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Full text of "Asiatic Papers"

BY THE SAME AUTHOR. 



IN ENGLISH. 

The Farsees at the Court of Akbar and Dastur Meherji Rana. 

Aiy&dgar-i-Zariran, Shatroiha-i-Airan, va Afdya va Sahi- 
giya-Seistan, i.e., The Memoir of Zarir, Cities of Ir&n, and 
the Wonders and Marvels of Seistan. (Pahlavi Translations, 
Part I. Texts in Gujarati character, with English and 
Gujarati translations and notes). 

J&maapi (Pahlavi Translations, Part III. Pahlavi, Pasend and 
Persian texts with translations). 

The Persian Farziat nameh and Kholaseh-i Din of Dastur 
Darab P&hlan, Text and English Version with Notes. 

Asiatic Papers, Parts I and II. 

Anthropological Papers, Parts I, II and III. (Part IV in 
the Press). 

Masonic Papers. 

Dante Papers. 

Memorial Papers. 

The Parsees at the Court of Akbar and Dastur Meherji Rana. 

Anquetil Du Perron and Dastur Darab. 

Moral Extracts from Zoroastrian Books. 

A few Events in the Early History of the Parsees and their 
Dates. 

A Glimpse into the Work of the Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic- 
Society during the last 100 years, from a Parsee point of 
view. 

Dastur Bahman Kaikobad and the Kisseh-i- Sanjan. 

Education among the Ancient Iranians. 

Religious Ceremonies and Customs of the Parsees. 

The Religious System of the Parsees. 

A Catechism of the Zoroastrian Religion. 

The Nadjote Ceremony of the Parsees 

The Marriage Ceremony of the Parsee 

Marriage Customs among the Parse 
similar customs of other Nations, 

Les Impressions d'un Parsi sur la Vil 

La Visite d'un Parsi & la Vile de Com 

La Ceremonie du Naojote parmi les } 



GUJERATL 

(Meteorology). 

(Jamshed, Horn and Fire). 



(The Social Life, Geography and Articles of Faith of Av( 
times). 

>3 AnAhita and Farohar. 

of the Sc 
(Mithra and the Feast of Mithras). 

}*:l (A Dictionary of Avestic Prc 

Names). 

(Iranian Essays, Part I). 
(Iranian Essays, Part IT). 

(Iranian Essays. Part III). 
(A Sermon on Death). 

l*il ^1"^ ^'Jl (Shah-nameh up to the reign 
Minocheher). 

(Shah-nameh and Fridousi). 
>IPI ^SU (Lectures before the Dn; 
Prasarak Society, Part I). 

(Lectures before the Dn; 
Prasarak Society, Part II). 

(Lectures before the Dn; 
Prasarak Society, Part III). 

"UMl-te RH*U <HPl *4l^U (Lectures before the Dn; 
Prasarak Society, Part IV). 

(Zoroastrian Catechism ) . 
(History of the Zoroastrian Religic 
*HH, ^Hl^Hl (Zoroastrian Rites i 
Ceremonies). 

rll fe/fdl^i 1PI ^^U (Ancient History of Ir 
Part I). 

(Peshdadian Dynasty of Iran). 
tAKd "^HlKlMH < (Kyanian Dynasty of Iran). 

.^ \ . . _f\ t _^ .>*..>" f\ M..k,i7^i -w..*H ^iiTTiJit^k AJI^I ^i.ij^ii (I^ectl 

T\ 



GUJERATI {contd.) 

(Lectures 



and Sermons on Zoroastrian Subjects, Part II). 

M ttX'cfl <Hl^l ^ ^l^H<?A, <HPl ^l^l (Lectures 
and Sermons on Zoroastrian Subjects, Part III). 

^ *i'"tMl <Hl^l ^ Hl^H^l, <hPl *lftl (Lectures 
and Sermons on Zoroastrian Subjects, Part IV). 

M ^'^Vfl ti^i ^71 U*tfil, <HPl Nl=HMl (Lectures 
and Sermons on Zoroastrian Subjects, Part V). 

^i'Hl otl^l ^^l qi^H^M, otl^l ftjli (Lectures 
and Sermons on Zoroastrian Subjects, Part VI). 

(Bundehesh, Transliteration and Translation with 
Notes in Gujarati, Pahlavi Translations, Part II). 



(The Ancient Iranians, 
according to Herodotus and Strabo, compared with the 
Avesta and other Parsee Books). 

tR ^S5il (Episodes from the Shah-nameh, 
Part I). 

, <HPl 41^ (Episodes from the Shah-nameh, 
Part II). 

ll (Heroines of the Shah-nameh). 



(An Inquiry from Pahlavi, Pazend, 
Persian and other works on the subject of the Number of 
Days of the Fravardegan). 

MlVtfl H^M ^Idi^l (Bombay Parsee Charities). 



WORKS EDITED BY THE SAME AUTHOR. 



K. R. CAMA MEMORIAL VOLUME. 

THE PAHLAVI MiDioiN-i-HAZiB 

K. R. CAMA MASONIC JUBILEE VOLUME. 

SPIEGEL MEMORIAL VOLUME. 

SIR J. J. MADRESSA JUBILEE VOLUME. 



to 

THE CHANCELLOR, 

VIOB-GHANCELLOR AND FELLOWS OF THE BOMBAY UNTYEMTTY, 
A8 AN HUMBLE TOKEN OF MY APPRECIATION 
OF THE SPLENDID WORK OF THE UNIVERSITY 

AND 

As A SOUVENIR OF THIS, THE JUBILEE 
YEAR OF HY GRADUATION (1877) AND THE 
QUARANTINE YEAR OF MY FELLOWSHIP (1887). 



CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

I. THE MOGUL EMPERORS AT KASHMIR : JEHANGIR'S 
INSCRIPTION AT VIRNAG, AN INSCRIPTION ON THE DAL 

LAKE . . *. 1 

Kashmir, Its central position geographically and 

historically . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 

History of Kashmir before the Moguls . . . . . . 4 

The Moguls and Kashmir . . .... . . . . 7 

Akbar and Kashmir . . . . . . . . . . 8 

Kashmir as described in the Ain-i-Akbari . . . . 10 

Abul Fazul on the beauty of Kashmir . . . . 10 

The Vernag spring, described in the Ain-i-Akbari . . 11 
The beauty of Kashmir, Jehangir's hand in beautifying 

it 11 

Beveridge's estimate of the taste of Jehangir . . . . 12 

Jehangir's six visits of Kashmir . . . . . . 12 

Vernag, described by Jehangir in his Tuzuk-i- Jehangir 13 
Jehangir's visit to Kashmir in the 14th- 15th year of his 

reign (1029 Hijri, A.D. 1620) 14 

Jehangir's admiration of Kashmir . . . . . . 16 

Jehangir's faith in Astrology . . . . . . . . 17 

Jehangir's account of the ghinars of Kashmir . . 17 

The Garden of Sh&laniar 15 

Jeharigir's foiidness for gardens . . . . . . . . 19 

Jeharigir's taste of art, as displayed in the Dal garden 

palaces of Kashmir . . . . . . . . . . 19 

Jehangir's account of the flower-margs of Kashmir . . 19 

Machi Bhavan and Adival (Achibal) . . . . . . 20 

The spring of Vernag . . . . . . . . . . 21 

The origin of the name Vernag . . . . . . 22 

P&mpur 23 

Jehangir's second visit of Kashmir as Emperor in 1924. 23 

Experiments on saffron and birds 25 

Jehangir's fourth and last visit to Kashmir in 1926 . 26 
Some further particulars from Mu'tamad Khan's 

Iqbal n&meh-i-Jehangiri .. 26 



li ASIATIC PAPERS 

PAGE 

The memoirs of Jehangir translated by Major David 

Price 27 

Jehangir's fondness of commemorating events by 

Inscriptions . . . . . . 28 

Shah Jehan and Kashmir 29 

Shah- Jehan's visit of Virnag 30 

Shah- Jehan's Inscriptions of Kashmir 31 

Aurangzeb and Kashmir . . . . . . . . 32 

The Banihal Pass near Virnag . . . . . . . . 32 

Transport for Aurangzeb's visit to Kashmir . . . . 35 

The Mogul Emperors after Aurangzeb 36 

The Influence of Persia through the Moguls upon 

Kashmir in particular and India in general . . . 37 
The Persians and gardening. The Mogul gardens of 

Kashmir 39 

References to Jehangir's visits to Virnag . . . . 42 

Who is the Haidar referred to in the second Inscription ? 43 
Haidar Malik referred to in Muhammad Aatzim's His- 
tory of Kashmir . . . . . . . . . 44 

Who is the king referred to in the second Inscription ? 46 

The original place of the 2nd tablet 46 

II. THE STORY OP THE KING AND THE GARDENER IN THE 

WAKI'AT-I JEHANGIRI OF JEHANGIR AND ITS PARALLELS 51 

The Story 51 

A parallel from the Shah-Nameh of Firdousi 

Another parallel . . . . . . . . . . . . 54 

III. AN INSTANCE OF ROYAL SWAYAMVARA DESCRIBED 

IN THE SHAH-NAMEH OF FIRDOUSI 57 

IV. ARCHERY IN ANCIENT PERSIA. A FEW EXTRA- 
ORDINARY FEATS 65 

Archery among the ancient Iranians according to 

Herodotus 65 

Archery as represented on the ancient monuments of 

Persia . . . . . . . . , . . . . 66 

Archery as referred to in the Avesta . . . . 66 

Symbolic signification of a bow and arrow . . . . 67 

Symbolic signification of a bow and arrow upon Iranian 

monuments 68 



CONTENTS 111 

PAQE 

Malcolm's story 68 

Firdousi's version of this story 69 

Madame Dieulafoy's painting 70 

Another hunting feat of Behramgour according to 

Tabari 70 

Erekhsha, a famous Iranian Archer . . . . . . 70 

V. AN UNPUBtiSHED MOGUL INSCRIPTION AT THE MAR- 

OALLA PASS NEAR RAWALPINDI . . 77 

Plan and Tablet 79 

Markaleh of the Tablet is the Margalla Pass . . . . 82 

Who is the Khan referred ? 82 

The statement of the Rawalpindi Gazetteer examined. . 89 

What is it that the Inscription takes a note of ? . . 90 
VI. A FARMAN OF EMPEROR JEHANQIR IN FAVOUR OF 
TWO PARSEES OF THE DORDI FAMILY OF NAOSARI, 
WITH OTHER COGNATE DOCUMENTS OF THE MOGUL 

TIMES 98 

The commencement of the Farman with the words 

" Allah Akbar " 116 

The King's seal at the head of the Farman .. .. 116 
Peculiarities of the Farman 

(a) The golden colour of the square on the seal . . 7 9 , 
(6) And the red colour of some of its letters . . . . J 

The first two short lines and the Tughra characters . . 122 

Decipherment of other seals . . . . . . . . 122 

Saiyid Ahmad Kadari 125 

Nuru-d-din Quli 125 

Mahamad Baqur 125 

$aiyid Mir Muhammad . . . . 126 

Mulla Jamasp and Mulla Hoshang 126 

Jehangir's name for Wednesday . . . . . . 132 

Why such a large Reward for four goblets of afar . . 138 
Jehangir's appreciation of atar. Another example of a 

present in appreciation . . . . . . . . 138 

Naosari famous for its perfumes . . 139 

Regard for the priestly class . . . . . . . . 139 

Two copies of the Chak-nameh of Mehernoush . . 157 



IV ASIATIC PAPEES. 

