thus, 8V&d6h svadi- 
yah (RV.) sweeter than the sweet; kiih tasmftd du^khataram (liBh.) 
what is more painful than that ? ko mitrftd anysJ^ (H.) who else than a 
friend; gft aiqp^thS mat (AB.) tJiou hast chosen the kine rather than me; 
ajfkebhyo granthlnah ^re^thfi granthibhyo dhfirii^o varS^ (M.) 
possessors of texts are better than ignorant men; rememberers are better 
tlum possessors; t&d any&tra tv&n ni dadhmasi (AV.) we set this 
down elsewhere {away) from thee; plirvft vi^vasmftd bhuvanftt (RV.) 
tarlier than all beings. 

0. Occasionally, a probably possessiye genitive is used with the com- 
parative; or an instrumental (as in a comparison of equality): thus, 
Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 7 

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Sra— ] IV. Deolension. 98 

nft 'tti dhanyfttaro mama (R.) ihere is no one mor§ fortunate tktm I 
(i. 6. my superior in fortune)-, putFaih mama prfiijiair garlyasam 
(MBii.) a son dearer than my lifs, 

d. Ooeaiionftlly, an ablative is used instead of a partitire genitiTe: 
thus, mithon&d ekaih Ja^ftna (R.) he slew one out of the pair; 
tebhya ekam (KSS.) one of them, 

208. The ablatiye is used with a yarlety of prepositions and words 
sharing a prepositional character (1128); hat all these hare rather an ad- 
verbial valae, as strengthening or defining the yVofn-relation, than any 
proper goToming force. We m«y notice here: 

a« In the Veda, &dhi and p&ri are mnch used as directing and strength- 
ening adjuncts with the ablative: as, Jftt6 him&vatas p&ri (AV.) bom 
from the Himalaya (forth)', aamudrid &dhi Jajfiife (AY.) thou art 
bom from the ocean ; o4rantaiii p&ri tasthd^a^ (.^^) moving forth 
from that which stands fast. 

b. Also piiri (and piiris), in the sense of forward from, and hence 
before\ as, puri J&rasa^ (RV.) before old age: and hence also, with 
words of protection and the like, from: as 9a9amftn&];i purt nidAh 
(BV.) securing from iU-wiU, 

o. Also i, in the sbubq ot hither fi'om, all the way from: as, imtliad 
kau 9U97ata (AY.) let it dry completely up from the root-, t&smAd a 
nady6 n^a stha (AY.) since thai time ye are called rivers. Bat usn- 
ally, and especially in the later langaage, the measarement of Interval 
implied in a is reversed in direction, and the construction means all the 
way to, until: as yatl giribhya i samudrtt (BY.) going from the 
mountains to the ocean; a 'syA yi^fi^yo 'dfoalj^ (YS.) until the end of 
this sacrifice; fi fO^La^&t (M.) tiU the sixteenth year; fi prad&nftt (Q.) 
until her marriage, 

2M« Ufres of the Genitive, a. The proper value of the 
genitive is adjectival; it belongs to and qualifies a noun, deeignatiiig 
something relating to the latter la a manner which the nature of the 
case, or the oonnectioD, defines mme nearly. Other genitive con- 
stractions, with a^eetive or verb or preposition, appear to arise out 
of this, by a more or less distinctly traceable connection. 

b. The use of the genitive has become much extended, espe- 
cially in the later language, by attribution of a noun-character to the 
adjective, and by pregnant verbal construction, so that it often bears 
the aspect of being a substitute for other oases —as dative, instru- 
mental, ablative, locative. 

296. The genitive in its normal adjective constraction with a noon 
or pronoun is dassiflable into the usual varieties: as, genitive of posseasion 
or appurtenance, including the complement of implied relation — this is, 
as elsewhere, the commonest of all; the so-called partitive genitive; the 
subjective and objective genitives; and so on. Genitives of apposition or 

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99 Uses of the Qbkitiye. [^287 

•qoiTtlence {eUy of Rome\ and of chtracterlstlo [man of honor)^ do not 
ocear, and hardly that of mateilal (house of wood). Examplea are: {ndra- 
BJRv^ira^ Indra'i thunderbolt', pitft putrBs^m father of eons; putra^ 
piti4 eon of the father-, pitati kftmaf^ putraaya the father's love of the 
9on] ke na^L tchich of im; Qataih dfialnim a hundred female slaves, 

a. The expression of possession etc on the part of prononns is made 
almost entirely by the genitiye case, and not hy a derived possessiye ad- 
JectiTe (610). 

b. Exceptional eases like nagarai^a mtega^ M# road to the eUy 
(cf. U dmnm de J^aris), yaayA liaiii dilta ipaita^ (liBh.) as mmsenger 
to whom I am wanted^ are occasionally met with. 

886. The genitive is dependent on an adjective: 

a. A so-called particiTe genltire with a saperlatire, or another woid 
of similar sabetanttTsl valae : thus, ^refthaih vlrft^ftm best of heroes ; 
▼fr4dliflih wlrykvatt (AY.) of plants the mighty (miyhtissi) one. 

b. Very often, hy a transfer of the possessive genitive firom noon to 
a4jeetive, the adjective being treated as if it had noun-value: thus, tasya 
M^ma^ or aanrOpa^ or smdfi^SLfy resembling him (i. e. his like); taaya 
pxiyft dear to him (his dear one) ; tasyft Viditam unknown to him (his 
unknown thmg); hiTya9 oaryai^Inim (BY.) to be sacrifioed to hy mortals 
(their o^eet of saorijiee) ; ipaito naranftrTigftm (BfBh.) desired of mm 
and women (their object of desire); yasjra kaaya praaiita^ (H.) of 
whomsoever bom (his son)\ hantavyo 'ami na te (MBh.) I am not to 
be slain of thee; kim artbinlbh vaftoayitavyam aati (H.) why should 
(here be a deceiving of suppliants f 

o. In part, by a constmction similar to that of verbs which take a 
genitive object: thus, abhijfkfi rijadharm&gilm (R.) understanding the 
duties of a king, 

287. The genitive as object of a verb is: 

a. A possessive genitive of the recipient, by pregnant constroction, 
witk verbs signifying give, in^part, eommunieate, and the like : thus, varftn 
Pradiyft 'aya (MBh.) having bestowed gifte upon him (made them his by 
bestowal)] rfljfio niveditam (H.) it was made known to the king (made 
his by knowledge)', yad a&yaaya pratijftftya punar anyasya diyate 
(M.) that after being promised to one she is gwen to tmather. This con- 
itnictlon, by which the genitive becomes snbstltate for a dative or locative, 
abounds in the later language, and is extended sometimes to problematic 
and dlMcult cases. 

b« A (in most cases, probably) partitive genitive, as a less complete 
or less absolate object than an aocasative : thus, with verbs meaning partake 
(eat, drink, etc.), as plba BUt&aya (AY.) drink (of) the soma; mkdhvB:^ 
PSyaya (BY.) cause to drink the sweet dnutght; — with verbs meaning 
impart (of the thing Imparted) etc., as d&dftta no amftaaya (BY.) bestow 
upon us immortality; — with verbs meaning er^'oy, be satisfied or filled 


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298—] IV. Dbcleksion. 100 

with: aS) m&tsy Andhasah (RV) do thou etyot/ the Juice] ^yasya 
purayanti (S.) they JUI toith butter] — with verbs meaning perceive, note, 
care for, regard with feeling of various kinds: as, v&siffhasya stuvatd 
indro a^rot (RV.) Indra listened to Vasiahtha who woe praising hint] 
y&thS m&ma sm&rftt (AY.) that he may think of me] tasya oukopa 
(MBh.) he toas angry at him. 

o. A genitive of more doubtful character, with verbs meaning rule or 
have authority: as, tv&m i^iij^e v&sunam (RV.) thou art lord of good 
things] ydthS li&m e^aih virf^&ni (AY.) t?uft I may rule over diem] 
kathajh m^yul^ prabhavati veda^astravidfim (M.) how has death 
power over those who know the Vedas and treatises f 

d. A genitive, instead of an ablative, is sometimes found nsed with a 
verb of receiving of any kind (hearing included), and with one of fearing: 
thus, yo rSjfifiJ^ pratig^lu^ftti lubdhasya (M.) whoever accepts a gift 
from a greedy king] qx^xi me (MBh.) learn from me] bibhimas tava 
(MBh.) we are afraid of thee. 

298. A genitive in its usual possessive sense is often found as predi- 
cate, and not seldom wiih the copula omitted: thu?, y&thi 'so m&ma 
k6vala^ (AY.) that thou may est he wholly mine] sarv&h saihpattayas 
taaya saihtuftaiii yasya mftnasam (H.) all good fortunes are his who 
has a contented mind] — as objective predicate, bhartu^ putraih vija- 
nanti (M.) they recognise a son as the husband's. 

299. a. The prepositional constructions of the genitive (1130) are for 
the most part with such prepositions as are really noun-cases and have the 
government of such : thus, agre, arthe, kf te» and the like ; also with 
other prepositional words which, in the general looseness of use of the 
genitive, have become assimilated to these. A few more real prepositions 
take the genitive: either usually, like up&ii above, or occasionally, like 
adh&s, ant&r, kti. 

b. A genitive is occasionally used in the older language with an 
adverb, either of place or of time : thus, y&tra kva ea kumkfetr&aya 
(9B.) in whatever part of KuruksTietra ] y&tra tu bhtlmer j^eta (MS.) 
on wh<U spot of earth he may he bom] idanim AhnsJ^ (R^O (^^ this 
time of the day] y&sya ratry&h prftt&h (MS.) on the mom of what 
night] dvify saiiivatsaraaya (K.) twice a year. Such expression as the 
last occur also later. 

300. a. The genitive is very little used adverbially; a few genitives 
of time occur in the older language: as, aktoB by night, vastos by day; 
and there are found later such cases as kasya eit kSlasya (9) after a 
certain time] tata^ kalasya mahatal^L prayay&u (R.) then after a long 
time he went forth. 

b. A genitive, originally of possession, passing over into one of general 
concernment, comes in the later language (the construction is unknown 
earlier) to be used absolutely, with an agreeing participle, or quite rarely 

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101 Uses op the Locative. [—^802 

an adjectlTe. Form sach cases as the /oIloTring — pa9yato bakamurkha- 
sya nakul&ir bhakfitaijL sut&h (H.) of the foolish heron, while he 
looked on, the young were eaten hy the ichneumons, or gate 'rdharStra^ 
Xathah kathayato mama (KSS.) half my night was passed in telling 
stories, or kartavyasya karmai^fiJ^ k^ipram akriyamftqiasya kftlalj^ 
pibati tadrasam (H.) of a work needing to be done but left undone time 
quickly drinks up its essence — come into currency, by increasing indepen- 
dence of the genitiTo, such other cases as: divaih jag&ma muniufiih 
pa^yatSxh tadft (R.) Tie went then to heaven, the ascetics looking on; evaih 
Idlapatas tasya devadutas tadft 'bhyetya vftkyam &ha (MBh.) as he 
thus lamented, a divine messenger coming addressed him \ iti vftdina ev& 
*8ya dhennr ftvav]^ van&t (Ragh.) while he thus spoke, the cow came from 
the forest. The genitive always indicates a living actor, and the participle is 
usually one of seeing or hearing or uttering, especially the former. The con- 
struction is said by the Hindu grammarians to convey an implication of disregard 
or despite; and such is often to be recognized in it, though not prevailingly. 

301. Uses of the Locative, a. The locative is properly the 
ftrt-case, the case expressing sitaation or location; but its sphere of 
use has been somewhat extended, so as to touch and overlap the 
boundaries of other cases, for which it seems to be a substitute. 

b. Unimportant variations of the sense of in are those of amid 
or among, on, and at Of course, also, situation in time as well as 
place is indicated by the case ; and it is applied to yet less physical 
relations, to sphere of action and feeling and knowledge, to state of 
things, to accompanying circumstance; and out of this last grows the 
frequent use of the locative as the case absolute. 

0. Moreover, by a pregnant construction, the locative is used 
to denote the place of rest or cessation of action or motion {into or 
on to instead of in or on; German in with accusative instead of dative: 
compare English there for thither). 

302. a. The locative of situation in space hardly needs illustration. 
An example or two are: yd deva divi Bth& (AY.) which of you gods 
are in heaven; na deve^n na yak^e^u tftd^k (MBh.) not among gods 
or Yakshas is such a one ; p&rvatasya pr^fhd (RV.) on the ridge of the 
mountain; vid&the santu dev^ (R^O inay the gods be at the assembly; 
daQame pade (MBh.) at the tenth step. 

b. The locative of time indicates the point of time at which anything 
takes place: thus, asy^ nfiso vyiiffftu (RV.) at the shining forth of 
this dawn; etasminn eva kftle (MBh.) at jmt that time; dv&da9e varfe 
(MBh.) in the twelfth year. That the accusative is occasionally used in 
this sense, instead of the locative, was pointed out above (276 o). 

e. The person with whom, instead of the place at which, one is or 
remains is put in the locative: thus, tiffbanty asmin paQ&va^ (MS.) 
animals abide with him; gurftu vasan (M.) living at a teacJier's; and, 
pregnantly, tftvat tvayi bbavifyfiml (MBh.) so long will I cleave to thee. 

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803— J IV. Declension. 102 

803. The locatiye of sphere or condition or circumstarce is of very 
freqnent use: thus, m&de &him {ndro Jaghftna (RV.) in fury Indra ilefh 
the dragon \ mitr&sya sumatftu syfima (RV.) may we he in the fa:cor 
of Mitra\ te vaoane ratam (MBh.) delighted in ihy toorde, 

a. This construction is, on the one hand, generalized into an expres- 
sion for in the matter or ea$e of, or toith reference to, reepectingy and 
takes in the later language a very wide range, touching upon genitlye and 
dative constructions : thus, h "miih bhaja grame d^ve^u g69U (AV.) he 
generous to him m retainere, in horses, in cattle \ tkm It Bakhitvd imalie' 
CRY.) him toe heg for friendships upfiyo ^yaih may& d^t^ ftnayana 
tava (MBh.) this means was devised hy me for (with reference to) bringing 
thee hither ; aatitve kftra^aih striyftl^ (H.) the cause of (in the case of) 
a woman's chastity, na ^akto ^havan nivftrai^e (MBh.) ?ie was not 
capable of preventing, 

. b. On the other hand, the expression hy the locative of a condition of 
things in which anything takes place, or of a conditioning or accompanying 
circumstance, passes oyer into a well-marked ahsolute construction, which is 
known even in the earliest stage of the language, but becomes more frequent 
later. Transitional examples are: h&ve tvfi atbra ddite h&ve ma- 
dhjr&ihdine div&h (RY.) / call to thee at the arisen sun (whm the sun 
has risen), I call at midtime of the day; aparftdhe kfte *pi oa na me 
kopfiJ^ (BiBh.) and even in case of an offence committed, there is fta 
anger on my part 

o. The normal condition of the absolute construction is with a parti- 
ciple accompanying the noun: thus, stir^^ barhffi samidhftn^ agnftd 
(RY.) when the barhis is strewn and the fire kindled; kftle ^ubhe prftpte 
(MBb.) a propitious time having arrived; avaaannfiyfiiii rfttrftv astftoala- 
eu^Talambini eandramasi (H.) the night having drawn to a dose, 
and the moon rt sting on the summit of the western mountain, 

d. But the noun may be wanting, or may be replaced by an adverbial 
substitute (as evam* tathft» iti): thus, wan^ati when it rains; EfOryel 
aatamite after sunset; ftditya^ya df^yamine (S.) while there is seen 
[some part] of the sun; ity ardliokte (9) with these words ha^ uttered; 
asmAbhih samaamJfi&Ate (MBh.) it being fuUy assented to by us; e^ram 
ukte kalina (MBh.) it being thus spoken by Kali; tathA *nmirtiate (H.) 
it being thus accomplished. So likewise the participie may be waatiBg (a 
copula aati or the like having to be supplied) : thus, dtire bJiaye (he cause 
of fear being remote; while, on the other hand, the participle tati etc. i» 
someMmea redandantly added to the other participle: thua, taftM iBgttB aati 
it being thus deste, 

e. The locative is frequently used adverbially or prepoeitionally (1110): 
thus, -arthe or -kfte in the matter of for the sake of; agr« in front 
of; ^. wOlkoiui; aamipe near, 

804. The pregnant construction by which the locative comes to ex- 
press the goal or object of motion or action or feeling exercised is not 

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103 Uses of thb Looatiyb. [—807 

aneonunon from the earllett time. It it by no means to be skarply diittn- 
gnishad from the ordinary eonstruotion; the two pais into one another, with 
a doubtful territory between. It ooeiire: 

a. Eepeeially with verbs, • as of arriving, sending, placing, communi- 
cating, bestowing, and many others, in sitaatlons where an aconsatiTe or 
a dative (or a genitive, S87 a) might be looked for, and exchangeable with 
them: thus, B& {d dev^fu gaoehati (RV.) thaiy trufy, goes to (to he among) 
the god8\ imiih no yf^fUkiiI..a]n^9a dliahi (RY.) eei this offering of 
ours among the immortals; y& fei^c4nti r&aam dfadhl^u (AY.) who 
pour in the juice into the plants (ot^^Jhe juiee that is in the pkmts); in& 
prayacohe ''9Tare dhanam (H.) do not offer wealth to a lordy papftta 
medinyfim (MBh.) he feU to (so as to he upon) the earth] akandhe 
Iqptvft (B,) putting on the shoulder; saih^ratya pQrvain asmfisa (MBh.) 
having he/ore promised us, 

b* Often also with nonns and adjectives in similar constructions (the 
instances not always easy to separate from those of the locative meaning 
with reference to: above, 808a): thns, dayft sarvabhtltefu compassion 
toward aU creatures; anurfigaih nSiyadlie (MBh.) affection for the 
Nishadhon; ri^A samyag vftta^ sadft tvayi (MBh.) the king has always 
hehaved properly toward thee. 

805. The prepositions construed with the locative (1126) sUnd to it 
only in the relation of adverbial elements strengthening and directing Its 

806. Declensional forms are made by the addition of 
endings to the stem, or base of inflection. 

a. The stem itself, howcYer, in many words and classes 
of words, is liable to yariation, especially assuming a stronger 
form in some cases and a weaker in others. 

b. And between stem and ending are sometimes inserted 
connecting elements (or what, in the recorded condition of 
the language, haYe the aspect of being such]. 

o. Respecting aU these pointo, the details of treatment, as exhibited 
by each class of words or by single words, will be given in the following 
chapters. Here, however, it is desirable also to present a brief general view 
cf them. 

807. Endings: Singnlar. a. In the nominstiye, the usual 
masc. and fem. ending is s — which, however, is wanting in derivative 
a and I-stems; it is also euphonieally lost (160) by consonant-stems. 
Neuters in general have no ending, but show in this case the bare 
stem; a-stems alone acjd m (as in the accus. masc.). Among the 
pronouns, am is a frequent masc. and fem. nom. ending (i^d is found 
even in du. and pi.]; and neuters show a form in d. 

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807—] IV. Declension. 104 

b. In the ace usa tire, m or am is the masc. and fern, ending 
— am being added after a consonant and ^ , and after i and u in the 
radical division, and m elsewhere after vowels. The neater accusative 
is like the nominative. 

o. The instrumental ending for all genders alike is ft. With 
final i- and u-vowels, the ft is variously combinedi and in the older 
language it is sometimes lost by contraction with them. Stems in a 
make the case end in ana (sometimes enft in V.), and those in ft make 
it end in ayft; but instances occur, in the early language, of immediate 
addition of ft to both a and ft. 

d. The dative ending is in general e; and with it likewise the 
modes of combination of i and u final are various (and disappearance 
by contraction not unknown in the oldest language). The a-stems 
are quite irregular in this case, making it end in ftya — excepted is 
the pronominal element -sma, which combines (apparently) with e to 
-smfti. In the personal pronouns is found bhyam (or hyam). 

e* A fuller ending fti (like gen.-abl. fts and loc. ftm: see below) 
belongs to feminine stems only. It is taken (with interposed y) by 
the great class of those in derivative ft; also by those in derivative i, 
and (as reckoned in the later language) in derivative a. And later 
it is allowed to be taken by feminine stems in radical I and u, and 
even by those in i and u: these last have it in the earliest language 
in only exceptional instances. For the substitution of fti for abl.-gen. 
fts, see below, h. 

f. The ablative has a special ending, d (or t), only in a-stems, 
masc. and neut, the a being lengthened before it (except in the per- 
sonal pronouns of 1st and 2d person, which have the same ending 
at in the pi, and even, in the old language, in the dual). Everywhere 
else, the ablative is identical with the genitive. 

g* The genitive of a-stems (and of one pronominal u-stem, 
amu) adds sya. Elsewhere, the usual abl.-gen. ending is as; but its 
irregularities of treatment in combination with a stem-final are con- 
siderable. With i and u, it is either directly added (only in the old 
language), added with interposed n, or fused to as and os respect- 
ively. With f (or ar) it yields ur (or us: 169b). 

h. The fuller fts is taken by feminine stems precisely as fti is 
taken in the dative: see above. But in the language of the £rah- 
manas and Sutras, the dative-ending fti is regularly and commonly used 
instead of fts, both of ablative and of genitive. See 365 d. 

i. The locative ending is i in consonant- and f- and a-stems 
(fusing with a to e in the latter). The i- and u-stems (unless the 
final vowel is saved by an interposed n) make the case end in ftu; 
but the Veda has some relics or traces of the older forms (ay-i [?] 
and av-i) out of which this appears to have sprung. Vedic locatives 

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105 Case-endings. [—309 

firom i-stems end also in & and i. The pronominal element -sma 
makes the locative -smin. Stems in an in the older language often 
lose the i, and use the bare stem as locative. 

j. The ending fim is the locative correspondent to dat. ai and 
abl.-gen. fis, and is taken under the same circumstances: see above. 

k. The vocative (unless by accent: 814) is distinguished from 
the nominative only in the singular, and not quite always there. In 
a-stems, it is the unaltered stem, and eo also in most consonant-stems ; 
but neuters in an and in may drop the n; and the oldest language 
has sometimes a vocative in a from stems in nt and ta. Stems in x 
change this to ar. In masc. and fem. i- and u-stems, the case ends 
respectiyely in e and o; in neuters, in the same or in i and u. Stems 
in & change & to e; derivative i and u are shortened; radical stems 
in long vowels use the nominative form. 

308. Dual. a. The dual has — except so far as the vocative 
is sometimes distinguished from nominative and accusative by a dif- 
ference of accent: 314 — only three case-forms: one for nom., accus., 
and voc.; one for instr., dat., and abl.; and one for gen. and ioc. 

b. But the pronouns of 1st and 2d person in the older language 
distinguish five dnal cases : see 492 b. 

o. The masc. and fem. ending for nom.-a ecus. -voc. is in the 
later language usually &a; but instead of this the Veda has pre- 
vailingly ft. Stems in a make the case end in e. Stems in i and u, 
masc. and fem., lengthen those vowels; and derivative i in the Veda 
remains regularly unchanged, though later it adds ftu. The neuter 
ending is only i; with final a this combines to e. 

d. The universal ending for the instr.-dat.-abl. is bhyftm, 
before which final a is made long. In the Veda, it is often to be 
read as two syllables, bhiam. 

e. The universal ending of gen. -Ioc. is os; before this, a and 
^ alike become e (ai). 

309. Plural, a. In the nominative, the genecal masculine 
and feminine ending is as. The old language, however, . often makes 
the case in ftsas instead of Ss from a-stems, and in a few examples 
also from ft-stems. From derivative i-stems, is instead of yas is the 
regular and usual Vedic form. Pronominal a-stems make the masc. 
nom. in e. 

b. The neuter ending (which is accusative also) is in general 1; 
and before this the final of a stem is apt to be strengthened, by 
prolongation of a vowel, or by insertion of a nasal, or by both. But 
in the Veda the hence resulting forms in &ni» ini, uni are frequently 
abbreviated by loss of the ni, and sometimes by further shortening 
of the preceding vowel. 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 



0. The aocusatiTe eading is also as in eonsonant-stems and 
in the nidioal division of I- and fL-stems (and in the eld langiutge 
even elsewhere). Stems in short rowels lengthen those vowels and 
add in the mascoUne n (for ns, of which ataadant traces remain), 
and in the feminiae s. In the neater, this case is like the ooimnative. 

d. In the instrumental, the oase-ending is everywhere bhis 
except in a-stems, where in the later language the case always ends 
in fiis, but in the eariier either in ftis or the more reg^ilar ablUa 
(abbis in the two personal pronouns; and the prononunalntem a [601] 
makes ebbis only). 

e. The dative aad ablative have in the plural the same form, 
with the ending bbyas (in Veda often bblas), before which only a 
is altered, beoombig e. But the two personal pronouns distinguish 
the two cases, having for the ablative the singular ending (as above 
pointed out), and for the dative the peculiar bbyam (almost never in 
Veda bbiaan), which they extend also into the singular. 

f. Of the genitive, the universal ending is fim; which (except 
optionally after radical f and % and in a few scattering Yedic in- 
stances) takes after final vowels an inserted consonant, s in the pro- 
nominal declension, n elsewhere; before n, a short vowel is length- 
ened; before s, a becomes e. In ^e Veda, it is frequently to be 
pronounced in two syllables, as a-am 

g. The locative ending is su, without any exceptioaSi and the 
only chaise before it is that of a to e. 

b. The vocative, as in the dual, differs from tiie nominative 
only by its aooent. 

810. The normal scheme of endings, as recognized by 

the native giammaiians (and conveniently to be assumed as 

the basis of special descriptions), is this: 




m.f: n. 

m.f. n. 

iiLf. n. 


B — 

an I 

as i 


am — 

an i 

as i 





















a. It is taken in bulk by the consonantal stems and by the rad- 
ical division of i- and d-stems; by other vowel-stems, with more or 
less considerable variations and modifieations. The endings which 
have almost or quite unbroken range, through stems of all classes, 
are bbyam and os of the dual, and bbis, bbyas, Am, and su of the 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

107 Strong ahd Weak Stem. [—312 

811. Variation of Stem. a. By far the most im- 
portant matter under this head is the distinction made in 
large classes of words (chiefly those ending in consonants) 
between strong and weak stem-forms — a distinction stand- 
ing in evident connection with the phenomena of accent. 
In the nom« and accns. sing, and du. and the nom. pi. 
[the five cases whose endings are never accented: 816 a), 
the stem often has a stronger or fuller form than in the 
rest: thus, for example (424), ;[13R^ri^Sn-ani, ^T$n%v8jta- 
ilti, JMHH nysn-as, against JT^T rftjll-R and JTslPW rfija- 
bhis; or (460 b) CF^ItPT^mahSnt-am and (447) lEI^TI^ addnt- 
am against if^rfT mahat-S and H^r\\ adat-ft. These five, 
therefore, are called the cases with strong stem, or, briefly, 
the strong oases; and the rest are oaUed the cases with 
weak stem, or the weak cases. And the weak cases, 
again, are in some classes of words to be distinguished into 
cases of weakest stem, or weakest cases, and cases of 
middle stem, or middle cases: the former having endings 
b^;inning with a vowel (instr., dat., abl.-gen., and loc. sing. ; 
gen.-loc. du.; ace. and gen. pi.); the latter, with a consonant 
(instr.-dat.-abl. du.; instr., dat.-ab]., and loc. pi.). 

b. The class of strong cases, as above defined, belongs 
only to masculine and feminine stems. In neuter inflection, 
the <mly strong cases are the nom. -ace. pi.; while, in those 
stems that make a distinction of weakest and middle form, 
the nom.-acc. du. belongs to the weakest class, and the nom.- 
acc. sing, to Uie middle: thus, for example, compare (408) 
MrllfU pratydilc-i, nom.-acc. pi. neut., and UrU^H praty- 
fu&o^as, nom. pi. masc. ; Mrfl4) pratlc-t, noaL.-aec. du. neut., 
and ^Ifft^ pratie-60, gen.-loc. du.; !ff5f^ pratyAk, nom.- 
acc. sing, neut., and TftrlPTH praty&g-bhis, instr. pi. 

812. Ot^er TariatlonB ooneern cMefly the final Towel of a stem, and 
may be mainly left to be pointed out in detail below. Of consequence 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

312—] IV. Declension. 108 

enough to mention here is only the gu^a-strengthenlog of a final 1 or u, 
Tvhich in the later language is always made before aa of nom. pi. and e 
of dat sing, in masc. and fem. ; In the Veda, it does not always take place ; 
nor is it forbidden in dat. sing. neut. also; and it is seen sometimei in 
loc. sing. Final ^ has gai^a-strengthening in loo. sing. 

313. Insertions between Stem and Ending. After vowel-stems, 
an added n often makes its appearance before an ending. The appendage 
is of least questionable origin in nom.-acc. pL neut., where the interchange 
in the old language of the forms of a- and i-stems with those of an- and 
ill-stems is pretty complete; and the u-stems follow their analogy. Else- 
where, It is most widely and firmly established in the gen. pi., where in 
the great mass of cases, and from the earliest period, the ending is virtu- 
ally nfim after a vowel. In the i- and u-stems of the later language, the 
Instr. sing, of maso. and neat, is separated by its presence from the fem., 
and it is in the other weakest cases made a usual distinction of neuter forms 
from masculine ; but the aspect of the matter in the Yeda is very different : 
there the appearance of the n is everywhere sporadic; the neuter shows no 
special inclination to take it, and it is not excluded even from the femi- 
nine. In the ending ena from a-stems (later invariable, earlier predomi- 
nating) its presence appears to have worked the most considerable trans- 
formation of original shape. 

a. The place of n before gen. pi. am is taken by 8 in pronominal 
a- and ft-stems. 

b. The y after ft before the endings &i, fts, and &m is most probably 
an iDsertion, such as is made elsewhere (258). 

Accent in Declension. 

314. a. Ab a rule without exception, the vocative, if accented 
at all, is accented on the first syllable. 

b. And in the Yeda (the case U a rare one), whenever a syllable written 
as one is to be pronounced as two by restoration of a semivowel to vowel 
form, the first element only has the vocative accent, and the syllable as 
written is circumflex (83-4): thus, dyftUB (i. e. diftus) when dissyllabic, 
but dy&iks when monosyllabic; jylUte when for jiftke. 

o. But the vocative is accented only when it stands at the be- 
ginning of a sentence — or, in verse, at the beginning also of a 
metrical division or pftda; elsewhere it is accentless or enclitic: thus, 
&gne y&iii yaJfL&ih paribhdr &8i (RV.) O Agni! whatwer offering 
thou protectesi; but upa tv& 'gna 6 'masi (RV.) unto thee, Agni^ we 

d. A word, or more than one word, qualifying a vocative — usually 
an adjective or appositive noun, but sometimes a dependent noun in the 
genitive (very rarely in any other case) — constitutes, so far as accent is 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

109 Accent. [—316 

concerned, a xmlty with the voeative: thus (til the examples tiom RV.)i 
at the beginning of a pftda, with first syllable of the combination accented, 
{odra brftta]|;i O brother Indra! ri^jan soma O king Soma! yivi^fha 
duta moat youthftU messengerl h6tar yavi^fba snkrato most youthful 
skiUed offerer! Arjo nap&t sahasvan mighty son of strength! — in the 
interior of a pSda, without accent, edrnftsa indra girvai^]^ the somas, 
O song-loving Indra! tav a^vinS bhadrahaatft supfij^I ye^ O A^ins 
of propitious and beautiful hands! a rSjfin& maha ptasya gopft hither, 
ye two kingly guardians of great order! 

e. On the other hand, two or more independent or codrdinate vocatives 
at the beginning of a pftda are regularly and usually both accented : thus, 
pitar mata^ O father! O mother! &gna indra v&rui^ mitra d^vfth 
Agni! Indra! Varuna! Mitra! gods! 94tamate Qitakrato thou of 
a hundred aids! of a hundred arts! v&siftlia 9ukra dldiva^ p^vaka 
besty bright, shining , cleansing one! tirjo napftd bh&draQOoe son of 
strength, propitiously bright one! But the texts offer occasional irregular 
excoptions both to this and to the preceding rule. 

f. For brevity, the vocative dual and plural will be given in the par- 
adigms below along with the nominative, without taking the trouble to 
specify in each instance that, if the latter be accented elsewhere than on 
the first syllable, the accent of the vocative is different. 

316. As regards the other cases, rules for change of accent in 
declenBion have to do only with monosyllables and with stems of 
more than one syllable which are accented on the final ; for, if a stem 
be accented on the penult, or any other syllable further back — as 
is sixpant, vari, bh&gavant, snm&nas, sah&sravfija — the accent 
remalDB upon that syllable through the whole inflection (except in the 
vocatiTe, as explained in the preceding paragraph). 

a. The only exceptions are a few numeral stems: see 483. 

316. Stems accented on the final (including monosyllables) are 
subject to variation of accent in declension chiefly in virtue of the 
fact that some of the endings have, while others have not, or have 
in less degree, a tendency themselves to take the accent. Thus: 

a. The endings of the nominative and accusative singular and dual 
and of the nominative plural (that is to say, of the strong cases: 311) have 
no tendency to take the accent away from the stem, and are therefore only 
accented when a final vowel of the stem and the vowel of the ending are 
blended together into a single vowel or diphthong. Thus, from datt4 come 
dattftu (= datti + &u) and dattds (= dattd + ae) ; hut from nadi come 
nadyftu (=nadl-hftu) and nadyae (=nadl-|-a8l. 

b. All the other endings sometimes take the accent; hot those beginning 
with a vowel (i. e. of the weakest cases: 311) do so more readily than 
those beginning with a consonant (1. e. of the middle cases: 311). Thuf, 
from n&iiB come n&va and naubhis; from mah&nt, however, come 
mahati but mahidbhis. 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

817—] IV. Deglbhsiom. 110 

The generml rales of accent^ then, m§j be thm stated: 

817. In the declension of monosyllabic stems, the accent falls 
upon the ending in all the weak cases (widiout distinction of middle 
and weakest): thns, nftvt, nftubhyim^ nftv&i, nSa^u; v«ei, Tflgblifay 
v&cam» vSkf^ 

a. Bat some monosylUhle stems retain the accent throughout: thus, 
gobhiSy g&vam^ go^u. For such cases, see below, 850, 801 o» d, 872, 
890, 427. And la the ace. pi. the stem is even oftener accented than 
the ending, some words also admitting either aceent nation. 

818. Of polysyllabic stems ending in consonants, only a few shift 
the accent to the ending, and that in the weakest (not the middle] 
cases. Sach are: 

a. Present participles in &ixt or &t: thus, from tod&nt, tudati and 
tudat68 and tndatam; hnt tud&dbhy&qx and tud&tsu, 

b. A few adjectives haying the form of snoh participles, as mahata, 

o. Stems of which the accented final loses Its syllabic chaia^.ter by 
syncopation of ths vowel: thns, majjiii, murdhnd, dflmtifai (flrom misU^ 
eto.: 4S8). 

d. Other sporadic cases will be noticed under the different declensions. 

e. Case-forms nsed adverbially sometimes show a changed accent: 
see 11 10 if. 

819. Of polysyllabic stems ending in accented short vowels 
the final of the stem retains the accent if it retains its syllabic 
identity: thus, datt^na and dattaya from datt&; agnlnft and agn&ye 
from agnf; and also datt^bhyas, agnlbhie, and so on. Otherwise, 
the accent is on the ending: and that, whether the final and the end- 
ing are combined into one, as in dattftfs, dben&a, agnin, dhends, 
and so on: or whether the final is changed into a semivowel before 
the ending: thus, dhenva, pitri, j&my6s, bfihy68, etc. 

a. But &m of the gen. pi. from stems in { and it and f may, and In 
the older language always does, take the accent, though separated by n from 
the stem : thus, agnln&i, dhentinim, pitfi^&n. In BY., even derivative 
i-stems show usually the same shift: thus, bfl^vin&n. Of stems in 4, 
only numerals (488 a) follow this rule: thus, saptfinam, da9fin6B. 

820. Boot-words in i and ii as final members of compounds retain the 
accent throughout, not shifting it to any of the endings. And In the older 
language there are polysyllabic words in long final vowels which follow in 
this respect as in others the analogy of the root-declension (below, 855 ff.). 
Apart from these, the treatment of stems in derivative long vowels is, as 
regards accent, the same as of those in short vowels — save that the ton 3 
is not thrown forward upon the ending In gen. plural. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

Ill Olassifioation. [—390 



Ml. a. Ths aeeoardaaoe ia iaflection of anbitantive 
and adjective stems is so complete that the two cannot be 
separated in treatment &om one another. 

K Thej msf he ofawriied, fox conTenience of desoiip- 
iion, as follows: 

L Stems in q a; 
n. Stems in ^ i and 3 u; 

in. Stems in 35IT &, ^ I, and 3* tl: namelj, A. radical- 
Btems (and a few others inflected like them); B. derivative stems ; 
IV. Stems in SB y (or ^ ar); 
y. Stems in consonants. 

o. There is nothing absolute in this classiflcation and arrangement; 
It is merely believed to be open to as few objections as any other. No 
general agreement has been reached among scholars as to the number and 
Older of Sanakrit declensions. The stems in a are here treated iirst beeause 
4>t the great predominance of the class. 

328. The division-line between substantive and adjective, always 
an nncertain one in early Indo-Enropean langnage, is even more 
wavering in Sanskrit than elsewhere There are, however, in all the 
declensions as divided above — unless we except the stems in x <>' 
ar — words which are distinctly adjectives; and, in general, they 
are inflected precisely like noun-stems of the same final: only, among 
consonant-stems, there are certain sub-classes of adjective stems with 
peculiarities of inflection to which there is among nouns nothing cor- 
responding. But there are also two considerable classes of adjeotive- 
eompounds, requiring special notice: namely — 

829. Compound ac^ectives having as final member a bare verbal 
root, with the value of a present participle (383 a ff.) : thus, sn-dt^ well- 
looking; pra-budh fareknowing ; a-dn^ not hating; veda-vid Feda- 
knowing; v^tra-hin Vitra-sktying; upastha-s&d sitting in the lap. 
Every root is liable to be used in this way, and such compounds are 
not infrequent in all ages of the language: see chapter on Compounds, 
below (1289). 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

323—] V. Nouns AND Adjectives. 112 

a. This class is essentially only a special class of compound adjectiyeSy 
since in the earliest Yeda the simple as well as the compounded root was 
sometimes used adjectively. Bat the compoanded root was from the beginning 
much more often so used, and the later the more exclusiTely, so that 
practically the class is a separate and important one. 

324. Compound adjectives having a noun as final member, but 
obtaining an adjective sense secondarily, by having the idea of 
possession added, and being inflected as adjectives in the three gen- 
ders (1298 ff.)- Thus, prajftk&m& desire of progeny, whence the ad* 
jective prajtkfima, meaning desirous (i. e. having desire) of progeny \ 
sabh&rya (sa+bhftryft) having one's wife along \ and so on. 

a. In a few cases, also, the final noun is syntactically object of the 
preceding member (1309-10): thus, atim&tra immoderate (ati m&tram 
beyond meitsure")'^ y&vay&ddve^as driving away enemies, 

325. Hence, under each declension, we have to notice how a 
root or a noun-stem of that declension is inflected when final member 
of an adjective compound. 

a. As to accent, it needs only to be remarked here that a root- 
word ending a compound has the accent, but (320) loses the pecu- 
liarity of monosyllabic accentuation, and does not throw the tone 
forward upon the ending (except alio in certain old forms: 410). 

Declension I. 
stems (masculine and neuter] in SEf a. 

326. a. This declension contains the majority of all the 
declined stems of the language. 

b. Its endings deviate more widely than any others 
from the normal. 

327. Endings: Singular, a. The nom. maso. has the normal 
ending s. 

b. The aco. (masc. and neut.) adds m (not am); and this form has 
the offlce also of nom. neuter. 

o. The instr. changes a to ena uniformly in the later language; and 
eyen in the oldest Yedic this is the predominant ending (in RV., eight 
ninths of all cases). Its final is in Yedic verse frequently made long (enft). 
But the normal ending ft — thus, yajfl^ suMva, mahitva (for yajfidna 
etc.) — is also not rare in the Veda. 

d. The dat. has ftya (as if by adding aya to a), alike in all ages 
of the language. 

e. The abl. has t (or doubtless d: it is impossible from the evi- 
dence of the Sanskrit to tell which is the original form of the ending), 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

113 Dbolbksion L, aHBTEKS. [— Sfie 

before which a is made long: this ending is found in no other noun- 
deelension, and elsewhere only in the personal pronovns (of all nnmbers). 

f. The gen. has sya added to the final a; and this ending is also 
limited to a-stems (with the single exception of the pronoun amd^ya: 
601). Its final a is in only three oases made long in the Yeda; and its 
y is vocaUzed (aaia) almost as rarely. 

g« The loo. ends in e (as if by combining the normal ending i with 
the final of the stem), without exception. 

ll. The Toe. is the bare stem. 

828. Dual. a. The dual endings in general ate the normal ones. 

b. The nom., ace., and toc. masc. end in the later language always in 
&n. In the Yeda, howeyer, the usual ending is simple & (in BY., in 
•eren eighths of the occurrences). The same cases in the neut end in e, 
which appears to be the result of fusion of the stem-final with the normal 
ending L 

0. The instr., dat., and abl. have bhyfim (in only one or two Yedio 
instances resolved into bhifim), with the stem-final lengthened to & before it. 

d. The gen. and loc. have a y inserted after the stem-final before 08 
(or as if the a had been changed to e). In one or two (doubtful) Yedic 
instances (as also in the pronominal forms eno8 and yOB), 08 is substituted 
for the final a. 

d29. Plural, a. The nom. masc. has in the later language the 
normal ending as combined with the final a to fts. But in the Yeda the 
ending fisaa instead is frequent (one third of the occnrrenoes in BY., but 
only one twenty-fifth in the peculiar parts of AY.). 

b. The ace. masc. ends in &n (for earlier SnB, of which abundant 
traces are left in the Yeda, and, under the disguise of apparent euphonic 
combination, even in the later language: see above, 208 if.). 

o« The nom. and ace. neut. have in the later language always the 
ending fini (like the aa-stems: see 421; or else with n, as in the gen. 
p)., before normal 1). But in the Yeda this ending alternates with simple 
ft (which in BY. is to ftni as three to two, in point of frequency; in AY., 
as three to four). 

d. The instr. ends Uter always in ftia; but in the Yeda is found 
abundantly the more normal form ebhiB (in BY., nearly as firequent as ftis; 
in AY., only one fifth as frequent). 

e. The dat. and abl. have bhyas as ending, with e instead of the 
final a before it (as in the Yedic instr. ebhis, the loc. pi., the gen. loc. 
du. [?], and the instr. sing.). The resolution into ebhiaa is not infrequent 
in the Yeda. 

f. The gen. ends in Snfim, the final a being lengthened and having 
n inserted before the normal ending. The ft of the ending is not seldom 
(in less than half the instances) to be read as two syllables, aam: opinions 
tre divided as to whether the resolution is historical or metrical only. A 

Whitney, Qrammar. 3. ed. 8 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 


V. Nouns and Adjectives. 


Tory small nam1)er (half-a-dozen) of examples of simple Sm as ending 
instead of ftnSm occur in BY. 

g. The loo. ends in e^u — that is to say, vith the normal ending, 
before which the stem-flnal is changed to e (with consequent change of s 
to 9: 180). 

h. Of accent, in this declension, nothing reqnires to be said; the 
syllable accented in the stem retains its own accent thronghont 

880. Examples of declension. As examples of the 

inflection of a-etems may be taken ofjFT kSma m. love\ 

^cT devA m. ffod] MI^U Ssyd n. mouth. 



















































d^va ^ 



N. A. Y 

. 5fIT^ 












G. L. 








N. Y. 






Digitized by VjOOQ iC 


Declension I., a-STEMS. 

































Examples of the pecalUr Vedio forms are: 

a. Sing.: Instr. rav&theiift» yajfii (such genitive forms as i^asift 
are purely sporadic). 

b. Dn.: nom. etc. masc. devt; gen.-Ioc. pastyds (stem pastyk). 

o. PI.: nom.-voc. masc. dev&MiB; neut. yugi; instr. dev6bhi8; gen. 
oardth&m, devinaam* 

331. AmoDg nonns, there are do irregularities in this declension. 
For irregular nuiberal bases in a (or an}, see 483-4. For the irreg- 
ularities of pronominal stems in a, which are more or less fully 
shared also by a few adjectives of pronominal kindred, see the chapter 
on PronoanSx(495ff)- 


882. Original adjectives in a are an exceedingly large class, the 
great majority of all adjectives. There is, however, no such thing as 
a feminine stent in a; for the feminine, the a is changed to & — or 
often, though faf less often, to i; and its declension is then like that 
of eena or devi (864). An example of the complete declension of an 
adjective a-stem in the three genders will be given below (368). 

a. Whether a masc.-neut. stem in a shall form its feminine In & or 
in i is a qnsstlon to he determined in great part only by actnal usage, and 
not hy grammatical role. Certain important classes of words, however, can 
be pointed out which take the less common ending I for the fdmioine: thus, 
1. the (very numerous) secondary derivatives in a with v^ddhi of tho first 
syllable (1204): e. g. fimitri -tri, m&ia^a -9I, p&vamfiii& -nl, p&nr- 
i^amftai -si; 2. primary derivatives in ana with accent on the radical syllable 
(1160): e. g. o6dana -ni, aaiiigr&bai^a -1^1, subb&gaihkira^a -ni; 
3. primary derivatives in a, with strengthening of the radical syllable, 
having a quasi-pirticipial meaning; e. g. div&kari -ri^ avakr&mi -ml, 


Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

382-—] V. Nouns AND ADJBonvBS. lift 

rathavfili& -hi (but there are many ezceptlong); 4. secondaiy derivatives 
in maya (1225) and tana (1246 e): e. g. ayasm&ya -yi; adyatana 
-nl; 5. most ordinal numerals (487 h): e. g. paficamd -mf, navada^^ 
-91, tri]&9attain& -mi. Not a few words make the feminine in either ft 
or !: e. g. k^valft or -H, ugra or -ri, pftpft or -pi« rfima or -mi; but 
ordinarily only one of these is accepted as regular. 

333. There are no verbal roots ending in a. But a is sometimes 
substituted for the final ft of a root (and, rarely, for final aa), and it 
is then inflected Hke an ordinary adjective in a (see below, 364). 

384. a. A noun ending in a, when occurring as final member of 
an adjective compound, is inflected like an original adjective in a, 
making its feminine likewise in ft or 1 (867J. 

b. For the most part, an adjective compound having a noun in a as 
final member makes its feminine in ft. But there are numerous exceptions, 
certain nouns taking, usually or always, 1 instead. Some of the commonest 
of these are as follows: ak^a eye (e. g. loMtSkfi, dvyaki^i, gaTikfl)* 
pan^a leaf (e. g. tUapan^, saptapari^i; but ekapan^ft), mukha face 
(e. g. kffi^amukhl, dormukhi; but trlmukhft etc.), anga limb^ body 
(e. g. anavadsrftngi, sarvfifigi; but oatnraSgft etc.), k^^a hair (e. g. 
suke^iy muktake^i or -Qft, etc.), kan^a ear (e. g. mahftkan^I; but 
gokari^ etc.), udara heUy (e. g. lambodari), mula root (e. g. pa&- 
camull; but oftener ^atdmCLlft etc.). The very great majority of such 
nouns (as the examples indicate) signify parts of the body. 

0. On the other hand, a feminine noun ending in derivative ft 
shortens its final to a to form a masculine and neuter base: see 867 o. 

d. In frequent case?, nouns of consonant ending are, as finals of com- 
pounds, transferred to the a-declension by an added suffix a (1209 a) or 
ka (1222). 

Declension II. 

St^ns (of all genders) in ^ i and 3 u. 

885. The stems in ^ i and 3 u are inflected in so close 

accordance with one another that they cannot be divided 

into two separate declensions. They are of all the three 

genders, and tolerably numerous — those in ^ i more 

numerous than those in 3 u, especially in the feminine 

(there are more neuters in 3 u than in ^ 1). 

a. The endings of this declension also differ frequently and 
widely from the normal, and the irregularities in the older language 
are numerous. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

117 DbOLBKSION II., i- AND U-STEMS. [— S86 

836. Endings: Singular, a* The nom. mate, and fern, adds to the 
stem the normal ending B. The nom. and ace. neat, is the bare stem, 
wltiiont ending. In the Teda, the final u of a few nenters is lengthened 
(248 b): thus, tirti, purA. 

b. The ace. masc. and fern, adds m to the stem. Yedio forms in iam 
and uckm, and, with n, inam and unam, are exoessiyely rare, and douhtfal. 

O. The instr. fern, in the later language takes the normal ending & 
simply, while the masc. and neat insert n before it, making inft and un&. 
Bat in the Yeda, forms in yft and vft (or i& and aft) are not infrequent 
in masc. and neat, also; while ixi& is found, very rarely, as a fem. ending. 
MoreoTer, fem. yft is often (in two thirds of the occurrenoes) contracted to 
i; and this is even sometimes shortened to L An adTerbial instr. in uylt 
from half-a-dozen stems in n occurs. 

d. The dat. masc. and fem. ganates the final of the stem before the 
ending e, making aye and ave. These are the preyaiUng endings in the 
Yeda likewise; but the more normal ye and ve (or ue) also occar; and 
the fem. has in this case, as in the instr., sometimes the form I for ie. 
In the later language, the neuter is required in this, as in all the other 
weakest cases, to insert n before the normal ending: but in the Yeda such 
forms are only sporadic; and the neut dat. has also the forms aye» ve, 
ave, like the other genders. 

e. The abl. and gen. masc. and fem. haye regularly, both earlier and 
later, the ending • wi^ guuated vowel before it: thas, es, OB; and in the 
Yeda, the neut. forms the eases in the same way ; although anas, required 
later, is also not infrequent (inaa does not occur). Bat the normal forms 
yas (or ias) and vas (or oaa) are also frequent in both masc. and neater. 
As masc. ending, unaB occurs twice in RY. The anomalous didy6t (so TS. ; 
in the corresponding passages, vidy6t YS., didyftut K., didiv&s MS.) 
Is of doubtful character. 

f. The loc. masc. and fem. has for regular ending in the later lan- 
guage ftu, replacing both finals, i and a. And this is in the Yeda also the 
most frequent ending; but, beside it, the i-stems form (about half as often 
in BY.) their loc. in ft: thus, agna; and this is found once eyen in the 
neuter. The BY. has a number of examples of masc. and neut locatives 
in avl (the normal ending and the u gunated before it) from u-stems; 
and certain doubtful traces of a corresponding ayi from i-stems. Half-a- 
dozen locatiyes in i (regarded by the Yedic grammarians as pragf>hya or 
uncombinable : 188 d) are made from i-stems. The later language makes 
the neuter locatiyes in ini and nni; but the former never occurs in the 
oldest texts, and the latter only very rarely. 

g. The later grammar allows the dat., abl.-gen., and loc. fem. to be 
formed at will with the fuller fem. terminations of long-vowel stems, namely 
fti» ftB (for which, in Brahmana etc., ai is substitated: 807 h), Sm. Such 

r forms are quite rare in the oldest language even from i-stems (less than 
40 occurrences altogether in BY.; three times as many in AY.); and from 
u-stems they are almost unknown (five in BY. and AY.). 

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38e— ] V. NouKS AND Adjectives. l ] 8 

h. The Toc. (pinates U&e final of the stem, in masc. and fem., alike 
in the earlier and in the later language. In the neut., it is later allowed 
to he either of the same form or the unaltered stem; and this was prohahly 
the usage in the older time also; not instances enough are quotahle to 
determine the question (AY. has u once, and VS. o once). 

337. Dual. a. The later and earlier language agree in making, the 
nom.-acc.-Yoc. masc. and fem. hy lengthening the final of the stem. The 
same cases in the neuter (according to the rule giren above) end later in' 
inl and oni} hut these endings are nearly unknown in the Yeda (as, indeed, 
the cases are of only rare occurrence): AY. has inl twice (RY. perhaps 
once); YS. has uni once; RY. has ui from one u-stem, and I, once short- 
ened to i, from one or two i-stems. 

b. The unyarying ending of instr.-dat.-ahl., in all genders, is bhytai 
added to the unchanged Etem. 

C. The gen.-loa of all ages add os to the stem in masc. and fem.; 
in neut, the later language Interposes, as elsewhere in the weakest eases, 
a n ; probably in the earlier Yedic the form would he like that of the other 
genders; but the only occurrence noted is one unos in AY. 

338* Plural, a* The nom.-voc. masc. and fem. adds the normal end- 
ing as to the gunated stem-final, making ayas and avas. The exceptions 
in the Yeda are very few: one word (ari) has ias in both gender?, and a 
few feminines have Is (like i-stems); a very few u-stems have oaa. The 
neut. nom.-acc. ends later in ini and fLni (like &ni &om a: 329 o); but the 
Yeda has I and i (about equally frequent) much oftener than Ini; and ^ 
and (more usually) n, more than half as often as flni. 

b* The accus. masc. ends in In and On, for older ins and iUiB, of 
which plain traces remain in the Yeda in nearly half the instances of ooour- 
rence, and even not infrequently in the later language, in the guise of 
phonetic combination (208 ft.). The accus. fem. ends In is and us. But both 
masc. and fem. forms in ias and uas are found sparingly in the Yeda. 

o* The instr. of all genders adds bhis to the stem. 

d« The dat-abL of all genders adds bhyas (in Y., almost never bhias) 
to the stem. 

e. The gen. of all genders is made alike in Inlm and fUlftm (of 
which the ft is not seldom, in the Yeda, to be resolved into aam). Stems 
with accented final in the later language may, and in the earlier always 
do, throw forward the accent upon the ending. 

f. The loc. of all genders adds sn (as ^u: 180) to the stem-final. 

g* The accent is in accordance with the general rules already 
laid down, and there are no irregularities calling for special notice. 

339. Examples of declension. As models of i-stems 

may be taken ^3^ agni m. ^re; 71% giti f. ffait\ efll^ 

vftri n. tvater. 

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V. ^ 

N.A.V. gift 

l.D.Ab. ^tfiJUim 















gitaye^ gityii 
g&tea, g&tyfta 
g&t&u, g&tyfim 









vtoy vire 





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V. Nouns and Adjeotives. 


840. In order to mark more plainly the absence in Yedic language of 
some of the forms which are common later, all the forms of Yedic occnirence 
are added below, and in the order of their firequency. 

a. Singular. Nom. agnfs etc., as above. 

b. Ace.: masc. agnim, yayfam, urm{]^am(?); fern, and neut. as 

0. Instr.: masc. agn{nft» rayya and tirmia; fern, ddtti, uti&, 
matya, Buvj^kti, dhasfnft; neut. wanting. 

d. Pat.: masc. agn&ye; fem. tuj&ye, uti, turyfii; neut ^i^oaye. 

e. Gen.-abl. : masc. agnes, kvytM, axika; fem. idites, hety& and 
bhtimifis; neut. bhtbes. 

f. Loc: masc. agnftu, agni, fij&yi(?); f^m- agatftu, udit&y dh4- 
nasfttasri (?), v6di, bhtbnyftm; neut aprata, Bapt&ra^mftu. . 

g. Voc: as above (neut wanting). 

h. Dual. Nom.-aco.-voc : masc. h&n; fem. yavati; neut QUOi» 
m&hi, h&ri]gl(?). 

i. Instr.-dat.-abl.: as above. 

j. Oen.-loc: masc. h&rios; fem. yuvatybs and Jfimids; neut wanting. 

k. Plural. Nom.: maso. agn&yas; fem. mat&yas, bhAmis ;' neut. 
94oi, bhiiri, bhtbini. 

1. Acous.: masc. agnln; fem. kijitis, ^uoayasC?). 
m* Insir., dat.-abl., and loc. : as above. 

n. Gen.: masc. fem. kavinam, fiju^aam etc. (neut wanting). 

841. As models of u-stems may be taken ^f? 9&tru m. 
^ dhenii f. cow] "^ m&dhu n. honey. 





Ab. G. 




















dhen&ve, dh«nvfti m4dhune 

dhends, dhenv&i 


dhenS&, dheuT&n m&dhuni 
dh6no midliu, m&dho 

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G. L. 




N. V. 












D. Ab. 










842. The forms of Vedic occurrence are given here for the u-stems 
in the same manner as for the i-items above. 

a« Singular. Nora.: masc. and fern, aa above; neat, urd, urtl. 

b. Accus.: masc. ketum, &bhiruam, 8uoetunam(?); fem. dhenum. 

o. Instr.: masc. ketiinft, pa^va and kr&tuft; fem. idhenuft and 
panv^ fi^uyi; neut midhimftt m&dhv&« 

d. Dat.: masc. ket&ve, ^f^ve; fem. 9&rave, l^vSi; neat. p&9ve(?), 
ur&ve, m&dhune. 

e. Abl.-gen.: masc. manyos, pitv&8» oftnu^as; fem. 8{ndh089 I^vBb; 
neut. m&dhvaB and m&dhoaB, m&dhos, m&dhunas. 

f. Loc. : masc. pfbrftu, stin&vi; fem. sfndhftUy r^jv&m; neat 
B^ftUy sanavi, sano, sanuni. 

g. Voc. : as above. 

h. Dual. Nom.-acc.-voc: masc. and fem. as above; neat. urvl» 

!• Instr.-dat.-abl. : as above. 

j. Gen.-loc. : as above (bat voe or uoe). 

k. Plural. Nom.: masc. fbhAvas, m&dhuas and m&dhvas; fem. 
dheniTas, ^atakratvas; neut. purdi^, puru, purti. 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

842—] V. Nouns and Adjbotivbs. 122 

1. AocQB. : mMc. ftAn, paqv&a; fern, {fos, m&dhvas. 
m. Instr., dat-abl.| and loc: as abOTO; also gen. (but witb the reso- 
Intion tinaam in part). 

848. Irregular declension. There are no irregular n-stems, 
and only a very few i-stems. 

a« 8&khi m. friend has for the five strong cases a peculiarly 
strengthened base (yriddhied), namely s&khiy, which in the nonu 
sing, is reduced to a&khft (without ending), and in the other oases 
takes the normal endings. The instr. and dat sing, have the normal 
endings simply, without inserted n or gui^; the abl-gen. sing, adds 
us; and the loc. sing, adds ftu: the rest is like agn£ Thus: 

Sing. B&khft, 8&khfiyam, 8&khyft»' s^khye, s^kkhyus, sAkhySn, 
sAkhe; Da. 8&khftyftu» s&khlbhy&m, B&khyos; PI. s&khl^as, a&khln, 
etc. etc. 

b. The Veda has usually aiikliftyft do., and often resolTos the y to 1, 
in B^ikhifi, B&khias, etc. The compounds are usually declined like the 
simple word, unless (1816 b) sakha be substituted. 

o. There is a corresponding fern., sakbl (declined like devi: 864); 
but the forms of sakhi are also sometimes found used with feminine value. 

d. F&ti m. is declined regularly in composition, and when it has 
the meaning lord, master; when uncompounded and when meaning 
husband, it is inflected like s&khi in the instr., dat, abl.-gen., and 
loc. sing., forming p&ty&» p&tye^ p&tyos, p&fyftn. There are occasional 
instances of confusion of the two classes of forms. 

•• For pati as final member of a possessiye compound is regularly 
and usually substituted patni in the fern.: thus, Jivapatni having a living 
httsband] dftaapatnl having a barbarian for master • 

f. J&ni f. tvife has the gen. sing. J&nyas in the Yeda. 

g. Ar{ eager, greedy, hostile has in the Veda ary&8 in pi. nom. and 
accus., masc. and fem. Its accus. sing, is arfm or Kejksn., 

h. Vi bird has in Ry. the nom. v^ (beside via). In the plural it 
accents vibhis, vibhyas, but vinam. 

i. The stems hkk^i eye, &8thi bone, d&dhi curds, and s&kthi thigh, 
are defectiye, their forms exchanging with and complementing forms from 
stems in &n (aki^&n etc.): see the stems in an, below (481). 

J. The stem path! road is used to make up part of the inflection of 
p&nthan: see below, 488. 

k. EIr69tu m. jackal lacks the strong oases, for which the correspond- 
ing forms of kroi^t^ ^^^ substituted. 


844. Original adjective stems in i are few; those in u are much 
more numerous (many derivatiye verb-stems forming a participial 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1 23 Declension II.| i- and u-stems. [-—846 

adjective in n). Their infleetion is like that of nouns, and has been 
included in the rules given above. In those weak cases, however — 
namely, the dat, abl.-gen., and loc. sing., and the gen.-Ioc. dual — 
in which neuter nouns differ from masculines in the later language 
by an inserted n (we have seen above that this difference does not 
exist in the Veda), the neuter adjective is allowed to take either 
form. The stem is the same for masculine and neuter, and generally 
(and allowably always) for feminine also. 

a. There are a few Inatances of a feminine noun In I standing (some- 
times with changed aoeent) beside a masculine in i: thns, krfmi m., krimi 
f.; s^Ukhi (843 a) m., sakhl f.; dundubhf m., dondublu f.; dhdni 
m., dbtml f. ; ^akuni m., ^akunl or -ni f. In the later lang^iage, espe- 
cially, there is a very frequent interchange of i and i as finals of the same 
stem. No adjectire in i makes a regular feminine in L 

b* With stems in u the case is quite different. While the feminine 
may, and in part does, end in u, like the masculine and neuter, a spe- 
cial feminine-stem is often made by lengthening the u to n, or also by 
adding I; and for some stems a feminine is formed into two of these three 
ways, or even in all the three: thus, kftra, -dipali, ^nndhyli, oari^i^tl, 
vaoasyti; -ai^vi, wtv% gurvi, pOrvI (with prolongation of n before r: 
compare 245 b), bahvi, prabhvl» raghvl, sftdhvi, svftdvi; — prthd 
and p^hviy vibhft and vibhvi, mfdu ard m^dvi, laghn and laghvi, 
V&8U and v&svi; babhrd and babhrti, bibhatsii and bibhatsft, bhirti 
and bhirQ; — tanu and tanft and tanvi, phalgu and phalgti and 
phalgvi, m&dhu and madhft and midhvi. There are also some femi- 
nine noun-stems in u standing (usually with changed accent) beside mas- 
culines in u: thus, ^ru m., agrA f.; k&dru m., kadrft f.; guggulu 
m., goggultl f. ; Jatu m., jatft f. ; pf dfiku m., p^iiftkli f. 

845. Boots ending in i or u (or f: 376 b) regularly add a t when 
used as root-words or as root-finals of compounds; and hence there 
are no adjectives of the root-class in this declension. 

a. Tet, in the Yeda, a few words ending in a short radical n are 
declined as if this were sufflxal: thus, Asm^adhru, auffu; and the AY. 
has pftanfijf (once). Roots in ft sometimes also shorten u to u: thus, 
prabhti, vibhu, etc. (354); go (361 e) becomes ga in composition; and 
re perhaps becomes ri (861 e); while roots in ft sometimes apparentiy 
weaken ft to i (in -dhi from ydhft etc.: 1156). 

846* Compound adjectives having nouns of this declension as 
final member are inflected in general like original adjectives of the 
same endings. 

a« But in sueh compounds a final i or u is sometimes lengthened to 
form a feminine stem: thus, Bn^ro^I, svayoni or -ni, -gfttraya^fl or 
-ti; vftmora or -ru, dtirhai^tl or -i^n, varatanu, mftt^bandha; and 
RY. has i^QVI from qf^u. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

847—] V. NotJNS AND Adjbotivbs. 124 

Declension III. 
stems in long vowels: ^ S, ^ I, 3^ tl. 

847. The steins ending in long vowels fall into two 
well-marked classes or divisions: A. monosyllabic stems — 
mostly bare roots — and their compounds, with a compar- 
atively small number of others inflected like them; B. de- 
rivative feminine stems in aSTT & and ^ I, with a small num- 
ber in 3" tl which in the later language have come to be 
inflected like them. The latter division* is by far the larger 
and more important, since most feminine adjectives, and 
considerable classes of feminine nouns, ending in ^ S or 
^ I, belong to it. 

A. Boot-words, and those inflected like them. 

848. The inflection of these stems is by the normal 
endings throughout, or in the manner of consonant-stems 
(with W{ am, not R m, in the accus. sing.); peculiarities 
like those of the other vowel-declensions are wanting. The 
simple words are, as nouns, with few exceptions feminine; 
as adjectives (rarely], and in adjective compounds, they are 
alike in masculine and feminine forms. They may, for con- 
venience of description, be divided into the following sub- 

1. Boot-words, or monosyllables having the aspect of snch. Those 
in ft are so rare that it is hardly possible to make up a whole scheme 
of forms in actual use; those in I and n are more numerous, but still 
very few. 

2. Compounds having such words, or other roots with long final 
vowels, as last member. 

3. Polysyllabic words, of various origin and character, including 
in the Veda many which later are transferred to other declensions. 

4. As an appendix to this class we may most conveniently 
describe the half-dozen stems, mostly of regular inflection, ending in 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 




849. Monosyllabic Btems. Before the endings beginning with 
TOwe]9, final i is changed to iy and U to nv; while final & is dropped 
altogether, except in the strong cases, and in the ace. pi., which is 
like the nominatiye (according to the grammarians, ft is lost here also : 
no instances of the occarrence of such a form appear to be quotable). 
Stems in i and u are in the later language allowed to take optionally 
the fuller endings fti* ft8» ftm in the singular (dat., abl.-gen., loc.); but 
no such forms are ever met with in the Veda (except bhiyfti [P], RV., 
once). Before ftm of gen. pL, n may or may not be inserted; in the 
Veda it is regularly inserted, with a single exception (dhiyam, once). 
The vocative is like the nominative in the singular as well as the 
other numbers ; but instances of its occurrence in uncompounded stems 
are not found in the Veda, and must be extremely rare everywhere. 
The earlier Vedic dual ending is ft instead of ftu. 

350. To the i- and &-stoms the rules for monosyllabic accent 
apply : the accent is thrown forward upon the endings in all the weak 
cases except the accus. pi., which is like the nom. But the ft-stoms 
appear (the instances are extremely few) to keep the accent upon the 
stom throughout. 

351, Examples of declension. As models of mon- 
osyllabic inflection we may take sTT j4 f. progeny \ ift dhi f. 
thought\ and H bhd f. earth. 

a« The flrit of theie is rather arbitrarily extended from the four oases 
which actually occur; of the loc. sing, and gen.-loo. du., no Vedic examples 
from ft-stems are found. 













^ ^ 



1^$, ^ 


dhiyd, dhiy&f 

bhuv6, bhuv&f 

dhiy&8, dhiyas 


dhiyf, dhiyam 

bbuvf, bhuvim 




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V. Nouns and Adjeotiybs. 






























Jan&m, J^ 

dhiy^, dhin^ 

1 bhuvim, bbtlnlbd 





862. Monosyllabic stems in composition. Whenthenouns 
above described occur as final member of a compound, or when any 
root in ft or I or u is found in a like position, the inflection of an 
ft-stem is as above. Bat i- and n-stems follow a divided usage: the 
final vowel before a vowel-ending is either converted into a short 
vowel and semivowel (iy or uv, as above) or into a semivowel simply 
(y or v). The accent is nowhere thrown forward upon the endings; 
and therefore, when i and a become y and v, the resulting syllable 
is circumflex (88<^). Thus: 

Masc. and fem. Singular: 

N. V. 






-bhiivam -bhvkm 




-bhuvft -bhvi 




-bhuve -bhv^ 

Ab. G. 



-bhuvaB -bhviM 




-bhuvi -bhvi 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

127 Dbolbnsion m.) s-, i-, andA-stbhs. [ — 854 


N. A. Y. -dhiyfta -dhyaii -bhuvftu -bhvftd 
L D. Ab. -dhibhyftm -bhtlbhyftm 

0. L. -dhfyoB -dhyds -bhuvos -bhv68 


N. A. T. -dhfyas -dhyks -bhuvas -bhvlu 

1. <Lbibhis -bhtibhia 
D. Ab. -dhlbhyas -bhAbhyas 

r^yfim r-bhuvftm ^ ^ 

\-dhintoi •^»**^»"* l-bhtbam "'"^*" 

L. -dhX^u -bhft^u 

a. As to the admiMibility of the fuller endings fti, fis, and ftm in the 
singular (feminine), grammatical authorities are somewhat at Tarianoe; bnt 
they are nerer found in the Veda, and haye been omitted from the above 
scheme as probably onreal. 

b* If two consonants precede the final I or u, the dissyllabic forms, 
with iy and nv, are regnlarly written; after one consonant, the usage is 
Tarying. The grammarians prescribe iy and uv when the monosyllabic stem 
has more the character of a nonn, and y and v when it is more purely a 
▼erbal root with participial yalne. No snch distinction, howeyer, is to be seen 
in the Yeda — where, moreover, the difference of the two forms is only 
graphic, since the yft- and vft-forms and the rest are always to be read as 
dissyllabic: Ift or Ift and oft or aft, and so on. 

o. As to neater stems for such adjectiyes, see 367. 

363. A few farther Yedic irregularities or pecaliarities may be briefly 

a. Of the ft-stems, the forms in fts, &m, ft (da.) are sometimes to 
be read as dissyllables, aaa, aam, aa. The dative of the stem used as 
infinitive is ft{ (as if a + e): thus, prakhy&f* pratimftf, parftdft{. 

b. Irregular transfer of the accent to the ending in compounds is seen 
in a case or two: thus, avadyabhiyi (RV.), ftdhii (AV.). 

354* But compoands of the class above described are not in- 
frequently transferred to other modes of inflection: the ft shortened 
to a for a masculine (and neuter) stem, or declined like a stem of 
the deriyatiye ft-class (below, 364) as feminine; the i and a short- 
ened to 1 and n, and inflected as of the second declension. 

a. Thos, compound stems in -ga, -Ja, -da, -stha, -bhu, and others, are 
found even in the Yeda, and become frequent later (being made from all, or 
nearly all, the roots in ft) ; and sporadic cases from yet others occur: for example, 
^^pan, vayodhftis and ratnadh^bhis, dhanasftiB (all RY.); and, 
ttom I and H compounds, ve^aK^riB (TS.), ihrayas (RY.), ga^a^ribhis 
(BY.), karma^fa (gB.) and ftanibliyas (RY.) and senftnfbhyaa (YS.) 
and grftmai^bhis (TB.), aupioiift (AY.), 9itibhrAve (TS.). 

b. Still more numerous are the feminines in ft which have lost their 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

364-—] V. Nouns and Adjeotivbs. 128 

root-declension: examples are praji (of which the farther compounds in 
part have root-forms), avftdha, qr&ddhi^ pratimi» and others. 

o. Then, in the later language, a few femlnines in I are made from 
the stems in a shortened from ft: thus, gopi, gofj^hiy pannagi, pafiki^if 
blmjagi, bhi]Jaiiigi» surftpi. 

356. Polysyllabic Stems. Stems of this division (A) of more 
than one syllable are very rare indeed in the later language, and by 
no means common in the earlier. The Rig- Veda, however, presents 
a not inconsiderable body of them ; and as the class nearly dies oat 
later, by the disuse of its stems or their transfer to other modes of 
declension, it may be best described on a Vedic basis. 

a. Of stem sin ft, mascuUnes, half-a-dozen occor in the Ted a: p&ntiift, 
SDL&nthS, and fbliiik§^ are otherwise viewed by the later gramnar: see 
below, 433-4; uQ&nS (nom. pr.) has the anomalous nom. sivg. u^&nft 
(and loc. as well as dat. U9&ne) ; mahi ffreat is found only in aocus. sing, 
and abundantly in composition ; atft frams has only atfisu not derivable 
from ita. 

b. Of stems in i, over seventy are found in the Yeda, nearly all 
femlnines, and all accented on the final. Half of the femlnines are formed 
from masculines with change of accent: thus, kalyfti^ (m. kalyai^), 
puruff (m. piiruija); others show no change of accent: thus, yamf (m. 
yamd); others still have no corresponding mascalines : thus, nadl, lakfml* 
sQmi. The masculines are about ten in number: for example, rathl, 
pr&vi, atari, ahl, apathl. 

o. Of stems in ti, the number Is smaller: these, too, are nearly all 
femlnines, and all accented on the final. The majority of them are the 
feminine adjectives in ft to masculines in ii or u (above, 344 b) : thus, 
carai^ytli, carii}]^ti, Jighatsii, nxadliii. A few are nouns In ft, with 
change of accent: thus, agrft (&gra), pfd&ktt (pfdSku), 9va9rtt (9V&- 
^nra); or without change, as n^rttt. And a few have no corresponding 
masculines: thus, tanft, vadbu, oamtt. The masculines are only two or 
three: namely, prfi^, kfluulfi^tt, mak94(?); and their forms are of the 
utmost rarity. 

366. The mode of declension of these words may be illustrated 
by the following examples: rathi m. charioteer; nadi f. stream; tand 
f. bodf/, 

a. No one of the selected examples occurs in all the forms; forms for 
which no example at all is quotable are put in brackets. No loo. sing. fh>m 
any i-stem occurs, to determine what the form would be. The stem nadl 
is selected as example partly in order to emphasize the difference between 
the earlier language and the later in regard to the words of this diviiion : 
nadi is later the model of derivative Inflection. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


DeCLEMSIOM m., BaDICAL a-, I-, AND U-STEMS. [ — 868 

















Ab. G. 











N. A. V. 




L D. Ab. 




G. L. 





N. A. 








D. Ab. 












b. The casei — nadfam, tandam, etc. — are written above accord- 
ing to their true phonetic form, almost invariably belonging to them in 
the Yeda; in the written text, of course, the stem-flnal is made a semi- 
vowel, and the resulting syllable is circumflexed: thus, nadykm, tan- 
vam, etc. ; only, as usual, after two consonants the resolved forms iy and 
uv are written Instead; and also where the combination yv would other- 
wise result: thus, oakrfyft, [agruvftij and mitrftyuvaa. The RV. really 
reads Btarykm etc. twice, and tanvlu etc. four times; and such con- 
tractions are more often made in the AY. The ending ft of the nom.-acc.-voc. 
du. is the equivalent of the later ftu. The nom. sing, in a from i-stems 
is found in the older language about sixty times, firom over thirty stems. 

867. Irregularities of form, properly so called, are very few in this 
division: oamft as loc. sing, (instead of oamvi) occurs a few times; and 
there is another doubtful case or two of the same kind; the final tl is re- 
garded as pragfhya or uncombinable (138); tandi is lengthened to tanvt 
in a passage or two; -ydvas is once or twice abbreviated to -ylis. 

868. The process of transfer to the other form of i- and Q-declension 
(below, 802 ff.), which has nearly extinguished this category of words in 
the later language, has its beginnings in the Yeda; but in BY. they are 
excessively scanty: namely, dutiam, loc. sing., once, and 9va9ruim, do., 
once, and dravitnuli, instr. sing., with two or three other doubtful cases. 
In the Atharvan, we find the ace. sing, kuhtim, tanlim, vadhlim; the 
instr. sing, palftlia and one or two others; the dat. sing. vadlivft{, 9va- 
9ru&£, agruvfti; the abl.-gen. sing, punarbhuvfta, p^dftkuas, 9va9rua8; 
and the loc. sing, tanuftm (with anomalous accent). Accusatives plural in 
18 and U8 are nowhere met with. 

Whitney, Orammar. 3. ed. 9 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

869—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 130 

869. Adjecdve compounds from these words are very few; those which 
occur are declined like the simple stems : thus, hfraQyaT&QlB and sah&s- 
rastariBy itaptatanns and B&rvatantiSy all nom. sing, masculine. 

Steins ending in diphthongs. 

860. There are certain monosyllabic stems ending in diphthongs, 
which are too few and too diverse in inflection to make a declension 
of, and which may be most appropriately disposed of here, in con- 
nection with the stems in i and tl, with which they have most affinity. 
They are: 

a. stems in ftu: nftu and glftii; 

b. stems in &i: toi; 

o. stems in o: g6 and dy6 (or dyu, div). 

861. a. The stem nftu f. ship is entirely regular, taking the 
normal endings throughout, and following the rules for monosyllabic 
accentuation (817) — except that the accus. pi. is said (it does not 
appear to occur in accented texts) to be like the nom. Thus: nfius, 
navam, nftva, nav6, n&v&s, nftvi ; nav&u, nftubhyam, n&vds; n&vaa, 
navaSy nfiubhfs, nftubhyds, nftvam, nftufu. The stem gl&ii m. baU 
is apparently inflected in the same way; but few of its forms have 
been met with in use. . 

b. The stem rftl i. (or m.) wealth might be better described as 
T& with a union-consonant y (268) interposed before vowel endings, 
and is regularly inflected as such, with normal endings and mono- 
syllabic accent. Thus: ras, rayam, rftyi» rftyd, r&y&s, rSyf; rayftu, 
r&bhyam, rfty68; rayas, rfty&s, xftbhfs, rftbhy&s, rftyam, rfisu. But 
in the Veda the accus. pi. is either rSy&a or rayas; for accus. sing, 
and pi. are also used the briefer forms ram (BY. once: i^yam does 
not occur in V.) and ras (SV., once); and the gen.-sing. is sometimes 
anomalously accented rayas. 

e. The stem g6 m. or f. bull or cow is much more irregular. In 
the strong cases, except accus. sing., it is strengthened to gftu, form- 
ing (like nftii) gftiis, gavftu, gavas. In accus. sing, and pi. it has 
(like rft{) the brief forms gam and gds. The abl.-gen. sing, is gds 
(as if from gu). The rest is regularly made from go, with the normal 
endings, but with accent always remaining irregularly upon the stem: 
thus, g&vft, g&ve, g&vi, g4vos, g4vfim; g6bliyftm, gobhis, g6bhya8, 
gd^tu In the Veda, another form of the gen. pi. is g6nftm; the nom. 
etc. du. is (as in all other such cases) also gavft; and gtmt gds, and 
gts are not infrequently to be pronounced as dissyllables. As ace. 
pi. is found a few times gftvas 

d. The stem dy6 f. (but in V. usually m.) skt/^ day is yet more 
anomalous, having beside it a simpler stem dyu, which becomes div 
before a vowel-ending. The native grammarians treat the two as 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

131 Declension in., Diphthongal Stems. [—362 

independent words, but it is more conyenient to put them together. 
The stem dy6 is infleeted precisely like g6, as aboye described. The 
complete declension is as follows (with forms not actually met with 
io use bracketed): 

Singular. Daal. Plural. 

[dfvaa] dyivsu ^;j^ ^^ ^^^^ 

dy&bhis [dydbtaia] 
[dyibhysm dydbhyam] j ^^^^^ dy6bhy«i] 

G. div&B dy6s r .. r , , ^ [divSm dy&vtoi] 

N. dyfttiB 1 

A. dfvam dyam 
L div4 [dy&vft] 
D. diT6 dy&ve 
Ab. div&8 dy68 

dtvf dy&vi 

[div6B dy&voB] ^^ j^,^^^ 

•• The dat. sing, dy&ve is not found in the early language. Both 
dfvaa and div&s occur as aecus. pi. in T. As nom. etc. dn., dyavft is, 
as usual, the regular Yedic form : once occurs dy&vi (du.), as if a neuter 
form; and dyftuB is found once used as ablatiye. The cases dy&us, dy&m 
and dyan (once) are read In Y. sometimes as dissyllables; and the first 
as accented yocative then becomes dySiia (i. e. di&us: see 314 b). 

f. Adjective compounds having a diphthongal stem as final member 
are not numerous, and tend to shorten the diphthong to a vowel. Thus, 
from nau we have bhinnanu; from go, several words like dgu, sapt&gu* 
saga, bahug^ (f. -g6 TB.); and, correspondingly, rfti seems to he reduced 
to xi in bfh&draye and ^dli&drayaa (RV.). In derivation, go maintains 
its full form in gotra, ag6t&, -gava (f. -gavi), etc.; as first member of 
a compound, it is variously treated: thus, g&va9ir, gkvi^\i (but gaa9ir, 
gaifti K.), etc.; goa9V& or go'^va, g6fjika, g6opa9a9 etc. In certain 
compounds, also, dyu or dyo takes an anomalous form: thus, dyfiiirdfi 
(E.), dyanrlokA (9B.), dyausaiiiQita (AY.). In rev&nt (unless this is 
for rasrivant) rfti becomes re. BY. has AdhrigSvaa from &dhrigu (of 
questionable import); and AY. has ghftastavas, apparently accus. pi. of 
gh^ptaatu or -sto. 

B. Derivative stems in S, I, tl. 

362. To this division belong all the S and I-stems which 

have not been specified above as belonging to the other or 

root-word division; and also, in the later language, most 

of the I and tl-stems of the other division, by transfer to 

a more predominant mode of inflection. Thus: 

1. a. The great mass of derivative feminine S-stems, substantive 
and adjective. 

b. The inflection of these stems has maintained itself vrith little change 
through the whole history of the language, being almost precisely the same 
in the Yedas as later. 


Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

362—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 132 

2. o. The great mass of derivative feminine I-stema. 

d. This class is withoat exception in the later langnage. In the earlier, 
it soiTers the exception pointed out above (366 b): that feminines made 
with change of accent follow this mode of declension only when the accent 
is not on the I: thus, t&vii}!, p&nmijLl, p&llkiUy rbhii^ 

e. The I-stems of this division in general are regarded as made hy 
contraction of an earlier ending in yft. Their inflection has become in the 
later language somewhat mixed with that of the other dlYision, and so far 
diiferent from the Yedic inflection : see below, 363 g. 

f. Very few derivative stems in i are recognized by the grammarians 
as declined like the root-division; the Yedic words of that class are, if 
retained in use, transferred to this mode of inflection. 

g. A yery small number of masculine i-stems (half-a-dozen) are in the 
Veda declined as of the derivative division: they are a few rare proper 
names, matali etc.; and ras^ and sirl (only one case each). 

3. h. The u-stems are few in number, and are transfers from the 
other division, assimilated in inflection to the great class of derivative 
i-stems (except that they retain the ending s of the nom. sing.). 

363. Endings. The points of distinction between this and the other 
division are as follows: 

a. In nom. sing, the usual a-ending is wanting: except in the Tl-stems 
and a very few I-stems — namely, lak^ml, tari, tantri, tandri — which 
have preserved the ending of the other division. 

b. The accus. sing, and pi. add simply m and a respectively. 

o. The dat., abl.-gen., and loc. sing, take always the fuller endings 
al, fiSy fim; and these are separated from the final of the fi-stems by an 
interposed y. In Brahmana etc., 3.1 is generally substituted for fis (307 h). 

d. Before the endings & of instr. sing, and OB of gen.-loc dn., the final 
of ft-stems Is treated as if changed to 6; but in the Yeda, the instr. end- 
ing ft very often (in nearly half the occurrences) blends with the final to ft. 
The yft of i-stems is in a few Yedic examples contracted to i, and even 
to i. A loc. sing, in 1 occurs a few times. 

e. In all the weakest cases above mentioned, the accent of an 1- or 
Q-stem having acute final is thrown forward npon the ending. In the 
remaining case of the same class, the gen. pi., a n is always interposed 
between stem and ending, and the accent remains upon the former (in RY., 
however, it is usually thrown forward upon the ending, as in i and u-stems). 

f. In V06. sing., final ft becomes e; final 1 and u are shortened. 

g. In nom.-acc.-voc. dn. and nom. pi. appears in 1 (and u)-stems a 
marked difference between the earlier and later language, the latter borrow- 
ing the forms of the other division. The du. ending au is unknown in 
BY., and very rare in AY.; the Yedic ending is i (a corresponding dual 
of ii-stems does not occur). The regnlar later pi. ending aa has only a 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


Declension III., Dekivative a-, I-, and u-stbms. [—364 

doubtfnl example or two in BY., and a Tery small number in AY.; the 
case there (and it is one of very frequent occurrence) adds 8 simply; and 
though yas-forms occur in the Brahmanas, along with is-forms, both are 
used rather indifferently as nom. and accus. (as, indeed, they sometimes 
interchange also in the epics). Of fi-stems, the du. nom. etc. ends in e, 
both earlier and later; in pi., of course, B-forms are indistinguishable from 
aB-forms. The RY. has a few examples of ftaaa for fiB. 

h. The remaining cases call for no remark. 

364. Examples of declension. As models of the 
inflection of derivative stems ending in long vowels, we 
may take VFU sinft f. army; ^RJT kanyS f. girl] ^cft devi 
f. goddess; ^ vadhd f. woman. 


Ab. G. 

N. A.Y. 

I. D. Ab. 

G. L. 



































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V. Nouns and Adjectives. 


N. V. 




























I the Veda vadhd is a stem belonging to the other dirision (like 

tantl, above, 856). 

865. Examples of Yedic forms are: 

a. ft-stems: instr. sing, manlfft (this simpler form is especially com- 
mon ftom stems in tft and ift); nom. pi. va^tsas (about twenty examples); 
accns. pL araiiigamasaB (a case or two). Half the bhyaa-cases are to 
be read as bhiaa; the Sm of gen. pi. is a few times to be resolved into 
aam; and the & and Sm of nom. accns. sing, are, very rarely, to be 
treated in the same manner. 

b. l-stems: instr. sing. 9&mi, Q&mi; loc. gfturi; nom. etc. dn. devt; 
nom. pL deviB; gen. pi. bahvmim. The final of the stem is to be read 
as a vowel (not y) frequently, but not in the majority of instances: thus, 
devi^ devi&i» devi&n, r6da8io8. 

0. The sporadic instances of transfer between this division and the 
preceding have been already sufficiently noticed. 

d. Of the regular substitution made in the Brahmana language (807 li» 
886 g, 868 o) of the dat sing, ending &i for the gen.-abl. ending &B, in 
all classes of words admitting the latter ending, a few examples may be givea 
here: abhibbutyfii rQpam (AB.) a sign of overpowering', triftubhaQ 
oa Jagatyfti oa (AB.) of the metres tri§tubh and j'agati ; vfico dfiivySi 
oa m&QU^&i oa (AA.) of speech, both divine and human; Btriy&i paya^ 
(AB.) woman's milk; dhenvftl vi etkd r6tah (TB.) that, forsooth, is the 
seed of the cow ; Jiti^fty&i tvaoa^ (^B.) of dead skin ; jy&yaBi yl^ySyfti 
(AB.) superior to the yfijyft; aayfii divo <Bm&d antarikfftt (9QS.)yy*ofn 
this heaven, from this atmosphere. The same substitution is made once in 
the AY.: thus, BT&pantv asySi Jli&t&yuh let her relatives sleep. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

135 Declension, III. Dbeivativb ft-, if, and a-STEMS. [— ses 

866. The noun stri f. woman (probably contracted from satrl gene- 
ratrix)j follows a mixed declension : thns, stri, strisram or stxim* striy^ 
striyfif, Btriyas, Btriyam, strf; strlyftu, Btribhyam, Btriy6B; striyas, 
Btrfyas or BtrlB, Btribhla, Btribhy&8» BtriigLim, Btri^ii (bnt the accns- 
atires Btrim and Btris are not fonnd in the older language, and the toc. 
Btri is not quotable). The accentuation is that of a root- word; the forms 
(conspicuously the nom. sing.) are those of the other or deriratiye diTision. 