PAGB 

VII. SOME PRAYER-GESTURES OF THE BABYLONIANS 
AND ASSYRIANS, THEIR PARALLELS AMONG THE ANCIENT 

IRANIANS AND MODERN PARSEES 170 

Babylon, the Bawri of the A vesta. Its founder 

Baevar (asp) . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 72 

Some hand-poses of the Avesta 174 

Processions and Processional scenes . . . . ... 175 

The praying figures in the Babylonian and Iranian 

Archaeology . . . . . . . . . . . . 176 

The use of hands in Prayers . . . . . . . . 177 

The winged genii of the Babylonians and the winged 

Farohars of the Iranians . . . . . . . . 178 

The various attitudes of the worshipper's hands . . 178 

The attitude of being led by the hand 179 

Two peculiarities of the Iranian Sculptures in this matter 1 80 
The attitude of the right hand extended and the forearm 

raised parallel to the face, palm inward . . . . 182 

The extended or outstretched hands . . . . . . 182 

The forearm raised parallel with the face, palm inward 183 

The left hand 18(> 

Both hands folded 1 8(> 

The " kiss hand " pose or attitude . . . . . . 187 

The pointed finger attitude of the hand . . . . 1 8S 

Various attitudes of the hand and their significations 

as observed among the Iranians . . . . . . 191 

Hand-postures in Sassanian coins liKS 

Detestation for the Evil 194 

VIII. A VISIT TO THE GREAT WALL OF CHINA. A SIMILAR 

WALL OF KING NOSHIRWAN (CHOSROES 1) OF PERSIA . . 195 

The Great Wall of China, one of the wonders of the 

ancient world . . 196 

China, a country of walls . . . . . . . . 197 

My visit ' 197 

The extent of the Wall 199 

A sketch of the history of China and the builder of 

the Great Wall 199 

The effect of the Great wall upon the history of the 

World '. .- 202 



% CONTENTS V 

PAGE 

The wall of Noshirwfm according to Ma^oudi . . 204 

NoshirwAn's wall according to Yaqout . . . . 207 
Noshirwan's wall referred to in the Turkish Der- 

bend Nameh 209 

Tabari on Noshirwan's spring of water at Derbend . . 210 

Professor Jackson's account of his visit to the wall . . 211 

Wall of Alexander 212 

The process of constructing wall . . . . . . 212 

Persia's communication with China . . . . . . 213 

IX. THE AFGHANISTAN OF THE AMIR AND THE ANCIENT 

MAZDAYACNiNS . . . . . . . . . . ' . . 215 

X. A PARSEE PRAYER, PRESENTING PASSAGES PARAL- 
LEL TO THOSE OF TWO GREEK AND CHINESE ANECDOTES. 225 

XT. WINE AMONG THE ANCIENT PERSIANS . . . . 231 

The teachings of Iranian Literature 232 

Classical writers . . . . . . . . . . . . ' 234 

Pahlavi writers . . . . . . . , . . . . 240 

Usages of Wine drinking . . . . 241 

Old Wine 243 

Date Wine 243 

XII. MAHOMEDAN VIEW OF COMETS. THE VIEW OF 

THE ANCIENT IRANIANS (PlSHlNlGiN) . . . . . . 247 

List of Mahomedan authors referred to in the paper . . 247 

Mafloudi's version 252 

The version of Ahmad bin Mahmad in his Nagaristan 

about the comet of 941-942 A.D 253 

Nizam-ud-din's version of the comet of 1578, the 

twenty-third year of the reign (A.D. 1578-79) . . 253 
Badaoni's version of the comet of 1578, as given in his 

Muntakhab-ut Tavfirikh 254 

Jahangir's Wak'a'at-i Jahiingiri 254 

Mutamadkhan's Ikbal Nameh i Jahangiri . . . . 255 

Ma^oudi's comet of 912 A.D 256 

The comet referred to in the Nigaristan 257 

Abul Fazl's comet 257 

The comets referred to in the Wak'a'at-i Jahangiri 

and in the IkbAl Nameh i Jahangiri . . . . 259 

A list of comets 259 



Vi ASIATIC PAPERS 

PAGE 
An inquiry into the view of the Mahomedan writers 

on comets . . 261 

Abul Fazl's views 261 

Abul Fazl's theory 261 

A comparison of his view with the modern view . . 261 
Abul Fazl's view about the forms assumed by the 

comets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263 

The influence attributed by the people to a comet's 

appearance . . . . . . . . . . . . 265 

Abul Fazl's version of the influence of the comets . . 265 

Its comparison with other similar views . . . . 265 

Who were the Pishinigan ? 269 

What were the nirangs of the PishinigAn ? . . 269 

Origin and meaning of the word Nirang . . . . 269 

A few Parsee Nirangs . . . . 270 

What have Pishinigans to say about comets . . . . 271 

Meteors and comets classed together in Pahlavi Books 272 

Reference to the comets in the Bundehesh . . . . 272 

Pahlavi words for comets . . . . . . . . . . 273 



PREFACE. 



" We trust that Mr. Modi will some day collect his numerous 
essays into a volume ; they are worthy of preservation." (The 
late Right Revd. Dr. L. C. Casartelli, Professor of St. Bedes 
College, Manchester, Bishop of Salford, in the Babylonian and 
Oriental Record, Vol. VIII, No. 31, p. 72, April 1896.) 

"Mr. Modi, an educated Parsee Gentleman and a prolific? 
writer, has recorded in his essays much that would not other- 
wise be published of his countrymen, whose ancestors emigrated 
from Persia, fleeing from the Arab conquest, and settled in the 
Bombay Presidency. There is much to learn of Indian life 
from his papers which Mr. Modi should continue to write and 
publish (The London Academy of 14th September 1913). 
Appreciations of this kind from the above and other Literary 
Journals have encouraged me to publish my Asiatic and 
Anthropological Papers in book forms. 

In all, I have read 47 papers before the Bombay Branch 
of the Royal Asiatic Society. Out of these, 35 have been 
published in separate Volumes as follows : 

16. Asiatic papers, part I (1905). 

13. Asiatic papers, part II (1917). 

2. In a separate volume, entitled " The Parsees at the court 
of Akbar and Dastur Meherji Rana" (1903). 

1. In a separate volume, entitled *' A glimpse into the work 
of the B. B. R. A. Society during the last 100 years from a Parsee 
point of view " (1905). 

1. In a volume entitled " Dante papers " (1914). 

2. In a separate volume, entitled " Anquetil Du Perron 
and Dastur Darab " (1914). 

Eight more are published in this volume. Four more remain 
to be published in another volume. 

I also give in this volume the following 4 papers, read or 
contributed elsewhere. 

(a) <k The Afghanistan of the Amirs and the ancient Mazda- 
yacanans," contributed to ' ' the East 

(b) " A Parsee Prayer, presenting 
of two Greek and Chinese anecdote 
R. A. Society to the Royal Asiatic y 
occasion of the celebration of its Cttitq 




Till ASIATIC PAPERS. 

(c) " Wine among the Ancient Persians " read before a 
local Society, the Zarthosti Din-ni-Khol Karnari MandlL 

(d)" A Mohamedan view of comets. The view of the ancient 
Iranians (PisMntgdn)" contributed to the columns of the " Revue 
du Monde Musalman " (40 Anne No.) I beg to thank the 
Editors for this republication. 

I give my best thanks to my learned friend Mr. Bomanji 
Nusservanji Dhabhar, M.A., for kindly preparing the Index 
of this volume. 

I took my degree in the Bombay University on 16th January 
1877, when the then Governor, Sir Philip Wodehouse, was the 
chancellor of the University and I was nominated a fellow 
of the University in 1887. 1 have served my Alma Mater 
continuously for these last 40 years. Thus, this is the Jubilee 
year of my Graduation and the quarantine year of my Fellowship 
of the University. So, 1 take this happy opportunity to do 
myself the honour and pleasure of dedicating this, my humble 
work, to my mother University. This University and the 
Literary and Scientific Societies of Bombay, among which 
my dear Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bombay 
is the foremost, have made me what I am. I bow my head of 
homage and gratitude to them for all the mental nourishment 
that they have given me. May they all prosper is my heartfelt 
prayer. 

JIVAMJJ JAMSHEDJI MODI. 
24th March, 1927. 
211, Pilot Bunder Road, 
Colaba, Bombay. 



tfhe Mogul Emperors at Kashmir : 

Jehangir's Inscriptions at Virndg. An inscription 

on the Ddl Lake. 

(Read on nth July 1917). 
I 

I had the pleasure of visiting the interesting and beautiful 

country of Kashmir for the first time in 
Introduction. Mfty 18Q5 This ^^ guggcgted seve ral 

subjects for study. Of these, one was " Cashmere and the 
Ancient Persians," and a Paper was read on the subject 
before this Society, at its meeting of 9th December 1895. 1 

1 Journal, B. B. R. A. S. Vol. XIX, pp. 237-48. A public lecture on " Kashmir " 
was also delivered in Gujarati on 21st January 3896, under the auspices of the Gujarat! 
Dnyan Prasarak Society. (Vide my Gujarati " Dnyan Prasarak Essays" Part I, 
pl. 185-203). Thomas Moore in his Lala Rookh has sung the praises of the beauty of 
Kashmir, lie sang : 

" Who has not heard of the vale of Cashmere 
With its roses the brightest that earth ever gave 
Its temple and grottos, and fountains as clear 
As the love-lighted eyes that hang o'er their waves." 
The study of this poem, after the above visit, suggested the subjects 
of three Readings in Gujarati ; one on Thomas Moore's poem of *' The 
Fire-Worshippers "on 1st November 1895, the second on that of his 
' Loves of the Angels '' on 30th October 1896, and the third on Voltaire'* 
Les Guebres " on 31st October 1903 (Vide my Gujarati "Episodes from 
the Shah-narneh"). The first subject forms an episode in Moore's 
Lala Rookh, Thomas Moore was an Irishman and the Irish question 
is a very old question. In his poem of "The Fire- Worshippers," while 
picturing the noble fight of one of the flying bands of Zoroastrians after 
tlio Arab canquest, he preaches Toleration and Freedom, and it is said, 
that in preaching and praying for these for the Zoroastrians, he had at 
the bottom of his heart the question of Toleration and Freedom for his 
countrymen, the Irish. Thomas Moore's <e Fire-Worshippers " in the 
Lala Rookh which speaks of Kashmir, reminds one of " Les Guebres " 
of Voltaire who, while describing the persecution of some Persians, is 
vftid to have aimed at the persecution of the Christian Jansenists and 
desired toleration for them. 



2 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

In 1895, there were no good roads there. A tonga road had just 
been made upto Baramul&, whence the river Jhelum becomes 
navigable upwards to Srinagar and further up. Since then, pretty 
good roads have been made up to Srinagar and in other parts of 
the country, whereon even motors run now. A railway line 
is now contemplated. I remember my guide, Rahim, telling 
me, during my first visit, that no sooner the whistle of a Railway 
engine will be heard in Kashmir the Behesht (paradise) will fly 
away from it to the higer mountains. That is quite true. 
As Mr. Walter del Mar says " . . . Now is the time to visit 
Kashmir before the amenities of the Kashmir Valley are 
endangered by the new railway." 1 

I had the pleasure of re-visiting Kashmir in June-July 1915. 
This second visit suggested several subjects of study. One was 
that of the very interesting people of the country, the Pandits. 
It formed the subject of my Paper on " The Pandits of 
Kashmir " before the Anthropological Society of Bombay 2 on 
28th July 1915.3 

The present Paper has been suggested to me by some of the 
Persian inscriptions which I saw in Kashmir during this second 
visit. It is especially the two inscriptions at the beautiful spring 
of Virnag that have suggested the subject. I took a copy of them, 
very little suspecting at the time that they have not been pub- 
lished. I inquired at the time from Mr. Daya Ram Sohani, the 
head of the Archaeological Department of Kashmir, whether the 
inscriptions were published, and I was told that they were not. 
To make the matter certain, whether I was anticipated by some 
one, I wrote again this year on 3rd May 1917 to Dr. D. B. Spooner 
of the Archaeological Department of the Government of India 
to make inquiries if the Virnag inscriptions were published. He 
kindly forwarded the matter for further inquiry to the officiating 
Superintendent of Hindu and Buddhist Monuments, Lahore 
Circle. By a coincidence, Mr. Daya Ram Sohani happened 
to be the Superintendent, and he wrote to me in his letter 
dated 22nd June 1917 : " As far as I know, the inscription in 
question has not been published properly at any place. Other 
Persian Inscriptions from Kashmir are published in the Journal 
of the Asiatic Society of Bengal Vol. XXXIII (1864) pp. 278 et 

1 "The Romantic East, Burma, Assam and Kashmir." by Walter del Mar, (1906) 
Preface p. VI. 

2 Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay Vol X, No. 6, pp. 461-85- 
Vide my Anthropological Papers Part II. 

3 The visit has also been the subject of 19 descriptive letters on Kashmir In the 
Jam-i Jamshed of Bombay, beginning with two on my visit of the interesting Exca- 
vations by Sir John Marshal, the Director of Archalogy, Govt. of India, at the site of 
the old city of Taxala near Rawalpindi, the last Railway Station whence we start for 
Kashmir. 



THE MOGUL EMPERORS AT KASHMIR. '3 

aeq. and Proeedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (1880) 
p. 54." Such being the case, I think, that I publish in our 
Journal for the first time, the Inscriptions at Virnag. 

I will divide my subject under the following heads : 

L A short account of the rule and visits of Kashmir by the 
Mogul Emperors. 

II. The Text and the Translation of Jehangir's Inscriptions 
at Virnag, and a few observations on them. 

III. As a supplement to the Paper I will refer to an inscrip- 
tion on a tomb on the Dal Lake. 

II. 

I. A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE RULE AND VISITS OF KASHMIR 
BY THE MOGUL EMPERORS. 

I will, at first, give a short account of the rule and of the 
visits of Kashmir by the mogul Emperors. In this account, 
I will dwell, at some greater length, on the visits of Jehangir, 
because we have to identify the events and dates given in his 
above inscriptions, and to identify the person Haidar named 
in the second inscription. 

It is the hand of God that has made Kashmir naturally 

beautiful, but the hand of man has tried to 

Kashmir. Its add to its beauty. In this matter, the 

Central position Mogul Emperors of India, and among them 

fnd^stoiicrily/ Jetangir especially, had a great hand. 

Among the Mogul Emperors, it was Akbar 

who first conquered Kashmir and it was Jehangir who first 

-embellished it. 

Geographically, Kashmir stands, as it were, in the middle of 
three stages : (a) In the first stage, down below Kashmir are 
the vast hot plains of Punjab, Sind and other parts of India. 
.(&) The second stage is Kashmir's own, in which it, in a higher 
-region, forms the most beautiful of the beautiful valleys of the 
world, watered by a river and a number of streams. As said by 
a French writer, " there are few valleys more beautiful than this 
part of Kashmir." 1 (c) Then the third stage is that of the 
higher Himalayan mountains by which it is surrounded on all 
sides. On account of its position near these mountains (daman-i 
Kuh) it is, as it were, the Indian Piedmont. 2 

In the matter of History also, she can be said to have three 
periods or stages, (a) The first is that, which can be called the 
jare-historical period, of which its written history, the Rajataran- 

1 NouveUc Geographic Univenelle, Vol. VIII, p. 112, 2 Ibid. 



4 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

gird gives us a little glimpse. According to Parsee books and 
some Mahomedan books of history, the early ancient Iranians 
had some relations with Kashmir as with northern India. Early 
writers speak of it as a part of India. The Pahlavi Bundehesh 
speaks of Kashmir as a part of India. I have spoken before, on 
this subject, in my paper before the Society, entitled " Cashmere 
and the Ancient Persians." 1 (6) Its second historical stage or 
period, and that the most important period, is the one mostly des- 
cribed by the Rajatarangini. During this period, we have both, 
what Sir Francis Younghusband terms " outward effort " and the 
" inward effort " i.e., attempts on the part of foreigners to invade 
and occupy Kashmir and the attempts on the part of the Kash- 
miri kings to conquer adjoining countries like Punjab, Tibet 
and Badakhshan. In spite of a number of inglorious pages here 
and there, it may comparatively be called the golden or the 
glorious period of its history, (c) The last period is that which 
is subsequent to this second and which extends up to now. The 
Mogul period can be said to belong to the last part of the second 
or the middle period which was a long extensive period. We 
will give a short bird's eye view of the second period, most of 
which is principally referred to by the Rajatarangini. 

Ill 

Sir Francis Younghusband, in his interesting and beautifully 
History of Kash- illustrated book on Kashmir, while speak- 
mir before the ing of its history, says : " A country of 
M S ul8 - such striking natural beauty must, surely, 

at some period of its history, have produced a refined and noble 
people. Amid these glorious mountains, breathing their free 
and bracing air, and brightened by the constant sunshine, 
there must have sprung a strong virile and yet aesthetic race. 
The beautiful Greece, with its purple hills and varied contour, 
its dancing seas and clear blue sky, produced the graceful Greeks. 
But Kashmir is more beautiful than Greece. It has the same 
blue sky and brilliant sunshine, but its purple hills are on a far 
grander scale, and if it has no sea, it has lake and river, and the 
still more impressive snowy mountains. It has, too, great 
variety of natural scenery, of field and forest, of rugged moun- 
tain and open valley. And to me, who have seen both countries, 
Kashmir seems much the more liekly to impress a race by its 
natural beauty. Has it ever made any such impression ? " 2 Sir 
Francis Younghusband replies that the noted shawls of Kasmir 

1 Journal B. B. R. A. XIX, pp. 237-48. Vide my " Asiatic Papers, " Part I, 
pp. 99-110. 

2 Kashmir by F. Youngbusband (1909), p. 194. 



THE MOGUL EMPERORS AT KASHMIR. & 

.and the remains of its old temples, '" remarkable for their almost 
Egyptian solidity, simplicity and durability, as well as for 
what Cunningham describes as the graceful elegance of their 
outlines, the massive boldness of their parts, " indicate, that " its 
inhabitants have a sense of form and colour and some delicacy 
and refinement." 1 ki The people that built the ancient temples 
of Kashmir must have been religious, for the remains are all 
of temples or of sacred emblems, and not of palaces, commercial 
offices or hotels ; they must have held at least, one large idea to 
have built on so enduring a scale, and they must have been men 
of strong and simple tastes averse to the paltry and the florid. 
What was their history ? Were they a purely indigenous race ? 
Were they foreigners and conquerors settled in the land, or were 
they a native race, much influenced from outside, and with 
sufficient pliability to assimilate that influence and turn it to 
profitable use for their own ends ? :? Younghusband answers this 
long question, by saying that the race was indigenous, but still 
it was subject to foreign influence. Though its surrounding lofty 
mountains acted as a barrier against foreign influence, its natural 
beauty made up for that barrier, because it attracted foreigners 
in spite of the difficulty of access. 

The Rajatarangini, written by Kalhana in A. r>. 1148 and 
brought down to later times by additions by Jotraj in 1412, and 
to still later times by further additions by Shrivar Pandit in 1477, 
begins the history with a reference to the times of Asoka (about 
250 B. c.), the relics of whose Buddhist temples are still seen in 
this country. Alexander the Great had invaded India in about 
327 B. c. and his invasion is said to have made some Greek influ- 
ence on Indian Architecture. Hence it is, that we see on old 
Kashmir temples the influence of Greco-Buddhist art. Darius, 
the great Persian, had preceded Alexander and had also left some 
traces of Iran's Persepolitan influence on Indian Art. Hence it 
is, that we see some traces, though few, on Kashmir buildings, 
e.g., on the great Martand temple, of the Persepolitan influence. 
The modern village of Prandrathan, three miles above Srinagar, 
was the site of the old city founded by Asoka.2 The name 
signifies " old capital " (puranadhisthan.) 

After Asoka and his heirs, there came the Indo-Scythians 
under Kanishka (about A.D. 40) and his successors, who ruled 
in the north and even on the north-western frontiers of India. 
This line of kings also was Buddhist, but their Buddhism was 



1 Ibid. 

2 I had the pleasure of visith.g the ruin ami the present 
the agreeable company of Mr .Daya Ram Sohani. the 
Archaologcal Department of Kashmir, on 18th Juno, 101 j. 



6 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

partly infused with some Zoroastrian ideas, as can be seen from 
their Indo-Scythic coins, which, as showed by Sir Aurel Stein, 
had the names of Zoroastrian deities on them. Kanishka is 
said to have held in Kashmir the Third Great Council of the 
Buddhist Church, which council is said to be the author of " the 
Northern Canon " or *' the Greater Vehicle of the Law" (Maha- 
yana, lit. the High or the broad liberal way). Harwan, 1 one 
of the several beautiful places of Kashmir, at present a site of 
the Water Works for Srinagar, is spoken of as the seat of a 
known Buddhisatva, Nagarjuna. 

The Buddhism of Asoka and Kanishka was overthrown by 
Brahmamsm. This fact appears from the writings of the 
Chinese traveller, Hieun Tsiang, who, visitig Kashmir in> 
A. D. 631, deplored, that Buddhism was neglected there. 

A century later, there was an excursion of the White Huns 
headed by Mihrcula, who, driven away from India, went tc* 
Kashmir, and paying ungratefully the hospitality of the ruler, 
captured his throne. The name Mihrcula is a Persian name. 
He is said to have founded the temple and the city of Mihresh- 
wara and Mihirapur. All these names, which are connected with 
Mihr, the later form of Avestaic Mithra, point to his being one 
who can be called an Iranian Hun. Rajatarangini condemns 
him for having introduced in Kashmir, Gandharwa Brahmins 
to supercede the orginal Hindu Kashmir Brahmins. I have 
referred to Mihrcula at some length in my paper, read last year 
before the Society on the subject of the Huns. 2 

Then, we come to a reigning family, which belongs to Kashmir 
itself. Its famous king was Liladitya (A. D. 699 to 736). Not only 
did he rule Kashmir well, but he conquered adjoining countries 
such as Punjab, Tibet and Badakhshan. He was the builder 
of the celebrated temple of Martand whose ruins still appear to 
be grand and majestic. King Avantivarman (A.D. 855 to 883) 
the founder of Avantipura, whose ruins we still see, was one of 
Ms dynasty. A number of weak rulers followed him and there 
was a good deal of disorder for a number of years. 

Then, there came the first invasion of Mahomedans under 
Mahmud Gaznavi (A. D. 1015) which was unsuccessful. There 
were dissensions in the family of the ruling dynasty, which had 
several weak kings till the time of Harsa (1089-1101). By 
1339, the Mahomedan power had made great strides in Punjab 
and in the adjoining country. A Mahomedan ruler, named Shab 
Mir, deposing the widow of the last ruling Hindu ruler, founded 
for the first time a Mahomedan dynasty. The kings of this 

1 I had the pleasure of visiting this beautiful spot on 14th June 1915. 

2 Journal B. B. K. A. 8. Vol. XXIV, No. 3, p. 688. Vide my Asiatic Papers Part IL 



THE MOGUL EMPERORS AT KASHMIR. 7 

dynasty were not strong. Disorder and internal struggles conti- 
nued and the country was no way better than during the 
last 200 years of disorder and misrule of the Hindu rulers. 

Then, there came Zain-ul-abad-din (1420-70), of whom the 
people still speak as the Padshah, i.e., the King. He was to 
Kashmir, what, latter on, Akbar was to the whole of India 
including Kashmir. He was tolerant to the Hindus, so much so, 
that he contributed money for the repairs of old Hindu temples 
and for the revival of old Hindu learning. His reign was, as 
said by Younghusband, " a mere oasis in the dreary record "" 
of a long line of Mahomedan kings, both those who preceded 
him and those who followed him till 1532, when Mirza Haidar, at 
the head of some Turks from the northern regions, conquered 
Kashmir and ruled for some years. In 1536, Akbar's generals 
conquered it, and it became a part, as it were, of India. The 
Mogul rule, thus established, continued for about 200 years. 

IV. 

Now, we come to the Moguls, whose taste for art led them to 
_ give a helping hand to beautify Kashmir. It 

KiTh^ 0g was Jehangir especially who had done a good 

^' deal in this matter. The Shalimar, Nishat, 

Virnag and many other gardens point to this king's handsome 
work in this line. Bernier, a French physician and traveller, 
who lived in the 17th century (died A. D. 1688), was in the 
Court of Aurangzebe for about 12 years, 8 out of which he served 
as a court physician. He visited Kashmir in the company of a 
Mogul nobleman named Danishmand who accompanied Aurang- 
zebe. He says, that the Moguls considered Kashmir to be the 
paradise of India. He thus speaks of the beauty of Kashmir, 
as he saw it in the time of Aurangzebe : "I am charmed 
with Kachemere. In truth, the kingdom surpassed in beauty all 
that my warm imagination had anticipated. It is probably un- 
equalled by any country of the same extent. ... It is not indeed 
without reason that the Moguls called Kachemere the terrestrial 
paradise of the Indies. . . . Jehanguir became so enamoured of 
this little kingdom as to make it a place of his favourite abode, 
and he often declared that he would rather be deprived of every 
other province of his mighty empire than lose Kachemere." 1 
Taimur, the ancestor of the Mogul Emperors of India, who 
had written his auto-biography known as 
a " " Malfuzat-i-Taimuri ( ^ jj* ^>^ ) i.e., 
the Words or Memoir of Taimur, refers to 
Kashmir. His memoir is also known as Tuzuk-i Taimur ( ^ jj^*> 

1 Constable's Oriental Miscellany of Original and Selected Publications, Vol. I. 
Bowler's Travels, A.D. 1658-1668 (1891), pp. 400-401. 



8 ASIATIC PAPEBS. 

-*3 j3 ) i.e., the Institutions or Regulations of Taimur. It was 
written in Turki and then translated into Persian in the reign of 
Shah Jehan. In these Memoirs, Taimur refers to Kashmir and to 
the Spring of Virnag. He says : " I made inquiries about the 
country and city of Kashmir from men who were acquainted 
with it and from them I learned that. . . . Kashmir is an in- 
comparable country ... In the midst of the country there is a 
very large and populous city called Naghaz. 1 The rulers of 
the country dwell there. The buildings of the city are very 
large and are all of wood and they are four or five stories high. 
They are very strong and will stand for 500 or 700 years. A 
large river runs through the middle of this city, as large as the 
Tigris at Baghdad and the city is built upon both sides of it. 
The source of this river is within the limits of Kashmir in a large 
lake, some parasangs in length and breadth which is called Vir- 
nak. The inhabitants have cast bridges over the river in nearly 
thirty places. These are constructed of wood, stone or boats ; 
seven of the largest are within the city and the rest in the en- 
virons. When this river passes out of the confines of Kashmir, 
it is named after each city by which it passes ; as the river of 
Damdana, the river of Jand. The river passes on and joins the 
Chinab above Mult an." 2 

We find a short account of Kashmir in the Zafar-Nama 
of Sharaf-ud-Din Yazdi, " which is a very partial bio- 
graphy of Timur written in A. D. 1424. . . and is based 
upon the Malfuzat-i-Timuri." 3 We read there: "There is 
a city named Naghaz. which is the residence of the rulers of 
the country. Like Bagdad, the city has a large river running 
through it, but the waters of this river exceed those of the 
Tigris. It is extraordinary that the waters of so great a river all 
spring from one source, which source is situated in this country 
itself and is called Vir." 4 



It was in the 31st year of his reign (Hijri 993, A. D. 1585) 

AH. JV u that^Akbar invaded Kashmir. He advanc- 
^AkbarandKash- ^ &s fftr ag Atftk and gent Bhagwan Das> 

Shah Kuli Mahran and other well-known 
Amirs, with about 5,000 horses, to effect the conquest of 
Kashmir. 5 They were opposed by Yusuf Khan, the ruler 
of the country, who came and blockaded the pass. The above 
generals resolved to make peace. They settled that Yusuf 

1 I think it is a corruption of Nagar, the final Persian, (r) being hy mistake written 
with a nuktah aa (z). This name Nagur then is a contraction of Uri-nagar (Cf. Nagar 
for AhmednaKar.) 