867. a. The occurrence of original adjectiyes in long final vowels, 
and of compoandfl haying as final member a stem of the first diyislon, 
has been snffioiently treated aboye, so far as masoaline and feminine 
forms are concerned. To form a neuter stem in composition, the rale 
of the later language is that the final long yowel be shortened; and 
the stem so made is to be inflected like an adjective in i or u (889, 
841. 844). 

b. Such neuter forms axe very rare, and In the older language almost 
unknown. Of neuters from I-stems have been noted in the Yeda only 
hari^riyam, aco. sing, (a masc. form), and BOftdbfaB, gen. sing, (same 
as masc and fem.); from fl-stems, only a few examples, and from stem- 
forms which might be masc. and fem. also: .thus, vibhu, subhu, etc. (nom.- 
ace. sing.: compare 854); BUpuft and mayobhava, instr. sing.; and 
mayobbu, ace. pi. (compare piirii: 842 k); ftom ft-stems occur only half- 
a-dozen examples of a nom. sing, in ftB, like the masc. and fem. form. 

o. Compounds having nouns of the second division as final 
member are common only from derivatives in ft; and these shorten 
the final to a in both masculine and neuter: thus, from a not and 
pr^jft progeny come the masc. and neut. stem apraja, fem. aprajft 
cMldlus. Such compounds with nouns in i and u are said to be in- 
flected in masc. and fem. like the simple words (only with in and un 
in ace. pi. masc); but' the examples given by the grammarians are 

d. Stems with shortened final are occasionally met with: thus, eka- 
patniy ftttalakf mi ; and such adverbs (neut. sing, aocus.) as upabhftimiy 
abhyqjjayini. The stem stri is directed to be shortened to stri for all 

868. It is convenient to give a complete paradigm, 
for all genders, of an adjective-stem in ^ a. We take for 
the purpose W^ pftp& evil, of which the feminine is usu- 
ally made in 3B|T ft in the later language, but in ^ I in the 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 


V. Nouns and Adjectives. 






I. D. Ab. 

G. L. 


D. Ab. 


m. n. 






pftp&8 pftp&m 












































^[^ wi 



pftpftu pfip6 
















M|t|m MiMlPi 






papas p&pani 






^^ ^ 



pftpan papani 
















Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

137 Declension IV., f -stems. [—371 

pftpinftm pftpanftm pftpinftm 

L. qf^ MIMI^ MIMIn 

pftp^fu pftpasu p&pifu 

Declension IV. 

stems in ^ r (or ^ET^ ar] . 

869. This declension is a comparatiyely limited one, 
being almost entirely composed of deriyative nouns formed 
wiUi the suffix cT tr (or rT^ tar), which makes masculine 
nomina agentis (used also participially), and a few nouns of 

a. But it includes also a few nouns of relationship not made 
with that suffix: namely devf m., Bv&a^ and n&n&nd^ f.; and, besides 
these, nf m., stf (in Y.) m., usf (in Y.) f., aavyaftlMT ^-> ^^^ the 
feminine numerals tisf and catasi^ (for which, see 482 e» g). The 
feminines in tp are only m&t^» duhit^, and yit^. 

b. The inflection of these §tems is quite closely analogous with 
that of stems in i and u (second declension); its peculiarity, as 
compared with them, consists mainly in the treatment of the stem 
itself, which has a double form, fuller in the strong cases, briefer in 
the weak ones. 

870. Forms ofthe Stem. In the weak cases (excepting the 
loc. sing.) the stem-final is f, which in the weakest cases, or before 
a vowel-ending, is changed regularly to r (129). But as regards the 
strong cases, the stems of this declension fall into two classes: in 
one of them — which is very much the larger, containing all the 
nomina agentis, and also the nouns of relationship n&ptf and Bv&sr, 
and the irregular words st^ and savyai^tlMr — the x Is yriddhied, or 
becomes ar; in the other, containing most of the nouns of relationship, 
with nf and usf , the x Is gunated, or changed to ar. In both classes, 
the loc. sing, has ar as stem-final. 

371. Endings. These are in general the normal, but with the 
oUowing exceptions: 

a. The nom. sing. (masc. and fern.) ends always in a (for original ars 
or firs). The toc. sing, ends in ar. 

' b. The aeons, sing, adds am to the (strengthened) stem; the accns. 
pL has (like i- and u-stems) n as maso. ending and b as fern, ending, with 
the X lengthened before them. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

871—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 138 

o. The &bl.-gen. sing, changes ^ to ur (or tui: 169 b). 

d. The gen. pi. (as in i and u-stems) inserts n before Sm, and 
lengthens the stem-flnal before it. Bnt the f of nf may also remain short. 

e. The above are the rules of the later language. The older presents 
certain deyiations from them. Thus: 

f. The ending in nom.-acc.-Yoc dn. is (as unirersally in the Yeda) 
regularly ft instead of ftu (only ten ftu-forms in BY.). 

g. The i of loc. sing, is lengthened to I in a few words : thus, kartftrL 
h. In the gen. pi., the RV. has once sv&srftm, without inserted n; 

and naram instead of n^i^im is frequent. 

i. Other irregulaiities of nf are the sing. dat. n&re, gen. n&ras, and 
loc. n4rl. The Yeda writes always n^am in gen. pi., but its ^ is in a 
minority of cases metrically long. 

J. The stem xuf t da/wn has the yoc. sing, o^ar, the gen. sing, nsr&s; 
and the accus. pi. also tuir&s, and loc sing, usram (which is metrically 
trisyllabic: tus^^tm), as if in analogy with I and u-stems. Once occurs 
yxBxi in loc. sing., but it is to be read as if the regular trisyllabic form, 
u^&ri (for the exchange of s and 9, see 181 a). 

k. From stf come only taras (apparently) and st^bhis. 

L In the gen.-loc. du., the r is almost always to be read as a sepa- 
rate syllable, f, before the ending 08: thus, pitf6B, etc. On the contrary, 
n&nftndari Is once to be read n&nftndri. 

m. For neuter forms, see below, 875. 

872. Accent. The accentuation follows closely the rules for 
i- and u-stems: if on the final of the stem, it continues, as acute, on 
the corresponding syllable throughout, except in the gen. pi, where 
it may be (and in the Veda always is) thrown forward upon the 
ending; where, in the weakest cases, r becomes r, the ending has the 
accent. The two monosyllabic stems, nf and st^, do not show the 
monosyllabic accent: thus (besides the forms already gtven aboye), 
nfbhiSy ntfu. 

878. Examples of declension. As models of this 
mode of inflection, we may take firom the first class (with 
5rrf ftr in the strong forms) the stems ^IrT dStf m. giver 
and ^ofH sv&sr f. sister \ from the second class (with fST^ ar 
in the strong forms), the stem f^cT pit* m. father. 
Singular : 






Digitized by VjOOQ iC 


Declension IY., ^-stbhs. 
































N. A. V. 







I. D. Ab. 




G. L. 






N. V. 

























a. The feminine stem qTrT mStf, mother^ is inflected pre- 
cisely like f^ pitf y excepting that its accusative plural is 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

378—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 140 

b. The peculiar Yedlc forms have been suffloieutly instanced above; 
the only ones of other than sporadic occorrence being the nom. etc. da. 
datara, Bv&Bftrfi, pit&rft, and the gen. pi. of wp, naram. 

o. The nom. pi. forms pitaras and mfttaras etc. are found used also 
as accus. In the epics. 

374. The stem kroft^ m. jackal (lit'ly howler) substitutes in the 
middle cases the corresponding fornus of krdftu (343 k). 

376. Neuter forms. The grammarians prescribe a complete 
neuter declension also for bases in tf, precisely accordant with that 
of vari or m&dhu (above, 339, 341). Thus, for example: 




N. A. 













dhatr, dhatar 



a. The weakest cases, however (as of i- and u-s terns used ad- 
ject! vely: 344), are allowed also to be formed like the corresponding 
masculine cases: thus, dhfitra etc. 

b. No such neater forms chance to occur in the Veda, but they begin 
to appear in the Brahmanas, under influence of the oommon tendency 
(compare Germ. Metier, Heiterin; Fr. menteur, menteuse') to give this 
nomen agentis a more adjective character making it correspond in gender 
with the noun which it (oppositively) qaalifles. Thus, we have in 
TB. bhartf and Janayitf, qualifying antdrik^am; and bhartp^ and 
Janayitr^i, qualifying nik^atrani; as, in M., graMtfni, qualifying 

o. When a feminine noun is to be qualified in like manner, the asual 
feminine derivative in i is employed: thas, in TB., bhartryas and bhar- 
tryau, janayitryas and janayitryaii, qualifying apas and ahorfttre; 
and such instances are not uncommon. 

d. The RY. shows the same' tendency very curiously once in the accus. 
pi. mat^n, instead of mStfs, in apposition with masculine nouns (BY. 
I. 35.2). 

6. Other neuter forms in RY. are sth&tur gen. sing., dhm&t&ri loc. 
sing.; and for the nom. sing., instead of -tf, a few more or less doubtfal 
cases, athatar, sth&tur, dhart^ri. 


376. a. There are no original adjectives of this declension: for 
the quasi-adjectival character of the nouns composing it, see above 
(375b]. The feminine stem is made by the suffix I: thus, dfttrI,dh&trL 

b. Boots ending in x (like those in i and u : 345) add a t to make 
a declinable stem, when occurring as final member of a compound: 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

141 Declension V., Consonant-stems. [ — 379 

thus, karmalq^ (V^)> vajrabhft (i/bhr), baUhft (ylir)* From Bome 
r-roots, also, are made stems in ir and ur: see below, 383 a, b. 

o. Nouns in ^ as finals of adjective compounds are inflected in 
the same manner as when simple, in the masculine and feminine; in 
the neuter, they would doubtless have the peculiar neuter endings in 
nom.-acc.-voc. of all numbers. 

d. But TS. has once tv&tpitSras, nom. pi., having thee for father. 

Declension V. 

stems ending in Consonajits. 
377. All stems ending in consonants may properly be 
classed together, as forming a single comprehensive declen- 
sion: since, though some of them exhibit peculiarities of 
inflection, these have to do almost exclusively with the stem 
itself, and not with the declensional endings. 

878. In this declension, masculines and feminines of 
the same final are inflected alike; and neuters are peculiar 
(as usually in the other declensions) only in the nom.-acc.- 
voc. of all numbers. 

a. The majority of consonantal stems, however, are not 
inflected in the feminine, but form a special feminine deriv- 
ative stem in ^ i (never in ^ S), by adding that ending to 
the weak form of the masculine. 

b. Exceptions are in general the stems of divisions A and B — 
namely, the radical stems etc., and those in as and is and us. For 
special oases, see below. 

879. Variations, as between stronger and weaker forms, 
are very general among consonantal stems: either of two 
degrees (strong and weak), or of three (strong, middle, and 
weakest): see above, 811. 

a. The peculiar neuter forms, according to the usual 
rule (811 b), are made in the plural from the strong stem, in 
singular and dual from the weak — or, when the gradation 
is threefold, in singular from the middle stem, in dual from 
the weakest. 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 


879—] V. Nouns and Adjbotivbs. 142 

b. Ab in the case of stems ending in short vowels (fisylLni, 
viri^i, m&dhOni, dftl^^i^ etc.)i a nasal sometimes appears in the 
special neater plural cases which is found nowhere else in inflection. 
Thus, from the stems in as» is, us, the nom.-acc.-yoc. pi. in -Bfiai, 
-I&9i, -i&A^i are very conunon at every period. According to the 
grammarians, the radical stems etc. (division A) are treated in the 
same way; but examples of such neuters are of extreme rarity in the 
language; noVedic text o£fers one, and in the Brahmanas and Sutras 
have been noted only -hmiti (AB. vii. 2. 3), -vjnti (PB. xvi. 2. 7 et aL), 
-bhftfiji (KB. xxvii. 7), -bhfnti (QB. viii. 1. 3i), and -yufiji (LQS. u. 1. 8); 
while in the later language is found here and there a case, like 
-9runti (Bagh.), -piiAfi (Qi^.) ; it may be questioned whether they are 
not later analogical formations. 

880. The endings are throughout those given above (810) 
as the '^normal". 

a. By the general law as to finals (150), the s of the nom. sing, 
masc. and fem. is always lost; and irregularities of treatment of the 
final of the stem in this case are not infrequent 

b. The gen. and abl. sing, are never distinguished in form from 
one another — nor are, by ending, the nom. and accus. pi.: but these 
sometimes differ in stem-form, or in accent, or in both. 

881. Change in the place of the accent is limited to monosyllabic 
stems and the participles in &nt (accented on the final). For details, 
see below, under divisions A and E. 

a. But a few of the compounds of the root afio or ao show an irregular 
shift of accent in the oldest language: see below, 410. 

882. a. For convenience and clearness of presentation, 
it will be well to separate from the general mass of conson- 
antal stems certain special classes which show kindred pe- 
culiarities of inflection, and may be best described together. 

B. Derivative stems in as, is, us; 

G. Derivative stems in an (an, man, van); 

D. Derivative stems in in (in, min, vin); 

E. Derivative stems in ant (ant, mant, vant); 

F. Perfect active participles in vSfLs; 

G. Comparatives in ySfts or yas. 

b. There remain, then, to constitute division A, espe- 
cially radical stems, or those identical in form with roots, 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

143 Declension V., Conbokaittal Boot-stems. [—383 

together with a oompaiatively small number of others which 
are inflected like these. 

They will be tnken ap in the order thus indicated. 

A. Boot-Btems, and those inflected like them. 

883. The stems of this division may be classified as 

I. a. Boot-stems, having in them no demonstrable element added 
to a root: thos, ^ verse, gfx sang, p&d foot, dig direcHon, mih (V.) 

b. Soch stems, however, are not always precisely identical In form 
with the root: thus, vto from Vvac* sr^ from V8|J» mtif from Vmim» 
vrig from y^vragoC?), df ftom yvtui »hine\ — from roots in final x <^™o 
stems In ir and nr: thns, g{r» ft-gir» stir; Jdr, tur» dhdr, ptir» mur» 
Bt6r» sphur; and psdr from ^pear. 

o. With these may he ranked the stems with rednplioated root, as 
oikit, yav^yudh, vinivan, sasy&d. 

d. Words of this division in nncompounded nse are tolerably frequent 
in the older language: thns, in RV. are found more than a hundred of them; 
in AY., about sixty; but in the classical Sanskrit the power of using any 
root at will in this way is lost, and the examples are comparatively few. 
In all periods, however, the adjective use as final of a compound is very 
common (see below, 401). 

e. As to the infinitiye use of various oases of the root-noun, see 971. 

II. f. Stems made by the addition of t to a final short vowel of 
a root. 

g. No proper root-stem ends in a short vowel, although there are (354) 
examples of transfer of such to short-vowel-deolensions ; but i or u or |^ 
adds a t to make a declinable form: thus, -j{t» -Qrut, -kft. Roots in f, 
however, as has just been seen (b), also make stems in ir or ur. 

h. A9 regards the firequency and nse of these words, the same is true 
as was stated above respecting root-stems. The Yeda offers examples of 
nearly thirty such formations, a few of them (mft* rit, stiit, hrdt» vft, 
and dy^t if this is taken from djra) in independent use. Of roots in f, 
t is added by ky, dhy, dhvy, bhf , vft sy , spy, h^r, and hvy. The roots 
ga (or gam) and han also make -g&t and -h&t by addition of the t to 
an abbreviated form in a (thus, adhvag&t» dyug&t, dvigat» navag&t, 
and saihh&t). 

III. L Mono^llabic (Itlso a few apparently reduplicated) stems 
not certainly connectible with any verbal root in the language, but- 
having the aspect of root-stems, as containing no traceable suffix 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

883—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 144 

thus, tvko skin, p&th roiid, hf d hetirt, kp and var water, dvar door, 
as mouth, kakubh and kakud swnmit 

j. Thirty or forty such words are found in the older language, and 
some of them continue in later nse, while others have been transferred to 
other modes of declension or have become extinct. 

k. Stems more or less clearly derivative, but made with suffixes 
of rare or even isolated occurrence. Thus: 

1. derivatives (V.) from prepositions with the snfflx vat: arvSv&t, 
av&t» udv&t, niv&t» parav&t, prav&t, saihv&t; — 2. derivatives (V.) 
in tftt (perhaps abbreviated f^om t&ti), in a few isolated forms: thus, 
upar&tftty dev&tftt, vjk&tat, saty&t&t, sarv&tftt; — 3. other deriva- 
tives in t preceded by various vowels : thus, da9&t, veh&t, vah&t, srav&t, 
saQo&t, vagh&t; n&pftt; ta<jit, divit, yofft, rohft, sarft, harft; 
marut; y&k^, Q41q^; and the numerals for 30, 40, 50, tri&^&t eto. 
(475); — 4. stems in ad: thus, dfif&dy dhfs&d, bhasdd, van&d, 
^ar&dy aam^d ; — 5. stems in j preceded by various vowels : thus, t^p^p^, 
dhrf^f* Bandj, bhii^fU; U9(j, va^» bhur(], nii^(?); &8yj; — 6. a 
few stems ending in a sibilant apparently formative: thus, Jfias, -dSs, 
bhaSy maSy bhlf ; — 7. a remnant of unclassiflable cases, such as vi^t&p, 
vip&9, k&p^^th, Qurudh, ifidh, p^kQudh, ragh&t(<^)> sar&gh, visruh, 

384. Gender. The root-stems are regularly feminine as nomen 
actionis, and masculine as nomen agentis (which is probably only a 
substantive use of their adjective value: below, 400). But the femi- 
nine noun, without changing its gender, is often also used concretely: 
e. g., dnih f. (|/drtili he inimiceU) means harming, enmity, and also 
harmer, hater, enemy — thus bordering on the masculine value. And 
some of the feminines have a completely concrete meaning. Through 
the whole division, the masculines are much less numerous than the 
feminines, and the neuters rarest of all. 

a. The independent neuter stems are hfd (alio -h&rd), dkm, var, 
8var» mas ^esh, as mouth, bhas, dos (with which may be mentioned 
the indeclinables qkxn and yos); also the apparent derivatives yiikft, 

385. Strong and weak stem-forms. The distinction 
of these two classes of forms is usually made either by 
the presence 01 absence of a nasal, or by a difference in 
the quantity of the stem-vowel, as long 01 short; less often, 
by other methods. 

386. A nasal appears in the strong cases of the following words: 
1. Compounds having as final member the root ao or afio: see below, 

407 ff.; and RY. has once uruvy&ficam from root vyao; — 2. The 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

145 ' DECii]p!NSiON v., Consonantal Stems. [—689 

stem yDJ, BometimeSy in the older language: thni, nom, sing. yiiiL (foi 
yunk), ac^as. ydiyam, do. yufUft (but also ytijam and yiijft); — 
3. The stem -d^, as final of a compound in the older language ; but only 
in the nom. sing, masc, and not always: thus, anyftdf^ Idf^, kid^ 
tftd^ etfidrn, ead^ and pratiBadfzL: but also idfk, tad^k, svardfk, 
etc.; — 4. For path and pxuiiB, which substitute more extended stems, 
and for dant, see below, 894 — 6. 

387. The vowel a is lengthened in strong cases as follows: 

1. Of the roots vao, 8ao» sap* nabh, ^as, in a few Instances (V.), 
at the end of compounds; — 2. Of the roots vah and Bah, but irregularly; 
see below, 408 — 5; — 3. Of ap toater (see 898); also in its compound 
rityap; — 4. Of pad foot: in the compounds of this word, in the later 
language, the same lengthening is made in the middle cases also; and in 
RY. and AY. the nom. sing. neut. is both -pat and -p&t, while RY. has 
once -p&de, and p&dbhis and pfttsu occur in the Brahmanas; — 5. Of 
nas nose (? nasft nom. du, fern., RY., once); — 6. Sporadic cases (Y.) 
are: yiy (?), voc sing.; path&s and -rftpas, aceus. pL; v&niv&iias, 
nom. pi. The strengthened forms bh%j and vBi are constant, through all 
classes of cases. 

888. Other modes of di£ferentiation, by elision of a or contraction 
of. the syUable containing it, appear in a few stems: 

1. In -han: see below, 402; — 2. In kfam (Y.), along with pro- 
longation of a: thus, k^^ft du., k^imas pL ; kijama instr. sing., kf&mi 
loc. sing., kfmds abL sing.; —3. In dvar, contracted (Y.) to dur in weak 
cases (but with some confusion of the two classes) ; — 4. In svkr, which 
becomes, in RY., sur in weak cases; later it is indeclinable. 

889. The endings are as stated above (8Q0). 

a. Bespecting their combination with the final of the stem, as 
well as the treatment of the latter when it occurs at the end of the 
word, the rules of euphonic combination (chap. IIL) are to be con- 
sulted; they require much more constant and various application here 
than anywhere else in declension. 

b. Attention may be called to a few exceptional cases of combination 
(Y.): mftdbhls and m&dbhy&s from mas month; the wholly anomalous 
pa^bhis (RY. and VS.: AY. has always padbhfs) tiom p&d; and Bar&f 
and Bar&4^1^SB corresponding to a nom. pi. sardghas (instead of sar&has: 
222). D&n is apparently for d&m, by 148 a. 

o. According to the grammarians, neuter stems, unless they end in a 
nasal or a semivowel, take in nom.-aco.-YOO. pi. a strengthening nasal before 
the final consonant But no such cases from neuter noun-stems appear erer 
to have been met with in use; and as regards adjectiye stems ending in a 
root, see abore, 879 b. 

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 10 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


V. Nouns and Apjeotives. 


3<K>. Monosyllabic steins have the regular accent of such, throw* 
ing the tone forward upon the endings in the weak cases. 

a. Bat the accusative plural has its normal accentuation as a 
weak case, upon the ending, in only a minority (hardly more than a 
third) of the stems: namely in dat&8» path48» pad&s, nid&a, ap&8» 
XL^ks, J£iSs&B, pxuhe&B, mfi8&8» mah&s; and sometimes in vfic&Sy 
sruo&s, hrut&s, 8ridli&8» k^ap&s, vip&s, dur&s, i^^ dvi^&B, drob^s 
(beside vaeas etc.). 

b. Exceptional instanoos, In trhioh a weak case has the tone on the 
stem, oocoi as follows: B&dfi, ii&dbhya8» tinft (also tani) and t&ne, 
badhe (infln.), t&xjs «nd r^^u, v&&bu» sv&ni, vfpaa, k^&mi* etbft 
and Bt![raa (bat bvx^\ 4Alia8» and v&nas and bfhaa (in v&na«p4ti, 
bfhaap&ti). On the other hand, a strong case is accented on the ending 
in mah&8, nom. pi., and kfia&m (AY.: perhaps a false roiading). And 
prefa, instr. sing., is accented as If pr^^ were a simple stem. Instead of 
pra-{f • Vimjpdhi^ is of donbtfol character* For the sometimes anomalous 
accentuation of stems in ao or aSlo, see 410. 

801. Examples of inflexion. As an example of 
normal monosyllabic inflection, we may take the stem 
m^ ySo f . voice (from y^^ vao, with constant prolongation] ; 
of inflection with strong and weak: Btem, cy^:p&d m. foot; 
of polysyllabic inflection, ^T^H manit m. toind or ioind-god\ 
of a monosyllabic root-stem in composition, f^^^rT trivft 
three-fold^ in the neuter. Thus: 

N. Y. 


Ab. G. 
















































Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


Deolension v., Consonantal Stems. 



N.A.V. srrtt 

I. D. Ab. c(|JU|IM 





D. Ab. 

vftc&B, ricas 









marutfia tiivftl 

marudbhyim trivfdbhyim 















By way of illostration of the leading methods of treatment of 
a stem-final, at the end of the word and in combination with case- 
endings, characteristic case-forms of a few more stems are here added. 

a. Stems in J: yuj-class (219 a» 142), bhifdj physician: bhijf&k, 
bhifikiam, bhif^gbhis, bhifikfu; — mrJ-class (219 b» 142)» samrc^ 
universal ruler: samrit, Bamr^jam,' Bamr^bhis, samratau. 

b. Stems in dh: -Tfdh increasing: -vft» -vfdhani* -vfdbhis, 
-▼ftsa; -btidli (156) waking: -bh&t, -b^dham, -bhudbhiSy -bhutsu. 

o. Stems in bh: -ati&bh praising: -stdp, -Btiibham, -stdbbhiB, 

d. Stems in 9: di9 (218 a» 146) direction: dik, d{9ani, digbbfa, 
dik^d; — v{9 (218» 146) the people: v{t, v{9am, vicjlbhls, vlfBu (V. 
vik^h: 218 a). 

e. Stems in 9 (226 b» 146): dvii^ enemy: dvl\, dvf^amt dvi^bhls, 

f. Stems in h: dub-class (232-8 a» 166 b, 147), -duh milking, 


Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

391—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 148 

yielding: -dhuk, -duham, -dhugbhis, -dliiikfu ; — nOi-class (223 b» 
147)» -lih licking: -Ut» -liham, -U^bhis, -Ufsu. 

g. Stems in m (148a, 212a: only pra^an, nom. sing., quotable): 
-9ftm quieting: -^an, •^axnamy -^anbhis, -^ansu. 

392. The root-Btems in ir and ur (383 b) lengthen their vowel 
when the final r is followed by another consonant (245 b), and also 
in the nom. sing, (where the case-ending s is lost). 

a. Thus, from g{r f. song come glr (glh)» giram, gira etc.; 
glr&Uy glrbhyam, gir68; gfras, glrbhls, girbhyds, girim, ipjc^u. 
(165); and, in like manner, from pur f. eironghold come ptir (ptlh), 
puram, pura, etc. ; purftu, ptirbhyain, pur6B ; puras, purbbfe* pur- 
bhy&8, puram, pun|u. 

b. There are no roots in is (except the excessiyely rare pis) or in 
UB; but from the root iflB with its & weakened to i (250) comes the 
noan 2iqiB t blessing ^ which is inflected like glr: thus, ftQls (&Qlb), 
&9{fam» S^fiffS, etc.; &9{9&u, ft^Irbhyfim, fBLqli^oB; ft^f^as, ftQlrbhls, 
aQlrbhyaSy S^^ftm, fiQl^fU. And sajlia together is apparently a stereo- 
typed nominative of like formation from the root juf. The form af^apraf 
(TS.), f^om the root-stem pruf, is isolated and anomalous. 

o. These stems In ir, iir» Ib show a like prolongation of Towel also 
in composition and derivation: thus, gXrvfi^, piirbbfd, dhtirgatay 
dhuBtvay ftQlrda, ftQirvant, etc. (but also girvan, girvai^a). 

d. The native grammar sets up a class of quasi-radical stems like 
Jigamis desiring to go, made ftom the desiderative conjugation-stem (1027), 
and prescribes for it a declension like that of ft^fs: thus, JigamiB, Jiga-» 
mif S, jigamirbhiSy JigamihQU, etc. Such a class appears to be a mere 
figment of the granunaiians, since no example of it has been found quotable 
from the literature, either earlier ox later, and since there is, in fact, no 
more a desiderative stem Jigamis than a causative stem gamay. 

393. The stem &p f. wtUer is inflected only in the ploral, and 
with dissimilation of its final before bh to d (151 e): thus, apas, 
ap&s, adbhfsy adbhy&8» apam, apsu. 

a. Bnt BY. has the sing, instr. apa and gen. ap&s. In the earlier 
language (especially AY.), and even In the epics, the nom: and accus. pi. 
forms are occasionally confused in use, apas being employed as accns., 
and ap&8 as nominative. 

b. Besides the stem ap, case-forms of this woi^ are sometimes used 
in composition and derivation; thus, for example, abja^ &iK>devBta» 
ftpom&ya, apsumant. 

394. The stem puiiiB m. man is very irregular, substitutiDg 
pumfiAs in the strong cases, and losing its s (necessarily) li)efore 
initial bh of a case-ending, and likewise (by analogy with this, or 
by an abbreviation akin with that noticed at 231) in the loc. plural. 
The vocative is (in accordance with that of the somewhat similarly 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

149 Declension V., Consonantal Stems. [-—398 

inflected perfect participles: see 462 a) puman in the later language, 
bnt pumas in the earlier. Thus: p^mftn* pumftftsam, pudis^ 
pimiB^y pmhs&Sy padisf, puman; puma^sfiu* pumbhyam, puihsbs; 
puma&saSj pmiisis, pumbhls, pumbhy&Sy pudisam, puihsu. 

a« The accentuation of the weak forms, it will be noticed, is that of 
a trne monosyllabic stem. The fonns with bh-endings nowhere occnr in the 
older language, nor do they appear to have been cited from the later. 
Instances of the confusion of strong and weak forms are occasionally met 
with. As to the retention of a unlingualized in the weakest cases (whence 
necessarily follows that in the loe. pi.), see 183 a. 

b. This stem appears under a considerable Tariety of forms in com- 
position and deriTation: thus, as pudis in puih^call, puiiistva, puihs- 
vant, -pudiska, etc.; as pum in puihvatsa, puxiirupa, puxiivaty 
pumarthay etc.; as puiiisa in puihsavant; — at the end of a compound, 
either with its full inflection, as in stripuihB etc. ; or as pumsa, in 
BtripuiiiBa, mahapuihsa; or as puma in atnpuma (TS. TA.). 

395. The stem path m. road is defective in declension, forming 
only the weakest cases, while the strong are made from pinthft or 
p&nthan, and the middle from path!: see under au-stems, below, 433. 

396. The stem d&nt m. tooth is perhaps of participial origin, and 
has, like a participle, the forms d&nt and d&t, strong and weak: 
thus (Y.)) d&n, d&ntam, data, etc.; dat&s ace. pi. etc. But in the 
middle cases it has the monosyllabic and not the participial accent: 
thus, dadbhisy dadbhy&s. In nom. pi. occurs also -datas instead 
of -dantas. By the grammarians, the strong cases of this word are 
required to be made from d&nta. 

397. A nnmber of other words of this diyision are defective, 
making part of their inflection from stems of a different form. 

a. Thus, hfd hearty mafus or mas n. meai^ m& m. month, n&s 
f. nose^ ni9 f. night (not found In the older language), pft f. army, are 
said by the grammarians to lack the nom. of all numbers and the accus. 
sing, and du. (the neuters, of course, the ace. pi. also), making them 
respectively from hf daya, mafL8&» masa, nasikS, ni^ft, p^tanfi. But 
the usage in the older language is not entirely in accordance with this 
requirement: thus, we find mis flesh aocus. sing.; mas month nom. sing.; 
and nasft nostrils du. From p^ occurs only the loc. pi. p^u and (BY., 
once) the same case with double ending, p]rt8U§u. 

398. On the other hand, certain stems of this division, allowed 
by the grammarians a full inflection, are used to fill up the deficien- 
cies of those of another form. 

a. Thus, &8|j n. bloody 9&krt n. ordure, y&k^ n. liver, d6B n. 
(also m.) fore-arm, have beside them defective stems in &n: see below, 
432. Of none of them, however, is anything but the nom.-acc. sing, found 
in the older language, and other cases later are but very scantily represented. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

89S— ] V. Nouns and Adjbtivbb. 150 

b. Of aa n. nwuthy and ud tcaUr, only a case or two are found, in 
the older langnage, beside ftsto and Ssyk, .and ud&n and udaka (432). 

899. Some of the alternative eteniB mentioned above are instancefl of 
transition from the eonsonant to a vowel declension: thus, d&nta, masa. 
A number of other similar cases occur, sporadically in the older language, 
more commonly in the later. Such are -pada» -Inftds, -dft^a, bhri^i, 
vift&pa, dvSra and dnra» pnra, dhora, -d^a» nasft* nidft, k^fpft, 
kfapa, &9t» and perhaps a few others. 

a* A few Irregular stems will find a more proper place under the head 
of Adjectives. 


400. Original adjectives haying the root-form are comparatively 
rare even in the oldest language. 

a. About a dozen are quotable from the BY., for the most part only 
in a few scattering oases. But mah great is common in RT., though it 
dies out rapidly later. It makes a derivative feminine stem, mahl, which 
continues in use, as meaning earth etc. 

401. Bat compound adjectives, having a root as final member, 
with the value of a present participle, are abundant in every period 
of the language. 

a. Possessive adjective compounds, also, of the same form, are 
not very rare: examples are yat&sruo with offered hotol; sAryatvac 
8un-skinned\ o&tofpad four-footed ] suhard kind-hearted, friendly) 
ritykp (1. e. ritf-ap) having streaming tcatere; BahkaxeAvBx furnished 
with a thousand doors, 

b. The inflection of such compounds is like that of the simple root- 
stems, masculine and feminine being throughout the same, and the nenter 
varying only in the nom.-aco.-voc. of all numbers. But special neuter forms 
are of rare oecurrenoe, and masc.-fem. are sometimes used instead. 

e. Only rarely is a derivative feminine stem In i formed: in the older 
language, only from the compounds with ac or a£Lo (407 ff.), those with 
han (402), those with pad, as 6kapadl, dvip&dl» and with dant, as 
vf^adati, and mahl, &niucl (AY.), upasadi (? ^B). 

Irregularities of inflection appear in the following: 

402. The root han «foy, as final of a compound, is inflected 
somewhat like a derivative noun in an (below, 420 flf.)* becoming hfi 
in the uom. sing., aud losing its n in the middle cases and its a in 
the weakest cases but only optionally in the loc. sing.). Further, when 
the vowel is lost, h in contact with following n reverts to its orig- 
inal gh. Thus: 


Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


Declension V., Consonantal Stems. 


|vTtwMbhy ton |,,ytrah&bhyaft 


Singolar. Dual. 

N. vrtraht 
A. vftrAli&i^ftxn 
I. vi^traghni 

D. vrtraghn6. 

f;- )vxtr*i&m&B \ ^^^ vytraghnSm 

L. vrtraghni, -h&i^ ^vfw.«K v^^ahAsu 

y. vftralian vftrahai^a vftrahajgiaB. 

a. Aft to the ehange of n to ^ see 183» 185. 

b. A feminine ii made by adding I to, as oflual, tlie stem-form shown 
in the weakest cases: thas, T^^aghni. 

0. An accns. pi. -h&nas (like the nom.) also occnis. Vftrah&bhis 
(BY., once) is the only middle case-form qnotahle from the older langaage. 
Transitions to the a-declension hegin already in the Veda: thus, to -h& 
(BV. AT.), -shnA (RV.), -hana. 

403. The root vah C4tny at the end of a compound is said by 
the grammarians to be lengthened to vfth in both the strong and 
middle cases, and contracted in the weakest cases to uh, which with 
a preceding a- vowel becomes fta(137c): thus, from havyav&h sacri' 
JUe-hearing (epithet of Agni), hayyavaf, havyavaham, havyftuhft, 
etc.; havyav&ftri, havyava^bhyton, havyftuhos; hayyavahas, 
havyftuhasy havydva^bbis, etc. And 9vetav&h (not quotable) is 
said to be further irregular in making the nom. sing, in vfts and the 
Yocative in vas or vfta. 

a. In the earlier language, only strong forms of compounds with vah 
haye been found to occur: namely, -vaf, -vibiam* -v&ftu or -v&S, and 
-vahas. But feminines in i, from the weakest stem — as turyftuhl, 
dityfiubi, pafthftuhi — are met with in the Brahmanas. TS. has the 
irregular nom. sing, pa^fbavat. 

404. Of very irregular formation and inflection is one common 
compound of vah, namely ana^v&b (anas + vah hurden-bearing or 
eari^rawing^ 1. e. ox). Its stem-form in the strong cases is ana<jlvab, 
in the weakest ana<jluh, and in the middle ana<jlud (perhaps by dis- 
similation from ana^uf}}. Moreover, its nom. and voc. sing, are made 
in vSn and van (as if from a vant-stem). Thus: 













Wudbhyam \ana44dbhya8 






Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

404—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 152 

a. Anatjludbhyas (AT., once) Is the only middle case-form quotable 
firom the older language. But compounds sho^ring the middle stem — as 
aaa^uoehata, anatjludarha — are met with in Brahmanas etc. 

b. The corresponding feminine stem (of very infrequent occurrence) 
is either anaijuhi (gB.) or ana^vfthl (K. MS.). 

405. The root Bah overcome has in the Yeda a double irregularity: 
its B is changeable to f even after an a-YOwel — as also in its siiigle oc- 
currence as an independent adjective (RV., tv&di fSt) — while il some- 
times remains unchanged after an i or u-vowel; and its a is either prolonged 
or remains unchanged, in both strong and weak cases. The quotable forms 
are : -^i%, -faham or -saham or -adham, -B&hS, -sihe or -sihe, -f &aa 
or -f&has or -B&has; -s&hft (du.); -fahas or -B&has. 

406. The compound avay^ (v'yaj make offering) a certain priest or 
(BR.) a certain eacrijice is said to form the nom. and voc sing. avayaSi 
and to make its middle cases from avay&B. 

a. Its only quotable form is avayas, f. (RY. and AY., each once). 
If the stem is a derivative from ava+Vyaj conciliate^ avayaa is very 
probably ftom ava-h>/y&, which has the same meaning. But sadhamaa 
(RY., once) and pu]x>das (RY. twice) show a similar apparent substitution 
in nom. sing, of the case-ending 8 after long ft for a final root-consonant 
(d and 9 respectively). Compare also the alleged gvetavfis (above, 403). 

407. Compounds with afio or ao. The root ao or afio 
makes, in combination with prepositions and other words, a consid- 
erable class of familiarly used adjectives, of quite irregular formation 
and inflection, in some of which it almost loses its character of root, 
and becomes an ending of derivation. 

a. A part of these adjectives have only two stem-forms : a strong 
in afio (yielding afi, from afiks, in nom. sing, masc), and a weak in 
ao; others distinguish from the middle in ao a weakest stem in o, 
before which the a is contracted with a preceding i or u into 1 or a. 

b. The feminine is made by adding i to the stem-form used in 
the weakest cases, and is accented like them. 

408. As examples of inflection we may take praiio forward^ east, 
praty^c opposite, west, vffvafic going apart. 

Singular : 

N. Y. praa prak 

praty&a praty&k 

vffvafi v{fvak 

A. praficam prak 

praty&fioam praty&k 

vfBvaftoam vju|vak 

I. pracft 



D. prace 



Ab. G. pracas 



L. praoi 




N.A.Y. praflcftu praci 

praty&ficSu pratloX 

vlfvaflcftu vi^aoi 

I. D. Ab. pragbhyam 



G. L. praooB 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

153 Declension V., Consonantal Stems. [ — 412 

N. y. prafioas praftd praty&ficas pra1y&&ol vi^vafioas vlfvafiei 
A. pracas prafici pral^o&s praty&iioi vlfuoAs vifvafici 

L pragbhis pratydgbMs vl^vagbhis 

D. Ab. pragbhyas praty&gbhyaB vf^vagbhyas 

0. praoam pratioam vffuofim 

L. prakfu praty&kfu vlfvalmu 

a» The feminine stems are praei* pratici, v{fuoi» respectively. 

b« No example of the middle fonns excepting the nom. etc. Bing. 
neat, (and this generally nsed as adverb) is found either In RY. or AY. 
In the same texts is lacking the nom.' etc. pi. nent. in fioi; but of this a 
number of examples occur In the Brahmanas: thos, pr&oiy praty&iioiy 
arvSlioi, Bamyi&oiy sadhryafiLoiy anvancL 

409. a. Like prafiio are inflected &pft£io» ivfi&o, p&rftSio, arv^c» 
adhartfiOy and others of rare occurrence. 

b. Like praty&fio are inflected nykfio (i. e. nfafio), samyiiio 
(sam+afio, with irregularly inserted i), and udaiio (weakest stem 
udic: ud+a£io, with i inserted in weakest cases only), with a few 
other rare stems. 

o. Like vffvafto is inflected anv&fio, also three or four others of 
which only isolated forms ocoar. 

d. Still more irregular is tiry&iio, of which the weakest stem is 
tir&90 (tir&8-|-ao: the other stems are made from tir-{-afio or ao, 
with the inserted i). 

410. The accentuation of these words is irregular, as regards both 
the stems themselyes and their inflected forms. Sometimes the one element 
has the tone and sometimes the other, without any apparent reason for the 
difference. If the compound Is accented on the final syllable, the accent 
is shifted in BY. to the ending in the weakest cases provided their stem 
shows the contraction to i or u: thus, pracS, arvacS, adhar^cas, but 
pratIoa» anuc&8» samloi. Bat AY. and later texts usually keep the 
accent upon the stem: thus, pratioiy samloi, anAoI (RY. has praliclm 
once). The shift of accent to the endings, and even in polysyllabic stems, 
is against all usual analogy. 

B. Derivative stems in as, is, us. 

411. The stems of this division are prevailingly neuter; 
but there are also a few masculines, and one or two 

412. The stems in ^TFT as are quite numerous, and 
mostly made with the suffix ^RT as (a small number also 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 


Nouns and Adjectives. 


with cTH tas and ^n nas, and some are obscure); the others 
are few, and almost all made with the suffixes ^is and 
3H us. 

418. Their inflection is almost entirely regular. But 
masculine and feminine stems in ^snT as lengthen the rowel 
of the ending in nom. sing. ; and the nom.-acc.-voc. pi. neut. 
make the same prolongation (of 35[ a or ^ i or 3 u) before 
the inserted nasal (anusv&ra). 

414. Examples of declension. As examples we 
may take iR^m&nas n. mtW; 1SY^;[R dfigiras m. Anffiras; 
«^ic(H havis n. oblation, . 








V. JR# 

AD. HHli^mn^ 


. havif i 






Ab. ( 




N. A. 
I. D. 


U. L. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

155 Declbnsion v., Stems in as, JLb, ub. [—416 

Plural : 













In like manner, ^TlH^oik^us n. eye forms ^^7T cdk^u^S, 
tI^^H H odlL^urbhy&m, tl^rtfJ) c&lL^H&^i, and so on. 

415. Yedloetc. Irregularities, a. In the older language, the 
endings -asam (ace. sing.) and -asas (generally nom.-acc. pi.; once or 
twice gen.-abl. sing.) of stems in as are not infrequently contracted to -fim, 
-fts — e. g. ftQ&n, vedham; suridhfts* inSgfis — and out of sach forms 
grow, hoth earlier and later; subetitate-stems in S, as ft^a, jara» medha* 
So from other forms grow stems in a and in asa, which exchange more Or 
less with those in as through the whole history of the language. 

b. More scattering irregularities may be mentioned, as follows: 1. The 
usual masc. and fern. dn. ending In fi instead of ftu; — 2. u^&s f. dawn 
often prolongs its a in the other strong cases, as in the nom. sing.: thus, 
nfisa^n, Uf&S, n^tsaB (and once iu a weak case, nf^Uuui); and in its 
instr. pi. occurs once (RY.) u^&dbhis instead of u^dbhis; — 3. froin 
t09&s is once (BY.) found a similar dual, t09&S; — 4. from sv&vas 
and sv&tavas occiir in RY. a nom. sing. masc. in vftn, as if from a steiti 
in vant -, and in the Brahmanas it found the dat.-abl. pi. of like formation 

e* The stems in is and uS also show transitions to stems in i and 
a, and in i^ and Ufa. From Janus is once (RY.) made the nom. sing. 
JanAs, after the manner of an as-stem (cf. also Janurvasas 9^.). 

416. The grammarians regard ugiuiaa m. as regular stem-form of the 
proper name noticed above (855 a), but give it the irregular nom. UQdnft 
and the voc. U9anas or u^anft or u^anan. Forms f^om the as-stem, 
even nom., are sometimes met with in the later literature. 

a* As to forms from as-stems to &han or &har and tldhan or tldhar, 
see below, 430. 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

417—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 156 


417. a. A few neuter nouns in as with accent on the radical 
syllable have corresponding adjectives or appellatives in &8, with 
accent on the ending: thus, for example, ipas toorky ap&s (utive; 
t&ras quickness^ tar&s quick; jkf^aa glory , ya^&s glorious. A few 
other similar adjectives — as tav&s mighty^ vedh&s pious — are without 
corresponding nouns. 

b. Original acyectives in is do not occur (as to alleged desider- 
ative adjectives in is, see 382 d}. But in us are found as many ad- 
jectives as nouns (about ten of each class); and in several instances 
adjective and noun stand side by side, without difference of accent 
such as appears in the stems in as: e. g. t&pus Jieat&ndhot; v&puB 
wonder and ujonderful, 

418. Adjective compounds having nouns of this division as final 
member are very common: thus, BvanknBB favorably minded; dirgh- 
iyuB long-lived; 9iikr&900i8 having brilliant hrightneae. The stem- 
form is the same for all genders, and each gender is inflected in the 
usual manner, the stems in as making their nom. sing. maso. and 
fem. in lUi (like Afigiras, above). Thus, from sum&nas, the nom. 
and accus. are as foUows: 

Singular. DnaL Plural, 

m, \^ Oa 111, Xa m in* x* n* 

N. Buxn&nfis -nasV i , - x ... 

. > Bnm&nasftn -nasi sumanasas -nfiAsi 

A. sum&nasam -nas / 

and the other cases (save the vocative) are alike in all genders. 

a. In Yeda and Brahmana, the neut nom. sing, is In a considerable 
number of instances made in Ss, like the other genders. 

b. From dirghayiiB, in like manner: 

N. direliaviiB \ ^ . 

A. dlrghSyufam .y«/ "M'8l«y«9S'» -y«9i dlrghayu^as .yOA,! 

L dlrgliayiu|& dirgliayiirbhy&m dirghiyurbhia 

etc. etc. etc. 

419. The stem aneh&s unrivalled (defined as meaning time in the 
later language) forms the nom. sing. masc. and fem. aneha. 

C. Derivative stems in an. 

420. The stems of this division are those made by the 
three suffixes ^F\ an, XH man, and cR van, together with 
a few of more questionable etymology which are inflected 
like them. They are almost exclusively masculine and 

421. The stem has a triple form. In the strong cases 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

157 Declension Y., Stems in an. [—424 

of the masculine, the rowel of the ending is prolonged to 
35CT S; in the weakest cases it is in general struck out 
altogether; in the middle cases, or before a case-ending \ 
b^inning with a consonant, the final ^ n is dropped. The ' 
^ n is also lost in the nom. sing, of both genders (leaTing 
^ S as final in the masculine, ^ a, ia the neuter]. 

a. The peculiar cases of the neuter follow the usual 
analogy (811 bj : the nom.-acc.-yoc. pi. have the lengthening 
to fSTT S, as strong cases; the nom.-acc-voc. du., as weakest 
cases, have the loss of 51 a — but this only optionally, not 


aSman n. name. 

Singular : 















b. In the loo. sing., also, the a may be either rejected or retained 
(compare the corresponding usage with r-stems: 373). And after the 
m or V of man or van, when these are preceded by another con- 
sonant, the a is always retained, to avoid a too great aocnmnlation 
of consonants. 

422. The vocative sing, is in masculines the pure stem; 
in neuters, either this or like the nominative. The rest of 
the inflection requires no description. 

428. As to accent, it needs only to be remarked that when, in 
the weakest cases, an aonte & of the snffix is lost, the tone is thrown 
forward upon the ending. 

424. Examples of declension. As such may be 
taken JW^ rSjan m. kinff] *(lrHH StmAn m. soul, self; 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 


v. Nouns and Adjbctivbs. 


Ab. G. 


N. A. V. 

I. D. Ab. 

G. L. 



D. Ab. 



^. Train 

rajfti* rajaxa 





xubnnX, nimam 















&tm&bhya8 • 





a. The weakest cases of murdh&n m. heady would be accented 
mtlrdhna, murdhn^, murdlm6B» mnrdhn&s (ace. pi.), mOrdhn&xi* 
etc.; and so in all similar cases (loc. sing., murdhni or mtirdh&ni). 

425. Yedio Irregularities, a. Here, as elsewhwe, the ending of 
the nom.-aoo.-YOc. du. maso. Is usually ft instead of Su. 

b. The briefer form (with ejected a) of the loc. sing,, and of the neut. 
nom.-aoc.-TOc. du., is quite unusual In the older language. RY. writes 
onoe ^atadivni, but it is to be read QatadJvani; and similar cases occur 
in AV. (but also several times -mni). In the Brahmanas, too, such forms 
as dhftmanl and afimanl are very much more common than such as ahni 
and lomnL 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

159 Declension Y.) Stems in «n. [—428 

o. But throughout both Veda and Biahmana, an abbieriated fonn of 
the loc 0ing., with the ending i omitted, oi identical with the stem, ia of 
eonaiderahly more frequent oocorrence than the regolai form: thns, mttr- 
dh&n* k&nnan, Mhvan, beside mOsrdh&ni eto. The n hai all the 
usual combinationg of a final n: e. g. mOrdhazin asya, murdhant sa, 
xnurdliafLB tvS. 

d> In the nom.-acc. pi. neut, also, an abbreyiated form is common, 
ending in ft or (twice as often) a, instead of ftni: thus, br^khxna and 
br&hmft, beside br&hmftijl : compare the similar series of endings from 
a-Btems, 329 o. 

e. From a few stems in man is made an abbreviated instr. sing., with 
loss of m as well as of a: thus, mahina, prathina, varii^a. dan^ 
pre:i^ bhOnci, for maMTimit etc. And drSghmi and ra^ma (RV., 
each once) are perhaps for drftghmAnft, ra9m&iift. 

f* Other of the weakest cases than the loc. sing, are sometimes fonnd 
with the a of the snfftx retained : thus, for example, bhtbnanfty dimane, 
yamanasy tOc^&i^aB (accns. pi.), etc. In the inflnitlTe datives (870 d) 
— trima^e^ vidm&ne, dftv^ne, eto. — the a always remains. About as 
numerous are the instances in which the a, omitted in the written form 
of the text, is, as the metre shows, to be restored in reading. 

g. The Yoc. sing, in vas, which is the usual Tedic form f^om stems 
in vant (below, 454 b) is found also from a few in van, perhaps by a 
transfer to the vant-declension: thus, ^vas» evay&TraSy khidvaB(?), 
prStaritvas, mfttari^aSy vibhftvas. 

h* For words of which the a is not made long in the strong oases, 
see the' next paragraph. 

426. A few stems do not make the regular lengthening of a in 
the strong cases (except the nom. sing.). Thus: 

a* The names of divinities, ptif&n, aryam&n: thus, pu^i, pu^i- 
igiaBi* P^figLCS etc. 

b. In the Yeda, nkQ&n, bull (but also nlf igaiyam) ; yd^an maiden; 
vf^an virile, bull (hut vfffii^am and vf^Si^as are also met with); tm&n, 
abbreviation of fttm&n; and two or three other scattering forms: anary&- 
]^am« J6manft. And in a number of additional instances, the Tedic metre 
seems to demand a where ft is written. 

427. The stems 9T&n m. dog and yuvan young have in the 
weakest oases the contracted form ^un and ythi (with retention of 
the accent); in the strong and middle cases they are regular. Thus, 
9viy 9v&iam» (^im&p 9une» etc., 9v&bhyfim» ^ibhis, etc.; yuvft, 
y^vftnam, yt&nft, yuvabhis, eto. 

a* In dual, RY. has once ylinft for yuvanft. 

428. The stem magh&van generous (later, almost exclasively a 
name of Indra) is contracted in the weakest cases to magli6n : thus, 
magh&vft, maghivftnam* magh6nft, maglibne, etc. 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

428^] V. Nouns and Adjbotivbs. 160 

a. The RY. has once the weak form magbbnas in nom* pL 

b. ParaUel with this is found the stem magh&vant (diyision E); 
and from the latter alone in the older language are made the middle cases: 
thus, maghavadbhis, maghavatsiu eto. (not maghavabhis etc.). 

429. a. Stems in a, ma, va, parallel with those in an, man, van, 
and donhtless in many cases derived from them through transitional forms, 
are flreqnent in hoth the earlier and the later language, particularly as final 
members of compounds. 

b. A number of an-stems are more or less defective, making a 
part of their forms from other stems. Thus: 

430. a. The stem &han n. day is in the later language used 
only in the strong and weakest cases, the middle (with the nom. 
sing., which usually follows their analogy] coming from &har or khas: 
namely, &har nom.-acc sing., ihobhyftniy &hobhiB» etc. (PB. has 
aharbhis); but &hiift etc., &lmi or ^ihani (or ^haii), 4lml or iJiani. 
&h&ni (and, in V., iha). 

b. In the oldest language, the middle cases ibabbis, dbabhyas* 
ihasu also occur. 

0. In composition, only ahar or ahas is used as preceding member; 
as final member, ahar, ahas, ahan* or the derivatiyes aha, ahna. 

d. The stem lidhan u. udder exchanges in like manner, in the old 
language, with tidhar and tidhas, but has become later an as-stem only 
(except in the fern, tidhni of adjectiye compounds): thus, Adhar or Adhas, 
tidlinaB, tidhan or Adbani, ddbabhis, AdhahBii. As derivatiyes firom 
it are made bot^ Qdhanyii and adhasya. 

431. The neuter stems akf&n eye, astb&n bone, dadhdn curds, 
sakth&n thtgh, form in the later language only the weakest cases, 
akfi^a, asthnd, dadhn&s, sakthnl or sakth&ni, and so on; the rest 
of the infection is made from stems in i, &ki^ etc.: see above, 

a. In the older language, other cases firom the an-stems occur: thus, 
akfa^i, akf&bhis, and ak^asu; astbani, astb&bjtils, and astb&bbyas; 

432. The neuter stems as&n blood, yak&n liver, ^ak&n ordure, 
fts&n mouth, nd&n water, dof&n fore-arm, yuf &n broth, are required 
to make their nom.-acc-voc. in all numbers from the parallel stems 
&8rj> y&k^» q&kftt asya, udaka (in older language udak&), dos, 
yufi, which are fully inflected. 

a. Earlier occurs also the dual dof&i^I. 

433. The stem p&ntban m. road is reckoned in the later language 
as making the complete set of strong cases, ynth the irregularity that 
the n(wi.-voc. sing, adds a a. The corresponding middle cases are 
made from patbf, and the weakest from patb. Thus: 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

161 Declension Y., Derivative Stems in an. [—438 

from p&ntlian — p&nthi8» p&nthSnam ; p&nth&nftu ; p&nthftnas ; 

from pathf — pathfbhyftm; pathfbhis, pathfbhyas, pathifu; 

from path — pathi, path6» path&a, path!; pathbs; path&s or 
p&thas (accoB.)) pathfbx. 

a. In the oldest langnage (RT.), however^ the strong stem is only 
p&nthfi: thns, p&nthfts, nom. sing.; p&nth&m, ace. sing.; p&nthSs, 
nom. pi.; and eren in AY., p&nthftnam and p&nth&nas are rare com- 
pared ^ith the others. From pathf occnr also the nom. pi. path&yas and 
gen. pi. pathinifan. RY. has once p&th&s, ace. pi., with long a. 

434. The stems in4iithan m. sOrring-aiick, and fblmkf&n m., an 
epithet of Indra, axe given by the grammarians the same inflection with 
p&nthan ; bnt only a few cases have been found in use. In Y. occnr from 
the former the ace. sing, mj^nthftm, and gen. pi. mathinam (like the 
corresponding cases from p&nthan); from the latter, the nom. sing, fbhn- 
kffb and voc. pL fbhuk^ftB, like the corresponding Yedic forms of p&nthan ; 
bat also the ace. sing, fbliiik^&j^am and nom. pi. ybhTi'k^\iaB, which 
are after qnite another model. 


485. Original adjective stems in an are almost exclusively those 
made with the suffix van, as y&jvan sacrificing^ sutvan pressing the 
somoj jitvan conquering. The stem is maso. and neut only (but 
sporadic cases of its use as fern, occur in BV.); the corresponding 
fern, stem is made in varl: thus, y^vari, Jftvari. 

486. Adjective compounds having a noun in an as final mem- 
ber are inflected after the model of noun-stems; and the masculine 
forms are sometimes used also as feminine; but usually a special 
feminine is made by adding i to the weakest form of the masculine 
stem: thus, sb&ariyiiiy kHalodhni, 6kaniurdlml» dtin^amnl. 

437. But (as was pointed out above : 420 a) noans in an occarring 
as final members of compounds often substitute a stem in a for that in 
an: thus, -riUa, -janxna* -adhva, -alia; their feminine is in a. Occa- 
sional exchanges of stems in van and in vant also occur: thus, viv&Bvan 
and viv&Bvant. 

a. The remaining divisions of the consonantal declension are 
made up of adjective stems only. 

D. Derivative stems (adjective) in in. 

488. The stems of this division are those formed with 
the suffixes ^ in, ftp! min, and i^f^vin. They are mas- 

Whitn«y, Grammar. S. ed. 11 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

4a6— ] 

V. Nouns and Adjectivbb. 


culine and neuter only; the cotresponding feminme is made 
by adding ^ I. 

a. The stems in in are very numerous, since almost any noon 
in a in the language may form a possessive derivative adjective with 
this suffix : thus, b&la strength, balin m. n. balini f. possessing strength, 
strong. Stems in vin (1232), however, are very few, and those in 
min (1281) still fewer. 

430. Their inflection is quite regular, except that they 

lose their final ^ n in the middle cases (before an initial 

consonant of the ending), and also in the nom. sing., where 

the masculine lengthens the ^ i by way of compensation. 

The voc. sing, is in the masculine the bare stem; in the 

neuter, either this or like the nominative. 

a. In all these respects, it will be noticed, the in-declension 
agrees with the an-declension ; but it differs from the latter in never 
losing the vowel of the ending. 

440. Example of inflection. As such may betaken 

slidH balin strong. Thus: 








ball bali 

balinam bali 



I balinas 

balfni : ,; 
b&lin b&lin, b&li 

balln&u balini 


b&lin&u b&lini 

balinas balini 





b&linas b&lini 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

163 Dbolembion Y., Debiyativb Stems in in. [ 441 

ft. The derived feminine Btem in im is inflected, of course, like 
any other feminine in derivative i (364). 

441. a. There are no irreg^rities in the inflection of in-stems, 
in either the earlier language or the later — except the usual Yedic 
dual ending in a instead of ftu. 

b« Stems in in exchange with stems in i throughout the whole his- 
tory of the langaage, those of the one class heing developed out of those 
of the other often through transitional forms. In a much smaller number 
of eases, stems in in are expanded to stems in ina: e. g. 9&kin& (RV.), 
^n^rni^a (B.), barhi]^ blu^ina. 

B. DerlTatiTe stemB (adjeotiye) in ant (or at). 

442. These stems fall into two sub-divisions: 1. those 
made by the suffix 5ItT ant (or WJ at), being, with a very 
few exceptions, active participles, present and future; 
2. those made by the possessive suffixes i^rT mant and 
^tT vant (or JpT mat and clrT vat). They are masculine and 
neuter only; the corresponding feminine is made by ad- 
ding ^ I. 

1. Participles in ant or at. 

448. The stem has in general a double form, a stronger 
and a weaker, ending respectively in 5lrT ant and 5lrT at. 
The former is taken in the strong cases of the masculine, 
with, as usual, the nom.-acc.-voc. pi. neuter; the latter is 
taken by all the remaining cases. 

a* But, in accordance with the rule for the formation of the feminine 
stem (below, 448), the future participles, and the present participles of 
yerhs of the tud-class or accented &-class (752), and of verbs of the ad- 
dass or root-class ending in ft, are by the grammarians allowed to make 
the nom.-aoo.-TOc. du. neut. fiom either the stronger or the weaker stem; 
and the present participles from all other present-stems ending in a are 
required to make the same from the strong stem. 

444. Those verbs, however, which in the 3d pi. pres. 
active lose ^ n of the usual ending % nti (660 b), lose it 
also in the present participle, and have no distinction of 
strong and weak stem. 


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V. Nouns and Adjectives. 


a. Snob aie the Terbs forming tbetr piesent-stem by reduplieation 
without added a: namely, tbose of tbe redaplleating or ha-cUss (656) and 
the Intensives (1012): thas, from yliu, present-stem juhu, participle- 
stem jdhvat; intensive-stem Johu, Intensive participle-stem J6hvat. 
Further, tbe participles of roots apparently containing a contracted redupli- 
cation: namely, cikfat, da^at* dasat* 9a8at9 8&9oat; the aorist parti- 
ciple dh^ikfat, and vSgh&t(?). Vav^dhint (RY., once), which has the n 
notwithstanding its redaplioation, comes, like the desiderative participles 
(1032), from a stem in a: compare v&vydh&nta, v&v^dh&sva. 

b. Even these verbs are allowed by the grammarians to make the 
nom.-acc.-voc. pL neat, in anti. 

446. The inflection of these stems is quite regular. The 
nom. sing. masc. comes to end in lER an by the regular 
(160] loss of the two final consonants from the etymological 
form ^T^ ants. The vocative of each gender is like the 

446. Stems accented on the final syllable throw the accent 
forward upon the case-ending in the weakest cases (not in the middle 

a. In the dual nent. (as in the feminine stem) from such participles, 
the accent is &ntl if the n is retained, ati if it is lost. 

447. Examples of declension. As such may serve 
H^IH bhdvant bein^y 51^ addnt eating y g^JfT juhvat scurir- 





Ab. G. 




bh&vau bhdvat 

ad4n ad&t 

J^vat julivat 

bh&vantam bh&vat 

*^^\ ^^^ 

juhvatam jdhvat 











, , Jiihvati 

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Declension V., DsBiVATiyB Stems in ant. [ — 448 





N.A.V. ^cr#r m^ 

bhivantfta bh&vanti 



N. V. 

D. Ab. 



bh&vantas bh&vanti 

bhivatas bh&vanti 





ad&ntfta adati 







juhvatftu Juhvati 

juhvatas juhvati 
jdhvataB juhvati 




a. The fature participle bhavijy&nt may form in nom. etc. dual 
nOHter either bhavlfy&nti or bhavifyati; tud&nt, either tud&nl^ or 
tudati; yint (y'yft}* either yanti or yfttt And juhvat, in nom. etc. 
plural neuter, may make also j^vanti (beside juhvati, as given in 
the paradigm above). 

b. Bnt these strong forms (as -well as bh&vanti, da., and its like 
from present-stems in unaccented a) are quite contrary to general analogy, 
and of somewhat doubtful character. No example of them is quotable, 
either from the older or from the later language. The cases concerned, 
indeed, would be everywhere of rare occurrence. 

448* The Yedic derivations from the model as above given are few. 
The dual ending &a is only one sixth as common as S. Anomalous accent 
is seen in a case or two: aood&te, rathirfty&tftm, and vSgh&dbhiB (if 
this is a participle). The only instance in Y. of nom. etc. pi. neut. Is 
Binti, with lengthened & (compare the forms In finti, below, 461 a» 464 o); 
one or two examples, in anti axe quotable from B. 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

449—] V. Nouns and Adjbotivbs. 166 

449. The feminme paiticiple-stem, as already stated, 
is made by adding ^ I to either the strong or the weak 
stem-form of the masc.-neut. The rides as to which of the 
two forms shall be taken are the same with those given 
above respecting the nom. etc. dual neuter; namely: 

a. Participles from tense-Btems ending in unaccented a add I to 
the strong stem-form, or make tbeir feminine in antl. 

b. Sao¥ are the bhtl or unaccented a-elass and the dXv or ya-class of 
present-steqiB (ehap. IX.), and the desideratives and cansatlTea (chap. XIV.) : 
thus, from vl>hu (stem bh&va), bh&vantl; from -^dlv (stem divya), 
dXvyanti; from bubho^ and bh&v&ya (desid. and cans, of ybh^), 
bubhu^antt and bh&v&yanH. 

o. ExcepiionB to this rale are now and then met with, eyen from the 
earliest period. Thns, BV. has j&rati, and AY. tbe desideratlTe sl^asati; 
in B. occur vadati, 90oati, tn>yatl, and in S. further ti^tbati, and the 
causatiTe namayati; while in the epics and later such cases (inclnding 
desideratlTes and causatiyes) are more numerous (about fifty are quotable), 
though still only sporadic. 

d. Participles from tense-stems in accented k may add the femin- 
ine-sign either to the strong or to the weak stem-form, or may make 
their feminines in &nti or in ati (with accent as here noted). 

e. Such are the present-stems of the tud or accented &-eUss (761 ft.), 
the B-futures (932 fF.), and the denominatiyes (1063ff.): thus, £rom ytad 
(stem tud&), tudanti or tudatlj ftom bhavi^yi (fut of i/bhQ), bha- 
vify&ntl or bhavifyatl; from devay& (denom. of devi), devay&nti 
or devayatl. 

f. The forms in &nti from this class are the pieyailing ones. No 
future fern, participle in atl is quotable from the older language. From 
pres.-stems in k are found there ^a^ and st&cati (BV.)^ tudati and 
pinvati (A.V.). From denominatiyes, devayati (BV.), dorasya^ and 
9atri:iyati (AV.). In BhP. occurs dhak^yati. 

g. Verbs of the ad or root-class (611 ff.) ending in & are giyen 
by the grammarians the same option as regards the feminine of the present 
participle: thus, from )/yft» yanti or y&^ The older language affords no 
example of the former, so far as noted. 

h. From other tense-stems than those already specified — that 
is to say, from the remaining classes of present-stems and from the 
intensives — the feminine is formed in ati (or, if the stem be other- 
wise accented than on the final, in a^) only. 

L Thus, adati from y^ad; juhvati firom yhu; yuiUati from Vsnd; 
Bunvati from ysUy korvatl from ykf; krl^ti from yiui; d^di^atl 
from d6di9 (Intens. of y^dig). 

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167 Declension V., Derivatitb Stems in ant. [— 45fi 

J. Feminine stems of this class are occasionally (bat tbe case is mnch 
less frequent than Its opposite: aboTe, o) found witb the nasal: thus, 
jiaM (A v., once), und&ntt (^B.; but probably from the secondary A-stem), 
gfhi^anti[ (S.), and, in the epics and later, such forms as bruvanti, 
mdan^ oinvanti, knrvanti, JftnantI, mu^nantL 

450. A few words are participial in form and inflection, though 
not in meaning. Thas: 

a. brli&nt (often written vrh&nt) great; it is inflected like a 
participle (with b^hatl and b^h^nti in du. and pi. neat.). 

b. mah&nt great; inflected like a participle, but with the irreg- 
ularity that the a of the ending is lengthened in the strong forms: 
thas, mah^ mahantam; mahantftu (neat, mahati); mahantas, 
mahinti: Instr. mahati etc. 

o. pf^asit gpeckkd, and (in Veda only) rd^ant ihining. 

d* j&gat mavidtley lively (in the later lang:aage, as neuter noun, world), 
a redaplioated formation from Vgam go-, its nom. etc. neat. pi. is allowed 
by the grammarians to be only J&ganti. 

e. fb&nt small (only once, in RY., ^hat^). 

f. All these form their feminine in ati only: thus, b^hatl, 
mahsttlt pffati and r^^ti (contrary to the rale for participles), 

g. For d&nt tooih^ which is perhaps of participial origin, see aboye, 

451, The pronominal adjectives {yant and kfyant are inflected 
like adjectives in mant and vant, having (452) fyftn and kfyftn as 
nom. masc. sing., {yati and kfyati as nom. etc. da. neat, and as 
feminine stems, and iyanti and kiyanti as nom. etc. plar. neat 

a. But the neut pT. fySnti and the loc. sing.(?) IdySti are found 
in RV. 

2. PoBsesslves in in«at ttnd vant* 
462. The adjectives formed by these two suffixes are 
inflected precisely alike, and very nearly like the participles 
in 3E|tT ant. From the latter they differ only by lengthening 
the SET a in the nom. sing. masc. 

a. Tbe voc. sing, is in an, like that of the participle (in the 
later language, namely: ior that of the oldest, see below, 464 b). 
The neat. nom. etc. are in the dual only ati (or &tl}, and in the plaral 
anti (or &nti). 

b. The feminine is always tiade fron the weak stem: ttras mati[, 
v«ti (or Bi4ti, v^tl). One or two oases of ni instead of I are met 
with: thus, antisrvatnl (B. and later), pativatni (C). 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


V. Nouns and Adjectives. 


o. The aeoent, however, is never thrown forward (as in the 
participle) npon the case-ending or the feminine ending. 

468. To illustrate the inflection of such stems, it will 

be sufficient to give a part of the forms of MiMHrl pa9um&nt 

possessing cattle, and HIRH bhdgavant fortunate, blessed. 




N. V. 



m. n. 

nu n. 

pa^uman pa^um&t 

bh&gavSn bh&gavat 

MJJIMtW^ M^Hrt^ 

bh&gavantam bh&gavat 







p&^mnan p&^omat 

bh&gavan bhi«avat 


q«H^ MSMMffl 

m^m ^vmi 

pa^um&nt&u pa9um&ti 

bh&gavantftu bh^vati 




bh&gavantas bhi«avanti 

MSMHrlH^ MiMHirl 

pa^um&tas pa^um&nti 

bh&gavatas bh&gavanti 





464* Ye die Irregularities, a* In dual masc, nom. etc., ft (for 
an) is the greatly prerailiug ending. 

b. In TOO. sing, masc, the ending in the oldest language (BY.) is 
almost always in as instead of an (as in the perfect participle: helow, 
462 a) : thus, adrivas, harivas^ bh&nomas, havif mas* Such TooatlTes 
in RY. occur more than a hundred times, while not a single unquestlonahle 
instance of one in an is to he founds In the other Yedic texts, Tocatiyes 
in as are extremely rare (hut bhagravas and its contraction bhagOB are 
met with, even in the later language); and in their production of BY. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

169 Declension V., DBRivATiyB Stems in ant. [—458 

passages the as is umally changed to an. It was pointed out aboTO (425 g) 
that the RY. makes the toc. in as also apparently from a few an-stems. 

o. In RY., the nom. etc. pi. neat., in the only two instances that 
occur, ends in ftnti instead of anti: thus, gh^vftnti» pa^umanti. 
No such forms hare been noted elsewhere in the older language: the SY. 
reads anti in its version of the corresponding passages, and a few exam- 
ples of the same ending are quotable from the Brahmanas: thus, tftvanti, 
etavanti, ytvanti, gh|t&Tanti, pravanti, ftumanti, srugmantL Com- 
pare 448, 451. 

d* In a few (eight or ten) more or less doubtfal cases, a confusion 
of strong and weak forms of stem is made; they are too purely sporadic to 
require reporting. The same is true of a case or two where a masculine 
form appears to be used with a feminine noun. 

465. The stem irvant running^ steed, has the nom. sing, arvft, 
from &rvan; and in the older language also the voc. arvan and accus. 

466. Besides the participle bh&vant, there is another stem bh&- 
vant, frequently used in respectful address as subititute for the 
pronoun of the second person (but construed, of course, with a verb 
in the third person), which is formed with the suffix vant, and so 
declined, having in the nom. sing, bh&v&n; and the contracted form 
bhos of its old-style vocative bhavas is a common exclamation of 
address: yoti, sir! Its origin has been variously explained; but it is 
doubtless a contraction of bh&gavant. 

457. The pronominal adjectives tivant» etivant* yavant, and the 
Yedic ivant, movant, tvavant, etc, are inflected like ordinary derivatiTes 
from nouns. 

F. Perfect Partioiples in vftfiB. 

468. The active participles of the perfect tense-system 

are quite peculiar as regards the modifications of their stem. 

In the strong cases, including the nom.-acc.-voc. pi. neut., 

the form of their suffix is cffn vftfts, which becomes, by 

regular process (150), vSn in the nom. sing., and which is 

shortened to ^ van in the voc. sing. In the weakest 

cases, the suffix is contracted into 3^ uf. In the middle 

cases, including the nom.-acc.-voc. neut. sing., it is changed 

to oRT vat. 

a. A union-vowel i, if present in the strong and middle cases, 
disappears in the weakest, before u^. 

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V. Nouns and Adjegtivbs. 


459. The forms as thus described are masculine and 
neuter only; the corresponding feminine is made by adding 
^ i to the weakest form of stem, ending thus in 3^ u^I. 

460. The accent is always upon the suffix, whatever be its form. 

461. Examples of inflection. To show the inflection 
of these participles, we may take the stems lifStR TidvS^ 
knomng (which has irregular loss of the usual reduplication 
and of the perfect meaning] from vl^J vid, and clfFSi^f^ 
tasthiv&fLB having stood from y^SIT sthft. 

Singular : 



Ab. G. 



vidvan vidv&t 

vidv^cu&sam vidv&t 




vidvan vfdvat 


N. A. V. t^StSt f^J^ 

vidva&s&u vidufi 
I. D. Ab. iM^dllH ^ 


a. L. i^iNlH^ 


tasthivin tasthiv&t 

tasthiv^sam tasthlv&t 





t&BthlTan t&athivat 

tasthivaAsftu tasthu^ 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 


Deglbnsion v., Participles in vftAs. 

[— 46S 

N. V. 




Ab. G. 

vidviABi tasthivi&saa tctsthiva&si 
vidv^si tasthui^ tasthiva&si 





L. tqsr^j 


a. The feminine stems of these two participles are ic<^Ml 
vido^ and H^mI tasthiifl. 


b. Other examples of the different stems are: 
from ykf — cak^dAs, oak^r^t, oakruf, oakrufi; 
from v^nl — ninlv^s, niniv&t, ninydf, ninyu^i; 

from ybhn — babbUva&s, babh^v&t» babh^vuf, babhuvufi; 
from ytajx — tenivdAs, teniv&t, tenu^; tenu^i. 

462. eu Ib the oldest language (RV.)} the TocatiTe 8|ng. masc. (like 
that of vant and mant-atems: above, 454 b) has the ending vas instead 
of van: thus, oikitvas (changed to -van in a parallel passage of AY.), 
titirvae, cfidivae, miijilivas. 

b. Fonns from the middle stem, in vat, are extremely rare earlier: 
only three (tatanv&t and vav^4t, neut. sing., and jagpr&dbhis, instr. 
pi.), are found in RV., and not one in AY. And in the Yeda the weakest 
stem (not, as later, the middle one) is made the basis of comparison and 
derivation: thus, vidi^fara, Adft^u^fara, mltpiu^t^ma, mlcjihu^mant. 

c. An example or two of the use of the weak stem- form for cases 
regularly made from the strong are found in RY.: they are oakrui|fam, 
aco. sing., and Abibhyn^as, nom. pi.; emu^fdm, by its accent (unless an 
error), is rather f^om a derivatlye stem emu9&; and QB. has profufam. 
Similar instances, especially from vidva&s, are now and then met with 
later (see BR., under vidvaAs). 

d. The AY. has once bhaktiva^sas, as if a participial form from a 
noun; but K. and TB. give in the corresponding passage bhaktiv^nas; 
oakhvi£&8«m (RY., once) is of doubtful character; okivinsA (RY., once) 
shows a reversion to guttural form of the final of ^uc, elsewhere unknown. 

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V. Nouns and Adjeotives. 


G. Comparatives in yUs or yas. 

468. The comparatiye adjectives of primary formation 
(below, 467] have a double form of stem for masouUne and 
neuter: a stronger, ending in ITfH ySiis (usually ^EflH lySfts), 
in the strong oases, and a weaker, in JJ^ yas (or ^QH lyas), 
in the weak cases (there being no distinction of middle and 
weakest). The voc. sing. masc. ends in IR yan (but for 
the older language see below, 466 a). 

a. The feminine is made by adding ^ i to the weak 
masc.-neut. stem. 

464. As models of inflection, it will be sufficient to 
give a part of the forms of ^mPFT 9riyaB better j and of 
JI^[tira gdrlyas heavier. Thus: 

Singular : 



N. v. 












9r6yft&8a8 9r6y&&Bi 

9r6yaBa8 9r6yaii8i 



g&riyftn g&riyas 

g&riyftfLBam g&rlyas 



g&i^an ginyas 





g&riyfiAsas g&riya&si 
g&riyasas g&i^ft&Bi 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

173 Comparison op Adjectives. [—467 

a. The feminine steins of these adjectives are *i<4«l 
9r6ya8l and i|(iutfl g&rlyasl. 

465. a« The Vedio yoc. iuasc. (as in the two preceding divisions: 
464 b» 462 a) is in yas instead of yan : thus, ojIya8» jy&yas (RV . : no 
examples elsewhere have been noted). 

b. No example of a middle case oconrs in RV. or AV. 

o. In the later language are found a very few apparent examples of 
strong cases made from the weaker stem-form: thus, kaniyasam and 
yaviyasain ace. masc, kaniyasftu dn., yavlyasas nom. pi. 


466. Derivative adjective steins having a comparative 
and superlative meaning — or often also (and more origin- 
ally] a merely intensive value — are made either directly 
firom roots (by primary derivation), or from other derivative 
or compound stems (by secondary derivation). 

a. The subject of comparison belongs more properly to the chapter of 
derivation; but it stands in such near relation to inflection that It is, in 
aocordanee with the usual custom in grammaifl, conyeniently and suitably 
enough treated briefly here. 

467. The suffixes of primary derivation are ^OTT lyas 

(or ^irtH SyfiAs) for the comparative and ^ iftha for the 

superlative. The root before them is accented, and usually 

strengthened by gunating, if capable of it — or, in some 

cases, by nasalization or prolongation. They are much more 

frequently and freely used in the oldest language than 

later; in the classical Sanskrit, only a limited number of 

such comparatives and superlatives are accepted in use; and 

these attach themselves in meaning for the most part to 

other adjectives from the same root, which seem to be 

their corresponding positives; but in part also they are 

artificially connected with other words, unrelated with them 

in derivation. 

a. Thus, firom ylcfip hurl come Iqi^Iyas and kf^iffha, which 
belong in meaning to k^iprd quick; from yv^ encompass come v&n- 
yas and v&riftba, which belong to urn broad; while, for example. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

467—] V. Nouns and Adjeotivbs. 174 

k&niyas and k&niftba are attached by the grammariang to yuvan 
younffj or &lpa small; and v&rfXyas and v&rfi^fha to v^dhi old, 

468. From Veda and Brahmana together, considerably more than 
a hundred instances of this primary formation in iyas and iffha (in 
many cases only one of the pair actually occurring) are to be quoted. 

a. About half of these (in RV., the decided majority) belong, in 
meaning as in form, to the bare root in Its a^ective value, as used espe- 
cially at the end of compoands, but sometimes also independently: thus, 
from /tap bum comes t&pi^fha excessively burning ; from ]/yaJ offer come 
y^iyas and yAjiffha better and best (or very well) sacrijtcing -^ firom )/yadh 
Jight comes jddhSjaa Jighting better \ — in a few instances, the simple 
root Is also found used as corresponding posltiTo: thus, jll hasty, rapid 
with j&vayas and j&vifffha. 

b. In a little class of instances (eight), the root has a preposition 
prefixed, which then takes the accent: thus, ^ami^tha especially coming 
hither; vfoayiftha best clearing away, — in a couple of cases (i^rami- 
f^a, Apcurftvapi^^a, Astheyas), the negative particle is prefixed; — 
in a single word (^^mbhavi^fba), an element of another kind. 

c. The words of this formation sometimes take an aocusatlTe object 
(see 271 e). 

d. But even in the oldest language appears not infrequently the 
same attachment in meaning to a derivative adjective which (as point- 
ed out above) is usual in the later speech. 

e« Besides the examples that occur also later, others are met with like 
v&riftba choicest (v&ra choice), b&rhiftha greatest (b^h&nt great), 
ofii^fha quickest (69am quickly), and so on. Probably by analogy vrith 
these, like formations are in a few eases made from the apparently radical 
syllables of words which have no otherwise traceable root in the language : 
thus, kradhlyas and kradhi^fha (K.) from ]q*dli4, Bth4viyaB and 
Bth&viffha from BthQr&, 9&9iya8 (RV.) from 9&9vant» k^iyaa (AY.) 
and inif^a (TS.) ftoai eayd\ and so on. And yet again, in a few excep- 
tional cases, the suffixes Iyas and iffha are applied to stems which are 
themselves palpably derivative: thus, ^iffha from ft^u (RY.: only ease), 
tikiji^yas (AY.) from tik9]i^&, br&hmiyas and brAhmiytba (TS. etc.) 
from br&hman, dh&rmiftba (TA.) from dhArman, diAijUiiBta (TA.: 
instead of d&rhi^tha) from d^<Jili&» rAghiyas (TS.) from ragho. These 
are beginnings, not followed up later, of the extension of the formation to 
unlimited use. 

f. In n&vlyas or n&vyas and nAviftha, from nAva new, and in 
8&nyas from s&na old (all RY.), we have also formations unconnected 
with verbal roots. 

469. The stems in i^t^a are inflected like ordinary a^jeetives 
in a, and make their feminineg in ft; those in Iyas have a peculiar 
declension which has been described above (468 fif.). 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

175 Comparison of Adjbotivbs. [—471 

470. Of peooUrities and irregalarities of formation, the follow- 
ing may be noticed: 

a. The suffix lyas has in a few Instanoes the briefer form yas, gener- 
ally at altematiye with the other: thus, t&viyaB and t&vyas, n&viyaa 
and n^vyas, v&alyas and v&syas* p&niyas and p&nyaa; and so from 
rabh and sah; s&nyas occurs alone. From bhQ come bhtlyas and 
bhAyi^tha, beside which BY. has also bh&viyas. 

b. Of roots in ft, the final blends with the initial of the suffix to e : 
thus, Bthdyas, dh^^fha, yd^fha; but such forms are in the Yeda gener- 
ally to be resolved, as dh&Sftha, y&Iftha. The root jyft forms jyd^tlif^} 
but Jyayas (like bhAyaa). 

o. The two roots in I, prX and gri, form pr6yaB and pr^^fiia and 
QT^as and ^r^^fha- 

d* From the root of fji& come, without strengthening, fj^^ ^^^ 
^iftha; but in the older language also, more regularly, rAjiyas and 

471. The suffixes of secondary derivation are cT^ ^^ 
and rFT tama. They are of almost unrestricted application, 
being added to adjectives of every form, simple and com- 
pound, ending in vowels or in consonants — and this from 
the earliest period of the language until the latest. The 
accent of the primitive remains (with rare exceptions) un- 
changed; and that form of stem is generally taken which 
appears before an initial consonant of a case-ending (weak 
or middle form). 

a. Examples (of older as well as later occorrence) are: from 
vowel-stems, priy&tara, v&hnitama, rathitara and rathitama (RV-), 
o^urntara^ pot^tama» saziiraktatara; — from consonant-Btems, Q&iii- 
tama» 9&9vattama, mr<Jlay4ttama» tav&stara and tav&stama, tuvi^- 
(ama, v^puft^ra, tapasvftara, yaQasvitama, bhitgavattara, hira- 
ii^yava^unattama ; — from compounds, ratnadhatama» abhibhtitara, 
Buk^tara» purbhittama, bhuyifthabhaktama, bhuridavattara, 
^uoivratatama, atiikamatama. 

b* But In t|ie Veda the final n of a stem Is regularly retained: thus, 
madfntara and madintama, v^^f^ntama; and a few stems eyen add a 
nasal: thus, Burabldntara, Yayintama, madhiontama. In a case or 
two, the strong stem of a present participle Is taken : thus, vridhanttama, 
sihanttama; and, of a perfect participle, the weakest stem: thus, vidu^- 
(ara* mi4hu9tAm<^* ^ feminine final i is shortened: thus, devitamft 
(BV.), t6JaBvinitam& (K.). 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

471—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 176 

o. In the older Ungaage, the words of thia formation are not much 
more freqnent than those of the other: thus, in RV. the stems in tara 
and tama are to those in lyas and iffha as three to two; in AY., only 
as six to five: hut later the former win a great preponderance. 

472. These comparatives and superlatives are inflected like 
ordinary adjectives in a, forming their feminine in ft. 

473. a. That (especially in the Veda) some stems which are 
nouns rather than adjectives form derivatives of comparison is natural 
enough, considering the uncertain nature of the division-line between 
substantive and adjective value. Thus, we have vir&tara, vir&tama, 
v&hnitama, mftt^tama* nftama, maruttama, and so on. 

b. The suffixes tara and tama also make forms of comparison 
from some of the pronominal roots, as ka» ya, i (see below, 680); 
and from certain of the prepositions, as ud; and the adverbially used 
accusative (older, neuter, -taram; later, feminine, -tar&m) of a com- 
parative in tara from a preposition is employed to make a corres- 
ponding comparative to the preposition itself (below, 1110); while 
-tarftm and -tamftm make degrees of comparison from a few ad- 
verbs: thus, nataram» natamim» kathaihtarSm, katattarftin» 
addhfttamam, nicftiatar&m, etc. 

c. By a wholly barbarous combination, finding no warrant in the 
earlier and more genuine usages of the langnage, the suffixes of comparison 
in their adTerhial feminine form, -tar&m and tamfim, are later allowed 
to be added to personal forms of yerhs: thus, sidatetarSm (R. : the only 
case noted in the epics) is more despondent, vyathayatitaram disturbs 
more, alabhatatarSm obtained in a higher degree, haaifyatitarfim will 
laugh more. No examples of this use of -tamftm are quotable. 

d. The snffixes of secondary comparison are not Infrequently added 
to those of primary, forming double comparatiyes and snperlatlYes : thus, 
ganyastara, ^re^fhatara and Qr^fthatama, pftpiyastara* pftpiffha- 
tara and -tama, bhuyastaram, etc. 

6. The use of tama as ordinal suffix is noted below (487f j; with 
this value, it is accented on the final, and makes its feminine in i: 
thus, 9atatam& m. n., QatatamX f., hundredth, 

474. From a few words, mostly prepositions, degrees of com- 
parison are made by tbe briefer suffixes ra and ma: thus, 4dhara 
and adliami, &para and apami, &wara and avam&, iipara and 
upami, intara, &ntama, param&, madliyam&, oaramA, antima, 
ftdima, pa^oima. And ma is also used to make ordinals (below, 487). 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 






476. The simple cardinal numerals for the first te9 
numbers (which are the foundation of the whole class), 
with their deriyatives, the tens, and with some of the higher 
members of the decimal series, are as follows: 

1 ^ 

10 ^ 







20 f^fH 







30 Hf^lf^^ 







40 t|Hir(l«rl^ 







6 q^ 

50 M^|!tlf^ 






60 irf^ 

10,000,000 Sfilft 




7 HH 





80 5|^H?T 


8 51^ 







90 Roff?T 






10 ^ 

100 5lrr 






a. The accent sapti and a§t& is that belonging to these words in all 
accentuated texts; according to the grammarians, they are B&pta and k^\ei, 
in the later language. See below, 483. 

b. The series of decimal numbers may be carried still further; 
but there are great differences among the different authorities with 

Wliitoey, Grammar. 3. ed. 12 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 




regard to their names; and there is more or less of discordance even 
from aynta on. 

o. Thus, in the TS. and MS. we find ayuta, niyuta, prayuta, 
4rbuda, nykrbuda, aamudrd, m&dhya, inta, parftrdh^; K. reTerses 
the order of niyuta and prayuta, and Inserts badvB after nyarbuda 
(reading nycurbudha): these are probably the oldest recorded series. 

d. In modem time, the only numbers in practical use aboTe thousand 
are lak§a (lac or lakh) and koti (crorey^ and an Indian sum ii wont to 
be pointed thus; 123,46,67,890, to signify 123 croresy 45 lakhs, 67 thou- 
sandy eight hundred and ninety. 

e. As to the alleged stem-forms pa&oan etc., see below, 484. At 
to the form fak^ instead of ^aif, see above, 146 b. The stem dva appears 
in composition and deriyation also as dvft and dvi; oatur in composition 
is accented o&tur. The older form of af^a is aft^^: see below, 488. 
Forms in -9at and -9ati for the tens are occasionally interchanged: e. g. 
viA9at (MBh. R.), trlA^ati (AB.), pa&oft^ati (RT,). 

f. The other numbers are expressed by the various composition 
and syntactical combination of those given above. Thus: 

476. The odd numbers between the even tens are made by 
prefixing the (accented) unit to the ten to which its value is to be 
added: but with various irregularities. Thus: 

a* eka in 2/ becomes ekft, but is elsewhere nnchanged; 

b. dva becomes everywhere dvft; but In 42-72 and in 9^ it Is 
interchangeable with dvi, and in 52 dvl alone is used; 

o. for tri is substituted its nom. pi. masc. tr&yas ; but tri itself Is 
also allowed in 43-73 and in 93, and in 83 tri alone is used; 

d. faf becomes i^ in 16 ^ and makes the initial d of da^a lingual 
(199 d) ; elsewhere its final undergoes the regular conversion (226 b, 198 b) 
to t or 4 or ]^; and in 96 the n of navati is assimilated to it (199 o); 

e. a§ta becomes a^t^ (483) in 18-38^ and has either form in the 
succeeding combinations. 

f. yhus: 

11 ^kftda^a 

12 dvada^a 

13 trayoda^a 

14 c&turda^a 

16 p&iicada^a 
iG 964a9a 

17 8apt&da9a 

18 a9tada9a 

19 ii&vada9a 

31 6katrifL9at 

32 dvatriii9at 

33 tr&ya8trifL9at 

34 o&tu8tri&9at 

35 p4iioatrifL9at 

36 9&ttrifL9at 

37 8apt&triA9at 

38 a9tatri&9at 

39 n&vatrifL9at 

61 dka^a^ti 
^ Idvl^a^tl 
^ Jtriya^L^afti 

64 o&tu^fafti 

65 p&fica§ai;t^ 

66 f&t9^t^ 

67 sapt&^a^ti 

g ra^tifa^ti 
69 n&va§a§ti 

81 6kft9iti 

82 dvy2i9iti 

83 tryli9iti 

84 o&tiara9lti 

85 p&ficft9iti 

86 944a9iti 

87 8apta9iti 

88 a^^iti 

89 n&va9iti 

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179 Odd Numbers. [—478 

g. The nomben 2i-29 are nude like those foi 31-39] the numbers 
41'49y 51-69, 71-79, and 91-99 are made like those for 61-69. 

h. The forms made with dTft and trayas are more usual than those 
with dvl and tri, which are hardly to be quoted from the older literature 
(y. and Br.). The forms made with a^t^ (instead of a^fa) are almost ex- 
cluslTely used in the older literature (488), and are not Infrequent in the 

477. The above are the normal expressioiiB for the odd num- 
bers. But equivalent substituteB for them are also variously made. 

a. By use of the adjectives ilna deficient and adhika redundant^ in 
composition with lesser numbers which are to be subtracted or added, and 
either independently qualifying or (more usually) in composition with larger 
numbers which are to be increased or diminished by the others: thus, 
trsrOna^aftiJI^L sixty decent by three (1. e. 57); a^tadliikanavatih 
nineU/ increased by eight (1. e. 98) \ ekftdhikaih ^atam a hundred in- 
creased hy one (i. e. 101) ; pafioonaih ^atam 100 less 5 (i. e. 95). For 
the nines, especially, such substitutes as ekonayliigatiti W less i, or /9, 
are not uncommon; and later the eka 1 is left off, and unavifiQati etc. 
have the same -value. 

b. A case-form of a smaller number, generally ^a one is connected 
by n& not with a larger number from which it is to be deducted: thus, 
6kayft n& triA94t (gs. PB. KB.) not thirty hy one (29); dv^hyftiii 
ni 'gltim (QB.) not eighty hy two (78) ; pafkc&bhir n& catvari qaXiai 
(QB.) not four hundred by Jive (395)] ^kasm&n n& pafioftQ&t (in ordinal) 
49 (TS.); ^kasyfii (abl. fern.: 307 h) n&pa&o&^&t 49 (TS.); most often, 
6kftn (t e. 6k&t, irregular abl. for 6ka8m&t) n& yifigatih 79; 6kftn nk 
9at&m 99» This last form is admitted also in the later language; the 
others are found in the Brahmanas. 