3 Ibid, II, p. 478. 2 Elliot's History of India, Vol. IL p. 470. 

6 Ibid, V. p. 450. 4 Ibid, p. 522. 



THE MOGt L EMPEROR^ AT KASHMIR. 9 

may pay sonic tribute to Akbar in saffron, shawls and some 
money. Akbar disapproved of the terms of peace and at first 
ivas angry with his generals, but he afterwards admitted them 
into his audience. 1 Akbar then sent Kasim Khan Mirbahr 
to conquer Kashmir. Owing to the dissensions among the 
Kashmiris, the task of conquest was easy. 

Akbar took Kashmir in A. D. 1586 and visited it three times. 
During one of these visits, he directed the fort of Hari Parbat 
to be built. His son Jehangir completed it. We read as 
follows in the Tabakat-i-Akbari : <k The rulers of Kashmir had 
always been well-wishers and servants of the Imperial house. 
His Majesty now intended, after performing his usual pilgrimage 
to Ajmere, to pay a visit to the tomb of Saikh Farid Shakar- 
ganj and to visit the Panjab. So he sent Mulla Ishki, one of the 
old servants of the Court, along with Kazi Sadru-d-din, to 
Kashmir. Alikhan , the ruler of Kashmir, entertained them nobly 
and respectfully, and exhibited his fidelity and devotion. 5 ' 2 

Akbar then paid a running visit to Kashmir in 1589 (Hijri 997) 
when on his way to Kabul. Leaving the ladies of the Court on 
this side of the mountains of Kashmir, he ik went on express." 3 
In 1592, he paid another visit. On his way thither, he heard 
that Yadgar, a nephew of Yusuf Khan Rizani, his governor of 
Kashmir, had raised the standard of revolt and declared him- 
self as the Sultan. This rebellion was put down and Yadgar 
was killed before Akbar reached the capital. We read in the 
Tabakat-i-Akbari, that he " stayed the^ eight days, riding about 
and hunting water-fowl. . ." On his return journey, embark- 
ing in a boat , he proceeded towards Baramula on the confines of 
Kashmir, on the way to Pakhali. On the road he saw a reservoir 
called Zain-lanka. This reservoir is enclosed on the west, north 
and south by mountains and it is thirty toe in circumference.* 
The river Bahut (Jilam) passes through this lake. Its water is 
very pure and deep. Sultan Zain-u-l-'Abidin carried out a pier 
of stone to the distance of one jarib into the lake and upon it 
erected a high building. Nothing like this lake and building is to 
be found in India. 5 After visiting this edifice he went to Bara 
Mula." 6 In all, Akbar paid three visits to Kashmir. 7 

1 Ibid, p. 453. 2 Ibid, Vol. V., p. 411. 

:J Ibid, Vol. V.. p. 457. 

4 This reservoir is now known as Wulur Lake, which is said to le the largest lake 
in India. 

5 Udaipur in Mowar (Rajpntana) i* spoken of by some as the " Kashmir of Eaj- 
putana." There, we see beantitul artificial lakes. In the midst of one ot these, wr 
find some handsome royal buildings. These may be an imitation of the above building 
in the Wular Lake. 

6 EJliot V., p. 405. 7 Ain-i-Ahkari, .larref* Translation II, p. 348. 



10 



ASIATIC PAPERS. 



Akbar had divided his Empire into divisions called Sub&hs. 

Kashmir as des- Each Sub&h was known from the name of 
oribed in the Am- the tract of the country or its capital city. 
i-Akbari. Latterly, when Berar, Khandesh and Ahmed- 

nagar were conquered there were in all 15 SubAhs. Each- 
Subah was sub-divided into Sark&rs. There were in all 105* 
Sarkars. Each Sark&r was divided into pargan&hs or Mahals. 
All the Sarkars were subdivided into 2,737 townships. 1 The 
Sub&hs were spoken of as being in such and such a climate. 
The term climate meant a slope or inclination and " was used in 
the mathematical geography of the Greeks with reference to the 
inclination of various parts of the earth's surface to the plane 
of the equator. Before the globular figure of the earth was 
known, it was supposed that there was a general slope of its sur- 
face, from South to North, and this was called ' klima.' But 
as the science of mathematical geography advanced, the word 
was applied to belts of the earth's surface divided by lines parallel* 
to the equator, these lines being determined by the different 
lengths at different places, of the shadow cast by a gnomon of 
the same altitude, at noon of the same day. . . . The Arabs 
adopted this system, but restricted the number to seven." 2 The 
Arabs seem to have followed the ancient Iranians who had 
haft keshwars, i. e., seven regions or climates. In our inscrip- 
tions, Jehangir is spoken of as the king of these seven regions. 
Kashmir belonged to the Sub&h of Kabul which comprised 
Kashmir, Pakli, Binbar, Sw&t, Bajaur, Kandah&r and Zabu- 
listan. The capital of this Subah was Kabul. Kashmir lies 
in the 3rd and 4th clim&tes. Of the several routes leading to 
this country encompassed on all sides by the Himalayan 
ranges, the Pir Pangal route was the one adopted by Akbar in* 
his three visits to " the rose garden of Kashmir." 3 

Abul Fazl, the great historian of Akbar, thus speaks of Kash* 
Abul Fazl on mir : " The country is enchanting and might 
the beauty of be fittingly called a garden of perpetual 
Kashmir. spring surrounding a citadel terraced to th^ 

skies, and deservedly appropriate to be either the delight of the- 
worldling or the retired abode of the recluse. Its streams are- 
sweet to the taste, its waterfalls music to the ear, and its climate 
is invigorating . . . The lands are artificially watered or depen- 
dent on rain for irrigation. The flowers are enchanting, and fitt 
the heart with delight. Violets, the red rose and wild narcissus?. 

v i i Ata 'tAt* ai1 Bk ' m " Im V itM Administration. Janet's Translation 1891 
vol. II., p. 115. ^ 

2. Ibid, p. 115, n. 4. 8. Ibid, H., p. 348. 



THE MOGUL EMPERORS AT KASHMIR. Jl 

cover the plains. To enumerate its flora would be impossible. Its. 
spring and autumn are extremely beautiful . . . Tulips are growa, 
on the roofs which present a lovely sight in the spring time." 1 

Abdul Fazl thus describes the Vernag spring : " In the Ver tract 
The Vernag * ^ e country is the source of the Behat. 
spring, described It is a pool measuring a jarib which tosses in 
AVV> t<lle Am "^ foam with an astonishing roar and its depth is 
Akban. unfathomable. It goes by the name of Vernag 

and is surrounded by a stone embankment and to its east are 
temples of stone." 2 

VI 

JEHANGIR'S VISITS OF KASHMIR. 

Now we come to the reign of Jehangir. We will speak of 
The beauty of ^ s connection with Kashmir at some length, 
Kashmir. Jehan- because he had a great hand in beautifying 
gir's hand in Kashmir, and because we have to explain and 
beautifying it. identify the events and dates referred to in 
his inscriptions. In his work of beautifying Kashmir by 
laying gardens at various beautiful places, Jehangir was ably 
assisted by his Nur Mahal. We know that this queen had 
great influence upon Jehangir in various matters, even in state 
matters. 3 

Kalhana, the author of the Rajatarangini, while speaking of 
Kashmir's beauty, says : " It is a country where the sun shines 
mildly, being the place created by Kashyapa as if for his glory. 
High school-houses, the saffron, iced water and grapes which 
are rare even in Heaven are common here. Kailasa is the best 
place in the three worlds, Himalaya the best part of Kailasa, and 
Kashmir the best part in Himalaya." 4 The Kashmiris speak 
of their country as " an emerald set in pearls, a land of lakes, 
clear streams, green turf, magnificent trees and mighty moun- 
tains, where the air is cool and the water sweet, where men are 
strong and women vie with the soil in fruitfulness." 6 

Bernier says of the Dal Lake of Kashmir, as he saw it later 01* 
beautified at the hand of Jehangir, that it " is one of the most 
beautiful spots in the world. . . Perhaps in the whole world,. 

1 Ain-i-Akbari, Jarretf a Translation, Vol. II., pp. 348-49. 
' 2 The Ain-i-Akbari, Jarrett's Translation, Vol. II., p. 301. 

3 She had a powerful hand in helping the cause of Sir Thomas Roe, the first English 
ambeiudor at the Court of Jehangir. Roe, was so much helped and supported by Nur 
Mahal, that he wrote from Jehanglr's Court to his people at Surat : *' Noor Mahal i a 
my solicitor and her brother my broker " (Early English Adventurers in the East by 
Arnold Wright, 1917, p. 163.) 

4 Ai quoted by Sir W. Lawrence. 5 Ibid. 



12 



ASIATIC PAPERS. 



there IB no corner so pleasant as the Dal Lake." Of the very 
beautiful lake of Manasbal, Sir R. Younghusbarid 1 says 
ithat it is " a jewel among the mountains." I was pleased with 
tno lake of Kashmir so much as with this beautiful gem. Moving 
about in your boat in the calm and clear water of this lake, you 
feel, as if you see beautiful pictures moving in a cinematograph 
before you. 

Kashmir, as described by these writers, old and modern, 
was beautiful and Jehangir vied with Nature to make it 
more beautiful. In his memoirs, he often spoke of Kashmir 

-as " Behesht-nazir Kashmir" (^x^r^oJ^) i.e., the 
paradise-like Kashmir. At times, he spoke of it it as 

><ielpazir (^A$Ja)3 Kashmir, i.e., heart-ravishing Kashmir. 



In connection with Jehangir's detailed admiring description 
B eve ridge' s of the beauties of Kashmir and of its 
'estimate of the various flowers, one may notice what 
taste of Jehangir. Mr Beveridge says of the scientific tastes of 
the Emperor. Vk If B&bur, who was the founder of the Mogul 
Empire in India, was the Caesar of the East, and if the many- 
sided Akbar was the epitome of all the great Emperors, includ- 
ing Augustus, Trajan, Hadrian, Marcus Aurelius, Julian, and 
Justinian, Jahangir was certainly of the type of the Emperor 
Claudius, and so bore a close resemblance to our James I. All 
three were weak men, and under the influence of their favourites, 
and all three were literary, and at least two of them were fond 
of dabbling in theology. All three were wrong in their places 
-as rulers. Had James I. (and VI. of Scotland) been, as he half 
wished, the Keeper of the Bodleian, and Jahangir been head of 
^ Natural History Museum, they would have been better and 
happier men. Jahangir's best points were his love of nature and 
powers of observation, and his desire to do justice." 4 
Jehangir had paid, in all, six visits to Kashmir, two of which 
Jehangir's six were in the company of his father Akbar 
visits of Kashmir, and four during his own reign. We will 
briefly refer to these visits as described by him in his Memoirs. 
This description will give us an idea, not only of his tastes and 
of his love of Nature, but also of his admiration for Vern&g, 
where we find his two inscriptions which have suggested to me 
the subject of this paper. At first, we will speak of his impres- 
sions about Vernag, as formed during his visits in the life time 
of his father Akbar. 

1 Kashmir by Younghusband, p. 37i 

2 Vide the ifj&^\* ^^ J^' the 1865 edition of the Asiatic Society 

of Bengal, pp. 213, 240, Ac. 3 Ibid, p. 213. 

4 The Tuiuk-i-Jahangiri, Vol. II., Preface, pp. V-VI. 



THE MOGUL EMPERORS AT KASHMIR. U 

Jehangir came to the throne on 24th October 1605 (1014 

Hijri) at the age of 38. In the second year 

VernAg, des- o f his reign, he went to Kabul. While- 

Vu?ikl describing his journey to that city in his 

i-Jehangiri. Memoirs he refers to the river Bihat, i.e., the 

Jhelam on the banks of which he had pitched 

his tents. The mention of Jhelam makes him speak of Vernag, 

the source of the river Jhelam. He thus describes Vern&g : 

" The source of the Bihat is a spring in Kashmir called the 
Vir-nag ; in the language of India a snake is Vir-nag. Clearly 
there had been a large snake at that place. I went twice to the 
spring in my father's lifetime ; it is 20 kos from the city of Kash- 
mir. It is an octagonal reservoir about 20 yards by 20. Near 
it are the remains of a place of worship for recluses ; cells cut 
out of the rock and numerous caves. The water is exceedingly 
pure. Although I could not guess its depth, a grain of poppy- 
seed is visible until it touches the bottom. There were many 
fish to be seen in it. As I had heard that it was unfathomable, 
I ordered them to throw in a cord with a stone attached, and 
when this cord was measured in gaz it became evident that the 
depth was not more than once and a half the height of a man. 
After my accession, I ordered them to build the sides of the 
spring round with stone, and they made a garden round it with 
a canal ; and built halls and houses about it and made a 
place such that travellers over the world can point out few 
like it." i 

We learn from this passage, that Vernag was a favourite 
place of Jehangir and that he had been twice there during his 
father's time. We learn further, that after his accession to the 
throne, he had ordered the sides of the tank to be built up 
with stone and a garden to be made near the place. The first 
inscription, when it speaks of the order of His Majesty ( (*> 
oj*AA>(.jf ), seems to refer to the order mentioned in the above 

passage. During my first visit of Kashmir in 1895, 1 had passed 
one night in one of the houses over the spring referred to 
by Jehangir in the above passage. Since then, the building 
has been destroyed by fire, and, during my second visit 
on 30th June 1915, we had to pass the day in the adjoining 
garden under the shady chindrs, and the night in the 
pavilion over the main canal, the jui or db-shdr, referred to in 
the inscription. 

1 The Tuzuk-i-Jehangtri, or Memoirs of Jeahangir, translated by A. Rogers, edited 
by H. Beveridge (1909), Vol. 1, p. 92- 



14 ASIATIC PAPBES. 

Jehangir visited Kashmir in the 15th year of his reign. He 

Jehancir'B visit 8* ves a ra *her extensive account of it in 

to Kashmir in the MB Memoirs. The thought of visiting 

14th-15th year of Kashmir occurred to him in the 14th year 

?Ws reign (1029 o f his reign (1619-20). He thus speaks 

Hijn, A.D. 1620). of this firgt thought . 

" As the purpose of visiting the eternal spring of the rose- 
garden of Kashmir was settled in my mind, I sent off Nuru-d- 
din Quli to hasten on before, to repair as far as was possible the 
ups and downs of the Punch route to it, and to prepare it, so 
that the passage of laden beasts over difficult hill-tops might be 
accomplished with ease, and that the men should not undergo 
labour and hardship. A large number of artificers, such 
as stone-cutters, carpenters, spadesmen, etc., were dispatched 
with him, to whom an elephant was also given." 1 I will 
give here a short account of this visit, as given in his 
Memoirs, because we learn therefrom, Jehangir's impressions 
of the beauty of Kashmir and of its interesting places and 
features. 

Jehangir started for Kashmir at the end of the 14th year of 
ids reign. He celebrated the Naoroz of the 15th year (10th 
March 1620, the 1st of Farvardin) on the banks of the river Kishan 
Oangt. In some of the mountainous tracts of this country, it 
is often difficult to find a flat place for a camp. So Jehangir 
notes with special satisfaction the fact of a proper place being 
found by chance. He says : 2 " On the top of this (a ridge 
overlooking the water, green and pleasant) was a flat place of 
50 cubits, which one might say the rulers of fate had specially 
prepared for such a day. The aforesaid officer (Mu 'tamid 
Khan) had made ready everything necessary for the New Year's 
feast on the top of that ridge which was much approved. 

Mu 'tamid Khan was much applauded for this The 

15th year of the reign of this suppliant at the throne of Allah 
commenced happily and auspiciously." 

On coming to Baramuia, he was told that " in the Hindi 
language they call a boar Bdrdh ( Varaha) and mtila a place that 
is, the boar's place. Among the incarnations that belong to 
the religion of the Hindus, one is the boar incarnation and 
B&r&h mul& by constant use has become Bara mAla." 3 On the 
Toad up, the king and the court ladies were overtaken by a 
enow- storm. An officer of his court was drowned while bathing 
in the river. The king describes a Zampa or a rope-bridge, 

j and Beveridge, Vol. II., (1014), pp. 97-08. 



THE MOGUL EMPERORS AT KASHMIR. 15 

-which a traveller even now sees occasionally on the river* 
During my first visit, I tried to walk over one, but soon got 
nervous and could not go over it for more than a few feet. It 
"is made up of three ropes. On one, which is the lower one, they 
walk, holding in their hands the other two which are higher up. 
'These ropes are tied with two big strong trees on the banks. 
'Only one man can walk at a time, and nervous travellers 
are carried blindfolded by an experienced footman on his 
shoulder. 1 

Of the beauty of the counrty higher up, Jehangir says : " It 
was broad, and plain after plain, and mead after mead of flowers. 
'Sweet-smelling plants of narcissus, violet and strange flowers 
that grow in this country, came to view. . . . The flowers 
of Kashmir are beyond counting and calculation. Which shall 
I write of ? And how many can I describe ?" 2 Later on, he 
again says of the flowers, that "the flowers that are seen in the 
territories of Kashmir are beyond all calculation." 3 Travelling 
onward by boat, Jehangir came to the capital, and landed on 
1>hat bank of the Dal, where, on the Hari Parbat hill, his father 
Akbar had directed the construction of a fort. The fort begun 
by Akbar was completed by Jehangir. The king took 168 days 
to travel from Agra to Kashmir, a distance of 376 kos. There 
were 102 marches and 63 halts. 4 

Jehangir then refers to the Raja-tarang (Rajatarangini) which 
liis father had got translated from the Sanskrit into Persian. 
He then takes a note in his account of his arrival at the 
-capital of Kashmir, that it was in Hijri 712 (A. D. 1312-13) 
that Kashmir was first " illumined by the religion of Islam. 
'Thirty-two Mahomedan princes reigned over it for 282 years 
until in 994 (1586) my father conquered it." 6 He then got a 
survey made of the country in order to ascertain the length and 
the breadth of the valley. The length was found to be about 
<67 kos and the breadth from 10 to 25 kos. 

While describing the capital, the city of Srinagar, Jehangir 
thus refers to Virnag, the inscription of which forms a part of 
the subject of this Paper : "The name of the city is Srinagar, 
and the Bihat river flows through the midst of it. They call 
its fountain-head Vir-nag. It is 14 kos to the south. By my 

i Vide Ibid p. 137, for the description by Jehangir. 

* Ibid, p. 134. 

Ibid, p. 145. 

Ibid, p. 130. 

5 Ibid, fi, p 140 

or 56 kos, if "the boundary of a country is the place up to which people 
*peak the language of that country." A kos equalled 5,000 yard*. Each yard was equal 
to two snarl yards, each of which again was 24 digits or angutht, 40 anqntht made one 
Ilahl gaz. 



16 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

order they have made a building and a garden at that source," 1 
Jehangir makes a longer mention of Virnag in another part of 
his Memoirs. 

We have referred above to Jehangir's admiration of 
Jehangir'sadmi- Kashmir's beauty and of its flowers. He 
ration of Kashmir, thus speaks of it further on : " Kashmir is a 
garden of eternal spring, or an iron fort to a palace of 
kings a delightful flower-bed, and a heart-expanding heritage 
for dervishes. Its pleasant meads and enchanting cascades 
are beyond all description. There are running streams and 
fountains beyond count. Wherever the eye reaches, there 
are verdure and running water. The red rose, the violet 
and the narcissus grow of themselves ; in the fields, there 
are all kinds of flowers and all sorts of sweet-scented herbs 
more than can be calculated. In the soul-enchanting spring the 
hills and plains are filled with blossoms ; the gates, the walls, 
the courts, the roofs, are lighted up by the torches of banquet- 
adorning tulips. What shall we say of these things or of the 
wide meadows (julgahd) and the fragrant trefoil ? . . . The 
finest inflorescence is that of the almond and the peach. Out- 
side the hill-country the commencement of blossoming is the 
first Isfandarmuz (February 10). In the territory of Kashmir 
it is the first Farwardin (March 10), and in the city gardens it 
is the 9th and 10th of that month, and the end of their blooming 
joins on to the commencement of that of the blue jessamine. In 
attendance on my revered father, I frequently went round the 
saffron fields and beheld the spectacle of the autumn. Thank 
God that on this occasion I beheld the beauties of the 
spring." 2 

Jehangir then describes at some length the buildings of 
Kashmir and its various products fruits, silk, wine, vegetables, 
grains, oils, animals, shawls, cloths, dress, ways of travelling, 
and music. What travellers observe now about the cleanliness 
of the people was observed by Jehangir about 400 years ago. 
He says : " Although most of the houses are on the river-bank 
not a drop of water touches their bodies. In short, they are 
as dirty outside as inside, without any cleanliness.' ' 3 

Proceeding further, one sees in Jehangir's Memoirs a some- 
what detailed description of the fort of Hari Parbat and the 
garden attached to it which he named Nur-afzd, i.e., light- 
increasing. 4 

1 Ibid, II., pp. 141-142. 

2 The Tuzuk by Rogers Beveridge. II., pp. 143-44. 

3 Ibid, p. 148. 

4 Ibid pp. 150-51. 



THE MOGUL EMPERORS AT KASHMIR. 17 

Kashmir was known to the ancient Persians as a country of 
good astrologers. Firdousi refers to this 

f ? ct * 1 Jehall g ir ' in fck Present account of 
Kashmir, describes an accident, that hap- 
pened to his child Shuja, which shows his faith in astrology. 2 
The child, while playing in one of the palace buildings on the 
Dal lake, fell out of a window from a height of 7 yards, but was 
fortunately saved by having fallen on a carpet below and on 
a carpet-spreader who was sitting there. In connection with 
this event Jehangir says : " A strange thing was that three or 
four months before this event Jotik Ray, the astrologer, who is 
one of the most skilled of the class in astrology, had represent- 
ed to me without any intermediary, that it was predicted 
from the Prince's horoscope that these three or four months 
were unpropitious to him, and it was possible he might fall down 
from some high place, but that the dust of calamity would 
not settle on the skirt of his life. As his prognostications had 
repeatedly proved correct, this dread dwelt in my mind, and 
on these dangerous roads and difficult mountain passes I was 
never for a moment forgetful of that nursling of the parterre of 
Fortune. I continually kept him in sight, and took the greatest 
precautions with regard to him. When I arrived in Kashmir 
this unavoidable catastrophe occurred. . . God be praised that 
it ended well." 3 Further on, we find the following instance 
of Jehangir's faith in astrology : " Padshah Banu Bcgain died. 
.... A strange thing is, that Jotik Kay, the astrologer 
two months before this, had informed some of my servants 
that one of the chief sitters in the harem of chastity would 
hasten to the hidden abode of non-existence. He had 
discovered this from the horoscope of my destiny and it fell out 
accordingly." 4 

What Jehangir says of the enormous bulk of a plane tree 

Jehangir's &r- (chirtdr) 5 in Kashmir is worth-noting. The 

count of the chi- huge shady Chindr trees are the beauty of 

w2r of Kashmir. Kashmir. I saw, both during my first visit 

and the second one (3rd June 1915), a chindr at Sumbal, which, I 

1 M. Mohl, Le Livre des Rote, Vol. IV., p. 704 ; Small edition, Vol. IV j>. 5C7. 



(Meccan'8 Calcutta edition, Vol. III.. 1230.) 

2 Tuzuk by Rogers and Beveridge, II., p. 151. 

3 Ibid, pp. 152-53. 4 Ibid, pp. 159-00. 

5 The Mogul Emperors are aaid to have further spread the planting of chinars iii 
Kashmir. The ehlnare were held in reverence in Pewia. Vide my pauer on The 
Veneration pnid to the plune tree in Powia," in the Journal of the Anthropological Society 
^of Bombay, Vol. VI, No. 8. Vide my Anthropological Papers, Part I., pp. 200-207. 



18 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

think, could easily give, to a family of 7 or more persons, sleeping 
accommodation on the ground within its hollow trunk which was 
eaten away and hollowed by age. I saw another big chinar tree 
(26 June 1915) at Bijbiara on the way to Isl&m&bad. It bears 
a tablet, saying " 64 feet circumference at Q (ground) Level." 
But the plane (chinar) tree which Jehangir describes, waa 
larger than this. He says : " In the village of R&walpfrr, 2| 
kos from the city towards Hindustan, there is a plane-tree, 
burnt in the inside. Twenty-five years before this, when I 
myself was riding on a horse, with five other saddled horses and 
two eunuchs, we went inside it. Whenever I had chanced to 
mention this, people were surprised. This time I <egain ordered 
some of the men to go inside, and what I had in my mind 
came to pass in the same manner. It has been noted in the 
Akbar-nama that my father took thirty-four people inside and 
made them stand close to each other." 1 Jehangir, later 
on, refers to a place known as Panj Brara and to the large 
chindr trees there. He says : "In the neighbourhood of Panj 
Brara there is a meadow (julga) exceedingly clean and pleasant, 
with seven lofty plane-trees in the middle of it, and a stream of 
the river flowing round it. The Kashmiris call it Satha Bhtili. 
It is one of the great resorts of Kashmir." 2 This Panj 
Brara is the modern Bijbihara, and I think, the big 
plane trees referred to by Jehangir are of the spot referred to by 
me above. It is still one of the picturesque spots of Kashmir. 

Jehangir had further beautified the place of Shalamar which 
was beautiful in itself. We read as fol- 

J! 16 ? arde * of lows in his Tuzuk in his account of the fort 
Shftlamar. of ^ parbat ^^ ^ ^ fathep . j 

frequently embarked in a boat, and was delighted to go round 
and look at the flowers of Phak and Shalamar. Phak is the 
name of a pargana situated on the other side of the lake (Dal). 
Shalamar is near the lake. It has a pleasant stream, which comes 
down from the hills, and flows into the Dal Lake. I bade my 
son Khurram dam it up and make a waterfall, which it would 
be a pleasure to behold. This place is one of the sights of Kash- 
mir." 3 Shalamar is still a sight of Kashmir. It was not in 
so good an order when I first visited it about 20 years ago. But 
now, the present Maharaja Saheb has improved the surroundings 
by a beautiful garden. Once a week, all the fountains and 
they are numerous are made to play, and people from the city 
of Srinagar visit it during the afternoon. They generally go 
by boats, but there is also a fine road passing through pleasant 
beautiful surroundings. 