0. Instances of multiplication by a prefixed number are occasionally 
met with: thus, tri^aptA thrice seven; tri]^av& thrice nine] trida^A 
thrice ten, 

d. Of course, the nnmbers to be added together may be expressed by 
independent words, with connecting and: thus, n&va oa navatf^ oa, or 
n&va navatf^ oa ninefy and nine] dv&u ea vifi^ati^ oa two and 
twenty. But the connectlTe is also (at least, in the older language) not 
seldom omitted: thus, navatir n&va 99] trifL9&taiii trin 33] a9it{r 
aftfiu 88. 

478. The same methods are also variously used for forming the 
odd numbers above 100. Thus: 

a. The added number is prefixed to the other, and takes the accent: 
for example, ^kftgatam 101] aff^atam 108] triiig&cchatam 130] 
a^fftvi&^ti^atam 128] o&tul^fMiliaBram (RV. : unless the accent is 
wrong) 1004] a^itisahasram 1080. 


Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

478—] VI. Numerals. 180 

b* Or, the namber to be added is compounded with adhika redundant, 
and the compound is either made to qualify the other number or is farther 
compounded with it; thus, panoadhlkarh ^atam or pa&oftdbika9ata]n 
105. Of coune, tlna deficient (as also other words equivalent to una or 
adhika) may be used in the same way: thus, pa&oonaih ^atam 95, 
^a^ti^ paficavaijitft 55; gatam abhyadhikaxh ^a^titah 160. 

o. Syntactical combinations are made at couTenience : for example d&^a 
gat&ih oa 110; gat&m 6kaih oa 101. 

479. Another usual method (beginning in the Brahmanas) of 
forming the odd numbers above 100 is to qualify the larger number 
by an adjective derived from the smaller, and identical with the 
briefer ordinal (below, 488): thus, dvfidag&iii gatdm, 112 (lit'ly a 
hundred of a IS-eort, or characterised by 12); oatugoatvariAgiiii gat^on 
144; ^atffa^t&iii gat&m 166. 

480. To multiply one namber by another, among the higher or 
the lower denominations, the simplest and least ambiguous method 
is to make of the multiplied number a dual or plural, qualified by 
the other as any ordinary noun would be ; and this method is a com- 
mon one in all ages of the language. For example: p&fioa pafioft- 
9&ta8 Jive fifties {250) ; n&va navat&yas nine nineties (810) ; agitibhis 
tis^bhis with three eighties [240); p&fioa gat^tni Jive hundreds; trii^ 
8ah&8r&]^ three thousands; (^a^fliii sahdarSni 60,000; daga ca saliaB- 
Thx^ aftftu oa gatftni 10,800: and, combined with addition, trfQi 
gatani tr&yastrifigataih oa 333; sahasre dve pafioonaih gatam eva 
ca 2095. 

a. In an exceptional case or two, the ordinal form appears to take 
the place of the cardinal as multiplicand in a like combination: thus, ^f- 
trifigafLg ca caturah (RV.) 36X4 (lit. four of the thirty-six kind); 
trifir ek&dagan (RV.) or traya ekadagftsa^^ (59S. viii 21. 1) lixs. 

b. By a peculiar and wholly illogical construction, such a combination 
as trii^ ^a^tigatani, which ought to signify 480 (3x100 + 60), is repeat- 
edly used in the Brahmanas to mean 360 (3x100 + 60); so also dv6 
oatustrifL^^ 9at6 234 (not 268); dvftfa^t&ni triijd gat&ni 362; and 
other like cases. And even B. has trayal^ ^ataQatftrdhfi^ 350. 

481. But the two factors, multiplier and multiplied, are also, 
and in later usage more generally, combined into a compound (accented 
on the final); and this is then treated as an adjective, qualifying the 
numbered noun; or else its neuter or feminine [in 1) singular is used 
substantively: thus, da^a^atas lOOO; faf^at&ih pad&tibhilbt (liBh.) 
with 600 foot-soldiers; tr&yastrlAgat tri9atf^ ^afBahasra^ (AV.) 6333; 
dvi^at&m or dvi^ati 200; a^t&da^a^atl I8OO. 

a. In the usual absence of accentuation , there arises sometimes a 
question as to how a compound number shall he understood : whether aft^- 
^atam, foi example, is aft^^atam Wo or a^to^at&m 800, and the like. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

181 Inflection. [ — 482 

482. Inflection. The inflection of the eaidinal numerals 
is in many respects irregular. Gender is distinguished only 
by the first four. 

a. Eka one is declined after the manner of a pronominal adjec- 
tive (like s^urva, below, 624); its plural is used in the sense of some, 
certain ones. Its dual does not occur. 

b. Occaalonal forms of the ordinary declension are met with : thaa, 6ke 
(loc. sing.), 6kat (477 b). 

o. In the late literature, eka is used in the sense of a certain 
or even sometimes almost of a, as an indefinite article. Thus, eko 
vyftghrah (H.) a certain tiger; ekasmin dine on a certain day; haste 
daigKJlam ekam adaya (H.) taking a stick in his hand. 

d. Dva two is dual only, and is entirely regular: thus, N. A. V. 
dv&u (dvi, Veda) nb., dv6 f n.; I. D. Ab. dvabhy&m; G. L. dv&yos. 

e. Tri three is in masc. and neut. nearly regular, like an ordinary 
stem in i; but the genitive is as if from tray& (only in the later 
language: the regular trli^im occurs once in RV.). For the feminine 
it has the peculiar stem tisf, which is inflected in general like an 
r-stem ; but the nom. and accus. are alike, and show no strengthening 
of the r; &Q<1 the ^ is not prolonged in the gen. (excepting in the 
Veda). Thus: 


tr&yas trl^i 



trin trl^ 














t. The Veda has the ahbreviated neut. nom. and accus. tri. The 
accentnation tisfblifs, tis^bhy&s, tisfi^&m, and tis^^d is said to be 
also allowed in the later language. The stem tls^ occnrs in composition 
In ti8fd]ianv& (B.) a bow with three arrows 

g. Oatdr four has catvar (the more original form) in the strong 
cases; in the fern, it substitutes the stem o&tas^, apparently akin 
with tisf , and inflected like it (but with anomalous change of accent, 
like that in the higher numbers: see below, 483). Thus: 

m. n. f. 

N. oatviras oatv^ c&tasras 

A. catnras catv&ri c&tasras 

L caturbhiB oatasfbhis 

D. Ah. eatdrbhyas catasf bhyas 

G. catun^am oatas^^i^&ii 

L. oat^fu oatasf^u. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

48a—] VI. NUBIERALS. 182 

h. The use of n before ftm of the gen. maac. and nent. after a final 
consonant of the stem is (as in ^a^: below, 488) a striking irregnlarity. 
The more regular gen. fern, oatasfnfim also sometimes occurs. In the 
later language, the accentuation of the final syllable instead of the penult 
is said to be allowed in instr., dat-abl., and loc. 

488. The numbers from 6 to 19 have no distinction of gender, 
nor anj generic character. They are inflected, somewhat irregularly, 
as plurals, save in the nom.-acc, where they have no proper plural 
form, but show the bare stem instead. Of i|&9 (as of catur), n&m 
is the gen. ending, with mutual assimilation (198 b] of stem-final and 
initial of the termination. A^^ (as accented in the older language] 
has an alternative fuUer form, a^^^, which is almost exclusively used 
in the older literature (V. and B.), both in inflection and in compo- 
sition (but some compounds with a^fa are found as early as the AY.); 
its nom.-acc. is Bj^\k (usual later: found in BY. once, and in AY.), 
or a^ta (RY.), or a^fftu (most usual in RY.; also in AY., B., and 

a. The accent Is in many respects peculiar. In all the accented texts, 
the stress of voice lies on the penult before the endings bhis, bhyas, and 
so, firom the stems in a, whatever be the accent of the stem : thus, pa£i- 
o&bhlB from p&fioa, nav&bhyas from n&va, da^&su from d&^a, nava- 
dag&bhis from n&vada^a, ekftda^&bhyas from ^kKda^a, dv&da^&sti 
from dyada9a (according to the grammarians, either the penult or the 
final is accented in these forms in the later language). In the gen. pi., 
the accent is on the ending (as in that of i-^ u-, and ^sterns) : thuB, paii- 
oada9&nam, eaptada^ftnam. The cases of fa^, and those made from 
the stem-form a^fft, have the accent throughout upon the ending. 

b. Examples of the inflection of these words are as follows: 
N. A. paiica ^k\ e^^n a^t^ 

I. pafio&bhiB ^a^Lbhis a^t&bhis a^t^bhla 

D. Ab. pafic&bhyaB 9a4bhy&s ai^tfibhy&s aft&bhyas 

G. pa£ic&nam ^a^^im ai^tanftm 

L. pafio&sa ^afsu a^t&su aft&su. 

o. 8apt& (in the later language 84pta, as &9(a for a^t^) and n&va 
and d&9a, with the compounds of d&^a (11-19'), are declined like p&fioa, 
and with the same shift of accent (or with alternative shift to the endings, 
as pointed out above). 

484. The Hindu grammarians give to the stems for 5 and 7-/9 a 
final n: thus, pafioan, eaptan, a^fan^ navan, da^an, and ekfida^an 
etc. This, however, has nothing to do with the demonstrably original final 
nasal of 7, 9, and 10 (compare sepiem, novem, decern; seven, nine, 
ten)\ it is only owing to the fact that, starting from such a stem-form, 
their inflection is made to assume a more regular aspect, the nom.-acc. 
having the form of a neut. sing, in an, and the instr., dat.-abl., and loc. 
that of a neut. or masc. pL in an: compare nima, n&nabl)i8» nima- 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

183 Inflection. [ — 487 

bhyaSy n&nasa — the gen. alone being, rather, like that of an a-stem: 
compare da^ftnSm with (ndrfti^ftm and n&nnBm or fttmiinftm. No trace 
whatever of a final n is found anywhere In the language, in inflection or 
derivation or composition, from any of these words (though QB, has twice 
da^aihda9{n, for the osnal da^ada^fn). 

486. a. The tens, vliigatf and triiiQ&t etc., with their compoundB, 
are declined regularly, as feminine stems of the same endings, and in 
all numbers. 

b. Qiktk and Bah&ara are declined regularly, as neuter (or, rarely, 
in the later language, as masculine) stems of the same final, in all 

o. The like is true of the higher numbers — which have, indeed, 
no proper numeral character, but are ordinary nouns. 

486. Construction. As regards their construction with the 
nouns enumerated by them — 

a. The words for i to 7^ are in the main used adjectively, 
agreeing in case, and, if they distinguish gender, in gender also, with 
the nouns: thus, da^ibhir vlrftf^ toUk ten heroes i y6 devi divy 
^ftdaQa ath^ (AY.) what eleven gods of you are m heaven ; pa&o&su 
Jdne^u among the five tribes) catastbhir glrbhil^ with four songs. 
Barely occur such combinations as d4^a kald^&n&m (RV .) ten pitchers^ 
ft&nfiih 9at (R.) six seasons, 

b. The numerals above 19 are construed usually as nouns, either 
taking the numbered noun as a dependent genitive, or standing in 
the singular in apposition with it: thus, ^ataxii dfii^ or gataih 
dftsinfim a hundred slaves or a hundred of slaves] viA9atyt h&ribhih 
with twenty hays; ^m^XjiAi ^ar&tsu in 60 autumns; ^attoa p^ftih 
with a hundred fetters; 9at&iii sah&srain aydtaxSi nykrbudaiii Ja- 
ghina gakr6 d&ssrunfim (AY.) the mighty [Indra] slew a hundred^ a 
thousand, a myriad, a hundred million, of demons. Occasionally they 
are pat in the plural, as if used more adjectively: thus, paficftgad- 
bhlr bSJ^ftil^ with fifty arrows. 

o. In the older language, the numerals for 5 and upward are 
sometimes used in the nom.-acc. form (or as if indeclinably) with 
other cases also: thus, p&fioa k^t^fu among the five races; eaptd 
r^u^fiiii of seven hards; sahitaram f^ibhih with a thousand bards; 
^at&iii purbhi^ with a hundred strongholds. Sporadic instances of a 
like kind are also met with later. 

487. Ordinals. Of the classes of derivative words 
coming from the original or cardinal numerals, the ordin- 
als are by far the most important; and the mode of their 
formation may best be explained here. 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

487—] VI. Numerals. 184 

Some of the first ordinals are irregularly made: thus, 

a. ^}^ 1 forms no ordinal; instead is used prathami (i. e. pra- 
tama foremoet); &dya (from ftdi beginning) appears first in the Sutras, 
and ftdima much later; 

b. from dvk 2, and trf 3, come dvitlya and tftXya (secondarily, 
through dvlta and abbreviated trita); 

o. catdr 4, 9^9 6, and sapti 7, take the ending tha: thus, 
caturthi, ^a^thi, eapt&tha; but for fourth are used also turiya and 
turya^ and sapt&tha belongs to the older language only; paiioatha, 
for Ji/thy is excessively rare; 

d. the numerals for 5 and 7 usually, and for 8, 9, 10, add ma, 
forming paSioami, Baptani&, a§tam&» navamd, da^ami; 

6. for llih to 19th J the forms are ekftda^i, dvftda^i* and so 
on (the same with the cardinals, except change of accent); but ekft- 
da^ama etc. occasionally occur also; 

f. for the tens and intervening odd numbers from 20 onward, 
the ordinal has a double form — one made by adding the full (super- 
lative) ending tam& to the cardinal : thus, vlA9atitam&, triA9attu]i&, 
a^Ititam&t etc.; the other, shorter, in a, with abbre^tion of the 
cardinal: thus, vthqik 20th; triA^d 80th; 0B,tv9xitqk dOth; pafioftgi 
50th; fa^ti 60th; saptati 70th; a^iti 80th; navat& 90th; and so 
likewise ekavlA9& 2l8t; oatostrUiqk 34th; a9tftoatvfirii^9& 48th; 
dv&paiioft9& 62d; eka^a^^ Olst; and ekfinnavi^9& and tUiavi&9& 
and ekonavlii9& 19th; — and so on. Of these two forms, the latter 
and briefer is by far the more common, the other being not quotable 
from the Veda, and extremely rarely from the Br&hmai;ia8. From 50th 
on, the briefer form is allowed by the grammarians only to the odd 
numbers, made up of tens and units; but it is sometimes met with, 
even in the later language, from the simple ten. 

g. Of the higher numbers, ^ati and sah&sra form 9atatai]i& and 
Bahasratami; but their compounds have also the simpler form: thus, 
eka^ati or eka^atatama lOlst 

h. Of the ordinals, pratham& (and fidya), dvitlya, tptXya, and 
turiya (with turya) form their feminine in ft; all the rest make it 
in i. 

488. The ordinals, as In other langnages, have other than ordinal 
offices to fill; and In Sanskrit especially they are general adjectlTot to the 
cardinals, with a considerable variety of meanings, as fractlonals, as signi- 
fying composed of so many parte or 'eo-^nany-foldt or containing $0 many, 
or (as was seen above, 479) having bo many added. 

a. In a fractional sense, the grammarians direct that their accent be 
shifted to the first syllable ; thus, dvltlya Ao/f ; t^tiya third part; o&tor- 
tha quarter; and so on. But In accented texts only tftiya third, and 
c&turtha ((B.) and turiya quarter, are fonnd so treated; for half occars 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

185 Numeral DBMVATivBfl. [—491 

only ardli4 ; and oaturth^ (MS. etc.); paftoami) and so on, are accented 
as in their ordinal Qge. 

489. There are other numeral deriyatives: thns — 

a. mnltiplicatiye adverbs, as dvls twiee^ trla thrice^ oatos four 

b. adrerbs with the suffixes dhft (1104) and ^ai (1106): for 
example, ekadhit in one way^ ^atadhi in a hundred ways; eka9ai 
one by one, 9ata948 by hundreds; 

o. collectives, as dvftaya or dvay4 a pair, di^ataya or da9&t 
a decade; 

d. adjectives like dvika composed of two, paSioaka consisting of 
five or fives; 

and so on; but their treatment belongs rather to the dictionary, or 
to the chapter on derivation. 



490. Thb pronouns differ from the great mass of nouns 
and adjectives chiefly in that they come by derivation from 
another and a very limited set of roots, the so-called pro- 
nominal or demonstrative roots. But they have also many 
and marked peculiarities of inflection — some of which, 
however, find analogies in a few adjectives; and such ad- 
jectives will accordingly be described at the end of this 

Personal Pronouns. 

491. The pronouns of the first and second persons are 
the most irregular and peculiar of all, being made up of 
fragments coming from various roots and combinations of 
roots. They have no distinction of gender. 

Digitized by VjOOQIP 

— ] Vn. Pronouns. 186 

a. Their inflection in the 

later language is a follows: 


Ist pen. 

2d pets. 

N. y^H^ 




A. rnxj^lTT 

mitm, mft 

tvim, tva 





D. '^'^^ 


m&hyam* ine 

tfibhyam, te 

Ab. qn 




G. m.^ 


m&ma, me 

t&va, te 

L. qfir 





N.A.V. qi^ltjf^ 




I. D. Ab. MHI^tll4^ 




G.L. MnJ^H^ 




andA.D.G. ^ 





N. sren^ 




A. STFRHt^iq^ 

ijfuiK ^ 

araoUbi* nas 

yo^min^ vas 

I. ^TqTPW^ 




D. ym^tlM. RH^ 

u^H^uM. sm^ 


nas 3nxi?ni&bbyam, vas 

Digitized by VjOOQIC _ 



asmikam, nas 


187 Pbrsonal Pkonouns. [—493 



b. The briefer second fonnB for accus., dat., and gen., in all 
nnmbers, are accentless; and hence they are not allowed to Btand at * 
the beginning of a sentence, or elsewhere where any emphasis is laid. 

e. Bat they may be qu&lifled by accented adjuncts, as adJectlTes: e. g. 
te jiiyata^ of ihee when a conqueror ^ vo v^tibhya]^ for you that were 
confined, nas tribhyi^ to ue three (aU Ry.> 

d. The ablatlTe mat is accentless in one oi two AY. passages. 

498, Forms of the older language. All the forms given 
above are fonnd also in the older language; which, however, has also 
others that afterward disappear from use. 

a. Thus, we find a few times the lustr. sing. tv£ (only RY.: like 
mani^a for mani^dyft); farther, the loc. or dat. sing. m6 (only VS.) 
and tv6, and the dat. or loc. pi. a8m6 (which is by far the commonest 
of these e-forms) and ytLfm6: their final e is uncombinable (or pra- 
g^hya: 188 b). The YS. makas twice the ace. pi. fem. yufmas (as if 
yu^m&n were too distinctively a masculine form). The datives in bhyam 
are in a number of cases written, and in yet others to be read as if written, 
with bhya, with loss of the final nasal; and in a rare instance or two we 
have in like manner asm&a and yu^m&a in the gen. plural. The nsual 
resolutions of semivowel to vowel are made, and are especially frequent in 
the forms of the second person (tu&m for tv&m etc.). 

b. But the duals, above all, wear a very different aspect earlier. In 
Yeda and Brahmana and Sutra the nominatives are (with occasional 
exceptions) ftT&m and yavim, and only the accusatives fivam and yuvim 
(but in BY. the dual forms of 1st pers. chance not to occur, unless in 
▼ain[?], once, for ftv&m) ; Ae instr. in BY. is either yuv&bhyfim (occurs 
also once in A^.) or yavA^hyfim; an abl. yuv&t appears once in BY., 
and ftv&t twice in TS.; the gen.rloc. is in RY. (only) yuv6B instead of 
ytiv&yo8. Thus we have here a distinction (elsewhere nnknown) of five 
different dual cases, by endings in part accordant with those of the other 
two numbers. 

498. Peculiar endings. The ending am, appearing in the nom. 
sing, and pi. (and Yedic du.) of these pronouns, will be found often, 
though only in sing., among the other pronouns. The bbyam (or hyam) 
.of dat sing, and pi. is met with only here; its relationship with the 
bhyftm, bhyaa* bhls of the ordinary declension is palpable. The t (or 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

498—] Vn. PRONOtJN8. 188 

d) of the abl.f though here preceded by a short Towel, ip donbtlefls the 
same with that of the a-declension of nouns and adjeotives. That the nom., 
dat., and abl. endings should be the same in sing, and pi. (and in part 
in the earlier dn. also), only the stem to whloh they are added being dif- 
ferent, is unparalleled elsewhere in the language. The element sma appear- 
ing in the plural forms will be found frequent in the inflection of the 
singular in other pronominal words: in fact, the compound stem aama 
which underlies the plural of aham seems to be the same that furnishes 
part of the singular forms of ayam (601), and its value of t^e to be a 
specialisation of the meaifing these persons. The genitives singular, m&ma 
and t&va, have no analogies elsewhere; the derivation from them of the 
adjectives mfimaka and t&vaka (below, 616 b) suggests the possibility 
of their being themselves stereotyped stems. The gen. pi., asmikaxa and 
yu^makam, are certainly of this character: namely, neuter sing, caseforms 
of the adjective stems asmftka and yu^mfika, other cases of which are 
found in the Veda. 

494. Stem -form a. To the Hindu grammarianB, the stems of 
the personal pronouns are mad and asmad, and trad and yo^mad, 
because these are forms used to a certain extent, and allowed to be 
indefinitely used, in derivation and composition (like tad, kad» etc.: 
see below, under the other pronouns). Words are thus formed from 
them even in the older language — namely, mktkfta and m&tsakhi 
and asm&tsaklil (RV.), tv&dyoni and matt&s (AV.), tv&tpit]* and 
tv&dvivftoana (TS.), tv&tprasuta and tvaddevatya and yuvad- 
devatya and yrmmaddevatya (QB.), asmaddevatya (PB.); but much 
more numerous are those that show the proper stem In a, or with 
the a lengthened to &: thus, mavant; asmatri, asmadrdhy etc.; 
tv&yata, tvavant, tvadatta, tv&nfd, tvavaBU, tvahata, etc.; yu^- 
mtoatta, yu^m^^ita, etc.; 3nivavant, sruvaku, yuv&dhlta, yuvtU 
datta, yuvanita, etc. And the later language also has a few words 
made in the same way, as mftd^r^. 

a« The Yedas have certain more irregular combinations, with complete 
forms : thus, tvazhk&ma, tv&m&huti, m&dipa^y&y mamasaty^* aamd- 
hitiy ahaxSipurv&y ahamuttari, ahaxSiyi^, ahadieana. 

b. From the stems of the grammarians come also the derivative 
adjectives madiya» tvadlya, asmadSya yu^madiya, having a pos- 
sessive value: see below, 616a. 

o. For Bva and svay&m, see below, 618. 

Demonstrative Pronouns. 

496. The simplest demonstrativiB, cT ta, which answers 
also the purpose of a personal pronoun of the third person, 
may be taken as model of a mode of declension usual in 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

189 Demonstrative Pbomoums. [ — 495 

so many pronouns and pronominal adjectives that it is 

fairly to be called the general pronominal declension. 

a. Bat this root has also the special irregalarity that in the 
nom. sing. masc. and fern, it has s&s (for whose peculiar euphonic 
treatment see 176a,b) and sa, instead of t&s and ta (compare Gr. 
o, f^, roy and Gk>th. «a, so, ihata). Thus: 





N- mi 






A. H^ 


































N.A. V. eft 






I. D. Ab. 





G. L. 








N. ^ 






A. cTPJ^ 












Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

496—] Vn. Pronouns. 190 

D. Al). 









b. The Yedas show no other irregularities of Inflection than those 
^hich helong to all stems in a and &: namely, t^nft sometimes; nsnally 
ti for t&u, dn.; often ta for tani, pi. neat; nsnally t^bhis for tsfsi 
inatr. pi.; and the ordinary resolntions. The RV. has one more case-form 
fjTom the root sa, namely B&smin (occurring nearly half as often as t&B- 
min); and OhU. has once aasmSt. 

496. The peculiarities of the general pronominal declenBion, it 
will be noticed, are these: 

a. In the singular, the use of t (properly d) as ending of nom.-acc. 
neut; the comhlnation of another element sma with the root in masc. and 
neut dat., abl., and loc, and of sy in fem. dat, abl.-gen., and loc; and 
the maso. and nent. loc. ending in, which is restricted to ^tds declension 
(except in the anomalous yfid^min, BY., once). The substitution in B. 
of fti for fie as fem. ending (307 h) was illustrated at 866 d. 

b« The dual is precisely that of noun-stems in a and ft. 

o. In the plural, the irregularities are limited to t^ for tas in nom. 
masc, and the insertion of b instead of n before ftm of the gen., the stem- 
final being treated before it in the same manner as before 8U of the loc. 

497. The stem of this pronoun is by the grammarians given 
as tad; and from that form come, in fact, the derivative adjective 
tadiya, with tattv4, tadvat, tanmaya; and numerous compounds, 
such as taocbila, tajjiia, tatkara, tadanantara, tamnfttra, etc. 
These compounds are not rare even in the Veda: so t&danna, tadv{d» 
tadva^A, etc. But derivatives from the true root ta are also many: 
especially adverbs, as t&tas, t&tra, t&thft, tadi; the adjectives ta- 
vant and t&ti; and the compound tSd^9 etc. 

498. Though the demonstrative root ta is prevailingly of the 
third person, it is also freely used, both in the earlier language and 
in the later, as qualifying the pronouns of the first and second person, 
giving emphasis to them: thus, 86 'h&m* this J, or I here] sk or sa 
tv&m thou there \ te vayam, we here] tasya mama of me here, tasmi&B 
tvayi in thee there, and so on. 

499. Two other demonstrative stems appear to contain ta aa 
an element; and both, like the simple ta, substitute ea in the nom. 
sing. masc. and fem. 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

191 Dbmonstrativb Pronouns. [—601 

a. The one, lya, is tolerably common (although only a third 
of its possible forms occur) in RV., but rare in AV., and almost 
unknown later, its nom. sing., in the three genders, is sy&s, syat 
ty&ty and it makes the accusatiyes tykm^ tyanx, ty&t, and goes on 
through the remaining cases in the same manner as ta. It has in 
RV. the instr. fem. tya (for tydyfi). Instead of syfi as nom. sing, 
fem. is also found tyS. 

b. The other is tlie usual demonstrative of nearer position, thts 
here, and is in frequent use through all periods of the language. 
It prefixes e to the simple root, forming the nominatives ef&s, e^, 
et&t — and so on through the whole inflection. 

c* The stem tya has neither compounds nor derivatives. But 
from eta are formed both, in the same manner as from the simple 
ta, only much less numerous: thus, etadda (^B.), etadartha, etc., 
from the so-called stem etad; and et&dfg and etivant from eta. 
And e^a, like aa (498), is used to qualify pronouns of the 1st and 
2d persons: e. g. e^a liam, ete vayam. 

600. There is a defective pronominal stem, ena, which is accent- 
less, and hence used only in situations where no emphasis falls upon 
it It does not occur elsewhere than in the accusative of all numbers, 
the instr. sing., and the gen.-loc. dual: thus. 

m. n. f. 

Sing. A. enaxn enat enam 

I. enena enayfi 

Dn. A. enftu ene ene 

0. L. enayoB enayos 

PI. A. enan enftni en&s 

a. The RV. has enoB instead of enayoB, and in one or two instances 
accents a form : thus, enam^ en^ (?). AB. uses enat also as nom. neat. 

b. As ena is always used substantiyely, it has more nearly than ta 
the value of a third personal pronoun, unemphatie. Apparent examples 
of its adjectival use here and there met with are doubtless the result of 
confusion with eta (489 b). 

o. This stem forms neither derivatives nor compounds. 

601. The declension of two other demonstratives is so 
iiregnlaily made up that they have to be given in full. The 
one, ^Rpr aydm etc., is used as a more indefinite demon- 
strative, this or that; the other, ^^ asSii etc., signifies 
especially the remoter relation, yon or yonder, 

a. They are as follows: 






N. A. 

I. D. Ab. 

G. L. 

D. Ab. 



VII. Pronouns* 


m. n. 

^^ ^ 
ay&m id&m 


m. n. 
as&ii acUui 



4H1 m. 


^3\ ^ 

amum adAs 











asmtt ; 




imft^ im6 








ami amilbii amtis 

Iman im&i 


















Digitized by Google 

193 Dbmonstratites. [—603 

b. The same fonns Aie used in ihb older language, withont Tariatlon, 
except that (as nsnal) imi occurs for imSu and im&ii, and amti for 
amtbii; amnyft when used adverhlally is accented on the final, amuya; 
as&u (with accent, of ooorae, on the first, dsftu, or without accent, asftu: 
314) is used also as Tocatlve; ami, too, occurs as vocative. 

602. a. The former of these two pronouns, ay&m etc., plainly shows 
Itself to he pieced together trom a number of defective stems. The majority 
of forms come from the root a, with which, as in the ordinary pronominal 
declension, sma (f. By) is combined in the singular. All these forms from 
a have the peculiarity that in their substantive use they are either accented, 
as in the paradigm, or accentless (like ena and the second forms from 
ah&m and tv&m). The remaining forms are always accented. From an& 
come, with entire regularity, an6na» an&yft, an&yos. The strong cases 
in dual and plural, and in part in singular, come not less regularly from a 
stem im&. And ay&m, iy&m, id4m are evidently to be referred to a 
simple root i (id4m being apparently a double form: id, like tad etc., 
with ending am). 

b. The Yeda has from the root a also the instrumentals ena and ayfll 
(used in general adverbially), and the gen. loc. du. ay6B; fk'om ima, 
imiioya occurs once in RV., imaamfii in AA., and imftis and ime^u 
later. The RY. has in a small number of instances the irregular accen- 
tuation ismftiy &8ya» abhie. > 

o. In analogy with the other pronouns, id4m is by the gram- 
marians regarded as representative stem of this pronominal declen- 
sion; and it is actoally found so treated in a very small number of 
compounds (idammdya and idiiiurupa are of Brahmana age). As 
regards the actual stems, ana furnishes nothing further; from ima 
comes only the adverb im&th& (RY., once); but a and i furnish a 
number of derivatives, mostly adverbial; thus, for example, &ta8, 
&tra» &tha, ad-dhi(?); it&s, id (Yedic particle), idft, ihk, {tara, im 
(Yedic particle), id^9, perhaps ev& and ev&m, and others. 

603. The other pronoun, asftu etc., has amu for its leading stem, 
which in the singular takes in combination, like the a-stems, the element 
sma (f. sy), and which shifts to ami in part of the maso. and neut. 
plural. In part, too, like an adjective u-stem, it lengthens its final in the 
feminine. The gen. sing, amu^ya is the only example in the language 
of the ending sya added to any other than an a-stem. The nom. pi. ami 
is unique in form; its i is (like that of a dual) prag^rhya, or exempt / 
from combination with a following vowel (138 b). Ab&u and adds are 
also without analogies as regards their endings. 

a. The grammarians, as usual, treat ad&B as representative stem 
of the declension, and it is found in this character in an extremely 
small number of words, as adomula; adom&ya is of Brahmana age. 
The ^B. has also asfton&nan. But most of the derivatives, as of 

Whitney QrHraiuar. S. ed. 1^ 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

608—] VII. Pronouns. 194 

tbe cases, come from amu: thus, amntas, amutra, amnthft, amndft, 
am&rhi, amuv&t, amuka. 

b. In the older language occurs the root tva (accentless), meaning 
one^ many a one] it is oftenest found repeated, as one and another. It 
follows the ordinary pronominal declension. From it is made the (also 
accentless) adverb tvadftnlm (MS.). 

c. Fragments of another demonstrative root oz two are met with: thus, 
&ma8 he occurs in a formula in AY. and in Brahmanas etc.; av68 as 
gen.-loc. dual is found in RV,; the particle u points to a root u. 

Interrogative Pronoun. 

504. The characteristic part of the interrogative pro- 
nominal root is ^ k; it has the three forms m ka, ^ ki, 
^\ ku; but the whole declensional inflection is from ^ ka, 
excepting the nom.-acc. sing, neut., which is from 1% ki, 
and has the anomalous form 1^ kim (not elsewhere known 


in the language from a neuter i-stem). The nom. and 

accus. sing., then, are as follows: 

m. n. f. 

N. ^IH f^ ^ 

k&8 • kIm ka 
A. 5|iq^ ^n^^ ^n^ 
k&m kfm kam 
and the rest of the declension is precisely like that of cT 
ta (above, 496). 

a. The Veda has its usual variations, ka and k^bhis for kanl and 
k&is. It also has, along with kfm, the pronominally regular neuter k&d; 
and k&m (or kam) is a frequent particle. The masc. form kis, corres- 
ponding to kim, occurs as a stereotyped ease in the combinations n&kis 
and makis. 

505. The grammarians treat kim as representative stem of the 
interrogative pronoun ; and it is in fact so used in a not large number 
of words, of which a few — kimm&ya, kiihkar&, kiihk&mya, kiih- 
devata, kiih^ild, and the peculiar kiihyu — go back even to the 
Veda and Brahmana. In closer analogy with the other pronouns, the 
form kad, a couple of times in the Veda (katpay&, k&dartha), and 
not infrequently later, is found as first member of compounds. Then, 
from the real roots ka» ki, ku are made many derivatives; and 
from ki and ku, especially the latter, many compounds: thus, k4ti. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 




kathftt kathdm, kada, katari, katamd, k&rhi; k{yant, kidf9 ; kutas, 
kutra, kuha» kva, kuoari, kukarmcui, kiunantrin, etc. 

506. YariouB forms of this pronoun, as kad, kim, and ku (aud^^ 
rarely, ko), at Jhe be^^ning of compounds; have passed. from an ^ 
i nterrog sfc^ivft mi^^pjpg^ through an exckmatoij, to the value of pre- V 
fixes pignifyriny a^n uniiaiiaJ quality ^ftifhnr ftnmftthing- admirable, or, 

oftener, something:, c ontemptible. This use begins in the Veda, but ^ 
becomes much more common in later time. 

607. The interrogative pronoun, as in other languages, turns 
readily in its independent use also to an exclamatory meaning. 
Moreover, it is by various added particles converted to an indefinite 
meaning: thus, by oa, oand, old, dpi, vft, either alone or with the 
relative ya (below, 511) prefixed: thus, k&9 oan& any one\ nk ko 
'pi not any one] yani kani cit wJuUsoever] yatam&t katamao ca 
whatever one. Occasionally, the interrogative by itself acquires a 
similar value. 

Relative Pronoun. 

508. The root of the relative pronoun is BT ya, which 
from the earliest period of the language has lost all trace 
of the demonstrative meaning originally (doubtless) belonging 
to it, and is used as relative only. 

509. It is inflected with entire regularity according to 
the usual pronominal declension: thus, 






m. n. 



n. f. 

m. n. 


y&T Ykt 

m 1 



^ % 

y6 yanl 


y&m y&t 


yftu y6 y6 

UN UlPl 
yan ySni 






















a. The Veda shows its usual variations of 
and for yani, and yabhis for yaia; y6B for 
ytoft, with prolonged flnal, is in RV. twice as 

these forms: yS for yftu 
y&yos also occurs onoej 
common as y6na. Reso- 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

609—] VII. Pronouns. 196 

latlons ooour in yabhias, and y^^aam and y^UMUun. The conjnnction 
yat is an ablatiye form according to the ordinary declension. 

610. The use of y&t as representative stem begins very early: 
we have y&tkfima in the Veda, and yatkfirfn, yaddevaty^ in the 
Brahmana; later it grows more general. From the proper root come 
also a considerable series of derivatives: y&tas, y&ti, y&tra» y4th&, 
y&dft, y&di, y&rhi» yavant, yatari, yatam&; and the compound 

611. The combination of ya with ka to make an indefinite 
pronoun has been noticed above (607). Its own repetition — as 
y&d-yat — gives it sometimes a like meaning, won through the dis- 

612. One or two marked peculiar! tes in the Sanskrit use of the 
relative may be here briefly noticed: 

a. A very decided preference for putting the relative clause before 
that to which it relates: thus, yiJ^ sunvati^ B&kbft t&smft indrfiya 
gayata (RV.) iv?u> is the friend of the soma-presaer, to that Indra sing ye\ 
y&ih yajMiii paribhiir &8i s& id deveiju gaochati (RV.) what offering 
thou protecteat, that in truth goeth to the gods; y6 tri^aptal^ pariy&nti 
bdia t^^ftdi dadhfttu me (AY.) what thrice seven go about, their stretigth 
may he assign to me; asau y6 adharad gph&a t&tra santv arftyyah 
(AY.) what house is yonder in the depth, there let the witches he\ BBhk 
y4n me dsti t6na (TB.) along with that which is mine; hafiflfinftib 
vaoanaiii yat tu tan maiii dskhati (MBh.) hut what the words of the 
swans were^ that bums me; sarvasya looanaiii Qftstraiii yasya nft 'sty 
andha eva sah (H.) who does not possess learning, the eye of everything, 
blind indeed is he. The other arrangement, though frequent enough, Is 
notably less usual. 

b. A frequent conversion of the subject or object of a verb by an 
added relative into a substantive claxise: thus, m6 "m&iii pra "pat pfti^- 
rufeyo vadho y&h (AY.) may there not reach him a human deadly 
weapon (Ut'ly, w?iat is such a weapon); p&ii i^o pfihi y&d dh&nam 
(AY.) protect of us what wealth [there is]; apftmJbrg6 *pa mftr^fu 
kfjetriy&iii ^ap&tha^ oa y&^ (AY.) may the cleansing plant cleanse 
away the disease and the curse; pufjkarei^a hftaih rajyaiii yao o& 
'nyad vasu kiiiioana (MBh.) by Jhiskkara was taken away the kingdom 
and whatever other property [there was"]. 

Other Pronouns: Emphatic, Indefinite. 

518. a. The isolated and uninflected pronominal word 
HUH svayam (from the root sva) signifies self, own self. 
By its form it appears to be a nom. sing., and it is often- 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

197 Pronominal Dbrivativbs. [ — 516 

est used as nominatiye, but along with words of all persons 
and numbers; and not seldom it represents other cases also. 

b. Svayam is also used as a stem in composition: thus, sva- 
yaifaja, svayambhd. But sva itself (usually adjective: below, 51 6 e) 
has the same value in composition; and even its inflected forms are 
(in the older language very rarely) used as reflexive pronoun. 

o. In RV. alone are found a few examples of two indefinite 
pronouns, sama (accentless) ant/y every, and sim& everyy all. 

Nouns used pronominally. 

514. a. The noun Etm&n soul is widely employed, in the sin- 
gular (extremely rarely in other numbers), as reflexive pronoun of all 
three persons. 

b. The noun tanA body is employed in the same manner (but in all 
nnmberg) In the Veda. 

o. The adjective bhavant, f bhavati, is used (as ahready pointed 
out: 456) in respectful address as substitute for the pronoun of 
the second person. Its construction with the verb is in accordance 
with its true character, as a word of the third person. 

Pronominal Derivatives. 

615. From pronominal roots and stems, as well as from 
the larger class of roots and from noun-stems, are formed 
by the ordinary suffixes of adjective derivation certain words 
and classes of words, which have thus the character of pro- 
minal adjectives. 

Some of the more important of these may be briefly noticed here. 

516. Possessive s. a. From the representative stems mad etc. 
are formed the adjectives madiya» asmadiya, tvadiya, yufjmadiya, 
tadiya, and etadXya, which are used in a possessive sense: relating 
to me, mine, and so on. 

b. Other possessives are mftmak& (also m&maka, RV.) and 
tSvakd, from the genitives m&ma and t&va. And BY. has once 

o. An analogous deiivatiye from the genitive amu^ya is ftmu^yft* 
yai^ (AY. etc.) descendant of such and such a one. 

d. It was pointed oat above (488) tliat the ^genitives'' asmakam 
and yufmikam are really stereotyped cases of possessive adjectives. 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

5ie— ] Vn. Pronouns. 198 

e. Corresponding to svay&m (518) is the possessive Bvk, meaning 
oivfiy as relating to all persons and numbers. The RY. has onoe the 
corresponding simple possessiye of the second person, tvk thy, 

f. For the use of 8va as reflexive pronoun, see above, 518 b.j 

g. All these words form their feminines in &. 

h. Other derivatives of a lilce value have no claim to be mentioned 
here. But (excepting 8va) the possessives are bo rarely used as to make 
but a small figure in the language, which prefers generally to indicate the 
possessive relation by the genitive case of the pronoun itself. 

517. By the suffix vant are formed from the pronominal roots, 
with prolongation of their final vowels, the adjectives mavant, tva- 
vant, yufmavant, yuvavant, tavant, etavant, yavant, meaning of 
my sortj like mc, etc. Of these, however, only the last three are in 
use in the later language, in the sense of tanttts and qtumtus. They 
are inflected like other adjective stems in vant, making their femi- 
nines in vati (462). 

^ — sr "Words of similar meaning from the roots i and ki are {yant 
and kiyant, inflected in the same manner: see above, 451. 

518. The pronominal roots show a like prolongation of vowel 
in combination with the root df9 see, look, and its derivatives -df^a 
and (quite rarely) d^k^a: thus, m&d^^, -<iT9a; tv&d^^, *df^a; yu^- 
m&dqp9, -df^a; t&df^, -df^a, -d^^kfa; etftdf^, -dt9a, -dfk^a; yftd^^* 
-df^a; idt9, *<^9ci> -d^k^a; kid^^* -d^^a, -d^k^a. They mean o/ my 
sort J like or resinnbling me, and the like, and tadp^ and the following 
are not uncommon, with the sense of talis and qiuUis. The forms in 
dr9 are unvaried for gender; those in d^a (and dqpk^a?) have fe- 
minines in 1. 

618. From ta* ka, ya come t&ti so many, k&ti /«otr many? yati 
as many. They have a quasi-numeral character, and are inflected 
(like the numerals p&fioa etc.: above, 488) only in the plural, and 
with the bare stem as nom. and accus.: thus, N.A. t&ti; I. etc. t&ti- 
bhis, t&tibhyas, tdtin&m, t&tifju. 

520. From ya (in V. and B.) and ka come the comparatives and 
superlatives yatari and yatami, and katar& and katami ; and from 
i, the comparative (tara. For their inflection, see below, 528. 

521. Derivatives with the suffix ka, some times conveying a 
diminutive or a contemptuous meaning, are made from certain of the 
pronominal roots and stems (and may, according to the grammarians, 
be made from them all): thus, from ta, tak&m, tak&t, takas; from 
sa, saka; from ya, yak&s, yaka, yak6; from asftu, asakftu; from 
amu, amuka. 

a. For the numerous and frequently used adverbs formed from pro- 
nominal roots, see Adverbs (below, 1097 ff.). 

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199 Adjectives declined pronominally. [—626 

Adjectives declined pronominally. 

622. A number of adjectives — some of them coming 
from pronominal roots, others more or less analogous with 
pronouns in use — are inflected, in part or wholly, accord- 
ing to the pronominal declension (like cT ta, 496), with 
feminine stems in fi. Thus: 

628. The comparatives and superlatives from pronominal roots 
— namely, katar& and katamA, yatard and yatami, and (tara; 
also any& other, and its comparative anyatari — are declined like 
ta throughout. 

a. But even from these words forms made according to the adjective 
declension are sporadically met with (e. g. itarftyftm K.). 

b. Anya takes occasionally the form anyat In composition: thus, 
anyatkftma, anyatsthana. 

624. Other words are so inflected except in the nom.-acc.'voc. 
sing, neat, where they have the ordinary adjective form am, instead 
of the pronominal at (ad). Such are s&rva aUj vigva all, every , 
eka one. 

a. These, also, are not without exception, at least in the earlier 
language (e. g. vi^v&ya, vi^vftt, vi9ve RV.; dka loc. sing., AV.). 

626. Yet other words follow the same model usually, or in some 
of their significations, or optionally; but in other senses, or without 
known rule, lapse into the adjective inflection. 

a. Such are the comparatives and superlatives from prepositional stems : 
idhara and adhami, Antara and intama, ipara and apami, ivara 
and avam&» uttara and uttami, upara and npam&. Of these, pro- 
nominal forms are decidedly more numerous from the comparatlyes than 
from the superlatives. 

b. Further, the superlatives (without corresponding comparatives) 
param&y oaramd, madhyami; and also anyatama (whose positive and 
comparative belong to the class first mentioned : 628). 

c. Further, the words p&ra distant, other-, piirvBi prior, east; dakfii^a 
right, south-, pa^cima behind, western', ubh&ya (f. ubh&jri or ubhayl) 
of both kinds or parties; n6ma the one, half; and the possessive 8v&. 

626. Occasional forms of the pronominal declension are met with from 
numeral adjectives: e. g. prathamisySa, tptlyasyftm; and from other 
words having an indefinite numeral character: thus, 41pa/(6ir; axdhkhalf; 
k^ala all] dvitaya of the two kinds; bahya outside — and others. RV. 
has once samftn&smftt. 

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527—] VIII. Conjugation. 200 



627. Th£ subject of conjugation or yeibal inflection 
involves, as in the other languages of the family, the dis- 
tinctions of voice, tense, mode, number, and person. 

a. Further, besides the simpler or ordinary conjugation 
of a verbal root, there are certain more or less fully de- 
veloped secondary or derivative conjugations. 

528. Voice. There are (as in Greek) two voices, active 

and middle, distinguished by a difference in the personal 

endings. This distinction is a pervading one: there is no 

active personal form which does not have its corresponding 

middle, and vice versa; and it is extended also in part to 

the participles (but not to the infinitive). 

528. An active form is called by the Hindu grammarians 
parasmfii padam a word for another, and a middle form is called 
atmane padam a word for one's self: the terms might be best para- 
phrased by transitive and reflexive. And the distinction thus expressed 
is doubtless the original foundation of the difference of active and 
middle forms; in the recorded condition of the language, however, 
the antithesis of transitive and reflexive meaning is in no small 
measure blurred, or even altogether effaced. 

a. In the epics there is much effacement of the distinction between 
actiye and ndddle, the choice of roice being very often determined hj 
metrical considerations alone. 

580. Some verbs are conjugated in both voices, others 
in one only; sometimes a part of the tenses are inflected 
only in one voice, others only in the other or in both; of 
a verb usually inflected in one voice sporadic forms of the 
other occur; and sometimes the voice differs according as 
the verb is compounded with certain prepositions. 

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201 Tbmsb and Mode. [—683 

681. The middle forms outside the present-system (for 
which there is a special passive inflection: see below, 768 ff.), 
and sometimes also within that system, are liable to be 
used likewise in a passive sense. 

632. Tense. The tenses are as follows: 1. a present, 
with 2. an imperfect, closely related with it in form, having 
a prefixed augment; 3. a perfect, made with reduplication 
(to which in the Veda is added, 4. a so-called pluperfect, 
made from it with prefixed augment) ; 5. an aorist, of three 
different formations : a. simple; b. reduplicated; o. sigmatic 
or sibilant; 6. a future, with 7. a conditional, an augment- 
tense, standing to it in the relation of an imperfect to a 
present; and 8. a second, a periphrastic, future (not found 
in the Veda). 

a. The tenses here distingaiBhed (in accordance with prevailing 
asage) as imperfect, perfect, pluperfect, and aorist receive those 
names from their correspondence in mode of formation with tenses 
so called in other languages of the family, especially in Greek, and 
not at all from differences of time designated by them. In no period 
of the Sanskrit language is there any expression of imperfect or 
pluperfect time — nor of perfect time, except in the older language, 
where the ^aorist" has this value ; later, imperfect, perfect, and aorist 
are so many undiscriminated past tenses or preterits: see below, 
under the different tenses. 

688. Mode. In respect to mode, the difference between 
the classical Sanskrit and the older language of the Veda 
— and, in a less degree, of the Brahmanas — is especially 

a. In the Veda, the present tense has, besides its indicative 
inflection, a subjunctive, of considerable variety of formation, an 
optative, and an imperative (in 2d and 3d persons). The same three 
modes are found, though of much less frequent occurrence, as belong- 
ing to the perfect; and they are made also from the aorists, being 
of especial frequency from the simple aorist. The future has no modes 
(an occasional case or two are purely exceptional). 

b. In the classical Sanskrit, the present adds to its in- 
dicative an optative and an imperative — of which last, 

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538—] VIII. Conjugation. 202 

moreovei, the first persons are a remnant of the old sub- 
junctive. And the aorist has also an optative, of somewhat 
peculiar inflection, usually called the precative (or bene- 

534. The present, perfect, and future tenses have each 
of them, alike in the earlier and later language, a pair of 
participles, active and middle, sharing in the various pe- 
culiarities of the tense-formations; and in the Veda are 
found such participles belonging also to the aorist. 

535. Tense-systems. The tenses, then, with their 
accompanying modes and participles, fall into certain well- 
marked groups or systems: 

I. The present-system, composed of the present 
tense with its modes, its participle, and its preterit which 
we have called the imperfect. 

II. The perfect-system, composed of the perfect 
tense (with, in the Veda, its modes and its preterit, the 
so-called pluperfect) and its participle. 

ni. The aorist-system, or systems, simple, re- 
duplicated, and sibilant, composed of the aorist tense 
along with, in the later language, its ''precative" Opta- 
tive (but, in the Veda, with its various modes and its 

IV. The future-systems: 1. the old or sibilant 
future, with its accompanying preterit, the conditional, 
and its participle; and 2. the new periphrastic future. 

536. Number and Person. The verb has, of course, 
the same three numbers with the noun: namely, singular, 
dual, and plural ; and in each number it has the three per- 
sons, first, second, and third. All of these are made in 
every tense and mode — except that the first persons of 
the imperative numbers are supplied &om the subjunctive. 

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203 Verbal Adjectives and Nouns. [—640 

687. Verbal adjectives and nouns: Participles. 
The participles belonging to the tense-systems have been 
already spoken of above (684j. There is besides, coming 
directly firom the root of the verb, a participle, prevailingly 
of past and passive (or sometimes neuter) meaning. Future 
passive participles, or gerundives, of several different for- 
mations, are also made. 

638. Infinitives. In the older language, a very con- 
siderable variety of derivative abstract nouns — only in a 
few sporadic instances having anything to do with the tense- 
systems -~ are used in an infinitive or quasi-infinitive sense; 
most often in the dative case, but sometimes also in the 
accusative, in the genitive and ablative, and (very rarely) 
in the locative. In the classical Sanskrit, there remains a 
single infinitive, of accusative case-form, having nothing to 
do with the tense-systems. 

689. Gerunds. A so-called gerund (or absolutive) — 
being, like the infinitive, a stereotyped case-form of a de- 
rivative noun — is a part of the general verb-system in 
both the earlier and later language, being especially frequent 
in the later language, where it has only two forms, one 
for simple verbs, and the other for compound. Its value 
is that of an indeclinable active participle, of indeterminate 
but prevailingly past tense-character. 

a. Another gerund, an adverbially used accusative in form, is 
found, but only rarely, both earlier and later. 

640. Secondary conjugations. The secondary or 

derivative conjugations are as follows: 1. the passive; 2. the 

intensive; 3. the desiderative; 4. the causative. In these, 

a conjugation-stem, instead of the simple root, underlies 

the whole system of inflection. Yet there is clearly to be 

seen in them the character of a present-system, expanded 

into a more or less complete conjugation; and the passive is 

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540 -] VIII. Conjugation. 204 

so purely a present-system that it will be described in the 
chapter devoted to that part of the inflection of the verb. 

a. tinder the same general head belongs the subject of 
denominative conjugation, or the conversion of noun and 
adjective-stems into conjugation-stems. Further, that of 
compound conjugation, whether by the prefixion of prepo- 
sitions to roots or by the addition of auxiliary verbs to noun 
and adjective-stems. And Anally, that of periphrastic con- 
jugation, or the looser combination of auxiliaries with verbal 
nouns and adjectives. 

541. The characteristic of a proper (finite or personal) 
verb-form is its personal ending. By this alone is deter- 
mined its character as regards number and person — and 
in part also as regards mode and tense. But the distinc- 
tions of mode and tense are mainly made by the formation 
of tense and mode-stems, to which, rather than to the pure 
root, the personal endings are appended. 

a. In this chapter will be given a general account of the per- 
sonal endings, and also of the formation of mode-stems from tense- 
stems, and of those elements in the formation of tense-stems — the 
augment and the reduplication — which are found in more than one 
tense-system. Then, in the following chapters, each tense-system 
will be taken up by itself, and the methods of formation of its stems, 
both tense-stems and mode-stems, and their combination with the 
endings, will be described and illustrated in detail. And the com- 
plete conjugation of a few model verbs will be exhibited in syste- 
matic arrangement in Appendix O. 

Personal Endings. 

542. The endings of verbal inflection are, as was pointed out 
above, di£ferent throughout in the active and middle voices. They 
are also, as in Greek, usually of two somewhat varying forms for 
the same person in the same voice: one fuller, called primary; the 
other briefer, called secondary. There are also less pervading differ- 
ences, depending upon other conditions. 

a. In the epics, exchanges of primary and secondary activo endings, 
(especially the substitution of ma, va, ta, for mas, vas, tha) are not 

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205 Personal Endings. [—546 

b. A condeneed statement of all the TarletleB of ending for each per- 
son and nnmber here follows. 

548. Singular: First person, a. The primary ending in 
the active is mi The subjunctive, however (later imperative), has 
ni instead; and in the oldest Veda this ni is sometimes wanting, 
and the person ends in ft (as if the ni of ftni were dropped). The 
secondary ending is properly m; but to this m an a has come to 
be so persistently prefixed, appearing regularly where the tense-stem 
does not itself end in a (vam for varm or varam in RV., once, and 
abhum MS., avadhim TS. etc., sanem TB., are rare anomalies), that 
it is convenient to reckon am as ending, rather than m. But the per- 
fect tense has neither mi nor m; its ending is simply a (sometimes 
ft: 248 o); or, from ft-roots, au. 

b. The primary middle ending, according to the analogy of the 
other persons, would be regularly me. But no tense or mode, at 
any period of the language, shows any relic whatever of a m in this 
person; the primary ending, present as well as perfect, from a-stems 
and others alike, is e; and to it corresponds i as secondary ending, 
which blends with the final of an a-stem to e. The optative has, 
however, a instead of i; and in the subjunctive (later imperative) 
appears fti for e. 

644. Second person, a. In the active, the primary ending 
is si, which is shortened to s as secondary; as to the loss of this 
8 after a final radical consonant, see below, 666. But the perfect 
and the imperative desert here entirely the analogy of the other 
forms. The perfect ending is invariably tha (or thft: 248 o). The 
imperative is far less regular. The fullest form of its ending is dhi; 
which, however, is more often reduced to hi; and in the great ma- 
jority of verbs (including all a-stems, at every period of the language) 
no ending is present, but the bare stem stands as personal form. 
In a very small class of verbs (722-8), ftna is the ending. There is 
also an alternative ending tftt; and this is even used sporadically in 
other persons of the imperative (see below, 670-1). 

b. In the middle voice, the primary ending, both present and 
perfect, is se. The secondary stands in no apparent relation to this, 
being thfts; and in the imperative is found only sva (or svft: 248 c), 
which in the Veda is not seldom to be read as sua. In the older 
language, se is sometimes strengthened to sfii in the subjunctive. 

646. Third person, a. The active primary ending is ti; the 
secondary, t; as to the loss of the latter after a final radical con- 
sonant, see below, 666. But in the imperative appears instead the 
peculiar ending tu; and in the perfect no characteristic consonant is 
present, and the third person has the same ending as the first. 

b. The primary middle ending is te, with ta as corresponding 
secondary. In the older language, te is often strengthened to tfti in 

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645—] Vni. CONJUOATION. 206 

the Bubjunctivo. lo the perfect, the middle third person has, Hke the 
active, the same ending with the first, namely e simply; and in the 
older language, the third person present also often loses the distinctive 
part of its termination, and comes to coincide in form with the first 
(and MS. has aduha for adtigdha). To this e perhaps corresponds, 
as secondary, the i of the aorist 3d pers. passive (842 ff.}. The im- 
perative has tarn (or, in the Veda, rarely ftm) for its ending. 

546. Dual: First person. Both in active and in middle, the 
dual first person is in all its varieties precisely like the correspond- 
ing plural, only with substitution of v for the m of the latter: thus, 
vas (no vasi has been found to occur), va, vahe, vahi, vahfti. The 
person is, of course, of comparatively rare use, and from the Veda 
no form in vas, even, is quotable. 

547. Second and Third persons, a. In the active, the primary 
ending of the second person is thas, and that of the third is tas; 
and this relation of th to t appears also in the perfect, and runs 
through the whole series of middle endings. The perfect endings are 
primary, but have n instead of a as vowel; and an a has become so 
persistently prefixed that their forms have to be reckoned as athus 
and atus. The secondary endings exhibit no definable relation to 
the primary in these two persons; they are tarn and t&m; and they 
are used in the imperative as well. 

b. In the middle, a long ft — which, however, with the final a 
of a-stems becomes e — has become prefixed to all dual endings 
of the second and third persons, so as to form an inseparable part 
of them (didhithSm AV., and Jihithftm (JB., are isolated anomalies). 
The primary endings, present and perfect, are ftthe and ftte; the 
secondary (and imperative) are ftth&m and fttam (or, with stem-final 
a, ethe etc.). 

c. The Rig-Veda has a very few forms in ftithe and ftite, apparently 
from ethe and ate with subjunctive strengthening (they are all detailed 
below: see 615, 701, 737, 752, 886, 1008, 1043). 

548. Plural: First person, a. The earliest form of the 
active ending is masi, which in the oldest language is more frequent 
than the briefer mas (in RV., as five to one; in AV., however, only 
as three to four). In the classical Sanskrit, mas is the exclusive 
primary ending; bat the secondary abbreviated ma belongs also to 
the perfect and the subjunctive (imperative). In the Veda, ma often 
becomes mft (248 c), especially in the perfect. 

b. The primary middle ending is mahe. This is lightened in 
the secondary form to mahl; and, on the other hand, it is regularly 
(in the Veda, not invariably) strengthened to mahai in the subjunctive 

549. Second person, a. The active primary ending is tha. 
The secondary, also imperative, ending is ta (in the Veda, t& only 

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207 Personal Endings. [—660 

once in impv.). But in the perfect any characteristic consonant is 
wanting) and the ending is simply a. In the Veda, the syllable na, 
of problematic origin, is not infrequently added to both forms of the 
ending, making thana (rarely thana) and tana. The forms in which 
this occurs will be detailed below, under the different formations ; the 
addition is very rarely made excepting to persons of the first general 
conjugation. • 

b. The middle primary ending is dhve, which belongs to the 
perfect as well as to the present. In the subjunctive of the older lan- 
guage it is sometimes strengthened to dhvfti. The secondary (and 
imperative) ending is dhvam (in RY., once dhva); and dhv&t is 
once met with in the imperative (671 d). In the Veda, the v of all 
these endings is sometimes to be resolved into u, and the ending 
becomes dissyllabic. As to the change of dh of these endings to (}h, 
see above, 226 o. 

660. Third person, a. The full primary ending is anti in 
the active, with ante as corresponding middle. The middle second- 
ary ending is anta, to which should correspond an active ant; but 
of the t only altogether questionable traces are left, in the euphonic 
treatment of a final n (207); the ending is an. In the imperative, 
antu and ant&m take the place of anti and ante. The initial a of 
all these endings is like that of am in the 1st sing., disappearing 
after the final a of a tense-stem. 

b. Moreover, anti, antu, ante, ant&m, anta are all liable to be 
weakened by the loss of their nasal, becoming ati etc. In the active, 
this weakening takes place only after reduplicated non-a-stems (and 
after a few roots which are treated as if reduplicated : 688ff.j; in the 
middle, it occurs after all tense-stems save those ending in a. 

o. Further, for tho secondary active ending an there is a sub- 
stitute U8 (or ur: 169b; the evidence of the Avestan favors the 
latter form), which is used in the same reduplicating verbs that 
change anti to ati etc., and which accordingly appears as a weaker 
correlative of an^ The same ua is also used universally in the per- 
fect, hi the optative (not in the subjunctive), in those forms of the 
aorist whose stem does not end in a, and in the imperfect of root- 
stems ending in a, and a few others (621). 

d. The perfect middle has in all periods of the language the 
peculiar ending re, and the optative has the allied ran, in this per- 
son. In the Veda, a variety of other endings containing a r as dis- 
tinctive consonant are met with: namely, re (and ire) and rate in 
the present; rata in the optative (both of present and of aorist); 
rire in the perfect; ranta, ran, and ram in aorists (and in an im- 
perfect or two); rftm and ratftm in the imperative; ra in the imper- 
fect of duh (MS.). The three rate, ratSm, and rata are found even 
in the late* language in one or two verbs (629). 

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651—] VI. CoNjtraATioN. 208 

561. Below are giyen, for convenience, in tabular form, the 
schemes of endings as accepted in the classical or later language: 
namely, a. the regular primary endings, used in the present indicative 
and the future (and the subjunctive in part); and b. the regular 
secondary endings, used in the imperfect, the conditional, the aorist, 
the optative (and the subjunctive in part); and further, of special 
schemes, c. the i^rfect endings (chiefly primary, especially in the 
middle); and d. the imperative endings (chiefly secondary). To the 
so-called imperative endings of the first person is prefixed the ft which 
is practically a part of them, though really containing the mode-sign 
of the subjunctive from which they are derived. 

552. Further, a part of the endings are marked with an accent, 
and a part are left unaccented. The latter are those which never, 
under any circumstances, receive the accent; the former are accented 
in considerable classes of verbs, though by no means in all. It will 
be noticed that, in general, the unaccented endings are those of the 
singular active; but the 2d sing, imperative has an accented ending; 
and, on the other hand, the whole series of 1st persons imperative, 
active and middle, have unaccented endings (this being a characteristic 
of the subjunctive formation which they represent). 

668. The schemes of normal endings, then, are as follows: 

a. Primary Endings. 






p. 6. d. 





m&8 6 v^e 





t.hA b6 ithe 





knU, &ti t6 ate 
b. Secondary Endings. 

tote, &te 




mk {, & v&hi 





t& this athftm 





&n, U8 t& at&m 
c. Perfect Endings. 

knta, 4ta, rin 




m& 6 v&he ' 





k b6 ithe 





us 6 ate 
d. Imperative Endings. 





fima fti ftvahSi 


dhf, hf, — 


tk Bvk athfim 





&nta, &tu t^ atfim 

664. In general, the rule is followed that an accented ending, if dis- 
syllablo, is accented on its first syllable — and the constant nnion-vowels 
are regarded, in this respect, as integral parts of the endings. But the 

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209 Pbhsonal Endings. [—667 

dd pL ending ate of the pies, indio. middle has in RY. the accent ate in 
a number of verbs (see 618» 686, 699, 719); and an oeoasional instance 
is met with in other endings: thus, mah6 (see 719, 786). 

666. The secondary endings of the second and third persons singular, 
as consisting of an added consonant without Towel, should regularly (160) 
be lost whenever the root or stem to which they are to be added itself ends 
in a consonant. And this rule is in general followed; yet not without ex- 
ceptions. Thus: 

a. A root ending in a dental mute sometimes drops this final mute 
instead of the added B in the second person ; and, on the other hand, a root 
or stem ending in s sometimes drops this b instead of the added t in the 
third person — in either case, establishing the ordinary relation of 8 and t 
In these i^rsons, instead of B and B, and t and t. The examples noted are : 
2d sing. aveB (to 3d sing, avet), Vvid, AB.; 3d sing. aJutt, ylq^, QB.; 
aghat, Vghas, JB. AgS. ; acakftt, i^cakfia, RT. ; a^ftt, V9&8, AB. MBh. 
R. ; asrat, y^sras, YS. ; ahinat, yhiAs, gB. TB. GB. Compare also the 
B-aorist forms ayfts and erSs (146 a), in which the same influence is to 
be seen; and further, ajftit etc. (889 a), and precative yftt for yfts (887). 
A similar loss of any other final consonant is excessively rare; AY. has 
once abhanas, for -nak, ybhafij. There are also a few cases where a 
1st sing, is irregularly modeled after a 3d sing. : thus, atfi^am (to atyi^at), 
ytfd, KU., aoohinam (to aoohinat), yohid, MBh.: compare further 
the 1st sing, in m instead of am, 648 a» 

b. Again, a union-vowel is sometimes introduced before the ending, 
either a or i or i: see below, 621 b, 681, 819, 880, 1004 a, 1068 a. 

0. In a few isolated cases in the older language, this I is changed to 
&i: see below, 904 b, 986, 1068 a. 

666. The changes of form which roots and stems undergo in 
their combinations with these endings will be pointed out in detail 
below, under the various formations. Here may be simply mentioned 
in advance, as by far the most important among them, a distinction 
of stronger and weaker form of stem in large classes of verbs, stand- 
ing in relation with the accent — the stem being of stronger form 
when the accent falls upon it, or before an accentless ending, and of 
weaker form when the accent is on the ending. 

a. Of the endings marked as accented in the scheme, the ta of 2d pi. 
is not infrequently in the Yeda treated as unaccented, the tone resting on 
the stem, which is strengthened. Much less often, the tam of 2d du. is 
treated in the same way; other endings, only sporadically. Details are given 
under the various formations below. 

Subjunctive Mode. 

667. Of the subjunctive mode (as was pointed out above) only 
fragments are left in the later or classical language: namely, in the 

Whitney, Chrammar. 3. ed. 14 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 


Bo-called first persons imperative, and in the use (579) of the imper- 
fect and aorist persons without augment after mi prohibitive. In 
the oldest period, however, it was a veiy frequent formation, being 
three or four times as common as the. optative in the Big-Veda, and 
nearly the same in the Atharvan; but already in the Brahmanas it 
becomes comparatively rare. Its varieties of form are considerable, 
and sometimes perplexing. 

558. In its normal and regular formation, a special mode-stem 
is made for the subjunctive by adding to the tense-stem an a — which 
combines with a final a of the tense-stem to ft. The accent rests 
upon the tense-stem, which accordingly has the strong form. Thus, 
firom the strong present-stem doh (yduh) is made the subjunctive- 
stem d6ha; from juh6 iyhu), juh&va; from yun^ (V7ixJ)» yimiija; 
from Bim6 {ysu), eundva; from bh&va (ybhn\ bh&vft; from tad& 
(ytud), tudi; from uoy& (pass., /vao), uoya; and so on. 

559. The stem thus formed is inflected in general as an a-stem 
would be inflected in the indicative, with constant accent, and ft for 
a before the endings of the first person (788 i) — but with the follow- 
ing peculiarities as to ending etc.: 

560. a. In the active, the Ist sing, has nl as ending: thus, ddhftni, 
ytm^ftniy bh&vftni. But in the Rig-Yeda sometimes ft simply: thus, 
&yft, br&vft. 

b. In 1st da., Ist pi., and^ pi., the endings are the secondary: thus, 
ddhftva* d6hftma» ddhan; bh&v&va» bh&vftma» bh&vSn. 

o. In 2d and 3d du. and 2d pi., the endings are primary: thus, 
dohathaSy ddhatas, ddhatha; bh&vftthas, bh&vftta8» bh&vfttha. 

d. In 2d and 3d sing., the endings are either primary or secondary: 
thus, dohasi or dohas, d6hati or d6hat; bh&vfisi or bh&v&s, bh&vftti 
or bh&vftt. 

e. Ocoasionally, forms with douhle mode-sign ft (by assimilation to 
the more numerous subjunctlyes from tense-stems in a) are met with from 
non-a-stems: thns, &8fttha from as; &y&B, &yftt» &yftn from e (yi). 

561. In the middle, form« with secondary instead of primary end- 
ings are very rare, being found only In the 3d pi. (where they are more 
frequent than the primary), and in a case or two of the 3d sing, (and AB. 
has onee asyftthfts). 

a. The striking pecuUarity of snbjnnotiye middle inflection is the fre- 
quent strengthening of e to fti. in the endings. This is lets general in the 
very earliest langnage than later. In 1st sing., ftl alone is found as ending, 
even in RY.; and in 1st do. also (of rare occurrence), only ftvahfti is met 
with. In 1st pL, ftmahfti prevails In BY. and AY. (ftmahe is found a 
few times), and is alone known later. In 2d sing., Bftl for se does 
not occur in RY., but is the only form in AY. and the Brihmanas. In 
dd sing., tftl for te occurs once in BY., and is the predominant form 

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211 SuBJUNOTivB Mode. [—666 

in AT., &nd the only one later. In 2d pi, dhvfii for dhve it found in 
one word in RY., and a few times in the Brahmanas. In 8d pi., ntfti 
for nte is the Brahmana form (of far ftom frequent oeonrrence) ; it occurs 
neither in RY. nor AY. No snch dual endings as thSi and tfti, for the 
and te, are anywhere found; hut RY. has in a few words (nine: abOTe, 
647 o) Sithe and ftite, which appear to he a like Buhjunctive strengthening 
of ethe and ete (although found in one indicative form, kp^vftite). Be- 
fore the fti-endings, the vowel is regularly long fi; but antfti instead of 
ftntai is two or three times met with, and once or twice (TS. AB.) atfti 
for dtftl 

662. The Bubjonotiye endings, then, in combination with the 
subjimctive mode-sign, are as follows: 

active. middle. 

. tol av« Ja J If*^" l^'^ 

Iftvahe lamahe 

2 ("* athas atha If* Uthe l^^t 
las Iftsfti Iftdhvfti 

3 I*** atas an |*** Site Ja^te. anta 

a. And in further combination with final a of a tense-stem, the 
initial a of all these endings becomes ft: thus, for example, in 2d pers., 
ftsl or fts, ftthas, fttlia, fise, ftdhve. 

668. Besides this proper subjunctive, with mode-sign, in its triple 
form — with primary, with strengthened primary, and with secondary end- 
ings — the name of subjunctive, in the forms ^imperfect subjunctive" and 
^improper subjunctive", has been also given to the indicative forms of imper- 
fect and aorist when used, with the augment omitted, in a modal sense 
(below, 687): such use being quite common in RY., but rapidly dying out, 
so that in the Brahmana language and later it is hardly met with except 
after mft prohibitive. 

a. As to the general uses of the subjunctive, see below, 674 if. 

Optative Mode. 

664. a. As has been already pointed out, the optative is of cora.- 
paratively rare occurrence in the language of the Yedas; buA. ^t gains 
rapidly in frequency, and already In the^^^ahmMOiis greatly out- 
numbers the subjunctive, and still late^rtJmes ahnost entirely to take 
its place. jf 

b. Its mode of formation is jie same in all periods of the 
language. V^ 

666* a. The opt&tive mod^sign Is in the active voice a dif- 
ferent one, according as it is aaded to a tense-stem ending in a, or 

/ 14* 

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566—] VIH Conjugation. 212 

to one ending in some other final. In the latter case, it is ya, accented; 
this yft is appended to the weaker form of the tense-stem, and takes 
the regular series of secondary endings, with, in 3d plor., us in- 
stead of an, and loss of the ft before it. A(ter an a-stem, it is I, 
unaccented; this i blends with the final a to e (which then is accented 
or not according to the accent of the a); and the e is maintained 
unchanged before a vowel-ending (am, us), by means of an interposed 
euphonic y. 

b. In the middle voice, the mode-sign is i throughout, and takes 
the secondary endings, with a in 1st Bing., and ran in 3d pL After 
an a-stem, the rules as to its combination to e, the accent of the 
latter, and its retention before a vowel-ending with interposition of 
a y, are the same as in the active. After any other final, the weaker 
form of stem is taken, and the accent is on the ending (except in 
one class of verbs, where it falls upon the tense-stem: see 645); and 
the 1 (as when combined to e] takes an inserted y before the vowel- 
endings (ay athftm, ftt&m). 

o. It is, of oonrge, impossible to tell from the form whether i or i is 
combined with the final of an a-stem to ej but no good reason appears to 
exist for assuming i, rather than the i which shows itself in the other class 
of stems In the middle voice. 

566. The combined mode-sign and endings of the optative, then, 
are as follows, in their double form, for a-stems and for others: 

a. for non-a-stems. 










p. 8. 

yima iy& 
yata IthiB 
yuB it& 



b. combined with the final of a-stems. 





ema eya 
eta eth&B 
eyas eta 





o. The yft is in the Yeda not seldom resolved into ift. 

^^"■'tcfti.J^he contracted sanem, for saneyam, is found in TB. and Apast. 
Certain Vedl^»3d_p.V toJLd<}le forms In rate will be mentioned below, under 
the various formations. n 

567, Precative. Precateye forms are such as have a sibi- 
lant inserted between the optative-sign and the ending. They are 
made almost only from the aorist stems, and, though allowed by the 
grammarians to be formed from e^ery root — the active .precative 
from the simple aorist, the middle* firom the sibilant aorist — are 

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213 Optativb Mode. [—670 

practically of rare occurrence at erery period of the language, and 
especially later. 

A* The inserted b rans in the aetlve through the whole series of per- 
sons; in the middle, it Is allowed only in the 2d and 3d persons sing, and 
do, and the 2d pi., and is quotable only for the 2d and 3d sing. In the 
2d sing, act., the precatiye form, by reason of the necessary loss of the added 
8, 1b not distinguishable from the simple optative; in the 3d sing, act., the 
same is the case in the later language, which (compare 566 a) saves the 
personal ending t instead of the precatiye-sign 8; but the RY. usually, and 
the other Yedio texts to some extent, have the proper ending yfis (for 
yttat). As to 4I1 in the 2d pi. mid., see 2SI6 0. 

b. The accent is as in the simple optative. 

668» The precative endings, then, accepted in the later language 
(including, in brackets, those which are identical with the simple 
optative), are as follows: 

active. middle. 

s. d. p. s. d. p. 

i yaaam yasva y&ma [i3r&] [iv&hi] [Im&hiJ 

2 [yas] jiBteaa yasta iftl^aB iyfathftm i^hv&m 

3 [yit] yistftm ytBUB 19^4 lyfatSm [Ir&n] 
a. Respecting the precative, see further 921 ff. 

b« As to the general uses of the optative, see below, 673 ff. 

Imperative Mode. 

669. The imperative hajs no modeHsign; it is made by 
adding its own endings directly to the tense-stem, just as 
the other endings are added to form the indicative tenses. 

a. Hence, in 2d and 3d du. and 2d pi., its forms are indistinguishable 
from those of the augment-preterit from the same stem with Its augment 

b. The rules as to the use of the different endings — especially in 
2d sing., where the variety is considerable — will be given below, in connec- 
tion with the various tense-systems. The ending tftt, however, has so much 
that is peculiar in its use that it calls for a little explanation here. 

670. The Imperative in tftt. An imperative form, usually 
having the valne of a 2d pers. sing., but sometimes also of other per- 
sons and numbers, is made by adding t&t to a present tense-stem — 
in its weak form, if it have a distinction of strong and weak form. 

a. Examples are: bratftt, hatftt, vittit; pip^t, jahitftty 
dhattat; kp^utftt, kurut&t; g^h^itftt, jSnit^t; &vat&t» r&k^at&t, 
vasatftt; vi^atftt, sfjatftt; asyatftt, na^yatftt, ohyatftt; kriyatftt; 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

670—] VIII. Conjugation. 214 

gama^atftt, oySvayatftt, vfirayatftt; ipsatftt; jfig^tAt. No examples 
have been found from a nasal-class vexb (690), nor any other than those 
here given from a passive, intensive, or desideratlve. The few accented 
cases indicate that the formation follows the general rule for one made with 
an accented ending (552). 

b. The imperative in tftt is not a very rare formation in the older 
language, being made (in Y., B., and 8.) from about fifty roots, and in 
toward a hundred and fifty occnireuces. Later, it is very unusual: thus, 
only a single example has been noted in MBh«, and one in R. ; and corres- 
pondingly few in yet more modern texts. 

571. Ab regards its meaning, this form appears to have pre- 
vailingly in the Brahmanas, and traceably bat much less distinctly in 
the Vedio texts, a specific tense-yalue added to its mode-value — as 
signifying, namely, an injunction to be carried out at a later time than 
the present: it is (like the Latin forms in to and tote) a posterior 
or future imperative. 

a. Examples are: ihai 'v& mft tfigthantam abhy^hl *ti brOhi 
tfbii tu na agatftdi pratipr&brutftt ((B.) say to her ^crnne to me as I 
stand Just here,^ and [aftertoetrd] announce her to us as having come; y4d 
urdhv&B tf^tliS dr&vii^e lik dliatt&t (RV.) wJien thou shalt stand up- 
right, [then\ bestow riches here (and similarly in many cases); utkfilam 
udvah6 bhavo 'duhya pr&ti dhftvatat (AY.) he a carrier up the ascent; 
after having carried up, run hack again) v&nasp&tir &dhi tvft sthfisyati 
t&sya vittftt (TS.) the tree will ascend thee, [then'] take note of it. 

b. Examples of its use as other than 2d sing, are as follows: 1st sing., 
&vyu§&iii j&g;rt&d ah&m (AY.; only case) let me watch till day-break; 
as 3d sing., punar ma "vi^atSd rayih (TS.) let wealth come again to 
me, BykAi ty&sya r^ft mOrdhfaaih vi p&tayatfit (9B.) t?ie king here 
shail make his head fly off; as 2d du., nasatyav abruvan devah 
punar a vahatad iti (RY.) the gods said to the two A^ins ^bring them 
back again"; as 2d pi., ^pah . . . devdfu nah sukfto briltftt (TS.) ye 
waters, announce us to the gods as weU-doers. In the later language, the 
prevailing value appears to be that of a 3d sing. : thus, bhavftn prasftdaih 
kurutftt (lIBh.) may your worship do the favor, enaxh bhavftn 
abhlrakijatftt (DKC.) let your excellency protect him, 

0. According to the native grammarians, the imperative in tftt is to be 
used with a benedictive implication. No instance of such use appears to 
be quotable. 

d. In a certain passage repeated several times in different Brahmanas 
and Sutras, and containing a number of forms in tftt used as 2d pi., 
vftrayadhvftt is read instead of vftrayatftt in some of the texts (K. AB. 
AQS. (^QS.). No other occurrence of the ending dhvftt has been anywhere 

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215 Uses of thb^ Modes. [—578 

Uses of the Modes. 

672. Of the thiee modes, the imperative is the one 
most distinct and limited in office, and most imchanged in 
use throughout the whole history of the language. It signi- 
fies a command or injunction — an attempt at the exercise 
of the speaker's will upon some one or something outside 
of himself. 

a. This, however (in Sanskrit as in other langaages), is by no 
means always of the same force; the command shades off into a 
demand, an exhortation, an entreaty, an expression of earnest desire. 
The imperative also sometimes signifies an assumption or concession ; 
and occasionally, by pregnant construction, it becomes the expression 
of something conditional or contingent; but it does not acquire any 
regular use in dependent-olause-making. 

b. The Imperatiye is now and then used in an interrogative sentence: 
thus, bravihl ko 'dyal 'va mayft vismjyat&m (R.) speak! who shall 
now he separated hy mef katham ate gui^vanta^ kriyantftm (H.) 
how are they to he made virtuous t kasmfti pi^^^ pradiyatam (Yet) 
to whom shaU the offering he given f 

673. The optative appears to have as its primary office 
the expression of wish or desire; in the oldest language, 
its prevailing use in independent clauses is that to which 
the name '^optative" properly belongs. 

a. But the expression of desire, on the one hand, passes naturally 
over into that of request or entreaty, so that the optative becomes 
a softened imperative; and, on the other hand, it comes to signify 
what is generally desirable or proper, what should or ought to be, 
and so becomes the mode of prescription ; or, yet again, it is weakened 
into signifying what may or can be, what is likely or usual, and so 
becomes at last a softened statement of what is. 

b. Further, the optative in dependent clauses, with relative 
pronouns and conjunctions, becomes a regular means of expression 
of the conditional and contingent, in a wide and increasing variety 
of uses. 

0. The so-called piecatiTe forms (667) are ordinarily used in the 
propez optatlTO sense. But in the later language they are occasionally : met 
vith in the other uses of the optative: thus, na hi prapa^yfimi mam& 
'je>anudyad yac ohokam (BhQ.) for I do not perceive what should dispel 
my grief; yad bhuyftsur vibhataya^ (BhP.) thai there should he 
changes. Also rarely with m&: see 578 b. 

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674—] VIII. Conjugation. 216 

674. The subjunotive, as has been pointed out, becomes 
nearly extinot at an early period in the history of the 
language; there are left of it in classical usage only two 
relics: the use of its first persons in an imperative sense, 
or to signify a necessity or obligation resting on the speak- 
er, or a peremptory intention on his part; and the use of 
unaugmented forms (679), with the negative particle m mS, 
in a prohibitive or negative imperative sense. 

a. And the general value of the subjunctive from the beginning 
was what these relics would seem to indicate: its fundamental mean- 
ing is perhaps that of requisition, less peremptory than the imperative, 
more so than the optative. But this meaning is liable to the same 
modifications and transitions with that of the optative; and sub- 
junctive and optative run closely parallel with one another in the 
oldest language in their use in independent clauses, and are hardly 
distinguishable in dependent. And instead of their being (as in Greek) 
both maintained in use, and endowed with nicer and more distinctive 
values, the subjunctive gradually disappears, and the optative assumes 
alone the offices formerly shared by both. 

676. The difference, then, between imperative and sub- 
junctive and optative, in their fundamental and most char- 
acteristic uses, is one of degree: command, requisition, wish; 
and no sharp line of division exists between them; they 
are more or less exchangeable with one another, and com- 
binable in coordinate clauses. 

a. Thus, in AV., we have in impv.: ^at^oh jiva ^ar&dal^ fio 
thou live a hundred autunms; ubhft^ t&& jlvatfiih jar&daf^ let them 
both live to attain old age; — in subj., ady& jivBnl let me live this 
day] ^at&ih jlv&ti ^ar&dal^ he shall live a hundred autumm\ — inept, 
jivema ^ar&dfiih ^atani may we live hundreds of autumns\ s&rvam 
iyur jivySaam (prec.) I would fain live out my whole term of life. 
Here the modes would be interchangeable with a hardly perceptible 
change of meaning. 

b* Examples, again, of different modes in co(5rdinate construction 
are: iy&m agne narl p&tiih videfta • • • BuvdnS putrin m&hi^i 
bhavftti gatvi p&tiih Bnbh&gft vl rfijatu (AY.) may this woman, 
O Agni! find a spouse; giving birth to sons she shall become a chief" 
tainess; having attained a spouse let her rule in happiness] gop&y& 
nal^ svast&ye prabudhe nah punar dada]{^ (TS.) waieh over us for 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

217 Uses of the Modes'. [--679 

our welfare; grant unto us to wake again; Byan nal^ Biini^ . . . si te 
BTimatir bhfltv aam6 (BY.) mm/ there he to us a son; let that favor 
of ihine be ours. It is not very seldom the case that yersions of 
the Bame passage in different texts show different modes as various 

o. There is, in fact, nothing in the earliest employment of these 
modes to prove that they might not all be specialized uses of forms 
originally equivalent — having, for instance, a general future meaning. 

676. As examples of the less characteristic use of subjunctive 
and optative in the older language, in independent clauses, may be 
quoted the following: t ghft ta gaochftn uttarft yugdni (BY.) those 
later ages will doubtless come\ y&d . . • n& marft {ti mdnyase (BY.) 
if thou thinkest ^I shall not duP ; n& ta na^anti n& dabhftti tiuikara^ 
(BY.) ^hey do not become lost; no thief can harm them; k&am&i deviya 
havlfft vidbema (BY.) to what god shall we offer oblation f agninft rayim 
a^navat . . . div^dive (BY.) 6y Agni one may gain wealth erery day ; 
utsi "nfiih brabm&i^e dady&t t&tb& syona ^iva syftt (AY.) one 
should give her, however, to a Brahman; in that case she will be propitious 
and favorable; &bar-abar dadySt (^.) one should give every day, 

577, The uses of the optative in the later language are of the 
utmost variety, covering the whole field occupied jointly by the two 
modes in earlier time. A few examples from a single text (MBh.) 
will be enough to illustrate them : ucchifta^ nSi Va bbuxUiyfiiii na 
kxiryfiiii padadhftvanam / will not eat of the remnant of the sacrifice, 
I will not perform the foot-lavation; jii&Un vrajet let her go to her 
relatives; nfti "vaih aft karhioit kuryftt she should not act thus at any 
time; katbaih vidyfiiii nalaih n^pam hoto can I know king Nalaf 
utaarge Baih9ayab syftt tu vindetft 'pi aukbaih kvacit but in case 
of her abandonment there may be a chance ; she may tUso find happiness 
somewhere; kathaih vaao vikarteyaih na ca budbyeta me priyft 
how can I cut off the garment and my beloved not wake f 

578. The later use of the first persons subjunctive as so-called 
imperative involves no change of construction from former time, but 
only restriction to a single kind of use: thus, dlvyftva let tts two 
play; kiih karavfii^ te what shaU I do for theef 

679. The imperative negative, or prohibitive, is from the earliest 
period of the language regularly and usually expressed by the particle 
mi with an augmentless past form, prevailingly aorist 

a. Thus, pr& pata m6 lik raihstbftb (AY.) fly away, do not stay 
here; dvi^^9 oa m&byaib radbyatu ma o& li&ih dvi^at^ radbam 
(AY.) both let my foe be subject to me, and let me not be subject to my foe ; 
urv ^yftm ibbayaih jyotir indra ma no dirgba abbl na^cm 
tamieri^ (BY.) I would win broad fearless light, O Indra; let not the 
long darknesses come upon us; ma na aynb pr& mofXl^ (BY.) do not 

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679—] VIII. Conjugation. 218 

steal away our life; samfi^vasihi xnft 9uoa]tL (MBh.) he comforted; do 
not grieve \ ma bhfiifll^ or bh&i^L (MBh. B.) dot not he afraid; mft bhtit 
k&Iasya paryayal^ (B.) let not a change of time take place. Examples with 
the imperfect are: ma bibher ni mari^yasi (RY.) do not fear: thou wilt 
not die; ma sm&i 'tant s&khin kuruthft^ (AV.) do not make friends 
of them; mft putram anntapyathft]^ (MBh.) do not sorrow for thy son. 
The relation of the imperfect to the aorist constraotion, in point of 
frequency, is in BY. about as one to five, in AY. still less, or about 
one to six; and though instances of the imperfect are quotable from 
all the older texts, they are exceptional and infreqaent; while in the 
epics and later they become extremely rare. 

b. A single optative, bhujema, is used prohibitively with ma in 
RY. ; the older langnage presents no other example, and the constraction 
is very rare also later. In an example or two, also, the precatlve (bhuyftt, 
R. Pane.) follows m&. 