1 IbM, n, pp. 164-5. i: Ibid. 1 p. 171-72. 3 Ibid, p. 151. 



THE MOGUL EMPEBOBS AT KASHMIR. 19 

We see in the following passage, Jehangir's desire that one 
Jehangir's fond* should have his own fruit-garden. While 
ness for gardens. speaking of the shdh-dlti, i.e., cherries of 
Kashmir, he says : " Every day I plucked with my own hand 
sufficient to give a flavour to my cups. Although they sent 
them by runners from Kabul as well, yet to pick them oneself 
from one's home garden gave additional sweetness. The 
shdh-dl^ of Kashmir is not inferior to that of Kabul ; it is even 
better grown. The largest of them weighed one tdnk five 
surkhs." 1 We learn, from what Jehangir says further on, that 
it was he who ordered the further cultivation of this fruit in 
Kashmir. He says : " I strictly ordered the officials of Kashmir 
to plant sMh-dlA (cherry) trees in all the gardens." 2 

Jehangir says : " The picture-gallery in the garden had 
' Jehangir's taste keen ordered to be repaired ; it was now 
for art, as display- adorned with pictures by master hands, 
ed in the DAI I n the most honoured positions were the 
K^mi r r laCe8 f like nesses of Humayun and of my father 
opposite to my own, and that of my brother 
Shah Abbas. ... "3 

Kashmir has several beautiful places known as margs or 
Jehangir's account meadows, such as Sona-marg, Gul-marg, 
of the flower- Kailan-marg. I had the pleasure of seeing 
margs of Kashmir, the last two (7th to 13th July 191 5). These 
soft grassy meadows are covered, especially in the spring, with 
various little flowers. They are situated on higher mountains 
at some distance from the capital city and people go there 
during the summer. Jehangir thus speaks of one of them : 
"I rode to see the summer quarters of Tfisi-marg. 4 Arriv- 
ing in two marches at the foot of the Kotal. . . I reached the 
top of the pass. For a distance of 2 kos very elevated ground 
was crossed with difficulty. From the top of the Kotal to the 
Ilaq (summer quarters) was another kos of high and low land. 
Although here and there flowers of various colours had bloomed, 
yet I did not see so many as they had represented to me, 
and as 1 had expected. 1 heard that in this neighbourhood 
there was a very beautiful valley, and ... I went to see it. 
Undoubtedly, whatever praise they might use in speaking of 
that flowery land would be permissible. As far as the eye 
reached flowers of all colours were blooming. There were 
picked fifty kinds of flowers in my presence. Probably there 

were others that I did not see." 6 Of the Ilaq of Kftri-marg* 

_ . ._..'-- 

1 Ibid, p. 169. 2 Ibid, p. 162. n T?J Wd 'tS p ' 16 i' 162 ' 

4 i *TheplaoetetheToftoMaidanof Lawrence, 16." Ibid, p. 163, n. 1. 

5 Ibid, pp. 162-163. 6 " Gurais Valley of Lawrence, 16." Ibi d . p, 164, n. 2. 



20 ASIATIC PAPBBS. 

be wirtes : " How shall I write its praise ? As far as the eye 
could reach flowers of various hue were blooming, and in the 
midst of the flowers and verdure beautiful streams of water 
were flowing : one might say that it was a page that the painter 
of destiny had drawn with the pencil of creation. The buds 
of hearts break into flowers from beholding it. Undoubtedly 
there is no comparison between this and other Ilaqs and it may 
be said to be the place most worth seeing in Kashmir.' 11 

In his tour towards the celebrated stream of Virnag, 
Machhi Bhavan Jehangir stayed at Machhi Bhavan, so called, 
and Achval (Achi- perhaps, because it contains, even now, a 
bal -) number of fish. I remember the noon of 

27th June 1915, when I paid a second visit to the temple and 
entertained its fish with the delicious Bhavan bread, sold there 
for the pur pose. A play with the fish is enjoyable. I remember 
having a hasty standing breakfast there on a picturesque shady 
spot opposite the temple on the side of the stream running from 
behind the temple. Perhaps it is the very spot which Jehangir 
refers to in his Memoirs. He says : " There is a fountain that 
they called Machhi Bhawan, above which Ray Bihari Chand, one 
of the servants of my father, built an idol temple. The beauty 
of this spring is more than one can describe, and large trees of 
ancient years, planes, white and black poplars, have grown up 
round it, I passed the night at this place." 2 

I may say here a word of warning to modern tourists, lest what 
they see at the above spot at the time of their visit may disap- 
point them and lead them to think that the Mogul Emperor's 
description of the beauty was an exaggeration. The trees are 
grand, shady and beautiful. The springs are beautiful. The air 
is bracing. But at times, the ground is not kept well-cleaned. 
When royal personages and grandees go there the place also 
is kept scrupulously clean. So, no doubt, perhaps a modern 
tourist, who sees at present some dirt and filth in the midst of 
beauty, may, at times, consider Jehangir 's description a little 
exaggerating. 

From Machhi Bhawan, Jehangir went to the spring of Achibal. 
of which he speaks as Achval. Jehangir says : " The water 
of this spring is more plentiful than that of the other (Machhi 
Bhawan), and it has a fine waterfall. Around it lofty plane- 
trees and graceful white poplars, bringing their heads together, 
have made enchanting places to sit in. As far as one could see, 
in a beautiful garden Jd'fari flowers had bloomed, so that one 
might say it was a piece of Paradise." 3 

1 IMd, p. 104. 2 Ibid. p. 172. S fbKU p. 17& 



THE MOGUL EMPERORS AT KASHMIR. 21 

Prom Achiba), Jehangir went to Virniig. He says : l " I pitched 
The Spring of camp near the fountain of Virnag. . . . 
Virnag. The feast of cups was prepared at the spring. 

I gave my private attendants permission to sit down. 
Filling brimming cups, I gave them Kabul peaches as a relish 
and in the evening they returned drunk to their abodes. This 
spring is the source of the river Bihat and is situated at the foot 
of a hill, the soil of which, from the abundance of trees and 
the extent of green and grass, is not seen. When I was a prince, 
I had given an order that they should erect a building at this 
spring suitable to the place. It was now 2 Completed. There 
was a reservoir of an octagonal shape, forty-twb yards in 
area and fourteen gaz in depth. Its water, from the reflection of 
the grass and plants on the hill, had assumed a hue of verdure. 
Many fish swam in it ; round it, halls with domes had been erect- 
ed, and there was a garden in front of them. From the edge of 
the pond to the gate of the garden there was a canal 4 gaz in 
width and 180 gaz in length and 2 gaz in depth. Round the 
reservoir was a stone walk (KJtiydbdn-i-sanQ). The water of 
the reservoir was so clear that, notwithstanding its 4 gaz 
of depth, if a pea had fallen into it, it could have been seen." 

" Of the trimness of the canal and the verdure of the grass that 
grew below the fountain, what can one write ? Various sorts of 
plants and sweet-smelling herbs grew there in profusion, and 
among them was seen a stem, which had exactly the appearance 
of the variegated tail of a peacock. It waved about in the ripple 
and bore flowers here and there. In short, in the whole of Kash- 
mir there is no sight of such beauty and enchanting character. 
It appears to me that what is up stream in Kashmir (i.e., in the 
upper part of Kashmir) bears no comparison with (i.e., is far 
superior to) what is down stream. One should stay some 
days in these regions and go round them so as to enjoy 
oneself thoroughly. ... I gave an order that plane-trees 
should be planted on both sides, on the banks of the canal 
above-mentioned." 

I have quoted at some length this rather long description of 
Firn% from Jehangir's Memoirs, because, it is this visit of the 
15th year of his reign, that the Inscription, which forms a part 
of the subject of my Paper, commemorates. Again, it is in the 
above passage, that Jehangir refers to his orders for the 
erection of the buildings, &c., where the inscriptions stfend : 
" When I was a prince, I had given an order that they should 
etedt a building at this spring suitable to the place. It 

1 Ibid, pp. 173-74 

2 In the 15th year of his reign, Hijri 1029, t>., A.D. 1620. 



22 ASIATIC PAPBBS. 

was now completed." 1 We read all this in his account 
the 15th year of his reign and the Inscription very prop 
bears that date. It says as we will see later on: "I _^ 
Jehangir. . . . did the honor of coming to this fountain-head of 
abundant mirror-like water in the 15th year of his accession 
to the throne." Again, as he says, that the buUding was than 
finished, it appears that he must have ordered the Inscription- 
tablet to be placed there during the very time he was there. 

As to the origin of the name of Virnag, we saw above what 

The origin o! the Jehangir's information was. Some derive 
name Virnag. it from vir, willow ; so Virn&g means willow- 

fountain. On the subject of its origin and the legend about 
the origin, I will quote here from a written Hindu account 
shown to us here by the Pandit who acted as our guide : 

" The spring is called Virnag, because, according to a legend, 
the goddess Vitashta ( Jhelum) wanted to take her rise from this 
place, but it happened that, when she came, Shiva was staying 
here. Thereupon she had to go back. Then, she took her rise 
from Vithavatru (Vithashta), a spring, about a mile to the North- 
west of this place. ' Verah ' means ' to go back ' and * n&g' means 
* spring.' And as Vitashta had to go back from the place, it came 
to be called " Verah-n&g or Virnag." They say that at Virnag they 
worship the Panchayet of the Gods, i.e., the five (panch) gods 
viz., Brahma, Vishnu, Maheshwar, Bhagwan and Ganesh." 

There are two groups of springs here at the distance of about 
one mile from Virn&g. One is that of the Shapta-rishi from the 
seven (sapta) Bishis or saints, viz., Vasishtha, Augashta, Gaotama, 
Atri, Bardwan, Augra and Marich. This group is made of three 
springs. The other group is that of Vitashta and Ganga- Jamnk 
Two tanks are pointed out to us bearing these names. The 
water from the Vitashta tank (kund) flows to that df the Ganga- 
Jamna, and thence the joint water of both the tanks, flowing out, 
joins that of the Sapta-rishi group. All the waters, so joined, 
form the Vitashta, river. The springs of Achibal, and VirnSg 
and the above joint spring are said to form the springs of the 
Jhelum, but the joint group at Virnag is believed to be the true 
main spring. As a proof, it is alleged, that the water of this 
group remains pure even in the rains,while those of the other 
two Achibal and Virn&g get a little spoiled and assume colour, 
because they are believed to be some underground streams 
coming from a distance. 

It is said, that about eight miles from here, there is a spnng 
called Pavan Sandhyfc. The water of this spring has a flow 
and ebb twenty times during an hour. There is another, 

I Tu*ak-i Jfthanglri by Ro gera-Boeridge, II., p. 142, n. 1. 



THE MOGUL EMPEBOBS AT KASHMIR. 23 

about five miles distant, known as Pandar Sandhya, where, in 
the months of Vaiehakh and Jaith, water alternately rushes 
forth once every hour and then stops altogether for the next hour. 

From Virnag, Jehangir went to Lake Bhawan, a spring 
PAmpflr. on a pk* 88 ' 11 * s P ot and thence to Andha 

Nag which contained blind (andha) fish, 
and thence by the road of the springs of Machhi Bhawan 
and Inch back to Srinagar. After a stay at the city, he went on 
an autumn tour in the direction of Safapur and the valley of 
Lar. On the 27th of the Divine (Ilahi) month of Meher, the 
royal standards were raised to return to Hindustan. In this 
return journey as the saffron had blossomed, Jehangir visited 
the saffron fields at Pampur. "In the whole country of 
Kashmir there is saffron only in this place...The feast of cups 
was held in a saffron field. Groves on groves, and plains on 
plains were in bloom. The breeze in that place scented one's 
brain." 1 The cultivators of the saffron took their wages in 
half the weight of the saffron in salt, which was not produced 
in Kashmir but was brought from India. 2 

In his account of Pampur, Jehangir speaks of the kalgi> 
e.g., the plumes or feathers, as one of the excellencies of 
Kashmir. He also refers to an order to build houses, or what 
are now called Travellers' Bungalows, at each stage in Kashmir 
to accommodate his royal party. He then refers to a waterfall 
in the neighbourhood of Hirapur. He says : " What can be 
written in its praise ? The water pours down in three or four 
gradations. I had never seen such a beautiful waterfall. 
Without hesitation, it is a sight to be seen, very strange and 
wonderful. I passed the time there in enjoyment till the third 
watch of the day and filled my eye and heart with the sight." 3 

Jehangir paid a second visit to Kashmir during the 22nd year 

Jehangir's second of his reign. It seems that he had formed 
visit of Kashmir as the intention of going there in the 18th year 
Emperor in 1624. commencing with 10th Mareh 1623. He 
says in his Tuzuk in the account of this year : " As I was at ease 

1 Ibid, p. 177. 

2 Vide Journal Bengal Asiatic Society, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 270, et seq. Thereto. Eev. 
Loewentban gives an article, entitled :" Some Persian Inscriptions found in Srinagar 
Kashmir." In that article, an inscription on the Jam! Masjid contains a firman, of Shah 
Jaban, which contains the following order : " At the time of collecting the saffron, men 
used to be impressed for this work without any wages except a little salt, and 
hence the people are suffering much distress. We ordered that no man should by any 
means be molested as to gathering the saffron ; and as to saffron grown on crown-lands, 
the labourers must be satisfied and receive proper wages ; and whatever grows on lands, 
granted in jagir, let the whole saffron hi kind be delivered to the Jagirdar that he may 
gather it as he pleases." 

3 Ibid, p 170. 



24 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

with regard to the affair of Bidaulat 1 and the heat of Hindu- 
stan did not agree with my constitution, on the second of the* 
month, corresponding with the 1st of Safar (1 Safar 1033 H. 
i.e., 14th November 1623), my camp started from Ajmer for a 
tour and to hunt in the pleasant regions of Kashmir." 2 

We have no account of this visit of Kashmir in Jehangir's 
Tuzuk or Memoirs which are translated and edited by Rogers 
and Beveridge. They extend only up to a part of the 19th year 
of his reign. Elliot's quotations from other sources also are not 
sufficient. So we have to resort to the original Persian of the 
Iqbal-nameh for reference to this and the subsequent visits. 

He arrived at Kashmir on the 19th of Khordad of the 19th 
year of his reign, when Istakad Khan presented to His Majesty 
some delicacies of Kashmir. 3 On the 1st of the month Shahrivar, 
Jehangir was at Virnag. In this account of the visit he speaks 
of this stream as ' the source of the river Bihat (Jhelum) " and 
as " soul -ravishing place of delight and a house of pleasure of 

Kashmir." *^ + ^,> L>^ W** 4 



The author says that he does not give a description of this- 
place as it has been already given before. From Virnag he 
started on the 5th of Shahrivar for Lahore. 

In the beginning of the 20th year of his reign which fell on 

Jehangir's third 10th March 1624, he paid another visit to 

visit of Kashmir Kashmir, of which he speaks as the gar- 

l625 - den of roses and the (seat of) perpetual 

spring (j*+~* J { tf A*? jl>tf). 5 He says, that, as the Pass 
( J*a/) O f pi r Panjal was covered with snow, having hunted 
at Bhimbar, he entered Kashmir by way of the lower hills of 
Princh (gj* ly~j*) or Punj. He describes at some length 
tne beautiful flowers he saw there, and, in this description, gives a 
proof of his knowledge, taste and fondness of flowers. In the 
account of the different flowers, he says of one species, that it 
gfows so large, that it cannot be contained in both the hands 
joined together. (*#& &** ji jd *S &j*>** e^^M^^cA^)* 
Of the oranges of this mountainous place (Punch), he says, that 
remain on the trees for two or three years and a tree gires 

1 fftm the time Shali-Jahan rebelled ttptinat Ms father Jehatfgfr, the latter poke 

bf him as the Bi-danlat, i.e., the unfortunate. 

Torak-i-Jehflmfbf by Roger-BeTerldge, It, p. 882. Ffcfe the Iktal-nflmeh. 
.,, . Bengal Asiatic Society's Text of 1866, p. 21. 

3 Iqbal-nameh, p. 224, 11. 20 et seq. Bengal Asiatic Society's edition of 1805. 

4 Ibid, p. 229, 1. 8. 

5 Iqbal-nameh, p. 240, 1. 19. 



THE MOGUL EMPERORS AT KASHMIR. 25> 

1/KK) oranges. From Baramula* the royal party got into boats- 
and went to the paradise-Kke (^f ^tf) Kashmir. We find 
the following couplet in praise of the beautiful place : 



i.e., "what is this new youth and beauty for this world, resulting 
from this new condition accrued to the land and time ? " 
The beautiful lines cannot be well rendered into English. What 
is meant is this : The sight of the beautiful place gives, as it 
were, youth and beauty to the beholders. Both, Space and 
Time, get, as it were, refreshed. 

Kashmir is known for its saffron, and they said, that the eating 

_, of it produced laughter. So, to verify this 

Jcjxp6mn9nt8 on * * *-* * t 

saffron and birds. belief, Jehangir sent for, from the prison, a 
criminal who was condemned to death for 
theft (yf& jd) and gave him to eat one-fourth of a sir 
equal to 40 miskdls. It produced no laughter. Next day, 
double the quantity was given, but that also had no effect. The 
king thus proved that the common belief was wrong. 

During this visit, Jehangir tried to verify what he had heard 
of a bird known on the mountain of Pir Panjal as Homa 
( l *r or ^ U, ). The people of Kashmir said, that it lived pnly on 
bones, and is always seen in the air and very little on the ground- 
The king offered a prize of Us. 500 to any hunter who would shoot 
a bird of that kind and bring it to the royal court. One JamaL 
Kh&n brought it alive, having shot it merely on one of its legs. 
The king ordered its crop, f .., the food-receptacle to be brought 
out, so that it may be discovered what food it ate. The crop> 
was opened and bone particles were found in it. The moun- 
taineers explained to the king, that it always flew in the air, 
looking to the ground. Wherever it saw a bone, it came down and 
lifting it up in its beak, went high up into the air again. From. 
there, it threw, the bone on strong ground. The bone, falling on 
a stone, broke into small pieces which it then picked up and ate. 
It is generally believed that this bird Homa is the well-known 
bird Hom&i (pelican or royal eagle), which is believed to 
be very suspicions. It is lucky for a man, if the Homai flies 
over his head. The following couplet is quoted on the subject : 



i.e., "Homai holds dignity over all birds, because it eats bones and: 
hurts no animals." In strength and form, this bird is like an* 
eagle ( y ^ ). The above referred to bird weighed 1037| misMU. 



1 A atfcforfis 1J drahm 



* ASIATIC PAPERS, 

Jehangir paid another visit to Kashmir in the 22nd year of his 
Jehangir's fourth reign. He started for it at the end of the 21st 
-and last visit to year on the 21st of the Asfand&nnaz. H^ 
Kashmir in 1626. Iqb&l-n&meh says that this visit was com- 
pulsory, not voluntary (^^ t ^' ** o^j^l ). Want of 
..good health necessitated a change to Kashmir, the paradise- 
like land of roses, the land of perpetual spring ( /**i jt>^ 
^XBJ i#> ^^ *+**f J tO the envy of paradise ( P***^ w* ^ ) * 
Abd-ul-Rahim Khaja was given a sum of Rs. 30,000 for prepara- 
tion. A female elephant with a litter was prepared for the 
king. His health continued to be bad during this visit. He 
continued to lose strength and grow weaker. He could not ride 
and went out for airing in a palkhi ( <^ l #). He lost all appetite 
-and even gave up taking opium (u^')> which he was in 
the habit of taking for the last 40 years. He liked nothing 
but a few glasses of grape wine (cfjj^ 1 v'^r* ^*i ***). 
He then resolved to return to Lahore. " On the way at the fort 
of Bairam (|*j--) * hunt was arranged. Deer were driven 
to a place where he sat and he shot from his seat. During the 
course of this hunt, one of the footmen slipped, fell down a hill 
-and died. This event and the grief of the mother of the deceased 
affected him, and he did not recover from the shock. From the 
iort Bairam, they went to Tahna and from Tahna to Raj our 
( ^ ja* t j ). He died on the way further. He asked for a drink which 
was brought but which he could not swallow. He died on the 
-aext day. His body was taken to Lahore and buried there. 
From the Iqbal-nameh-i Jehangiri or Wakiat-i Jehangiri of 
Some further Mu'tamad KMn, we learn that Jehangir had 
particulars from in all six visits of Kashmir. They were in 
Mu'tamad Khan's the 14th, 16th, 18th, 1.9th, 20th and the 21st 
fobal nfcneh-i years of his reign. 1 We find from this book, 
^ ehai *S ir2 ' that, in one beautiful place, he ordered an 

inscription to be put up to commemorate his vibit of the place. 
We read the following : 



i.e., Order was issued that the date of the stay of the victorious 
army may be inscribed on a stone tablet, so that the note of the 
Auspicious event may remain commemorated on the page of time. 

1 Ibid, p. 290. 



2 The Iqbal nameh-1 Jehangiri of Mu'tamad Khan, published by the Asiatle 
Society of Bengal (1865), edited by Mawiawia Abd Al Hall and Ahmad All under the 
superintendence of Major W. X, Lees, pp. 127, 186 213, 220, 290. 



THE MOGUL BMPEEOES AT KASHMIH. 27 

In the account of the fourth visit the following matetrs are 
moted as novelties or peculiarities : 

1. A flower, not seen up to now, having three beautiful 
'Colours. It was unmatched in colours and beauty vf^j-^j>) 

(^jjJai ^ ^y^&j. The flower grew so large that it could 
-not be contained in two hands. The people of Kashmir call it 
^makarbush ( isjij*"). 

2. There were some orange trees, giving 1,000 oranges 
each. 

3. During the return journey, a lion was presented to his 
Majesty which lived with a goat in the same cage. The animal 
was so much domesticated in the company cf the goat, that 
when the latter was removed, it roared and cried. The king 

ordered another goat of the same size and colour to be put in 

the cage. The lion then at first smelt the goat, and, not finding 

it to be its own companion, killed it. When the same goat was 

-restored to him in the cage, the lion embraced and kissed him. 

I have given Jehangir's account of his visit to Kashmir on the 

The Memoirs of authority of his Memoirs, known (a) as the 

Jehangir transla- Tuzuk-i Jshangiri and (6) as Iqbal-nameh. 

ted by Major But, there is another Persian text, styled 

David Price. Tarikh-i Salim-Shahi by Major David Price, 

who translated it in 1829. There was some controversy 

*on this work, as to whether it was genuine or spurious, a 

controversy in which the well-known orientalist Sylvester de 

Sacy of Paris , also took some part . l Without entering much into 

the controversy, I, having been to the country twice, and having 

seen the force of the torrent of its river Jhelum, beg to doubt its 

.genuineness, at least the genuineness, of some of its statements. 

-No doubt, there is a good deal of exaggeration. For example, 

the Memoir, which Major Price translated, speaks in very great 

-exaggeration of the loss of life caused by the force of the torrent 

of the river and of the rigour of the climate. Suhr&b Khan, the 

son of Mirza Rustam Khan, was drowned while bathing in the 

Driver, when Jehangir was on his way to Srinagar during his first 

visit after his accession to the throne. The Emperor's account 

in his Tuzuk is simple, and says nothing of any enormous loss of 

dives of persons sent to recover the dead body. But look to the 

following exaggerated account as given by the writer of Price's 

work : " Without enlarging further on a subject .to me so 

.painful, I sent nearly a thousand of the best swimmers into the 

river in the hope of recovering the lifeless body of the young 

Mirza, in order to give it the last mournful proofs of my affection : 

1 Elliot II., pp. 252-257. 



ASIATIC PAPERS. 

but all search proved m vain. What became of his poor- 
remains was never discovered. But this is not all that I have to 
record of this fatal river. Impatient of restraint, the unreflecting 
multitude plunged in heedless throngs into the stream, and 
perished to the number of fifty thousand persons, not having the 
common sense to wait until the waters should have subsided. 
The cold on the banks of the river was, moreover, so severe, that 
it was reported to me the next morning that nearly ten thousand 
elephants, camels and horses, had perished during the night, 
belonging to the imperial stables alone, independently of what 
belonged to the army in general. Blessed be God, for the greatest 
heat of the dry season, lor never in the very hottest temperature, 
was there an instance of such extensive destruction at one time. 
" The oldest and most experienced man present united in declar- 
ing, that in all that they had seen at different times and in every 
variety of season, it did not occur to them ever to have witnessed 
such severity ol cold as that which this year had proved so des- 
tructive on hill and plain, to so many animals of every description. 
" At the foot of the mountains of Kashmir the snow fell without 
intermission for seven days and seven nights, and fuel of any 
description was not to be procured. The army was accompanied 
by fakirs or religious mendicants, in extraordinary numbers, and, 
as they must have perished if not preserved by some immediate 
intervention, I ordered a lakh of camels belonging to the imperial 
equipment to be employed forthwith in conveying such fuel as 
could be procured at a distance, to camp, and these fakirs to be 
supplied from the very first convoy, otherwise their destruction 
would have been inevitable," 1 The writer seems to have had 
no sense of proportion in the matter of his figures. Elliot gives 
several instances 2 of exaggeration and the above is one mote ins* 
tance. Again, from Bemier's account of his visit of Kashmir with 
Aurangzebe, we find, that, looking to the difficulties of the 
route and to the small capacity of the valley to supply provisions 
for a large number, the Mogul Emperors took special care to 
take ds small a number of army and followers as possible. 3 

We learn from Jehangir's Memoirs, that he was fond of 
Jehangir's fond- commemorating his visits to certain 
of commemo- enchanting beautiful places in Kashmir by 
by inscriptions. We notice two instances of tbi. 
^^ ^ fiwt occurred Curing the return 
journey via Rr Panj&l (1029 H., A.D. 1620, the 16th year of 

.- - - _.-__.- - - ,.- 

topperor Jehangfr, by Major David Price (1829), pp. 13*40. 
pp. 257-200. 



THE MOGUL EMPERORS AT KASHMIR. 29 

his reign). Jehangir went to see a beautiful waterfall and 
& spring at Bahramgalla, which he calls " a sight to be 
seen" and there " ordered that they should engrave on 
a stone tablet the date of the crossing, and place it 
on the top of the terrace." 1 We find the second instance, 
as referred to above, in his Iqbal-nameh, 2 in its account 
of his third visit to Kashmir in 1625. After having enetred into 
the limits of Kashmir by the Punch (Punj) route, he came to a 
place, where there was a very large waterfall, 50 cubits in 
height and 4 in breadth. He sat for an hour before it, drank 
wine, and, in the end, ordered that the date of his arrival 
there may be inscribed on a tablet. Thus, in these instances, 
we see the fondness of Jehangir to commemorate his visits 
to picturesque and beautiful places in Kashmir like that 
-at Virnag. 

VII. 

Shah Jehan is said to have visited Kashmir several times. We 
Shah Jehan and find a detailed account of his first visit during 
Kashmir. the 7th year of his reign (1043 Hijri A. u. 