0. The RY. has once apparently ma with an imperative; bnt the 
passage is probably corrupt. No other snch case is met with in the older 
langnage (unless Bfpa, TA. i. 14; doubtless a bad reading for s^as); but 
in the epics and later the construction begins to appear, and becomes an 
ordinary form of prohibition : thus, mft prayaoche "^vare dhanam (H.) 
do not hestow wealth on a lord; sakhi mai Vaiii vada (Vet.) friend, 
do not speak thus, 

d. The ^B. (xi. 5. 1^ appears to offer a single example of a true 
subjunctive with mft, nl padyfisfti; there is perhaps something wrong 
about the reading. 

e. In the epics and later, an aorist form not deprived of augment is 
occasionally met with after ma: thus, mft tv&ih kftio tyagfit (MBh.) 
let not the time pass thee; mft vftlipatham anv agfth (R.) do not follow 
Vali^s road. But the same anomaly occurs also two or three times in the 
older language: thus, vyl^paptat (QB.), ag&s (TA.), ana9at (KS.). 

580. But the use also of the optative with n& not in a prohibitive 
sense appears in the Yeda, and becomes later a familiar construction: 
thus, n& rifyema kad^ can& (BY.) may we suffer no harm at any 
time; n& oft 'tisfjdn nk juhuyftt (AY.) and if he do not grant permission^ 
let him not sacrifice; t&d a tdthft ni kuryftt (QB.) hut he must not 
do that so; na divft 9ayita (^GS.) let him not sleep hy day; na tvftih 
vidyur janftl^ (MBh.) let not people know thee. This in the later 
language is the correlative of the prescriptive optative, and both are 
extremely common; so that in a text of prescriptive character the 
optative forms may come to outnumber the indicative and imperative 
together (as is the case, for example, in Mann). 

681. In all dependent constructions, it is still harder even in 
the oldest language to establish a definite distinction between sub- 
junctive and optative; a method of use of either is scarcely to be 
found to which the other does not furnish a practical equivalent ~ 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

219 USBS OF THE VODB8. [—681 

and tben, in the later language, Buch uses are represented by the 
optatiye alone. A fe^ examples will be sufficient to illustrate this: 

a. After relative pronouns and conjunctions in general: ya 
vytl^ur yaQ oa ndn&di vyuooh&i (RV.) which have shone forth [hith- 
erio\ and which shaU hereafter shine forth; y6 to J^yfitA asmakaiii 
0& itko •sat (TS.) whoever shall he horn of her, let him he one of ti#; 
y6 vfii tan vidyat pratyikfaih b4 brahma v6dit& syftt (AV.) 
whoever shall know them face to face, he may pass for a knowing priest) 
putrii^ftih • . . jatanftih jan&ya^ oa yan (AV.) of sons horn and whom 
thou may est hear; y&sya • • . itithir grhan ag&oohet (AY.) to whose- 
soever house he may come as guest; yatam&tha kfim&yeta t&tha kury&t 
(^6.) in whatever way he may choose^ so may he do it; y&rhi h6ta 3r&ja- 
mftnaaya nama fi^Tb^Iyat t&rhi bruyftt (TS.) when the sacrificing 
priest shall name the name of the offerer, then he may speak ; svar^paih 
yada dra^tum iochethftl^ (M£h.) when thou shalt desire to see thine 
oum form. 

b. In more distinctly conditional constructions: y&jama dev^ 
y&di ^akn&vSma (BY.) we will offer to the gods if we shaU he ahle; ykd 
ague syam ah&ih tv&ih tv&ih vft ghft sya ah&ih syuf (e eatya 
iha "^i^a^ (RY.) if I were thou, Agni, or if thou wert J, thy wishes 
should he realized on the spot; yd dyam atis&rp&t par&st&n nk nk 
muoyfitai vinu^asya rajiiah (AY.) though one steal far away heyond 
the sky, he shall not escape king Varuna; y&d dnft^vSn upav&set k^- 
dhukatt syftd y&d a^niyad mdro 'sya pa^dn abhi manyeta (TS.) 
if he should continue without eating, he would starve ; if he should eat, 
Rudra would attack his cattle; pr&rthayed yadi mftxii ka^oid da^ijyah 
sa me pumftn bhavet (MBh.) if any man soever should desire me, he 
should suffer punishment. These and the like constructions, with the 
optative, are very common in the Brahmanas and later. 

c. In final clauses : y&th& 'h&ih 9atruh6 'sfini (AY.) that I may 
he a slayer of my enemies; gnT^Sn^ y&thft pfbfttho &ndhah (BY.) tJiat 
heing praised with song ye may drink the draught; ur&u y&thft t&va 
9&niicui m&dema (BY.) in order that we rejoice in thy wide protection; 
lapa j&nlta y&the 'y&m punar ag&ochet (^B.) contrive that she come 
hack again; kfpfiih kary&d yathft may! (MBh.) so that he may take pity 
on me. This is in the Yeda one of the most frequent uses of the 
subjunctive; and in its correlative negative form, with n6d in order 
that not or lest (always followed by an accented verb), it continues 
not rare in the Brahmanas. 

d. The indioatiye is also Tery commonly used in final clauBes aftei 
yathft : thus, y&thft] 'y&ih piliru^o 'Bt&rik^am anuo&rati (9B.) in order 
that this man may traverse the atmosphere; yathft na vighna]{2L kriyate 
(R.) so that no hindrance inay arise; yathft 'yaih na9yati tathft vidhe- 
yam (H.) it must he so managed that he perish. 

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581—] vni. Conjugation. 220 

e. With the conditional use of inhJimctiTe and optatiTO is ftuther to 
be compared that of the so-callod conditional tense: see below, 960. 

f • As is indicated by many of the examples giTen above, it is nsnal 
in a conditional sentence, containing protasis and apodosls, to employ always 
the same mode, whether snbjonetlTe or optative (or conditional), in each 
of the two clauses. For the older language, this is a rule well-nigh or 
quite without exception. 

582. No distinotion of meaning has been established between 
the modes of the present-stem and those (in the older language} of 
the perfect and aorist-systems. 


588. Participles, active and middle, are made from all 
the tense-stems — except the periphrastic future, and, in 
the later language, the aorist (and aorist participles are rare 
from the beginning). 

8. The participles unconnected with the tense-systems are treated in 
chap. Xm. (962 if.). 

684. The general participial endings are ^r{ ant (weak 
form SElcT at; fem. ^^ an1£ or CFJ^ atl: see above, 440} for 
the active, and ^H Sna (fem. I^HT SnS) for the middle. But — 

a. After a tense-stem ending in a, the active participial suffix 
is virtually nt, one of the two a's being lost in the combination of 
stem-final and suffix. 

b. After a tense-stem ending in a, the middle participial suffix 
is mfina instead of ftna. But there are occasional exceptions to the 
rule as to the use of mSna and Sna respectively, which will be 
pointed out in connection with the various formations below. Such 
exceptions are especially frequent in the causative: see 1043 f. 

o. The perfect has in the active the peculiar suffix v&Ab (weakest 
form uf, middle form vat; fem. ufi: see, for the inflection of this 
participle, above, 468 ff.). 

d. For details, as to form of stem etc., and for special exceptions 
see the following chapters. 


686. The augment is a short ^ a, prefixed to a tense- 
stem — and, if the latter begin with a vowel, combining with 
that vowel irregularly into the heavier or vrddhi diphthong 

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221 Augment. [—687 

(136 a). It is always (without any exception) the accented 
element in the veibal form of which it makes a part. 

a* In the Yeda, the augment is in a few fonns long ft: thns, anaf, 
avar, Avr^i, av^i^ak, ftvidhyat» ftyunak, ayukta, ayukf&tftm, 
ari^^» arfiik, (and y&e ta avidhat, BY. ii. 1. 7, 9?). 

586. The augment is a sign of past time. And an augment- 
preterit is made from each of the tense-stems from which the system 
of conjugation is denved: namely, the imperfect, from the present- 
stem; the plnperfect (in the Veda only), from the perfect-stem; the 
conditional, from the fhture-stem ; while in the aonst such a preterit 
stands without any corresponding present indicative. 

687. In the early language, especially in the BY., the occurrence 
of forms identical with those of augment-tenses save for the lack of 
an augment is quite frequent Such forms lose in general, along with 
the augment, the specific character of the tenses to which they belong; 
and they are then employed in part non-modally, with either a pres- 
ent or a past sense; and in part modally, with either a subjunctive 
or an optative sense — especially often and regularly after ma pro- 
hibitive (579) ; and this last mentioned use comes down also into the 
later language. 

a. In BY., the angmentless formB are more than half as common as 
the augmented (about 2000 and 3300), and are made from the present, 
perfect, and aorist-systems, hat considerably over half from the aorist. 
Their non-modal and modal uses are of nearly equal frequency. The tense 
value of the non-modally nsed forms is more often past than present. Of 
the modally nsed forms, nearly a third are constmed with mfi prohlhitive; 
the rest have twice as often an optative as a proper subjunctive value. 

b. In AY., the numerical relations are very different. The augment- 
less forms are less than a third as many as the augmented (about 475 to 
1460), and are prevailingly (more than four fifths) aoristic. The non-modal 
XLBes are only a tenth of the modal. Of the modally used forms, about 
four fifths are construed with m& prohibitive; the rest are chiefly optative 
In value. Then, in the language of the Brahmanas (not including the 
mantra-material which they contain), the loss of augment Is, save iu 
occasional sporadic cases, restricted to the prohibitive construction with mftj 
and the same continues to be the case later. 

o. The accentuation of the augmentless forms is throughout in accord- 
ance with that of unaugmented tenses of similar formation. Examples will 
be given below, under the various tenses. 

d. Besides the augmentless aorist-forms with mft prohibitive, there 
are also found occasionally In the later language augmentless imperfect-forms 
(very rarely aorist-forms), which have the same value as if they were aug- 
mented, and are for the most part examples of metrical license. They are 
especially frequent in the epics (whence some scores of them are quotable). 

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688—] vni. Conjugation. 222 


588. The derivation of oonjugational and declensional 
stems from roots by reduplication, either alone or along 
with other formatiye elements, has been already spoken of 
(269), and the formations in which reduplication appears 
have been specified: they are, in primary yerb-inflection, 
the present (of a certain class of verbs), the perfect (of 
nearly all), and the aorist (of a large number); and the in- 
tensive and desiderative secondary conjugations contain in 
their stems the same element. 

689. The general principle of reduplication is the pre- 
fixion to a root of a part of itself repeated — if it begin 
with consonants, the initial consonant and the vowel; if it 
begin with a vowel, that vowel, either alone or with a follow- 
ing consonant. The varieties of detail, however, are very 
considerable. Thus, especially, as regards the vowel, which 
in present and perfect and desiderative is regularly shorter 
and lighter in the reduplication than in the root-syllable, 
in aorist is longer, and in intensive is strengthened. The 
differences as regards an initial consonant are less, and 
chiefly confined to the intensive; for the others, certain 
general rules may be here stated, all further details being 
left to be given in connection with the account of the sep- 
arate formations. 

690. The consonant of the reduplicating syllable is in 
general the first consonant of the root: thus, hh^ paprach 
from VV[^ prach; f^lpJI 9i9ri from yffer 91!; ^5|^ bnbudh 
from y^^. But — 

a. A non-aspirate is substituted in reduplication for an 
aspirate: thus, ^ dadhS from y/m; fsR bibhy from y^bhy. 

b. A palatal is substituted for a guttural or for ^ h : 

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223 Ebduplication. [—592 

thus, iPR oaky from ySR ky; l^rf^ oikhid from yfe^* khid; 

sTOH jagrabh from yiPT grabh; sf^ jahy from )/^ by. 

c« The oecasioQ&l reTersion, on the other hand, of a palatal In the 
radical syllable to guttural form has been noticed aboTe (216,1). 

d. Of two initial consonants, the second, if it be a 

non-nasal mute preceded by a sibilant, is repeated instead 

of the first: thus, fTFrT tasfr from yTcT str; ^J^^ tastbS from 

yW\ BthS; T|Wi*^i oaskand from yFfF^" skand; ^FI^5T 

oaskbal from yT^FT skhal; ^WT ou9cut from yWf 9oat; 

MHIM paspydb from yTTO spydh; t|Hhi puspbut from vTJ^T 

spbut: — but H^ sasnS from ypT snS; HFT saBmy from 

yFT flmy; gR susru from y^ sru; ftiJWM 9i9li? from vfsW 


Accent of the Verb. 

591. The statements which have been made above, and those 
which will be made below, as to the accent of verbal forms, apply 
to those cases in which the verb is actually accented. 

a. Bat, according to the grammarians, and according to the in- 
variable practice in accentaated texts, the verb is in the majority of 
its occurrences unaccented or toneless. 

b. That is to say, of course, the verb in its proper forms, its personal 
or so-called finite forms. The verbal nonns and adjectives, or the Infinitives 
and participles, are subject to precisely the same laws of accent as other 
nouns and adjectives. 

592. The general rule, covering most of the cases, is this: The 
verb in an independent clause is unaccented, unless it stand at the 
beginning of the clause — or also, in metrical text, at the beginning 
of a p&da. 

a. For the accent of the verb, as well as for that of the vocative 
case (above, 814 c), the beginning of a pftda counts as that of a sentence, 
whatever be the logical connection of the pftda with what precedes it. 

b. Examples of the unaccented verb are: agnfm i<}e pur6bitam 
Agnt I praise, the house-priest; sa {d devdfu gaoobati that, irufy, goes 
to the gods; &gne BUp&yan6 bbava O Agni, be easy of access; idkm 
indra 9p^tibi somapa this, O Indra, sotna'drinker, hear; n&mas te 
radra Iq^ipnal^L homage to thee, Hudra, tee offer; yiOamanasya pa9dn 
pfthi the saerificer's cattle protect thou, 

c. Hence, there are two principal situations in which the verb 
retains its accent: 

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698—] VIII. Conjugation. 224 

598. First, the verb is accented when it stands at the beginning 
of a clause — or, in verse, of a pftda. 

a. Examples of the verb accented at the head of the sentence are, in 
prose, 9undhadlivaiii d&ivyftya k&rmai^e he pure for the divine 
ceremony \ &pii6la 'm&iii lok&m he wine this world \ — in verse, where 
the head of the sentence is also that of the p&da, sy&nd 'd Indrasya 
9&rma]^ may we be in Indra'e protection; dar^&ya mft y&tudhanfin 
show me the sorcerers; g&mad v^ebhir a 8& na]|^ may he come with good 
things to us; — in verse, where the head of the danse is within the pftda» 
t^fSixi p&M ^rudhi h&vam drink of them^ hear our call] sistu m&ti 
8&8tu pita B&Btu qvt B&stu vi^p&tih let the mother sleep^ let the father 
sleep, let the dog sleep, let the master sleep] vl9vakarman n&mas te 
pfihy lisman Vicvakarman, homage to thee; protect us! yuvam . • .r^fia 
uoe duhita ppcoh^ vaiii nara the hinges daughter said to you ^I pray 
you, ye men^; vay&iii te v&ya indra viddhi fu i^ah pr& bharfimahe 
we offer thee, Indra, strengthening; take note of us. 

b. Examples of the verb accented at the head of the pftda when this 
is not the head of the sentence are: &thft te dntamanftiii vidyama 
Bumatinam so may we er\joy thy most intimate favors; dh&ta *Byi 
agruvfti p&tiiii d&dhfttu pratikSmykm Dhatar bestow upon this girl 
a husband according to her wish; yfttudhanasya Bomapa jalil praj&oi 
slay, O Soma-drinker, the progeny of the sorcerer. 

594. Certain special cases under this head are as follows: 

a. As a vocative forms no syntactical part of the sentence to which 
it is attached, but is only an external appendage to it, a verb following 
an initial vocative, or more than one, is accented, as if it were itself initial 
in the clause or pftda: thus, a9rutkar]^a ^mdhl h&vam O thou of 
listening ears, hear our call! site v&ndftmahe tvft O Sitd, we reverence 
thee ; vli^ve deva v&savo r&kf ate 'm&m all ye gods, ye Vasus, protect 
this man; uta ^gaQ cakri^aiii devft d6vft Jiv&yathft punah likewise 
him, O gods, who has committed crime, ye gods, ye make to live again. 

b. If more than one verb follow a word or words syntactically con- 
nected with them all, only the first loses its accent, the others being treated 
as if they were initial verbs in separate clauses, with the same adjuncts 
understood: thus, tariigiir ij Jayati kfdti pui^yati successful he conquers, 
rules, thrives; amitrftn . . . p&rftca indra pr& m^i^ Jahl ca our foes, 
Indra, drive far away and slay; asm&bhyaiii jefi ydtai oa for us 
conquer and fight ; ^gnl^omft havlfa^ pr&sthltaaya vit&iii h&ryataiii 
vf^ai^ Jufdthftm O Agni and Soma, of the oblation set forth partake, 
enjoy, ye mighty ones, take pleasure. 

c. In like manner (but much less often), an adjunct, as subject or object, 
standing between two verbs and logically belonging to both, Is reckoned to the 
first alone, and the second has the initial accent: thus, Jahi prajiiii n&yasva 
ca slay the progeny, and bring [it} hither; qipj.6tVL ne^ subhiigft b6dhatu 
tm&nft may the blessed one hear us, [and may she] kindly regard [us}. 

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225 Accent. [— W6 

d. It has eyen came to be a formal mle that a verb immediately 
IbllowiQg another Torb is aocented: thus, 8^ jk et&m evAm upiate 
pury&te praj&yft paQubhiJI^ (Q^O whoever worships him thus is JiUed 
with offspring and caUU. 

695. Second, the verb is accented, whatever its position, in a 
dependent clause. 

a. The dependency of a clause is in the yery great majority of cases 
conditioned by the relative pronoun ya, or one of its deriyatiyes or com- 
pounds. Thus: jkAi jeLi1ihjSa.parihhiT kBi what offering thou protecUst'f 
6 t^ yanti y6 aparlfu p&^y&n they are coming who shall behold her 
hereafter] sahd y&n me &8ti t^na along with that which is mine; y&tra 
nah pl&rve pit&rah parey&h whither our fathers of old departed; 
tkdji, mttriya y&di yfttudhtno ismi let me die on the spot, if I am 
a sorcerer; y&tha 'hftny anupfirv&iii bh&vanti as days follow one 
another in order; yavad id&iii bhi&vanaiii Tl9vain &8ti how great this 
whole creation is; y&tkfimas te Juhum&s t&n no astu what desiring 
we sacrifice to thee, let that become ours; yatam&s titn>B&t whichever 
one desires to enjoy, 

b. The presence of a lelative word in the sentence does not, of course, 
accent the verb, unless this is really the predicate of a dependent clause: 
thus, &pa ty6 tfty&vo yathS yanti they make off like thieves [as thieves 
do) ; y&t stha J&gao ca rejate whatever [is] immovable and movable 
trembles; yathakamaiti nf padyate he lies down at his pleasure. 

o. The particle ca when it means if and o6d (ca + id) if give an 
accent to the yerb : thus, brahma ced dh&stam kgrahlt if a Brahman 
has grasped her hand; tv&ih ca soma no v&^o jlvatuixi n& marSmahe 
if thou, Soma, wiliest us to live, we shall not die; a ca g&cchan mitr&m 
enS dadhSma if he will come here, we will make friends with him, 

d. There are a yery few passages in which the logical dependence of a 
clause containing no subordinating word appears to give the verb its accent: 
thus, B&m &9vapar]^&9 cdranti no n&ro 'smakam indra ratblno 
jayantu when our men, horse-dinged, come into conflict, let the chariot- 
fighters of our side, O Indra, win the victory. Barely, too, an imperative 
so following another imperative that its action may seem a consequence of 
the latter's is accented: thus, ttlyam a gabi k&i^ve^u 8U s^cft p{ba 
come hither quickly; drink along with the Kanvas (i. e. in order to drink). 

e« A few other particles give the verb an accent, in virtue of a slight 
subordinating force belonging to them : thus, especially hi (with its negation 
nald), which in its fullest value means for, but shades off from that into 
a mere asseverative sense; the verb or verbs connected with it are always 
accented: thus, vi t6 muficantfiiii vimiico hi s&nti let them release 
him, for they are releasers ; y&c oid dhi • . . anft^asta iva sm&si if 
we, forsooth, are as it were unrenowned; — also n6d (n&-t-{d), meaning 
lest, that not: thus, n6t tvft t&pftti sAxo arcffS that the sun may not 
hum thee with his beam; vir^aiii n6d viochin&dSni ti saying to himself, 
Whitney, Gramniar. 3. ed« 15 

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696—] VIII. Conjugation. 226 

^lest I cut off the virqf*^ (such cases are frequent In the Bnhmanas); — 
and the interrogatiTe kav{d tofietherf thus, ukth^bhi^ kuv{d EgkaiaX 
to ill he come hUher far our praises f 

696. But farther, the verb of % prior clause is not infrequently 
accented in antithetical construction. 

a. Sometimes, the relation of the two clauses is readily capable of 
being regarded as that of protasis and apodosls; but often, also, such a 
relation is very indistinct; and the cases of antithesis shade off into those 
of ordinary coordination, the line between them appearing to be rather 
arbitrarily drawn. 

b. In many cases, the antithesis is made distinoter by the presence in 
the two clanses of correlative words, especially anya — anya, eka — ekat 
vft— vft, ca — oa: thus, pr&-pr& *iiy6 y&nti p&ry anyi fiaate some go 
on and on^ others sit about (as if it where while some go etc.); ud v& 
sific&dhvam upa vft p^^i^adhvam either pour out, or Jill up-, B&iii oe 
'dhy&svft 'gne pr& ca vardhaye 'm&in both do thou thyself become 
kindledf Agni, and do thou increase this person. But it is also made with- 
out such help: thus, pra 'Jftt&^ pre^i Jan&yati p&ri pr^atft gplu^&ti 
the unborn progeny he generates, the bom he embraces \ &pa yu^m&d &kra- 
mln ni, 'sman upavartate [though] she has gone away from you, she 
does not come to us\nt 'ndli6 'dhvaryur bh&vati n4 yajfiiiii r&kf&iiBi 
ghnanti the priest does not become blind, the demons do not destroy the 
sacrifice^ k6na 86mS g^hy&nte k^na buy ante by whom [on the one hand] 
are the somas dipped outf by whom [on the other Jumd] are they offered f 

697. Where the verb would be the same in the two antithetical clauses, 
it is not infrequently omitted in the second: thus, beside complete expres- 
sions like urvi ct 'si v&svi oft 'si both thou art broad and thou art good, 
occur, much oftener, Incomplete ones like agnir amiifgmift lok& aald 
yain6 'smin Agni was in yonder world, Yama [was] in this-, asthna 
'nya^ praja^ pratiti^thanti mftfis^nft 'nyah by bone some creatures 
stand firm, by flesh others ', dvipac ca B&rvaiii no r&kfa c&tafp&d 
y&c oa nah sv&m both protect everything of ours that is biped, and 
also whatever that is quadruped belongs to us. 

a. Accentuation of the verb in the former of two antithetical claases 
is a rule more strictly followed in the Brahmanas than in the Veda, and 
least strictly in the RY.: thus, in RV., abbi dyaiii mabina bbuvam 
(not bbuvam) abhi 'maih pptbivlih maMm I am superior to the sky 
in greatness, also to this great earth; and even indro vidur iilgirasa^ 
oa gborab Indra knows, and the terrible Angirases. 

698. There are certain more or less doubtful cases in which a 
yerb-form is perhaps ac<:ented for emphasis. 

a. Thus, sporadically before oan& in any wise^ and in connection 
with asseverative particles, as klla, ailg&, ev&, and (in QB., regularly) 
b&nta: thus, b&nte 'maih p^tbivlib vibhAjftmahfti come on! let us 
share up this earth. 

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227 IX. P&ESBMT-STSTBM. [—601 



699. The present-system, or system of forms coming 
from the present-stem, is composed (as waa pointed out 
above] of a present indicative tense, together with a sub- 
junctive (mostly lost in the classical language], an optative, 
an imperative, and a participle, and also a past tense, an 
augment-preterit, to which we give (by analogy with the 
Greek) the name of imperfect. 

a. These forms often go in Sanskrit gramnurs by the name of 
**«pecial tenses", while the other tense-systems are styled ^general tenses" 
— as if the former were made from a special tense stem or modified root, 
while the latter came, all alike, from the root itself. There is no reason 
why such a distinction and nomenclatare should be retained; since, on the 
one hand, the ^special tenses" come in one set of verbs directly from the 
root, and, on the other hand, the other tense-systems are mostly made from 
stems — and, in the case of the aorlst, from stems having a variety of form 
comparable with that of present-stems. 

600. Practically, the present-system is the most prom- 
inent and important part of the whole conjugation, since, 
from the earliest period of the language, its forms are very 
much more frequent than those of all the other systems 

a. Thus, in the Veda, the occurrences of personal forms of this system 
are to those of all others about as three to one ; in the Aitareya Brahmana, 
as five to one; in the Hitopadeoa, as six to one; In the Q&kuntala, as 
eight to one; in Mann, as thirty to one. 

601. And, as there is also great variety in the manner 
in which different roots form their present stem, this, as 
being their most conspicuous difference, is made the basis 
of their principal classification; and a verb is said to be of 
this or of that conjugation, or claas, according to the way 
in which its present-stem is made and inflected. 


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602—] IX. Prbsemt-ststbm. 228 

602. In a small minority of veibs, the present-stem is 
identical with the root. Then there are besides (excluding 
the passive and causative) seven more or less different meth- 
ods of forming a present-stem from the root, each method 
being followed by a larger or smaller number of verbs. 
These are the *^classes^ or '^conjugation-classes^, as laid 
down by the native Hindu grammarians. They are ar- 
ranged by the latter in a certain wholly artificial and un- 
systematic order (the ground of which has never been dis- 
covered] ; and they are wont to be designated in European 
works according to this order, or else, after Hindu example, 
by the root standing at the head of each class in the Hindu 
lists. A different arrangement and nomenclature will be 
followed here, namely as below — the classes being divided 
(as is usual in European grammars) into two more general 
classes or conjugations, distinguished from one another by 
wider differences than those which separate the special 

608. The classes of the Fibst or NON-a-CoNJUGATioN 
are as follows: 

I. The root-class (second class, or ad-c lass, of the 
Hindu grammarians); its present-stem is coincident with 
the root itself: thus, ^^ ad eat; \i go; m^ fis sit; 7X\ 
yS ffo; fk^ dvif hate; 3^ duh milk. 

n. The reduplicating class (third or hu-class); 
the root is reduplicated to form the present-stem: thus, 
g^ juhu from y^ hu sacrifice; ^ dad& from y^ dft 
give; fspi bibhr ^oni V^ bhy bear. 

HI. The nasal class (seventh or rudh-class) ; a 
nasal, extended to the syllable ^ na in strong forms, is 
inserted before the final consonant of the root; thus, 
-^[sq* rundh (or l^fSm nu^adh) from yT^ rudh obstruct; 
g^ yufij (or g^BT yunaj) from yc^yuj join. 

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229 Ck)NJUaATI0N-CLAS8BS. [—606 

IV. a. The nu-olass (fifth or su-olass); the syllable 
^ nu ifl added to the root: thus, Wl sunu from y^ su 
press out] m^ &pnu from y^3[m &p obtain. 

b. A very small numbei (only half-a-dozen) of loots 
ending already in ^ n, and also one very common and 
quite irregularly inflected root not so ending {m "kf make), 
add 3 u alone to form the present-stem. This is the 
eighth or tan-class of the Hindu grammarians; it may 
be best ranked by us as a sub-class, the u-class: thus, 
cR tanu from YtFi tan stretch, 

V. The nft-class (ninth or ktl-class); the syllable 
^ n& (or, in weak forms, ^ nl) is added to the root ; 
thus, cffhnr kri^ (or stiluH krfij^I) from y^ kri buy; 
THHT stabhn& (or fcPft stabhnX) from V^rPT stabh estab- 

604. These classes have in common, as their most found- 
amental characteristic, a shift of accent: the tone being 
now upon the ending, and now upon the root or the class- 
sign. Along with this goes a variation in the stem itself, 
which has a stronger or fuller form when the accent rests 
upon it, and a weaker or briefer form when the accent is 
on the ending: these forms are to be distinguished as the 
strong stem and the weak stem respectively (in part, both 
have been given above). The classes also form their opta- 
tive active, their 2d sing, imperative, their 3d pi. middle, 
and their middle participle, in a different manner from 
the others. 

606. In the classes of the Second or a-CoNjuGATioN, 
the present-stem ends in a, and the accent has a fixed 
place, remaining always upon the same syllable of the 
stem, and never shifted to the endings. Also, the optative, 
the 2d sing, impv., the dd pi. middle, and the middle 

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606—] IX. Present-system. 230 

paiticiple, are (as just stated) unlike those of the other 


606. The classes of this conjugation are as follows: 

VI. The a-class, or unaccented a-class (first or 
bhfl-class); the added class-sign is a simply; and the 
root, which has the accent, is (if capable of it) strength- 
ened by gujyBL throughout: thus, ^R bh&va from y^ bhtl 
be; JTO" ndya from i/jft nl lead; ^t^ b6dha from V^^ 
budh toake] o|^ vada from yc(^ vad speak. 

Vn. The &-class, or accented a-class (sixth or 
tud-class) ; the added class-sign is a, as in the preceding 
class; but it has the accent, and the unaccented root 
remains unstrengthened : thus, rl^ tud& from y^ tud 
thrust] ^ STJd from V^pT syj let loose; gsf 8uv4 from 
]/H Btl give birth. 

Yin. The ya- class (fourth or div-class); jb is 
added to the root, which has the accent: thus, ^oH 
divya from ]/f|cf div (more properly ^( div: see 766) 
play; R^ n&hya from y^^ nah bind; ^[^ krddhya 
from VW^ krudh be angry. 

IX. The passive conjugation is also properly a 
present-system only, having a class-sign which is not 
extended into the other systems; though it differs mark- 
edly from the remaining classes in having a specific 
meaning, and in being formable in the middle voice 
from all transitive verbs. Its inflection may therefore 
best be treated next to that of the ya-class, with which 
it is most nearly connected, differing from it as the 
&-class from the a-class. It forms its stem, namely, by 
adding an accented y& to the root: thus, Wtf adyi from 
y^ ad eat; "^S rudhyd from /^ rudh obstruct; 
SECT budhyi from yWJ budh wake; W^ tudjri from 
y^ tud thrust. 

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607. The Hindu grammariaDs reckon a tenth class or onr-class, 
having a blass-sign &ya added to a strengthened root (thus, oor&ya 
firom your), and an inflection like that of the other a-stems. Since, 
however, this stem is not limited to the present-stem, but extends 
also into the rest of the coigagation — while it also has to a great 
extent a cansative value, and may be formed in that value from a 
large number of roots — it will be best treated in full along with 
the derivative conjugations (chap. XIV., 1041 ff.). 

608. A small number of roots add in the present-system a oh, 
or substitute a ch for their final consonant, and form a stem ending 
in cha or ch4, which is then inflected like any a-stem. This is 
historically, doubtless, a true class-sign, analogous with the rest; but 
the verbs showing it are so few, and in formation so irregular, that 
they are not well to be put together' into a class, but may best be 
treated as special cases falling under the other classes. 

a. Boots adding oh are ^ and yn, whiAh make the stems )pooh4 and 

b. Roots sabsdtnting oh for their final are if, uf (or vas shine), 
gam* yam» inrhich make the stems iooh&» aooh&» g&coha, y&coha. 

0. Of the so-called roots ending in oh, soTeral are more or less 
clearly stems, whose use has been extended from the present to other systems 
of tenses. 

609. Roots are not wholly limited, eren in the later language, to 
one mode of formation of their present-stem, bnt are sometimes reckoned 
as belonging to two or more different conjngation-classes. And such variety 
of formation is especially freqnent In the Yeda, being exhibited by a 
considerable proportion of the roots there occniring; already In the Brahmanas, 
howeyer, a condition Is reached nearly agreeing In this respect with the 
classical language. The different present-formations sometimes have differ- 
ences of meaning; yet not more important ones than are often fonnd belong- 
ing to the same formation, nor of a kind to show clearly a difference of 
value as originally belonging to the separate classes of presents. If anything 
of this kind is to be esUbllshed, it must be from the derivative conjugations, 
which are separated by no fixed line from the present-systems. 

610. We take up now the diflferent classes, in the order in which 
they have been arranged above, to describe more in detail, and with 
Illustration, the formation of their present-stems, and to notice the 
irregularities belonging under each class. 

I. Root-class (second, ad-class). 

611. In this class there is no olass-sign; the root itself 
is also present-stem, and to it are added directly the per- 


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Bonal endings — but combined in subjunctiye and optative 
with the respective mode-signs; and in the imperfect the 
augment is prefixed to the root 

a. The accented endings (662) regularly take the accent — except 
in tiie imperfect, wliere it falls on the augment — and before them 
the root remains unchanged; before the unaccented endings, the root 
takes the gui^-strengthening. 

b. It it only in the first three olMset that the endings eome Imme- 
diately in contact with a floal consonant of the root, and that the rales for 
oonsonaDt combination ha^e to be noted and applied. In these classes, then, 
additional paradigms will be given, to illastrate the modes of combination. 

1. Present Indicative. 

612. The endings are the primary (with H^ &te in dd 
pi. mid.), added to the bare root. The root takes the accent, 
and has giu^, if capable of it, in the three persons sing. act. 

Examples of inflection: a. active, root ^ i go] 
strong form of rootnstem, ^ 6; weak form, ^ i; middle, root 
Ss sitj stem Ss (irregularly accented throughout: 628). 







d. p. 





*4IW^ «IW$ 





&vahe iamahe 





^miSl 5n^ 





.asathe iddhve 





^BTTHT^ m^ 





asftte asate 

b. root dvii} hate: strong stem-form, dv^; weak, dvi^.xFor 
rules of combination for the final a, see 226. ^^ 

1 dvd^mi dvifv&s dvifm&s dvif6 dvifv&he dvi^m&h^ 

2 dv^i dvlQtli^ dvi^^hk dvik^d dvi^athe dvi44hv4 V 

3 dvd^ti dvi9t&8 dvl^inti dvi^t^^ dvi^tte dvi^&te v 

c. root duh milk: strong stem-form, d6h; weak, duh. For rules 
of combination for the final h, and for the conversion of the initial 
to dh, see 222a, 166, 160. 

1 d61inii duhv&8 duhmis duli6 duhv&he duhm&he 

2 ^6k9i dugdh&8 dugdhi dhulq^ duhtthe dhugdhvd 

3 dogdhi dugdh&8 duh&nti dugdh6 dnh^ duh&te 


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233 BOOT-OLABS (8B0OND, ad-OLASS). [—016 

d. root lih li^; strong stem, 16h; weak, lih. For rales of 
combination of the fin^ h, see fi2t b. 

1 Idhmi lihv&s lihm&s; lihe lihv&he Uhm&he 

3 Ukfi U^h&B li<jLha lik^d lihathe li<Lhv6 

8 16^ n<Lh&8 lih&ntl U^h^ llhite Uh&te 

618* Bxamplefl of tke 3d sing. mid. coiiieideDt in fonn with the Isi 
sing, are not rare in the older language (both Y. and B.) ; the most frequent 
examples are i^e, duh^» vid^, 9&ya; more sporadic are cit6, bruve» hav6. 
To tha of the 2d pi. is added na in Bth&na, pathAnft, yftth&na. 
The irregnlar accent of the 3d pi. mid. is fonnd in BY. in rihatd, duhat^. 
Examples of the same person in re and rate also occur: thns (besides 
those mentioned below, 628-80, 6d6)» vidr6» and, Kith anxiliary Towel, 
arhire (unless these are to be ranked, rather, as perfect forms without 
reduplication: 780b}. 

2. Present Bubjunotive. 

614. Subjanctiye forms of this class are not uncommon in the 
older language, and nearly all those which the formation anywhere 
admits are quotable, from Veda or from Brahmana. A complete 
paradigm, accordingly, is giyen below, with the few forms not 
actually quotable for this class enclosed in brackets. We may take 
as models (as above), for the active the root i go, and for the middle 
the root Ss «tV, from both of which numerous forms are met with 
(although neither for these nor for any others can the whole series 
be found in actual use). 

a. The mode-stems are &ya (6 + a) and isa, {is +9,) respectively, 
active. middle. 

. {^ »,«■« 4^ g^S. C*-"-] f ts 

616. The BY. has no middle forms in Si except those of the first 
person. The Ist sing. act. in & oceurs only in BY., in ayft, bravft, 
ativft. The 2d and 3d sing, act with primary endings are Tery unnsoal 
in the Brahmanas. Forms irregularly made with long &, like those from 
present-stems in a, are not rare in AY. and B. : thus, ayfis, ayftt, dyftn ; 
isatp br&v&t; bravftthas; asfttha, ay&th^ bravfttha, hanfttha; 
idftn, dohSa* Of middle forms with secondary endings are found liAaantay 
3d pi., and i^ata, 3d sing, (after ma prohibitlTe), which is an isolated 
example. The only dual person In ftite Is br&viUte. 

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d. p. 


lyaTft ly&na 


lyitam iyita 

lyatftm iy^ 

616—] IX. PBS8BNT-SY8TEM. 234 

8. Present Optative. 

616. The personal endings combined with the mode- 
signs of this mode (HT yS in act., | I in mid.) have been 
given in full above (666). The stem-form is the unaccented 
and iinstrengthened root. 

8. d. p. 

isiyA isivahi tsimahi 
asithfta asiyatham &ildhvam 

asita asiyStftm isiran 

a. In the same manner, from ydvi^, dvi^yam and dviffsri; from 
V^duhy duhyam and duhiyi; from ylih, liliyim and lihiyi. The 
inflection is so regular that the example above given is enough, with 
the addition of dvifXyd, to show the normal accentuation in the 
middle: thus, sing, dviflyi, dvifithaa, dviflt&; du. dvi^Iv&hJU 
dvifiyithftm, dvi^Xyitam; pi. dvifim&hiy dvi^dhv&m, dvi^ir&n. 

b. The BV. has once tana in 2d pi. act. (in sy&tana). 

4. Present Imperative. 

617. The imperative adds, in second and third persons, 
its own endings (with ^ETclFr at&m in 3d pi. mid.) directly 
to the root-stem. The stem is accented and strengthened 
in 3d sing, act.; elsewhere, the accent is on the ending 
and the root remains unchanged. The first persons, so called, 
of the later language are from the old subjunctive, and 
have its strengthened stem and accent; they are repeated 
here from where they were given above (614 a). In the 2d 
sing, act., the ending is regularly (as in the two following 
classes) fu dhi if the root end with a consonant, and 1% hi 
if it end with a vowel. As examples we take the roots 
already used for the purpose. 

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Boot-class (seoomd, ecL-olass). 


a. Thus, from the roots ^ i and 3Bnn fts: 











astftm asatSm 





b. From the roots dvif and duh and lih: 

dv^f&ma dv^fai dv6i|avahai dv^f&mahai 
dvift^ dvik^v^ dvifatham dvi^cjLhv&m 

dvi^intu dviffdm dvifdt&m dvif&t&m 

dohSma doh&i d6havahai d6hftmahfti 
dugdli& dlialci|v& duhttham dhngdhv&m 
duh&ntn dugdhim duhitfim duh&taxn 

16hSma lehfti 16havahfti Idh&mah&i 
li4h& lik9v& lihith&m n<Lhv&m 

lih&ntu llijLham lUiat&m lih&tam 

1 dvdffai^ dv^ffftva 

2 dTi4<jii£ dvi^t^un 

3 dvdftn dvift^ 

1 dohftni d6h&va 

2 dugdhf dngdh&m 

3 dogdhu dugdhim 

1 l^hSni l^hava 

2 H4h{ ll^hkm 

3 16<jLhu HijLhim 

618. The 2d sing. act. ending tat is found in the older language in 
a few yerhs of this class: namely, vittit» Titat, br^tit, hatat, yatat, 
stutat. In 3d sing, mid., two or three verbs bave in the older language 
the ending am: thus, duh&n (only RY. case), vidam, ^ayam; and in 
3d pi. mid. AY. has dtihr&n and duhratam. The use of tana for ta 
in 2d pi. act. is quite frequent in the Yeda: thus, itana, yat&na» attana, 
etc. And in Btota» 6ta ^tana, bravitana, ^ast&na, hantana, we have 
examples io the same person of a strong (and accented) stem. 

6. Present Participle. 

6ie. a. The active participle has the ending CItT &nt 
(weak stem-form Wf at) added to the unstrengthened root. 
Mechanically, it may be formed from the 3d pi. by dropping 
the final ^ i. Thus, for the verbs inflected above, the active 
participles are ntl y^nt, '^^r\ duhdnt, f^Nrl dvif 4nt, f^T^tT 
lih&nt. The feminine stem ends usually in ^3lx(i ati: thus, 
Hffl yati, i«trfl duhati, fe^ dvi^ti, id«ftrfi lihati: but, 
from roots in &, in sntlt Sntl or Cllcf) Sti (449 gl 

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619—] IX- Prbsbnt-ststem. 236 

b. The middle partioiple has the ending CTR ftnd, added 
to the unstrengthened root: thus, ^^PT iySnd, ^«JH dnhSni, 
QiMIUI dviffiii^, id«tH lihtod. 

o. The root Ss forms the aDomalons and isolated asina (in RV. 
also a8fin&). 

d. Bat a number of these participles in the older language have 
a doable accent, either on the ending or on the radical syllable: 
thus, i9an& and f9Sna» ohftni and 6liana, dah&n& and duhsna (also 
dughftna), rih&]gL& and rfh&na, vidftn& and vidftna, suTftnil and 
sdvftna, stuvftn& and 8tav&n4 and st&Tftna — the last having in part 
also a strong form of the root. 

6. Imperfect. 

620. This tense adds the secondary endings to the root 
as increased by prefixion of the augment. The root has the 
gu^Bia-strengthening (if capable of/ it) in the three persons of 
the singular actiye, although the accent is always upon the 
augment. Examples of inflection are: 

a. From the roots ^ i and ^^ fis: 

actire. middle. 

8. d. p. f. d. p. 

tyam fiiva ft{ma as! lUvahi iamahi 

aia aitam ftita isthfis tsftthftm iddhvam 

3 ^^ ^?T1\ ^ITCR^ ^TTtT ymiHIH^ ?TOfT 
ait aitam ayan &ta isfttam llsata 

b. From the roots dvi^ and duh and lib: 

1 Adve^am idvifva ^dtl^ma &dvifi &dvii}v-ahi 4dvi9mahi 

2 &dvet idvi^t^^m idvisfa idvi^thaa ^dvifatham &dvi44^vam 

3 k&ve\ 4dvi9tam idyi^an 4dvl§ta 4dTi9atam Advlfata 

1 &dobam 4duhvB 4duhma Aduhi 4duhvabi 4dabmalii 

2 &dhok idngdham 4dugdha idugdhas iduhatham &dhugdhvam 

3 &dhok 4dagdham &dahan 4dugdba &dnhatftm iduhata 

1 &leham &lihTa &lihma &lihi Whvahi Whmahi 

2 &let &H4ham iU<Lba iOi^has iUhfttham ^li^hvam 

3 &lei iOi^ham Whan ^li^ha &lihatam Alihata 

621. a. Boots ending in a may in the later language optionally 
take UB instead of an in 3d pi. act (the a being lost before it); and 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

237 Boot-class (sboond, ad-CLASS). [— 6fl5 

in the older they always do so: thus, &yas from i/yft, &pu8 f^om 
V^pft protect^ abhuB from ybUL Tbo same ending is also allowed 
and met with in the ease of a few roots ending in consonants: namely 
vid know, cakfy dvif, duh, mf>J. RV. has atvifus. 

b. The ending tana, 2d pi. act, is found in the Yeda in &ytltana, 
isaatana, aitana, ibravitana. A strong stem is seen in the Ist pi. 
homa, and the 2d pi. abravita and dbravltana. 

0. To save the eharacteristio endings in 2d and dd sing, act., the root 
ad inserts a: thus, adas, tdat; the root as inserts I: thus, asis, isit 
(see helow, 636); compare also 681-4. 

62S. The use of the persons of this tense, without augment, in the 
older language, has heen noticed above (587). Augmentless imperfects of 
this class are rather uncommon in the Yeda: thus, h&n, t6b, 2d sing.; 
ban, vet, Btaut» d&n (?), 3d sing.; bruvan, duhiis, cakfus, 3d pi.; 
vasta, 0uta, 3d sing. mid. 

623. The first or root-form of aorist is identical in its formation with 
this Imperfect: see below, 829 fT. 

624. In the Veda (but hardly outside of the RV.) are found certain 
2d sing, forms, having an imperative value, made by adding tbe ending si 
to the (accented and strengthened) root. In part, they are the only root-forms 
belonging to the roots from which they come : thus, J69I (for J699I, from VJuf ), 
dh&kfi» p&rfi (ypx P^^)f prisi, bhakijl, ratsi, s&tsiy hofi; but the 
majority of them have forms (one or more) of a root-present, or sometimes 
of a root-aorist, beside tbem : thus, k^^f i (l/kfi rule), J6fi» d&r^i, nakfi 
()/naQ attain), n^fi, m&tsi, m&si (i/mft measure), y&k^l, y&iiiBi, yftsi, 
y6tBi, rasi, v&k^l (/vah), v6fi, 9r69l, sakfi. Their formal character 
is somewhat disputed ; but they are probably indicative persons of the root- 
class, used imperatively. 

625. Forms of this class are made from nearly 150 roots, either 
in the earlier language, or in the later, or in both: namely, from 
about 50 through the whole life of the language, from 80 in the older 
period (of Veda, Brahmana, and Sutra) alone, and from a few (about 15) 
in the later period (epic and classical) only*. Not a few of these 
roots, however, show only sporadic root-forms, beside a more usual 
conjugation of some other ol»ss; nor is it in all cases possible to 
separate clearly root-present from root-aorist forms. 

a. Many roots of this class, as of the other classes of the first 
conjugation, show transfers to the second or a-conjugation, forming 
a conjugation-stem by adding a to their strong or weak stem, or 

* Such statements of numbers, with regard to the various parts of the 
system of conjugation, are in all cases taken from the author's Supplement 
to this grammar, entitled '^Roots, Verb-Forms, and Primary Derivatives of 
Ae Sanskrit Language", where lists of roots, and details as to forms etc., 
are also given. 

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625—] IX. Pabsbht-ststbm. 238 

even to both: thas, from )/mfj» both mftija (627) and mfja. Such 
tansfers are met with even in the oldest language; but they usually 
become more frequent later, often establishing a new mode of present 
inflection by the side of, or in substitution for, the earlier mode. 

b. A number of roots offer irregularities of inflection; these are, 
in the main, pointed out in the following paragraphs. 

IrregtQarities of the Boot-olass. 

626. The roots of the class ending in u have in their strong 
forms the vpddhi instead of the giu^a-strengthening before an ending 
beginning with a consonant: thus, from ystu, staumi, istfiut, and 
the like: but &8tavam, st&vftni, etc. 

a. RootB found to exhibit this peculiarity in actual use are kfigLa* ya 
uniicy 8U (or su) impel, ska, stu, anu (these in the earlier language), 
nu, ru, and hnu. RV. has once stofi and anftvan. Compare also 638. 

627. The root mpj also has the v^ddhi-vowel in its strong 
forms: thus, m&jmi, &mSxjam» Amarf (150b); and the same streng- 
thening is said to be allowed in weak forms before endings beginning 
with a vowel: thus, mftrjantu, amarjan; but the only quotable case 
is m&ijlta (LQS.). Forms from a-stems begin to appear already 
in AV. 

a. In the other tense-systems, also, and in derivation, mf j shows often 
the v^ddhi instead of the guna-strengthening. 

628. A number of roots accent the radical syllable throughout, 
both in strong and in weak forms: thus, all those beginning with a 
long vowel, fie, I^t xr, 19; and also cakf, takf, trft, nihs, vas cloihef 
9inJ, 9I lie, and su. All these, except takf and trft (and tr& also in 
the Vedic forms), are ordinarily conjugated in middle voice only. 
Forms with the same irregular accent occur now and then in the Veda 
from other verbs: thus, m&tsva, y&kfva, s&k^va, sakfva, fdhat. 
Middle participles so accented kave been noticed above (619 d). 

629. Of the roots mentioned in the last paragraph, 91 lie has 
the gui^a-strengthening throughout: thus, qkye, 9^90, 9&yiya, ^^yftna, 
and so on. Other irregularities in its inflection (in part already noticed) 
are the 3d pi. persons 96rate (AY. etc. have also 9^re), ^eratSm, 
&9erata (RV. has also &9eran), the 3d sing. pres. 9&ye (R.) and impv. 
9&yam. The isolated active form &9ayat is common in the older 
language; other a-forms, active and middle, occur later. 

680. Of the same roots, if and 19 insert a union-vowel i hefore 
certain endings: thus, iqi^e^ i9idhve, Ififva (these three being the only 
forms noted in the older language); but RV. has ik^e beside {91^6; the 
9^U. has once i9ite for l^{e. The 3d pi. X9ire (on account of its accent) 
is also apparently present rather than perfect The MS. has once the 3d sing, 
impf. fti9a (like aduha: 636). 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

239 ROOT-OLASS (SBOOND, ad-CLASS). [—656 

661. The roots rud we^, srap sleep, an breathe^ and ^vas blow 
insert a union-vowel i before all the endings beginning with a con- 
sonant, except the s and t of 2d and 3d sing, impf., where they insert 
instead either a or I: thus, ■v&piml, ^risii^ &niti, and anat or 
fLnit. And in the other forms, the last three are allowed to accent 
either root or ending: thus, svipantu and ^T&santu (AY.), or 
Bvap&ntu etc. The AY. has sv4ptu instead of svipitu. 

a. In the older language, /vam makes the same insertions: thas, 
vamiti) avamit; and other cases occasionally occur: thus, J&ni^va, vasifva 
(yvBB elothe\ 9nathilii» stanihi (aU RY.), yamiti (JB.), ^oeimi (MBh.). 
On the other hand, /an early makes forms from an a-stem: thns, &nati 
(AY); pple 4nant (QB.); opt. anet (AB.). 

632. The root bra epeak, say (of very frequent use) takes the 
nnion-vowel i after the root when strengthened, before the initial 
consonant of an ending: thns, br&vuni, br&vifi, brdviti, dbravis, 
khTAvit; but brum&8» br^y^m, dbravam, 4bmvan, etc. Special 
occasional irregularities are brtuni, bravihi, abruvam, abruvan, 
bruyftty and sporadic forms from an a-stem. The subj. dual br&vftite 
has been noticed above (615); also the strong forms abravita, 
&bravitana (621 a). 

633. Some of the roots in u are allowed to he inflected like bra: 
namely, ka, ta» ra, and stu; and an occasional Instance is met with of 
a form so made (in the older language, only taviti noted; in the later, 
only stavimi, once). 

634. The root am (hardly found in the later language) takes i as 
union-Towel: thus, amifi (RY.), amiti and ftmit and amif^va (TS.). From 
y^am occur ^amifva (VS.; TS. ^ami^va) and ^amidhvam (TB. etc.). 

635. The irregnlarities of /duh in the older langnage have been 
already in part noted: the 3d pi. indie, mid. dahate, dahre, and dulir4te; 
3d sing. impy. daham, pi. duhr^ and duhrat&m; impf. act. 3d sing, 
dduhat (which is found also in the later language), 3d pi. aduhran 
(beside ddahan and duhos); the mid. pple dughana; and (quite un- 
exampled elsewhere) the opt. forms duhiy&t and dahiy&n (RV. only). 
The MS. has adoha 3d sing, and adohra 3d pi. impf. mid., apparently 
formed to correspond to the pros, duhe (613) and dahre as adagdha and 
adohata correspond to dugdhe and duhate: compare Blqa (630), related 
in like manner to the 3d sing. 190. 

Some of the roots of this class are abbreviated or otherwise 
weakened in their weak forms: thns — 

686. The root ^btfT as be loses its vowel in weak forms 

(except where protected by combination with the augment). 

Its 2d sing, indie, is ^^ &8i (instead of assi); its 2d sing. 

impv. is ^ftr edhi (iiregnlaily &om asdhi). The insertion of 

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^ T in 2d and 3d sing. impf. has been noticed already 
above. ~~~ 

a. The forms of this extremely common verb, are, then, 
as follows: 


































Participle T{r{ sdnt (fern. W^ sati). 

b. Besides the forms of the present-system, there is made from 
this root only a perfect, asa etc. (800), of wholly regular inflection. 

c. The Yedic subjunctive forms are the usual ones, made upon the 
stem &8a. They are in frequent use, and appear (asat especially) even 
in late texts where the subjunctive is almost lost. The resolution slam 
etc. (opt.) is common in Yedic verse. As 2d and 3d sing. impf. is a few 
times met with the more normal &8 (for as-s, fis-t). Sthina, 2d pi., was 
noted above (618). 

d. Middle forms from |/a8 are also given by the grammarians as allow- 
ed with -certain prepositions (vi + ati), but they are not quotable; smahe 
and sy Smahe (I) occur in the epics, but are merely instaucea of the ordi- 
nary epic confusion of voices (529 a). Oonfusions of primary and secondary 
endings — namely, 8va and sma (not rare), and, on the other hand, ayftvas 
and syftmas — are also epic. A middle present indicative is said to be 
compounded (in Ist and 2d persons) with the nomm ageniis in t;^ (tar) 
to form a periphraatio future in the middle voice (but tee below, 047). 
The 1st sing, indlc. is he; the rest is in the usual relation of middle to 
active forms (in 2d pers., se, dhve, sva, dhvam, with total loss of the 
root itself). 

Digitized ^y VjOOQ IC 

241 EOOT-CLASS (SECOND, ad-OLASS). [—640 

637. The root han smUe, slay is treated aomewhat after the 
manner of noan-stems in an in declension (421): in weak forms, it 
loses its n before an initial consonant (except m and v) of a personal 
ending (not in the optative), and its a before an initial vowel — and 
in the latter case its h, in contact with the n, is changed to gh (com- 
pare 402). Thus, for example: 

Present Indicatiye. 
8. d. p. 

1 h&nml hanv&B hanmis 

2 hiiisi hath&8 hath& 

3 h&nti hat&8 ghn&nti 


8. d. 

dhanam &lianva 

&haii &liatam 

&haii ihatSm 


a. Its participle is ghn&nt (fern, ghnati). Its 2d sing. impv. is 
Jahi (by anomalous dissimilation, on the model of reduplicating 


b. Middle forms from this root are frequent in the Brahman&s, and 
tho8A that occur are formed in general according to the same rules: thus, 
hate, haninabe, ghnate; ahata, aghnStftm, aghnata (in AB., also 
ahata); ghnita (but also hanlta). Forms from transfer-stems, haaa and 
ghna, are met with from an early period. 

638. The root va^ he eager is in the weak forms regularly and 
usually contracted to U9 (as in the perfect: 794b): thus, uQin&sl 
(V.: once apparently abbreviated in RV. to 9ma8i), U9&nti; pple 
uQanty n^Sni. Middle forms (except the pple) do not occur; nor do 
the weak forms of the imperfect, which are given as &u9va» &uftam, etc. 

a. RY. has in like manner the participle uf fii^ from the root vas clothe. 

639. The root 9&8 order shows some of the peculiarities of a 
reduplicated verb, lacking (646) the n before t in all 3d persons pi. 
and in the active participle. A part of its active forms — namely, 
the weak forms having endings beginning with consonants (including 
the optative) — are said to come from a stem with weakened vowel, 
919 (as do the aorist, 854, and some of the derivatives); but, except- 
ing the optative (9i97dm etc., U. S. and later), no such forms are 

a. The 3d sing. impf. is a9fit (555 a), and the same form Is said 
to be allowed also as 2d sing. The 2d sing. impv. is q&dhi (with total 
loss of the s); and RY. has the strong 2d pi. 9&8t&na (with anomalous 
accent); and a-forms, from stem 9ft8a, occasionally occur. 

b. The middle inflection is regular, and the accent (apparently) 
always upon the radical syllable (9a8te, 9a8ate, 9&&na). 

o. The root d&9 toorship has in like manner (RY.) the pple da9at 
(not d^ant). 

640. The double so-called root Jak^ eat, laugh is an evident redu- 
plication of ghaa and has respectively. It has the absence of n in act. 

Whitney, Orammar. 3. ed. 16 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

640—] EL PRB8BNT-ST8TB1C. 242 

8d penont pL and pple, and the accent on the root hefore Towel-endings, 
which belong to lednplieatad Terbe; and it also takes the union-Towel i 
in the manner of rod etc. (abore, 681). For ita forma and deriTatlTea 
made with utter loaa of the ilnal sibilant, see 288 1 

641. Certain other obviotiBly reduplicated verbs are treated hj 
the native grammarians as if simple, and referred to this conjugation: 
such are the intensively reduplicated jSgr (1020 a)» daridrft (1024 a)» 

and van (1024 a)» didhi etc. (676)» and cakfis (677). 

II. Reduplicating Class (third, hu-class). 

642. This class forms its present-stem by prefixing a 
reduplication to the root. 

648. a. As regards the consonant of the reduplication, 
the general rules which have already been given above (690] 
are followed. 

b. A long vowel is shortened in the reduplicating syl- 
able: thus, ^ dadft from y^ dft; f^Ht bibh! firom y^ bhi; 
sT^ juhtl from /§[ hfL The vowel ^ v never appears in the 
reduplication, but is replaced by ^ i: thus, fsp\ bibhr from 
y^ bhir; ft^ Pipyo from yr:^ pyo. 

0. For yerbs in which a and ft also are irregularly represented in the 
reduplication by i, see below, 660. The root vpt (T. B.) makes vavartti 
etc.; oakr4nt (RV.) is very doabtfal. 

d. The only root of this class with initial vowel is ^ (or ar); 
it takes as reduplication i, which is held apart from the root by an 
interposed y: thus, iyar and iyr (the latter has not been found in 
actual use). 

644. The present-stem of this class (as of the other 

classes belonging to the first or non-a-conjugation) has a 

double form: a stronger form, with gunated root-vowel; 

and a weaker form, without gu^a: thus, from y^ ho, the 

two forms are ^^ Juho and ^^ juhu; from y^ bhl, they 

are i^ bibhe and fipft bibhl. And the rule for their use 

is the same as in the other classes of this conjugation: the 

strong stem is found before the unaccented endings (662), 

and the weak stem before the accented. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


Bbduplicatjno Glass (thibd, hu-OLASS). 


645. According to all the analogies of the first general conju- 
gation, we should expect to find the accent upon the root-syllable 
when this is strengthened. That is actually the case, however, only 
in a small minority of the roots composing the class : namely, in hu, 
bhl (no test-forms in the older language), hri (no test-forms found in 
the older language), mad (very rare), jan (no forms of this class 
found to occur), oi notice (in Y.), yu separate (in older language only), 
and in bhf in the later language (in V. it goes with the minority: 
but BY. has bibh&rti once, and AY. twice; and this, the later 
accentuation, is found also in the Brahmanas); and BY. has once 
iy&Tfi. In all the rest — apparently, by a recent transfer — it rests 
upon the reduplicating instead of upon the radical syllable. And in 
both classes aUke, the accent is anomalously thrown back upon the 
reduplication in those weak forms of which the ending begins with 
a Yowel; while in the other weak forms it is upon the ending (but 
compare 666 a). 

a. Apparently (the cases with written accent are too few to determine 
the point satisfactorily) the middle optattye endings, lya etc. (566), are 
reckoned throughout as endings with initial vowel, and throw back the 
accent upon the reduplication. 

646. The verbs of this class lose the ^ n in the 3d 
pi. endings in active as well as middle, and in the imper- 
fect have 3Tr us instead of 3BFT an — and before this a final 
radical vowel has gn^a. 

1. Present Indicative. 

647. The combination of stem and endings is as in 
the preceding class. 

Examples of inflectic 
stem-form, ^^ juh6; weak 

s. d. p. 

1 s|«^liM 5^^ ^^HH^ 

ion: a. y^ hu sacrifice: strong 
form, ^^ juhu (or jiihu). 


iuh6mi Jnlmv&s Jnhnm&s 

Jah69i juhtith&8juliath& 

a sJ^Ih 5^rre^ 5^S% 

Jiili6ti Jnhut&B JithTati 

5% p?^ PR% 

J^ve Juhuv&lie jnhnmAhe 

Jaliu§6 Juhvftthe jaliadhv6 

juhutd jiihvftte j^vate 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 
















647—] EX. Present-system. 244 

b. Root H bhr bear (given with Vedio accentuation): 
strong stem-form, ^^X^ bibliar; weak, fipT bibhr (or bibh^). 

1 («^Hpf |6<4M^^ fspjTO^ fii^ fsMc% ftHM^ 
b{bharmi bibhfv&s bibhpn&s 

bibharf i bibhrth&s bibh^rtli^ 

3 fenf^f f^HrfH fswIrT 
bfbharti bibhrt&s bibhrati 

e. The u of hu (like that of the class-signs nu and u: see below, 
697 a) is said to be omissible before v and m of the endings of Ist dn. 
and pi.: thus, jahv&s, Juhv&he» etc.; but no such fonns aie quotable. 

2. Present SubjiinctiYe. 

648. It is not possible at present to draw a distinct line between 
those subjunctive forms of the older language which should be reckoned as 
belonging to the present-system and those which should be assigned to the 
perfect — or eyen, in some cases, to the reduplicated aorist and intensiye. 
Here will be noticed only those which most clearly belong to this cla^s; 
the more doubtful cases will be treated under the perfect-system. Except 
in first persons (which continue in use as ^imperatiyes" down to the later 
language), subjunctiyes from roots haying unmistakably a reduplicated 
present-system are of far from frequent occurrence. 

649. The subjunctive mode-stem is formed in the usual manner, 
with the mode-sigD a and gui^a of the root-vowel, if this is capable 
of such strengthening. The evidence of the few accented forms met 
with indicates that the accent is laid in accordance with that of the 
strong indicative forms: thus from yliu, the stem would be Juhiva; 
from yhh:fy it would be bibhara (but bibh&ra later). Before the 
mode-sign, final radical ft would be, in accordance with analogies 
elsewhere, dropped: thus, d4da from ydft, d&dha from ydhA (all the 
forms actually occurring would be derivable from the secondary roots 
dad and dadb). 

650. Instead of giving a theoretically complete scheme of 
inflection, it will be better to note all the examples quotable from 
the older language (accented when found so occurring). 

a. Thus, of ist persons, we haye in the active Juh&vftni, bibharS^, 
dad&ni, dadhftni, Jahfini; Jubavftma, d&dhftma, J&hftma; — in the 
middle, dadhfti, mimfti; dadhftvahSi; Juhavftmahai, dadftmahe, 
dadSmahftl, dadhftmahfti. 

b. Of other persons, we haye with primary endings in the active 
bibharftai (with double mode-sigh: 660 e), dddhathas, Juhavfttba (do.) 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

245 Reduplicating Class (thied, hu-oLASs). [—653 

And Juhavatha ; in the middle, dAdliase ; d&dhate, r&rate, d&dhfttfii, 
dadfttfii ; — with secondary endings, d&dhfts, vive^as* Juhavat, bibharat, 
yuy&vat, d&dhat, dadh&nat, babhaaat; dadhan» yuyavan, Juhavan. 

8. Present Optative. 

651. To form this mode, the optative endings given 
above (566 a), as made up of mode-sign and personal endings, 
are added to the unstrengthened stem. The accent is as 
already stated (645 a). The inflection is so regular that it is 
unnecessary to give here more than the first persons of a 
single verb: thus, 

aetive. middle. 

8. d. p. 8. d. p. 

1 g^irm^ ^rm s^^um pffer 5^^ pfW% 

Juhuyim Johusrava Juhny&na Juhvlya Jtihvivahi Ji^vimalii 

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

4. Present Imperative. 

652. The endings, and the mode of their combination 
with the root, have been already given. In 2d sing, act., 
the ending is f^ hi after a vowel, but ^ dhi after a con- 
sonant: ^ ho, however, forms sl^jtT juhudhi (apparently, 
in order to avoid the recurrence of ^ h in two successive 
syllables): and other examples of fu dhi after a vowel are 
found in the Veda. 

658. a. Example of inflection: 

active. middle. 

8. d. p. 8. ' d. p. 

s^c^cl i iH PAPIST ^^m 5# s|cj>c|M^ s^^j^cllH^ 

juh&vani juh4v&va Juh&v&ma Juh&vSi Juh&vftvahSi Juh&vftmahfti 

juhudhi Juhut&m Juhat& juhuQv& J^vftthftm juhudhv&m 

Juh6tu Juhut&n Juhvatu Juhutam Jiihvftt&m Jiihvat&m 
b. The verbs of the other diviaion differ here, as in the indicative, 
in the accentaation of their strong forms only: namely, in all the 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

663—] EL Preskmt-sytbm. 246 

first persons (borrowed sabjanctiyes), and in the 3d sing, act.: thus, 
(in the older language) bibhari^i etc., blbhartu, bibharfti etc 

664. Yedic inegnlaiities of inflection an: 1. the oeeasional dm of 
strong forms in 2d persons: tbns, yuyodhi, ^i^ftdhi (beside ^i^Ihl); 
ynyotam (beside sruyat&m); (yairta, d&dftta and dad&tana, d&dh&ta 
and d&dhfitana (see below, 668), pipartana, Jah6ta and juh6tana, 
yuyota and ynyotana; rarftava (666); 2. the use of dhi instead of 
hi after a Towel (only in the two instances jnst quoted); 3. the ending 
tana in 2d pi. act.: namely, besides those Just giyen, in jlg&tana, 
dhattana, mam&ttana, vivaktana, didiffana, bibhitana, Jujuftana* 
Juhutana» vav^ttana: the oases are proportionally mnch more nomerons 
in this than in any other class; 4. the ending tftt in 2d sing, act., in 
dattftt, dhattit, piprtftt, JalutftU 

6. Present Partioiple. 

606. As elaewheie, the active paitioiple-stem may be 
made mechanically &om the 3d pi. indie, by dropping ^ i: 
thus, ^<^^jdhyat, 1^[%FT bibhrat. In inflection, it has no 
distinction of strong and weak forms (444). The feminine 
stem ends in ^^ atl. The middle participles are regularly 
made: thus, ^^|H jiihvftna, {sl^lUI bibhrS^a. 

a« BY. shows an irregular accent in pipftn& (ypft drmk), 

6. Imperfeot. 

666, As already pointed out, the 3d pi. act. of this 
class takes the ending 3^ us, and a final radical vowel has 
gu^ before it. The strong forms are, as in present indic- 
ative, the three singular active persons. 

667. Examples of inflection: 

aetlTe. middle. 

8. d. p. s. d. p. 

djuhavam 4fuhuva ^fuhuma iijulivi ^uhnvahi ^uhumahi 
iiJuhOB 4fubutam 4f uhuta ^uhuthSa ^uhvathfim ^uhudhvam 

Unhot Aiuliutlmiijuhavus ^uhuta i^ttil^v&tSm tjulivata 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

247 RsDUPLicATiNa Class (tbibd, hu-CLAss). [—668 

a. From y^ bhr, the 2d and 3d sing. act. are Mf«IH4> 
ibibhar (for abibhar-s and abibhar-t] — and so in all other 
eases where the strong stem ends in a consonant. The 3d 
pi. act. is Mi^H^H ibibharus; and other like cases are 
ibibhayns, aoikayns, asuyavus. 

b. In MS., onc«, abibhrus is doubtless a false reading. 

668. The usual Tedio iiregnlarities in 2d pi. act. — strong foni\s, 
and the ending tana — oeenr in this tense also : thus, Adada t a , ddadhftta; 
Adattana, ^ahfttana. The BY. has also once apiprata for apip^ta 
in 3d sing, mid., and abibhran for abibhama in 3d pi. act. Examples 
of angmentless forms are ^i^as, viv^ Jiffftt; j{hita» gi^Ita, Jihata; 
and, with irregular strengthening, ynyoma (AY.), ynyothfis* ynyota. 

609. The roots that form their present-stem by redaplicstion are 
a very small class, especially in the modem language; they are only 
50, all told, and of these only a third (16) are met with later. It is, 
howeyer, very difficult to determine the precise limits of the class, 
because of the impossibility (referred to above, under subjunctive: 648) 
of always distinguishing its forms from those of other reduplicating 
conjugations and parts of coiijugations. 

a« Besides the iiregnlarities in tense-inflection already pointed out, 
others may be noticed as follows. 

Irregularities of the Beduplioating Glass. 

660. Besides the roots in x or ar — namely, f, ghf (usually 
written ghar), t^, pf, bhr, 8{>» hf, pro — the following roots having 
a or a as radical vowel . take i instead of a in the reduplicating 
syllable: gft go, ma insasiir«, mft bellow, q^ h& remove (mid.), vao» 
sac; vag has both 1 and a; rft has i once in RV.; for sthft, pa drink, 
ghra, han« hi, see below (670-4). 

661. Several roots of this class in final a change the a in weak 
forms to I (occasionally even to i), and then drop it altogether before 
endings beginning with a vowel. 

a. This is in close analogy with the treatment of the vowel of the 
class-sign of the na-class: below, 717. 

These roots are: 

668. 9a eharpen, act and mid. : thus, 9i9ati» ^t^Imasi, qiiphi (also 
^i^adhi: above, 664), 9i9ata, a9i9at, 9{9lte, 9{9lta. 

668. ma heUmo, act., and ma measure, mid. (rarely also act.): thus, 
mimati, mimiyat; mimito, mimate, Amimlta; mimihi, mimatu. 
RV. has onoe mimanti 3d pi. (for mimati). 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 


IX. Present-system. 


664. hfi remove, mid.: thus, j{hite, JihidhTe, Jiliate; Jihifva, 
jihatftm; ^ihlta, ajihato. QB. has jihith&m (for Jih&thftm). 

665* hfi quit, act. (originally Identical with the former), may farther 
shorten the i to i: thus, Jahftti, Jahita, jahitftt (AY.); Jahimas (AY.), 
Jahitas (TB.), Jahitam (TA.), ajahitftm (TS. AB.). In the opUtive, 
the radical Towel is lost altogether; thns, Jahyftm* Jabyns (AY.). The 
!M sing. impT., according to .the grammarians, is Jahlhi or jahihi or 
JahShi; only the first appears quotahle. 

a. Forms from an a-stem, jaha, are made for this root, and even 
deriyatiyes from a quasi-root J ah. 

666. rft give, mid.: thns, rarldhvam, rarithfts (impf. without 
augment); and, with i in reduplication, ririliL But AY. has rarftava. 

a. In those yerhs, the accent is generally constant on the reduplicating 

667. The two roots dft and dhft (the commoneBt of the class) 
lose their radical vowel altogether in the weak forms, being shortened 
to dad and dadh. In 2d sing. impy. act, they form respectively 
dehf and dhehf. In combination with a following t or th, the final 
dh of dadh does not follow the special rule of combination of a 
final sonant aspirate (becoming ddh with the t or th: 160), but — 
as also before s and dhv — the more general rales of aspirate and 
of surd and sonant combination; and its lost aspiration is thrown 
back upon the initial of the root (155). 

668. The Inflection of /dhft is, then, as follows: 

Present Indicative. 

actiye. middle, 

s. d. p. 6. d. ' p. 

1 dAdhftmi dadhv&s dadhm&s dadh6 dAdhvahe dAdhmahe 

2 d&dhfisi dhatthae dhatth& dhats6 dadhSthe dhaddhve 

3 dAdhfiti dhatt&B dAdhati dhatt6 dadhate dAdhate 

Present Optative. 
1 dadhyam dadhyava dadhy&na dAdhiya dA^vahi dAdhimahi 
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

Present Imperative. 

1 d&dhani dAdhftva d&dh&ma dAdh&i dAdh&vahfti dAdh&mah&i 

2 dhehi dhatt&m dhatt& dhatsva dadhfithSm dhaddhvam 
9 d&dh&tu dhattam dAdhatu dhattSm dadhfttftm dadhatfim 


1 Adadhftm &dadhva Adadhma Adadhi Adadhvahi Adadhmahi 

2 Adadh&B Adhattam Adhatta Adhatth&s Adadhfttham Adhaddhvam 

3 Adadh&t Adhattftm Adadhos Adhatta Adadhfttfim Adadhata 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

249 Rbduplioatino Glass (thikd, hu-CLASs). [—876 

Participles: tct. d&dhat; mid. dMhftna. 

a. In the middle (except impf.), only those forms are here accented 
for which there is authority in the accentuated texts, as there is discordance 
between the actual accent and that which the analogies of the class would 
lead ns to expect BY. has once dh&tse : dadli6 and dadhate might he 
perfects, so far as the form is concerned. RY. accents dadhit& once 
(d&dmta thrice); several other texts haye d&dhlta» d&dhlran, dAdita. 

b. The root dft is inflected in precisely the same way, with 
change everywhere of (radical) dh to d. 

669. The older language has irregularities as follows: 1. the usual 
strong forms in 2d pi., d&dhftta and 4dadhftta» d&dftta and &dad&ta; 
2. the usual tana endings in the same person, dhattana, d&dfttana» etc. 
(654, 658); 3. the 3d sing, indie, act. dadh6 (like Ist sing.); 4. the 2d 
sing. impv. act. daddhi (for both dehi and dhehi). And R. has dadmL 

670. A number of roots haye been transferred from this to the 
a- or bhfl-class (below, 749), their reduplicated root becoming a 
stereotyped stem inflected after the manner of a-stems. These roots 
are as follows: 

871. In all periods of the language, from the roots sthft standi 
pft drink, and ghrS stneU^ are made the presents tif^bftmi, p{bftmi 
(with irregular sonantizing of the second p), and jighr&mi — which 
then are inflected not like mfinftini, bat like bh&v&mi, as if from 
the present-stems tfftba, p{ba, J{ghra. 

672. In the Yeda (especially; also later), the reduplicated roots dft 
and dhft are sometimes turned into the a-stems d&da and d&dha, or 
inflected as if roots dad and dadh of the a-dass ; and single forms of the 
same character are made f^om other roots: thus, mimaiiti (ymft bellow) ^ 
r&rate (yrft give: 3d sing. mid.). 

873. In the Yeda, also, a like secondary stem, Jighna, is made horn 
yhan (with omission of the radical Towel, and conversion, usual in this 
root, of h to gh when in contact with n: 637); and some of the forms 
of 8a90, from ysac, show the same conversion to an a-stem, sa^oa. 

674. In AB. (viil. 28), a similar secondary form, Jighsra, is given to 
ylii or hft: thus, jighyati, Jighyatu. 

875. A few so-called roots of the first or root-class are the products 
of reduplication, more or less obvious: thus, Jaks (840), and probably 
9&B (from y^as) and oakf (from yk&9 or a lost root kaa see). In the 
Yeda is found also sage, from |/Bae. 

878. The grammarians reckon (as already noticed, 641) several roots 
of the most evidently reduplicate character as simple, and belonging to the 
root-class. Some of these (jfigf, daridrfty vevi) are regular intensive 
stems, and will be described below under Intenslves (1020 a, 10i24a); 
didhi $hine, together with Yedic didi shine and pipl stoell, are sometimes 
also classed as intenslves; but they have not the proper reduplication of 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

676—] IX. Presbmt-ststbm. 250 

saoh, and may perhaps be best noticed here, as reduplicated present-stems 
with irregularly long reduplicating ToweL 

a. Of pros, indie, occurs in the older language only didyati, 3d pi., 
with the pples didyat and dldhyat, and mid. didye, didhye, didh- 
yftthfim, with the pples didyftna, didhyfina, plpyftna. The subj. stems 
are did&ya» did]iaya» pip&ya» and from them are made forms with both 
primary (from dld4ya) and secondary endings (and the irregularly accented 
dXdayat and didftyat and dldhayan). No opt. occurs. In impv. we ha^e 
dXdihl (and didihl) and pipihl, and pipyatam, pipyatfim, pipyata. 
In impf., adides and plpee» &didet and Adidliet and aplpet (with 
augmentless forms), apipema (with strong form of root), and adldhayuB 
and Qrregular) apipyan, 

b. A few forms from all the three show transfer to an a-in flection ; 
thus, didhaya and pipaya (impv.), dpipayat, etc. 

o. Similar forms fh>m ymi bellow are amimet and mimayat. 

677. The stem oakSs shine (sometimes oakS9) is also regarded by 
the grammarians as a root, and supplied as such with tenses outside the 
present-system — which, however, hardly occur in genuine use. It is not 
known in the older language. 

678. The root bhas chew loses its radical vowel in weak forms, 
taking the form baps: thus, bibhasti, but bapsati (3d pL), bipsat 
(pple). For babdb&m, see 233 f. 

679. The root hhl fear is allowed by the grammarians to shorten 
its vowel in weak forms: thus, bibhimas or bibhimas, bibhSyfim or 
bibhiyftm; and Mbhiyftt etc are met with In the later language. 

680. Forms of this class from yjan give birth, with added i — thus, 
JiO^ki^ey Jajfiidlive — are given by the grammarians, but have never been 
found in use. 

681. The roots oi and oit have in the Yeda reversion of o to k in 
the root-syllable after the reduplication: thus, oik^^i, oik6the (anomalous, 
for eikyathe). oikitfim, aoiket» ofkyat (pple); oikiddhl. 

682. The root vyao has i in the reduplication (fh>m the y), and is 
contracted to vio in weak forms: thus, viYikt&Sy dviviktSm* So the 
root hvar (if its forms are to be reckoned here) has n in reduplication, 
and contracts to hur: thus, Juhiirthfis. 

III. Nasal Class (seventh, rudh-class). 
688. The roots of this olass all end in consonants. And 
their olass-sign is a nasal preceding the final consonant: in 
the weak forms, a nasal simply, adapted in character to the 
consonant; but in the strong forms expanded to the syllable 
^ ni, which has the accent. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

251 Nasal Clabb (seventh, rudh-OLASS). [—686 

a. In a few of the Teibs of the class, the nasal extends also into 
other tense stems: they aie a&J, bhafij* biiia: see below, 604. 

1. Present Indicative. 

684. Examples of inflection: a. the root ^[^yuj 
join: strong stem-form, ^^^yunij; weak, ^^T jrufij. 

For the roles of eombination of final J, see 219. 

active. middle. 

8. d. p. s. d. p. 

1 g=#T 3^^ 3^^ 3^ JfST^ U*H^ 
yrm^jmi ynfijvis sniiUmAs ynfU6 yufijv&he ynfijm&he 

2 ^ 31^^ 3^^ 3^ 3^ 5^ 

ytin&kfi yu&kth&s yoflkthA yu&ki^ yufijtthe yailigdhv6 

3 3=^ Wl. 3^ 3t 3^ P^ 

3rim&kti ynfikt&s ynfij&nti ynfikt^ sniiUate yufij&te 

b. the root '^q[^rudh obstrtwt; bases "^nm ru^dh and 
■pU rundh. 

For the roles of combination of final dh, see 163, 160. 

1 "^tnffe^ ^j'^y^ ^^rowT^ "^5=^ ^j*y^ "^01% 

mpAdhml mndhv&s nmdhm&s nuidh6 rondhv&he nindhm&he 

2 "prffH (j*^ti^ "pST "^rH 0^4 1^ "^5^ 
ru^&tBi ronddh&s ronddhi ronts^ rundhathe nuiddhv6 

3 ipnfe (j'^n^ "^^1% ^p% "pcn^ "p^i^ 

nu^dhi ronddhAs rondh&nti mnddh^ mndh^ rondh&te 

c. Instead of yofikthas, smfigdhve, and the like (here and in 
the impv. and impf.), it is allowed and more usual (231) to write 
ynfithas, 3ruiidhve, etc.; and, in like manner, rnndhas, nindhe, for 
nmddhas* nmddhe; and so in other like cases. 

685. Yedic irregolarities of infiectfon are: 1. the ordinary ose of a 
8d sing. mid. like the 1st sing., as v^fije; 2. the accent on td of 9d pi. 
mid. in afUat6» indhat6, bhufijatd. 

a. Ynna&kfi, in BhP., is doubtless a false reading. 

2. Freaent Subjunotlve. 

686. The stem is made, as usual, by adding a to the strong 
present-stem: thus, yonija. nu^idba. Below are given as if made 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 


IX. Presbnt-sybtbm: 


from yyui all the fonns for which examples have been noted as 
actually ocouring in the older langpiage. 

active. middle. 

8. d. p. B. d. p. 

1 yun&j&ni yxmij&va yun^Jama ynnajfti yiiiiiO&°^&hfti 

2 yun^as yunaj&dhvfti 

3 yim&Jat yuniOataa yun^an yunijate 

687. The RV. has once afijatas^ which is anomalous as being made 
from the weak tense-stem. Forms with double mode-sign are met with: 
thus, fq^i^&hftn (AY.), r&dlin&Tat and yunajSn (QB.); aud the only 
quotable example of 3d du. act. (besides aAlat&fl) is hin&sfttas ((SB.). 
,^B. has also hinasftvas as 1st du. act: an elsewhere unexampled form. 

8. Present Optative. 

688. The optative is made, as elsewhere, by adding the 
compounded mode-endings to the weak form of present- 
stems. Thus: 



8. d. p. 

1 yniiH^ gfOTsr gfbw ^_, , ^, 

ynfijy^ yufijyava yufijyama yufijlyd yufijlv&hi ynfijun&hi 


d. JD. 







a. AB. has once the anomalous 1st sing, act vfi&jlyam. And forms 
like bhufijiyfim -yftt, yufijiyftt, are here and there met with in the 
epics (bhufijiyatftm once in GQS.). MBh., too, has onoe bhufijltani. 



4. Present Imperative. 

689. In this class (as the roots all end in consonants) 
the ending of the 2d sing. act. is always ^ dhi. 

s. d. p. 

UHslliH ilHstN tiisiiH 

o o o 

yuniijanl yun^fiva yundjama 
yufigdhi yu&kt&m yttfikti 

3^ W^ 5^ 

yun&ktn snifikt^in ynfijAntu 


yun&Jftvah&i yun^i&malifti 

ytifikfv& yufkj^thftm ynagdhvAm 

3nifikt&n yufijitftm ynfij&tftm 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

253 Nasal Class (seyemth, rudh-OLASS). [—694 

690. There is no ocooirenoe, so far as noted, of the ending t&t in 
▼erl)8 of this class. The Teda has, as nsual, sometimes strong forms, and 
sometimes the ending tana, in the 2d pi. act. : thns, an&tta» yiin&kta, 
anaktana, pina^ (ana. 

6. Present Participle. 

691. The participles are made in this class as in the 
preceding ones: thus, act. g^rT yTxfljdnt (fem. Uyrfl ynlljati); 
mid. y^H yu£USn& (but RV. has indh&na). 

6. Imperfect. 

692. The example of the regular inflection of this tense 
needs no introduction: 

active. middle. 

B. d. p. 8. d. p. 

*4ijHsiH^ ^g^ m?^ arof^ m§^ ^m^^ 

Aytmajam &yufijva iyuiUma iyufiji dyulijvalii &ytifijmahi 
Aynnak ijraAktam dyufikta &3mftkthftB iyunjathSm &yuftgdhvam 

m^ W4'W^ ^g^ m^' ^mm\ msrf 

&3runak iiyunktftm dyufijan iyufikta dsniiUfitSm dyufijata 

a. The endings a and t are necessarily lost in the nasal class 
thronghout in 2d and 3d sing, act., unless sayed at the expense of the 
final radical consonant: which is a case of very rare occnrrence (the 
only quotable example^ were given at 665 a). 

693. The Yeda shows no irregularities In this tense. Occorrences of 
angmentless forms are found, especially in 2d and 3d sing, act., showing 
an accent like that of the present: for example, bhin&t, pfigi&k, v^&k» 
pi]^&k, rin&k. 

a. The 1st sing. act. atp^am and aoohinam (for atp^dam and 
acchinadam) were noted ahoTO, at 566 a. 

694. The roots of this class number about thirty, more than 
half of them being found only in the earlier language ; no new ones 
make their first appearance later. Three of them, afij and bhafij and 
hiikBy carry their nasal also into other tense-systems than the present. 
Two, Tfdh and nbh, make present-systems also of other classes haying 
a nasal in the class-sign: thus, fdhnoti (nu-class) and ubhnSti 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

694-—] IX. Prbsenthststem. 254 

a« Many of the roots make forms from secondary a-stems: thus, ftom 
afUa, unda, umbh&y ohinda, t^fthi* pi&9*f VX^ok* bhuiija, rundha, 
^iftf&, etc. 

Irregularities of the Nasal Class. 

695. The root t|^)i combines tp^ah with ti, tu, etc. into tfi^e^hi* 
tf]^6(Jlhu; and, according to the grammarians, has also such forms as 
tp^ehmi: see above, 224 b. 

696. The root hitiB (by origin apparently a desiderative from j/han) 
accents Irregnlarly the root-syllable in the weak forms: thns, hfAflant1» 
hiiiBte, h{&8ftna (but hin&sat etc. and hi&syit gB.). 

IV. Nu- and u-classes (fifth and eighth, su- and tan-classes). 

697. A. The present-stem of the nu-olass is made by 
adding to the root the syllable ^ nu, which then in the 
strong forms receives the accent, and is strengthened to ^ no. 

B. The few roots of the u-class (about half-a-dosen) 

end in ^ n, with the exception of the later irr^^uli^ ^ kr 

(or kar) — for which, see below, 714. The two classes, 

then, are closely correspondent in form; and they are wholly 

accordant in inflection. 

a. The u of either class-Bign is allowed to be dropped before 
V and m of the 1st du. and 1st pi. endings, except when the root 
(nu-dass) ends in a consonant; and the u before a vowel-ending 
becomes v or uv, according as it is preceded by one or by two 
consonants (129 a). 

1. Present Indicative. 

698. Examples of inflection: A. nu-class; root 
T{ su press out\ strong form of stem, "^t 8un6; weak form. 

W( sunu. 


1 §^ 








2 g^lftr 







Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

255 IfU- AND U- (FIFTH AND EIGHTH, 8U- AND tan-CLASSES). [—700 

3 HHlfd HjHH^ H'^lltl 2^ ^-^Ic) g^^ 

8un6ti Biinutis sav&nti 8uiiut6 sunvite sunv&te 

a. The fonoB sunv&s, sunm&s, sonv&he, simm&he are alter- 
native with those given here for Ist du. and pL, and in practioe are 
more common. From >^ftp, however (for example), only the forms 
with u can occur: thns, ftpnuv&s, &pnn]n&he; and also only &pnu- 
v&nti» &pnuv6, ftpnuv&te. 

B. u-class; root cR tan stretch: strong form of stem, 

fnt tan6: weak, rR tanu. 

1 ci-iIIh rF^rq;^ cPTH^ cF^ fF^ cFR% 

tan6mi tanv&s tanmis tanv6 tanv&he tanm&he 
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

b. The inflection is so precisely like that given above that it 
is not worth writing out in full. The abbreviated forms in 1st du, 
and pi. are presented here, instead of the fuller, which rarely occur 
(as no double consonant ever precedes). 

600. a. In the older language, no strong 2d persons dn. or pL^ 
and no thana-ending, chance to occoi (but they are numerous in the 
impy. and impl: see below). The BY. h&s several cases of the irregular 
accent in 3d pi. mid.: thus, Iq^vat^, tanvate, manvat^, vp^vat^, 

b. In RV. occur also several 3d pi. mid. in ire from present-stems 
of this class : thus, invlre» rvvire, pinvlre, gp^vird, 8unvir6, hlnvird. 
Of these, pinvire, and hinvird might be perfects without reduplication 
from the secondary roots pinv and hlnv (below, 716). The 2d sing. mid. 
(with passive value) ^p^vif^ (RV.) is of anomalous and questionable 

2. Present Subjunotive. 

700. The subjunctive mode-stem is made in the usual manner, 
by adding a to the gnnated and accented class-sign: thus, sunAva, 
tan&va. In the following scheme are given all the forms of which 
examples have been met with in actual use in the older language 
from either division of the class; some of them are quite numerously 
represented there. 

active. middle. 

s. d. p. 8. d. p. 

1 8i2n4vftni sun&vftva sonivftma sun&vfti snn&v&vahfti sanivfixnahfii 

2 BxmkvtM Bun&Tatha sun&vase snnivftithe 

3 BunAvat Bim&van J*^™^**® Bun&vanta 


Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


IX. Present-system. 


701. Of the briefer Ist sing, act, RY. has k^avft and hinav&. 
Forms with double mode-sign occur (not in RV.): thus, kfi^vftt and 
karavat (AY.); a^nav&tha (K.), k)r:^vfttha (YS.; but -vatha in 
Kanva-text), karavfttha (QB.). On the other hand, afnavatfti is found 
once (in TS.). Forms like apnav&niy ardhnuvat, a9nuvat, met with 
now and then in the older texts, are doubtless to be regarded as false 
readings. RY. has in a single passage kpoLvSite (instead of kfi^vftite); 
the only form in &ithe is agn&vftithe. 

3. Present Optative. 

702. The combined endings (566) are added, as usual, 
to the weak tense-stem: thus, 

active. middle, 

s. d. p. s. d. p. 

^ S5^ W^ ^TS^ W^ g=^t^ tj-4lHf<^ 

Bunuyam sunuyava sunuyama Bunviy& sunviv&hi sun^m&hi 
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

a. From /ftp, the middle optative would be ftpnuviy& — and so 
in other like cases. 

4. Present Imperative. 

703. The inflection of the imperative is in general like 
that in the preceding classes. As regards the 2d sing, act., 
the rule of the later language is that the ending i% hi is 
taken whenever the root itself ends in a consonant; other- 
wise, the tense- (or mode-) stem stands by itself as 2d per- 
son (for the earlier usage, see below, 704). An example of 
inflection is: 

active. middle. 

8. d. 

son&vani sunAvftva san&vftma 




simut&m 8nnat& 
sunut^ smiv&nta 

6. d. p. 

sun&v&i Bun&vftvalifti sun&vfimahfii 
Bunu^vi Bunvfltliftm stinudhv&m 

Bunuttm Bunvtltfim 


Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

257 Wu- AND U- (FIFTH AND EIGHTH, BU- AND tan-)GLABSES. [—706 

a. From }/ftp, the 2d sing, aet would be ftpnnbf; from j/a^, 
a^nohl; from ydhf^f dh^p|niih£; and so on. From |/ftp, too, would 
be made fipnuv&ntu, apnuvathftm, apnuvat&m, ftpnuv&tftm. 

704. In tlie earliest laDguage, the rule as to the omission of hi 
after a root with final Yowel does not hold good: in BV., suoh forms as 
inuhi, Iq^iihf, oinuhi, dhunuhi, 9p^iih{, spf^olil, hinuhi, and 
tanuhi, Banuhiy are nearly thrice as frequent in use as ini^, 979^9 
sun6, tanUy and their like; in AV., however, they are only one sixth 
as frequent; and in the Brihmanas they appear only sporadically: even 
9l^tidh{ (with dhi) occurs seyeral times in BV. BY. has the 1st sing, 
act. hinavft. The ending tat is found in kp^ut&t and hinutftt, and 
kurut&t. The strong stem-form is found in 2d du. act. in hinotam and 
kfi^otam; and in 2d pi. act. in k7]^6ta and kp^6tana, 9p^6ta and 
^fi^otanay 8un6ta and 8tin6tana9 hin6ta and hinotana, and tanota, 
kar6ta« The ending tana occurs only in the forms Just quoted. 

5. Present Fartioiple. 

705. The endings ^RFT &nt and 9H find are added to the 
weak foim of tense stem: thus, from VH su come act. W^r{ 
snnv&nt (fem. H^cfl snnvati), mid. h-^H flunvanA; from yfR 
tan, H*«lrl tanvdnt (fem. r?^Irft tanvati), r?^rR tanvBnA. From 
yW^ ftp, they aie ^Bn^^FT^SpnuvAnt and MIM(MH apnuvftnA. 

6. Imperfect. 

706. The combination of augmented stem and endings 
is according to the rules already stated: thus, 

active. middle, 

s. d. p. s. d. p. 

«^Ho|ij^ 5r^p *«HHH 44Hpc| M^jc|% M^Hf^ 

&8unavam dsunuva dsunuma dsunvi isunuvahi dsunumahi 


*4^HHH^ 3^^ Jb4HH«im^ ^j^miq ^35^ 

d^unoB dflunutam dsunuta dsunuthfts dsunvftthftm dsunudhvam 

5nR%^ MHHHIH^ *IH'<^H^ M^rl MH-<MIHIH^ MH*<^H 
dstinot dsunut&m dsunvan dsunuta dsunvfitSm dsunvata 

a. Here, as elsewhere, the briefer forms dsunvay &8unma» dsun- 
vahi, dsunmahi are allowed, and more usual, except from roots 
with final consonant, as dhjp^i which makes, for example, always 
ddhfipi^uma etc., and also ddb|ip^uvan, ddhrfi^uvi, ddh^fi^uvathSm, 
&dli{^avfttam» ddh^i^uvata. 

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 17 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

707—] IX. PRB8EMT-SYSTBM. 258 

707. Strong stem-forms and tana-ending are found only in RY., in 
alq^ota, akp^tana. Angmentless forms with accent are miny&n, 

708. About fifty roots make, either ezoluBively or in part, their 
present-forms after the manner of the nu-class : half of them do so 
only in the older language; three or four, only in the later. 

a. As to transfers to the a-conjngation, see below, 716. 

700. The roots of the other division, or of the u-olass, are 
extremely few, not exceeding eight, even including tf on account 
of tarat6 BY., and han on account of the occurrence of hanoml 
once in a Siitra (PGS. i. 3. 27). BR. refer the stem inu to in of the 
u-clasB instead of i of the nu-class. 

Irregularities of the nu and u-olasses. 

710. The root t{p be pleased is said by the grammarians to retain 
the n of its class-sign nnlingaalized In the later langnage — where, howeyer, 
forms of conjugation pt this class are very rare; while In the Yeda the 
regular change is made; thus, tpp^u. 

711. The root 9ru hear is \»>ntracted to gr before the class-sign, 
forming 9p^6 and 9|i^u as stem. Its forms 9p^vi9^ and 9f]|^Tir6 
have been noted above (690 b). 

712. The root dhti shake in the later language (and rarely in 
B. and S.) shortens its vowel, making the stem-forms dhun6 and 
dhunu (earlier dhan6, dhOnu). 

718. The so-called root un^u, treated by the native grammarians as 
dissyllabic and belonging to the root-class (I.), 1e properly a present-stem 
of this class, with anomalous contraction, from the root vx (or var). In 
the Yeda, it has no forms which are not regularly made according to the 
nu-class ; but in the Brahmana langnage are found sometimes sach forms 
as tbn^ftuti, as if from an u-root of the root class (620); and the gram- 
marians make for it a perfect, aorist, future, etc. Its 2d sing. impv. act 
is un^u or un^uhi; its imp f., ftun^os, aur^ot; its opt. mid., Gr^uvita 
(K.) or uri?vit& (TS.). 

714. The extremely common root SR ky (or kar) make 
is in the later language inflected in the piesentHsystem ex- 
clusively according to the u-class (being the only root of 
that class not ending in ^ n). It ha« the irregularity that 
in the strong form of stem it (as well as the class-sign) has 
the guijia-streiigthening, and that in the weak form it is 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

259 Nu- AND U- (FIFTH AND EIGHTH, BU- AND tan-) CLASSES. [—714 

changed to kur, so that the two forms of stem are efrft kar6 
and c^ kuru. The class-sign 3 u is always dropped be- 
fore cT y and T[m of the 1st du. and pi., and also before 
IT y of the opt. act. Thus: 




1 «3hUIH 

1. Present Indicative. 

active. middle, 

d. p. 8. d. 

knrv&a knrm&s karv6 kurv&he 

W^ TW f^ 5^ 

karath&8 kuruthd koruf 6 kurvithe 

kumt&B kurv&nti koratd knrvate 

kuryiva kury^bna 
etc. etc 

2. Present Optative. 

jaw j^Kii j^firi% 

kurviyi knrviv&hi 
etc. etc. 






3. Present Imperative. 
4i(c<|[UI °h(Q|N ^{mn ^v^ +(c||o|^ *|cjiH^ 
kar&vfti^i kar&vftva kar&vSma karivfii kar&vavahfti kar&vftmah&i 


kurut^ kuruti 

kuru9v& kurvathftm kurudhv&m 

kurutam kurv&ntu kurutam kurvatftm 


4. Present Participle. 
cn<^t1 kurvtot (fern. <4HH1 kurvati) SR^TO kurvaijii 

akaravam ikurva 






^kurutam ikuruta 

w^sim^ 35ij5rranw mj^^m^j^ 

iikuruthSs ikurvathSm ikurudhvam 

O V -S. O -Xv 

&kurutftm &kurvan 


ikurvfttSm dkurvata 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

716 — ] IX. Present-system. 260 

715. In BY., this root is regularly iuflected iu the present-system 
according to the nu-class, making the stem- forms ]q^6 and kp^u; the 
only exceptions are kurmas once and kum twice (all in the tenth book); 
in AV.i the nu-forms are still more than six times as fteqnent as the 
u-forms (nearly half of which, moreover, are in prose passages); bnt in 
the Brahmana language and later, the u-forms are used to the exclusion 
of the others. 

a. As 1st sing. pres. act. is found kurml in the epos. 

b. What irregular forms from kf as a verb of the nu-class occur in 
the older language have been already noticed aboye. 

o. The isolated form tarut^, ftom ytf, shows an apparent analogy 
with these u-forms from ky. 

710. A few verbs belonging originally to these classes have been 
shifted, in part or altogether, to the a-class, their proper class-sign 
having been stereotyped as a part of the root. 

a. Thus, in BY. we find forms both from the stem inu (yi or in), 
and also from Inva, representing a derivative quasi-root inv (and these 
latter alone occur in AY.). So likewise forms from a stem fnnva beside 
those from ftpi (Vf); and from hinva beside those from hinu (yU). 
The so-oaUed roots jinv and pinv are doubtless of the same origin, although 
no forms firom the stem pinu are met with at any period — unless pinTire 
(above, 600b) be so regarded; and AY. has the participle pinv&nt, f. 
pinvati. The grammarians set up a root dhinv, bat only forms from 
dhi (stem dhinu) appear to occur in the present-system (the aorist 
adhinvit is found in PB.). 

b« Occasional a-forms are met with also from other roots: thus, 
cinvata etc., dunvasva. 

V. NS-class (ninth or kri-class). 

717. The class-sign of this class is in the strong forms 
the syllable RT nft, accented, which is added to the root; 
in the weak forms, or where the accent falls upon the end- 
ing, it is ^ nl; but before the initial vowel of an ending 
the ^ I of ^ nl disappears altogether. 

1. Present Indioative. 

718. Example of inflection: root ^ kri btty: strong 
form of stem, ^fHiTT krl^; weak form, ihlui) krl^I (before 
a vowel, gfittn krl]^). 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

261 NftrOLASS (NINTH, kri.-OLASS). - [—722 

active. middle, 

s. d. p. 8. d. p. 

1 shImiiH gtOuiic^4 ^ ghlu i lHH ^ w^ gfHui^M^ gtOunH^ 

kru^ami kni^iv&s krmlm&s krii^6 kri^iv&he krii^Im&he 

2 stOui i i^ cRhnkq^ gjWk g^lufiM ^lu ii Sl ghiufly 

kn^ati krinit&B kru^ti krl^it^ kri^ate krii^te 
710. In the Veda, the 3d Blng. mid. haa the same form with the 1st 
in gpgie ; the peculiar accent of 3d pi. mid. is seen in punat6 and rh^at^ ; 
and vp^imah6 (beside vp^m&he) occurs once in RV. 

2. Present Subjiinotiye. 

720. The subjunctive fonns which have been found exemplified 
in Veda and Brahmana are given below. The subjunctive mode-stem 
is, of course, indistinguishable in form from the strong tense-stem. 
And the 2d and 3d sing. act. (with secondary endings) are indistin- 
guishable from augmentless imperfects. 

active. middle, 

s. d. p. 8. d. p. 

1 krijiani 


kru^ftf krii^vah&i kri^Smahfti 

2 krii^as 



3 kriijat 


kri^atfii kn^&ntfii 

3. Present Optative. 

721. This mode is formed and inflected with entire 
regularity ; owing to the fusion of tense-sign and mode-sign 
in the middle, some of its persons are indistinguishable from 
augmentless imperfects. Its first persons are as follows: 

active. middle. 

8. d. p. 8. d. p. 

1 5hluiiuiH^ chiufinN s+nufiuiH 5h1unu ^rfWkf^ chluiinf^ 

krii^yam krii;iiyava kri^iyama kriniy& krmiv&hi kri^m&hi 

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

4. Present Imperative. 

722. The ending in 2d sing, act., as being always pre- 
ceded by a vowel, is f^hi (never ^ dhi); and there are no 
examples of an omission of it. But this person is forbidden 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

722—] ' IX. Present-system. 262 

to be formed in the classical language from roots ending in 
a consonant; for both class-sign and ending is substituted 
the peculiar ending m^ &nd. 

actiTe. middle. 
B. d. p. B. d. p. 

1 5t51uil(H ^hluiN 5hTmiH 5ffl§l cffluiN^ ctiluilH^ 

krli^^uii kru^ava krii^ama krii^ krii^avahSi krliySmahai 

kriTjThf kri^t&m kri^t& krii^if v& krii^thSm kri^idhv&m 

krli^tu kriQltam kru^&ntu kri^itam kru^atftm kru^tam 
a. Examples of the ending &n& in 2d sing, act are a9&na» 
grhft3^&, badh&n&, 8tabhan&. 

728. The ending ana is known alBO to the earliest language ; of the 
examples Jnst given, all are fonnd in AY., and the flrst two in RY.; others 
are i^Sj^ta, mu^ai^, Bkabhftna. But AY. has also gnrbh^ihi (also AB.), 
and even gfhnahi, with strong stem; BhP. has badhnihi. Strong stems 
are farther fonnd in gp^fihi and Bt|^&lii (TS.), pp^Shi (TB.), and 
grinfihi (Apast), and, with anomalous accent, punfihi and 9|n^ah{ (SY.) ; 
and, in 2d pi. act., in pun^ta (RY.). The ending tat of 2d sing. act. 
occurs in Gnrli:^lt&t, jftnitat, punitat. The ending taaa is found in 
piinlt&na» p^itana, ^rli^tana. 

5. Present Participle. 

724. The participles are regularly formed: thus, for 
example, act. chlUH krlijiAnt (fem. ©fftnicft krli^ati); mid. 
chluiH krl^Lftud. 

6. Imperfect. 

725. There is nothing special to be noted as to the 
inflection of this tense: an example is — 

active. middle. 

8. d. p. s. d. p. 

Akru^ftm Akri^iva Akri^ima &kri]^ &kri]^ivahi &k]A]^mahi 

&knna8 &krii^itam &krinita dkrii^thas Akru^thSm Akxii^dhvam 
ikriijiat ikrimtfim iki^an dkrlnita ^ikri^tfim dkiinata 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

263 Ka-GLASS (ninth, kri-OLASfi). [—732 

786« It hfts been pointed oat above that augmentlesB persons of this 
tense are in part indistinguishable in form firom subjunctive and optative 
persons. Such as certainly belong here are (in Y.) k^iiyftm ; a^nan, 
ri^An; g^blu^ta, vpiata. The AY. has once mlnit instead of min&t. 
MBh. has a^niB after mfi. 

8. A.6. has the false form i^ftnimas, and in AA. occurs avp^Ita as 
3d plural. 

727. The roots which form their present-syBtems, wholly or in 
part, after the manner of this class, are over fifty in number: bnt, for 
about three fifths of them, the forms are quotable only from the older 
language, and for half-a-dozen they make theirfirst appearance later; 
for less than twenty are they in use through the whole life of the 
language, from the Veda down. 

a. As to secondary a-stems, see 731. 

IrregiLlarities of the nft-class. 

728. a. The roots ending in u shorten that vowel before the 
class-sign: thus, from yp% puniti and punlt^; in like manner also 
ju, dhu, lu. 

b. The root vll (B.S.) forms either vlina or vlinfi. 

729. The root grabh or grah (the former Vedic) is weakened 
to g^bh or g^h. 

a. As the perfect also in weak forms has g^bh or g^h, it is not 
easy to see why the grammarians should not have written f instead of ra 
in the root. 

730. a. A few of the roots have a more or less persistent nasal 
in forms outside the present-system; such are without nasal before 
the class-sign: thus, grath or granth» badh or bandh, math or 
manth, skabh or akambh, atabh or stambh. 

b. The root jfia also loses its nasal before the class-sign: thus, 
J&nati, janit^. 

731. Not rarely, forms showing a transfer to the a-oonjugation 
are met with: thus, even in RV., minati, minat, aminanta, from 
ywi; in AV., 9Ti^a from y<f^; later, g^hi^a, j&na, prl^a» mathna, 
etc. And from roots pi^ and m^ are formed the stems pp^& and 
mfi^, which are inflected after the manner of the &-class, as if from 
roots pp^ and m^. 

732. In the Veda, an apparently denominative inflection of a 
stem in &y& is not infrequent beside the conjugation of roots of this 
class: thus, g^bhfty&y math&y&ti, a^rathayas, skabhfty&ta, astabh- 
ftyat, pm^fty&nte, mu^fty&t, and so on. See below, 1066 b. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

783—] IDL Prbsbkt-system. 264 

Second or a-Conjugation. 
783. We come now to the classes which compose the 
Second or a-Conjugation. These aie moie markedly 
similar in their mode of inflection than the preceding classes; 
their common characteristics, already stated, may be here 
repeated in summary. They are : 1 . A final a in the present- 
stem; 2. a constant accent, not changing between stem and 
ending; 3. a briefer form of the optative mode-sign in the 
active, namely I instead of y& (combining in both voices 
alike with a to e); 4. the absence of any ending (except 
when tSt is used) in 2d sing. impv. act.; 5. the conversion 
of initial ft of the 2d and 3d du. mid. endings with final a 
of the stem to e; 6. the use of the full endings ante, anta, 
antSm in 3d pi. mid. forms; 7. the invariable use of an 
mot us] in 3d pi. impf. act.; 8. and the use of mSna instead 
of ftna as ending of the mid. pple. Moreover, 9. the stem- 
final a becomes & before m and v of 1st personal endings — 
but not before am of 1st sing, impf.: here, as before the 
3d pi. endings, the stem-final is lost, and the short a of the 
ending remains (or the contrary): thus, bhdvanti (bh&va-f- 
anti), bhdvante (bhava-|-ante], ibhavam (ibhava + am). 

a. All these characteristics belong not to the inflection of the 
a-present-system alone, but also to that of the a-, reduplioated, and 
sa-aorists, the s-fdtnre, and the desiderative, causative, and demon- 
inative present-stems. That is to say, wherever in conjugation an 
a-stem is found, it is inflected in the same manner. 

VI. A-class (first, bha-class). 
734. The present-stem of this class is made by adding 
?[ a to the root, which has the accent, and, when that is 
possible (235, 240), is strengthened to gtu^. Thus, Hof 
bh&va from >/H bhtl; sHJ jaya from v% ji; ^)u b6dha from 
1/5JU budh; H^ sdrpa from yw^ syp; — but cR" vdda from 
yST^- vad; cRlI kri^a from V^Fffe krl^. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC * 

265 A-CLASS (FIRST, bhU-CLAS8). [—737 

1. Present Indioatiye. 

785. The endings and the rules for theii combination 
with the stem have been already fully given, foi this and 
the other parts of the present-system; and it only remains 
to illustrate them by examples. 

a. Example of inflection: root ^ bhtl be\ stem ^cf 
bh&ya (bho+a: 181). 

active. middle. 

8. d. p. 8. d. p. 

1 HcItIh Hc||o|H^ HcimVJ^ ^ He||oi^ HcllH^ 

bhivami bh&vftvas bh&vftmas bh&ve bh&vSvahe bh&vfimahe 

bh&vasi bh&vathas bh&vatha bh&vasebMvethe bh&vadhve 

bh&vati bh&vatas bh&vanti bh&vate bh&vete bh&vante 

b. The y. has hut a single example of the thana-ending, namely 
v&dathana (and no other in any class of this conjugation). The Ist pi. 
mid. manSmah^ (RV., once) is prohahly an error. RV. has 96bhe once 
as 3d singular. 

2. Present Subjunotiye. 

786. The mode-stem is bhiyft (bh4ya+a). Subjunctive forms 
of this coi\jugation are very numerous in the older language; the 
following scheme instances all that have been found to occur. 

active. middle. 

8. d. p. 8. d. p. 

1 bh&y&ni bhivftva bh&vama bhiv&i bh&y&vahfti bhivfimah&i 

• K;r '"«•" -'«" crjL •>"«"• c:ss> 

787« The 2d du. mid. (bh&vaithe) does not chance to occur in this 
class; and y&tdite is the only example of the 3d person. No such pi. 
mid. forms as bhAvadhvey bh&vante are made from any class with stem- 
final a; such as bh&vanta (which are very common) are, of course, prop- 
erly augmentless imperfects. The Brahmanas (especially QB.) prefer the 
2d sing. act. in ftsi and the 3d in at. AB. has the 3d sing. mid. haratEi ; 
and a 3d pi. i^ antfti (yartant&i KB.) has heen noted once. RV. has 
examples, aroft and mada, of the hriefer 1st sing. act. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


IX. Present-system. 


8* Present Optative. 
788. The scheme of optative endings as combined with 
the final of an a-stem was given in full above (566). 
actiye. middle. 

•bh&veyam bh&veva 



p. 8. d. p. 

bh&vema bh&veya bh&vevahi b^&vemahl 
bhivetam bh&veta bh&vethfts bh&vey&tham bh&vedhvam 

bhivetim bhiveyus bh&veta bh&veyatSm bh&veran 

a. The BV. has once the 3d pi. mid. bharerata (for one other 
example, see 752 b). AY. has udeyam from |/vad. 

b. A few instances are met -with of middle 3d persons from a-stems 
in ita and (yery rarely) iran, instead of eta and eran. For conyenience, 
they may he put together here (excepting the more numerous cansatiye 
forms, for which see 1048 c); they are (so far as noted) these: nayita S. 
and later, QafiBita S., 9rayita S. ; dhayita S., dhyftyita U., hvayita 
A6. S. and hvayiraa S., dhmftylta U. An active form ^a^iy&t G. is 
isolated and anomalons. 

4. Present Imperative. 


An example of the imperative inflection is: 

active. middle. 

8. d. p. s. d. p. 

1 ^T^TI^ HoTPr ^J^im ^ Hc{\di\ HoflH^ 

bh&vftni bh&vava bh&vftma bh&vai bh&vavah&i bh&vamah&i 

bh&va bh&vatam bh&vata bhivasva bh&vethftm bh&vadhvam 

bh&vatu bh&vatam bh&vantu ' bh&vatam bh&vet&m bh&vantfim 

740. The ending tana in 2d pi. act. is as rare in this whole conjuga- 
tion as is thana in the present: the Y. affords only bhajatana in the 
a-class (and nahyatana in the ya-class : 760 c). The ending tat of 2d 
sing, act., on the other hand, is not rare; the RV. has avatat, O^t&t, 
dahat&t, bhavat&t, yacchatfit, yftcatat, r&k^atat, vahatfit ; to which 
AV. adds jinvatat, dhftvatat; and the Brahmanas hiing other examples. 
MS. has twice svadatu (parallel texts hoth times svadati): compare 
similar cases in the &-clas8: 752 c. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

267 A-CLAS8 (FIRST, bhU-CLASS). [—744 

6. Present Fartioiple. 

741. The endings 1^ ant and V[H mSna aie added to 
the piesent-stem, with loss, before the former, of the final 
stem-vowel: thus, act. H^H bhivant (fem. ^IcJtft bh&vanti); 
mid. H«=<MH bh&vamSna. 

a* A small number of middle participles appear to be made from 
stems o'f this class (as of other a-olasses: see 762 e» 1043 f) by the 
suffix ana Instead of mftna : thus, namftna, paoftna» Qik^Sjjia, svajftna, 
hvay&na (all epic), mc^jftna and kafftna (later); and there are Vedic 
examples (as oy&vftna, prath&n&, y&t&na or yatfind, 9umbhftna, all 
RV.) of which the character, whether present or aorist, is doubtful : compare 
840, 862. 

6. Imperfeet. 

742. An example of the imperfect inflection is: 

actiye. middle. 

s. d. p. 8. d. p. 

5M^ ^MoTR ^M^nq 5M^ 5WRlori% 5McTFrf% 

dbhavam &bhavSva &bhav&nia &bhave &bhavftvahi &bhavftmahi 
^RSFT^ 5R^rT^ ?WcJcT ^M^icnq^ ^W^PIW SM^T^W 
abhavas Abhavatctm &bhavata ^bhavathas &bhavethftm ibhavadhvam 

dbhavat &bhavatain &bhavan &bhavata &bhavet&m &bhavanta 

748* No forms in tana are made in this tense f^om any a-class. 
Examples of augmentless forms (which are not uncommon) are: oy&vam, 
ivas, d&has, b6dliat» bh&rat, c&ran, n&gan; bftdhathas, v&rdhata, 
96canta. The subjunctively used forms of 2d and 3d sing. act. are more 
frequent than those of either of the proper subjunctive persons. 

744. A far larger number of roots form their present-Bystem 
according to the a-class than according to any of the other classes: 
in the RV., they are about two hundred and forty (nearly two fifths 
of the whole body of roots); in the AV., about two hundred (nearly 
the same proportion); for the whole language, the proportion is still 
larger, or nearly one half the whole number of present-stems : namely, . 
over two hundred in both earlier and later language, one hundred 
and seventy-five in the older alone, nearly a hundred and fifty in the 
later alone. Among these are not a few transfers from the classes 
of the first conjugation: see those classes above. There are no roots 
ending in long a — except a few which make an a-stem in some 
anomalous way: below, 749a. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

745—] . IX. Present-system. 268 

Irregularities of the a-olass. 

746. A few verbs have irregular vowel-changes in forming the 
pre9ent-stem: thus, 

a. uh consider has giu^a-strengthening (against 240): thus, 6hate. 

b. ]q^ (or krap) lament^ on the contrary, remains unchanged: thus, 

o. GH^ hide has prolongation instead of gu^a: thus, gt&hati. 

d. kram stride regularly lengthens its Towel in the aotiye, hut not 
in the middle: thus, kr&nati, kr&mate; hut the yowel-quantities are 
somewhat mixed up, even from the oldest language down; — klam tire is 
said to form klSmati etc., but is not quotable ; — cam with the prepo- 
sition a rinse the mouth forms ^Smati. 

6. In the later language are found occasional forms of this class from 
m|j wipe ; and they show the same VTddhi (instead of gru^a) which belongs 
to the root in its more proper inflection (627): thus, marjasva. 

f. The grammarians giTe a number of roots in nrv, which they declare 
to lengthen the u in the present-stem. Only three are found in (quite 
limited) use, and they show no forms anywhere with short u. All appear 
to be of secondary formation from roots in t^ or ar. The root muroh or 
murch coagulate has likewise only u in quotable forms. 

g. The onomatopoetic root ^fluv spew is written by the grammarians 
as 9thlv, and declared to lengthen its Towel in the present-system: com- 
pare 240 b. 

746. The roots dafL9 hitcy rafy color, aaSJ hang, svafij embrace, 
of which the nasal is in other parts of the conjugation not constant, 
lose it in the present-system: thus, d&Qati etc.; safij forms both 
sajati and sajjati (probably for sajyati, or for saejati from sasa^ 
jati); math or manth has mathati later. In general, as the present 
of this class is a strengthening formation, a root that has such a nasal 
anywhere has it here also. 

747. The roots gam go and yam reach make the present-stems 
g&ccha and y&ooha: thus, g&ochSmi etc.: see 608. 

748. The root sad sit forms sida (conjectured to be contracted 
from Bisda for sisada): thus, sidfimi etc. 

740. Transfers to this class from other classes are not rare, as 
has been already pointed out above, both throughout the present- 
system and in occasional forms. The most Important cases are the 
following : 

a. The roots in a,'Bth& stand, pft drink, and ghrfi smeU, form 
the present-stems ti^^ha (tf^^hami etc.), piba (pibami etc.), and 
j{ghra (jighrami etc.): for these and other similar cases, see 671-4. 

b. Secondary root-forms like inv, jinv, pinv, from simpler roots 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

269 Accented &-class (sixth, tud-CLAss). [—752 

of the nu-class, are either found alongside their originals, or have 
crowded these out of use: see 716. 

750. On the other hand, the root dham or dhmft blow forms 
its present-stem from the more original form of the root: thus, 
dh&mati etc. 

VII. Accented &-cla88 (sixth, tud-class). 

751. The present-stem of this class has the accent on 
the class-sign ^ &, and the root remains unstrengthened. In 
its whole inflection, is follows so closely the model of the 
preceding class that to give the paradigm in full will be 
unnecessary (only for the subjunctive, all the forms found 
to occur will be instanced). 

752. Example of inflection: root ^RT VI9 enter] stem 

1. Present Indicative. 

actiTe. middle. 

8. d. p. 8. d. p. 

1 f^5n1q 1%5nRR f^mrn^ ^ Uw4^ ^m^ 

Yi(^imi vi9iva8 vi9ama8 vi<^^ vi9avahe vi9amahe 
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

2. Present Subjunctive. 
1 vi9ani vi9ava vi9ama vi9ft{ viQavah&i vi9^ah&i 

» 0t -'^*- ^'^ KJSi ^'^*^ ^'*"*" 

a. A single example of the briefer Ist sing, act is ni|>k^ The only 
forms in aithe and Site are pp^aithe and yuv&ite. 

8. Present Optative. 

vi96yani vi96va viQ^ma vi96ya vi96valii vi9dmalii 
etc. etc. etc. efc. etc. etc. 

b. The RY. has the ending tana once in tiretana 2d pi. act., and 
rata in Ju^erata 3d pi. mid. 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

752 — ] IX. Present-system. 270 

4. Present Imperative. 

The first persons having been given above as subjunc- 
tives, the second are added here: 

vi9& vi9&tain vi^&ta viQ&sva -viq^thSm. vi^&dhvam 
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

c. The ending tat Is found In BY. and AY. in mir^atftt, v^hatat, 
Buvatat; other examples are not infrequent in the Brihmana language: 
thus, khidatfit, ohyatat, pf^ochatat, vi^atat, Sfjatat; and later, sp^^a- 
tat. The 3d sing. act. nudatu and mufioatu occur in Sutras (cf. 740). 

6. Present Participle. 

The active participle is I^RRT vi9dnt; the middle is 
fsRPTH vi9amSna. 

d. The feminine of the active participle is usually made from the 
strong stem-form: thus, vl94nti; but sometimes from the weak: thus, 
Biiio&ntX and siiicatl (RY. and AY.), tud&nti and tudatl (AY.): see 
aboye, 449 d, e. 

e. Middle participles in ana instead of mana are dhuv&n&, dh^ai^A, 
li9ana, 9yana, in the older language; lqp9ana» miiiioana, 8pt9ftna in 
the later (cf. 741 a). 

6. Imperfect. 

1 qfira^^ Jb^ftn i N MUkm 35rf^ JMJMitiNr^ Jbiic^iiiiHi^ 

&vi9am &vi9ava &vi9ama &vi9e &vl9avahi &vi9amahi 
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

f. Examples of augmentless forms accented are 8)j&B, 8f>j&t, tir&nta. 

g. The a-aorist (846 ff.) is in general the equivalent, as regards its 
forms, of an imperfect of this class. 

763. Stems of the &-clas8 are made from nearly a hundred and 
fifty roots: for about a third of these, in both the earlier and the 
later language ; for a half, in the earlier only; for the remainder, 
nearly twenty, only in the later language. Among them are a number 
of transfers from the classes of the non-a-conjugation. 

a. In some of these transfers, as p^ and mp^ (731), there takes 
place almost a setting-up of independent roots. 

b. The stems ioehd, uooh&, and f0ch& are reckoned as belonging 
respectively to the roots i^ desire, vas shine, and ^ go. 

o. The roots written by the Hindu grammarians with final o — 
namely, oho» do> 90, and so — and forming the present-stems ohy&9 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

271 AOOBNTBD &-GLASS (SIXTH, tud-OLASS). [—769 

dy&9 9y&» sy&» are more properly (as having an accented & in the stem) 
to be reckoned to this class than to the ya-class, where the native oUssi- 
flcatlon puts them (see 761 g). They appear to be analogous with the 
stems k^jra, sva, hva, noted below (755). 

754. The roots ttom which 4-stems are made have certain noticeable 
pecnlarities of form. Hardly any of them have long vowels, and none have 
long Interior vowels; very few have final vowels; and none (save two or 
three transfers, and yi»ii be ashamedf which does not occur in any accen- 
tuated text, and is perhaps to be referred rather to the a-class) have a as 
radical vowel, except as this forms a combination with r, which Is then 
reduced with it to f or some of the usual substitutes of p. 

IrregularitieB of the i-olass. 

756. The roots in i and u and Q change thoge vowels into iy 
and uv before the class-sign: thus, kfiyi, yuv&, ruv&; 8uv&» etc.; 
and 8va» hva occur, instead of suva and huva, in the older language, 
while TS. has the participle k^yint. K. has dh^va from /dhtL 

756. The three roots in ^ form the present-stems kir&» gir4 
(also gila), tir&, and are sometimes written as kir etc.; and gar, Jur, 
tur are really only varieties of g^, Jr» tf; and bhur and sphur are 
evidently related with other ar or ^ root-forms. 

a. The common root prach ask makes the stem pir<'ch&. 

757. As to the stems -driy& and -priya, and inriy4 and dhriy&, 
sometimes reckoned as belonging to this class, see below, 773. 

758.' Although the present-stem of this class shows in general 
a weak form of the root, there are nevertheless a number of roots 
belonging to it which are strengthened by a penultimate nasal. Thus, 
the stem mufioi is made from ymxto release; 8i£io& from ]/8ic sprinkle; 
vind& from yvid Jind; kpit& from yk^ cut; piiu^k from )/pi9 
adorn; tpnpk from yt^ enjoy; lmnp& from }/lup brec^; limp& from 
ylip smear; and occasional forms of the same kind are met with from 
a few others, as tunda from ytad thrust; bp&li& from yb}fli strengthen; 
d)rfLh& (beside dfjiha) from ydafti tnakejirm; 9iiinbli& (beside Qumbba) 
from yifuhh shine; TS. has 9pithati from y^ratbi (instead of ^rathn&ti) ; 
ii&cha» vindli4, stunbha, are of doubtful character. 

a. Nasalized 4-8tems are also in several instances made by transfer 
from the nasal class : thus, unda» tunbha, ^&9 piA^^, srufUa, rundlia» 

VIII. Ya-clas8 (fourth, div-class). 

769. The present-stem of this class adds 71 ya to the 
accented but unstrengthened root. Its inflection is also pre- 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

769—] IX. Pebsent-systbm. 272 

oisely like that of the a-class, and may be presented in the 

same abbreviated form as that of the d-class. 

760. Example of inflection: root R^ nah bind] 

stem ^^ n&hya. 

1. Present Indicative. 

active. middle. 

8. d. p. 8. d. p. 

1 R^snft H^MNH^ H^HH , ^ H*IN"^ H«^IIH^ 
n&hy&mi n&hyavas n&hyftmas n&hye n&hy&vahe n&hy&mahe 
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

2. Present Subjunctive. 

1 n&hySni n&hy&ma n&hyfti n&hyftvahai n&hyfimahfti 

^ Into^to* nihyasai nihy&dhvfti 

3 xT^.^ n&hy&tas n&hyfin n&hy&t&i nAhySntfti 


a. A 3d pi. mid. in antfti (Jftyantfti) occois once in TS. 

3. Present Optative. 
1 sf^TR^ R^ R#q R#Tr H^^r^ R#ri% 

n&hyeyam n&hyeva n&hyema n&hyeya n&hyevahi n&hyemahl 
etc. etc. eto. etc. etc. 'etc. 

b. For two or three 3d sing. mid. forms in ita (for eta), see 788 b. 

4. Present Imperative. 

n&hya n&hyatam n&hyata n&hyasva n&hyethfim n&hyadhvam 
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

e. Of the ending tana, RY. has one example, nahyatana \ the end- 
ing tftt is found in asyatftt, khyftyat&t, na9yat&t. . 

6. Present Participle. 

The active participle is H«Mrl ndhyant (fem. H^WrH ndh- 

yanti); the middle is ^I^TTTFT ndhyamSna. 

6. Imperfect. 

1 w{W[^ wmm HH^m w^ MH^Ni^ w^wR; 

inahyam &nahy&va inahyfima &nahye dnahyftvahi dnahyfimahl 
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

273 Ya-CLAfi8 (FOURTH, dlv-CLA88): [—761 

d. ExampleB of angmentless forms showing the accent belonging to the 
present-system are gayat» p&^yat, pi^yan, JiyathftB. 

761. The ya-olass stems are more than a hundred and thirty in 
number, and nearly half of them have forms in use in all periods of 
the language, about forty occurring only in the earlier, and about 
thirty only in the modem period. 

a. Of the roots making ya-stems, a very considerable part (oyer fifty) 
signify a state of feeling, or a condition of mind or body: thus, knp be 
angry, klam be wettry, Iqiudh be hungry, muh be confused, lubh. be 
lustful, 9U9 be dry, etc. etc. 

b. A further number have a more or less distinctly passire sense, 
and are in part evident and in part presumable transfers from the passive 
or y&-class, with change of accent, and sometimes also with assumption of 
active endings. It is not possible to draw precisely the limits of the divi- 
sion; but there are in the older language a number of dear cases, in which 
the accent wavers and changes, and the others are to be Judged by analogy 
with them. Thus, }/muo forms muoyate once or twice, beside the usual 
mucy&te, in RY. and AY.; and in the Brahmanas the former is the 
regular accent. Similar changes are found also in ya-forms from other 
roots : thus, from Iqii destroy, ji or Jyft injure, tap heat, dfh make firm, 
pao cook, VX fi^i ^^ damage, rio leave, lup break, hfi leave. Active 
forms are early made from some of these, and they grow more common 
later. It is worthy of special mention that, from the Yeda down, Jiyate 
is bom etc. is found as altered passive or original ya-formation by the side 
of VJan give birth. 

o. A considerable body of roots (about forty) differ from the above in 
having an apparently original transitive or neuter meaning: examples are 
as throw, nah bind, pa^ see, pad go, ^li^ clasp. 

d. A number of roots, of various meaning, and of somewhat doubtful 
character and relations, having present-stems ending in ya, are by the native 
grammarians written with final diphthongs, fti or e or o. Thus: 

e. Boots reckoned as ending in fti and belonging to the a- (or bhu-) 
class, as g&i sing (gayati etc.). As these show abundantly, and for the 
most part exclusively, ft^forms oQtside the present-system, there seems to 
be no good reason why they should not rather be regarded as &-roots of 
the ya-class. They are k^ft bum, g& sing, gift be weary, trS save, dhyft 
think, pyft Jill up, mlft relax, rft bark, vfi be blown, 9y& coagulate, 9rft 
boil, Btyft stiffen. Some of them are evident extensions of simpler roots 
by the addition of ft. The secondary roots tfty stretch (beside tan), and 
Ofty observe (beside el) appear to be of elmilar character. 

f. Roots reckoned as ending in e and belonging to the a- (or bh&O 
class, as dhe suck (dh&yati etc.). These, too, have ft-forms, and some- 
times i-forms, outside the present system, and are best regarded as ft-roots, 
either with ft weakened to a before the class-sign of this class, or with ft 

Whitney, Grammar. 8. ed. 18 

Digitized by VjOOQ IP 

761—] IX. PRBSBNT-SY8TBM. 274 

weakened to i or 1 and inflected according to the a-olaas. Tliey are dlift 
suek, ma exchange, vft weave, vyft efwehp, ]iv& call (secondary, from 
h^). As of kindred form may be mentioned day share and vyay expend 
(probably denominative of vyaya). 

g. A few roots artificially written with final o and reckoned to the 
ya-class, with radical Towel lost before the class-sign: thns, do out, bind, 
pros, dy&ti etc. These, as having an accented & in the sign, have 
plainly no right to be put in this class ; and they are better referred to the 
^ckss (see above, 768 o). Outside the present-system they show S- and 
i-forms; and in that system the ya is often resolved into la in the oldest 

762. The ya-class is the only one thus far described which shows 
any tendency toward a restriction to a certain variety of meaning. In this 
tendency, as well as in the form of its sign, it appears related with the 
class of distinctly defined meaning which is next to be taken up — the 
passive, with y&-s{gn. Though very far from being as widely used as the 
latter beside other present-systems, it is in some cases an intransitive 
conjugation by the side of a transitive of some other class. 

IrregtQarities of the ya-olass. 

763. The roots of this class ending in am lengthen their vowel 
in fonning the present-stem: they are klam, tam, dam» bhram, ^am 
he quiet, ^ram: for example, timyati, 9rimyati. From kfam, how- 
ever, only k^amyate occurs; and 9am labor makes ^amyati (B.). 

764. The root mad has the same lengthening: thus, midyati. 

766. The roots in iv — namely, div, siv, ariv or ^riv, and 
9thiv (from which no forms of this class are quotable) — are written 
by the grammarians with fv, and a similar lengthening in the present- 
system is prescribed for them. 

a. They appear to be properly din etc., since their vocalized final 
in other forms is always tX; dIv is by this proved to have nothing to do 
with the assumed root div shine, which changes to dyn (801 d): compare 

766. From the roots jf and tf (also written as jur and tir or tor) 
come the stems Jl^a and tfa^a, and Jdrya and ttlrya (the last two only 
in BY.); from p^ comes ptbya. 

767. The root vyadh is abbreviated to vidh: thus, vidhyati. And 
any root which in other forms has a penultimate nasal loses it here: thus, 
df hya from dfhh or d^h •, bhra^ya from bhraft^ or bhra9 ; rajya from 
raSJ or raj. 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

275 Accented y&-CLASS {Passive). [—771 

IX. Accented y&-clas8: Passive conjugation. 

768. A certain form of piesent-stem, inflected with middle 
endings, is used only in a passive sense, and is formed 
from all roots for which there is occasion to make a passive 
conjugation. Its sign is an accented U yd added to the 
root: thus, "^^ hany& from y^ han slay, MIUJ Spyd 
from y^[m Sp obtain, JRSr gthj& from yJl^ giph (or grab) 
seize: and so on, without any reference to the class accord- 
ing to which the active and middle forms are made. 

769. The form of the root to which the passive-sign is added 
is (since the accent is on the sign) the weak one : thus, a pennltimate 
nasal is dropped, and any abbreviation which is made in the weak 
forms of the perfect (794), in the aorist optative (922 b), or before 
ta of the passive participle (954), is made also in the passive present- 
system: thus, ajy& from ]/aSij, badhy4 from ybeaxdh., uoy& from 
V'vao, ijy& from }/yaJ. 

770. On the other hand, a final vowel of a root is in general 
liable to the same changes as in other parts of the verbal system 
where it is followed by y: thus — 

a. Final i and u are lengthened: thus, miy& from )/mi; suyi 
from ysu; 

b. Final & is usually changed to i: thus, dly& from |/d&; layk 
from yh&: but JliSy& from }/Jfi&, and so khyftyi, kh&y&» mn&y&, etc.; 

o. Final f is in general changed to ri: thus, kriy& from Vkf; 
but if preceded by two consonants (and also, it is claimed, in the root 
r), it has instead the gm^-strengthening: thus, smaryi from }/8m|^ 
(the only quotable case); — and in those roots which show a change 
of p to ir and or (so-called f -verbs: see 242), that change is made 
here also, and the vowel is lengthened: thus, 9iry& from 1/9?; pnry& 
from y-pj. 

771. The inflection of the passive-stem is precisely like 
that of the other a-stems ; it differs only in accent from that 
of the class last given. It may he here presented, therefore, 
in the same abbreviated form: 

a. Example of inflection: root m kr make; passive- 
stem ^Tir kriyd: 


Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

771—] IX. PBESBNT-SYflTBM. 276 

1. Present Indicative. 





etc. etc. etc. 

2. Present Subjunotiye. 

h* The forms noticed as ocenrriDg in the older language are alone 

here instanced: 

s. d. p. 

1 kriyfti kriyamah&i 

2 kriy^tdhvfti 

c» The Bd pi. ending antftl is found once (ucyantfti K.). 
8. Present Optative. 

ycrtjSyeT' kPtyhrt^ kriy6mahi 
etc. etc. ^N etc 

d. No fonns of the p&ssiye optatiye chaniSi^ o<^^ ^^ ^^' O' A.V.; 
they are found, howevei, in the Brahmanas. OhU.^ once dhmftyita^ 

4. Present Imperative. 

kriy&sva kriydthfiau kriy&dhvam \ 

etc. etc. etc. \ 

6. Present Participle. 

e. This is made with the suffix TfR mSna : thus, f^iimm 

f. In use, this participle is well distinguished fh>m the other passiTe 
participle by its distinetiTely present meaning : thus, k^^ done, hut kriyd- 
mb^a in process of doing, or being done. 

6. Imperfect. 

&kriye ikriy&vahi dkriyfimahi 
etc. etc. etc. 

g. The passive-sign is never resolved into ia in the Veda. 

772. The roots tan and khan usnally form their passives from 
parallel roots in ft: thus, t&y&te, kh&ydte (but also tanyate, khan- 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

277 So-called Tbnth or out-class. [—775 

yate) ; and dham, in like maimer, makes either dhamyate or dhmfty&te. 
Tbe conrespondiDg form to VJan, namely Jayate (above, 761 b), is 
apparently a transfer to the preceding class. 

773. By their form, mriy&te dies, and dhriy^te maintains itself, 
is steadfast, are passives from the roots m^ die and dhf hold; although 
neither is used in a proper passive sense, and m^ is not transitive 
except in the derivative form m^^ (above, 731). With them are to 
be compared the stems &-driy& heed and ft-priy& be busy, which are 
perhaps peculiar adaptations of meaning of passives from the roots 
df pierce and px fi^- 

11^. Examples of the transfer of stems from the y4- or passire 
class to the ya- or IntransltiTe class were giyen above (761 b); and it was 
also pointed oat that actiTe instead of middle endings are occasionally, even 
in the earlier laognage, assumed by forms properly passive; examples are 
i dhmftyatl and Ty apro^yat (QB.), bhtiyati (MaiU.). In the epics, 
however (as a part of their general confusion of active and middle forms: 
529 a), active endings are by no means infrequently taken by the pusive: 
thus, ^akyati, ^rQyanti, bhriyantu, ijyant-, etc. 

The Bo-oalled Tenth or our-Class. 

775. As was noticed above (607), the Hindu grammarians *- and, 
after their example, most European also — recognize yet another 
conjugation-class, coordinate with those already described; its stems 
show the class-sign 4ya, added to a generally strengthened root (for 
details as to the strengthening, see 1042). Though this is no proper 
class, but a secondary or derivative conjugation (its stems are partly 
of causative formation, partly denominative with altered accent) an 
abbreviated example of its forms may, for the sake of accordance 
with other grammars, be added here. 

a. Example: root oint think, meditate) stem cint&ya: 



Pros. Indie. 















b. The inflection, of course, is the same with that of other forms ftom 
»-stems (788 a). 

c. The middle participle, in the later language, is more often made 
with ftna instead of xnftna: thus, ointayftna: see 1048 f. 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

776—] IX. Pbbsbnt-system. 278 

Uses of the Present and Imperfect. 

776. The uses of the mode-forms of the present-system have 
been already briefly treated in the preceding chapter (572 ff.). The 
tense-uses of the two indicative tenses, present and imperfect, call 
here for only a word or two of explanation. 

777. The present has, besides its strictly present use, the same 
subsidiary uses which belong in general to the tense: namely, the 
expression of habitual action, of future action, and of past action in 
lively narration. 

a. Examples of ftitare meaning are: im&xh odd vii ixnd elnv&te 
t&ta ev& no 'bhfbhavanti ((B.) verify if these build this up^ then they 
will etraightway get the better of us; agnir fttmabhavaih pr&dftd yatara 
vS&chati nfti^adha^ (MBh.) Agni gave hie own presence wherever the 
Nishadhan should desire ; svfigataih te 'stu kiih karomi tav» (R.) wd- 
come to thee; what shaU I do for theef 

b. Examples of past meaning are : tittarft stir idharal^ putri ftsid 
danti]{^ ^aye sah&vatsft n& dhenn]{^ (R^O ^^ mother was over, the son 
under; there Danu lies, like a cow with her calf; prahananti oa tftxh 
kecid abhyasuyanti c& 'pare akurvata day&iii kecit (MBh.) some 
ridicule her, some revile her, some pitied her \ tato yasya vaoan&t tatrft 
'valambitfts taiii sarve tiraakurvanti (H.) thereupon they all fall to 
reproaching him by whose advice they had alighted there, 

778. In connection with certain particles, the present has rather 
more definitely the value of a past tense. Thus: 

a. With puri formerfy: thus, saptar^in u ha sma vfii puri 
rk^A fty deakfate (QB.) the seven sages, namely, are of old called the 
bears; tanm&tram api oen mahyaiii na dad&ti purft bhavfin (MBb.) 
if you have never before given me even an atom. 

b. With the asseTeratlve particle sma: thus, i^rkmei^eL ha sma vfti 
t&d deva Jayanti y&d e^^Sih J&yyam aad r^aya^ ca (QB.) in truth, 
both gods and sages were wont to win by penance what was to be won ; 
&Yi^%afy kalinft dytite Jiyate sma nalas tadft (MBh.) then Nala, being 
possessed by Kali, was beaten in play, 

o. No example of this last construction is found in either BY. or AY., 
or elsewhere in the metrical parts of the Yeda. In the Brahmanas, only 
habitual action is expressed by it. At all periods of the language, the use- 
of sma with a Terb as pure asseverative particle, with no effect on the 
tense-meaning, is yery common; and the examples later are hardly to be 
distinguished from the present of lively narration — of which the whole 
construction is doubtless a form. 

779. The imperfect has remained unchanged in value through 
the whole history of the language: it is the tense of narration; it 
expresses simple past time, without any other implication. 

a. Compare what is said later (end of chap. X. and chap. XI.) as to 
the value of the other past tenses, the perfect and aorist 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

279 Charactebisticb op the Perfect. [—782 



780. The perfect-system in the later language, as has 

been seen above (686), consists only of an indicative tense 

and a participle — both of them in the two voices, active 

and middle. 

a. In the oldest language, the perfect has also its modes and 
its angment-preterit, or pluperfect, or is not less fall in its apparatus 
of forms than is the present-system (see 808 if.). 

781. The formation of the perfect is essentially alike 
in all verbs, differences among them being of only subord- 
inate consequence, or having the charactei of irregularities. 
The characteristics of the formation are these: 

1. a stem made by reduplication of the root; 

2. a distinction between stronger and weaker forms of 
stem, the former being used (as in presents of the First 
or non-a-conjugation] in the singular active, the latter in 
all other persons; 

3. endings in some respects peculiar, unlike those of 
the present; 

4. the frequent use, especially in the later language, of 
a union-vowel ^ i between stem and endings. 

782. Reduplication. In roots beginning with a con- 
sonant, the reduplication which forms the perfect-stem is 
of the same character with that which forms the present- 
stem of the reduplicating conjugation-class (see 848) — but 
with this exception, that radical ^ a and 5(T S and W t [or 
^^ ar) have only ^ a, and never ^ i, as vowel of the re- 
duplicating syllable: thus, from y^ py^/Z comes the present- 
stem fn^ piPT, but the perfect-stem cjtf papr; from ym mS 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

78a—] X. Perfect-system. 280 

measure comes the present-stem fir^ mimS, but the perfect- 
stem qiTT mamS; and so on. 

a. IrregoUritieB of roots with initial consonants will be given below, 784. 

783. For roots beginning with a vowel, the rules of 
reduplication are these: 

a. A root with initial ^ a before a single final consonant 
repeats the ^ a, which then fuses with the radical vowel to ^&, 
(throughout the whole inflection) : thus, ^[^ ftd from y^ ad 
eat; and in like manner SEHsf Sj, ^Fl &n, ^^ITH Sb, ^(^ &h. The 
root fl X forms likewise throughout 51?^ Sr (as if from ^ ar). 

b. A root with ^ i or 3 u before a single final conso- 
nant follows the same analogy, except in the strong forms 
(sing, act.) ; here the vowel of the radical syllable has gu^, 
becoming ^ e or ^^ o; and before this, the reduplicating 
vowel maintains its independent form, and is separated from 
the radical syllable by its own semivowel : thus, from y^ 
if comes ^l9 in weak forms, but ^Q^ lye? in strong; from 
V3tJ uo, in like manner, come ZHT^tlc and 3^N uvoc. The 
root ^ i, a single vowel, also falls under this rule, and forms 
^ ly (y added before a vowel) and ^ iye. 

c. Roots which begin with vowels long by nature or by 
position do not in general make a perfect-system, but use 
instead a periphrastic formation, in which the perfect tense 
of an auxiliary verb is added to the accusative of a verbal 
noun (see below, chap. XV.: 1070 ff.). 

d. To this rule, howeyer, yftp obtain (probably originally ap: 1087 f) 
constitutes an exception, making the constant perfect-stem &p (as if from 
ap: above, a). Also are met with I<J6 (RV.) and i^ire from yi^ and 
irir6 (V.) from yir, 

e. For the peculiar reduplication ftn, belonging to certain roots with 
initial vowels, see below, 788. 

784. A nnmber of roots beginning with va and ending with a 
single consonant, which in varioas of their verbal forms and deriv- 
atives abbreviate the va to u, do it also in the perfect, and are 
treated like roots with initial u (above, 788 b), except that they retain 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

281 Reduplioation. [—786 

the full form of root in the strong persons of the singular active. 
Thus, from ]/vao speak come uo and uvac; from )/va8 dwell come 
U9 and uvas; and so on. 

a. The roots showing this abbreviation are vao, vap, vad, va^, 
vas, vah; and vS weave is said to follow the same rule. 

b. A single root beginning with ya, namely yaj offery has the 
same contraction, forming the stems iyaj and ij. 

o. Occasional exceptions are met with: as, vavftoa and vavalq^ 
(RV.)i vav&pa and vavftha and vavfthatus (E. and later); yej6 (V.). 

785. A number of roots having ya after a first initial consonant 
take i (from the y) instead of a in the reduplicating syllable: thus, 
from }/Tyac comes vivyao; from ]/py& comes plpyft. 

a. These roots aie vyac, vyath, vyadh, vyft, jyft, pyft, syand; 
and, in the Veda, also tyaj, with oyu and djrut, which have the root- 
Yowel u. Other sporadic cases occur. 

b. A single root with va is treated in the same way: namely 
Bvap, which forms su^vap. 

o. These roots are for the most part abbreviated In the weak forms: 
see below, 794. 

786. A considerable number of roots have in the Veda a long 
vowel in their reduplication. 

a. Thus, of roots redaplieating with & : kan, k}p, gf dh, tn>» tp}» 
dfht dh^, dhr9> nam» mah, n^j, ni^Q* vai^> radh, rabh, vafic, van, 
va9, vas clothe j V&9, vrj> v^t, -v^dh, -V79, ^ad prevail, sah, skambh. 
Some of these occur only in isolated cases; many have also forms with 
short vowel. Most are Yedlc only; but dftdhara is common also in the 
Brahmana language, and is even found later. As to jfifi^, see 1020 a. 

b. Of roots reduplicating with 1 : the so-called roots (676) didhi and 
didi, which make the perfect from the same stem with the present: thus, 
diddtha, didaya; didhima, didhyua (also didhiyus, didiyus). But 
pipi has pipye, pipsroB, etc., with short 1. In AV. occurs once jihi^a, 
and in AB. (and AA.) bibh&ya. 

o. Of roots reduplicating with u: tu, ju, and 9U (or 9Vfi). 

787. A few roots beginning with the (derivative: 42) palatal mutes 
and aspiration show a reversion to the more original guttural in the radical 
syllable after the reduplication: thus, yd forms oiki; ]/oit forms cikit; 
yji forms Jigi; j/hi forms jighi; |/lian forms Jaghan (and the same 
reversions appear in other reduplicated forms of these roots; 216» 1). A 
root dft proieet is said by the grammarians to form dig! ; but neither root 
nor perfect is quotable. 

788. A small number of roots with initial a or ip (ftr) show the 
anomalous reduplication ftn in the perfect. 

a* Thus (the forms occurring mainly in the older language only): 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

788—] X. Pbrpect-sybtbm. 282 

ya2ij or aj, which forms the prea. an&kti, has the perfeet ftnafija 
and ftnaj6 etc. (with anajft and anajy&t); 

yB.q attain (from which comes once in RV. an&^fimahfti), has the 
weak forms ftna^ma etc. (with opt. ftna^y&m), ftna9e etc. (and LQS. 
has ftna^adhve), and the strong forms ftn&ii^a and ftn&^a — along with 
the regular S^a etc.; 

)/|pdh (from which comes once p^dhat) has an^dhuB and ftn^dhe; 

}/fO or arc has ftn^us and ftnfc6, and later Snaroa and ftnarous; 

yarh has (in TS.) ftn^phuB; 

an&ha (RV., once) has been referred to a root ah, elsewhere uuknown, 
and explained as of this formation; but with altogether doubtful propriety. 

b. The later grammar, then, sets up the rule that roots beginning 
with a and ending with more than one consonant haye An as their regular 
reduplication; and such perfects are taught from roots like akf, arj» and 
afto or ao; but the only other quotable forms appear to be ftnarohat 
(MBh.) and finar^at (TA.) ; which are accordingly reckoned as ^pluperfects". 

789. One or two individual cases of irregularity are the following: 

a. The extremely common root bhu be has the anomalous redu- 
plication ba, forming the stem babhti; and, in the Veda, ysVL forms 
in like manner sas^. 

b. The root bhp bear has in the Teda the anomalous reduplication Ja 
(as also in intensive: 1002); but RV. has once also the regular babhre, and 
pple babhr&n&. 

0. The root ^fhiv spetc forms either tiffhlv (^B. et al.) or (i^^tv 
(not quotable). 

d, Vivakvan (RV., once) is doubtless participle of /vac, with 
irregular reduplication (as in the present, 660). 

790. Absence of reduplication is met with in some cases. Thus: 

a. The root vid know has, from the earliest period to the latest, 
a perfect without reduplication, bat otherwise regularly made and 
inflected: thus, vMa, v^ttha, etc., pple vidvafiB. It has the mean- 
ing of a present. The root vid ^nd forms the regular vlv^da. 

b. A few other apparently perfect forms lacking a reduplication are 
found in RV. : they are talqfathuB and takfus, yam&tua, Bkainbli&thuB 
and skambhuB, nindima (for ninidimaP), dhi^e and dhire (P \ dhft), 
and vidrd and arhire (? see 013). And AV. SV. have oetatUB. The 
participial words dO^vafts, ini^bvafLS, sfthviiis are common in the oldest 
language; and RV. has once jftnui^aB (|/jii&), and khidvaa (voc), perhaps 
for oikhidvas. 

c. A few sporadic cases also are quotable from the later language, 
especially from the epics: thus, kar^atus, oei^%A and ceftatus, bhr&- 
jatuB, sarpa, 9aft8U8 and ^aiisire, dhvafLsire, sraiiaire, Jalpire, 
edhire; also the pples ^aiisivftfiB and dar9ivftiiB, the latter being not 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

283 Strong and Weak Stem-forms. [—793 

791. For an anomaloas case or two of reduplicated piepOBition, see 
below, 1067 f. 

792. Strong and weak stem-forms. In the three 
persons of the singular active, the root-syllable is accented, 
and exhibits usually a stronger form than in the rest of the 
tense-inflection. The difference is effected partly by strength- 
ening the root in the three persons referred to, partly by 
weakening it in the others, partly by doing both. 

793. As regards the strengthening: 

a. A final Towel takes either the gui^ or vrddhi change 
in Is^ sing, act., gujgia in 2d, and vrddhi in 3d: thus, from 
y^ bhi, Ist liR bibhi or iip^ bibhSi; 2d fsR bibhi; 3d 
fi^ bibhSi; from >/oR ky, Ist Wf\^ oakAr or ^RiTJ* oakir, 
2d rjc^^ oakdr, 3d Wf^ cakSr. 

b. But the fL of yhhft remains unchanged, and adds v before a 
vowel-ending: thus, babh^va etc. 

o. Medial ^ a before a single final consonant follows 

the analogy of a final vowel, and is lengthened or vriddhied 

in the 3d sing., and optionally in the first: thus, from yW^ 

tap, Ist rr?n tatdp or rTcTFT tatSp, 2d rr?n tatdp, 3d cRTR 

"S. "V ">w "V 


d. In the eailier language, however, the weaker of the two forms 
allowed hy these rules in the first person is almost exclusively in use : thus, 
ist only bibh&ya, tat&pa; 8d bibhaya, tatapa. Excepttons are csikara 
and jagraha (doubtful reading) in AY., cakftra in AfS. and BAU. (gB. 
cakara), Jigfiya in AQS., as first persons. 

e. A medial short vowel has in all three persons alike 
the gui^a-strengthening (where this is possible: 240): thus, 
from y^ druh comes ^^^ dudroh; from }4^ VI9 comes 
(efo|:(i vivi9 > fif^°^ V^RfT kyt comes ^^eRff oakart. 

f. An initial short vowel before a single final conBonant is to be 
treated like a medial, bnt the quotable examples are very few: namely, 
iye^a from yi^ seeh^ uvoeitha and uvoca from /uc, uvo^a firom 
yn^. As to roots 1 and r, whose vowels are both initial and final, 
see above, 788 a, b. 

g. These rules are said by the grammarians to apply to the 2d sing. 
Always when it has simple tha as ending; if it has itha (below, 797 d), 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

793—] X. Perfect-system. 284 

the accent is allowed to fall on any one of the syllables of the word, and 
the loot-^yllable if unaccented has sometimes the weak form (namely, in 
contracted stems with e for medial a : below, 704 e ; and in certain other 
Yerbs, as vivijitha). The earlier language, however, affords no example 
of a 2d sing., whatever its ending, accented on any other than the radical 
syllable, or failing to conform to the rules of strengthening as given above 
(in a, Ct e). 

h. Occasional instances of strengthening in other than the singular 
persons are met with: thus, yuyopima and viveQUS (RV.), paaparQOB 
(KeU.), and, in the epics, oakartus and oakartire, oakarfatuSy juga- 
hire, nanamire, bibhedus, vavfthatus, viveQatus, vavar^us. The 
roots d^, pi^y and 9^, and optionally jf , are said by the grammarians to 
have the strong stem in weak forms ; but no examples appear to be quotable. 
AY., however, has once jaliarus (probably a false reading); and in the 
later language occur oaskcure {yivp scatter) and tastare. 

i. The root mfj has (as in the present-system: 627) iqrddlii instead 
of gu^a in strong forms: thus, mamirja; and >/guh (also as in present: 
746 o) has u instead of o (bat also juguhe E.). 

794. As regards the weakening in weak forms: 

a. It has been seen above (788 b) that roots beginning with i or 
u fuse reduplicating and radical syllable together to i or u in the 
weak forms; and (784) that roots contracting va and ya to u or i 
in the reduplication do it also in the root in weak forms, the two 
elements here also coalescing to u or I. 

b. A few roots having ya and va after a first initial consonant, and 
reduplicating from the semivowel (786), contract the ya and va to i and 
u: thus, vivio from >/vyac, vlvidh from )/vyadh (but vivyadhus 
MBh.), 8\ifup from /svap. The extended roots jyft, pyft, vyft, 9V6, 
hvft show a similar apparent contraction, making their weak forms from 
the simpler roots ji, pi, vi, 9U, li% while hvS must and ^vfi may get 
their strong forms also from the rame (and only jijyftu is quotable from 
the others). 

c. The root grabh or grab (if it be written thus: see 729 a) con- 
tracts to g^h, making the three forms of stem Jagr&b (1st and 2d sing, 
act.), jagrah (3d), and jagfh; butpraoh (if it be so written: see 766 a) 
remains unchanged throughout. 

d. Some roots omit in weak forms of this tense, or in some of them, 
a nasal which is found in its strong forms: thus, we have oakrad6 etc. 
(RV.) from )/krand; tataar^ (RV.) from ytaAs; dada^va&s (RV.) from 
ydediq; bedhuB, bedb^, etc. (AV.) from v^andh; sejua (QB.) from 
/aafij; oaskabh&ni (AV.) from /skambh; taatabhua etc. (V.), 
tastabhani (V.B.), from ystambh. Compare also 788 a. 

e. A number of roots having medial a between single consonants 
drop that vowel. These are, in the later language, gam, khan, jan. 

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285 Strong and Weak Stem-forms. [—796 

ban, ghas; they form the weak stems jagm, oakhn, ji^ii, jaghn 
(compare 637), Jakf (compare 640): but RV. has once jajanus. 

f. In the old Ungatge are found in like manner mamnSthe and 
mamnftte flrom /man; vavn6 from /van; tatne, tatni^e, tatnire 
from ytajo. (beside tatane, and tate, as if from ytB,)\ paptima and 
paptus and paptivafia from /pat (beside pet-forms ; below, g) j papne 
from /pan; aa^oima and aaQOUBy sa^oe and sa^oird, from /aao. 

g. Roots in general having medial a before a single final con- 
sonant, and beginning also with a single consonant that is repeated 
nnchanged in the reduplication — that is, not an aspirate, a gnttural 
mnte, or h — contract their root and redaplication together into one 
syllable, haying e as its vowel: thus, /sad forms the weak stem sed, 
/pac forms pec, /yam forms yem; and so on. 

h. Certain roots not having the form here defined are declared by the 
grammarians to undergo the same contraction — most of them optionally; 
and examples of them are in general of very rare occurrence. They are as 
follows: ry (E.G.) and r&dh (radh?), notwithstanding their long vowel; 
phai^ phal (phelire C), bhaj (occurs from RV. down), though their ini- 
tial is changed in reduplication; trap, tras (tresus E.G.)* Qrath, syam, 
Bvan, though they begin with more than one consonant; dambh (debhuB* 
RV., from the weaker dabh), thoagh it ends with more than one; and 
bhram (bhremus etc. KSS.)) bhrSj, grantb, svafij, in spite of more 
reasons than one to the contrary. And QB. has aeJuB from /aafij, and 
KB. has ^remuB from /9ram. On the other hand, RV. has once rarabh- 
m&» and R. has papatUB, for petua, from /pat. 

i. This contraction is allowed also in 2d sing. act. when the ending 
is itha: thus, tenitha beside tatantha (but no examples are quotable 
from the older language). 

j. The roots q&q and dad (from dft: 672) are said to reject the 
contraction; but no perfect forms of either appear to have been met with 
in use. 

k. From /ty (or tar) occurs tenia (R.); and jerua from /jf is 
authorized by the grammarians — both against the general analogy of roots in f- 

1. Boots ending in S lose their ft before all endings beginning 
with a vowel, including those endings that assume the union-vowel i 
(796) — unless in the latter case it be preferred to regard the i as a 
weakened form of the ft. 

706. Endings, and their union with the stem. 

The general scheme of endings of the perfect indicative has 

been already given (668 c); and it has also been pointed out 

(643 a) that roots ending in 35(T ft have ^ ftu in 1st and 3d 

sing, active. 

dTgitized by Google 

796—] X. Pbrfect-sybtem. 

a. The ending mas instead of ma is fonnd in QU^rumaa (E.G.)- 
For the alleged ooourrence of ^ve instead of dhve in 2d pi. mid., see 226 c. 

706. Those of the endings which begin with a con- 
sonant — namely ST tha, ^ va, q" ma in active ; H bo, ^ 
vahe, R% mahe, ^ dhve, *^ re in middle — aie very often, 
and in the later language usually, joined to the base with 
the help of an interposed union-vowel ^ i. 

a. The union-Towel i is fonnd widely used also in other parts of the 
general yeibal system: namely, in the sibilant aorist, the futures, and the 
verbal nonns and adjectives (as also in other classes of derivative stems). 
In the later language, a certain degiee of correspondence is seen among the 
different parts of the same verb, as regards their nse or non-nse of the 
connective: but this correspondence is not so close that general rules res- 
pecting it can be given with advantage; and it will be best to treat each 
formation by itself. 

b. The perfect is the tense in which the nse of i has established 
itself most widely and firmly in the later language. 

707. The most important rules as to the use of ^ i in 
the later langtiage are as follows: 

a. The J re of 3d pi. mid. has it always. 

b. The other consonant-endings, except ST tha of 2d 

sing, act., take it in nearly all verbs. 

o. But it is rejected throughout by eight verbs — namely Iq^ make, 
bhf beoTf Bf gOj vj choose, dru run, qxu hear, 8tu praise, sru Jiow ; 
and it is allowably (not usually) rejected by some others, in general 
accordance with their usage in other formations. 

d In 2d sing, act., it is rejected not only by the eight 
verbs just given, but also by many others, ending in vowels 
or in consonants, which in other formations have no ^ i; 
but it is also taken by many verbs which reject it in other 
formations; — and it is optional in many verbs, including 
those in ssn* S (of which the ^n" S is lost when the ending 
is ^ itha), and most of those in ^ i, ^ I, and 3 u. 

e. The rules of the grammarians, especially as regards the use of tha 
or itha, run out into infinite detail, and are not wholly oonslstent with 
one another; and, as the forms are very infrequent, if is not possible to 
criticise the statements made, and to tell how far they are founded on Uie 
facts of usage. 

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287 Endin(*s. [—800 

f. With this i, a final radical i or i is not combined, but chang- 
ed into y or iy. The u of }/bhu becomes uv throaghout before a 

798. In the older language, the usage is in part quite other- 
wise. Thus : 

a. In the RV., the union-vowel i is taken by roots ending in con- 
sonants provided the last syllable of the stem is a heavy one, bnt not other- 
ndse: thns, ilsitha, tiv6oitha» vttr^dithay hut tat&ntha and vivy&ktha; 
uoim&» paptima, sedima, jxLjopimk, but jaganma, jagrbhini, jniyiu- 
ma; ucif6, jajfii^^, sasShife, bnt vivitse and dad|^kf6; bubhujm&he 
and ^ft^admahe etc. (no examples of ivahe or imahe chance to occur, 
nor any of either idhve or dhve); ]jir6, ji^fiir^, yetire, tatalqiire, 
hut cfiklpr^, vividr6, duduhre, paspfdhr^, tatasrd (and so on: 
twenty-two forms). The only exception in RV. is vdttha from ^vid, 
without i (in Br., also Sttha from |/ah: below, 801 a). The other Vedic 
texts present nothing inconsistent with this rule, but in the Brihmanas 3d 
pi. forms in ire are made after light syllables also: thus, aaafJirOy bubudh- 
Ire, yuyujire, rurudhire. 

b. In roots ending with a vowel, the early usage is more nearly like 
the later. Thus: for roots in ft the rule is the same (except that no 2d 
sing, in itha is met with), as dadhim&, dadhi^^, dadhidhv^, dadhire 
(the only persons with i quotable from RV. and AV. ; and RV. has dadhre 
twice); — roots in f appear also to follow the later rule: as oakf^, 
papffe* vavTf^y vavpn&he, but dadhri^e and Jabhrife, and in 3d 
pi. mid. both oakrir6 and dadhrire; — }/bhtl has both babhAtha 
(usually) and babhttvltha, but only babhuvimi (AV.). But there are 
found, against the later rules, suftimay oioyui^e, juhurd, and juhur^, 
without i: the instances are too few to found a rule upon. 

790. The ending rir6 of 3d pi. mid. is found in RV. in six forms: 
namely, oikitrlre, jagfbhrird, dadrire, bubhujrird, vividrire, sasfj* 
rire; to which SV. adds dudubrire, and TB. dad|p9rire. 

800. Examples of inflection. By way of illustra- 
tion of the rules given above may be given in full the per- 
fect indicative inflection of the following verbs: 

a. As example of the normal inflection of a root wiUi 
fiaal consonant, we take the root sfU budh know: its strong 
form of perfect-stem is sr)^ bubodh; weak form, «I<^fI^ 


active. middle. 

t. d. p. s. d. p. 

bub6dha bubodhivi -dhiwoA bubudh6 -dhiv&he -dhimihe 

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800—] X. Perfect-system. 288 

bub6dliitha -dh&thus -dh& bubudhi^d -dhathe ^ihidhv^ 

bub6dha -dh&tus -dhuB bubudhe -dhtte -dhire 

b. The asserted variety of possible accent in 2d sing. act. (above 703 g) 
needs to be noted both in this and in the remaining paradigms. 

o. As example of the normal inflection of a root with 
final i or u-vowel, we may take the root ^ nl lead: its forms 
of stem are Piiti nin&y or Piiiq ninSy, and fMt ninl. 

niniiya* ninaya ninyivi ninyim&niny6 ninyiv&he ninyim&he 
nin^tha, nin&yitha niny&thuB ninyi ninyi^d ninyathe ninsridhve 

ninaya niny&tus ninyua niny6 ninyate ninyire 

d. The root kri would make (129 a) in weak forms oikriyivd, 
cikrly&tusy ollcriyus, etc.; and |/bhu is inflected as follows in the 
active (middle forms not qnotable): 

1 babhtlva babhuvivA babhuvimi 

2 babhlitha, babhtivitba babhtiv&thus babhiivi 

3 babhtlva babhtivitns babhuvi^ 

Other roots in ^ or u change this to uv before the initial vowel of 
an ending. 

e. As example of the inflection of a root ending in ^ S, 
we may take 7SJ dS give: its forms of stem are ^ dadS and 
^ dad (or ^ dadi: see above, 704, 1). 

dadft^ dadiv& dadimd dad6 dadiv&he dadimihe 

2 ^?[m, ^ ?[^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 

dadatha, dadithd dad&thus dadd dadi^d dadathe dadidhv6 

dadau dad&tus dadus dad6 dadilite dadird 

f . The RY. hat once papra for paprfiu (and Jah^ for jahftu P). 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 




g. As example of a root with medial 9 a showing fusion 
of root and leduplication, resulting in medial ^ e, in the 
weak forms (794 g), we may take rPT tan stretch: its forms 
of stem are rTcFf tatAn or HHH^tatfin, and ^^ten. 

1 acR. cTfTR ^1^ 

tat&ns, tatana tenivd 

tat&ntha, teuithi ten^thas 
3 rTcTH ?)HHH^ 



tenimd ten^ teniv&he tenim&he 

ten& teni^ ten^the tenidhv6 

tenus tene tenate tenird 
h. The root jan, with the others which expel medial a in weak 
forms (794 e), makes jiO^tha or ji^ith4, jajfiiv&» jajfius; jajfid, 
jiOfilm&he, jiOfti'^; and so od. 

i. As example of a root with initial ^ va contracted 
to 3 u in the reduplication, and contracted with the redu- 
plication to 3" U in weak forms (784), we may take cR vac 
speak: its forms of stem are 3eR uvdc or 3c^W uv5c, and 


3^, 3on^ 

uv&ca, uvica 

uoiv& uoim& 

-N <-. -^ 


uo6 aoiv&he 
uoif^ uoathe 
ac6 uoate 



uv&ktha, uv&oitl: 


La Ho&thas uo4 



tlc&tua QouB 

j. Id like manner, yyaj forms iy^a or iyc^a, iy&f^ha or iydjitha; 
]j6y Qif^y and so on; /uc has uvoca and uv6oitha in the strong 
forms, and all the rest like vac. 

k. Of the four roots in jRT y mentioned at 797 c, the 

inflection is as follows: 

eak&ra, oakara cakrv& oakpn4 oakr^ oakfv&he eakfm&he 

oakdrtha oakr&thus oakri cak^d cakrathe oak^dhv^ 

oakara oakr&tus cakrus cakre oakrate oakrird 

Whitney, Grammar, 3. ed. 19 

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800—] X. Pbrfbot-ststem. 290 

1. Of the roots in jf? r ^i^ general^ the first persons are 
made as follows: 

dadh&ra, dadh^ dadhriv& dadhrimA dadhr6 dadhriv&he dadhrim^he 

m. We may further add here, finally, the actiye inflection (the middle 
is not in use) of the perfect of as be^ which (like babhtiva and oakara, 
given aboTe) is frequently employed as an auxiliary. 

1 isA fisivi fisimd 

2 faitha ftsithus &84 

3 asa as&tuB asuB 

801. A few miscellaneous irregularities call still for 

a. The root ah apeak occurs only in the perfect indicative, and 
only in the 3d persona of all numbers and in the 2d sing, and du., 
in active (and in 2d sing, the h is irregularly changed to t before 
the ending): thus, attha, aha; ahathus, Shatus; ahtiB (in V., only 
aha and ahus are met with). 

b. From )/va weaver the 3d pi. act. fivus occurs in RV., and no 
other perfect form appears to have heen met with in use. It is allowed 
hy the grammarians to he inflected regularly as vft; and also as vay (the 
present-stem is v&ya: 761 f), with contraction of va to u in weak forms; 
and further, in the weak forms, as simple u. 

c. The root vya envelop has in RV. the perfect-forms vivyathus and 
vlvy6, and no others have heen met with in use; the grammarians require 
the strong forms to be made from vyay, and the weak from vi. 

d. The root i go forms in RV. and AV. the 2d sing. act. iy&tha 
beside the regular iy6tha; and beside irir6 from ylr, RY. has several 
times erir6. 

e. RY. has an anomalous accent in d&d^^e and d&d^re (beside 
dad^k^^) and the pple d&dpQftna. And ofketa (once, beside cik^ta) is 
perhaps a kindred anomaly. 

f. Persons of the perfect from the ir-forms of roots in changeable p 
(242) are titlrus and tistire (both RY.); and they have corresponding 

g. The bastard root Hn^u (718) is said by the grammarians to make 
the perfeot-stem Uri^uiiu; the roots majj and na^ are said to insert a 
nasal in the 2d sing, active, when the ending is simple tha: thus, ma- 
ma&ktha, nana&ftha (also mamajjitha and ne^itha). 

h. Further may be noted sasajJatuB (MBh.: j/safij, which has in 
passive the secondary form aajj), rurundhatus (R.), &nd duduhus (BhP). 

1. The anomalous ajagrabhaifaih (AB. vi. 35) seems a formation on 
the perfect-stem (but perhaps for ajigrabhifan, desid. ?). 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

291 Participle. [—805 

Perfect Participle. 

802. The ending of the active participle is ^tIH v5As 
(that is to say, in the strong forms : it is contracted to 3^ 
u^ in the weakest, and replaced by ^ vdt in the middle 
forms: see above, 458 ff.). It is added to the weak form 
of the perfect stem — as shown, for example, in the dual 
and plural of the active inflection of the given verb; and, 
mechanically, the weakest participle-stem is identical with 
the 3d pi. active. Thus, SR^rtH bubudhvSfiB, fHHlollH 
ninivSnB, T|cho||^ oak^vfinB. 

803. If the weak form of the perfect stem is monosyl- 
labic, the ending takes the union-vowel ^ i (which, however, 
disappears in the weakest cases): thi^s, hPimIW tenivSAs, 
viii^cil^ aoiv4&s, siRlcllH jajiiivafis, MlRc|lM ftdivSAs (from 
|/35|^ ad: 788 a), and so on; ^T^offtT dadivaAs and its like, 
from roots in ^ S, are to be reckoned in the one class or 
the other according as we view the ^ i as weakened root- 
vowel or as union-vowel (794, 1). 

a. But participles of which the perfect-stem is monosyllabic by ab- 
sence of the reduplication do not take the union-yowel: thus, vidvaAs, 
and in Y., d&^vafts (SV. d&^ivafiB), mi^hvi&s, sShva&s, khid- 
vafts (?) ; and R. has also dadva&a (AV. dadivafts and once dadftva&B) 
from yda (or dad: 672); an in-S^vfiiiB (|/a9 eaf) occurs in TS. and 
TB. But AV. has vigivaJiB and varjiva&B (in negative fem. ivarju^I). 

804. Other Yedic irregularities calling for notice are few. The long 
Yowel of the reduplication (786) appears in the participle as in the indicative: 
thus, vftvTdhva&B, BftBahvaAs, jujuvaAs. RY. and AY. have sasavafLB 
from j/san or Bft. RY. makes the participial forms of /tp or tar from 
different modifications of the root: thus, tltirvafiB, but tataru^as. Re- 
specting the occasional exchanges of strong and weak stem in inflection, 
see aboTe, 462 c. 

805. a. From roots gam and han the Yeda makes the strong stems 
jaganvaAs (as to then, see 212a) and jaghanvaAs; the later language 
allows either these or the more regular jagmivftna and JaghnivafiB (the 
weakest stem-forms being everywhere jagmu(j and jaghnu^). RY. has 
also tatanva&B. 


Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

806—] X. Pbrpbct-system. 292 

b. From three roots, vid find^ vi^, and d^^, the later language allows 
strong participle-stems to be made with the nnioR-Towel, as well as in the 
regular manner without it: thus, vivi9iv&&B or vivl^vfi&s; dadf^iv&fui 
occurs in KthU. PB. has once oicchidiv&&8. 

806. The ending of the middle participle is &nd. It 
is added to the weak form of perfect-stem, as this appears 
in the middle inflection: thus, 5|5TqH bubudhSna, Ih^H 
niny&nd, ^^ dadSnd, cRH tenSnd, sTgR jajiiSn&, 3i^H 

a. In the Veda, the long reduplicating vowel Is shown by many middle 
participles: thus, vftv^^dhfind, vavas&nd, dadph&i^ tiitujftnd* etc. 
RY. has 9a9ayan& from ^/^i (with irregular gui^a, as in the present- 
system: 620J; tiBtir&nd from i/^t^f <^^ ^^^^ ^i^^ mftna, saspnand 
from y'sip. A few participles with long redupl. vowel have it irregularly 
accented (as if rather intensive: 1018): thus, tlttujftna (also tatnjftnd), 
babadh&na, Qa^adana, QUQujfina, 9il9uvana. 

807. In the later language, the perfect participles have nearly gone 
out of use; even the active appears but rarely, and is made from 
very few verbs, and of the middle hardly any examples are quotable, 
save such as the proper name ynyudhana, the adjective anucftna 
learned in scripture^ etc. 

Modes of the Perfect. 

808. Modes of the perfect belong only to the Vedic language, 
and even are seldom found outside of the Rig-Veda. 

a. To draw the line surely and distinctly between these and the 
mode-forms from other reduplicated tense-stems — the present-stem of the 
reduplicating class, the reduplicated aorlst, and the intensive — is not pos- 
sible, since no criterion of form exists which does not In some cases fail, and 
since the general equivalence of modal forms from all stems (682), and the 
«>ommon use of the perfect as a present in the Veda (828), deprive as of 
a criterion of meaning. There can be no reasonable doubt, however, that 
a considerable body of forms are to be reckoned here; optatives like ftna* 
9yfiin and babhtly&B and babhflyat, imperatives like babhutu, subjunc- 
tives like jabh&rat, show such distinctive characteristics of the perfect 
formation that by their analogy other similar words are confidently classed 
as belonging to the perfect. 

809. The normal method of making such forms would appear 
to be as follows: from a reduplicated perfect-stem, as (for example) 
mumuc, an imperative would be made by simply appending, as 
usual, the imperative endings; the derived subjunctive mode-stem 
would be miim6ca (accented after the analogy of the strong forms 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

293 Modes. [—818 

of the perfect indioatiye), and would take either primary or secondary 
endingB; and the optative mode-stemB would be mumuoya in the 
active, and mumuoi (accent on personal endings) in the middle. 

And the great majority of the forms in question (about three 
quarters) are made in these ways. Thus: 

810. Examples of the regular subjunctive formation are: 

a. with secondary endings, actiye: 2d sing., papr&thaB, cftk&nas, 
mfim&hasy pipr&yaSt bubodhas, rftr&nas; 3d sing., cftk&naty jabh&rat, 
rftr&nat, sftB&hat, paBp&r9at» pipr&yat; 1st pi., o&k&nftma, tat&nfima, 
9€tQ&v&ma; 3d pi., tatAnan, papr&than (other persons do not occur). 
This is the largest class of cases. 

b. with primary endings, active: here seem to belong only dadhAr- 
fati and vav&rtati: compare the formation with different accent below, 

o. of middle forms occur only the 3d sing, tat&pate, QaQdmatOy 
yuyojate, Jujo^ate (SY.; RY. has j^ofate); and the 3d pi. c&]dtnanta» 
tatdnanta (and perhaps two or three others:, below, 811 b, end). 

811. But not a few sabjunctives of other formation occur; thus: 

a. With strengthened root-syllable, as abOTO, but with accent on the 
reduplication (as in the minority of present-forms of the reduplicating class : 
above, 646). Here the forms with primary endings, active, preponderate, 
and are not yery rare: for example, JuJosaBi, J^o^atl, juJofaihaSt 
jiijofatlia (other persons do not occur). With secondary endings, j^Ofas* 
j^o^at, and jujo^an are the forms that belong most distinctly here (since 
d&dft^as and Bu^udas etc. are perhaps rather aorlsts). And there is no 
middle form but jujo^ate (RY.: see above, 810 o). 

b. With unstrengthened root-syllable occur a small body of forms, 
which are apparently also accented on the reduplication (accented examples 
are found only in 3d pi. mid.): thus, active, for example, mumuoaa; 
vav^tat, vividat, 9UQUvat; the only middle forms are dadh|i|fate, 
vftv^dhate, 3d sing.; and o&kramanta» d&dh|faxita, runicanta (with 
dadabhajita, paprathanta, m&mahanta, juhuranta» which might also 
belong elsewhere: 810 o). 

c. Accented on the ending are vftvTdh&nta and cfikk|rp&nta (whioh 
are rather to be called augmentless pluperfects). 

d. As to forms with double mode-sign, or transfers to an a-conjugation, 
see below, 815. 

812. Examples of the regular optative formation are: 

a. In active: 1st sing., ftna^yftm, jagamySm, pap)*oyam, ririo- 
yftm; 2d sing., vavrtyfts, vivi^y&B, 9UQraya8, babhuyfia; 3d sing., 
jagamyfit» vavftyftt, tatujyat, babhuyat; 2d du., jagmyfttam, 9U9TII- 
yatam; 1st pi., BftBahyftma, vavTty&ma, 9U9uyftma; 3d pi., tatanyuB, 
vavfjyuB, vavTtyaB. The forms are quite numerous. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

8ia— ] X. Pbepbct-system. 294 

b. In middle, the forms are few: namely, let sing., vavftiya; 2d 
sing., Tftv^dhithas, caksamlth&s ; 3d sing., jagrasita, vav^ita, 
mamfjita, dudhuvita, QU9uoita; Itt pi., vav^tlmahi. And sftsa- . 
hifth&8 and ririfl^^a appear to famish examples of precative optative 

o. There is no irregular mode of formation of perfect optatiyee. Indi- 
vidual irregularities are shown by certain forms: thus, oakriy&s, papiyftt, 
9U9ruya8 and QUQrtlyatam, with treatment of the final as before the 
passive-sign yd (770); anajy&t with short initial; 9i9rlt& from y'^ri; 
jaJqiiy&t is anomalous: riri^es in the only form that shows a union-vowel 
a (unless also ai^ei, from )/b&). 

813. Of regular imperative forms, only a very small number are to 
be quoted: namely, active, oftkandhi, rftrandhi, cikiddhi, titigdhl, 
mumugdhi, 9U9Tigdhi, and plprihi; c&kantu, rarantu, mumoktu, 
and babhutu; miimuktam and vay^ktam; jujuftana and vav^ttaua 
(unless we are to add mamaddhit mamattUy mam&ttana) ; — middle, 
vav^tBva and vavrddhvam. AV. has once dadr9rftm. 

814. As irregular imperatives may be reckoned several which show 
a nnion-vowel a, or have been transferred to an a-conjugation. Such are, 
in the active, mum6catam and jiijofatam (2d du.), and iniiin6oata 
(2d pi.); in the middle, pipr&yasva (only one found with accent), and 
mftmahaBva» v&vplhasva, TftYr^asva (2d sing.), and mfimahant&m 
(dd pi.: probably to be accented -&8va and -&ntSm). 

816. Such imperatives as these, taken in connection with some of 
the subjunctives given above (and a few of the "pluperfect" forms: below, 
820), suggest as plausible the assumption of a double present-stem, with 
reduplication and added a (with which the desiderative stems would be 
comparable: below, 1026 ff.): for example, jujofa from j/juf, from which 
would come j^Jofa8i etc. and jujo^ate (811a) as indicative, J^o^as 
etc. as subjunotively used augmentlcss imperfect, and jujo^atam as im- 
perative. Most of the forms given above as subjunctives with primary 
ending lack a marked and constant subjunctive character, and would pass 
fairly well as indicatives. And it appears tolerably certain that from one 
root at least, v^pdh, such a double stem is to be recognized ; from v&iqpdlia 
come readily vftv^rdhatey v&v^dh&nta, and from it alone can come regu- 
larly vftv^dhasva, v&y^dh^te and vavrdhftti (once, RV.) — and, yet 
more, the participle vav|rdh4nt (RY. ; AY. vftv^dhtot : an isolated case) : 
yet even here we bave also vftv^dhlthas, not vSv|^dh6th&8. To assume 
double present-stems, however, in all the cases would be highly implau- 
sible; it is better to recognize the formation as one begun, but not car- 
ried out. 

a. Only one other subjunctive with double mode-sign — namely, 
paproftai — is found to set beside vftv^dhftti. 

816. Forms of different model are not very seldom made from the 
same root: for example, from y'muo, the subjunctives inum6oa0, mt&ino- 

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295 Plupbrfbgt. [>-821 

oati, ftud mumuoas; from ydhf^, dadh&r^ati and dadh^ate; from 
yptiy the imperatives piprlhi and pipr&yasTa. 


817. Of an augment-preterit from the perfect-stem, to which the 
name of pluperfect is given on the ground of its formation (though 
not of its meaning), the Veda presents a few examples ; and one or 
two forms of the later language (mentioned above, 788 b) have also 
been referred to it. 

a. There is much of tbe same difficulty in distlngaishing the pluperfect 
as the perfect modes from kindred reduplicated formations. Between it and 
the aorist, however, a difference of meaning helps to make a separation. 

818. The normal pluperfect should show a strong stem in the singular 
active, and a weak one elsewhere — thus, mtimoc and mumuo — with 
augment prefixed and secondary endings added (uB in 3d pi. act., ata in 
3d pi. mid.). 

a. Of forms made according to this model, we have, in the active: 
Ist sing., ajagrabham and aoaoak^am (which, by its form, might be 
aorist: 860); 2d siog. Ajagan; 3d sing., ajagan and aoiket; 2d da., 
amumuktam ; 2d pi. ^aganta, and Ajagantana and ajabhartana (a 
strong form, as often in this person: 556a); 3d pL (perhaps), ama- 
manduB and amamadus. To these may be added the aagmentless o&k&n 
and rar&n, clk^tam and cakaram. In the middle, the 3d pi. aoakriran 
and ajagmiran (with Iran instead of ata), and the aagmentless 2d sing. 
jugurthSs and sufupthia, are the most regular forms to be found. 

819. Several forms f^m roots ending in consonants save the endings 
in 2d and 3d sing. act. by inserting an i (556 bj. tUib, abubhojlB, 
avive9i9; aiirecit, ^agrabhlt (av&varit an<k flMira^itam ar« rather 
intensives); and the augmentless jfhifisis (accent?) and dadhan|fit belong 
with them. 

8SK). A few forms show a stem ending in a: they are, in the active: 
3d sing., aeasvajat, aoikitat, aoakrat; in the middle: 3d sing., &pip- 
rata; 2d du., ipasprdhetham ; 3d pi., atitvi^anta (which by its form 
might be aorist), Ma^hant:.} and oakradat, oakn>tota, vftvydhtota, 
jahnranta, would perhaps be best classified here as augmentless forms 
(compare 811, above). 

Uses of the Perfect 

821. Perfects are quotable as made from more than half the 
roots of the language, and they abound in use at every period and 
in almost all branches of the literature, though not always with the 
same value. 

a. According to the Hindu grammarians, the perfect is used in the 

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821—] X. Pbrpbothsystem. 296 

narration of facts not witnessed by the narrator; bnt there is no eTidenoe 
of its being either exclusively or distinctiyely so employed at any period. 

b. In the later laoj^age, it is simply a preterit or past tense, 
equivalent with the imperfect, and freely interchangeable or coor- 
dinated with it. It is on the whole less common than the imperfect, 
although the preferences of different anthors are diverse, and it some- 
times exceeds the imperfect in frequency (compare 927). 

o. The perfects veda and ftha are everywhere used with present 
value. In the Brahmanas, also others, especially dfidhftra, also dldfiya, 
bibhftyat etc. 

822. lu the Brahmanas, the distinction of tense-yalue between per- 
fect and imperfect is almost altogether lost, as in the later language. Bat 
in most of the texts the imperfect is the ordinary tense of narration, the 
perfect being only exceptionally used. Thus in PB., the imperfects are to 
the perfects as more than a hundred to one; in the Brahmana parts of Ti^. 
and TB., as over thirty-four to one; and in those of MS. in about the 
same proportion; in AB., as more than four to one, the perfect appearing 
mostly in certain passages, where it takes the place of imperfect. It is 
only in ^B. that the perfect is much more commonly used, and even, to 
a considerable extent, in coordination with the imperfect. Throughout the 
Bi^hmanas, however, the perfect participles have in general the true "per- 
fect" value, indicating a completed or proximate past. 

823. In the Veda, the case is very different. The perfect is used 
as past tense in narration, bnt only rarely; sometimes also it has a true 
^^perfect" sense, or signifies a completed or proximate past (like the aorist 
of the Mer language: M8); but oftenest it has a value hardly or not 
'.t hLI 'listlngni-nable in pnint of time from the present. It is thus the 
'equivalent r( <n perfect, ;^ori$t, and present; and it occurs coordinated with 
tnem alt 

a. Examples are: of perfect with present, n& 9rftmyaiiti n& vi 
muficanty 6te v&yo n4 paptuh (RV.) they weary not nor stop, iheyjiy 
like birds; ae 'd u reua ki^ayati oar^ai^Inam aran nk nemfh p&ri 
ti babhuva (RV.) he in truth rules king of men; he embraces them all, 
as the wheel the spokes \ — of perfect with aorist, upo ruruoe yuvatir 
n& y69& . . . dbhtid agni^ samfdhe m&iuf&nftm &kar Jy6tir badh- 
amftnfi t&mft&Bi (RV.) she is come beaming like a young maiden; Agni 
hath appeared for the kindling of mortals ; she hath made light, driving away 
the darkness) — of perfect with imperfect, ihann &him &nv ap&8 tatarda 
(RV.) he slew the dragon, he penetrated to the waters. Such a coordination 
as this last is of constant occurrence in the later language: e. g. mumude 
'p^Jayao tSA 'nftm (R.) he was glad, and paid honor to her\ vastrftnte 
Jagrftha skandhade^e '8|jat tasya srajam (MBh.) she took hold of 
the end of his garment, and dropped a garland on his shoulders. 

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297 Varieties of Aorist. [ — 884 



824. Under the name of aorist are included (as was 
pointed out above^ 682) three quite distinct formations, each 
of which has its sub-varieties: namely — 

I. A SIMPLE A0RI8T (equivalent to the Greek '^second 
aorist^), analogous in all respects as to form and inflection 
with the imperfect. It has two varieties: 1. the root-aorist, 
with a tense-stem identical with the root (corresponding 
to an imperfect of the root-class); 2. the a-aorist, with a 
tense-stem ending in ^ d, or with union-vowel ^ a before 
the endings (corresponding to an imperfect of the &-class). 

II. 3. A REDUPLICATING AORIST, perhaps in origin iden- 
tical with an imperfect of the reduplicating class, but having 
come to be separated from it by marked peculiarities of form. 
It usually has a union- vowel ^ a before the endings, or is 
inflected like an imperfect of one of the a-classes; but a 
few forms occur in the Veda without such vowel. 

III. A siGMATic or SIBILANT AORIST (corresponding to the 
Greek "first aorist"), having for its tense-sign a H s added 
to the root, either directly or with a preceding auxiliary 
^ i; its endings are usually added immediately to the tense- 
sign, but in a small number of roots with a union-vowel 
35r a; a very few roots also are increased by H s for its 
formation; and according to these differences it falls into 
four varieties: namely, A. without union-vowel 5C a before 
endings: 4. s-aorist, with H s alone added to the root; 
5. if^-aorist, the same with interposed ^ i; 5. sif^-aorist, 

4he same as the preceding with H s added at the end of 
the root; B. with union-vowel ^ a, 7. sa- aorist. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


826. All these varieties are bound together and made 
into a single complex system by certain correspondences of 
form and meaning. Thus, in regard to form, they are all 
alike, in the indicative, augment-preterits to which there does 
not exist any corresponding present; in regard to meaning, 
although in the later or classical language they are simply 
preterits, exchangeable with imperfects and perfects, they 
all alike have in the older language the general value of 
a completed past or ^perfect", translatable by have done and 
the like. 

826. The aorigt-system is a formation of iiifreqaent occnrrenoe in 
much of the classical Sanskrit (its forms are fonnd, for example, only 
twenty-one times in the Nala, eight in the Hitopade^a, seven in Manu, six 
each in the Bhagavad-Gita and ^akuntala, and sixty-six times, from four- 
teen roots, in the first book, of about 2600 lines, of the Ramayana: com- 
pare 027 b), and it possesses no participle, nor any modes (excepting in 
the prohibitive use of its augmentless forms: see 679; and the so-called 
precative: see 921 ff.); in the older language, on the other hand, it is 
quite common, and has the 'nhole variety of modes belonging to the present, 
and sometimes participles. Its description, accordingly, must be given 
mainly as that of a part of the older language, with due notice of its res- 
triction in later use. 

827. a« In the RY., nearly half the roots occurring show aorist forms, 
of one or another class ; in the AY. , rather less than one third ; and in the 
other texts of the older language comparatively few aorists occur which are 
not found in these two. 

b. More than Afty roots, in RY. and AY. together, make aorist forms 
of more than one class (not taking into account the reduplicated or ^^causa- 
tive" aorist); but no law appears to underlie this variety; of any relation 
such as is taught by the grammarians, between active of one class and 
middle of another as correlative, there is no trace discoverable. 

C. Examples are: of classes 1 and 4, adhfim and dhiauB from 
|/dhfty ayuji and ayukfata from Vj\xi\ — of 1 and 5, agrabham and 
agrabhi^ma from i/grabh, mr^t^i&s and mar^i^thfis from yvE^\ — 
of 1 and 2, firta and ftrat from 1/7; — of 2 and 4, avidam and avitoi 
from |/vid Jind, anijam and an&ikfit from /nij ; — of 2 and 5, 8an6- 
ma and asftnifam from |/Ban; — of 2 and 7, aruham and aruk^at 
from /ruh; — of 4 and 5, amateus and amftdifus from ymad; — 
of 4 and 6, hasmalii and hasifus from ylift; — of 1 and 2 and 4, 
atnata and atanat and at&n from |/tan; — of 1 and 4 and 5, abudli- 
ran and ibhutsi and b6dlii9at from >/btidh» &8tar and Btf^^ya and 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 




aBtariB from ystj^. Often the second, or second and third, class is rep- 
resented by only an isolated form or two. 

1. Simple Aorisi 

8S8. This 18, of the three principal diyisions of aorist, the one 
least removed from the analogy of forms already explained; it is 
like an imperfect, of the root-class or of the i-class, without a corres- 
ponding present indicative, but with (more or less fragmentarily) all 
the other parts which go to make up a complete present-system. 

1. Boot-aorist. 

829. a. This foimation is in the later language limited 
to a few roots in 3^ a and the root ^ bhti, and is allowed 
to be made in the active only, the middle using instead 
the s-aorist (4), or the ifh-aorist (5). 

b. The roots in ^ a take 3R us as 3d pi. ending, and, 
as usual, lose theii ^ S befofe it; H bhtl (as in the perfect: 
793 a) retains its vowel unchanged throughout, inserting 
^ V after it before the endings W\ am and 3^ an of 1st 
sing, and 3d pi. Thus: 





&bhuvam ibhuva 

&dfttam ddftta 







3 ^(^i^ M<^iHiH^ ^nrr^ ^MtT^ 

idftt adatfim &du8 &bhQt 

For the classical Sanskrit, this is the whole story. 

830. In the Veda, these same roots are decidedly the most fre- 
quent and conspicuous representatives of the formation: especially 
the roots gft, da, dha, pa drinky stha, bhu; while sporadic forms 
are made from jfia, pra, sa, ha. As to their middle forms, see 
below, 834 a. 

a. Instead of abhuvam, RY. has twice abhnvam. BhP. has agan, 
3d p]., instead of agns. 

831. But aorists of the same class are also made from a num- 
ber of roots in y, and a few in i- and u-vowels {short or long) — 

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881—] XI. AORIST-SYSTBMS. 300 

with, as required by the analogy of the tense with an imperfect of 
the root-class, gui^-strengthening in the three persons of the singalar. 
a. Thas (in the active), from >^^ni, &^ravain and a^rot ; from ^^ri, 
^^res and &9ret} from ykf make, &karam and &kar (for akars and 
akart); from vr enclose^ ivB,v (685 a); and so &8tar, aspar. Daal and 
plural forms are much less frequent than singular; but for the most part 
they also show an irregular strengthening of the root- vowel : thus (including 
augmentless forms), &kanna and karma and &karta, vartam, spartam* 
&hema and &hetana» bhema, a^ravan ; regular are only avran» ilnraii, 
ahyan, and i^riyan. 

832. Further, from a few roots with medial (or initial) yowel 
capable of gui^-strengthening and haviag in general that strengthen- 
ing only in the singular. 

a. Thus, ibhedam and abhet from |/bhid; imok from )/mao; 
yojam from >^yi]J ; rok (VS.) from yruj ; arodham and arudhma from 
V'rudh; avart from V'vyt; vdrk from Vvifi (AV. has once av^k); adar- 
9am from v'df^; ardhma from V^dh; and adr9an» avfjan, a9vitan. 
But ohedma; with guna, from >/ohid, and adar9ma (TS.) from yd^, 

833. Again, from a larger number of roots with a as radical 
vowel : ^ 

a. Of these, gam (with n for m when final or followed by m: 143 a, 
212 a) is of decidedly most frequent occurrence, and shows the greatest 
variety of forms: thus, 4gamam, 4gan (2d and 3d sing.), iganina, 
aganta (strong form), 4gman. The other cases are akran from ]/kram; 
&tan from >/tan; abhrftt from }/bhrfiJ; aakan from yskand; asrat 
from ysraiis (? VS.); dhak and daghma from |/dagh; anaf (585a) 
and anaftftm from v^na9; ^has or aghat, dghaatfim, aghasta, and 
ik^an (for aghsan, like agman) from y^ghas; and the 3d pi. in us. 
akramus, ayamu8» dabhus, n^tus (pf.?). mandus. 

834. So far only active forms have been considered. In the 
middle, a considerable part of the forms are such as are held by the 
grammarians (881) to belong to the s-aorist, with omission of the a: 
they doubtless belong, however, mostly or altogether, here. Thus: 

a. From roots ending In vowels, we have adhithfts, adhita (also 
ahita), and adhimahi; adith949» adita, and adimahi (and adimahi 
from y^dacuQ; &9ita(?); sim&hi; &8thith&8 and &8thita and iathiran, 
forms of ft-roots; — of |*-root9, akri» ^kfthfiB, ik^ta, akr&t&in» &krata 
(and the anomalous kr&nta); avri» aTqrthaa, av|*ta; ftrta, &rata; m^pthSs, 
am|*ta; dh^thfts; adpthas; ast^ta; ah^thas; giirta; — of i and u roota, 
the only examples are ahvi (? AV., once), ihiimahi, and &oidhvam.. 
The absence of any analogies whatever for the omission of a a in such 
forms, and the occurrence of avri and akri and &krata, show that their 
reference to the B-aorist is probably without sufficient reason. 

b. As regards roots ending in consonants, the case is more question- 
able, since loss of s after a final consonant before thfts and ta (and, of 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

301 1- ROOT-AORIST. [—886 

courBe, dhvam) woald be in many cases required by euphonic rule (233 o fP.)- 
We find, howeTer, such unmistakable middle inflection of the root-aorist as 
ayujiy iynkthfts, iyukta, ayujmahi, iyugdhvam, &srujran; a^fa 
and a^ata; n&&9i; apadi (Ist sing.) and apadmahi and apadran; 
&mamnahi ; g&nvahi and dganmahi and &gmata; atnata; ^ijani 
(Ist sing.) and ajfiata (3d pi.) ; from |/gam are made agathllB and agata, 
from ytaiif atathfts and &tata, and from |/inan, amata, with treatment 
of the final like that of han in present inflection (637). The ending ran 
is especially f^quent in 3d pi., being taken by a number of verbs which 
hsye no other middle person of this aorist: thus, ag^bhran, Asfgrany 
ad^^raiiy abudhran, &vrtran, aju^ran, akn>F&3i» asp^dhran, avaa- 
ran, &vi9ran; and ram is found beside ran in &dr9ram, &badhram» 

c. From roots of which the final would combine with s to k^, it 
seems more probable that aorist- forms showing k (instead of 9) before the 
ending belong to the root-aorist : such are amnkthfts (and imugdhvam), 
apfkthfts and ap^kta, &bhakta» av^kta, asakthfts and aaakta* rik- 
thfts, vikthfts and vikta» amkta; apra^t^ aya^fa, &8pa9ta» aa^thfta 
and &a^ta, and mfr^thfta would be the same in either case. 

d. There remain, as cases of more doubtful belonging, and probably 
to be ranked in part with the one formation and in part with the other, 
according to their period and to the occurrence of other persons : chitthfta* 
nutthaa and &nutta and &nuddhvam, patthfta, bhitth&a, amatta, 
atapthfta, alipta, aa^pta; and finally, drabdha, alabdha, aruddha» 
abuddha, ayuddha, and drogdhfta (MBh.: read dmgdhfta): see 883. 

Modes of the Root-aoriat. 

835. Subjunctive. In subjunctive use, forms identical with the 
augmentless indicative of this aorist are much more frequent than the more 
proper subjunctives. Those to which no corresponding form with augment 
occurs have been given above; the others it is unnecessary to report in 

836. a. Of true subjunctives the forms with primary endings are 
quite few. In the active, k&ra^, g&ni, gamftni (for bhuvftnl, see be- 
low, o); k&raai; athftti, dati and dhati (which are almost indicative in 
value), karati, jofati, padftti, bhMatl, rftdhati, varjati; athathaa, 
karathaa and karataa, dar^athaa* 9ravathaa and ^rdvataa; and 
(apparently) karanti, g&manti. In the middle, jo^aae; idhat6 (?), 
k&rate, bh6jate, yojate, v&ijate; dh6the and dh&ithe; k&ramahe, 
dbSmahe, g&m&mali&i. 

b. Forms with secondary endings are, in the active, d&r9am, bho- 
jam, yojam; k&raa, t&rdaa, p&roaa, yamaa, r&dhfta, v&raa; k4rat, 
g&mat» garat» jb^at* daghat, padat, y&mat, yodhat, radhat, varat, 
▼&rtat, 9r&vat, a&ghat» ap&rat; k&rama, gamama, radhama; g&man. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

836—] XI. A0RI8T-8YSTEMS. 302 

garan, d^r^an, yaman. No middle formi are clMsiflable with confidence 

0. The series bhavam, bhuvas, bhuvat, bhuvan, and bhurftni 
(compare abhuvam: 830 a), and the isolated 9ruvat, are of donbtmi 
belongings; with a different accent, they would seem to be of the next 
class; here, a gtu^-strengthening would be more regular (but note the 
absence of gui^a in the aorist indioatiye and the perfect of ybhti). 

837. Optative. The optative active of this aorist constitutes, with 
a 8 interposed between mode-sign and personal endings (567), the preca- 
tive active of the Hindu grammarians, and is allowed by them to be made 
from every verb, they recognizing no connection between It and the aorist. 
But in the 2d sing, the interposed 8 is not distinguishable from the personal 
ending; and, after the earliest period (see 838), the ending crowds out the 
sibilant in the 3d sing., which thus comes to end in y&t instead of yfts 
(compare 665 a). 

a. In the older language, however, pure optative forms, without the 8, 
are made from this tense. From roots in ft occur (with change of S to e 
before the y: 250 d) deyftm, dheySm and dheyuB, and stheyftina; 
in u-vowels, bhuy&na; in |p, kriy&ma; in consonants, a^yam and 
a^yama and a9yu8» vfjyfim, 9akyftm, yiijyftva and yxijyatftm» BfiliyS- 
ma, and tfdyuB. 

b. The optative middle of the root-aorist is not recognized by the 
Hindu grammarians as making a part of the precative formation. The RY. 
has, however, two precative forms of it, namely padift& and mucli}^. 
Much more common in the older language are pure optative forms: namely, 
a9iy& and a9im&hi (this optative is especially common), indluya, g^iuya, 
muriya, ruoiya; arlta, uhita, vurita; idhimahi» na^imahi, nasi- 
mahi, p^imahi, mudimahi, yamimahi; and probably, from 5-roots. 
sim&hi and dhimahi (which might also be augmentless indicative, since 
adhimahi and adhit&m also occur). All these forms except the three 
in 3d sing, might be precative according to the general understanding of 
that mode, as being of persons which even by the native authorities are not 
claimed ever to exhibit the inserted sibilant. 

838. Precative active forms of this aorist are made from the earliest 
period of the language. In RV., they do not occur from any root which 
has not also other aorist forms of the same class to show. The RV. forms 
are: 1st sing., bhtiy&sam ; 2d sing., avy&8» Jiley&s, bhftyas, m^rdhyfia, 
aahyfts; 3d sing, (in -yfis, for -yast; RV. has no 3d sing, in yftt, whicb 
is later the universal ending), avyfta, a^y&s, ^dhyfta, gamyds, da^^hyfts, 
peyfts, bhtiyaB» yamyfts, ytlyaA, vrjyfts, ^ruySa, sahy&s; 1st pi., 
kriy&Bxna (beside kriyftma: 837 a). AV. has six 1st persons sing, in 
-yasam, one 2d in -yas, one 3d in -yat (and one in -y&a, in a RV. 
passage), three 1st pi. in -yaaina (beside one in y&ma, in a RV. passage), 
and the 2d bhuyftstha (doubtless a false reading: TB. has -sta in the 
corresponding passage). From this time on, the pure optative forms nearly 

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303 1. ROOT-AORIST. [—840 

disappear (the exceptlonB are giveu iu 887 a). But the precatlve forms are 
nowhere commou, excepting as made from yl>ha; and from no other root 
is anything like a complete series of persons quotable (only bhayftsva 
and bhuy&stftm being wanting; and these two persons have no represent- 
ative from any root). All together, active optative or precative forms are 
made in the older language from over fifty roots; and the epic and classical 
texts add them from hardly a dozen more: see further 926. 

839, Imperative. Imperative forms of the root-aorist are not rare 
in the early language. Iu the middle, indeed, almost only the 2d sing, 
occurs: it is accented either regularly, on the ending, as k^v&y dhi^v&y 
ynk^v^, or on the root, as mitava» y&kfva, v&&8va» Tt&va, s&kfva; 
difva and mSsva are not found with accent; the 2d pi. is represented 
by k^dhvam, vo^vam. In the active, all the persons (2d and 3d) are 
found in use; eitamples are: 2d sing., Iqpdhf, v^dhi, ^agdhf, ^rudhf, 
gadhi, yaihdhl, gahi, mfthi, 8&hi, mogdhi; 3d sing., gaihtu, d&tu, 
a^tu, 9r6tu, s6tu; 2d du., d&tam, jitam, ^aktam, ^rut&m, bhilt&m, 
Bp^ptam« gat&m, rikt&m, vo^bam, sitam, sut&m; 3d du., only gaih- 
t&m, datam» vo<}ham; 2d pi., g&t&, bhut4, Qmta, Iqrta, gata, data, 
dh&tana; 3d pi., only dh&ntu, Qruvantu. These are the most regular 
forms; but irregularities as to both accent and strengthening are not infre- 
quent. Thus, strong forms in 2d du. and pi. are yaiht&m, varktam, 
vartam ; k&rta, g&ihta (once gaihtA), y&ihta, vartta, beta, 9r6ta, 86ta ; 
and, with tana, k&rtana, g&iiitana, yaihtana, sotana, and the irregular 
dhetana (ydh&); in 3d du., g&iiitam. Much more irregular are y6dhi 
(instead of jraddhf) from >^yudh, and bodbi from both |/budh and yhh^ 
(instead of buddhf and bhudhf). A single form (3d sing.) in tat is 
found, namely ^ast&t. We And k^dhi also later (MBh. BhP.). 

a. As to 2d persons singular in si from the simple root used in an 
imperative sense, see above, 824. 

Participles of the Root-aorist. 

840. In the oldest language, of the RV., are found a number of 
partieiples which must be reckoned as belonging to this formation. 

a. In the active, they are extremely few: namely, kr4nt, oit&nt (?), 
gm4ntv Bthant, bhid&nt, vfdh&nty dsratant- (only in composition)^ 
and probably irdh&nt. And BbP. has m^fant (but probably by error, for 

b. In the middle, they are in RV. much more numerous. The accent 
is usually on the final of the stem: thus, ar&]^, idh&n&, kr&n&, ju^fi^ft, 
tf^fti^y nidSn^, pi^ftn^, p^cftn&y prathftn^, budhana, bhiyftna, 
manan&, mandSni, yxij&ii&, mo&n&y vipftni, vr&n&, ur&n&, ^ubh- 
&Q&, saofini, suv&n& or Bvan&, s^jani, 8p|*dh&n&, hiyani; — but 
sometimes on the root-syllable: thus, oitftna, oyavftna, ruhSna, uhfina 
(pres.?), v&a&na, ^umbhSna; — while a few show both accentuations 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


(compare 619 d): thus, df^ftn^ and df^ana, dyatftn& and dyutftna, 
yat&a& and ydtftna ; and cetftna and hraya^a occor only in composition. 
A very few of these are found once or twice in other texts, namely citana* 
dyat&na» ruhfi^a, vas&na, suvftna; and -kupftna occurs once in 
Apast. (xiv. 28. 4). 

841. All together, the roots exhibiting in the older language 
forms which are with fair probability to be reckoned to the root- 
aorist-system are about a hundred and thirty; over eighty of them 
make such forms in the RV. 

Passive Aorist third person sinsular. 

842. A middle third person singular, of peculiar formation and 
prevailingly passive meaning, is made from many verbs in the older 
language, and has become a regular part of the passive conjugation, 
being, according to the grammarians, to be substituted always for the 
proper third person of any aorist middle that is used in a passive 

843. This person is formed by adding ^ i to the root, 
which takes also the augment, and is usually strengthened. 

a. The ending i belongs elsewhere only to the first person; and this 
third person apparently stands in the same relation to a first in i as do, 
in the middle voice, the regular 3d sing, perfect, and also the frequent 
Vedic 3d sing, present of the root-class (613), which are identical in form 
Avith their respective first persons. That a fuller ending has been lost off 
is extremely improbable; and hence, as an aorist formation from the simple 
root, this is most properly treated here, in connection with the ordinary 

844. Before the ending ^ i, a final vowel, and usually 
also a medial ^ a before a single consonant, have the vrddhi- 
strengthening ; other medial vowels have the gu^anstrengthen- 
ing if capable of it (240); after final ^ S is added U y. 

a. Examples (all of them quotable from the older language) are: 
from roots ending in &, djii&yiy &dhftyl, &pS3ri; in other vowels, kqrhyi, 
&8tftvi» &h&vi» &k&ri, &8t&ri; — from roots with medial i, a» 7, aoeti» 
aoehedi» aqe^U &bodhi, imoci, &yoji, idai^i, asarji, varhi; from 
roots with medial a strengthened, agami, &padi, ayftxoi, av&ci, v&pi, 
&8ftdi (these arc all the earlier cases) ; with a unchanged, only ^ani (and 
RV. has once jani), and, in heavy syllables, imyak^i, vandi, ^aAsi, 
syandi; with medial ft, &bhrfiji, &r&dhi; — from roots with initial 
vowel, ardhi (only case). 

b. According to the grammarians, certain roots in am, and y'vadh, 
retain the a unchanged : quotable are ajani (or ajftni), agami (or agimi), 

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305 Simple Aorist: 2, a-AORiST. [— S46 

asvani, avadhi* also araoi; and there are noted besides, from roots 
sometimes showing a nasal, adaA^i, arambhi, arandhi, ajambhi» 
abhafiji or abhl^i, alambhi (always, with prepositions) or alftbhi, 
astambhi; (B. has asafiji 

o. Angmentless forms, as in all other like cases, are met with, with 
either indicative or subjanctive value: examples (besides the two or three 
already given) are: dhAyi, ^rivi, bhftri, reci, v6di» rooi, J&ni, pidi, 
sadi, ardhi. The accent, when present, is always on the root-syllable 
(SY. dhSyf is doubtless a false reading). 

846. These forms are made in RV. from forty roots, and all the other 
earlier texts combined add only abont twenty to the number; from the 
later language are quotable thirty or forty more; in the epics they are 
nearly unknown. When they come from roots of neuter meaning, as gain» 
pad, sad, bhrfij, r&dh, ruo, safij, they have (like the so-called passive 
participle in ta: 952) a value equivalent to that of other middle forms; 
in a case or two (RV. vii. 73. 3[?]; VS. xxviii. 16; TB. ii. 6. lO*) they 
appear even to be used transitively. 

2. The a-aorist. 

846. a. This aorist is in the later language allowed to 
be made from a large number of roots (near a hundred). 
It is made in both voices, but is rare in the middle, most 
of the roots forming their middle according to the s-class 
(878 ff.) or the i^-class (898 ff.). 

b. Its closest analogy is with the imperfect of the d-class 
(751 ff.); its inflection is the same with that in all particulars; 
and it takes in general a weak form of root — save the roots in 
^ r (three or four only), which have the gui^a-strengthening. 

o. As example of inflection may be taken the root 
ftrf Bic pour. Thus: 

active. middle. 

8. d. p. 

&8ice isicavahi &8io&mahi 

sgrfeimH^ s^ft^rar^ glTRiiiq[^ 

Asioathas Asioethftm &8ieadhvam 


isicata isioetfim dsicanta 
Whitney, Orammar. 3. ed. 20 


1 yf^TiM 

d. p. 

M\k\r\H MWt^IH 


dsicava &8io&ma 

2 *4f^Tj^ 

yfl<^HH mRHtIH 


&8ieatain Asicata 

&8ioatfim &8ioan 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

847—1 XI. A0BI8T-SYSTBM8. 306 

847. The a-aorUt makes in the BY. s small flgnre beside the looi- 
aorist, being represented by less than half the latter's number of roots. It 
becomes, however, more common later (It is the only form of aorist which 
is made from more verbs In AY. than in BY.) ; and in Yeda and Brihma^a 
together abont eighty roots exhibit the formation more or less fkdly. Of 
these a large number (folly hall) are of the type of the roots which make 
their present-system according to the &-class, having a vowel capable of 
giu^-strengthening before a final consonant (754): thns, wi^ i, ohid, 
bhicU nij, rio, ri^. Up, vid, 1919 (9^0), 2919, 9^9, 9li«, sio, sridh; 
— with a* krudh, k^udh, guh, duf, dyut, droIi, puf, budh« bhuj» 
muo, mruo» y^i* ^uo, md, mdh, muh, ruh, 9uc; — with x* fdh* 
kft, gfdhy gf h, tn>» tfih ^^ <^» ^Vh dh^, n^pt, mrdh, m^ vft, 
Vftlhy vj^ Bn>» IRT?* a small number end in vowels: thus, x* ^9 Sf 
(which have the go^a-strengthening throughout), hi (? ahyat once in 
AY.), and several in ft, apparent transfers from the root-class by the weak- 
ening of their ft to a: thus, khyft, hvft, vyft, 9Vft, and dft and dhft; 
and ftsthat, regarded by the granunarians as aorist to ^^as throw, is doabt- 
less a like formation from /BthS. A few have a penultimate nasal in the 
present and elsewhere, which in this aorist is lost: thus, bhraft9, taAs, 
dhvaAs, sra&s, krand» randh. Of less classifiable character are a9, 
kram, gam, ghaa* tarn, 9am, 9ram, tan, san, aad, ftp, das, yaa, 
9ak, dagh. The roots pat, na9, vao form the tense-stems papta, ne9a, 
vooa, of which the first is palpably and the other two are probably the 
result of reduplication; but the language has lost the sense of their being 
such, and makes other reduplicated aorists from the same roots (see be- 
low, 864). 

a. Many of these aorists are simply transfers of the root-aorist to an 
a-infiection. Gonspicuous examples are akarat etc. and agamatntftc (in 
the earliest period only akar and agan). 

848. The inflection of this aorist is in general so regular that it will 
be sufficient to give only examples of its Yedic forms. We may take as 
model avidam, i^om |/vid Jind, of which the various persons and modes 
are more frequent and in fuller variety than those of any other verb. Only 
the forms actually quotable are instanced; those of which the examples 
found are from other verbs than vid are bracketed. Thus: 

active. middle. 

B. d. p. s. d. p. 

1 &vidam &vidftva ividftma &vide [&vidftvahl] dvidftmahi 

2 &vida8 [ividata] [dvidathfta] 

3 &vidat &vidan [avidata] [avidetftm] ividanta 

a. The middle forms are rare in the earlier language, as in the later: 
we have &hve etc, 4kbye etc., &vide (?) and avidanta, avooathfts 
and avoo&vahl (and avidftmahe GB. and asio&mahe KB. are doubtless 
to be amended to -mahi). 

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307 Simple Aorist: 2. a-AORiST. [—863 

b. Augmentless forms, with indicative or snbjODCtiYe yalue, are not 
infrequent Exsmples, showing accent on the tense-sign, according to the 
general analogies of the formation, are: mhAmy b^bm^ bhuj&t, vid&t, 
aratSm, vooata* 9akaii; vidata and vy&ta (3d sing.), arftmahi, 
^^imahi, vidAnta, budli&nta, mf^anta (for exceptions as regards 
accent, see below, 853). 

Modes of the a-aorist. 

848. The subjunctive forms of this aorist are few; those which occur 
are instanced below, in the method which was followed for the indicatiye: 

1 [vidava] vidfima [vidftmahe] 

2 {^^ vldftthfts vldfttha 

3 vidtt [vidSt&iP] 

a. The ending thana is found once, in ri^ftthana. Of middle forms 
occur only ^{^tfti (AY.: but doubtless misreading for 9{9yfttfti) and 
9^ftmahe (AY., for RY. 9i9amahi). The form eddathas seems an indic- 
atiye, made f^m a secondary present*-8tem. 

850. The optatives are few in the oldest language, but become more 
frequent, and in the Brahmanas are not rare. Examples are: in active, 
bhideyam, vid^yam* san^yam (TB. once sanem); vid68, games; 
gamet» vooet; gametam; gam^ma, 9ak6ina, san6ma; vareta; in 
middle, (only) videya; gamemahi, vanemahi: rohethfts etc. in the 
epics must be viewed rather as present forms of the &-class. 

a. A single middle precative form occurs, namely videffa (AY., 
once); it is so isolated that how much may be inferred from it is very 

861. A complete series of active imperative forms are made i^om 
y^sad (including sadatana, 2d pi.), and the middle sadantfim. Other 
imperatives are very rare: namely, s&na, s&ra, raha» vid&; mh&tam, 
▼id&tam; khy&ta. TS. has once v^dhatu (compare 740). 

Participles of the a-aorist. 

862. a. The active participles tn>^t» rffant or rlfant, vftlh&nty 
9i9&nty 9U0&nty sddant, and (in participial compounds, 1309) k^nt-, 
gahant-t vidant- (all RY.), are to be assigned with plausibility to this 

b. Likewise the middle participles gnh&mftna, dh^^f&mfi^a, d&Sfli-^ 
mftna (?), nrt&m&na» 9uc&m&na, and perhaps vrdhftn&, sridhfind. 

Irregularities of the a-aorist. 

863. A few irregularities and peculiarities may be noticed here. 
The roots in |*, which (847) show a strengthening like that of the 


Digitized by VjOOQ iC 


present of the nnaccented a-Kilass, have likewise the accent upon the 
radical syllable, like that class: thus, from yTf, &ranta (augmentless 3d 
pi.), -B&rat and s&ra. The root sad follows the same rale: thus, s&da- 
tam; and from ysaxL are foand s&nas and B&nat and s&nema and 
8&na, beside san^yam and san6ma. It is questionable whether these 
are not trae analogues of the bhu-class (unaccented a-class) present-system. 
On the other hand, rdhat (beside nih&in» ruh^va, mh&tam), qi^at 
and ^{^tfti (?), and rf^ant or rl^^ant are more isolated cases. In view 
of such as these, the forms from the stem bhdva and ^ruva (836 o) 
are perhaps to be referred hither. From |/vao, the optative is accented 
voo^yam* voo^8» voo6ina» voo^yuB; elsewhere the aocent is on the root- 
syllable: thus, v6oe, v6oat, v6oati, vooanta. 

864. a. The stem voo has in Yedic use well-nigh assumed the 
yalue of a root; its forms are very various and of frequent use, in RV. 
especially far outnumbering in occurrences all other forms from yvao. 
Besides those already given, we find voc& (Ist sing, impv.) and vooftti« 
voo&vahfti; voces* vooeya, vooemahi; vooat&t (2d sing.), vooatii, 
vooatam, vooata. 

b. Of the stem ne9a only ne9at occurs. 

o. The root Qfts (as in some of its present forms: 689) is weakened 
to ^if, and makes a^i^am. 

865. Isolated forms which have more or less completely the 
aspect of indicative presents nre made in the oldest language from 
some roots beside the aorist-systems of the first two classes. It must 
be left for maturer research to determine how far they may be relics 
of original presents, and bow far recent productions, made in the way 
of conyersion of the a root in value. 

a. Surh forms are the following: from |/k:p make, k&r^l, k^thas. 
Iqptha, kf^e; from v^gam, gath&; from yoi gather, ceti; firom ydft 
give, dati, d&ta; from |/dhft put, dbftti; from |/pft drink, pftthis, 
p&nti; from }/bb^, bharti; from y^muc, muo&nti; from /mdh, rudh- 
jnaa (?); from v'vyt, vartti. 

II. (3) Reduplicated Aorisi 

856. The leduplicated aoiist is different fTom the other 
foims of aoiist in that it has come to be attached in almost 
all cases to the derivative (causative etc.) conjugation in 
CRT iya, as the aoiist of that conjugation, and is theiefoie 
liable to be made from all loots which have such a conju- 
gation, beside the aoiist or aoiists which belong to theii 
primary conjugation. Since, however, the connection of 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

309 3- Reduplicated Aorist. [—859 

the two is not a formal one (the aorist being made directly 
from the root, and not from the causative stem), but rather 
a matter of established association, owing to kinship of 
meaning, the formation and inflection of this kind of aorist 
is best treated here, along with the others. 

* 857. Its characteristic is a reduplication of the radical 
syllable, by which it is assimilated, on the one hand, to 
the imperfect of the reduplicating class (656 fi*.), and, on the 
other hand, to the so-called pluperfect (817 fi*.). But the 
aorist reduplication has taken on a -quite peculiar character, 
with few traces left even in the Veda of a different con- 
dition which may have preceded this. 

858. a. As regards, indeed, the consonant of the re- 
duplication, it follows the general rules already given (500). 
And the quality of the reduplicated vowel is in general as 
in the formations already treated: it needs only to be noted 
that an a-vowel and x {ot ar) are usually (for exceptions, 
see below, 860) repeated by an i-vowel — as they are, to a 
considerable extent, in the reduplicated present also (660). 

b. But in regard to quantity, this aorist aims always at 
establishing a diversity between the reduplicating and radical 
syllables, making the one heavy and the other light. And 
the preference is very markedly for a heavy reduplication 
and a light root-syllable — which relation is brought about 
wherever the conditions allow. Thus: 

859. If the root is a light syllable ;having a short 
vowel followed by a single consonant), the reduplication is 
made heavy. 

a. And this, usually by lengthening the reduplicating vowel, with 
i for radical a or r or 1 (in the single root containing that vowel): 
thus, arlri^amy adfldu^am, aj^janam, avivrdham, aclk}pam. The 
great majority of reduplicated aorists are of this form. 

b. If, however, the root begins with two consonants, so that the 
reduplicating syllable will be heavy whatever the quantity of its vowel. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

869—] XI. AoaiST-STSTBMS. 310 

the vowel remains short: thus, aoUmipam, aoukradham, atitrwMun* 

860. If the root is a heavy syllable (having a long 
vowel| or a short before two consonants], the vowel of the 
reduplication is short: and in this case 9 a or lEVT ft, and 
f? J (if it occurs), are reduplicated by set a. 

a. Thus, adidlkfam, abubhftfam (not quotable), adadakfam, 
adadUvam* atataftnm. And, in the cases in which a root should 
both begin and end with two consonants, both syllables would be 
necessarily heavy, notwithstanding the short vowel in the former: 
thus, apapraooham, aoaskandam (but no such forms are found in use). 

b. A meditl x !• allowed by the grsmmariuif to retain the itreDgthen- 
log of the causatlye stem, together with, of coorse, rednplieation by a: thus, 
aoakar^t» avavartat (beside aoOqp^t, aviv^^t); but no such forme 
have been met with in use. 

o. These aorists are not distinguishable in form from the so-called 
pluperfects (817 If.). 

861. a. In order, however, to bring about the favored relation 
of heavy reduplication and light radical syllable, a heavy root is 
sometimes made light: either by shortening its vowel, as in ailradhmm 
from yMdh, aviva^am from /vft^, a^adham from i^Bftdh, lyjiyivam 
from yjiv, adldipam (K. and later: RV. has didlpao) from ydip, 
ablbhi^am from ybhi^ asfUiucam from y^sfic; or by dropping a 
penultimate nasal, as in acikradam from ykrand, asifyadam from 

b. In those cases in which (1047) an aorist is formed directly 
from a causal stem in ftp, the ft is abbreviated to 1: thus, ati^thip- 
am etc, ajijfiipat (but KS8. ajijfiapat), Jihipas, aJUipata (but VS. 
ajUapata); but from 9rap comes a^i^rapftma (QB.). 

862. Examples of this aorist from roots with initial vowel are very 
rare; the older language has only ftmamat (or amamat) ftom yanit 
ftpipan (9B.: BAU. ftpipipat) Arom yKp, and arpipam (angmentless) 
from the caasatiye stem arp of >^f ^In which latter the root is exoees- 
ively abbreviated. The grammarians gi?e other similar formations, as ftroi- 
cam from yaro, ftabtfUam ^m fabj, Srjiham firom |/arh, fticikfam 
ttom yXkt^f ftrdidbam from y^dh. Compare the similar reduplication in 
desideratiTO stems: 1029 b. 

868. Of special irregularities may be mentioned: 
a. From y'dyut is made (V.B.) the stem didyuta, taking its redu- 
plicating Yowel from the radical semlToweL From fgup, instead of JOgn- 
pa (B.S.), JB. has Jugttpa, and some texts (BS.) haye Jngupa; and 
Jihvara (B.) U met with beside the regular Jihvara (Y.B.). In oaeoha- 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

311 3. Bbduplioatbd Aobibt. [—867 

da (Nir.), Mid the more or lese doubtful papr&tha and ^aQvaoi and 
sasTiVja (BY.) we bsye a instesd of i in the redapllcation. 

b. In support of their false Yiew of this aorlst as made from the 
cansatlTe stem instead of directly from the root, the natiTO grammarians 
teach that roots ending in an u-TOwel may reduplicate with i, as represent- 
ing the ft of the strengthened stem: thus, blbhava from bhftv-aya, u 
well as bftbhuva from bhfL No example of sach a formation, howoTer, 
is met with except &piplavam (^., once); against it we find dadmTa» 
bfibhuva» rCbniva, 9a9mTa, and others. 

o. As to apaptam» avooam* and ane^am* see aboTe, 847. 

864. The inflection of the reduplicated aoritt is like 
that of an imperfect of the second general conjugation: that 
is to say, it has ^er a as final stem-vowel, with all the pe- 
culiarities which the presence of that vowel conditions (788 a). 
Thus, from |/SR jan give birth (stem jljana): 

active. middle. 

s. d. p. s. d. p. 

i^jQanam ^IJanftva ^Qanftma iiJXIane ^Uanftvahi ^Uanftmahi 
2 WislHH ^ NsfWlHHH^ ^IsfteRrT MsflslH^iW^ fcblisi^q i H ^ MsflsHfelH^ 
^Qanas i^jQanatam ^Ricuiata ^Qanathfts ^iU^uiethftm ^anadhvam 

iJQanat ^fflanatftm ^Qanan ^ijanata ^Qanetftm ^Qananta 

885. The middle forms are rare in the older language (the 3d 
pi. is decidedly the most common of tbem, being made from eleven 
roots; the 3d s. from seven); but all, both active and middle, are 
quotable except Ist and 2d du. middle and Ist du. active. 

a. Atitape appesrs to he once used (RV.) as 3d sing., with passiye 

866. A final ^ has the gui^-strengthening before the endings: 
thus, acAaraty apiparam, atltaras, dldaras* adidharat, amimarat, 
Avivaran, Jihvaras. Of similar strengthened forms from I and u-roots 
are found apiprayan (TS.), ablbhayanta (RV.), apiplavam (QB.), 
jumcyavat (K.), a9U9ravat (MS.), ato^favam (RV.). Not many roots 
ending in other vowels than x make this aorist: see below, 868. 

867. Forms of the infleetion without union-vowel are occasionally 
met with: namely, from roots ending in consonants, sl^vap (2d sing., 
angmentlesf) from y'svap, and aQl9nat from f^^nath; from roots in x 
or ar» didhar ('2d slug.), and ajigar (2d and 3d sing.); for roots in i- 
and U-Towels, see 868. Of 3d pi. in us are found almost only « form 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

867—] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS. 312 

or two from i- and a-rootv, ^nrith gm^& before the ending: thus, a9i9r&yii8, 
&ouoyavu0y a^u^ravus, asu^avus; but also abibhajus (9B.)i ^^ 
nina9ii8 (MBh.). 

868. Id the later language, a few roots are said by the gram- 
marians to make this aorist as a part of their primary conjugation: 
they are Qxi and 9vi» dru and sru, kam, and dhft suck (9vi and dh& 

a. In the older language are found from |/9ri a9i9ret and a9i9rayii8 
(noticed in the preceding paragraph) and a9i9riyat (^B.); from ydra, 
adadrot and adudruvat (TB. : not used as aorist) ; from V'sru* asuarot 
and (augmentless) siiaroB and sasrot; from }/kain, acikainetftm and 
-manta (B.S.). Of forms analogous with these occur a number from roota 
in u or d: thus, anunot and nunot from V'nu*, jmyot from ^yu 
separate] diidhot from |/dhu; apupot from ypVL\ tQtos and tutot from 
ytVL] a8iqM>t from y^su; — and on<^ or two from roots in i or I: thus, 
Bifet from ysi (or sft) bind] amimet from f^mft bellow ] apipres (with 
apiprayan, noticed above) from f^pri (and the ''imperfects" from didhi 
etc., 676, are of oorre8XK)nding form). And from f^cyu are made, with 
union-vowel I, aoucyavlt and acuoyavitazia. Few of these forms possess 
a necessarily causative or a decidedly aoristic value, and it is very doubtful 
whether they should not be assigned to the perfect-system. 

b. From the later language are quotable only a9i9riyat etc. (3d i^l., 
-yan or -yus) and adudruvat. 

Modes of the Beduplicated Aorist. 

869. a. As in other preterit formations, the augmentless indicative 
persons of this aorist are used subjuuctively, and they are very much 
more frequent than true subjunctives. 

b. Of the latter are found only rlradhft '{ist sing.); titapftsi; 
oik}pftti and si^adh&ti, and pi8p^9ati (as if corresponding to an indic- 
ative apiapfk, like a9i9nat); and perhaps the Ist sing. mid. 9a9vao&f. 

c. The augmentless indicative forms are accented in general on the 
reduplication: thus, didharaB» Iiina9a8; jiijaiiat, piparat; jijanan; 
also sffvap; bat, on the other hand, we have also pip&rat, 9i9r4thaa 
and 9i9n&that, and dudr&vat and tuf(&vat (which may perhaps belong 
to the perfect: compare 810). According to the native grammarians, th& 
accent rests either on the radical syllable or on the one that follows it. 

870. Optative forms are even rarer. The least qaestionable case is 
the middle ^precative" rirlfi^ta (ririfi^ta has been ranked above with 
sftsahi^tA, as a perfect: 812 b). Oucyuvimahl and ouoyavlrata be- 
long either here or to the perfect-system. 

871. Of imperatives, we have the indubitable forms papurantu and 
9i9rathanta. An! Jig^pt&m and Jig^^ and dldhftam and didhftd, 

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313 Sibilant Aorist. [—876 

and Jajast&m (all RY. only), and perhaps BUfud&ta (AV.), are to be 
referred hither, as corresponding to the indicatives (without nnion-Towel) 
ajiigar and adidhar: their short reduplicating vowel and their accent 
assimilate them closely to the reduplicated imperfects (666 ft.), with which 
we are psohably to regard this aorist as altimately related. 

872. No participle is found belonging to the reduplicated aorist. 

873. The number of roots from which this aorist is met with 
in the earlier language is about a hundred and twenty. In the later 
Sanskrit it is unusual; in the series of later texts mentioned above 
(826) it occurs only twice ; and it has been found quotable from hardly 
fifty roots in the whole epic and classical literature. 

III. Sigmatic or Sibilant Aorist. 

874. a. The common tense-sign of all the varieties of 

this aorist id a H 8 (convertible to Cf 9: 180) which is added to 

the root in forming the tense-stem. 

b. This sibilant has no analogues among the class- signs of the present- 
system; hut it is to be compared with that which appears (and likewise 
with or without the same nnion-vowel i) in the stems of the future tense- 
system (932 £F.) and of the desiderative conjugation (1027 ft.). 

o. To the root thus increased the augment is prefixed 

and the secondary endings are added. 

876. In the case of a few roots, the sibilant tense-stem 
(always ending in ^ k?) is further increased by an ^ a, 
and the inflection is nearly like that of an imperfect of the 
second or a-conjugation. 

876. a. In the vast majority of cases, the sibilant is 
the final of the tense-stem, and the inflection is like that 
of an imperfect of the first or non-a-conjugation. 

b. And these, again, fall into two nearly equal and 
strongly marked classes, according as the sibilant is added 
immediately to the final of the root, or with an auxiliary 
vowel 5 i, making the tense-sign ^ i?. Finally, before this 
^ 19 the root is in a very small number of cases increased 
by a H 8, making the whole addition f^^ si^. 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

•877—] XI. A0RIST-8T8TBM8. 314 

877« We have, then, the following olassifioation for the 
▼arieties of sibilant-aorist: 

A. With endings added directly to the sibilant: 

4. with ^ B simply after the root: s-aorist;' 

5. with ^ i before the ^ s: i^aorist; 

6. the same, with H b at end of root: sif-aorist. 

B. With ^ a added to the sibilant before the endings: 

7. with sibilant and ^ a: 8a-aorist. 

a. Aa regtrds the distinction between tlie fonrth and fifth fonnt, it 
may be said in a geneial way that those roots incline to take the auxiliary 
i in the aorist which take it also in other formations; but it is impossible 
to lay down any strict rules as to this accordance. Compare 908. 

4. The B-aoriBt. 

878. The tense-stem of this aorist is made by adding 
n B to the augmented root, of which also the vowel is usu- 
ally strengthened. 

879. The general rules as to the strengthening of the 
Toot-Yowel are these: 

a. A final vowel (including f; p) has the vrddhi-change 
in the active, and (excepting I? p) gu^a in the middle: thus, 
£rom v^ lecuij active stem C^cr anfti^, middle stem lEJ^cr ane^; 
from y^ 9ru hearj W^t^ti^fT^u^ and i5rQt^a9ro9; £rom 
ySR Tlx make, HM^ akSr^ and W^ aky^. 

b. A medial vowel has the vrddhi-change in the active, 
and remains unaltered in the middle: thus, from V^^ chand 
seem^ active stem M^IHI aochftntB, middle stem «ic^rH^ 
acchantB; from f/i^H ric leave, ^^ arBik^ and ^f^^f^arikf; 
from yi^ rudh obstruct, *<^rW arftuts and ti^rtj^arutB; 
from yj^ B^J pour out, MUM asrSk^ and ^^ as^k^. 

880. a. The endings are the usual secondary ones, with 
3H UB (not 3ER an) in 3d pi. act., and W{ ata (not gw anta) 
in dd pi. mid. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

315 Sibilant Aorist: 4. b-aorist. [—888 

b. But before ^b and H^t of 2d and 3d sing. act. is in 
the later language always inserted an ^ I, making the end- 
ings ^ IB and ^It. 

o. This insertion is unknown in the OArUest language (of the RT.) : 
see below, 888. 

881. a. Before endings beginning with t or th, the teDse-sign b 
is (888 o-e) omitted after the final consonant of a root — unless this 
be r, or n or m (converted to anusvara). 

b. The same omission is of course made before dhvam after a con- 
sonant; and after a towel the sibilant is either omitted or assimilated (the 
eqnlTalenee of dhv and ddhT in the theories of the grammarians and the 
practice of the manuscripts makes it impossible to say which : 888) ; and 
then the ending becomes ^bvam, prorided the sibiUnt, if retained, would 
have been ijf (8860): thus, asto^hvam and avf^vam (beside aatof- 
ata and av^^ata); dr4}li\ram {ydjp regard: QB., once), which is to 
dfthfiB (2d sing.) as avrfbTam and aiq^ata to avri and av^hftB; and 
Icpjlhvam (M.). 

0. According to the grammarians, the omission of 8 before t and th 
takes place also after a short vowel (the case can occur only in the 2d and 
3d sing, mid.); but we have seen above (834a) that this is to be viewed 
rather as a substitution in those persons of the forms of the root*aorist. 
T^dther in the earlier nor in the later language, however, does any example 
occur of an aorist-form with b retained after a short vowel before these 

d. After the final sonant aspirate of a root, the sibilaut before the 
same endings is said by the Hindu grammarians to disappear altogether, the 
oombination of the aspirate with the th or t of the ending being then 
made according to the ordinary rule for snch cases (160): thus, from the 
stem arSutB, for arftudh-B, is made arftuddha, as if from arftudh -f- ta 
direetiy. No example of such a form is quotable from the literature; but 
the combination is established by the occurrence of other similar cases 
(888 f). In the middle, in like manner, arutB+ta becomes amddha, 
as if from arudh+ta; but all such forms admit also of being understood 
as of the root-aorist. Those that have been found to occur were given 
above (884 d); probably they belong at least in part to this aorist 

e. From the three nasal roots gam, tan, man are made the 2d and 
3d sing. mid. persons agathfiB and agata» atathfiii and atata, and amata 
(amathftB not quotable), reckoned by the native grammarians as B-aodst 
forms, made, after loss of their final root-nasal, with loss also of the sibilant 
after a short vowel. They are doubtless better referred to the root-aorist. But 
JB. has a corresponding 1st sing, atasi from f^tan. 

882. As examples of the inflection of this variety of 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

88&— ] 



sibilant aorist we may take the roots 4f nl lead^ and f^^ 
chid cut of. Thus: 





1 ^TSTi^^ #J^ ^m W^ ^^V^ ^Rocff^ 
infti^am infti^va inEi^ma Ane^i ine^vahi inefmahi 

inai^lB infti^tam dnai^fa Ane^tli&s ^ne^ftthftm &ne^vam 
3 ^^iftfT M^^W *I^NH 5R? MHNIHIM *fiNH 
inai^it Anfti^tftm dnai^us ine^fa ine^fttftm &ne^ta 

8. d. 

&cch fit team dcch&itsva dcchaitsma 

dcchftitsiB dcchfiittain doohftitta 

2 Sl^r^ficT^ y^rilH^ MT:*^rHH^ 
icohsitslt &cchaittftm icchaitsias 


dochitsi dcchitflvahi icohitsmahi 

&ochitth&8 &ochit8&thftm &oohiddlivam 

3 Mf^rl M^rHIHIH^ MJ^r^H 
dcohitta &oohit8&tam doohitsata 

a. From )/rudh obstruct^ the 2d and 3d du. and 2d pi. act. and 
the 2d and 3d sing. mid. wonid be irfiuddham, drfiuddlifixn, 
irauddha, &raddlift8, &ruddha; from yspj pour ouiy &Brftf(ani, 
&8ra§(&m» asra^ta, asf^thas, a8^(c^; from ydj^q see, idrfi^^am etc. 
(as from s^j;. But from yk^ ^^ ^he same persons in the active are 
&karftam> ikftr^tftm, ^kftrffa; from ytan stretch they are dtftAatam, 
dtfifLBtftm, dtSiista. ' 

888. The omiBsion of s in the active persons (&ooh&ittam» &coli&it- 
t&m» &eoh&itta) is a case of very rare occurrence ; all the quotable exam- 
ples were given above (233 e). As to the like omission in midtle persons, 
see 881. The GhU. has twice &v&3tam for av&tB-tam (^yvts dwell): 
this may be viewed as another case of total disappearance of the sibilant, 
and consequent restoration of the final radical to its original form. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

317 Sibilant Aorist: 4. s-aorist. [—888 

884. Certain roots id ft weaken the a in middle inflection to i 
(as also in the root-aorist: above, 884 a): these are said to be sthft, 
dS, and dhft; in the older language have been noted Adi^i and adii^ta 
from ydft give (and adifi perhaps once from ydSL bindjy adhi^i and 
adhiij^ta (with the optative dhi^iya) from ydhSL put, and asthi^ta; 
also agi9$hft8 and agitata from ygft go (with adhi). 

a. The middle inflection of the aorist of ydft would be, then, 
according to the grammarians: ddi^i, idithfts, idita; ^difvahi, 
iLdi^th&m, Mi^fttftm; idi^mahi, ddi^hvam, idi^ata. 

885. Roots ending in changeable x (so-called roots in f: 242) are 
said by the grammarians to convert this vowel to ir in middle forms : thos, 
asUr^i, astirf (lifts etc. (from V^stf); of such forms, however, has been 
found in the older language only akinjata, PB. 

886. The s-aorist is made in the older language from about a 
hundred and forty roots (in RV., from about seventy; in AV., from 
about fifty, of which fifteen are additional to those in RV.); and the 
epic and classical literature adds but a very small number. It has in 
the Veda certain peculiarities of stem- formation and inflection, and 
also the full series of modes — of which the optative middle is re- 
tained also later as a part of the ^precative'^ (but see 925 b). 

887. Irregularities of stem-formation are as follows: 

a. The strengthening of the root-syllable is now and then irregularly 
made or omitted: thus, ayok^it (AB.), ohetais (B.S.; also occurs in 
HBh., which has further yotsis), rotus (KU.) ; amatsuB (RV.) ,* ayftiiisl 
and arfiutsi (AB.), aaSk^l etc. (Y.B. : }/8ah), mfti&sta (AV.) and mft&Btftm 
(TA.); lopnya (U.); and MBh. has drogdhas. From ysai is made 
sft&kfit (U. etc.), and from ]/maJj, amftfikfit (not quotable). The form 
ayu&kfmahi (BhP.J is doubtless a false reading. 

b. A radical final nasal is lost in agasmahi (I^V.) and gasfttham 
(TA.) from ]/gam, and in the optatives masiya and vasimahi (RV.) 
from |/man and van. 

o. The roots h% dhfl, and nu have a instead of o in the middle: 
thus, aliiii^ta, adhti^ata, antl^i and ana^fitftm and anii^ata; y^dhiir 
(or dhflrv) makes adhOr^ata. 

d. 9B. has once atrftsatSm for atrastSm (>^tra). 

888. The principal peculiarity of the older language in regard 
to inflection is the frequent absence of i in the endings of 2d and 
3d sing, act., and the consequent loss of the consonant-ending, and 
sometimes of root-finals (150). The forms without i are the only ones 
found in RV. and K., and they outnumber the others in AV. and 
TS.; in the Brahmanas they grow rarer (only one, adr&k, occurs in 
GB.; one, ayftf, in KB.; and two, adrftk and ayftf, in QB.; PB. has 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

889—] XI. AORIST-STSTEMS. 318 

889. If the root ends In a vowel, only the consonant of the ending 
is necessarily lost: thas, aprfta (for hoth aprSs-s and aprfts-t) from y^rft; 
and in like manner alifts from |/hft; — ajfiis (for ajilf-t) from yji; and 
in like manner acftis from yd, and nfiis (angmentless) ftom y'ni; — and 
yftus (for ayftim-t) from yjn. 

a. But (as in other like cases : 665 a) the ending is sometimes preser- 
Ted at the expense of the tense-sign; and we have in 3d sing, ijftit (be- 
side ajftis and ajfti^It) from yji; and in like manner acftit, a9r8it9 
ahftit, nftit (no examples have been noted except fjrom roots in i and i) : 
compare aySs and srfts, 2d sing., 890 a. 

890. a. If the root (in either its simple or strengthened form) ends 
in a consonant, the tense-sign is lost with the ending. Thns, abhfir (tot 
abhSri^t: beside abhftryim, abhfinftim) from ybhf] other like casea 
are ahftr, and (from roots in ar) ak^ar, atsftr* asvftr, hvftr. Farther, 
arftik (686 a: for arftik^-t) from yrio; like oases are a^vftit from 
yqvit, and (from roots with medial u) adyftut from >^clyut, arftut from 
l/rudh, and mftnk from ymuo. Further, from roots ending in the pala* 
tals and h, aprSk horn j/p^o, asrSk from ysfj, abhfik from ybhaj, 
adrfik from yd^, adhfik from ydah\ but, with a different change of 
the final, ayftf from ]/yaJ, apr&t from Vpfoh, avftf from y^vali, and 
asraf from Vsfj; and (above, 146 a) Brfts appears to stand twice in AT, 
for srS^s from Vb{J; RT. has also twice ayas from yjBJ. Farther, 
from roots ending in a nasal, atftn from >^tan, khftn from ykhan, ayftn 
and anfin from yyyam. and nam (143 a). 

b. If, again, the roots end in a doable consonant, the latter of the 
two is lost along with tense- sign and ending: thus, aoohSn (for aoohftnts-t^ 
beside aochdntta and acohftntsuB) from yohand} and other liks cases 
are akrftn, askSn, and aayfin. 

891. A relic of this pecoliarity of the older inflection has been 
preserved to the later language in the 2d sing. bh&iB, from yhhi. 

Modes of the s-Aorist. 

892. The indicatiye forms without augment are used in a sob« 
junotiye sense, especially after ma prohibitiye, and are not uncommon. 
Examples with accent, boweyer, are extremely rare; there has been 
noted only tAAsI, middle; judging from this, the tone would be found 
on the radical syllable. According to the Hindu grammarians, it may 
be laid on either root or ending. 

898. Proper subjunctiye forms are not rare in RV., but are 
markedly less common in the later Vedic texts, and yery seldom met 
with in the Brahmanas. They are regularly made with gn^a-strength'* 
eoing of the radical yowel, in both active and middle, and with accent 
on the root. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

319 Sibilant Aorist: 4. s-aorist. [— 895- 

a. Tbe forms wHh primary endings are: in active, Bto^ft^i; dar^asi;. 
ne^ati, par^ati, pftsati, matsati, yo^ati, vak^ati, sak^ati; d^thas, 
dlifisathas, p&r^athas, vak^athas, var^athas; pSsatas, yaifasataa, 
yakfatas, vak^tas; dhfisatha, neyatha^ pto^atha^ m^tsatha; — 
in middle, naihsfti, m&&8fti; m^ftaase; kraifasate, trftsate, dar^ate,. 
m&ftsate, yakij^te, rasate, vaftsate, aftkfate, hftsate; traaftthe (not 
trftaftlthe, as we slionld rather expect); n&iiiBante, m&ABante : and, 
with the filler ending In 3d sing., masftt&L 

b. The forms with secondary endings are (active only): J^^as, v&kfas; 
dir^at, n^^at, p&k^at, pto^at, pr^t, y&kij^t, y69at, v&Asat, T&ki^t^ 
vdi^aty sitsat, ohantaat, etc. (some twenty others); jrak^atfim; v^A- 
Bima. w?tkyftina, Bto^fima; par^an, yaihaan, yo^an, rfLsan, vak^an, 
^^^an, qrd^BXL. Of these, yak^t and vakfat are found not rarely ia 
the BrShmanas; any others, hardly more than sporadically. 

894. Of irregularities are to he noted the following: 

a. The forms dfk^aae and p^k^fa^e (2d sing, mid.) lack the gtq^ 

b. Jefam* ato^am, and yofam (AY. yO^^am, with tt for o as in 
ana^ta etc.) appear to he first persons formed under government of the 
analogy of the second and third — unless they are relics of a state of 
things anterior to the vrddhi-strengthening : in which case Je^ma is to 
be compared with them (we should expect jfti^ma or Je^fima). 

o. From roots in ft are made a few forms of problematic chsracter: 
namely, ye^am (only case in BY.), khyei^am, Jfte^am, ge^am and 
gefina, defma, ae^am and aet, athefam and Bthe^oa. Their value 
is optative. The analogy of Je^am and Je^ma suggests the possibility of 
their derivation from i-forms of the ft-roots; or the sibilant might be of 
a precatiye character (thus, yft-i-B-am). That they really belong to the 
i^-aorist appears highly improbable. 

d. The RY. has a few difficult first persons middle in ae, which are 
perhaps best noted here. They are: 1. from the simple root, kq^, hi^e 
(and ohifeP), atof^; 2. from present-stems, aroaae, fiUaae, yajaae, 
gftyije, gpfl^ and punl^^. They have the value of indicative present. 
Compare below, 897 b. 

895. Optative forms of this aorist are made in the middle only, and 
they have in 2d and 3d sing, always the precative a before the endings. 
Those found to occur in the older language are: di^Iya, dhi^Iya, bhak- 
9ly&, maalya (for ma&aiya), mnk^iya, r&alya^ lopaiya, a&k^iya, 
Bt]^9lya; ma&aiftl^ftB; darflf^ bhak^i^fa, ma&sl^ta, mf-k^i^ta; 
bhakfTmahi, dhuk^im&hi, maAaim&hi, vaAalmi^ va8imahl» 
Bak^TmAhi ; mafialrata. PB. has bhuk^i^iya, which should belong to 
a ai^-aorist. The BY. form traaXthftm (for trftaiyftthftm or trftaftthftm) 
is an isolated anomaly. 

a. This optative makes a part of the accepted **precative'' of the later 
language: see below, 928, 925b. 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

896 — ] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS. • 320 

896. ImperatiTe persons from this aorist are extremely rare: we find 
the 2d sing, act nefa and par^ and the 2d pi. yaihsata (from a-stems, 
and showing rather, therefore, a treatment of the aorist-stem as a root), 
and the 3d sing. mid. rfiaatam and pi. rftsant&m (of which the same 
may he said). 

Participles of the s-aorist. 

897. a. Actiye participles are d&k^at or dhAk^at, and s&k^at 
(hoth RV.). 

b. If ^ase (ahove, 894 d) is to be reckoned as an s-aorist form, 
fiijas&n& is an s-aorist participle; and of a kindred character, apparently, 
are ar9a8&n&, 6has&na, jrayasftnA, dhiyasftn&, mandasfiii4, yama- 
s&n&, rabha8&n&, vi^dlia8&n&, sahasftnA, 9avasft]i&, all in RT.; with 
namas&n&, bhiy&sfina, in AY. . In RV. occurs also once dhlfamftiOLa, 
apparently an a-form of an s-aorist of y^dhi. 

5. The i^-aorist. 

898. The tense-stem of this aorist adds the genera] 
tense-sign H b by help of a prefixed auxiliary vowel ^ i, 
making ^ if^ to the root, which is usually strengthened, 
and which has the augment. 

899. The rules as to the strengthening of the root are 
as follows: 

a. A final vowel has v^ddhi in the active, and gu^a in 
the middle: thus, ^i||f^e4 apSvi^ and ^smf^CT apavif from 
y^ ptl cleanse; ^rT^fj^t atftrif, act., from VrT tx pass\ H^\[im 
a9ayi9, mid., from y^ 9! lie. 

b. A medial vowel has gui^a, if capable of it, in both 
voices: thus, M^RlN ale9i9, act. and mid., from vi^T5T 119 
tear] *3i(\\im arooif from y^ rue shine) ^^J^^ avar^i^ 
from y^^ YX9 ^«»w J l>wt Msi1lc«hi ajivi^ from Vsft^ jXv live. 

o. Medial ^ a is sometimes lengthened in the active; 
but it more usually remains unchanged in both voices. 

d. The roots in the older Ungnage which show the lengthening are 
kan» tan, ran, stan, svan, han, vraj, sad, mad, car, t^ar, svar, 
jval, das, tras. From ran, san, kram, vad, rakf, and sah occur forms 
of both kiiid^. From )/math or mantjti are made the two stems matlii^ 
and mantnit^. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

321 Sibilant Aorist: 5. I^-aorist. [—903 

900. a. Of exceptiona may be noted: >^mfj has (as elsewbere: 687) 
vrddhi iDstead of gtu^a : thas, amftrjii^am ; ystf has aatariSi and ^^9^ 
has a^arXt (also a9arftit in AY.), with gu^ in active. 

b. The root grabh or grah has (as in fntare etc., below, 936 e, 966) 
long 1 instead of i before the sibilant: thus, agrabhi^ma, agrahi^ta, 
agrabhiij^ta* The roots in changeable x (so-called roots in f: 242), and 
yvx are ssid by the grammarians to do the same optionally; but no forms 
with long I from such roots have been fonnd quotable. A Sutra (PGS.) 
has once anayi^ta from yni (doubtless a false reading). 

901. The endings are as in the preceding formation 

(3n UB and ^SlrT &ta in 3d pi.). But in 2d and 3d sing., 

the combinations i^-s and if-t aie from the earliest period 

of the language contracted into ^ Is and ^ It. 

a. The 2d pi. mid. shoald end always in i(pivam (or i^^vam, 
from if-dhvam : 226) ; and this is in fact the form in the only exam- 
ples quotable, namely f^aal^vam, arti<}livam, ftindhi^livam* ve- 
pi^hvam; as to the roles of the native grammarians respecting the 
matter, see 226 o. 

902. As examples of the inflection of the i^-aorist may 

be taken the roots ^ pil cleanse^ and ^ budh toake. Thus: 

actiye. middle, 

s. d. p. s. d. p. 

1 dblMI&NH^ mt^ m\U^ MMJ^fM MMf^yl^ MMJ^mf^ 
ip&vlfam ip&vi^va dpftvi^ma ipavi^i dpavi^vabi dpavi^mahi 

4p&viB dpfivi^tam ipfivi^t^ ipavi^thfts ipavl^ftthfim &pavi(pivam 

&p&vit dpftvi^t&m ipftvi^us dpavi^fa dpavi^fttSm ipavl^ata 

1 gsS^fe^rj^ 5Rt1?l^ ^^tfqsq q^HtJif^ q^tl^I^rf^ *^<Mlliy^i^ 

toodhifam dbodhi^va ibodhi^ma dbodhi^i dbodhi^vahi dbodhi^mahi 
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

903. The number of roots from which forms of this aorist have 
been noted in the older language is nearly a hundred and fifty (in 
RV., about eighty; in AV., more than thirty, of which a dozen are 
additional to those in BVOi the later texts add less than twenty. 
Among these are no roots in ft; but otherwise they are of every 
variety of form (rarest in final i and I). Active and middle persons 
are freely made, but sparingly from the same root; only about fifteen 

Whitnej, Chrammar. 3. ed. 21 


Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

908—] XI. AOBIST-SYSTEMS. 322 

roots baye both active and middle forms in the older language, and 
of these a part only exceptionally in the one voice or the other. 

a. No rale appears to govern the choice of nsage between the 
if- and the B-aorist ; and in no small number of cases the same root 
shows forms of both classes. 

904. Irregularities axe to be noticed as follows: 

a. The contracted forms akramun, agrabhXxn, and avadhlm (with 
augmentlesB v&dhim) are found in Ist sing. act. 

b. For &9arit occurs in AT. ^^arftit; also (in a part of the manuscripta) 
9ar5i0 for 9ariB; agrah&ifam is found in AB. (also the monstroos form 
ajagrabhftifam : tee 801 i). AJayit, with short i in the ending, occurs 
in TS. 

o. AY. has once nudi^thSa, without gui^a. 

d. The forms atfirima (RV.), avftdiran (AT.), and b&dhithfts 
(TA.), though they lack the sibilant, are perhaps to be referred to ibis 
aorist: compare avit^, 908. A few similar cases occur in the epics, and 
are of like doubtfal character: thus, J&nithfts, mftdithfta, vartithfis, 
9ankithft8, and (the causative: 1048) aghfttayithfis. AgrbitSm and 
g{>hithft8 and gfhita, if not false readings for g^rh^i-, are probably 
irregular present-formations. 

Modes of the i^-aorist. 

906. As usual) augmentless indicative forms of this aorist are more 
common than proper subjunctiyes. Examples, of all the persons found to 
occur (and including all the accented words), are, in the active: 9U8i9ain, 
v&dhlm; mithls, v&dhis, yavia, B^vis; dvlt, jtbrvit, m&thit, v&dh- 
it, ve9lt; mardhi^tam, dofiftam, hij^ft^^m; aviffftm, J&iLi^t&>>>t 
b&dhi^t&m; 9ranii9ma, v&di^ma; vadhi^fa and vadhi^fana, math- 
i^fana, hifksi^ta; hvarifus, grabi^us; — in the middle: rftdhifi; 
Jini^thftB, marfifthfts, vyathii^thfis ; kr&mi^ta, J&ni^ta, p&vif(c^ 
pr&thi^ta, m&ndi^ta; vyathi^mahl. The accent is on the root-syllable 
(tftri^UB, AY. once, is doubtless an error). 

906. a. Of subjunctive forms with primary endings occur only the 
1st sing. act. davi^ft]^, and the ist pi. mid. (with unstrengthened e) 
yftei^ftmalie and sani^Smalie. 

b. Forms with secondary endings are almost limited to 2d and 3d 
sing. act. There are found: avl^as, kani^as, tSriinaa, rakfifas, -vAdh- 
i^as, viJtdl^as, vd^l^as, 9aA8l9a8; k^^at, jambhl^at, J69l^t, 
tak^l^at, tftrifat, sindijat, parl^at, b6dhi9at, m&rdlil^at, y&clfat. 
yodhl^at, rak^i^at, ranifat, vyathi^at, 9aii8i9at, sanl^at, sfivl^t. 
They are made, it will be noticed, with entire regularity, by adding a to the 
tense-stem in i^ before the endings. The only other persons found to occur 
are the 3d pi. act. sani^an and mid. s&nl^anta (and TS. has vanl^anta. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

323 Sibilant Aorist: 5. if-AORiST. [—911 

for the problemitie vaiitu|anta of RY.)* wMoh are also ieg«UT. Bhavi^&t 
(AB. onoe) is a solitary example of a form with doable mode-sign ; o4Di9- 
(hat (RY. ; SY. Instead J&Til^hat) seems hopelessly corrupt. The radical 
syllable always has the accent, and its Yowel usnally accords with that of 
the indicatiye: but we haye saa* in the subjanctl^e agftinst asSn^am 
(as to cay- and ran-, see below, 908). 

907. The middle optatiye of this aorist also forms a part of the ac- 
cepted ^^recative'' of the later language (923* 926 b). It is yery rare at 
all periods, being made in RY. from only flye roots, and in AY. from two 
of the same and from three additional ones (six of the eight have other 
if-forms); and the remaining texts add, so far as noticed, only four other 
roots. All the forms found to occur are as follows: Jani^Iya, indhiflya, 
edhifXy^, ruci^a and roci^iyay gmi^iya; modi^ifthas ; jani^i^ta; 
vani^i^ta; sahiflvahi; idhi^imahi, edbifim&hl, Janl^lmahi, tftri^- 
mahi, mandifimahi, vandi^Im^hi, vardhi^Im&hi, sahi^imahl and 
Bfihi^im&hi. The accent is on the ending, and this would lead us to ex^ 
pect a weak form of root throughout; but the usage in this respect appears^ 
to be various, and the oases are too few to allow of setting up any rule. 
The forms Jani^eyam and -ya, from a secondary a-stem, occur In E. 

908. Of imperative forms, we have from y^av a series: namely, 
avi4<}hi, avi^tu, avift^^* avit4 (if this, as seems probable, stands 
anomalously for a,vi^\k) and avi^t&na; two of these are of unmistakably 
imperative form. Other forms occur only in 2d du. and 2d pi., and are 
accordingly such as might also be subjunctives used imperatively (which 
is further made probable for two of them by their accentuation on the 
root-syllable): they are krami^tam, gami^tam, oani^t&m, oayif^ain 
(against aoSyi^am), tari^tani, yodhiftam, vadhi$tam» ^nathi^fam; 
r&j^i^tana (against ar&^lfus), ^nathiffana. 

909. No words having a participial ending after if are found 
anywhere to occur. 

910. This is the only aorist of which forms are made in the 
secondary and denominative conjugations: see below, 1036, 1048, 

6. The 8i9-aoTi8t. 

911. According to the grammarians, this aorist is made 
from roots in 35rr S (including ftf mi^, Itf mi (or ml) damage 
and ^ IT cling, which substitute forms in S), and from 
5m nam botOj IFTyam reach, and TO ram be content, and is 
used only in the active; the corresponding middle being of 
the 8-form (878 ff.). Its inflection is precisely like that of 
the if-aorist; it is unnecessary, then, to give more than 


Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

911—] XL A0RIST-SY8TBMS. 324 

its first persons, which we may form from the roots TH yS 
ffo and RIT nam bow. Thus: 

a. d. p. 8. d. p. 

dyftsi^am Ayftaifva Ayftaifma dnaihsi^am toaifaslfva dnaihsiyma 

etc. etc etc. etc. etc. etc. 

912. The sif-aorUt is properly only & sab-form of the i^-aorist, 
having the tense-sign and endings of the latter added to a form of root 
increased by an added a. It is of extreme rarity in the older language, 
being made in RY. only from the roots gft $ing and yft gOj and in AY. 
only from ha leave, and donbtless also from pyft JiU up and van toin 
(see below, 914 b); the remaining older texts add Jfifi know (B.), Jyft over- 
povoer, dhyft think ((B. once : the edition reads -dh&-); &nd ram be cott' 
tent (SY.: a bad variant for RY. r&slya); other Brahmana forms which 
might be also of the s-aorist are adr&sit, av&sit, and ahv&sit; and bhok- 
ijfiflya (PB. S.) mnst be regarded as an anomalons formation from ^hnj, 
unless we prefer to admit a secondary root bhtik^, like bhalqf from bhaj. 
In the later language have been found quotable from other roots only glfisia, 
adhmftBlt, anaihsit, apftBit, ml&sis, and amnast^as. 

a. The participle hfaamRna and causative hfisayanti (RY.) show 
that hfis had assumed, even at a very early period, the value of a secon- 
dary root beside hft for other forms than the aorist. 

918. The whole series of older indicative forms (omitting, as doubt- 
ful, the 2A and 3d sing.) is as follows: agaaifam, ajftfisi^am, ayfis- 
i^am, adhyfisifam; i^y&sift&m, ayftsi^tftm; ajfifisi^ma; aJfLftsi^ta, 
^Bsi^ta; ag&si^os, ay&si^us (alqifus is from y/akf attain). 

a. Forms without augment are these: Jftasifam, raihsi^am, hftsi- 
9am; h&si^tam; h&si^tfim; hBjBit^\ai h&si^us, gftsi^OB, JfiBsi^iis. 
The accent would doubtless be upon the root-syllable. 

914. a« Of proper subjunctiyes are found two, gfiai^t and y&siijfat 
(both RY.). 

b. Optatives are not less rare : namely, yBsisI^thBa and pjrftniyinahl 
(for which the AY. manuscripts read py&Ql^Imahi, altered in the edition 
to pyftsri?-); and doubtless vaA^i^iya (AY., twice) is to be corrected to 
va&Blflya, and belongs here. As to bhnk^i^ya, see above, 912. 

o. The accent of yftsi^t^m (like avi^t&m, 908) shows it to be a 
true imperative form; aud yfisl^ta (RY., once) is doubtless the same, with 
anomalous 1 for 1 

916. Middle forms of this aorist, it will be noticed, occur from the 
optative only; but, considering the great rarity of the whole formation, we 
are hardly justified in concluding that in the ancient language the middle 
persons in -si^i, -Biftl^&By etc., were not allowable, like those in -i^i, 
-iftl^Bs, and the others of the iijf-aoTist. 

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325 Sibilant Aorist: 7. bs-aorist. [—919 

7. The sa-aorist. 

916. In the later language, the roots allowed to form 
this aorist end in ^ 9, Cf ^ , or ^ h — all of them sounds 
which in combination with the tense-sign make ^ k^; and 
they have ^ i, 3 u, or Sff iT as radical vowel. 

a. Tbey aie as follows: di^, ri^, li^, vi^, kli^, kru^, ru^, mf^, 
Bp79; tvlf, dvify 9II99 vif, Iqrff; dih» mih, lih» guh, duh, ruh, t^h, 
v^h, Btfh ; from about half of them sa-formi, earlier or later, are quotable. 
Some of them may, or with certain meanings must, take aorists of other formp. 
And a few are allowed to drop both tense-sign and union-TOwel a in cer- 
tain persons Qf th^ middle: that Is, they may make instead forms of the 

917. As the tense-stem ends in 9 a, the inflection is 
in the main like that of an imperfect of the second general 
conjugation. But (according to the grammarians: the forms 
unfortunately have not been found quotable) the 1st sing, 
mid. ends in ^ i instead of ^ e, and the 2d and 3d du. 
mid. in ssn^TFT SthSm and qTrTFT^fttSm, as in imperfects of 
the other conjugation. Both active and middle inflection 
is admitted. The root is throughout unstrengthened. 

918. As example of inflection we may take the root 

^^ di9 point. Thus: 

actiye. middle, 

s. d. p. s. d. p. 

idikfam ddilqAva idik^ftma Mik^i ddik^ftvahi idik^fimahi 

asri^^ ^^wi^ 5f^ Mi<dMm^ Mf<TrtiyiH^ ^1|5m^ 

idik^as idik^atam Mik^ata ddik^th&s idik^athfim ddik^adhvam 

Adik^at ddik^atfim idik^an idik^ata idik^atftm idik^anta 

919. In the earlier language, the forms of the sa-aorist are hardly 
more than sporadic They are made in BY. from soTon roots; in AT., 
from two of these and from two others; and the remaining texts add ten 
more, making nineteen in all (the later language makes no additions to 
this number). As later, all have i or a or ^ as root-TOwel, and a final 
consonant which combines with s to k^; but there are in the list also two 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


ending in J, namely m^J and vfj. AU the ezamples noted are given 

a. So far M the middle fonns are concerned, thit aorlat would he ftilly 
explained as a transfer of certain B-aorists to an a-inflection. The marked 
difference in the strength of radical vowel In the actiye) however, stands 
in the way of the smcoessAil appUcatlon of soch an explanation to the active 

9S0. a. In the indicative, we find, in the active: av^kfam; adrokfas, 
adhuk^as, aruk^as, akrak^as* asp^'k^as (and MBh. adds amyk^faa) ; 
adikfat* amik^at, allkij^at, avik^at, ^kroki^t, aghnk^t, aduk^at 
and idhuk^at, iruki^t, av^kfat, ak^kfat, Am^kfat. ispfk^t; 
aghuk^atam; arok^Smay amrk^fima, av^k^ama; Adhuk^an, apik- 
fan (ypi^\ arnk^an, asp^k^an; — in the middle, only aJqpk^thfts 
iykpii), Adhuk^ata, and am^kfanta (and BCBh. adds am^kfataP). 

b. Forms without angment (no trne snbjanctives occar) are, in the 
active: d^kfam, m^kfam; dok^as, ruk^^as, mrk^as; dvlk^; 
mrkfata; dhukf&n and dukf&n; — in the middle, dvilqiata, duk^ata 
and dhok^ata, dhnk^dnta. 

O. There are no optative forms. 

d. Imperative are: in the active, mrk^atam; in the middle, dlmk- 

e. The few accented fonns without augment which occur have the 
tone on the tense-sign sA, in analogy with the a-aorist (2) and the imper- 
fect of the &-class : a single exception is dliAk^ala, wUch probably needs 
emendation to dhuk^Ata. 

f. The aspiration of initial d and g, after loss of the aspirated quality 
of the root-final (166), is seen in forms fh>m the roots duh and gah, but 
not from druh (only a single case, AB.); BY., however, has also adnkfat 
and duk^as, duk^in, duk^ta. 


921. As tho so-called preeative is allowed by the gramnuuianf 
to be made in the later language from every root, and in an inde- 
pendent way, without reference to the mode of formation of the 
aorist from the same root, it is desirable to put together here a brief 
statement of the rules given for it 

922. The preeative active is made by adding the active 
preeative endings (above, 668) directly to the root But: 

a. Of final root- vowels (as before the passive-sign yk: 770), i and 
a are lengthened; r ^ usually changed to rl, hut to Ir and fbr in tkoee 
roots which elsewhere show ir- and nr- forms (so-caUed f-ioots: 242), and 
to ar in r and smr; & i> changed to e in the roots di, dhft, vtht* pS 
drink, gft sing, and a few others, in part optionally. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

327 Prboativb. [—924 

b. The root in general Msumes its weakest form: a penultimate nasal 
is lost, as in badhyftsam from yl>andh ; the roots which are abbroTiated 
in the weak persons of the perfect (794) have the same abbreviation here, 
as in uoySsam, ijyftsam, vidhyftsam, Bnpyfisam, g^hySBam; yqBs 
forms ^i^yfisam (compare 689, 864 o) : and so on. 

o. It has been pointed out above (887) that the active preoative is an 
optative of the root-sorist, witii a problematio insertion of a sibilant between 
mode-sign and ending. 

928. a. The precative middle is made by adding the 
middle precative endings (above, 668) to the root increased 
by T{^B or ^ i? — that is, to the tense-stem of an s-aoiist 
or of an i^aorist (but without augment). 

b. The root is strengthened aooording to the rules that 
apply in forming the middle-stem of the s and of the i^ 
aorists respectively: in general, namely, a final vowel is 
gunated in both formations; but a medial vowel, only be- 
fore ^i?. 

a As was pointed ont above (667) the middle precative is really the 
^pt«tive of certain aorists, with the insertion of a sibilant between mode- 
sign and ending only (so far as authenticated by use) in the 2d and 3d 
singnkr. In the older language, snch forms are oftenest made from the 
:8-aorist (896) and the if-aorist (907); but also from the root-aorist (887 b), 
the a-aorist (860 a), the reduplicated aorist (870), and the sif-aorlst 
(914 b); and even from the perfect (812 b). 

924. As example of inflection, we may take the root 
H bhtl be J which is said (no middle aorist or precative from 
it is quotable) to form its middle on the i^-stem. Thus: 

s. d. p. 

bhUytsam bhttyitsva bhUyasma 

bhUyits bhUyitstam bh^ista 

bhuyit bhuyitstam bhUyfaus 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

924—] XI. AORIST-STSTEMS. 328^ 

8. d. p. 

1 >TfsRkr >#«ft^ HfswW^ 

bhavii^yd bhavifiv&hi bhaviflm&hi 

bhavif^ft^ifUi bhavi^XyisthSm bhaviflfhv&m 

bhavi§i9t& bhavl^iyiBtSin bhavli^&n 

a. The forms given by the gramm&Tians as 2d and 3d dual are of 
very questionable yalne, as regards the place assigned to the sibilant. 
Those persons, and the 2d pi., have never been met with In use. For the 
question respecting the ending of the 2d pi., as dhvam or ^l^vam, see 
236 0. 

926. a. The precatiye actiye Is a form of very rare occnrrenoe in the 
classical language. In each of the texts already more than once referred to 
(Mann, Nala, BhagaTad-Qita, Qakiintala, Hltopade9a) it occurs once and no 
more, and not half-a-dozen forms have been foond quotable from the epics. 
As to its yalne, see 578 o. 

b. The precatlve middle is virtually unknown in the whole later 
literature, not a single occurrence of it having been brought to light. The 
BhP. has once xlri^Ifta, which is also a BY. form, belonging probably to 
the reduplicated aorist: see 870. 

Uses of the Aorist. 

926. The uses of the aorist mode-formB (as has been alreadjr 
pointed out: 582) appear to accord with those of the mode-forms of 
the present-system. The predilection of the earlier language, con- 
tinned sparingly in the later, for the augmentless forms in prohibitiye 
expression after mi was sufficiently stated and illustrated above 

a. The tense-value of the aorist indicative has also been more than 
once referred to, and calls only for somewhat more of detail and for illna- 
tratlon here. 

927. The aorist of the later language is simply a pret- 
erit, equivalent to the imperfect and perfect, and frequently 
coordinated with them. 

a. Thus, tata^ sa gardabhaiii lagu^ena tftijay&mftsa; tenft 
'aftu paftoatvam agamat (H.) thereupon he heat the donkey with a etidt;. 
and hereof the laUer died) tatafi aft vidarbh&n agamat punah; tfiib 
tn bandlmjana^ samap^ayat (MBb.) thereupon she went hack to 
Vidarhha; and h^r kindred paid her rwtr^nce) pntim&n abhilt, uvftoa 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

329 Uses of the Aorist. [—929^ 

ofii 'nam (MBh.) hs wasJUM with afeetioity and said to him; tain ada- 
hat kftfthfti^ 80 'bh&d divyavapns tadft (R.) he burned him with 
wood, and he heemne then a heavenly form, 

928. The aorist of the older langaage has the valae of a proper 
'^perfect": that is, it Bi^ifies something past which is viewed as 
completed with reference to the present; and it requires accordingly 
to be rendered by onr tense made with the auxiliary have. In general^ 
it indicates what has jnst taken place; and oftenest something which 
the speaker has experienced. 

a. Examples from the Veda are: p&ri "m^ gtm ane^ata pkry 
agnim ahf^ata, dev^^v akrata ^r&va^ k& imih. i dadhar^ati (RV.) 
iheee here have led about a cow, they have carried around the fire, ihey 
have done honor to the gods — who shall venture anything against themf 
7&m afohftma m&nasft 86 'y&m i 'gftt (RV.) he whom we (formerly, 
impf.) sought with our mind has (now, aor.) eome; y6ne 'ndro havli^ 
ioftvj &bhavad dyumny ttttam^ iddifa t&d akri devft asapatnii]^ 
kilft 'bhavam(RV.) that lihation by which Indra, making it, became (impf.) 
of highest glory, I have now made, ye gods; I have become free from enemies, 

b. Examples from the Brahmana language are: si hft 'smifi Jy6g 
uvftsa.;. t&to ha gandhanri^ s&m ndire: Jy6g va iy&m nrv&^I 
mann^yd^v avfttalt (QB.) she lived with him a long time. Then the 
Oandharoas said to one another, **this Urva^t, forsooth, has dwelt a long 
time among mortals^; taaya ha dantft^ pedire: taih ho *vftca: apat- 
sata vft asya dantft^ (AB.) his teeth feU out. He said to him: ""his teeth 
truly have fallen ouf^; indrasya vrtriifa JaghmEifa indriy&ih viry^uh 
PliJiiTlm &na vy lUrchat t&d d^adhayo virudho 'bhavan b& 
prajipatim upft 'dhftvad v^triih me jaghntifa indriy&ih virykh 
p^T^hivim &nu vy lirat t&d 69adhayo virddho 'bhfivann iti (TS.) 
of Indra, when he had slain Vritra, the force and might went away into the 
earth, and became the herbs and plants; he ran to Prqfdpati, saying: ^my 
force and might, after slaying Vritra, have gone away into the earth, and 
have become the herbs and plants^; svay&m enam abhynd^tya brllyftd 
vritya kvll *vfttid^ (AV., in prose passage) going up to him in person, 
let him say: ^ Vrdtya, where hast thou abode" 9 y&d id^tniih dvftd viv&da> 
mftnftv eyitflm ah&m adar^am ahiun a^ftufam iti y& ev& brOy&l 
a]i4m adar^am iti t&smft ev& ^raddadhy&ma ((B.) if now two should 
corns disputing with one another, [the one"] saying ^ I have seen", [the other] 
**I have heard", we should believe the one who said **/ Jtave seen", 

028. a. This distinction of the aorist from the imperfect and perfect 
as tenses of narration is Tery common in the Brahmana language (inclading 
the older Dpanishads and the Sutras), and Is closely obserred; ylolation%f 
it is Tery rare, and is to be regarded as either dae to corruption of text or 
indicjLtlTe of a late Origin. 

b. In the Yedlc hymns, the same distinction is prevalent, bot is both 
lees clear and less strictly maintained; many passages would admit au 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

92&— ] XII. FUTUBE-BTSTEMB. 330 

interpretation Implying either sense ; and e-vident aorist-forms are sometimes 
used narratiToly, while imperffect-forms are also occasionally employed in 
the aorist sense. 

980. The boundary between what has Just been and what is is an 
eyaneseent one, and is sometimes OTorstepped, 00 that an aorist appears 
where a present might stand, or was e^en rather to be expected. Thus: 
Bvftsastlie bhavatam indave na ltd somo vSi riye 'ndati som&- 
yfti VSi 'ne etad rlUfia ftsade 'oiklpat (AB. i. 09. 7) ^be ye eomfwr- 
table seats for our Indu", he says; Indu is king Soma: by this means he 
has made them (instead of makes tJiem) suitable for king Soma to sit upon; 
•vSrxjopx ipo y&d adt^r abhififto^ti TAnu^am evSi 'nam akar 
(MS. iy. 3. 10) the waters are Varuna^s; in that he bepours him with waters, 
he has made him Varuna; paiio4bhir vytghftrayati pt&kto yajft6 
yiv&n ev& yajft&a t&m ^abdhfl 'tho yiviii •vk yajft&s t&amiid 
rAki^fi&sy &palianti (MS. ill. 2.Q)he smears with Jive ; fivefold is the offer- 
ing : as great as is the offering, of it he has [thereby] taken hold: then^ as 
great as is the offering, from U he smites away the demons. This idiom is 
met with in all the BiAhmanas; bat it is espeeially flreqaent in the MS. 



931. The verb has two futures, of xvery diffeirent age 
and character. The one has for tense-sign a sibilant followed 
by 11 ya, and is an inheritance from the time of Indo- 
European unity. The other is a periphrastic formation, made 
by appending an auxiliary verb to a derivative noun of 
agency, and it is a recent addition to the verb-system; its 
beginnings only are met with in the earliest language. The 
former may be called the a- future (or the old future, or 
simply the future); the latter may be distinguished as the 
periphrastic future. 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

331 The b-futube. [—984 

I. The s-future. 
832. The tease-sign of this future is the syllable HT syd, 
added to the root either directly or by an auxiliary vowel 
^ i (in the latter case becoming ^PJ i^y&j. The root has 
the gu]^a*strengthening. Thus, £rom y^ dS ffive is formed 
the future tense-stem ^THT dSsyi; from y^ i go^ the stem 
^^ epyd; firom yj^ duh me7A, the stem qlfO' dhok^yA; 
from VH^bha be^ the stem H^m bhavi^yi; from >/^ rdh 
thrive^ the stem friusQ' ardhi^yi; and so on. 

a. But from yjiv live the stem is Jivi^y^, from yxxk^ sprinkle it 
is ok^i^yi, and so on (240). 

b. There are hardly any Yedic cases of resolation of the tense-sign 
sya into sia; BY. has k^e^i&ntas onoe. 

938. This tense-stem is then inflected precisely like a 

present-stem ending in CT a (second general conjugation: 

788 a). We may take as models of inflection the future of 

y^ dS give J and that of y^ k^ make. Thus: 

actlTe. middle. 

s. d. p. s. d. p. 

1 <IHIlft <IWWH^ < > flliHH ^ ^ <IHIN^ ^TRIF% 
dasyimi dftsyivas daeyamas dftsy^ dftsyavahe dftsyimahe 

dasy&si dfisy&thaB dfisy&tha dSsy&se dfisy^the d&sy&dbTe 

3 wn^ <iHiHH , ?3Hrirr ^tfo^ ^J^ ^rnitr 

dtey&U dftsy&taa dftsy&ati diay&te dftay6te dfisy4nte 

kari^fgrimi kazi^yftvaB kari^y^maa karl^y^ kari^yavabe kari^srtmalie 
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

a. In the epics are found occasional cases of 1st do. and pi in va and 
ma: e. g. raduiyava (R.), bhak^yftva (camsatlTe: MBh.); e^yftma 
(MBh.), vatsyama (R.). 

984. With regard to the nee or non-nse of the auxiliary vowel 
i before the sibilant, there is a degree of general aooordanoe between 
this tense and the other fntore and the desideratiye; but it is by no 
means absolnte, nor are any definite rules to be laid down with re- 
gard to H (and so much the less, because of the infrequency of the 
two latter formations in actual use): between this and the aorist 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

984—] XII. FUTURB-8Y8TEM8. 332 

(s-aorist on the one side) or i^-aorist on the other), any correspondence 
is still less traceable. Practically, it is necessary to learn, as a mat- 
ter of nsage, how any given root makes these various parts of its 
conjngational system. 

935. Below is added a statement of the usage, as regards the auxiliary 
vowel, of all the roots foand quotable — for the most part, in the form of 
a speolflcation of those which add the tense-sign directly to the root; in 
brackets are further mentioned the other roots which according to the gram- 
marians also refuse the aDxiliary vowel. 

a. Of roots ending in vowels, the great majority (excepting those in 
X) take no i. Thus, all in ft (numerous, and unnecessary to specify: but 
compare o below); — those in i, as k^i passes, oi gather , oi nofo, ml, si 
or 8ft bind (sifya), hi; from i, kfi destroy y and Ji occur forms of both 
classes; Qri [and qvi] has i; — those in I, as kri, bhl» mi, vli; but ifi 
lie and nl have both forms [and ^ takes i]; — those in u, as oya, dm, 
plu, Qro, hu; but bu press out and stu have both forms [and ki^tiy 
IqiijLU, nu, yii, ru, snu take i]; — of those in tt, dhfi and hhfL take 1; 
Btl has both forms. But all in f (numerous, and unnecessary to specify) 
take i [those in changeable f, or so-called f-roots (242), are said by the 
grammarians to take either i or i; no I-forms, however, are quotable]. 

b. Of roots ending in mutes, about half add the tense-sign directly^ 
Thus, of roots ending in gutturals, Qak; — in palatals: in o, pao, mno, 
rie, vao, vie, vra^c, sic (but yftc takes i) ; in eh, prach ; in J, bhaSj, 
mrJ (mftrkfya and mrak^ya), yaj, bhnj, jui, vfj, sfj [also bhriOJ, 
rafij, safij, svafij, nij, ruj], while tyaj, bhaj, and majj (mafik^ya and 
majjifys) have both forms, and vij (viji^ya and veji^ya) and vri^ 
take i; — in dentals: in t, ]q*t cut and v^t [also Cft and n^] make 
both forms ; in d, ad, pad, ^ad fallj skand, syand, ohid, bhid, vid 
^ndf nud [also had, khid, avid, kfud, tad]; while sad (sataya and 
sldi^ya) and vid know make both forms [also chfd and tpd], and vad. 
has i ; in dh, vyadh (vetsya), rftdh, sidh succeed, budh, yadh, mdh, 
vrdh [also Bftdh, krudh, kfndh, Qudh], and bandh and aidh repel 
have both forms; in n, tan, while man and han have both forms; — in 
labials: in p, ftp, kfip, gup, tpp, Bjpp (srapsya and sarpsya) [also 
Qap, lip, lup], while tap, vap, svap, dipp^ *nd k|p have both forms; 
in bh, yabh and rabh, labh having both forms; in m, ram, while kranu 
Iqiam, nam, and yam make both forms. 

c. Of the roots reckoned by the grammarians as ending in semivowels 
(761 d-g) all take i. And vS or vi wewe, vyft or vl envelop, and hvfi 
or h& call take a y-form, as in their present-system, to which then i is added : 
thus, vayi^ya, vyayi^ya, hvayi^ya (but also hvftaya). 

d. Of roots ending in spirants, the minority (about a third) are with- 
out the auxiliary vowel. They are: roots in q, diQ, vl^, dy^ (drak^ya), 
Bpxq (sprakfya) [also daA^, ri9, 119, kru^, mr9], while na9 be lost 
has both forms (naflk^ya and na9i9ya); — in 9, pi^, vi?, 9!? [also 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

333 The b-future. [—988 

tvi9» dvif, ^lif , tufy dof, pof, 9^]» while k|^ has both forms (krak- 
97a and kar^i^ya); — in 8» vas «Aifte, vas clothe [also ghaa], while vas 
dtoell has both forms; — in h, mih, dah, druh [also nah« dib, lih], 
while dab, vali* sah and ruh have both forms. 

e. In the older language, a majority (aboat flTO ninths) of simple roots 
add the sya without auxiliary i; of the futures oceurring in the later 
language only, nearly three quarters have the i, this being generally taken 
by any root of late origin and derivatiye eharaoter — as it is also uniformly 
token in secondary oonjugation (1019, 1036, 1050» 1068). 

986. As the root is strengthened to form the stem of this future, so, 
of a root that has a stronger and a weaker form, the stronger form is used : 
thus, from >Ot>andli or badh bind^ bbantsya or bandbii^ya. 

a. By an irregular strengthening, nafik^ya (beside na^i^ya) is made 
from yuMf be losi^ and ma&k^ya (beside majji^ya) from VmajJ sink. 

b. But a few roots make future-stems in the later language without 
strengthening: thus, likbi^ya, mili^ya (also TS.), viji^ya (also vejifya), 
fd^ya (>/8ft or Bi)» eo^ya (989 b), spbufifya; and >/vyadb makes 
▼etsya from the weaker form vidb. 

o. The 9^. has once the monstrous form a^nuvifyftmabe, made 
upon the present-stem a^nn (697) of yekq atknn. And the later language 
makes Bidifya and Jabi^ya from the present-stems of yaad and }/bft. 
Compare further bvayifya etc., 985 o. Also kby&ylfya from }/kby& 
(beside kbyftsya) appears to be of similar character. 

d. A number of roots with medial j strengthen it to ra (841): thus, 
krak^ya, trapeya, drai»8ya» drak^ya, mrakfya (beside mftrk^ya), 
Bprak^ya, srak^ya, sraiwya (beside aarpsya), and mradifya (beside 
mardifya); and Vk|p forms klapeya (beside kalpi^ya). 

e. The root grab (also its doublet glab) takes 1 instead of i, as it 
does also in the aorlst and elsewhere. 

987. This future is comparatively rare in the oldest language — in 
part, apparently, because the uses of a future are to a large extent answered 
by subjunctive forms — but becomes more and more common later. Thus, 
the BY. has only seventeen occurrences of personal forms, from nine diiferent 
roots (with participles from six additional roots); the AY. has fifty occurrences, 
from twenty-five roots (with participles from seven more); but the TS. has 
occurrences (personal forms and participles together) from over sixty roots; 
and forms from more than a hundred and fifty roots are quotable from the 
older texts. 

Modes of tbe s-fature. 

988. Mode-forms of the future are of the utmost rarity. The only 
example in the older language is kaxi^y^, 2d sing. subj. act., occurring 
once (or twice) in BY. (AB. has once notsy&vabfti, and GB. has efyA- 
mabfti* taAsyfimab&i, Btbisy&mab&i, but they are doubtless false 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

938—] XII. Future-systems. 334 

readings for -he. Two or three optative forms are found in tbe epics : thus, 
dhalqiyet and maftsyeran (MBh.), and drak^yeta (R.); also an imper- 
atire patayantu (Har.). And several 2d pi. mid. in dhvam are quotable 
from the epics : thus, vetayadhTam, savi^adhTam, and (the caosatiTe) 
kfilaylfyadh-rtiin (PB.) and JlTayi^yadhvam (MBh.: and one text has 
mok^yadhvam at i. 133. 13, where the othw reads mokfayadhvam), 
and bhavl^yadhvam (MBh. R.) : it is a matter of question whether these 
are to be accounted a real imperative formation, or an epic substitution of 
secondary for primary endings (compare 642 a). 

Fartioiples of the s-fature. 

939. Participles axe made from the future-stem precisely 
as £rom a present-stem in 3Ef a: namely, by adding in the 
active the ending tT nt, in the middle the ending ^TH m&na; 
the accent remains upon the stem. Thus, from the verbs 
instanced above, ^THTFT dSsy&nt and <^|fHHH dSsydmSna^ 
ehf(fi.Utl karify&nt and c^f^mHIUI karl^yimB^. 

a. According to the grammarians, the feminine of the active participle 
is made either in &nti or in atlj hut only the former has heen noted as 
occurring in the older language, and the latter is everywhere extremely 
rare : see above, 449 e» f • 

b. In BY. occurs once ettfyanti, from yB% with anomalous aocent* 

Preterit of the s-future: Conditional. 

940. From the future-stem is made an augment-preterit, 
by prefixing the augment and adding the secondary endings, 
in precisely the same manner as an imperfect from a present- 
stem in ^ a. This preterit is called the conditional. 

a. It stands related to the future, in form and meaning, as the Fren^ 
conditional aurais to the future auroi, or as the English would hat>e to 
toiU have — nearly as the German wUrde haben to toerde haben. 

b. Thus, from the roots already instanced: 

active. middle, 

s. d. p. s. d. p. 

1 35r5TFlR^ *l<l^iJN *I<IVUIH 3EI^ ^HTT^ M<[VUIhR> 
^dSsyam idftsyftva &d&8y&ma 4dft0ye &disy&vahi &dfiByfimahl 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

335 The Conditional. [—948 

2 H{\krUk\^ SRJFOrPT^ *<<.IVUH Jy<lfU8IW^ ^<lfI)«IW^ 35|^IHra^ 
idSsyas idftsyataxn ftdftsyata idftsyathfts ^dftsyethftm Adfiayadhvam 

Adfisyat &dft8yatSm ^dftsyan idftsyata ftdftsyetfim ^dftsyanta 


*Hl(^yH^ *Hf(^UW ***n^W Jgsfrf{^ M4it(^Nr^ Mchf(miHf^ 

i^Larifyam ikari^yftva ikari^yfima ^kfiri^ye Akari^yftvahi ftkarifyftmahi 

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

941. The conditional is the rarest of all the forms of the Sanskrit 
Terb. The RV. has bat a single example, dbhari^yat was going to carry 
off, and none of the Vedic texts famishes another. In the BrShmanas it 
is hardly more common — except in QB., where it is met with more than 
fifty times. Nor does it, like the future, become more frequent later: not 
an example occurs in Nala, Bhagavad-Gita, or Hitopade9a; only one in 
Manu; and two in Qakuntala. In the whole MBh. (Holtzmann) it is found 
about twenty-fire times, f^om thirteen roots. The middle forms are ex- 
tremely few. 

II. The Periphrastic Future. 

942. a. This formation contains only a single indicative 
active tense (or also middle: see 947), without modes, or 
paitioiple, or preterit. 

b. It consists in a derivative nomen agentis, having the 
value of a future active participle, and used, either with 
or without an accompanying auxiliary, in the office of a 
verbal tense with future meaning. 

943. The noun is formed by the suffix ^ tf (or fTJ" 

tar); and this (as in its other than verbal uses: see 1182] 

is added to the root either directly or with a preceding 

auxiliary vowel 3^ i, the root itself being strengthened by 

sru^ but the accent resting on the suffix: thus, ^fT dStf 

from y^ dS give ; SRcT kartf from y^ ky make ; H^FT bhavitf 

from VH bhtl be, 

a. As regards the presence or absence of the vowel i, the usage is 
said by the grammarians to be generally the same as in the B-future from 
the same root (above, 935). .The most important exception is that the 
roots in x take no i : thas, kaii^ (against karifya) ; roots han and gam 
show the same difference ; while v^t^ vjdh, and syand have i here, though 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

^48—] XII. Future-systems. 336 

not in the B-futnre. The few forms which occur in the older Ungnsge 
agree with these statements. 

044. In the third persons, the nom. masc. of the noun, 

in the three numbers respectively (873), is used without 

auxiliary: thus, H^FTT bhavitfi he or she or it toill he\ 

H^Trnft bhavitSrau both will be; HUr\\{k\ bhavitfiras they 

toill be. In the other persons, the first and second persons 

present of y^i^ as be (636) are used as auxiliary; and they 

are combined, in all numbers, with the singular nom. maso. 

of the noun. 

a. Thus, from y^ dS give: 

s. d. p. 

i ^IHlfw ^HIHH ^ <IHIHIH ^ 

datasmi d&tasvas dftt&maB 

dfttasi dataathaa dfttastha 

d&ti dattrftn d&t&ras 

b. Occasionally, in the epics and later (almost ne^er in the older 
language), the norm of the tense as given above is in varioaB respects de- 
parted from: thus, by use of the auxiliary in the 3d person also; by its 
omission in the 1st or 2d person; by iuyersion of the order of noun and 
auxiliary; by interposition of other words between them; by use of a dual 
or plural nom. with the auxiliary; and by use of a feminine form of the 
noun. Examples are: vaktft 'sti (MBh.) hs toill speak; nlhantft (MBh.) 
/ shall or thou wilt strike down^ yoddhft 'ham (R.) / shall Jight, aliaih 
dra9t& (MBh.) / shall see, kartA liaih te (BhP.) / wHl do for thee^ 
tvaih bhavitfi (MBh. Megh.) thou wilt be; asm! gantfi (MBh.) I shall 
go] pratigrahitfi tfim asm! (MBh.) I wiU receive her, hant&tvam asi 
(MBh.) thou wilt slay; kartfirfiu sval^ (BIBh.) we two shall do; dra^fry 
asmi (MBh.) / (f.) shall see, ndbhavitri (Nai?.) she will increase, 
gantrl (Y.) she will go. AB. has once sotfi as 2d sing., thou wiU press; 
JUB. makes the combination 9ma9fin&]ii bhavitfiras the cemeteries 
win be. 

c. An optative of the auxiliary appears to be once used, in yocUlhfi 
syam / would Jight (R. i. 22. 25 Peterson ; but the Bombay edition Te«ds 
yoddhuih yfisyftmi). 

945. The accent in these combinatioDS, as in all the ordinary 
cases of collocation of a verb with a preceding predicate noun or 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

337 Periphrastic Future. [—848 

adjective (582), is on the noun itself; and, unlike all the true verbal 
forms, the combination retains its accent everywhere even in an in- 
dependent clause: thus, t&rhi vi atiu&ftro bhavitasmi {QB.) then I 
shaU be out of danger (where bbavifyftmi, if used, would be accent- 
less). Whether in a dependent clause the auxiliary verb would take 
an accent (586), and whether, if so, at the expense of the accent of 
the noun (as in the case of a preposition compounded with a verb- 
form: 1088 b), we are without the means of determining. 

846. In the Yeda, the nomina ageniis in tf or tar, like Tarions other 
derivative nonns (871), but with especial freqaency, are used in participial 
construction, governing the accasatlve if they come from roots whose verbal 
forms do so (1 188). Often, also, they are used predicatively, with or without 
accompanying copula ; yet without any implication of time ; they are not the 
beginnings, but only the forerunners, of a new tense-formation. Generally, 
when they have a participial value, the root-syllable (or a prefix preceding 
it) has the accent. The tense-use begins, but rather sparingly, In the 
Brahmanas (from which about thirty forms are quotable) ; and it grows more 
common later, though the periphrastic future is nowhere nearly so frequent 
as the 8-future (it is quotable later firom about thirty additional roots). 

847. a« A few Isolated attempts are made In the Brahmanas to form 
by analogy middle persons to this future, with endings corresponding after 
the usual fashion to those of the active persons. Thus, TS. has once pra- 
yoktaae / wiU apply (standing related to prayokt&smi as, for example, 
9&8e to ^ismi); QB. has Qayitase thou shalt lie (similarly related to 
^ayitisi) ; and TB. has ya^t&mabe toe toiU make offering^ But In TA. 
l8 found (1. 11) ya^t&e as 1st sing., showing a phonetic correspondence of 
a problematic character, not elsewhere met with in the language. 

b. On the basis of such tentative formations as these, the native 
grammarians set up a complete middle Inflection for the periphrastic ftiture, 
as follows: 

s. d. p. 

1 dfttihe d&tasvahe d&taamahe 

2 dfttase dfttaa&the dfttidhve 

3 dftta dftt&fiu dfttlbraa 

o. Only a single example of such a middle has been brought to light 
in the later language, namely (the causative) darQayitfthe (Naif.). 

Uses of the Futures and Conditional. 

848. As the s-future is the commoner, so also it is the one 
more indefinitely used. It expresses in general what is going to take 
place at some time to come — but often, as in other languages, add- 
ing on the one hand an implication of will or intention, or on the 
other hand that of promise or threatening. 

Whitaey, Grammar. 3. ed. 22 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

948—] XII. Future-systems. 338 

a. A few examples are: varfify&ty fiis&mah paij&nyo vf^tim&n 
bhavi^ysti (QB.) it is going to rain : Parjanya is going to be rich in ram 
this year; jka t4n n& v6da kim ipot kari^yati (RV.) whoever does not 
know that J what will he do with verse t i vil vay&m agnl dhftsy&malie 
*tha ytiy&ih kiih kari^yatha (9B.) we are going to build the twojires : 
then what will you do f t&m indro 'bhytdudrftva hanify&n (C!B.) him 
Indra ran at, intending to slay; 3r&dy eva kari^y^tha sak&ih dev&ir 
yajfiiyftso bhavi^yatha (RV.) if ye will do thus, ye shall be worthy of 
the sacrifice along with the gods; dintfts te Qatsyanti (AY.) thy teeth will 
fall out; n& marifyasi ma bibhe^t (^^-) ^^o^ ^^^ ^^^ <^^> ^^ ^^^ 
afraid; bruhi kva yftsyasi (MBh.) teU us; where are you going to got 
yadi mftih praty&khyftsyaBi vi^am ftsth&sye (MBh.) if you shall refect 
me, I will resort to poison. As in other languages, the tense is also some- 
times used for the expression of a conjecture or presumption: thus: ko 
'yaih devo gandharvo v& bhavi^yati (MBh.) who is this f heis doubtless 
a god, or a Oandharva; adya Bvap8yanti(MBb.) they must be sleeping now, 

b. The spheres of future and desideratiye border upon one another, 
and the one is sometimes met with where tlie other might be expected. 
Examples of the future taken in a quasi-desiderative sense are as follows, 
y&d da^use bhadr&ih karify&si tkve 't t&t BBtykm (RV.) whta 
favor thou wiliest to bestow on thy worshiper, thai of thee becometh actual 
{is surely brought about); y4thft 'ny&d vadi^y&nt b6 'njr&d vAdet 
((B.) as if intending to say one thing, one were to say another. 

949. The periphrastic future is defined by the grammarianB as 
expressing something to be done at a definite time to come. And 
this, though but faintly traceable in later use, is a distinct character^ 
istic of the formation in the language where it first makes its ap- 
pearance. It is especially often used along with qv&B tomorrow. 

a. A few examples are: adyA vai^ifyati ... qv6 vraft^ (MS.) it is 
going to rain today: it will rain tomorrow ; yatarftn v& Ime Qva^ kami- 
tftraa te jetSras (K.) whichever of two parties these shall choose tomorrow, 
they will conquer; prftt&r ya^faamahe (IB.) we shcUl sacrifice tomorrow 
morning; ityah6 vah paktasmi ((B.) on such and such a day I wiU 
cook for you; t&n ma ^kftih ratrim Ante Qayitase jftt& a te 'y&ih 
t&rhi putr6 bhaviti (QB.) then you shall lie with me one night, and at 
that time this son of yours will be bom. In other cases, this deflnltenesfl 
of time is wanting, but an emphasis, as of special certainty, seems perhaps 
to belong to the form: thus, bibhfhi m& p&rayiiffyami tv6 *ti: kAamiin 
mft parayifyftBl ty &ughi imah e&rvfi^ praja nirvo^hi, tdtas tvS 
pftrayitasmi 'ti (fB.) support me and I will save you, said it. From 
what will you save me f said he. A flood is going to carry off aU these 
creatures: from that I wHl save you, said it; paridevayfiiii oakrire 
mahao ohokabhayaih prftptftsmal^ (GB) they set up a lamentation: ^we 
are going to meet with great pain anddrea^', ya^e 'yakfi ya^fihe oa 
(TA.) I sacrifice, I have sacrificed, and I shall sacriflce. In yet other cases, 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

339 Ubbs op the Futures and Conditional. [—950 

in the older langnage even, and yet more in the later, this fatare appears 
to he equivalent to the other: thns, praj&yftm enaih vijfiftt&smo yadi 
vidvftn ▼& Jnhoty avldvftn v& (AB.) in his children we shall know Aim, 
toheiher he is one that sacrifices with knowledge or without knowledge) vak- 
t&nno vft idaih devebhya]^ (AB.) we shaU tell this to the gods; yadi 
svftrtho mamft *pi bbavltft tata evaih BVfirthaifa karify&mi (MBh.) 
if later my own affair shall come up^ then I will attend to my own affair\ 
kathaih tu bhavit&sy eka iti tv&ih n^pa 90ciini (MBh.) hut how wtU 
you get along alone t thatj O king, is the cause of tny grief about you. 

950. The conditional would seem to be most originally and 
properly nsed to signify that something was going to be done. And 
this valae it has in its only Vedio occurrence, and occasionally else- 
where. But usually it has the sense ordinarily called ^^conditional"; 
and in the great majority of its occurrences it is found (like the sub- 
junctive and the optative, when used with the same value) in both 
clauses of a conditional sentence. 

a. Thus, y6 v^^traya sinam ktti 'bbari^yat pr& t4ih j&nitri 
vidd^a uv&pa (RV.) him, who was going here to carry off Vritrds wealth; 
his mother proclaimed to the knowing one; 9atfiyuih gftni akaxifyam 
(AB.) / was going to make (should have made) the cow live a hundred years 
(in other versions of the same story is added the other clause, in which the 
conditional has a value more removed from its original: thus, in GB., if 
you, viUain, had not stopped [prSfiprabi^yalpL] my mouth); t&ta ev& 'sya 
bhay^ib "vi Vft7& k&Bmftd dby ibbe^yad dvltly&d vft£ bhay&ih 
bhavati (9^0 thereupon his fear departed; for of whom was he to be 
afraid f occasion of fear arises from a second person ; utpap&ta oir&di 
t4n mane y&d vlUal^ pary4dliaayata (^B.) he leaped up: he thought 
it long that he should put on a garment; Bk t&d ev4 ni *vindat 
prajapatir y&tra liofyat (MS.) Prqfapati, verily, did not then find 
where he was to (should) sacrifice; evaih cen n& Vak^yo m&rdb& te 
vyapati^yat (GB.) if you should not speak thus, your head would fiy 
ojT; B& y4d dbSi tavad ev^ 'bbavl^yad yavatyo hfti *vt 'gre praja^ 
ar^fta t^vatyo hfti 'vk 'bhavifyan n& prii 'jani^yanta ((B.) if he 
h€ul been only so much, there would have been only so many living creatures 
as were created at first; they would have had no progeny; kilii vft 
nbhavi^yad arui^aa tamasftih vibhettft taih oet sahasrakirai^o 
dliuri nft nEarifyat (50 would the Dawn, forsooth, be the scatterer of 
the darkness, if the thousand^rayed one did not set her on the front of 
his chariot f 


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961—] Xin. Vbrbal Adjeotivbs and Nouns. 340 



961. a. Those verbal adjectives, or participles, which are made 
from tense-stems, and so constitute a part of the various tense- 
systems, have been already treated. It remains to describe certain 
others, which, being made directly from the root itself, belong to the 
verbal system as a whole, and not to any particular part of it 

b. The infinitive (with a few sporadic exceptions in the older 
language) also comes in all cases from the root directly, and not from 
any of the derived tense-stems. 

o. The same is true of the so-called gerunds, or indeclinable 

Passive Participle in td or n&. 

952. By the accented suffix cT td — or, in a compar- 
atively small number of verbs, ^ n& — is formed a verbal 
adjective which, when coming from transitive verbs, quali- 
fies anything as having endured the action expressed by 
the verb: thus, ^ dattd given; 3^ uktd spoken. Hence 
it is usually called the passive participle; or, to distinguish 
it from the participle belonging to the passive present^ 
system (771), the past passive participle. 

a. When made from an intransitive or neuter verb, the 
same participle, as in other languages, has no passive but 
only an indefinite past sense: thus, TIrT g&ta ffone) HcT bhtLta 
been; tlfrlH veMtA fallen. 

963. In general, this participle is made by adding cT 

ta to the bare verbal root, with observation of the ordinary 

rules of euphonic combination. 

a. Some roots, however, require the prefixion of the auxiliary 
vowel i to the suffix. For these, and for the verbs that add ni 
instead of t&, see below, 966, 967. 

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341 Passive Participle in ta or na. [—955 

b. As to the accent when the root is preceded by a preposition, 
see 1085 a. 

954. The root before rT t& has usually its weakest form, 
if there is anywhere in the verbal system a distinction of 
weak and strong forms. Thus: 

a. A penultimate nasal is not seldom dropped: examples are 
akt& (>/afiJ), baddh& f>a>andh^» 9rabdha (f^Qrambh), daffi {ydatq), 
srasta (^/BraAs), b&fl^a (f^afih). 

b. Boots which are abbreviated in the weak forms of the per- 
fect (794) suffer the same abbreviation here: examples are ukt& 
(f/vac), xi^\k (yvBLB shine) J upt& (y'vap: also vapta), a<}h& ()/vah), 
Buptd (v'Bvap), i^fti iVjaSU vlddM (^vyadh) ; — and, by a similar 
procedure, >/pracli (or pra^) makes ppi^k, Kbhrafi^ makes bh^^fa 
(beside the regular bhraffi), and y<;Tti boil makes <$TptA (beside 9rftt&]. 

o. Final & is weakened ta i in glt& ( /gft Wn^}, dhltk (ydhtL suck)j 
-pltk (Vp& drink) f sphita-, and Jit&, viti, 9lt& are made from the roots 
Jyft, vyft, 9yft, (or jl etc.); — and further to i in ohit& (beside chfttd), 
dita (|/dft divide and dd bind), drita (P ydr& sleep), hitA (ydhSiput: 
with h for dh; but dhita also occurs in V.)) taitk {ym& measure), 9it& 
(,also 9ftta), Bit&, Bthitd. 

dr A final m is lost after a in gati, natd, yatd, rat& (from }/gam 
etc.); and a final n in kfata, tati* mati* hat4. As to the other roots 
in am and an taking ta, see 955 a, b. 

e. More isolated cases are -tlta (RV. : ]/*▼)> ^*^ o' ^^ (V'v* weave), 
91^(4 (also 9S8ta: |^9ft8), mortA (referred to )/murch). As to -gdha 
and jagdhA, see 238 f. 

f. Oil the other hand, }/Bvad makes BV&ttA. 

956. Of more irregular character are the following: 

a. A number of roots ending in am retain the nasal, and lengthen 
the radical vowel (as also in some others of their verbal forms: thus, 
kftihtA, krfiihtA, klftiiit&, k^ftiiita, cfiiiita, tftihtA, dfiiiiti, bhrftihta, 
vftihtAt 9fiiiitA (}9am be quiet) , 9rftiiit& (from ykam etc.); and one 
in an, dhvan sound, makes dbvftnlA. 

b. A few roots in an make their participle from another root-form 
in a: thus, khfttA, j&IA, -v&ta, B&tA; dham has both dhamitd and 

o. Certain rooto in Iv take their yU-form (765 a) : thus, dyut4 (ydiv 
play), ^thjrnta, sy^tA; but ymiv makes -mata. 

d. From roots in changeable x (generally taking na: 957 b) are made 
also pfirt& ()/pf fiU\ beside pfta), 9irta and 9urtA (yiff crush)) and 
9irta \s farther made from yffti mix. 

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965—] XIII. Verbal Adjectives and Nouns. 342 

e. Double forms are mi]gdli& and mtl^^a, sft^^ ^^^ BOijiha, dli&rta 
and dliruta, hv^ta and hrat&. 

f. The root d& give makes datt& (from the secondaiy root-form dad; 
but d&ta also in Y.). Bat the anomaloasly contracted form -tta (a« if 
for d&ta, with the radical vowel lost) is also frequent in composition, es- 
pecially with prepositions: thus, itta, &nutta» p&rltta, pr&tta, pr&titta; 
rarely with other elements, as dev&tta, punartta, m&rdtta(?). And the 
same abbroTlated form comes from )/dft divids in &vatta. 

g. The roots making participles in both ta and ita^ or ta and na, or 
in. all three, will be noted in the next two paragraphs. 

966. The suffix with ^ i, oi in the form ^ ltd, is 

used especially with roots having finals that are only with 

difficulty, if at all, combinable with fT t according to the 

usual analogies of the language, and often with roots of a 

secondary, derivative, or late character; but also not seldom 

with original roots. 

a. Thus, of roots presenting difficulties of combination : — 1. all that 
end in two consonants (save those of which one consonant is lost by a weak- 
ening process: 954 a»b): e. g. Qalik* valg» vftftch, laif» ubj» oe^f, 
ghQn^y katth» nind, Jalp, cumb, umbh, khall, pinv, 9aA8 (also 
9a8t&)» rakf, hiAs, garh (in all, oyer fifty); but tak^ makes taft&; — 
2. all that end in Unguals (including ^ after a or ft): e. g. a\, trvi\, pafh, 
lufh, I(JU vra(JU bhaj^ ka^, bhft9;~3. all that end in surd spirants: 
e. g. likh, grathy nftth» kuth, riph» guph; — 4. all that end in 1: e. g. 
cal, gil, mH, lul, khel; — 5. all that end in other persistent semivowels : 
namely, carv (also can^a), Jiv (for the other roots in iv, see 956 o), 
dh&v ruriy sev, day, vyay, ptXy; — 6. ujh. — This class includes more 
than half of the whole number that take only ita. 

b. Of other roots ending in consonants: — 1. in guttarals, oak, 4^&uk 
(9ak has both ta and ita); Qlftgh; — 2. in palaUls, ac (also akn&}, 
nCy kuc, kliao» yfto» rue; ai?, kQJ» vr^j, also tyai and m^J in late 
texts (usually tyakt& and mr^fi) ; — 3. in dentals, at» pat» 9oat» also 
yat in epos (elsewhere only yatti) ; krad, khftd, gad, cud, nad, mad, 
m^d, rad, rud, vad, vid know^ hr&d; also nud in epos (elsewhere 
nutt& and nunna); mad has both matt& and maditd (the majority 
of roou in d take na: 967 d)-, edh, k^udh, gadh, dudh, n&dh, 
bftdh, spardh; an, in, kvan, dhvan, pan, ran ringy van, stan, 
svan, and dhvan (also dhvftnt&); — 4. in labials, cup, yup, rup, 
and usually kup (kupta late) and lap (lapta epic), occasionally k^p, 
gup, tap, dfp, vap, Qap, while Jap has both ta and ita; grabh 
(gfbblt^), 9ubh, skabh, and occasionally lubb, while kfubh and 
■tabh hsTo both forms; tim, dham, 9am labors stim, and kfam in 
epos (also kffiihta) ; — 5. in spirants, a^ eat^ Iq, kft^, k^Q, vft^, Qa^, 

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343 Passive Participle in ta or na. [—967 

yrhUe pi9 hu both formi, and 111^9 takes ita only late; I9 send, X9, kof, 
t79> tvi^, pruf , mify ra9» he^, hreij^ also muf except late, while dh^, 
ruf, and h^ sbow both forms; ft8» bhas, bhfts, ras, las, vas clot?iey 
has, also as throw occasionally, while kas, gras, yas, vas shiney vas 
dtoellj 9fts (with <ii^\k and 9ftsta), 9vaB, and hras make both forms; 
ih, grab (g^bitd), jab (secondary form of bft), mab, rab, and occasionally 
ub remove^ while g&h has both forms. 

o. Of roots ending in vowels, only 91 /te, which makes 9ayita (with 
guna of root, as elsewhere: 629). 

d. In general, a root maintains its fall form before Ita; bat there 
are a few exceptions: thus, g^bbit^ and g^bitd (the root being reckoned 
as grabb and grab: see 729), udit& (also vadita in the later langnage), 
ufita ()/vas ahinei beside U9t&), u^ita (f/vas dwell-, also sporadically 
vasita and VL^\a,\ ukfit^ (f^vakf increase), qittdtk (>/9ratb). From 
ymipi are made both mrjita and mftrjita (with strengthening as in present 
and elsewhere: 627), beside nqMjft^. 

e. Instead of i, long i is taken In g^bbitd and g^bit^. 

957. The suffix T nd (always without auxiliary ^ i) is 
taken instead of rT t& by a number of roots (about seventy). 

a. Certain roots in ft: thus, k^ft, gift, drft run, drft sleep, (also 
dritaP), mlft (also mlftt&), vft blow (also vftta), 9yft (also 9IQ&), styft, 
bft leave (also bln& and bftta), ba go forth; and dft divide makes din& 
(also dita and -tta). Farther, certain roots in i- and u-Towels: thus, kfi 
destroy (kfii^a; also kfit&), (jli, pi, Ii cling, vli, 9I or 9yft coagulate 
(beside 9yftna and 9ita), bri (beside brita)*, du burn (also duta), 1% 
9fi; and div lament makes dyOna (compare 765). 

b. Koots in f, which before the suffix becomes ir or ur: the forms 
are, an^ (late; beside ^), km^ ()/k^ scatter), f^n^k (y^g^ swallow), 
jin^& and jtin^ (|/Jr waste away), tln^k and tun^ (also turt&), dlr^ 
(y^d^ pierce: also d^), pun^i (ypipjlll: also purt4 and p^a), mOri^ 
(ymf crush), <flnjA (1/97 crush: also 9irta and 9art&P), stirpA (also 
Btfta). Of like character with these ate in^ from ylr, oingia (beside 
oarita) from y'oar, gun^ (beside gUrtd) from >/gar, a secondary form 
of gf > Ai^d oun^ (beside oarvita) from yoaxv, which is also plainly a 
secondary root. 

o. A few roots ending in j (which becomes g before the suffix against 
the usual rale of internal combination: 216 f): thus, bbagna (ybbaiy), 
bbugna (yl>buj bend), magn4 (y'majj), nig^i, vigna (beside vikta). 
Farther, two or three ending in o (similarly treated): thas, akn& (>/ac 
or aSio : also aoita and afioita), vfki^ (>/vra9o), and apparently -p|pg]^ 
(BY., once: with doubly irregular change of root-final, from y^PlT^'). And 
one root in g, lagna. 

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967—] XIII. Verbal Adjectives and Noums. 344 

d. A considerable number, some of them Tery common ones, of roots 
in d (which, against ordinary rule, becomes n before the sufQx: 157 b). 
The forms are: anna (also utta), ari^aF, klinna, kfxu^na, k^vi^i^a, 
Tr^jTiTiA, channa, ohinni, ch^^nA, tunnd, tpgin^, nunna (also nntt& 
and nndita), pannA, bhinn4, vinna (yvidjind: also vitti), ^anna 
{yqadfaU)^ 8ann& (also 8att&), 8kann& (|/8kand), Byann& (i/syand), 
svinnd, hanna. And &nna food, in spite of its different -accent, appears 
to be a like formation from i^ad etU. 

968. The native grammarians reckon as participles of this for- 
mation a few miscellaneous derivative adjectives, coming from roots 
which do not make a regular participle: such are k^&ma fttim^, k^r9^ 
emaciated^ pakv& ripe^ phull4 expanded, 9afka dry. 

Past Active Participle in tavant (or navant). 

969. From the past passive participle, of whatever 
formation, is made, by adding the possessive suffix cTFT 
vant, a secondary derivative having the meaning and con- 
struction of a perfect active participle: for example, rTrT 
ohHolH tdt krt&vSn having done that] taih niglni^vSn having 
swallowed him dovm. Its inflection is like that of other 
derivatives made with this suf&x (462 ff.); its feminine ends 
in clcfi vatf; its accent remains on the participle. 

960. DeriyatiYe words of this formation are found in RY., but without 
anything like a participial value. The AY. has a single example, with par- 
ticipial meaning: a^itjvaty dtithftu one^e guest having eaten (loc. abs.). 
In the Brahma^as also it is hardly met with. In the later language, however, 
it comes to be quite common. And there it is chiefly used predloatively, 
and oftenest without copula expressed, or with the Talue of a personal verb- 
form in a past tense: primarily, and not seldom, signifying immediate past, 
or having a true **perfect'' value ; but also (like the old perfect and the old 
aorist in later use) coming to be freely used for indefinite time, or with the 
value of the imperfect (779). For example : mftih na ka^oid dpiftavfiii 
no one has seen (or saw) me\ sa nakulaih vyftpftditavftn he destroyed 
the ichneumon; or, with copula, mahat kfoehraxh prftptavaty asi thou 
hast fallen upon great misery. Although originally and properly made 
only from transitive verbs (with an object, to which the participle in ta 
stands in the relation of an objective predicative), it is finally found also 
from intransitives: thus, ctxtena 8a]ii9ritavatl (Q.) has become united 
with the numgo'tree] gatavati (ib.) she has gone. 

a* The same participle is also made in the secondary conjugations: 
e. g. dar^itavant having shown, prabodhitavant having awakened. 

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345 * Gerundives. [—968 

b. PosseMlTOS also in in made from passlTe participles are some- 
times found used in an analognos manner, nearly as perfect actiye partici- 
ples: h, g. iftli^ having sacrificed, vijitino maiiyamfiii&^ (AB.) thinking 
themselves to have conquered. 

Future Passive Fartioiples: Gerundives. 

961. Certain derivative adjectives (for the most part 
more oi less clearly secondary derivatives) have acquired in 
the language a value as qualifying something which is to, 
or which ought to, suffer the action expressed by the root 
from which they come; and they are allowed to be made 
from every verb. Hence they are, like more proper par- 
ticiples, sometimes treated as a part of the general verbal 
system, and called future passive participles, or gerundives 
(like the Latin forms in ndus^ to which they correspond in 

962. The suffixes by which such gerundives are regu- 
larly and ordinarily made are three: namely ITya, cTS^I tavya, 
and Cpftir anXya. 

a. DeriYatives in ya having this value are made iu all periods of the 
language, from the earliest down; the other two are of more modem origin, 
being entirely wanting in the oldest Veda (RV.), and hardly linown in the 
later. Other derivatives of a simUar character, which afterward disappear 
from nse, are fonnd in the Veda (966). 

968. The suffix ya in its gerundive use has nothing to dis- 
tinguish it from the same suffix as employed to make adjectives and 
nouns of other character (see below, 1218). And it exhibits also the 
same variety in the treatment of the root. 

a. The original valne of the snfflx is ia, and as such it has to be read 
in the very great minority of its Yedlc occurrences. Hence the conversion 
of e and o to ay and av before it (see below). 

b. Thus: 1. Final ft becomes e before the suffix: ddya, dhyeya, 
khydya, m6ya (perhaps da-ia etc., with euphonic y interposed); but 
RV. has once -Jfiftya. — 2. The other vowels either remain unchang- 
ed, or have the gui^ or the v^pddhi strengthening; and e usually 
and o always are treated before the ya as they would be before a 
vowel: thus, -k^ayya, J&yya, bh&yya, Iftyya; n&vya, bh&vya, h&vya, 
bhftvy&; vJbrya: and, in the later language, nlya, Jeya, dhUya (such 
cases are wanting earlier). In a few instances, a short vowel adds t 

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9ed^] Xin. Verbal Adjbotives and Nouns. 346 

before the suffix : thas, itya, mitya» ^riitya, stutya, k^tya (the only 
Yedic examples). — 3. Medial a remains unchanged or is lengthened: 
thus, d&bhya, v&ndya, B&dya; midya, vtcya. — 4. Medial 1% n-, 
and ip-vowels are unchanged or have the gtu^a-strengthening: thus, 
i^a, guhya, db^ya; dv^fya, y6dhya, m&rjya. 

o. The BY. has about forty examples of this geiundlTe, and the AY. 
adds half as many more. Kxcept in bhftviA (once), the accent In BY. 
is always on the root; AY. has several cases of accent on the i of the 
suffix (hence written ftdyk» ^ykf -vy&dhyk* -dhar^yk). According to 
the grammarians, the accent is on the root or else the ending is circum- 
flexed: always the former, if the ya follow a vowel. 

964. a. The suffix tavya is a secondary adjectiye derirative 
from the infinitiyal noun in tu (below, 968), made by adding the 
suffix ya (properly la, whence the accent yk), before which the final a, 
as usual (1208 a), has gtu^a-strengthening, and is resolved into av. 

b. Hence, as regards both the form taken by the root and the 
use or omission of an auxiliary vowel i before the tavya, the rules 
are the same as for the formation of the infinitive (below, 968). 

c. No example of this formation is found in BY., and in AY. occur 
only two, Janitavyk and hUuiitavylt. In the Brahmana language it be- 
gins to be not rare, and is made both from the simple root and ftom the 
derived conjugational stems (next chapter); in the classical language it is 
still more frequent. According to the grammarians, the accent of the word 
is either circumflex on the final or acute on the penult: thus, kartavyk 
or kart&vya; in the accentuated texts, it is always the former (the accent 
t&vya given to certain gerandives in the Petersburg lexicons is an errors 
growing out of the ambiguous accentuation of QB.: 88 e). 

966. a. The suffix aniya is in like manner the product of 
secondary derivation, made by adding the a<](jective suffix lya (1216) 
to a nomen acUonis formed by the common suffix ana. 

b. It follows, then, as regards its mode of formation, the rules 
for the suffix ana (below, 1150). 

0. This derivative also is unknown in BY., and in AY. is found only 
in upiHilvaniya and ftmantra^^a (in both of which, moreover, its dis- 
tinct gerundive value admits of question). In the Brahmanas (where less 
than a dozen examples of it have been noted), and in the later language, 
it is less common than the gerundive in tavya. Its accent, as in all the 
derivatives i^th the suffix lya, is on the penult: thus, karanfya. 

966. Other formations of kindred value are found in the Yeda as 
follows : 

a« Gerundives in tua or tva, apparently made from th^ infinitival 
noun in tu with the added suffix a (1209). They are kirtua (in two 
occurrences kArtva), -gaihtva, j&ntua, j^tua, n&iiitua, v&ktua, Botua, 

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347 Infinitives. [—968 

snitua, h&ntufiy h6tiia» hotva; and, with auxiliary i (or I), J&nitva, 
B&nitva, bh&vitva. 

b. GerandiTos in enla or enya (compare 1217): they are ik^ei^a, 
If^nia, oar^^ia, d^dnla, -dvi^e^a, bhufei^a, yudh^nla, v&re^a 
(and bhi^enya BhP.); with one example from an apparent aorist-stem, 
yaihs^nya, and three or four from secondary Terh-stems (seehelow, 1019, 
1088, 1068 a). 

o. GerandlTes in ^lyia (once tyya: compare 1218): they are dak- 
ftyia, pandyifik, vidiyia, ^rav^jria, hnavftyia ; with a few from secon- 
dary conjugation-stems (below, 1019, 1038, 1061, 1068 a); and sta^yia 
is of dose kindred with them. 

d. A few adjeetiYes in elima, as paoelima, bhidelima (only these 
quotable), are reckoned as gerundives by the grammarians. 

967. The divifiioQ-line between participial and ordinary adjec- 
tives is less strictly drawn in Sanskrit than in the other Indo-Euro- 
pean languages. Thus, adjectives in u, as will be seen later (1178), 
from secondary conjngational stems, have participial value ; and in 
the Brahmanas (with an example or two in AY.) is found widely and 
commonly used a participial adjective formed with the suffix uka 


968. The later language hss only a single infinitive, 
which is the accusative case of a verbal noun formed by the 
suffix ^ tu, added to the root usually directly, but often also 
with aid of the preceding auxiliary vowel ^ i. The form of 
the infinitive ending, therefore, is HR turn or ^^R itum. The 
root has the gu^-strengthening, and is accented. Thus, for 
example, ^giT^itum' from y^ i; ofi^iT kdrtum from y/^ ky; 
^f^gJT^oiritum from y^ car ; HfolHH bhdvitum from y^ bha. 

a. As regards the use or omission of 1, the infinitive (as also 
the gerund in tvft: 991) follows in general the analogy of the passive 
participle (966). Examples are (with the gerund added) as follows: 
dagdhi, d&gdhum, dagdhvi from ydah; bhinni, bh^ttnm, bhittvt 
from /bhid; mat4» m&ntaxn» matva from y^man; u4]i&» vd^lium, 
Q^hva from i^vah; patit4» p&titum, patitva from Vpat; 3rftoit&, 
3^itiun, yftoitvt from >^yftc; 9ayit&, 9&yitum, Qayitvi from yqi. 
But certain exceptions and special cases require notice. Thus: 

b. Of roots having no quotable participle, inflnitiTe stems in tu are 
made from ad, sagh; in itu from ufioh, tlh consider^ kij^p, lui^th, 
lok, Bvar; and in both from yabh. 

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968--J XIII. Verbal Adjectives and Nouns. 348 

o. Of roots making participles of both forms, an infinitive stem in 
tu only is quotable for kfip, kfubh, tap, tyaj, m^^, lubh, vas tkinef 
9ak, stabh; only in itu for gfth, oarv, Jap, mad, yat, van, ^afts, 
Qvaa; in botb for as throw, tih remove, gup, oar, m^j (m&r^to, mftr- 
jitu), lap, vas dweli, ^ap, ^fts. 

d. Also in a number of other cases (besides those already noticed) an 
infinitive stem is made both with and without i. Thus, in addition to the 
more regular form, a stem in itu is occasionally met with from roots a^ 
attain, if seek, bandh, bhaj, yi^ (Qitum), rudh obstruct, mh, v^f, 
sad (siditum), sah, han, hf; and one in tu from roots &s, bhft^ vid 
know. Both forms occur also from certain am-roots, namely xuun, ysjn, 
ram, and, with ft before tu as in the pple, kram and bhram (k^am 
has only kfaiiitu, against the analogy of kfftiiita); further, from certain 
roots in variable y , namely tf (tartu, tarStu), Tf cover (v&rtu, varitu), 
and stf (startu, staritu, st&ritu) (but from qjp erueh occur only Q^uritu, 
Qaritu, and from vf choose only vaiitu; while gf swallow and PX J^ 
make their infinitive f^om other root-forms, namely giritum, pfiritum); 
Airther, firom a few Towel-roots, namely nl, oyu, sfl (stitu); and finally 
from k^, zqrt, ^uo. 

e. Against the analogy of the participle, infinitive-stems in itu after 
a final consonant are made from the roots av, k^an, khan and Jan (the 
pples coming from khft and Jft), guh, Jabh, tam, div plai/ and div 
lament (both devitu), mi^Jt vqpt, v^dh, b^P; and after a final vowel, 
f^om roots in % namely pu, bhil, sfl (also sutu), and from ^ri and ^vi ; 
as to roots in variable |*, see just above, d. 

f. As the infinitive is made from the (accented and) strengthened 
root, so it naturally has, as a rule, the stronger or faller root-form where 
a weaker or contracted form is taken by the participle (and gerund in 
tva): e. g. v&ktu against ukt& (and uktvi), y&ft^ against if (a (and 
iftv^), banddhum against baddh& (and baddhvit), and so on. Deserv- 
ing special notice are gfttu (v^gft sing) against git&, and dhttu (ydhB, 
suck) against dhitd; and so from dft give and hft leave are made only 
datu and hfttu ; but dhft put, mft measure, and sthft add to the regular 
dhfttu, mfttu, sthfttu the late forms -dhitu, -mitu, -sthitu; and aft 
or si has sfttu, s6tu» and -situ; vft weave (pple ut4) has both vatu 
and 6tu; hti or hvft has havitu, hv&yitu, and hvfttu. The root vyadh 
makos its only quotable infioitive, veddhum, from its vidh-form; f^om 
safij or siO occur both sa&ktu and saktu. The anomalous epic forms 
Qitum (yysi) and siditum (^^sad), were mentioned above. The root 
gnh makes gr&hltum. 

g. In the later language, the infinitive-stem forms possessive com- 
pounds with kftma and manas (especially the former): e. g. svaptu- 
kftma having the wish to sleep, yaffukftma desirous of sacrificing, 
vaktumanas minded to speak, 

h* In very rare instances, dative infinitives in tave or tavfti are 

Digitized by 


349 iNPiNinvBS. [—970 

made from the luflnitlve item in the later langnage (as abundantly in the 
earUer: 970 b): thus, pratihartave (BhP.). And jivase (978 a) is 
once found in MBb. (i. 3. 67 =s 732), in a qaasi-Vedic hymn to the A9rini. 

969. In the Veda and Brahmana, however, a number of yerbal 
nouns, namina aciionU^ in various of their cases, are used in con- 
structions which assimilate them to the infinitive of other languages 
— although, were it not for these other later and more developed 
and pronounced infinitives, the constructions in question might pass 
as ordinary case-constructions of a somewhat peculiar kind. 

970. The nouns thus used infinitively are the following: 

a. The root-noun, without derivative suffix, is so used in its 
accusative in am, its dative in e or (from a-roots) fti, its genitive 
and ablative is as, and its locative in i. 

b. The verbal noun in tu is so used in its accusative in turn, 
its dative in tave or tavftf, and its ablative and genitive in tea. 

Of other nouns only single cases, generally datives, are reckoned as 
used ytiWi inflaitive value; thus: 

e. From the verbal noun in as, the dative in aae; and also, in 
an extremely small number of instances, a dative in se (or fe), from 
a noun formed with a simply. 

d. From nouns in man and van, datives in mane and vane. 

e. From nouns in ti, datives in taye, or (from one or two verbs) 
in tyfti. 

f. From nouns in i, datives in &ye. 

g. From nouns in dhi and fi, datives in dhyfii and ^yfti. 

h. A few infinitives in ^ani are perhaps locatives from nouns in 
an added to a root increased by a. 

i. From a single root, dhy, are made infinitively used forms in 
t&ri, of which the grammatical character is questionable. 

J. Among all these, the forms which have best right to special treat- 
ment as infinitives, on account of being of peculiar formation, or from 
suffixes not found in other uses, or for both reasons, are those in ^e, ^ani, 
taxi, dhy&iy and tav&i. 

k. Except the various cases of the derivative in tu, and of ihe root- 
noun, these InflnitiTes are almost wholly unknown outside the Rig-Veda. 

1. Other suffixes and forms than those noticed above might be added; 
for it is impossible to draw any fixed line between the uses classed as 
infinitlTe and the ordinary case-uses: thus, prajapatiiii pra^n&m ftitftm 
(TS.) ihey went to ask Prajdpati; vf^vaih jiv&ih prasuv&nti earctyfti 
(RV.) quickening every living being to motion; ap&^ e&rmftya cod&yan 
(RV.) impelling the waters to flow \ 9aknayad gr&han&ya (instead of the 
usual grdhitum: 9^0 ^nay he able to apprehend; ft tamanftt (Instead of 
the usual tamito]|;L: S.) until exhaustion. And the so-called infinitives 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

970—] XIII. Verbal Adjectives and Nouns. 350 

are found codrdlnated In tbe same sentence wtth common noons, and even 
urith componnd nonns : e. g. o&rltave . • . ftbhog&ya i^t&ye rfiy6 (RY.) 
to go abroad^ to eiyof/i to seek toeaUh; ftrtatrfii^Sya na prahartnm 
anftgaai (9.) for the rescue of the distressedy not for hurling at the 

More special inles as to the varions formations are as follows: 

071. The root-nonn nsed as inflnltlye has the same form (exeept that 
it does not take an added t: 8881), and the same accent, both when simple 
and when combined with prepositions, as in Its other nses. In the yery 
great majority of instances, it is made from roots ending In a consonant; 
but also from a few In ft (khyft, dS, dhS, pftP, m&y yft)» from two or 
three in 1- and u-vowels (hi, ml, bhU), and from one or two In changeable 
Xi which takes the ir-form (tir, stir). 

a. The roots in ft form the accns. in fim, the dat. in fti, the abl. in 
&8 (understanding avast before a as for avasts and not avasftf in RV. 
ill. 53. 20), and the locatlTo in e (only two examples, of which one is per- 
haps better understood as dative). 

072. The inflnitive noun in tu is made fireely from roots of every 
form. The root takes the g^tu^a-strengthening. If capable of It, and often 
adds the auxiliary Yowel i before the suffix (according to the rules already 
stated, 068). The root is accented, unless the noun be combined with a 
preposition, in which case the later has the accent Instead: thus, Urtom, 
6tave, h&ntos; but nikartum, nfretave, nirhantos. 

6U The datlYO In tavfti is in two respects anomalous: in having the 
heavy feminine ending &i along with a strengthened u; and in taking a 
double accent, one on the root or on the preilxed preposition, and the other 
on the ending fti: thus, 6tavfil, h&ntavftf, 4lyetavfii, ipabhartavSf. 

078. a. The inflnltlye in ase is made in RY. from about twenty- 
flye roots; in AY. and later there have been noted no other examples of 
it. In nearly three quarters of the cases, the accent is on the sufAx : e. g. 
ffij&se, Jiv&se, bhisr&se, tuj&se; the exceptions are o&kfase; dhtyase 
(with y Inserted before the suffix: 268); and &yas6, bhirase, sp&rase, 
h&rase (with gu^a-strengthenlng of the root). Strengthening of the root 
is also shoim by Jav&se, doh&se, bhoj&se, Qobh&se. In pu^y&se it 
seen, apparently, the present-stem Instead of the root 

b* The ending se is extremely rare, being found only in jif^ and 
perhaps stuf^, and one or two still more doubtful cases. 

074* Inflnitiyes in mane are made from only five roots: thus, tr^ 
mai^e, damane, d&rmai^e, bh&rmai^e, and (with different accent) vid- 
m&ne. From ^dft comes dftv&ne ; turv&i^e may come directly from |^tf , 
or through the secondary root turv; dhflbrvai^e is rather from ydlifbrv 
than from }/dhV7. 

076. a. The inflnitiyes in tay are ift&ye (v'i?)! pit&ye (KP& 
drink), vit&ye, sftt&ye, and perhaps at&ye (tlt^e nfn to help his men : 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

351 Infinitives. [—981 

RY.). In tyfti, the only examples noted are ityfii (BY.) and sd^hyfti 
(MS. AB.). 

b. With aye are formed i^ye, ti^iye, d^4ye, mahiye, yudh^e, 
saniye; and oit&ye (YS.), gfhaye (K.). 

976. The ending dhy&i is, more than any other, irregular and yari- 
ous in its treatment. It has always an a before it; and in the majority 
of cases it is accented upon this a, and added to a weak form of root: 
thus, 9ao4dhy&i, ppgL&dhy&iy dhiy&dhy&i, huv&dhyai. But the form 
of root is the strong one in a few cases: namely, 9ay&dhyfti, stav&dh- 
y&i, tar&dhyfti, Jar&dhy&i, mand&dhy&i, vandidhyfti. In half-a- 
dozen forms, again, the root has the accent: namely, kfiradhyftl, g&madh- 
yfti, y^adhyfti (bnt once or twice also yaj&dhyfti), v&hadhyfti, 
s&hadhyfti, bh&radhy&i. In a single instance, pibadhy&i, the suffix 
is added distinctly to a present-stem; and in one, vftv^dh&dhyfti, to a 
perfect stem. Finally, in a number of instances (ten), this infinitive is 
made from a causative stem in ay: thus, m&day&dhy&i, ri^ay&dhyfti, etc. 

a. This infinitive is by no means rare in RY., being made in thirty- 
five different forms (with seventy-two oocnrrences). But it is hardly known 
outside of the RY.; the AY. has it but once (in a passage found also in 
RY.); and elsewhere half-a-dozen examples have been noticed, in mantra- 
passages (one of them TS. falsely reads g&madhye); in the Briihmana 
language proper it appears to be entirely wanting. 

977. An example or two are met with of an infinitive in fySi: thus, 
r6hi9y&i (TS.), avyathi^yfti (K. Kap.; MS. avy&thi^; YS. vyathifat), 
and perhaps -dh&Byfti (PGS.). 

978. The infinitives in fa^i are: i^&i^ (?) from yU^ sendy -hhu^ki)! 
from i/bhd; Qu^&^i from y/i^VL or Qvft; ne^&i^ from ynl] saky&iyt 
from }/8ah; par^i^i from ypx* tarif&^i from ytf, and g^^i^ii^ and 
-8t|ngLlf&]^ from yygf and 8tf — the last containing evident present tense- 
signs (compare the Ist sing, g^^e, 884 d). 

979. The only infinitive in tari is dhart&ri (with its compound 
vidhart&ri), from ydhj^, 

Ubos of the InflnitiveB. 

980. The uses of the so-called infinitives are for the most part 
closely accordant with those of the corresponding cases firom other 
abstract nonns. Thus: 

981. The accusative, which is made only from the root-noun and 
the noun in tu, is used as object of a verb. 

a. Especially, of forms from the root Qak be ahle^ and arh he worthy^ 
have the right or the patoer. Thus, ^ak^ma tvft samidham (RY.) may 
we aecamplish thy kindling; ma ^akan pratidhtm {fum (AY.) nuty they 
not he able to Jit the arrow to the string; m&no v^ im&h sady&^ p&ry- 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

981—] XIII. Verbal Adjectives and Nouns. 352 

ftptum arhati m&nah p&ribhavitum (TS.) the mindy forsoothj can at 
once attain and surpass A^ ; k6 hy ^t&sya "rhati guhyaih nama gr&- 
hitum (QB.) for toho is toorthy to take his secret name f In the Yeda, the 
construction with these verbs is only one among others; in the Brahjnana, 
it becomes the greatly prevalent one (three quarters or more of all the cases). 
b. Further, of verbs of motion (next most freqnent case): thoa, 
dakfii^&ni h6tum eti (TS.) he goes to sacrijice things pertaining to 
sacrijicial gifts ; indraih prat{ram emy aynti (KV.) / go to Indra for 
(i. e. beseech of him) the lengthening out of life; — of ydhf persist in, 
undertake: as, B& iddih Jftt&l^ B&rvam 6t& digdhuih dadhre (QB.) he, 
as soon as bom^ began to burn this universe ; — of verbs meaning desire, 
hope, notice^ know, and the like: as, p^fin vioftaiii vettha s&rv&ii 
(AY.) thou knotoest how to loosen all bonds ; t&smad agnliii na " driyeta 
p&rihantum (9B.) therefore one should not be careful to smother the 
fire', — and of others. 

982. Of the infinitiye datives, the fundamental and usual sense 
is that expressed by for, in order to, for the purpose of 

Examples are: vii^w&i Jiv&ih oar&se bodh&yantl (RV.) awakening 
every living creature to motion', tin ^pa yftta pibadhyfti (RV.) come 
to drink them; nfii taiii te deva adadur 4ttave (AY.) the gods did 
not give her to thee for eating] prftf "d yudh&ye d&ayuxn indrah 
(RY.) Indra went forward to fight the demon; o&kfxir no dhehi vikhsrfti 
(RY.) give us sight for looking abroad. 

Some peculiar constructions, however, grow out of this use of the in- 
finitive dative. Thus: 

a. The noun which is logically the subject or the object of the action 
expressed by the inilnitive is frequently put beside it in the dative (by a 
construction which is in part a perfectly simple one, but which is stretched 
beyond its natural boundaries by a kind of attraction): thus, eakfira 
Bliryftya p&nthftm dnvetavi u (RY.) he made a track for the sun to 
foUow {made for the sun a track for his following); Qi^ite ^ffige 
rikfobhyo vinfkfe (RY.) ?ie whets his horns to pierce the demons; 
rudraya dh&nnr a tanomi brahmadvi^e Q&rave h&ntavt u (RY.) 
/ stretch the bow for Rudra, that with his arrow he may slay the brahma- 
hater; asm&bhyaiii d^^&ye stbyftya pi^ar d&t&m &8um (RY.) may 
they grant life -again, that we may see the sun. 

b. An infinite with ykf make is used nearly in the sense of a 
causative verb: thus, pra 'ndh&ih Qroi^&ih c&kfasa 6tave Iq^tha^ (R^O 
ye make the blind and lame to see and go; agniih samidhe oakArtha 
(RY.) thou hast made the ^re to be kindled. Of similar character is an 
occasional construction with another verb: as, y&d un a^m&si Urtave 
k&rat tkt (RY.) w?iat we wish to be done, may he do that; kaviftr 
icohftmi 8aiiidf9e (RY.) I desire to see the sages. 

c* A dative infinitive is not seldom used as a predicate, sometimes 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

353 Uses op the iNPiNiTivBa. [—984 

with, bat more usually without, a copula expressed: thus, agpiifr iva nk 
pratidhf^e bhavati (TS.) like fire^ he is not to be restated; mahimi te 
any6na n& Badm&^e (VS.) thy greatness is not to be attained by another; 
n&kim indro nikartave n4 9akr&h p&ri9aktave (RV.) Indra is not 
to be put doum^ the mighty one is not to be overpowered. 

d. Sometimes an infinitive so used without a copula has quite nearly 
the Talue of an imperattve: thus, tyi me yaQ&sft . • . ftn^ijo huv&dhyfti 
[asti] (RV.) these glorious ones shall the son of Ucij invoke for me; 
sQkt^bhir val^ • . . {ndrft nv agnl ivase huvidhyfti [sta^] (RY.) 
with your hymn% shall ye call now on Indra and Agnifor aid; Tand&dhyft 
agniih n&mobhi^ [asmi] (RV.) let me greet Agni with homage; asm&ft- 
8a9 oa sOr&yo vf^vft i^&B tari^&^i (RV.) and let our saerijicers cross 
all regions; t&n nft{ *v&ih k&rtavfil (MS.) that must not be done so; 
brahmadvl^ah 9&rave hintava u (RV.) let the arrow slay the brahma- 
haters. The infinitives in dhy&i and fa^i (which latter is in all its uses 
accordant with datives) are those in which the imperative value is most 
distinctly to be recognized. 

e. In the Brahmanas and Sutras (especially in QB.) the dative in tavfti 
is not seldom used with a verb signifying speak (bru, vao, ah), to express 
the ordering of anything to be done : thus, t&smftd d^adhinftm ev4 mtll&ny 
fioohettavfti brQyftt (^B.) therefore let him direct the roots of the plants 
to be cut up {speak in order to their cutting up : cf. y6 va^^yft &dftnftya 
▼4danti who dissuade from giving t?ie cow : AV.). 

083. The ablatiye infinitive — which, like the accusative, is made 
only from the root-noun and that in tu — is found especially with 
the prepositions a until and purt before. 

a* Thus, i t&inito]|^ (TS. etc.) until exhaustion; purt v&o&^ pr&- 
vadito]|^ (TS.) before utterance of the voice. In the Brahmana language, 
this is the well-nigh exclusive construction of the ablative (it occurs also 
with prfik, airvfiky etc.); in the Veda, the latter is used also after \t^ 
without^ and after several verbs, as trft and p& protect^ yu separate, bhl, etc. 

b. In a few instances, by an attraction similar to that illustrated 
above for the dative (982 a), a noun dependent on this infinitive is put in 
the ablative beside it: thus, pxir& vftgbhyah sampravadito^ (PB.) 
before the utterance together of the voices; tradhvaiii kartad avap&da^ 
(RV.) save us from falling down into the pit; purft dakfij^ftbhyo netoh 
(Apast.) before the gifts are taken away. 

884. The genitive infinitive (having the same form as the ab- 
latiye) is in common use in the Brahmana language as dependent on 
i^vard lord^ master, employed adjectively in the sense of capable or 
likely or exposed to. 

a. Examples are: ti [dev&tfth] levari enaih prad&hah (TS.) 
they are likely to bum him up; itha ha va i9var6 'gniih dtvi kiih- 
oid dfiurit&m tpattor vi vft hv&lito]|^ (QB.) so in truth he is liable^ 
Whitn«j, Qnmmar. 3. ed. 23 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

984—] XIII. Vbkbal Adjectives and Nouns. 354 

after piling the fire^ to meet with some miehap or other, or to stagger; 
i9varadi vfii rathantaram uclg&tU9 oakful^ pramathito^ (PB.) the 
rathantara is liable to knock out the eye of the chanter, 

b. The dative is used in (}B. inttetd of the genitive in a single 
phrase (i9var&ii J&nayitaTftf) ; and, in the later language, sometimeB the 
accusative in turn. In a case or two the masc sing. nom. I^varah is 
used, without regard to the gender or number of the word which it qualifies: 
thus, tisye ''9var&]^ praji papiyam bh&yito]|^ (9B.) his progeny is 
liable to deteriorate. And in a very few instances the word i^vara Is 
omitted, and the genitive has the same value without It: thus, dve madhy- 
a]iidinam**abhi^pratyeto]|^ (AB.) two may be added to the noon libatdon; 
t&to dik9it4hKpftman6 bh&yitoh (gB.) then the consecrated is liable 
to get the itch, 

o. This construction with i^vara, which is the only one for the geni- 
tive inflnitlTe in the Brahmana, is unknown in the Veda, where the geni- 
tiye is found in a very small number of examples with madhyi, and with 
the root 19: thus, madhyt k&rto^ (I^^O *'» ^ midst of action; i^e 
rfty6 dato^ (RY.) he is master of the giving oftcealth; 190 y6to^ (RV.) 
is able to keep away. 

985. Unless the infinitives in fai^ and taxi are locative in form 
(their uses are those of datives), the locative infinitive is so rare, aad has 
80 little that is peculiar in its use, thai it is hardly worth making any 
account of. An example is ui|f&80 budhi (RV.) at the awakening of the 

986. In the Veda, the datiye infinitive forms are very much 
more numerous than the accusative (in BY., their occurrences are 
twelve times as many; in AY., more than three times); and the ac- 
cusative in turn is rare (only four forms in RY., only eight in AV.). 
In the Brahmanas, the accusative has risen to comparatively much 
greater frequency (its forms are nearly twice as many as those of the 
dative); but the ablative-genitive, which is rare in the Veda, has 
also come to full equality with it. The disappearance in the classical 
language of all excepting the accusative in tmn (but see 968 h) is a 
matter for no small surprise. 

987. The later infinitive in turn is oftenest used in constructions 
corresponding to those of the earlier accusative: thus, na vS^paxa 
a^akat so^bum he could not restrain his tears; taih draftum arhasi 
thou oughtest to see him; prftptiun iochanti they desire to obtain; aaih- 
kbyfttum firabdham having begun to count. But also, not infrequentiy, 
in those of the other cases. So, especially, of the dative: thus, 
avasthfttuiii Bthftnftntaraih olntaya devise another place to siay in; 
tvftm anvBftum ib& ''gatab he has come hither to seek for thee; — 
but likewise of the genitive: thus, samartbo gantum capable of 
going; saifadhfttum iQvaral^ able to mend. Even a construction as 
nominative is not unknown: thus, yuktaiii tasya may& samft^vftp 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

365 Gerunds. [—990 

Bayitmh bhftryftm (MBh.) it it proper for mo io comfort hU wife; 
na naptSraih svayaih nySyyaiii ^aptum evam (R.) it is not suitable 
thus to curse one's oum grandson; tad ▼aktozh na pftryate (Qatr.) it 
is not possible to say that. 

988. In the later language, as in the earlier, the inflnltlTe In cer- 
tain connections has what we look upon as a passive yalue. Thns, kartum 
ftrabdhal^ begun to be made; Qrotuih na yujyate it is not fit to be 
heard {for hearing). This is especially frequent along with the passlTC 
forms of y<^ak: thns, tyaktozh na Qalcyate it cannot be abandoned; 
qaky&v iha "netum they two can be brought hither; na oa vibhUtayah 
Qakyam avftptum urjitfth nor are mighty successes a thing capable of 
being attained. 


989. The so-called gerund is a stereotyped case (doubt- 
less instrumental) of a verbal noun, used generally as ad- 
junct to the logical subject of a clause, denoting an accom- 
panying or (more often) a preceding action to that signified 
by the verb of the clause. It has thus the virtual value of 
an indeclinable participle, present or past, qualifying the 
actor whose action it describes. 

a. Thus, for example: 9rutvfti 'va oft 'bruran and hearing (or 
having heard) they spoke; tebhyaJ!^ pratijft&yft 'thfti tfta paripa- 
praooha having given them his promise, he then questioned them, 

990. The gerund is made in the later language by one 
of the two suffixes Wl tvS and JX ya, the former being used 
with a simple root, the latter with one that is compounded 
with a prepositional prefix — or, rarely, with an element 
of another kind, as adverb or noun. 

a. To this dlstribation of uses between the two suffixes there are 
occasional exceptions. Thus, gerunds in ya from simple roots are not 
very rare In the epic language (e. g. g^hya, u^ya [>/va8 dwell], aroya, 
tk^ya, ointya, tyi^ya, lakfya; also from causatives and denominatiyes, 
as vfioya, yojya, plSvya), and are not unknown elsewhere (e. g. arcya 
and ik^ya M., prothya AGS., sthftpya ^vU.). And gerunds in tvft 
from compoonded roots are met with in considerable numbers from AV. 
(only pratyarpayitvflt) down: e. g. samirayitvt MS., virooayitva 
TA., utk^ptra U., pratyuktvft S., pratyasitvft S., prahasitvft 
MBh., saxhdar^ayitvft MBh., vimuktvft R., nivedayitvft R., proktvft 
PaHc, anupitvft VBS.: the great majority of them are made from the 
causatlYe stem. 


Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

990—] XIU. Verbal Adjbotiyes and Nouns. 356 

b. The preflxion of the negative partide, a or an, does not caose 
the genind to take the form in ya: thns, alq^S, anirayitvft (bat R. 
has aointya). Of oomponnds with other than verbal prefixes, RY. has 
punardaya, kan^afi^hya, pftdagfhya, haBtagfhya, araihkftya, 
akkhalikftya, mithasptdliya; AY. has further namaakflya. 

991. The suffix ^ tvS has the accent. It is usually 
added diiectly to the root, Jbut often also with interposition 
of the auxiliary vowel ^ i — with regard to which, as well 
as to the form of the root before it, the formation nearly 
agrees with that of the participle in cT ta (962 ff.). 

a. Examples of the general accordance of passive participle, in- 
finitive, and gerund in regard to the use of i were given above, 
968a; further specifications are called for, as follows: 

b. The quotable roots in yariable |p (242) change it to ir: thus, 
tirtv^ Btirtvt (also st^vi); and oar makes also oirtv& (like cSn^^; 
— roots in ft show in general the same weakening as in the participle ; but 
from dhft put is quotable only dhitvt (hitvft), from mft measure mitvi 
and mitvft, firom dft give only dattva, from olift ohSyitvft; — of roots in 
am, kram and bhram and yam make forms both with and without i 
(as In the luflnitiTe), but ram has ratva and raiiitvft, and dam and vam 
make damitvft and vamitvft. 

o. The auxiliary vowel is taken by roots gras* mu^, Qap, and ^fta 
(9&Bitvft) (whose participles have both forms); also by oiy, lift (nar* 
titvft), lag, and avaj (against analogy of pple); and 9ao makes 900ltva. 
On the other hand, from mj (rugi^) and vra90 (v^ki^) come roktvt 
and v^^v^. And both forms are made (as also in inflnltiYe or participle) 
from oar, vas dtoell (u^^vft, ufitvi), ni (nitva, nayitvft), and mfj 
(m^t^a, mftrjitvft). 

d. While the formation is in general one requiring, like the passiTe 
participle (e. g. uptvft, like upt&; uditv^ like udit&), a weak or weakened 
root, there are some cases in which it is made from a strong or strength- 
ened root-form. Thus (besides the instances already given: ohijitvft, 
raiiitvft, 9&Bitvft, oftyitvft, Qooitvft, nayitvft, mftrjitvft), we find 
oharditvft (Apast.), daA^fvft, and spharitvft, and, trom a number of 
roots, a second strong form beside the more regular weak one: namely, 
afiktvft, bha&ktvft, bhuiiktvft, syanttvft (beside aktvt etc); oayitwft, 
smayitvft, smaritvft (beside oitva etc.); roditvft (beside mditvft), 
and Bi&oitvft (beside siktvft). The last shows the influence of the 
present-stem; as do also mftrjitvft (above) and jighritvft (y^fl^lirft). The 
form fthutvft (Apast) is doubtless a false reading, for ftliytltvft. 

992. The suffix IT ya is added directly to the root, 
which is accented, but has its weak form. A root ending 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

357 Gerund in ya. [—993 

in a short vowel takes rU tya instead of JJ ya: thus, flffir 
-jitya, Fgni -stiitya, WU -kftya. 

a. Roots in variable |* (242) change that vowel to Ir or tir: thus, 
klrya, fitlrya* tlrya (and ttirjra), dirya, pfkrya, Qlrya, stlrya (also 
St^^tya); — roots in & have for the most part -ftya; bat dh& suek makes 
dhiya, and double forms are found from gS sing (gftya, giya), p& drink 
(paya, piya), da give (daya, d&dya), dft divide (dSya, ditya), mft 
measure, exchange (m^ya, mitya), aft bind (stya, sya); 11 cling has 
laya or liya, as if an a-verb; and khan and dham make khftya and 
dhmtya, from their a-forms; — the roots in an and am making their 
participle in ata (954 d) make the gerund in atya, but also later in anya, 
aniya (e. g. g&tya, gamya; h&tya, hanya; but tan makes as second 
form taya, and from ram only ramya is quouble); — the roots in iv 
add ya to their iv-form: thus, ff^vya, sivya; — a few roots in i and 
n add ya to the lengthened Yowel besides adding tya: thus, i go ^ya, 
(tya; also ayya), oi gather (oiya, of tya), and plu, yu unite, sn, stu 
(pltiya, plutya, etc.); while k^i destroy has only k^iya. 

b. This gerund, though accented on the root-syllable, is generally a 
weakening formation: thus are made, without a strengthening nasal found 
in aome other forms, &oya, AJya, idhya, ddya, ubhya, grathya, t&cya, 
da^ya, b&dhya, bhajya» ifpya* ldP7a» vUgya, grabhya, sajya, 
Bk4bhya, stibhya, syadya, svajya; with weakening of other kinds, 
gfhya and g^bhya, pipoohya, uoya, udya, upya, u^ya (vas dwell), 
i&hya, Tldhsra, viya, v^^oya, spfdhya, htiya; — but from a number 
of roots are made both a stronger and a weaker form: thus, manthya and 
m4thya, mftrjya and mfjya, rondhya and rudhya, 9a]&8ya and q&s- 
ya, 9&8ya and ^i^ya, skindya and sk&dya, eriAaya and erasya; — 
and only strong forms are found fjrom roots arc, av, e&y, ql (9ayya), as 
well as from certain roots with a constant nasal: e. g. ufich, kamp, 
nand, lamb, ^afik; isolated cases are Ofya (yn^ hum), prothya (also 

c. Other special cases are uhya and Qhya (y^th remove), gurya and 
gdrya, gnhya and gubya, ruhya and ruhya, bhramya and bhramya, 
&yya (beside {tya, lya), ghraya and Jigbrya; and fin^utya (beside 

998. The older language has the same two gerund formations, 
haying the same distinction, and used in the same way. 

a. In RY., howeTer, the final of ya is in the great majority of in- 
stances (fully two thirds) long (as if the instrumental ending of a deriv- 
ative noun in 1 or ti). In AY., long a appears only once in a RV. 

b* Instead of tva alone, the Veda has three forms of the suffix, namely 
trt, tv^a, and tvl. Of these three, tvl is decidedly the commonest in 
RV. (thirty-five occurrences, against twenty-one of tvft); but it is unknown 

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e98— ] XIII. Verbal Adjbctivbs and Nouns. 358 

in AY., and yery rare elsewhere In the older language ; tviya la fonnd nine 
times In RY. (only once outside the tenth Book), twice In AY., and hut half-a- 
dozen times elsewhere (In ^B,, once ftom a causative stem : spft^ayitvisra). 
The historical relation of the three forms is ohsoure. 

o. Two other gerund suffixes, tvftnam and tvlnam, are mentioned 
hy the grammarians as of Yedlc use, hut they haTe nowhere heen found 
to occur. 

994. The use of this gerund, though not changing in its char- 
acter, becomes much more frequent, and even excessive, in the later 

a. Thus, in the Nala and BhagaYad-Qita, which haTe only one tenth 
as many verb-fonns as BY., there are more than three times as many ex- 
amples of the gerund as in the latter. 

b. In general, the gerund Is an adjunct to the subject of a sentence, 
and expresses an act or condition belonging to the subject: thus, vivJr»i^ 
hatva nir ap&^ sasarja (BY.) mUting with Ms thunderhoU, he p<ntred 
forth the toaters; pitvl Bdmaaya vftvrdhe (BY.) having drunk of the 
8omaf he waxed strongs te yajfi&sya r&saih dhitva viduhya yajll&ih 
yup6na yopayitva tir6 'bhavan ((iB.) having sucked out the sap of the 
offering, having milked the offering dry, having blocked it with the sacrificial 
post, iheg disappeared; grutv&i 'va oft 'bruvan (MBh.) and having heard^ 
they said', tvAi oa dCLre d^fvft gardabhi 'yam iti matv& dhftvita^ 
(ir.) and having seen him in the distance, thinking ^ii is a she-ass\ he ran. 

o. But if the logical subject, the real agent, is put by ihe construction 
of the sentence In a dependent case, it is still qualified by the gerund: 
thus, strfyaih dpiftvaya kitav&di tatftpa (BY.) it distresses the gambler 
(1. e. the gambler is distressed) at seeing his wife; t&iii hfti 'kiaih dpftv* 
bhir viveda ((^B.) fear came upon him (i. e. ?ie was afraid) when he 
saw him; vidhftya proQite vfttim (M.) when he stays away after provid- 
ing for her support; kith nu me eyftd idaih kftvA (MBh.) what, I 
wonder, would happen tome if I did this ; — and especially, when a passive 
form is given to the sentence, the gerund qualifies the agent in the instrumental 
case (282 a): thus, tatal^ Qabdftd abhijftfiya sa vyfighrei^a hata^ (H.) 
thereupon he was slain by the tiger, who recognized him by his voice; 
tvayft sa rU& Qalrontalfttfa puraalq^a vaktavyah ((.) presenting 
^akuntala, thou must say to the king; ha&aftnaiii vaoanaih ^rutvH 
yathft me (gen. for instr.) nftifadho v^tah (MBh.) as the Nishadhan 
was chosen by me on hearing the words of the swans: this construction 
is extremely common in much of the later Sanskrit. 

d. Occasionally, the gerund qualifies an agent, especially an indefinite 
one, that is unexpressed: thus, tada 'trfti Va paktvft khfiditavya)^ 
(H.) then he shaU be eaten [by us] cooking him on the spot; yad anyasya 
pratijfkftya punar aayaaya dlyate (M.) thai, after being promised (Ut 
when one has promised her) to one, she is given again to another; saointya 
oo Hctaih auyio&rya yat kftam (H.) whai one says after mature thought, 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

359 Uses op the Gerund. [— W6 

and does after full deliheraium. Henee, still more elliptlcally, after alam: 
thug, alaih vioftrya ((.) enough of hesitation \ tad alaih te vanam 
gatvft (R.) so have done with going to the forest 

e. Other less regular constrnctlons are met with, especially in the 
older language : thus, in the manner of a participle with man and the like 
(868 a), as t&ih bii&Bitv^ Va mene (^B.) he thought he had hurt him ; 
tft adbhir abhifioya njjftsyfti Vft 'manyata (AB.) having sprinkled 
them with water, he believed himself to have exhatuted them; — in the 
manner of a participle forming a oontinuous tense ^ith yi (1076 a), as 
indram evfti tftir ftrabhya yanti (AB.) by metms of thefn they keep 
taking hold of Indra; — as qualifying a subordinate member of the sentence, 
as puro^i^am evk kOrm&ih bhUtvt B&rpantam (9B.) to the saeri- 
Jicial cake creeping about, having become a tortoise', ayodhyftm . . . 
saphenflifa sasvanAifa bhUtva Jalormim iva (R.) into Ayodhya, like a 
surge th€U had been foamy and roaring ; — even absolutely, as fttithydna 
▼fti devi iftva tlhit Mun&d avindat (^B.) when the gods had sacri- 
ficed with the guest-offering, strife befel them. 

f • As in the two examples before the last, a predicate word with 
bh&tvA is put in the same case with the subject: thus, further, t4d iy&m 
evfti *tkd hhfitvi yajati (^B.) so having thus become this earth he 
makes offering; yena vfimanenfi 'pi bhfitvft (Vet.) by whom, even when 
he had become a dwarf The construction is a rare one. 

g. A number of gerunds have their meaning attenuated sometimes to 
the semblance of a preposition or adverb : such are adhikftya making a 
subfeet of, 1. e. respecting, of; ftdftsra, upftgf*hya taking, i. e. with; ud- 
di^ya pointing toward, i. e. at; ftaftdya, arriving tft, i. e. along, by; 
ftrabhya beginning, i. e,from; eambhtlya being with, i. e. with; saxSiliatya 
striking together, i, e. in unison ; prasahya using force, i. e. violently ; 
tyaktvfty parityajya, mnktv-ft, vihftya, uddh^rtya, varjayltvft leaving 
out etc., i. e. excepting, without; and others. Examples are: Qakuntalftm 
adhilq^tya bravimi ((.) I am speaking of ^akuntalQ; tain uddiQya 
kfiptalagu^iah (H.) having thrown the cudgel at him; nimlttaih kiiiioid 
ftBftdya (H.) for some reason or other. 

h. The gerund is in the later language sometimes found in compo- 
sition, as if a noun-stem: e. g. praaahyaharapa taking with violence; 
pretyabhftva existence after death; vibhajyap&tha separate enunciation; 
sambh^agamana going together. It is al^o often repeated (1860), in a 
distributive sense: e. g. 8& Tfii Bamm^Jya-sammfjya prat&pya-pra- 
tapya prA yaoohati ((B.) in each case, after wiping and warming them, 
he hands them over; g^hitvft-g^hitvft (KQS.) at each taking; unnamyo- 
'nnamya (Pafie.) every time that they arise. 

Adverbial Gtorond in am. 

906. The aocasative of a derivative nomen actionis in a, used 
adverbially, assames sometimes a value and construction so accord- 

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996—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 360 

ant with that of the usual gerund that it cannot well be called by 
a different name. 

a. No example of a peculiar gemndial conftmction yriih such a form 
ocoun either in RV. or AY., although a dozen adverbial acooaatiTes are to 
be classed as representing the formation: thus, abbyftkramam, prat4n- 
kam, pra]^6dam» nil^am, abbiak&ndam, etc. This gemnd is found 
especially in the Brahmanas and Sutras, vhere it is not rare; in the epics 
it is extremely infrequent; later, also, it occurs very sparingly. 

b. A final vowel has vrddbi-strengthening before the suffix: thus, 
nftvam, ^rftvam, kftram; final ft adds y: thus, kbySyam, yfiyam; « 
medial vowel has gu^ (if capable of it: 240): thus, k^epam* kroQam, 
vartam (but rk^^am, puram); a medial a before a single consonant is 
lengthened: thus, krfimam, ofiram, grftbam, avftdam (but grantbam, 
lambbam). The accent is on the radical syllable. No uncompounded ex- 
amples are found in the older language, and extremely few in the later. 

o. Examples are: k^maifa vi imany i&gftni vyatyasaih ^ete 
((B.) ?ie lUs changing the position of these limbs at pleasure; uttarSm- 
uttarftifa ^ikbftih samSlAmbbaxb r6bet (9B.) be would dimb, taking 
hold of a higher and ever a higher limb ; aparl^u mabSnftg&m ivft 
'bbisaiba&aih didrk^itara^ (QB.) hereafter, running together as it were 
about a great snake, they will wish to see him; nimftny fta&m etini 
nftmagribam (9B.) with separate naming of these their names; yo 
viparyasam avagtibati (9B.) whoever buries it upside down; bftbQtk^e- 
paib krandituib prav^ttft (Q.) she proceeded to erg, throwing up her 
arms (with arm-tossing); navaoutapallaTfini dar9a]h-dar9a]h madba- 
karft^ftib kva^itfini ^rftvaib-^ravaib paribabbrftma (DKG.) he 
wandered about, constantly seeing the young shoots of the mango, and hear- 
ing the humming of the bees. Repeated forms, like those in the last ex- 
ample, are approved in the later language; they do not occur earlier (but 
instead of them the repeated ordinary gerund: 994b). 



996. Secondary conjugations are those in which a 
whole system of forms, like that already described as made 
from the simple root, is made, with greater or less com- 
pleteness, from a derivative conjugation-stem; and is also 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

361 PAttsivB. [—998 

usually oonneoted with a certain definite modification of 
the original radical sense. 

a. We baye seen, indeed, that the tense-systems are also for the most 
part made from derlTatiTe-stems; and even that, in some oases, such stems 
assume the appearance and value of roots, and are made the basis of a 
complete oonjugational system. Nor is there any distinct division-line to 
be drawn between tense-systems and deriyative conjugations; the latter are 
present-systems which have been expanded into conjugations by the addition 
of other tenses, and of participles, inflnitiTes, and so on. In the earliest 
languagO) their forms ontside of the present-system are still quite rare, 
hazdly more than sporadic; and even later they are — with the exception 
of one or two formations which attain a comparative frequency — much less 
common than the corresponding forms of primary conjugation. 

997. The secondary conjugations are: I. Passive; 
II. Intensive; III. Desiderative; IV. Causative; V. Denom- 

a. The passive is classed here as a seoondary conjugation because of 
its analogy with the others in respect to specific value, and freedom of 
formation, although it does not, like them, make its forms ontside the 
present system from its piesent-stem. 

I. Passive. 

998. The passive conjugation has been already in the 
main described. Thus, we have seen that — 

a. It has a special present-system, the stem of which 
is present only, and not made the basis of any of the re- 
maining forms: this stem is formed with the accented class- 
aign 77 y&, and it takes (with exceptions: 774] the middle 
endings. This present-system is treated with the others, 
above, 768 ff. 

b. There is a special passive 3d sing, of the aorist, 
ending in ^ i: it is treated above, 842 ff. 

o. In the remaining tenses, the middle forms are used 

also in a passive sense. 

d. But the passive use of middle forms is not common; it is oftenest 
met with In the perfect The participle to a great extent takes the place 
of a past passive tense, and the gerundive that of a future. On the other 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

998—] XIV. Sbcondart Conjugation. 362 

hand, in the oldest language (BY.)) noddle forms of other present-systems 
are in a considerable number of cases employed 'with passire meaning. 

e. According to the grammarians, there may be formed from some 
verbs, for passive use, a special stem for the aorist and the two fntnre 
systems, coinciding in form with the peculiar 3d sing, aorist. 

f. Thus, from >^dft (aor. 3d sing, adftyl), beside &dft8i, dfisye* 
dfttihe* also idftyl^i, dftyi^yd, dfiyitihe. The permission to make this 
double formation extends to all roots ending in vowels, and to fin^ah, d|^, 
and han. No such passive forms occur in the older language, and not balf- 
a-dozen are quotable from the later (we find adhSyifi and asthftyifi in 
DKC, and anftyifata in Euval.). 

g. As to the alleged passive inflection of the periphrastic perfect, see 
below, 1072. 

h. Besides the participle from the present tense-stem 

(771. 5), the passive has a past participle in cT ta (952), or 

^ na (957), and future participles, or gerundives, of various 

formation (961 ff.), made directly from the root. 

999. As already pointed out (282 a), the language, especially 
later has a decided predilection for the passive form of the sentence. 
This is given in part by the use of finite passive forms, but oftener 
by that of the passive participle and of the gerundive: the participle 
being taken in part in a present sense, but more usually in a past 
(whether indefinite or proximate past), and sometimes with a copula 
expressed, but much oftener without it; and the gerundive represent- 
ing either a pure future or one with the sense of necessity or duty 
added. A further example is: tatrfii "ko yuvS brfthmai^o d|^ta^: 
taih drftv^ kftmena pl^ita Baiiijata.: sakhyft agre kathitam: sakhi 
pum^o 'yaih girl^tvft mama mfttuh samlpam finetavya^ (Vet) 
there she saw a young Brahman; at sight of him she feU the pangs of 
love; she said to her friend: ^friend, you must take and bring this wntm 
to my mother^. In some styles of later Sanskrit, the prevailing ex- 
pression of past time is by means of the passive participle (thus, in 
Vet, an extreme case, more than nine tenths). 

a. As iu other languages, a 3d sing, passive is freely made ftom 
intransitive as well as transitive verbs: thus, ihtL^gamytkiAm. come hither; 
tvayft tatrfti Va sthlyatfim do you stand fust there; sarvSir jftlam 
&d&yo '^<pyat&m (H.) let all fly up with the net. 

il. intensive. 

1000. The intensive (sometimes also called frequent- 
ative) is that one of the secondary conjugations which is 
least removed from the analogy of formations already 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

363 Intensive. [—1002 

described. It is, like the present-system of the second con- 
jugation-class (642 ff,)j the inflection of a reduplicated stem, 
but of one that is peculiar in having a strengthened redu- 
plication. It is decidedly less extended beyond the limits 
of a present-system than any other of the derivative con- 

a. The intensive conjugation signifies the repetition or 
the intensification of the action expressed by the primary 
conjugation of a root. 

1001. According to the grammarians, the intensive 
conjugation may be formed from nearly all the roots in the 
language — the exceptions being roots of more than one 
syllable, those conjugated only causatively (below, 1056], 
and in general those beginning with a vowel. 

a. In Ckct, howeyer, InteoslTes in the later language are very rare, 
so lare that it is hard to tell precisely what yalue is to be given to the 
rales of the native grammar respecting them. Nor are they at all common 
earlier, except (comparatively) in the BY., which contains about six sevenths 
of the whole number (rather over a hundred) quotable ttom Yeda and Brah- 
mana and Sutra-texts; AY. has less than half as many as BY., and many 
of them in BY. passages ; from the later language are quotable about twenty 
of these, about forty more, but for the most part only in an occurrence 
or two. 

b. Hence, in the description to be given below, the actual aspect of 
the formation, as exhibited in the older language, wiU be had primarily and 
especially in view; and the examples wiU be of forms found there in use. 

1002. The strong intensive reduplication is made in 
three different ways: 

I. a. The redaplicatlDg syllable is, as elsewhere, composed of a 
single consonant with following vowel, and, so far as the consonant 
is concerned, follows the roles for present and perfect reduplication 
(600); but the vowel is a heavy one, radical a and ^ (or ar] being 
rednplieated with ft, an i-vowel by e, and an u-vowel by o. 

Examples are: vftvad» bftbadh, 9ft9va8, rfirandh; dftd^, dftdh^; 
oekit, tetij, neni, vevli; ^o^uo, poprath, co^u, John. 

II. b. The reduplicating syllable has a final consonant, taken 
from the end of the root With an exception or two, this consonant 
is either r (or its substitute 1) or a nasal. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1002—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 364 

Examples are: oaroar, oaloal, sarB^, maniifj» jarhf^; oa&kram, 
Janghan, tafiBtan, danda9 (v^dafiQ or daQ), Jafyabh (vjambh or Jabh), 
tantas (yUdiB or tas), nannam (ynain), yaxhyam ()/yam). The naul 
is assimilated to the initial oonsonant. 

o. Only roots haying a or |^ as rowel make this form of reduplication, 
bat with snch roots it is more common than either of the other forms. 

d. Irregular formations of this class are: with a final other than r 
or n in the reduplication, badbadh; with a final nasal in the rednpli- 
cation which is not found in the root, Jafigali (RV.), jafijap (^B.; and 
jangayat PB. is perhaps from V'gu; the later language has fbither 
dandah); with an anomalous initial consonant in reduplication, jarbhur 
from |/bhar (compare the Yedic perfect jabhira from i/bh^, 780 b), 
galgal from |/gal; with various treatment of an ^ or ar-element, dardar 
and dardir, oarkar and oarklr, tartar and tartur, oaroar and car- 
our, Jargor and Jalgul. 

e. The roots 1 and ^ are the only ones with vowel initial forming an 
intensive stem: 1 makes iySy (? PU., once); x makes the Irregular alar 
or air* As to the stem jy&) see below, 1021 b. 

III. f. The reduplication is disByllabic, an i-vowel being added 
after a final consonant of the reduplicating syllable. This i-vowel it 
in the older language short before a double consonant, and long be- 
fore a single. 

Examples are: ganigam (but g&nigmatam), rarivrt, ranlvfth, 
oani^ad, sanifTan; navinu, davidyut (and the participles d&vidliTat 
but t&vituat). A single exception as to the quantity of the 1 is davi- 

g. This method of reduplication is followed in the older language 
by about thirty roots. Thus, of roots having final or penultimate n (once 
m), and n in the reduplicating syllable, pan, phan. Ban, 8van« ban; 
gam; krand, ^oand, akand, syand; of roots having final or medial f, 
and r in the reduplicating syllable, k^ make, tf, bh^, vx* T^i» i>Mr^> 
▼TJf vft, 8|p; also mine (malimlao); — further, of roots assuming in 
the reduplioation a n not found in the root, only vah (QB.: the gram- 
marians allow also kas, pat, pad; and panlpad is quotable later; and A^B. 
has oanXkhudat, for which TB. reads k&nlkhimat); finally, of roots 
having u or il as radical vowel, with av before the i-vowel, ta^ dbf^ 
nu, dyut. 

h. In this class, the general rules as to the form of the reduplicating 
consonant (690) are violated in the case of ghanighan and bhaaribhr* 
and of ganigam, karlk^ (but the regular carQqp also occurs), kani- 
krand, and kaniykand (but also oani^and occurs) ; also in kanlkhnn. 

i. The reversion to more original guttural form after the reduplication 
in oek^t^ gnd Jafighan and ghanighan, is in accordance with what takes 
place elsewhere (216, 1). 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

365 Intensive. [—1006 

1003. The same root is allowed to form its intensive stem in 
more than one way. 

Thas, in the older language, dfkdjp and dardf ; dftdhf and dardh^; 
eftoal and oaroar (and oaronr); tartar (and tartiir) and taritf; 
jafigam and ganigam; jaftgTian and ghanTghan; pamphan and 
paniphan; marmrJ and marimfj; marmrQ and marimr9; varv^t 
and varivft; Jarbh^ and bharibh^; dodhu and davidhii; nonu and 
navinu; bftbadh and badbadh. 

1004. The model of normal intensive inflection is the 
present-system of the reduplicating conjngation-class (642 ff.); 
and this is indeed to a considerable extent followed, in 
respect to endings, strengthening of stem, and accent. But 
deviations from the model are not rare; and the forms are 
in general of too infrequent occurrence to allow of satis- 
factory classification and explanation. 

a. The most marked irregularity is the frequent insertion of an 
i between the stem and ending. According to the grammarians, this 
is allowed in all the strong forms before an ending beginning with 
a consonant; and before the I a final vowel has gona-strengthening, 
but a medial one remains unchanged. 


1005. We will take up the parts of the present-system in their 
order, giving first what is recognized as regular in the later language, 
and then showing how the formation appears in the earlier texts. As 
most grammarians do not allow a middle inflection, and middle forms 
are few even in the Veda, no attempt will be made to set up a par- 
adigm for the middle voice. 

1006. As example of inflection may be taken the root 

fsf^" vid knotOy of which the intensive stem is ^fcj^ vevid, 

or, in strong forms, ^i^ vived. 

a. Neither from this nor from any other root are more than a few scat- 
tering forms actually quotable. 

1. Present Indicative. 

8. d. p. 

v6vedmi, v6vi<Umi vevidv&a vevidniis 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

1006—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 366 

2 ^^IrW, ^lil^lft' %f%r8ra^ o|f^r«l 
v6vet8i, vdvidifi vevitth&B vevitthk 

3 ^^, N^liH ^f^ffH^ ^mrt 
vdvetti, vdviditi vevitt&8 v^vidati 

b. From /§^ htl, the singular forms with auxiliary vowel 
would be sfl^JoilfH johavlmi, ^t^^tfcf johavi^i, STT^cjHh 

1007. a. The forms found in the older langnage Agree in generml 
with the paradigm. Examples are: Ist sing., oarkarmi» veve^mi; 2d 
sing., alar^i, d&rdar^i; 3d sing., &lartl, dftdharti, vev6ti» nenekti, 
Jafighanti, kimlkrantti, ganigaihtl ; 3d dn., Jarblqrt&s; Ist pL, nonn- 
mas; 2d pL, jftgratha; 3d pi., dftdhrati, nfinadatl, bharibhrati, 
v&nqptati, d&vidyutati, n^nijatiy and, irregularly, vevi^anti; and, with 
the auxiliary Towel, Johavlmi, ofika9imi; otka^tl, nonaviti, darda- 
rltiy jarbhuritl. No stem with dissyUabio reduplication takes the auxil- 
iary 1 in any of its forms. 

b. A single dual form with I and strong stem occnrs: namely, tar- 

o. The middle forms found to occur are: 1st sing., J6gnive» neuUe; 
3d sing., neniktdy sarsfte; and, with irregular accent, t^tikte, dMiffe; 
with irregular loss of final radical nasal, n&miate; with ending e instead 
of te, o^kite, j&iLgahe, idguve, yosruve, b&badhe, and (with irregular 
accent) badbadhd; 3d du., sarsrftte; 3d pi., d6dl9ate. 

2. Present Subjunctive. 

1008. a. Subjunctive forms with primary endings are extremely rare: 
there hare been noticed only Jafigh&nfini, Jftgarftsi (AY.); and, in the 
middle, tantasftlte (3d du.). 

b. Forms with secondary endings are more frequent: thus, 2d sing., 
Janghanas, Jalgulas; 3d sing., jftgarat, o6kitat» bobhavat, o4rkf^at» 
J&nghanat» b&rbf>hat, m&rmfjat» m&rmr9at, parpharat, dardlrat, 
cani^adat, davidyutat, sani^va^at; 1st du., Jafighan&va; 1st pL, 
oarkirftma, vevidftma; 3d pi., papatan, 969Uoan, oarkiran; and, 
with double mode-sign, oaka^in (AY.). Of the middle are fbund only 
3d persons plural: thus, J&iighananta, Jarl^pfanta, marm^Janta, nona- 
vanta, ^o^uoanta. 

8. Present Optative. 

1009. This mode would show the unstrengthened stem, 
with the usual endings (666), accented. Thus: 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

367 Intensive. [—1012 

t. d. p. 

1 ^i^^iH^ ^i^^tiN Wpum 

vevidyam vevidyava vevidyama 
etc. etc. etc. 

a. The optative is represented by only an example or two in the older 
language : thns, active, vevifyftt (AV.), J&gry&8 (KB.), jftgriyat (AB.), 
jSgfyfima (VS. MS. ; bat Jftfipriyftma TS.); RV. has only o&kanyat (pft.?) ; 
middle, nenijita (K.). 

4. Prpsent Imperative. 

1010. The regular forms of the imperative, including 
the usual subjunctive first persons, would be as follows: 
8. d. p. 






rare than optative 


vdvettUy v6vi(Utu vevittam 
Older imperative forms are less 

1011. a. Older imperative forms are less rare than optative. The 
first persons have been given above (jafigh&n&ni, the only accented ex- 
ample, does not correspond vrith the model, bnt is in conformity with the 
sub] a active of the reduplicating present); the proper imperatives are: 2d 
sing., dftdfhfy dardrhiy oark^dhi, Jftgrhi, nenigdhi, rfiranddhf; the 
ending tfit is found in oarlq^t and Jfig^tftt; and the latter (as was 
pointed out above, 571 b) is used In AY. as first person sing.; barbf>hi 
shows an elsewhere unparalleled loss of h before the ending hi; 3d sing., 
dftdbartu, veve^fu, dardartu, marmarttu; 2d dn., jfig^ptam; 3d du., 
Jftgnptfim; 2d pi., jfig^; caftkramata (RV., once) has an anomalous 
union-vowel. In the middle voice is fonnd only nenikfva ((B.). 

b. Of imperative forms with auxiliary I, RY. has none; AY. has 
vSvaditu and Johavitu, and such are sometimes found in the Brahmanas ; 
AY. has also, against rule, tafiBtamhi and Ja&ghanlhi; YS. has cftka9ihi. 

6. Present Fartioiple. 

1012. The intensive participles, both active and middle, 
are comparatively common in the older language. They are 
formed and inflected like those of the reduplicating present, 
and have the accent on the reduplicating syllable. 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

1012—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 368 

Examples are : active, oika^at* nanadat, o6kitat» m6inyat» 96^- 
caty rdruvat, dardrat, m&rm|>jat, j&aghanat, n&nnamat, p4nl- 
phanat, k&nlkradat, d&vidyutat; — middle, babadhftna, mdmySna, 
o6klt&na, ydyjxv&rLAf r6ruofina, j&rbhurfti^ s^rerfti^ Jafijabhftna, 
n&niiainina, d&nda^ana. No middle participle shows the dissyllabic 

1013. a. On account of their accent, rfirahfti^ rftrakffii^ and 
jfthf^S^i (beside J&rlq*9fi]^) are probably to be regarded as perfect parti- 
ciples, although no other perfect forms with heavy reduplication from the 
same roots occur. The inference is, however, rendered uncertain by the 
unmistakably intensive badbadhftni and marmfjftn& (beside mirmfj&na). 
As to ^d^uoana etc., see 806 a. 

b. The RV. has once J&aghnatas, gen. sing., with root-vowel cast 
out; k&nikrat appears to be used once for k&nikradat; if cfik&t is to 
be referred to }/k& (Grassmann), it is the only example of an intensive 
from a root in ft, and its accent is anomalous. Mamif^antas (AB.) is 
perhaps a false reading; but forms with the nasal irregularly retained are 
found repeatedly in the epics and later: thus, lellhan, dedipyanfim 
(MBh.), jfijvalant (MBh. R), sariBrpantftu (BhP.), rftratanti (R.). 

6. Imperfect. 

1014. The imperfect is regularly inflected as follows: 

s. d. p. 

ivevidam &vevidva &vevidma 

kvevett dvevicUa &vevittam kvevitta 

3 ^q^^ Jb4^i^<0rt ^ JBRf^TTT^ 5i^f^S\ 
&vevet, &vevidit &vevittAm &vevidu8 

1016. The imperfect forms found in the earlier texts are not numer- 
ous. They are, including those from which the augment Is omitted, as 
follows: in active, Ist sing., acSka^am, dedi^am; 2d sing., ajfigpar, 
adardar, d&rdar; 3d sing., adardar, adardhar, avarlvar, dardar, 
ktolfkan, d4vldyot, n&vinot; 2d du., adard^tam; 1st pi., marm{jm&; 
3d pi., anannamus, adardirus, aoark^fUB, ^iohavus, anonavus; 
and, with auxiliary 1, in 3d sing., avftvaolt, ^Tftva^It, &vftTarit» 
iyoyavity &roravIt, ^Johavlt; and, irregularly, in 3d du., av&va9itiUiL 
The middle forms are extremely few: namely, 3d sing., Medifta, Anan- 
nata (with loss of the final radical in a weak form of root); 3d pi. 
marmfjata» and avftvaQanta (which, if it belongs here, shows a transfer 
to an a-stem). 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

369 Intensive. [—1017 

1016. Derivative Middle Inflection. From every 
intensive stem, as above described, may be formed in the 
present-system a further derivative conjugation which is 
formally identical with a passive, being made by the accented 
sign JJ y&, along with middle endings only. It has not, 
however, a passive value, but is in meaning and use in- 
distinguishable from the simpler conjugation. 

a. A final vowel before this ya is treated as before the paseive- 
sign ya (770). 

b. The inflection is precisely like that of any other stem ending 
in a in the middle voice: thus, from y^m^J) intensive stem marm^, 
is made the present indicative marm^Jy^, marmrjy&se, marm^y&te, 
etc.; optative marm^ydya, marmrjydthasy marm|jy6ta» etc.; im- 
perative marmfjy&Bva, marm^jy&tam, etc.; participle marmrJy&- 
m&na; imperfect &marm|>jye» &marmfjyath&8, &marmfjyata, etc. 
sabjnnctive forms do not occur. 

o. In a very few sporadic cases, these y&-forms are given a passive 
value: thus, Jafighanyamana in MdU.; bambhramyate, d&dlun&- 
yamana, pepiyamana in the later language. And active participles 
(589a) are not unknown: thus, dedipyantim (MBh.), dodh^yant 
(MBh. BhP.). 

1017. This kind of intensive inflection is more common 

than the other in the later language; in the earlier, it is 

comparatively rare. 

a. In RY., y4-form8 are made from eight roots, live of which have 
also forms of the simpler conjugation; the AY. adds one more; the other 
earlier texts (so far as ohserved) ahout twenty more, and half of them have 
likewise forms of the simpler conjugation. Thus: from >^ni|j, marmfj- 
y4te etc., and marijnf>J3reta; from ytip, tarturyante; from year, 
oaroury&Tnftpa ; from i^ni, nen|y6ran, etc.; from yvu veviyate; from 
yrih* rerihy&te etc.; from v^j, vevijy&te; from yska^ oo^ktiy&ae etc.; 
from ydi^f dedi^yate; from ]/kfi9, oaka^y&te etc.; from yvad» 
v&vady&mftna; from >^nam, nannamyadhvam; from ^vaJi, vanivSh- 
yStaetc. (with lengthened root-vowel, elsewhere unknown); from f/krandy 
kanikrady&mana; from yvjtf vanvarty&m&na (QB.: should be 
variv^y-); from Vmy9, amarlm|^9^anta (9B. ? the text reads amarlm^ 
syanta); from yynp, ypyupyinte etc.; from v'nud, anonudyanta; 
from yvll, avevllyanta; from y^&hht JafUabhy&te etc.; from Vjap» 
ja2Japy&mana; and so on. 

Whitney, Onmmar. 3. ed. 24 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

1018—] XIV. Sbcondaky Conjugation. 370 

1018. The grammarians are at variance as to whether 
a perfect may be formed directly from the intensive stem, 
or whether only a periphrastic perfect (below, 1070ff.) is 
to be admitted. 

a. No example of an intensive periphrastic perfect has anywhere come 
to light (except from Jftg^p: 1080 a). A few unmistakable perfect forms are 
made from the intensively reduplicated root in RY. : namely, dawidhftvm 
and ndnftva, 3d sing., and nonuvuB, 3d pi.; and there occur farther 
dodrftva (TS.), yoy&va and lelliya (M8.), and lel&ya (? (B.), aU used 
in the sense of presents. To them may be added jigara 1st sing, and 
Jftg&a 3d sing.: bat as to these, see below, 1020a. 

Aorist, Future, etc. 
1010. As to the remaining parts of a full verbal con- 
jugation, also, the grammarians are not agreed (occurrences 
of such forms, apparently, being too rare to afford even 
them any basis for rules); in general, it is allowed to treat 
the intensive stem further as a root in filling up the scheme 
of forms, using always the auxiliary vowel ^ i where it is 
ever used in the simple conjugation. 

a. Thus, from /vid, intensive stem vevid, would be made the 
aorist avevidi^am with precative vevidyftsam, the futures vevid- 
i^yftmi and vevidit&smi, the participles vevidita» veviditavya, etc., 
the infinitive veviditiun, and the gerunds veviditvft and -vevidya. 
And, where the intensive conjugation is the derivative middle one, 
the^aorist and futures would take the corresponding middle form. 

b« Of all this, in the ancient langaage, there is hardly a trace. The 
RV. has o&rlqpfe, 3d sing, mid., of a formation like hife and stof^ 
(884 d), and the gerundiyes vitantasayya, and marmfjdnya and vftv^ 
dh6nya; and (B. has the participle vanivfihit&, and the inflnitiTe dddlyi- 
tavfti. As to jfigarify&nt and Jftgarit&, see the next paragraph. 

1020. There are systems of inflection of certain roots, the in- 
tensive character of which is questioned or questionable. Thus: 

a. The root g^ (or gar) wake has from the first no present-system 
saYe one with intensive rednplication ; and its intensiye stem, jfig7> begins 
early to assume the value of a root, and form a completer conjugation; 
while by the grammarians this stem is reckoned as if simple and belong- 
ing to the root-class, and is inflected thronghont accordingly. Those of 
its forms which occur in the older language have been given along with 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

371 Intbnsivb. [—1024 

the other intensives abore. They are, for the present-system, the same 
with those acknowledged as regular later. The older perfect is like the 
other intensive perfects found in RY.: namely, JSgara etc., with the 
participle jSgpra&s ; and a future jSgarify^-, a passire participle Jfigarit&, 
and a gerundiye Jfigaritavyh, are met with in the Brahmanas. The old aorist 
(RY.) is the usual reduplicated or so-called causative aorist: thufi, AJigar. The 
grammarians give it in the later language a perfect with additional redupli- 
cation, Ji^ftgSra etc., an l^-aorLst, i^agarifain, with precative jftgaryftsam, 
and everything else that is needed to make up a complete conjugation. 
The perf. jajSgftra is quotable from the epics and later, as also the peri- 
phrastic Jfigarftm ftsa. And MBh. has the mutilated Jftgpni, and also 
a-forms, as Jftgarati and J&gramfti^. 

1021. a. The stem ir<^ya (active only) regtUate, from which a 
number of forms are made in RY., has been Tiewed as an intensive from 
yraj or fj. It lacks, however, any analogy with the intensive formation. 
The same is true of iradh propitiate (only iradhanta and ir&dhyai, 
apparently for iradhadhyfti). 

b. The middle stem lya, not infrequent in the oldest language, is 
often called an intensive of yi gOy but without any propriety, as it has no 
analogy of form whatever with an intensive. The isolated 1st pi. imahe, 
common in RY., is of questionable character. 

1022. The root li totter ^ with constant intensive reduplication, lell, 
is quite irregular in inflection and accent: thus, pres., leliyati and lelft- 
yate, pples lelfty&ntl and lel&yatas (gen. sing.) and lelftyamftna, impf. 
alelftyat and alelet and aleliyata, perf. lel&ya and lel&ya (?). 

1023. The RY. anomalous form dart (or dard), 2d and 3d sing, 
from ydjf or dar, is doubtfully referred to the intensive, as if abbreviated 
ftrom dardar. RY. has once avarivus (or -vur) where the sense requires 
a form from Vv^T^, as avanv^tus. The form rarftn&tft (RY., once) seems 

1024. A marked intensive or freqaentative meaning is not always 
easily to be traced in the forms classed as intensiye; and in some 
of them it is quite effaced. Thus, the roots oit» nij, vif use their 
intensive present-system as if it were an ordinary conjugation-class; 
nor is it otherwise with gf (j^lgr)- The grammarians reckon the 
inflection of nij and vi? as belonging to the reduplicating present- 
system, with irregularly strengthened reduplication; and they treat in 
the same way vio and vij; jSg^) as we have seen, they account a 
simple root. 

a. Also daridrfi, intensive of >^dr& run, is made by the grammarians 
a simple root, and furnished with a complete set of conjugational forms: 
as dadaridrS.u; adaridrftsit, etc. etc. It does not occur in the older 
language (unless d&ridrat TS., for which YS. MS. read d&ridra). The 
so-called root wvi flutter is a pure intensive. 


Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

1026--] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 372 

1025. It is allowed by the grammarians to make from the iotensire 
stem also a passlTe, desiderative, causative, and so on: thus, txom vevid, 
pass. vevldy6; desid. v^vidif&mi; cans, vevid&y&mi; desid. of caiua- 
tlve, v6vidayif&ini. But such formations are excessively rare; qnotaUe 
are varivarj&yantl AY., Jfigar&yant TB. etc.; dfidh&rayati JB., 
danda^ayitvft DKC. 

ill. Desiderative. 

1026. By the desiderative conjugation ifl signified a de- 
sire for the action or condition denoted by the simple root: 
thus, fqsnf^r pibSmi / drinky desid. (MmmJH pipSsami I wish 
to drink; sfk?^ jivami / live, desid. Kisflf^Nift jijivi^ami 
I desire to live. Such a conjugation is allowed to be formed 
from any simple root in the language, and also from any 
causative stem. 

a. The desiderative coDJugation, although its forms outside the 
presefit-system are extremely rare in the oldest language, is earber 
and more fully expanded into a whole verbal system than the inten- 
sive. Its forms are also of increasing frequency: much fever than 
the intensives in RV., more numerous in the firahmanas and later; 
not one third of the whole number of roots (about a hundred) noted 
as having a desiderative conjugation in Veda and Brahma^ have 
such in RV. 

1027. The desiderative stem is formed from the simple 
root by the addition of two characteristics: 1. a reduplication, 
which always has the accent; 2. an appended H sa — which, 
however (like the tense-signs of aorist and future), sometimes 
takes before it the auxiliary vowel ^ i, becoming ^ i^. 

a. A few instances in the concluding part of QB. in which the accent 
is otherwise laid — thus, tifthaset, yiyfts&ntam, vividifinti* ips&ntaft 
— must probably be regarded as errors. 

1028. The root in general remains unchanged; but with 
the following exceptions: 

a. A final i or u is lengthened before sa: thus, cik^i^a, ciki^a, 
jigi^a; QUQrufa, juha^a, oukfufa. 

b. A final x becomes ir or Or before sa: thus, oikir^ tlilr^a 
(also irregularly tiitar^a RV.), didhir^a, siur^a, tistir^a (also tn- 
atur^a), jihirfa; bubhur^a, mumurfa (the only examples quotable). 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

373 Dbsiderativb. [—-1029 

o. Before i^a, a final i- or u- or ^-vowel necessarily, and a 
penultimate i or u or ^ optionally, have the gnu^-strengthenlng; no 
examples are quotable from the older texts; later occur ^iQayi^a, 
^i^arifa; oikarti^a, ninarti^ay mimardi^a, vivar^i^a, QUQcbhi^a; 
but mrudifa. 

More special exceptions are: 

d. A few roots in S. weaken this vowel to I or even i: thus, jigi^a 
from }/ga go; pipi^a (beside pip&sa) from ypSL drink^ jihi^ (-^^0 
from yh& remove (jihite: 664)*, didhi^a (heside dhitsa) from >^dh£. 

e. A fiew roots in an or am lengthen the vowel : thns, jiggfisa (beside 
jigamifa) from i/gam; jighftfiBa from ylian; mim&JiBa from )/man; 
and titftflsa from ytan. 

f. Reversion to guttural form of an initial after the reduplication is 
seen in oiki^a from yoi, oikitsa from }/oit, jigi^a from /Ji, Jigha&sa 
from }/han; and yhi is said to make jighi^a (no occurrence). 

g. The roots van and san make vivasa and si^ftaa, from the root- 
forms vS. and sa. 

h. The root jiv forms Jujyufa (fB.: Jijivisa, VS.); and the other 
roots in iv (765) are required to make the same change before aa, and to 
have gui^a before i^a: thus, ausyufa or sisevifa from }/8iv. Svap 
forms BUfupsa. Dhtlrv forms dudhurfa. 

i. Initial s is usually left unchanged to ^ after the reduplication 
when the desiderative sign has f (184 e): thus, Bisafik^a ((B.: i/saflj), 
and BTisyu^a and siBanifa, according to the grammarians; but tu^f^fa 
is met with. 

j. Farther may be mentioned as prescribed by the grammarians: 
ninafiksa (or nina^ii^) from yna^ be lost; mimafikfa from ymajj 
(occurs in mimafikfu) ; mimftrjifa (or mixQ^k^a) from /mfj. 

1029. The consonant of the reduplication follows the 

general rules (590); the vowel is ^ i if the root has an a- 

vowel, or lH y, or an i- vowel; it is 3 u if the root has an 

u- vowel. But: 

a. A few roots have a long vowel in the reduplicating syllable: thus, 
'bibhatsa from ]/badh or badh; inim&&Ba from yman ; and tutiir^a (RV.) 
from i^tnr ; dadhisu (AV.) and dada&k^u (0.) are probably false forms. 

b. From ^aij is made (^B.) aQl^ifa, and from yedh (VS.) 
edidhi^a (with a mode of reduplication like that followed sometimes in 
the reduplicating aorist: 862). In the older language, these are the only 
roots with Initial vowel which form a desiderative stem, except ftp and 
ydh, which have abbreviated stems: see the next paragraph. In the later 
language occur further e^ififa (yi^ eeek) and loikfifa (]/ik9); and the 
grammarians add others, as arjihi^a (v'arh), undidi^a (^und), ardi- 
dhlija (/ydh). 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

1029—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 374 

o. RV. haa the stems fnak^a and fyakffa, regarded as desideratiTetf 
from yynw^ attain and yi^, with mutilated reduplication. 

1030. A number of roots, including some of very com- 
mon use, form an abbreviated stem apparently by a con- 
traction of reduplication and root together into one syllable: 
thus, ^ ipsa from v^TR 5p; f^rH ditsa from >^ dS. 

a. Such abbreviated stems are found in the older language as follows: 
dhitsa (beside didhi^a) from v^dha; ditsa (beside did&sa) fi'om yda; 
dipsa (dhipsa JB.) from /dabh ; 9ikf a from y'9ak ; sikfa from |/Bah : 
these are found in RV.; in AV. are added ipsa from y&p (RV. has apsa 
once), and irtsa from V^dh; the other texts furnish lipsa (9^0 or 
llpsa (TB.) from |/labh, ripsa (GB.) from )/rabh, pitsa (^B.) from 
]/pad, and dhik^a (^B.) from ]/dah (not y^dih, since no roots with i as 
medial vowel show the contracted form). In the later language axe farther 
found pitsa from ]/pat also, j&ipsa from the causative quasi -root jfiap 
(below, 1042 j), and the anomalous mitsa from )/mft measttre (allowed 
also from roots mi and mi); and the grammarians give ritsa f rom yrftdh. 
Also mok^a is (very questionably) viewed as a desidejative stem ft-om 

1081. The use of the auxiliary vowel ^ i is quite rare 
in the early language, but more common later; and it is 
allowed or prescribed by the grammarians in many stems 
which have not been found in actual use. 

a. It is declared to follow in general, though not without ex- 
ceptions, necessary or optional, the analogy of the futures (984, 
948 a). 

b. No example of the use of i is found in RV., and only one each in 
AV. (pipati^a), VS. (jijivisa), and TS. (jigami^a). The other examples 
noted in the early texts are a9i9if a, cikrami^a, jigrahi^a (with i for i, 
as elsewhere in this root), cioarifa, edidhisa, jijanifa, didlkfisa, 
bibftdhif a, rumcifa, vivadi^a, vividi^a, 9i9&8i9a, ti^fighifa, jihiA- 
8i§a: most of them are found only in (B. Stems also without the auxil- 
iary vowel are made from roots gam» grab, car, jiv, pat, badh, vid. 

1082. Inflection: Present-System. The desider- 
ative stem is conjugated in the present-system with per- 
fect regularity, like other a-stems (788 a), in both voices, in 
all the modes (including, in the older language, the sub- 
junctive), and with participles and imperfect. It will be 
sufficient to give here the first persons only. We may take 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

375 Desidbrative. [—1082 

as active model ^^ Ipsa seek to obtain^ from y^P\ ftp obtain] 
as middle, frriTRT titikfa endure^ from yfHsT tij be sharp (see 
below, 1040). 

1. Present Indioatiye. 

active. middle. 

8. d. p. 8. d. d. 

1 ^c^ (t^MH ^ pn^ ifri?J^ irlfrlTdW^ fHlH5n% 
ipsftmi ips&vas Ipsftmas titikfe titikfftvahe tftik^ftmahe 

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

2. Present Subjanctive. 

1 ^^iIh ^cqicf ^cOT^r IhIh^ IhIh'HH*^ %f?RTF% 

ipsftni ipsftva ipsfima titikf &i tftik^ftvahfti tftik^ftmahfii 

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

3. Present Optative. 

ipseyam ipseva ipsema tftikfeya tftik^evahi tftik^emahi 
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

4. Present Imperative. 

2 ^ ^cqrT\ piH Idfrl^W iHfH^IH^ Irlfrl^yH^ 
ipsa ipsatam ipsata tftikfasva tftlk^ethfim tltikfadhvam 

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

6. Present Participle. 
^C^IH ipsant (f. ^mtfl ipsanti) frlfrl^HIUI tftikfamfti^a 

6. Imperfect. 

1 "^c^^ "^1:^1^ "^FT 35rf?lf?l% JblidfH^Nt^ MidrHTHlHi^ - 
aipsam ftfpsftva ftfpsfima dtitiki^ dtitik^ftvahi dtitik^fimahi 
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 

a. There are almost no irregularities of inflection to be reported from 
the older langnage. No Ist pi. in maai, or 2d pi. in thana or tana, is 
met with; of the impv. in tftt, only ipsatSt. The quotable sabjnnctiye 
forms are those in sftni, sSt and Bat» sftn, and santa. KBU. has jijiifisita 
(cf. 788 b). But the fern, pple Bifdsati (instead of siij^asanti) occurs 
once or twice in the older texts; and RV. has d£dhi|&]gLa. 

b. In the epics and later are fonnd sporadic forms of the non-a- 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1082—] xrv. Secondaby Conjugation. 376 

conjugation: thus, sisrkfmas (BhP.), titikyniihe and bubhu^ate 3d 
pi. (BfBh.); and the fern, participles lipsati'and oikir^ati (MBh. : against 
449 b). The anomalons jigh&ABiyat occurs also in MBh. and Yas. 

1038. a. Desiderative forms outside the present-system are 
extremely rare in the oldest language. The BY. has only perfect 
forms from a stem mimik^ — thus, mimikfithus, mimikf&toa, 
mimik^us; mimikfe, mimikfire — along with the present forms 
mimik^ati, mimikf a etc., mimikfant (pple) : they show that wiiTrt^Va 
or mik^ has taken on the character of an independent root In AY. 
are found two aorist forms, irtsia and aoikitsls, and a participle or two 
from mima^a (see below, 1037 a, 1089 a) — all of them from stems 
which have lost their distinct desiderative meaning, and come to bear 
an independent value. The forms noted from the other earlier texts 
will be given in full below. 

b. In the later language, a complete system of verbal 

forms is allowed to be made in the desiderative conjugation, 

the desiderative stem, less its final vowel^ being treated as 

a root. Thus: 

1034. Perfect. The desiderative perfect is the peri- 
phrastic (1070 ff.). 

a. Thus, ipa&di oak&ra etc.; titikf&m cakre etc. Such forms 
are made in QB. from yv^kram, dhtirvy b&dh, ruh; and in ChU. 
from man. 

b. Apparent perfect fonns of the ordinary kind made from twltnilra 
in RY. haye been noticed in the preceding paragraph. And AB. (viii. 21. 10) 
has once didSsitha thou hast desired to give, 

1035. Aorist. The aorist is of the if-form: thus 

a. The AV. has aoikitsis, and irtsis (augmentlesB, with ma pro- 
hibitive: 679). TB. has ftipslt; QB. ftirtsit, adlorfis and ajIghftAfnfl, 
and amim&ABiftb&s; KB. jijiiasifi; JUB. aipsifma; and AA. adhit- 

• sifam. No examples have been found in the later language. 

b. A precative is also allowed — thus, ipsyftsam, titik^iisiya; bat it 
never occurs. 

1086. Futures. The futures are made with the auxil- 
iary vowel ^ i: thus, ^R^^lfH Ipsi^ySmi and ^fM4Hlfu^ 
ipBit&flmi; (dfrli^^i titikffijyi and rdfclf^HI^ titik9itSho. 

a. The 9B. has titikfifyate and did^k^itaraa. Such forms as 
jij&ftsy&maa (MBh.), didhakfy&mi (R.), and mimiAsyant (GQS.) tre 
doubtless presents, with -sya- blunderingly for -sa-. 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

377 Dbsidbbativb. [—1089 

1087. Verbal Nouns and Adjectives. These too 
are made with the auxiliary vowel ^ i, in all cases where 
that vowel is ever taken. 

a. In the older language haTe been noted: participle in ta, mimfiii- 
Bit& (AV., GB.), jijyti|ita (AB.), QU^ru^ltA and dhik^itd (gB.); — 
gemndiYo in tavya, Upsitavya (AB.), didhyftsitavyk ((^B.); in ya, 
jljiifiayk ((;B.)i — gerund in tva, mimftftBitvft (K.). 

1088. Of other declinable stems derived from the desiderative stem, 
by far the most common are the adjective in u — e. g. tdtikf u» dipsu, 
bibhatsUy siffiau (RV. once didfkfu) — and the abstract noun in a — 
e. g. ipsft, bibhatsa, mim&fLsa, 9U9ra9& — both of which are made 
with increasing freedom from an early epoch of the language : especially the 
former, which has the value and construction (271 a) of a present parti- 
ciple. A few adjectives in enya (having a gerundive character: 966 b) 
occni in the earlier language: thus, did^kf^^ya (RV.), QUQr&fd^ya (TS.), 
ninlfei^a (PB.), jij&ftsenya (AB.), and, with irregular reduplication 
(apparently) pap^kf^i^ya (RV.), dadhifenya (JB.) ; and didf kf^ya (RV.) 
is a similar formation. RV. has also sif &8&ni and ruruk^&i^, and sifft- 
84tu(P). In the later language, besides some of the formations already 
instanced (those in u and ft, and in sya and sitavya), are found a few 
derivatives in aka, as cikitsaka, bubhasaka; in ana, as JiJ&fisanat 
didhyftsana; and, very rarely, in aniya (cikitsaniya) and tf (9U9ru9itr) ; 
further, secondary derivatives (doubtless) in in from the noun in ft, as 
Ipsin, jigl^in (one or two of these occur in the older language). And of 
an adjective in a we have an example in bibhatsA (B.S., and later), and 
perhaps in avalipsa (AVP.); such words as ajugupsa, da^oikitsa, are 
rather to be understood as possessive compounds with the noun in ft. As 
to noun-stems in is, see 892 d. 

1089. Derivative or Tertiary Conjugations. A 
passive is allowed to be made^ by adding the passive-sign 
IT y^ to the desiderative root (or stem without final a) : thus, 
^cnirT Ipsy^te it is desired to be obtained; — and a causautive, 
by adding in like manner the causative-sign ^^ dya (1041): 
thus, ^mUlfn TpsdySmi / cause to desire obtainment 

a. Of these formations in the older language are found niimft&8y&- 
mftna (doubtless to be read for -s^mftna, AV.), lipsy&m&na (9^.), and 
rurutsyamSna (K.). Half-a-dozen such passives are quotable later, and 
one or two causatives: e. g. dkitsyate, vivak^ate, jijiiftsyate; cikir- 
fayanty cikitsayifyati. 

b. For the desiderative conjugation formed on causative stems, 
which is found as early as the Brahmanas, see below, 1062 b. 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

1040—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 37S 

1040. Some Btems which are desideratiye in form have lost tk 
peooliarity of desideratiye meaning^ and assumed the value of inde- 
pendent roots: examples are cikits cure, jugupB despise, titilc^ mmittre, 
bibhats abhor, mimftViB ponder, i^uqru^ obey. Doubtless some of the 
apparent roots in the language with sibilant final are akin with ibs 
desideratives in origin: e. g. ^ik^, desideratiye of ^ak. 

a. On account of the near relation of deeiderative and fa tore (d. 
948 b), the former is occasionally found where the latter was ratfaex to be 
expected: thus, rSJftnaiii prayiyfisantam ((B.) a king about to d^ari 
prfi]^ uooikramifan (ChU.) the breath on the point of expiring; mil- 
murf ur ivft 'bhavat (H.) he teas fain to die, 

IV. Causative. 

1041. a. In the later language is allowed to be made 
from most roots a complete causative conjugation. The 
basis of this is a causative stem, formed by appending^ the 
causative-sign ^bht dya to the, usually strengthened, root. 

b. But hy no means all conjugation-stems formed by 
the sign ^BHT &ya are of causative value; and the grammarians 
regard a part of them as constituting a conjugation-class, 
the tenth or cur-class, according to which roots may be 
inflected as according to the other classes, and either alone 
or along with others (775). 

c. In RY., the proportion without causative value is fully one third. 
The formation is a more ohTionsly denominative one than any of the other 
conjugation-classes, an intermediate hetween them and the proper denom- 
inatives. A causative meaning has established itself in connection with 
the formation, and become predominant, thongh not exclusive. A number 
of roots of late appearance and probably derivative character are included 
in the class, and some palpable denominatives, which lack only the usual 
denominative accent (below, 1056). 

d. The causative formation is of much more frequent use, and more 
decidedly expanded into a full conjugation, than either the intensive or the 
deaiderative. It is made from more than three hundred roots in the early lan- 
guage (in RY., from about one hundred and fifty); but in the oldest, its 
forms outside the present-system are (apart from the attached rednpUeated 
aorist: 1046) exceedingly few. 

1042. The treatment of the root before the causative- 
sign ^nr aya is as follows: 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

379 Causative. [—1042 

a. Medial or initial i, u, x* I ^<^ve the gui^a-strengthening (if 
capable of it: 240); thus, vedaya from /vid, oodaya from |/oud, 
tarpaya from ytfp; and kalpaya from yOslp (only example): but 
ointaya, salpl^ayA» d^pAhaya. 

b. Bat a few roots lack the strengthening: these are, in the older 
language, cit (oitaya and oetaya), if, 11, ri^ (ri^aya and re^aya), 
vip (vipaya and vepaya), tuj, tur, ttuj (tufaya and to^aya), dyut 
(dyntaya and dyotaya), ruo (ruoaya and rooaya), 9U0 (^uoaya and 
90oaya)9 9abh (^ubhaya and 9obhaya), Iqpp, mr<}, sp^h ; and grabh 
makes in RV. g^bhaya. Duf and guh lengthen the vowel instead. Mfj 
sometimes has v^ddhi, as in other forms: thns, m&rjaya (beside mar- 
jay a). On the other hand, giuoa appears irregularly (240 b) in Brevaya 
(beside Qrivaya), he<}aya» mekfaya. Similar irregularities in the later 
language are giraya, tulaya (also tolaya), ohuraya (also ohoraya), 
xnufaya, sphuraya. No forms made without strengthening have a causative 
value in the older language. 

o. A final vowel has the v^ddhi-strengthening: thus, ofiyaya, 
9ftyaya, oyfivaya, bhftvaya, dhftraya, sftraya. 

d. But no root in i or 1 has v^dhi in the Veda (unless piyaya 
[k, below] comes from pi rather than p&) — as, indeed, regular causa- 
tives from such roots are hardly quotable: only RV. has k^ayaya (beside 
k^epaya) from ykf i possess ; for a few alternatively permitted forms, see 
below, 1. In B. and S., however, occur ^ftyaya and sSyaya (/si or eft); 
and later -ftyaya, cay ay a, smftyaya, 4&yaya, nftyaya. 

e. A few roots have a form also with g^u^a-strengthening: thus, cyu, 
dm, plu, yu separate, Qru, pa, stu, sru; jf waste away, da^ pierce, s^, 
8II17, h^; vf choose makes varaya later (it is not found in V.; epic also 

f. A medial or initial a in a light syllable is sometimes length- 
ened, and sometimes remains unchanged: thus, bhSjaya, svSpaya, 
adaya; janaya, ^ratbaya, anaya (but mandaya, valgaya, bbakfaya). 

g. The roots in the older language which keep their short a are jan, 
pan, Bvan, dban, ran, stan, gam (gfimaya once in RV.), tarn, dam, 
raj (usually rafijaya), prath, 9rath, 9nath, vyath, svad, chad please 
(also ebandaya), nad, dbvas (also dhvaiisaya), rab, mab (also 
maAbaya), nabb (also nambbaya), tvar, svar, bvaL In the later 
language, further, kvai^, jvar, trap, day, pa^, rac, ran ring, vadb, 
val, va9, 9latb, skbal, stbag. Both forms are made (either in the 
earlier or in the later language, or in both taken together) by ad, kal, 
kram, k^am, kban, gbat, cam, oal, jval, tvar, dal, dbvan, nad, 
nam, pat, bbram, matb, mad, yam, ram, lag, lal, vam, vyadb, 
9am he quiet, 9ram, 9va8, svap. The roots which lengthen the vowel 
are decidedly the more numerous. 

b. If a nasal is taken in any of the strong forms of a root, it usually 
appears in the causative stem: e. g. dambbaya, da&9aya, indbaya. 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

1042—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 380 

limpaya, mndhaya, 9undhaya, k^taya, d^p&haya. From & number 
of roots, stems both with and ^thont the nasal are made: thus (besides 
those mentioned above, g), kufilcaya and kocaya, granthaya and smth- 
aya, bf&haya and barhaya, bliraii9aya and bhrft^aya, ^undhaja 
and ^odhaya, safiijaya and BiOJ&7ft> aiftcaya and seoaya. In a fev of 
these is seen the influence of present-stems. 

i. Most roots in final &, and the root Xy acid P before the oon- 
jugation-sign : thus, dfipaya, dhfipaya, sthfipaya; arpaya. 

j. Such stems are made in the older language from the roots kfft. 
khyft, gft sing (also gfiyaya), gift, ghrft, Jfift, dft give^ d& divide^ drfi 
rufij dhfi put and dhft auckj mft measure^ mlft, yfi, vfi blow, Btha« mi, 
b& remove; the later language adds kfmft, dhmft, and hfi leave, Fron 
Jfift and snft are found in AY. and later the shortened forms jfiapaya 
and snapaya, and from Qrft only Qrapaya (not in BY.). Also, in the 
later language, gift forms glapaya, and mlft forms mlapaya. 

k« Stems from fi-roots showing no p are, earlier, g&yaya (also g&pa- 
ya) from |/g& sinffj ebftyaya, pftyaya from ]/pft drink (or pi), pyi^- 
aya from )/pyft or py&y; aftyaya from ]/8ft (or si); also, later, livflj- 
aya from yhvE (or hu) ; — and ftirther, from roots vft weave, vy*, and 
9ft (or Qi), according to the grammarians. 

1. The same p is taken also by a few i- and i-roots, with other 
accompanying irregularities: thus, in the older language, kfepaya (BY., 
beside kfayaya) from yk^i possess; jftpaya (VS. and later) ftt)m yji; 
Iftpaya (TB. and later; later also l&yaya) from yu cling; 9rftpaya (YS., 
once) from Yqri; adhyftpaya (S. and later) from adlii-|->/i; — In the 
later, kfapaya (beside kfayaya) from |/kfi destroy; mftpaya from 
ymi; smftpaya (beside smayaya) from yemi] hrepaya from >'liri; 
— and the grammarians make further krftpaya from )/krI ; eftpaya (beside 
cSyaya) from yd gather; bhftpaya (beside bbfiyaya and bbi^aya) 
from yhhl ; repaya from >/r5, and vlepaya from yvll. Moreover, yiuh 
makes ropaya (B. and later) beside rohaya (V. and later), and yknu 
makes knopaya (late). 

m. More anomalous cases in which the so-called causative is palpably 
the denominative of a derived noun, are: p&laya from yptL protect; prx^iaya 
from yprl; Imaya (according to grammarians) from yU; dhfbiaya (not 
causative in sense) from |/dhu; bhifaya from yhhl; ghfttaya from ylian; 
Bphftvaya Arom |/sphft or sphfty. 

n. In the Prakrit, the causative stem is made from all roots by the 
addition of (the equivalent of) ftpaya; and a number (about a dozen) of 
like formations are quotable from Sanskrit texts, mostly of the latest period : 
but three, kri<}&paya, jivfipaya, and dik|&paya, occur in the epics; 
and two, a^ftpaya and kfftlftpaya, even in the Siitras. 

1048. Inflection: Present-System. The causative 

stem is inflected in the present-system precisely like other 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 




stems in ^ a (733 a) : it will be sufficient to give heie in 
general the first persons of the different formations, taking 
as model the stem mjTJ dhUriya, from yu dh^. Thus: 
1. Present Indioatiye. 




dhariyftvas dhftr&yfimas 




d. p. 

qT^tnc% mpTTq% 
dhftr&y&vahe dhftr&yftmahe 
etc. etc. 

a. The let pi. act. in masi greatly ontnumbeiB (as t«D to one) that 
in mas in both RY. and AY. No example occars of 2d pi. act. in thana, 
nor of 3d sing. mid. in e for ate. 

2. Present Subjunotive. 

For the sabjuDCtive may be instanced all the forms noted as 
occarring in the older language: 

1 dhftr&yft]^ dhftr&yftva 

^ Idh&r&y&t 

dbftrdyftthaa dhar&y&tha 

dhftr&yfttas dhftr^yftn 




3 /^«^y«« dhtoiymte 
Idhardyftt&i ^^^ 

b. Only one dnal mid. form in fiite occurs: mad&y&ite (RY.). The 
only RY. mid. form in fti, except in 1st dn., is maday&dhv&i. The 
primary endings in 2d and 3d sing. act. are more common than the secondary. 

3. Present Optative. 


dhfir&yeyam dhftr&yeva 




Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

1043— J XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 382 



uixosrf^ micHhI^ 


dhftr&yevahi dhftr&yemahi 


etc. etc. 

c. Optative forms are yery rare in the oldest Ungaage (four in RY., 
two in AY.); they become more common in the Brahmanas. A 3d sing, 
mid. in ita instead of eta (of. 788 b) occurs once in B. (kftmayita AB.), 
is not yery rare in S. (a score or two of examples are quotable), and 
is also found in MBh. and later. Of a corresponding 3d pi. in iran only 
one or two instances can be pointed out (k&mayiran A(S., kalpayiran 

4. Present Imperative. 


dhftr&ya dhftr&yatam dhftriyata 

etc. etc. etc. 


2 yi^UH ^[(IliiHH^ ^npra^ 

dhftr&yasva dhar&yethftm dhftr&yadhvam 
etc. etc. etc. 

d. Imperative persons with the ending tftt occur: dhftrayatftt (AY.) 
and oyavayat&t ((B.) are 2d sing. ; p&tayatftt ((B.) is 3d sing. ; gama^ 
yatftt and oyfivayatftt (K. etc.), and v&rayatftt (TB,) are used as 2d pi. 
Vftrayadhvftt (K. etc.) is 2d pi., and the only known example of such 
an ending (see above, 649 b). 

5. Present Participle. 

^I^Url dhar&yant UI^UHIUI dhftrdyamfina. 

e. The feminine of the active participle is regularly and usually made 
in anti (449 o). But a very few examples in ati are met with (one in 
the older language: namayati Apast.). 

f. The middle participle in mdna is made through the whole hi«Uffy 
of the language, from RV. (only y&t&yam&na) down, and is the only 
one met with in the earlier language (for Iray&nas [sic 1], MS. ii. 7. 12, 
is evidently a false reading, perhaps for frayft nas). But decidedly more 
common in the epics and later is one formed with ana: e. g. k&may&nav 
cintay&na, p&layftna, vedayftna. It is quotable from a larger number 
of roots than is the more regular participle in mfina. As it occurs in no 
accentuated text, its accent cannot be given. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

383 Causative. [—1046 

6. Imperfeot. 


1 sraippq^^ MMi(uH srarpiPT 

idhftrayam &dliftrayava ddhftrayfima 

etc. etc. etc. 


Uhftraye AdhfirayftTahi idhftrayfimalii 
etc. etc. etc. 

1044. As was aboTe pointed oat, the formations from the cansatiTe 
stem aya outside the present-system are in the oldest language very 
limited. In RV. are fonnd two forms of the future in syftmi, one passive 
participle (oodit&), and ten infinitives in dhy&i; also one or two deriv- 
ative noons in Iqp (bodhayitf , oodayitrl), five in if^u, seven in itnu, 
and a few in a (atip&ray&, iiidhftray&» vftcaml&khay&, viQvamejaya), 
and in u (dh&rajri^ bhftvayu, mandayu). In AY., also two s-future 
forms and four gerunds in tvfi; and a few derivative noun-stems, from 
one of which is made a periphrastic perfect (gamay&h oakara). In the 
Brahmanas, verbal derivative forms become more numerous and various, as 
will be noted in detail below. 

1045. Perfect. The accepted causative perfect is the 
periphrastic (1071a); a derivative noun in S is made from 
the causative stem, and to its accusative, in Sm, is added 
the auxiliary: thus, 

^||Ul ^RJT^ dhftrayaih oakSra (or Ssa: 1070b) 

^l^til ^9f\ dhSrayaih cakre 
a. Of this perfect no example occurs in RV. or SV. or VS., only one 
— gamayaih oakSra — in AY., and but half-a-dozen in all the various 
texts of the Black Tajur-Yeda, and these not in the mantra-parts of the 
text. They are also by no means frequent in the Brahmanas, except in 
9B. (where they abound: chiefly, perhaps, for the reason that this work 
uses in considerable part the perfect instead of the imperfect as its narrative 

1046. Aorist. The aorist of the causative conjugation 
is the reduplicated, which in general has nothing to do 
with the causative stem, but is made directly from the root. 

a. It has been already fully described (above, 856 ff.). 

b. Its asBOciation with the causative is probably founded on an 
original intensive character belonging to it as a reduplicated form, 
and is a matter of gradual growth; in the Veda, it is made from a 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1046—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 384 

considerable number of roots (in BY., more than a third of its in- 
stances; in AV., about a fifth) which have no causative stem in aya. 

o. The causative aorist of yu dhr, then, is as follows: 
1 *<<iy|H^ *<{iy^N *<<(1U(IH 

ddidharam ididliar&va Adidharfima 
etc. etc. etc. 

&cUdhare &didliarfiTabi ididharftmahi 

etc. etc. etc. 

An example was inflected in full at 864. 

1047. In a few cases, where the root has assumed a peculiar 
form before the causative sign — as by the addition of a p or f 
(above, 1042 i ff.) — the reduplicated aorist is made from this form 
instead of from the simple root: thus, ati^thipam from sthSp (stem 
Bthapaya) for >/8tha. Aorist-stems of this character from quasi-roots 
in &p are arpipa ()/r)» Jijapa or Jljipa, jij&apa or Jijfiipa, ^i^rapa, 
ti^t^ipa, jihipa; the only other example from the older langua^^e is 
bibhifa from bhi^ for yhhi, 

1048. But a few sporadic forms of an ii^-aorist from camative con- 
Jagation-Btems are met with: thus, dhvanayit (RV.; TS. has instead the 
wholly anomalous dhvanayit), vyathayis and ftilaylt (AY.), pyftyayi^ 
{hfis and av&dayi^fhfts (KBU.), in the older language (RY. has »lso 
tlnayis from a denominative stem); in the later, ahladayifata (DKC), 
and probably a^h&tayithas (MBh.; for -ifth&a: cf. 904 d). The passiTe 
3d sing, aropi, from the causative ropaya, has a late occurrence (^atr.). 

1049. A precative is of course allowed by the grammarians to be 
made for the causative conjugation: in the middle, from the causative stem 
with the auxiliary i substituted for its final a; in the active, ftom the 
form of the root as strengthened in the causative stem, but without ib« 
causative sign: thus, 

MIUIVIM dhftryftsam etc. ^({{IJNIU dhfirayifiya etc. 

This formation is to be regarded as purely fictitious. 

1050. Futures. Both futures, with the conditional, 
are made from the causative stem, with the auxiliary t t 
which takes the place of its final ^ a. Thus: 

UI|fU^|fH dhftrayifydmi etc. t|||{I|^ dhftrayi^y^ etc. 
^I^nj^tl dhftrasri^y&nt tJl^fll^HIUI dhSrayi^ydmS^a 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

385 Causativb. [—1061 

Cmr^firsax? &dhftMjii|^am eto. ilMI^Rl^ &dhftr»yl9y« etc. 

Periphrastio Fntnre. 
Ul^fUHlfH dhfira^tfUmi etc. 

a. It has been mentioned above tiiat RY. and AY. contidn only two 
examples each of the s-fbtare, and none of the periphrastic. The former 
begin to appear in the BrShmanas more nnmerondy, bnt still sparingly, 
with participles, and conditional (only ndhiSrayitfyt (B.; alSpayi^ya- 
thSs GhU.); of the latter, (B. affords two instanoes (pBra^tasHii and 
Janayitfbi). Examples of botii formations are quotable from the later 
language (including the middle form dar^ayitSlie : 947 c). 

1061. Verbal Nouns and AdjectiYes. These are 
made in two different ways: either 1. from the full causa- 
tiYe stem (in the same manner as the futures, just des- 
cribed); or 2. from the causatively strengthened root-form 
(with loss of the causa tiYe-sign) . 

a. To the latter class belong the paBsiye participle, as dhftrita; 
the gerundive and gernnd in ya, as dhfirsrs, -dhSrya; and the gerund 
in am, as dhftram; also, in the older language, the root-infinitive, 
as -dhftram etc. (970 a). To the former class belong the infinitive 
and the gerund in tva, as dlifirayitum, dharayitvfi, and the gerundive 
in tavya, as dharayitavya (also, in the older language, the infinitives 
in tavfii and dhyfti, as j&nayitav&f, iray&dhy&i» etc.). The auxiliary 
1 is taken in every formation which ever admits that vowel. 

b. Bzamples of the passive participle axe: irit^ vftsita, ^rSvitA. 
Bnt from the qnasi-root jiiap (1042 J) is made jliapta, without nnion- 

e. Examples of the infinitive and gerund in tvft are: J6fayitum, 
dHarayitmn ; kalpayitva, arpajritva. But in the epics, and even later, 
inflnitiYeB are occasionally made with loss of the causatlTe-sign : e. g. 
9e9itiim» blifivitum» dhftritum» mocitum. 

d. Examples of the gerunds in ya and am are: -bbf^jya, -ghftrya, 
-pftdya, -vfiaya, nfiyya, -sthftpya; -bhi^am, stbftpam. But stems 
showing in the root-syllable no difference from the root retain ay of the 
causative-sign in the gerund, to distinguish it from that belonging to the 
primary conjugation : e. g. -kramiyya, -gam&yya» -jan&yya, -Jval&srya, 
•kalayya, -9amayya, -racayya, -ftpayya. 

e. Examples of the gerundive in tavya are: tarpayitavy^ gam- 
syitavya, hvftyayitavya ; of that in ya, atbapya, hirya, yiUya; of 
that in an|ya» sthftpanlya, bhavanlya. 

Whitney, Orsmmar. 8. ed. 25 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

1061—] XIV. Sbcondaey Conjugation. 386 

f. Examples of other formations ocurring in the older langaage are 
as follows: root-inflnitiYe, -sthapaniy -vftsas; — infinitive in tu, other 
cases than aocnsative, -janayitave; j&nayitavafy payayitavfi£» -^oot- 
ayitavfif; Qdmayitos; — inflnitlTe in dhyfii, ifay&dhy&i, iray&dhyfii, 
taABay&dhyftiy nft9ay&dhy&i, manday&dhySi, mftday&dhy&i, rif- 
ay&dhySi, vartay&dhy&i, vfijay&dhyOi, syanday&dliy&i (&U BY.); 
— gerundive in fiyya, panayayya, sp^hayayya, trayayayya (? >^trft). 

g. Other noun-deriTatiyes ftom the cansative stem are not infrequent, 
being decidedly more nnmerons and yarions than from any other of the 
secondary conjugation-stems. Eiamples (of other kinds than those instanced 
in 1044) are: ktpBj^ d&pana, pru^Lana, bhliffaj^a; jxlftpaka, ropaka; 
patay&lu, spfhayftlu; J&nayati, jiiaptd. 

h« All the classes of deriyatives, it will be noticed, follow in regtid 
to accent the analogy of similar formations horn the simple root, and show 
no influence of the special accent of the causatiye-stem. 

1052. Deiiyative or Teitiary Conjugations. 
Fiom the causative stem are made a passive and a de- 
sideiative conjugation. Thus: 

a. The passive-stem is formed by adding the usual 
passivoHsign IT y^ to the causatively strengthened root, the 
causative-sign being dropped: thus, ITTOH dhSry^te. 

b. Such passives are hardly found in the Teda (only bh^yd- AY.), 
but some thirty instances are met with in the Brahmanas and Sutras: ex- 
amples are jiiapyd- (TS.), s&dya- (K.), pftdya- (AB.), vftdya- (TB,), 
sthftpya- (OB.); and they become quite common later. 

o. The desiderative stem is made by reduplication and 

addition of the sign ^ iffa, of which the initial vowel replaces 

the final of the causative stem: thus, {^MI^fUMfrl didhSrayi^ti 

d. These, too, are found here and there in the Brahmanas and later 
(about forty stems are quotable) : examples are pipgyayifa (K.), bibhSv- 
ayifa and cikalpasrifa and lulobhayifa (AB.)} dldrapayifa and rirfidb- 
ajri^ (?B.), and so on. 

e. As to causatives made from the intensive and desiderative stems, 
see above, 1025, 1089. 

V. Denominative. 

1058. A denominative conjugation is one that has for 

its basis a noun-stem. 

a. It is a view now prevailingly held that most of the present- 
systems of the Sanskrit verb, along with other formations analogous with a 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

387 Denominative. [ — 1066 

present-system, are in their ultimate origin denominative; and that many 
apparent roots are of the same character. The denominatives wliich are so 
called differ from these only in that their origin is recent and nndiggnised. 

1054. The giammarians teaoh that any noun-stem in 
the language may be conveited, without other addition than 
that of an iEI a (as union-vowel enabling it to be inflected 
according to the second general conjugation) into a present- 
stem^ and conjugated as such. 

a. But snch formations are rare in actual use. The RY. has a few 
isolated and doubtful examples, the clearest of which is bhif^kti he hedU, 
from bhifU physician) it is made like a form of the root-class; abhifijiak 
seems to be its imperfect according to the nasal class j and p&tyate li€ 
rules appears to be a denominative of p&ti master', other possible cases 
are ifaj^iaa etc., kfp&i^anta, taru^ema etc., vanufanta, bhurajanta» 
vtoanvati. From the other older texts are quotable kavy&nt (TS.), 
49lonat (TB.), unmulati (SB.), svadhfimahe (99S.). And a consider- 
able number of instances, mostly isolated, are found in the later language: 
e. g. kalahant (MBh.), arghanti (Pafic), abjati (9atr.), gardabhati 
(SD.), ntka^fhate (SD.), Jagannetrati (Pras.), keli9vetaBahaBra- 
pattrati (Pras.)- 

1056. In general, the base of denominative conjugation 
is made from the noun-stem by means of the conjugation- 
sign TJ[ yd, which has the accent. 

a. The identity of this ya with the ya of the so-called causative 
conjugation, as making with the final a of a noun-stem the causative-sign 
aya, is hardly to be questioned. What relation it sustains to the ya of 
the ya-class (759), of the passive (708), and of the derivative intensive 
stem (1016), is much more doubtful. 

1058. Intermediate between the denominatiye and causative 
coDJugatioDS stands a class of verbs, plainly denominative in origin, 
but having the causative accent. Examples, beginning to appear at the 
earliest period of the language, are mantr&yate speaks, takes counsel, 
(from mantra, )/man + tra), kirt&yati commemorates (from kirti, 
l/kf praise'), arth&yati or -te makes an object of, seeks (from &rtlia goal, 
object), van^ayati depicts (from van^a color), kathayati or -te gives 
the how of anything, relates (from katham howf), and so on. These, 
along with like forms from roots which have no other present-system 
(though they may make scattering forms outside that system from 
the root directly), or which have this beside other present-systems 
without causative meaning, -are reckoned by the grammarians as a 
separate conjugation-class, the cur-class (above, 807, 775). 


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1057—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 388 

1067. Denominatiyes are formed at eyeiy period in the 

history of the language, from the earliest down. 

a. They are frequent in BY., which contains oyer a hundred , 
of all yarieties ; AV. has only half as many (and personal forms from 
hardly a third as many: from the rest, present participles, or deriy- 
ative nouns); AB., less than twenty; QB., hardly more than a dozen; 
and so on. In the later language they are quotable by hundreds^ 
but from the yast majority of stems occur only an example or two; 
the only ones that haye won any currency are those that haye assumed 
the character of '^cnr-class*' verbs. 

1058. The denominatiye meaning is, a« in other lan- 
guages, of the greatest yariety; some of the most frequent 
forms of it are: be like^ act aSy play, the part of\ regard 
or treat a8\ cause to be^ make into; use, make application 
of; desire, toish for, crave — that which is signified by the 

a. The modes of treatment of the stem-final are also yarioua; 
and the grammarians make a certain more or less definite assignment 
of the varieties of meaning to the yarieties of form; but this allot- 
ment finds only a dubious support in the usages of the words as met 
with even in the later language, and still less in the earlier. Hence 
the formal classification, according to the final of the noun-stem 
and the way in which this is treated before the denominatiye sign yA, 
will be the best one to follow. 

1068. From stems in a. a. The final a of a noun-stem 
oftenest remains unchanged: thus, amitray&ti plays tiltf enemy, ie 
hoetUe-, deyay&ti cultivates the gods, is pious. 

b. But final a is also often lengthened: thus, aghSy&ti plam 
mischief 'y priyfiy&te J^lds dear; agySy&ti seeks for horses; aganiy4tl 
desires food, 

c. While in the Veda the various modes of denomintiiye fbniialioii 
are weU distributed, no one showing a marked preponderance, in the latsr 
langnage the vast majority of donominatlTes (fully seven eighths) are ef 
the two kinds jast noticed: namely, made from a-stems, and of the fotm 
aya or fiya, the former predominating. And there is seen a decided ten- 
dency to give the denominatives in aya an active f^rm and tnositive mean- 
ing, and those in ftya a middle form and Intransitive or reflexive meaning. 
In not a few cases, parallel formations from the same stem illusftrato this 
distinction: e. g. kalufayati makes turbid, kalufiyate is or beeomee 
turbid; tanujiayati r^uvenates, taro^fiyate is rejuvenated; fitfaUsiyatt 
loosens, 9ithilayate grou)s hose. No distinct traces of this distincten are 

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389 Dbnominativb. [-—1064 

reoogninble in the Teda, although the? e also conespoBding forms with short 
a and with long ft sometiines stand side by side. 

d. Final a is sometimes changed to i (Tery rarely i) : thns, adlivsrly&ti 
performs the sacrifice; tavl^Iy&ti is mighty ; putrfy&ld or putriy&ti desires 
a sen; mMiuOykti craves jUsh; si^yate is ready; oandrakfintSjrati is 
moonstanelike. Not fifty stems of this form are quotable. 

e. It is oecasionally dropped (after n or r) : thns, tara^jr&ti is rapid; 
adhryary&td performs the sacri^fice, 

f. Other modes of treatment are sporadic: thus, the addition of 8, as 
in Btanasyati seeks the breast; the change of a to e, as in varey&ti 
plays the toooer. 

1060. From stems in ft. Final ft usually remains, as in gopfty- 
Ati plays the herdsman, protects; yfUa^M^Ati Jighis; hut it is sometimes 
treated in the other methods of an a-stem; thus, p^^tanyati fights; tilotta- 
miyati acts Tilottama. 

1061. From stems in i, i, and u, &. Such stems are (especially 
those in tL» il) very rare. They show regularly i and ft befbre ya: thus, 
arfitly&tl (also -tiy-) pUis injury; janiy&ti (also -niy-) seeks a wife; 
sakhly&ti desires friendship; nftriyate turns woman; — 9atrQy&ti acts 
the foe; fjl&y&ti is straight; vasny&td desires wealth; nsuykti grumhleSy 
is discontented: with short u, gfttay&U sets in motion. 

a. More rarely, i or u is treated as a (or else is gunated, with loss 
of a y or v): thus, dhunay&ti comes snorting; laghayati makes easier. 
Sometimes, as to a (above, 1069 f), a sibilant is added: thus, avi^y^ti 
is vehement; um^y&ti saves. From dhl, BY. makes dhlyfty&te. 

1062. From other to wel -stems, a. Final ^ is changed to rl: 
thus, mfttiiy&ti treats as a mother (only quotable example). 

b. The diphthongs, in the few cases that occur, have their final ele- 
ment changed to a semiTOwel: thus, gavy&tl seeks cattle^ goes a-raiding. 

1068. From consonant-stems. A final consonant usually remains 
before ya : thus, bhi^ajy&ti plays the physician, cures ; uki^a^&ti ads 
like a hull; apasy&ti is active; namasy&ti pays reverence; BvaxiajiABykte 
is favorably disposed; taruijy&ti fights. 

a. But a final n is sometimes dropped, and the preceding vowel treated 
as a final: thus, riy&y&te or riyiy&ti is kingly^ tiom rsyan; -karma- 
yati from -karman; svfimiyati treats as master, from Bvftmin: Tqr9&- 
y&te from v^^^an is the only example quotable from the older language. 
Sporadic cases occur of other final consonants similarly treated: thus, ojft- 
y&te from ojas, -manftyate from -manas; — while, on the other hand, 
an a-vowel is occasionally added to such a consonant before ya: thus, i^a- 
y4td from if, satvaniyati from satvan. 

1064. The largest class of consonantal stems are those showing a B 
before the ya; and, as has been seen above, a sibilant is sometimes, by 
analogy, added to a final vowel, making the denomitive-sign virtually sya 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1064—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 390 

— or eTCD, with a also added after an i- or a-vowel, asya; and this cozii» 
to be recognized by the grammarians as an independent sign, forming denoc- 
inatiyes that express desire: thus, suxnakhasy&te is merry ; jlvanaaym- 
(in -sya love of life)] v^^fasyati desires the male (the only quotable exan- 
pies); madhufyati or madhvasyati longs for honey] kiirassrati eracet 

1066. The grammarians reckon as a special class of denomiiiatiTe* 
in kftmya what are really only ordinary ones made from a compound noon- 
stem having kama as Its final member : thus, rathakfimyati lan^ for 
the chariot (K.: only example fonnd in the older language); arthalcSm- 
yati desires wealth-, putrak&myati wishes a son (the only quotable exam- 
ples) ; coming from the possessiTe compounds rathakftma etc. And artbJL- 
pftyati treats as property is a (sole quotable) example of a stem kaTing 
the Prakritic causatiye form (1042 n), 

a. Stems of anomalous formation are drfighaya from dirgha, dra^k- 
aya from dr^a, and perhaps mradaya from m^o. 

1066. a. A number of denominatiye stems occur in the Veda for 
which no corresponding noun-stems are found, although for all or nearly 
all of them related words appear: thus, ankuy&, Btabhuyd, i^udliya; 
dhi^ai^yd, rifa^yi, ruvanya, havanya, ifa^&; ratharyd, ^ratharya* 
saparya; iyasya ((B.), irasyd, da^asy^, makhasyd, panasySy sa- 
oasyi. Those in anya, especially, look like the beginnings of a new 

b. Haying still more that aspect, however, are a Yedic group of stems 
in ftya, which in general have allied themselves to present-systems of the 
nft-class (782), and are found alongside the forms of that class: thur, 
grbhfty&ti beside g^bhi^ftti. Of such, RV. has g^bbftyd, mathfiyi, 
pniffty&y mu9&y&, 9rathfiya» skabbftyd, stabbftyi. A few others 
haye no nft-class rompanious: thus, damfiy&, 9aiDfiy&, tudfiy& (AV.); 
and panftya, na9&ya» v^^&ya (yvx^ rain), vasfiyi (yvas clothe), and 
perhaps a^ftya (/a9 attain), 

O. Here may be mentioned also quasi-denominatives made from one- 
matopoetic combinations of sounds, generally with repetition: e. g. ki^aki- 
(ftya, thatathatarftya, mifami^&ya, 9ara9arfiya. 

1067. The denominatiye stems in RV. and AY. with causative accent- 
uation are: RY. a&kh&ya, arth&ya, if&ya (also i^ay^), urj&ya, ftAya, 
kfp&ya, maiitr&ya» mrg&ya» vavr&ya» viy&ya (also vl^ayi), viliiya, 
BUQv&ya (also su^vayi) ; AY. adds kirt&ya» dhtip&ya, pftl&ya, vir&ya, 

a. The accent of &imiya and hdstaya (RY.) is wholly anomalous. 

1068. Inflection. The denominatiYe stems are in- 
flected with regularity like the other stems ending in 39 a 
(788 a] throughout the present-system. Forms outside of 

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391 Denominative. [—1069 

that system — except fiom the stems which aie reckoned 
to the causative or our-class, and which follow in all re- 
spects the rules for that class — are of the utmost rarity. 

a« In BV. occurs no form not belonging to the present-system, except 
nnayls (with ma prohibitive), an ii-aorist 2d sing. (of. 1048). Fxirthei 
examples of this torist are &8uyit ((B.), papayi^ta (^S.: pi., with mi 
prohibitive), and avr^Esd^ata (VS. etc.). The form Asaparyait (AV. 
xiv. 2. 20), with ai for i (555 c), might be aorist; bnt, as the metre 
shows, is probably a corrupt reading; amanaeyftit, certainly imperfect, 
appears to occur in IB. (ii. 3. 8^). Other forms begin to appear in the 
Biahmanas: e. g. the futures gopftyi^yati ((B.), meghayify&nt, luu^- 
cjuyi^y&nt, Qikftyify&nt (TS.), the participles bhifajyit4 (? JB. -jita) 
and iyasiti (9B.), ka]^<}uyit4, 9ikit&, and meghit& (TS.), the gerund 
sazhQl^k^i^ya ((B.), and so on. In the later language, also, forms out- 
side the present-system (except the participle in ta) are only sporadic; and 
of tertiary conjugation forms there are hardly any: examples are the causa- 
tiyes dhum&yaya and as^aya (MBh.), and the desiderative abhififei^a- 
yifa (gig.). 

b. Noun-derivatives from denominative stems follow the analogy of 
those from causative stems (1051g). In the older language, those in a 
and a (especially the former) are much the most numerous; later, that in 
ana prevails over all others. 



1069. One periphrastic formation, the periphrastic 
future, has been already described (942 ff.), since it has 
become in the later language a recognized part of every 
verbal conjugation, and since, though still remainig essen- 
tially periphrastic, it has been so fused in its parts and al- 
tered in construction as to assume in considerable measure 
the semblance of an integral tense-formation. 

By far the most important other formation of the 
class is — 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

1070—] XV. Periphrastic and Compound Conjugation. 392 

The Periphrastic Perfect 

1070. This (though almost unknown in the Veda, and 
coming only gradually into use in the Biahmanas) is a 
tense widely, made and firequenlly used in ihe clwjwKiml 

a. It is made by prefixing the acjiisative of a deriva- 
tive noun-stem in 9T i (accented) to the perfect tense _pf an 
auxiliary verb : namely, of y^ k^ make, more often of 
05IH as be, and very rarely of yH bhtl be. 

b. In the older Ungaage (see below, 107Bd), kf is almost the only 
auxiliary used in making this tense, as oconrring yery few times, and bhfi 
neyer. Later, also, bhtl is qoite rare (it is found nine times in MBh., 
six times in Rgh., and a few times elsewhere), hut as gains Tory greatly 
in currency, haying become the usual auxiliary, while kf is only exceptional. 

c« Somewhat - similar formations with yet other auxiliaries are not 
absolutely unknown in the later language: thus varayfiih praoaknunus 
(MBh.), p^ayftm (etc.) vyadhus (YTracaritra), m^^gaySm av&tait (ib.). 

1071. The periphrastic perfect occurs as follows: 

a. It is the accepted perfect of the derivative conjuga- 
tions: intensive, desiderative, causative, and denominatiTe; 
the noun in ^ i being made from the present-stem which is 
the general basis of each conjugation: thus, from ysm budh, 
intensive <M [®U4 l^^bobudhim, desiderative 5>J=RW bubhuteim, 
causative <^Mti i<^bodhay&m ; denominative TTPHTR mantray- 

b« The formation from causatiye stems (including those denominatiyes 
which haye assumed the aspect of causatiyes: 1066) is by far the most 
frequent Only a few desideratiyes are quotable (1034 a), and of inten- 
siyes only jfigaram ftsa (1020 a; beside Jsjag&ra). 

o. Most roots beginning with a vowel in a heavy syl- 
lable (long by nature or long by position) make this perfect 
only, and not the simple one: thus, 9THFT &sfim from yiHH 
Ss sit; J^TR Ik^&m from y^ tk^ see; ^s^lH^ujjhfim from 
V3^ ujh forsake; ^ym edhfim from Y^ edh thrive (the 
only examples quotable). 

Digitized by VjOOQ iC 

393 PsRijrasASTic Pbbfbot. [—1^73 

d. Excepted are the roots ftp and ftftoh, and those beginning with a 
before two consonants (and taking ftn as reduplication: 788). 

e. The roots (tiiat is, stems reckoned by the grammarians as roots) of 
more than one syllable have their perfect of this formation: thns, oaklsim. 
Bnt Qr^XL (718) is said to form Qr^oiUlTm only; while Jfig^p (lOSO) 
makes a perfect of either formation, and daridrft (1024 a) is said to do 
tbe same. 

f. A few other roots make tbe periphrastic in addition to the nsnal 
radnpUcated perfect Thus, in the older language only are tovnd tiie stems 
emySm, t&jrftm, nilayftm, vlsftm iyvtm dwell), vidftm (Vvid kww), 
vyayfim, and the reduplicated stems bibhi^ftm and juhaTtm ; the later 
langaage adds ayim, jayftm, dayftm, nagrSm, smayftm, hvayfim, and 
the redoplicated bibtharftm; and the grammarians teach like formatioiis