1633), in the Badshah Nameh by Abdul Hamid Lahoari. 3 
Elliot, in his extracts from the Badshah Nameh 4 or Shah Jehan 
Nameh of this author, only refers to this visit, but does not give 

.any account of it. We read in the original, an account of the four 
roads leading to Kashmir. Shah Jehan went by the Pir Panjal 
Route (J^i^f *lj). intheKhurdad month. The country is 
spoken of as nazhat-gah (3 1? c* r- >J)-i-Kashmir, i.e., the place of 
pleasure of Kashmir. It is aloo spoken of as Kashmir-i-delpazir, 
(jityt) i.e., heart-ravishing Kashmir. We read the following 

about the beauty of Kashmir : 



(5) 

Translation. This paradise-like country is, on account of its 
pleasantness and cleanliness, and sweetness of its water and air, 
-and the excess of its herbs and trees, and abundance of fruit and 

1 Tuzuk-i Jehaiitfiri by Roffers-Beveridge, Vol. II. p. 179. 

2 Iqbal-nameh, Calcutta edition of the Bengal Asiatic Soi-fety, p. 242, 1, 16. 

i TUhanttwoa Indira neries Badahah Namah bv '\Jt>d AJ-Hamid Ltihawri, edited by 
tteMiiSto-ll ?Sb^-bh^ilS and Abd AflUhiW. Vol. I (1867) 2nd part, 
p. 15. 

4 Ellfot VII. p. 3. a Ji*d8bttJi Naah, Vol. J., Text. p. 21, 1. 13. 



30 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

fruits' produce, and pleasant gardens, and beautiful islands,, 
fountains of wholesome water like that of the fountain of 
Paradise and lakes like the river of Paradise, and joy-increasing 
water-courses and enchanting mountain resorts, the best of the 
beautiful places of the world. 

We find from the B&dsh&h Nameh, that Kashmir was then, 
as now, the place whence there was a route to Tibet. Sh&h 
Jehan sent from there, Zafar Khan, the Subahdftr of Kashmir,, 
for the conquest of Tibet. 1 

Shah Jehan visited Kashmir for the second time in the 25th 
year of his reign (A. D. 1650-51). He stayed at the fort of Hari 
Parbat, built at the direction of his grandfather Akbar. He visited 
the Mosque built by Mulla Shah Badakhshani at a cost of 
Us. 40,000. " Towards the close of the spring, on account of the 
heavy rain and tremendous floods, all the verdant islands in the 
middle of the Dal, as well as the gardens along its borders, and 
those in the suburbs of the city, were shorn of their grace and 
loveliness. The waters of the Dal rose to such a height, that 
they even poured into the garden below the balcony of public 
audience, which became one sheet of water from the rush 
of the foaming tide, and most of its trees were swamped. 
Just about this time, too, a violent hurricane of wind arose, 
which tore up many trees, principally poplars and planes, 
by the roots, in all the gardens, and hurled down from on high 
all the blooming foliage of Kashmir. A longer sojourn in 
that region was consequently distasteful to the gracious mind ; 
so notwithstanding that the sky was lowering, he quitted 
Kashmir."* 

Though the inscriptions at Virnag have nothing to do with Shah 
Shah Jehfin's Jehan, some ruins at Virnag are associated 
visit of Virnag. by the people there with the name of this* 
monarch. Near the garden opposite to the 
spring tank, on the left of the adjoining tonga road leading to 
the spring, there are several ruins, which were shown to me, as- 
those of the hot water and cold water baths of Shah Jeh%fc 
A ruin is shown as that of the place where hot water was boi^U 
We still see ruins of two pipes there. It seems, that a part of t\#r 
water of the canal was carried from under the road to the baths. ' 
I am not in a position to say, how far what the people said 
there was true, that the ruined baths were built by Shah Jehan. 
But, it is certain that Shah Jehan also had paid visits to 
Kashmir. 

1 Ibid, p. 281. Vide also Elliot VII. p. 98. 

2 Inayat Khan's Shah Jahan-Natoft. Elliot VII. pp. 97-8. 



THE MOGUL EMPEEORS AT KASHMIR. 31 

On proceeding from this site to the village, we pass over the 
ruins of some old water works. A very large stone, about 10 ft. in. 
length, forms, as it were, a bridge over a streamlet. This is 
pointed out to us as that of the time of the Panda vas. Anything 
unusual in size is often pointed out to us in many places in 
India as connected with, or belonging to, the time of the 
Panda vas. Here is an instance of this kind. 

Shah Jehan's rule in Kashmir is commemorated by an In- 
Sh&h-Jehfin's scription, bearing his name and giving his 
Inscriptions on Farmdn on the Jami Mas j id of Kashmir. 1 ' 
Kashmir. i>h e Farmdn was given by Emperor Shah 

Jehan on 7th of Isfandannuz (February) and inscribed in 
Adar. The year is not given but it seems that it was 
during his second visit of 1061 Hijri, A.D. 1650-51 that 
the King's Farman was inscribed on the Juma Masjid. We 
read : "On the 4th Rajab, His Majesty paid a visit to the 
Mosque which had been erected in the most exquisite style 
of art, for the asylum of learning, Mulla Shah Badakhshani." 2 
The year 1061 Hijri began on 25th December 1650. So, the 
Rajab, the 7th month of that year, fell in June of 1651. It 
seems, therefore, that he may have issued the order before 
coming to Kashmir in the preceding February (Asfandarmuz), 
and the order was inscribed in March. On his arrival in. 
Kashmir, perhaps, he went to see how his Farman was inscribed. 

The Farmdn did justice to the following grievances of the 
Kashmiris : (1) There should be no forced labour for the pur- 
pose of collecting saffron. (2) A tax for wood used by the 
people was charged by the Subadars, which charge was increased 
by the government of Itiqad Khan. That charge of tax was^ 
abolished. (3) An impost on the growth of rice in villages 
" whose rental was more than 400 Kharvar of rice/' was 
abolished. (4) The poll-tax of 75 ddms on each boatman was 
reduced to the previous tax of 60 ddms. (5) The Subadars 
kept their own men in private fruit gardens to watch over the 
best fruits, to have them. The result wa*, that the owners, 
to avoid this, did not grow good fruits. So, this restriction from< 
the Subadars was removed. 8 

Another inscription on the same Jami Masjid refers to the 
belief, that if a man did some good work, not only he, but his 
father and forefathers got the advantage or benefit of the 

1 Bev. LoeweDthal's article, entitled "Some Persian Inscriptions found in Srinagar 

Kashmir." Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, Vol. XXXIII, No. 3, pp. 287-88: 

2 Shah Johan Kama, Elliot, VII., p. 97. 

a Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, XXXIII, No. 3, pp. 289-90. 



32 ASIATIC PAPEES. 

righteous act in the other world. We read at the end of this 
inscription, which is dated 1056 Hijri. " Oh God, pardon its 
'builder and his father, Oh Pardoner." 1 

VIII. 

Fran9ois Bernier (1620-1688), a French medical man, who* 
d . ^ r travellin g in several parts of the East, 
"* 



the court oi King Aurangzeb in 1659, 
describes at some length, in an interesting 
, Aurangzeb 's visit to Kashmir in 1665. He had accompanied 
the Emperor in this visit. The great Mogul was carried by 
people in his Takht-i-ravan, i.e., a moving throne, guarded by 
gourZ'barddrs, i.e., mace-bearers. The King marched with a 
retinue. He had a number of the choicest elephants for his 
baggage and also a few mules. Besides these, there were 6,000 
porters or coolies to carry the baggage. In all, for the whole 
royal party there were 30,000 porters. They were collected by 
the Rajahs of the adjoining countries. Ihe royal party was 
; accompanist! by a large number of traders who opened their 
shops wherever the camps were pitched. Bernier was enamoured 
of the beauty of the country. The praise of Kashmir has been 
sung by many a traveller and many a poet. As said by Bernier, 
. during Aurangzeb 's visit of Kashmir, there was k< an emulous 
contest between the Kashmiri and the Mogul poets " 
for " poems in praise of the favoured land." 2 I have 
referred above to Bernier's own view about the beauty of 
Kashmir. 

I will here say a few words on the Banihal Pass, by which 

The Banihal the Mogul Emperors, in some of their visits 

Pass near Virn&g. crossed the Pir Panjal range of the moun- 

tains surrounding Kashmir. If one wants to enter into Kashmir 

'from Jamoo he has to cross this high Pass. It is referred to by 

.Abul Fazl in his Ain-i-Akbari. It is in the vicinity of Virnag. 

It was on 30th June 1915, that I had the pleasure of going to 

the top of this Banihal Pass which serves as the route over the 

Pir Panjal mountains. I had attempted this ascent during my 

'first visit of Kashmir in May 1895 on foot, but had failed. We 

.had to return all exhausted after climbing one-third the height. 

1 Ibid, p. 2B6 

2 Constable's Oriental Miscellany of Original and Selected Publications, Vol. J , 

Berniers's Travels (1656-1608) (1801), p. 401. Second edition revised by 
Vincent A. Smith, 1014. 



THE MOGUL EMPEKORS AT KASHMIR. 3$ 

This time we went on horseback. We started at about 6-45 a.m., 
and reached the top at about 10-20. The path is at places so nar- 
row, that to give way to some of the Maharaja's troops coining 
from Jamoo, we had to wait at one place for about half an hour. 
The Pass is named Banihal, from a stream of that name running 
at some distance from here. Jamoo is said to be 8 stages from 
here. This Pass is always windy. Tradition says, that the- 
mountain is named Pir Panjal from the fact of a Pir, i.e., a saint, 
living here in former times. This Pir was much harassed by a 
person living here ; and so, to punish him, he cursed him and 
prayed for cold wind. The man was overtaken by the wind and 
was killed. The wind has continued to blow here since that time. 
Chi my visit, I was showed a very large slab of stone here. 
It was about 8 feet long, 4 feet broad, and 3 to 4 feet thick. 
The Pir said his prayers on this stone. Four small hollows on 
the surface are pointed out to us as the place where he rested 
his knees and placed his hands during the prayer-ritual. The 
Pir had miraculously changed the direction of this big stone to 
enable him to turn to the Kebleh towards the maghreb (west). 
Before his advent here, and before the abovementioned event 
of his curse to punish his tormentor, the Pass was free 
om stormy winds. 1 

Let us note what Bernier, who travelled in Kashmir in the 
company of Aurangzeb, says of the Pir and his miraculous 
pow3rs of producing the winds : " The third extraordinary ap- 
pearance was an aged hermit, who had resided on the top of this 
mountain ever since the time of Jehan-Guyre. Of his religion 
everybody was ignorant ; but it was said that he wrought 
miracles, caused strange thunders, and raised storms of wind, 
hail, snow and rain. His white and uncombed beard was 
extremely long and bushy. . . . The old man was also very angry 
with those who made a noise. . . He informed me that noise 
made there stirred up the most furious tempests imaginable. 
.... Jehan-Guyre having upon one occasion derided his 
counsel, and, notwithstanding his earnest remonstrance, having 

i There is in Kashmir another big stone which is traditionally connected with 
another Pir. It is near the Tulwan marg on Gulmarg. It is connected with the story of 
one Baba Rlslii who had driven away a demon from Kashmir. The demon, in revenge 
threw against Baba Bishi a big atone from the side of a distant mountain. He missed 
his aim, and Baba Bishi, in thanksgiving got up over the stone and said his afternoon 
nimaz or prayer over it. His foot made a mark over the stone. But, lest people may 
make the stone a Ziarat-gah or a place of pilgrimage, he overturned the stone so that 
people may not see his foot-mark. The Tulwan marg and the stone were visited by m& 
on the 10th and llth of July 1015. I found the atone to be about 18 to 20 ft. long, 8 
to 10 ft. broad, and 7 to 8 ft. high. We see the Ziarat-gah ol this Baba Bishi on our 
way to Baramulla down the Gulmarg. 

3 



34 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

ordered the cymbals to be beaten and the trumpets to be 
sounded, narrowly escaped destruction." 1 

It seems, that the Pir's apprehensions about any noise what- 
ever being made there may be wrong, but, it is quite possible, 
that loud noises like those of drums, &c., may very likely produce 
a change in the equilibrium of the weather-conditions there. 
The following note on the subject in Beniier's translation shows, 
that large noises are likely to produce such changes in mountain 
recesses. It says : " At the present day the bands of pilgrims 
who visit the Holy Shrines, situated in the lofty mountains 
of Kashmir refrain from chanting their hymns of praise when 
in the vicinity of the banks of snow, as on several occasions 
the effect of such reverberations of sound has been to dislodge 
avalanches, which swept away to destruction many men and 
women." 2 

Abul Fazl, in his Ain-i-Akbari, 3 says as follows on the subject 
of the wind on the Pir Panjal hills : " Jf on these hills an ox or a 
horse be killed, storm clouds and wind arise with a fall of snow 
and rain." Col. Jarret makes the following note on the subject, 
in his translation : " The superstition regarding the tempest of 
Wind and snow and rain, appears to be connected wi 4 h that of 
the Yedeh (**J) or rain-stone frequently alluded to by Babcr, 
the history of which is given by D'Herbclot. It is of Tartar 
origin and the virtues of the stone are celebrated in Yarkand and 
attested by authorities who have never witnessed them. It is 
said to be found in the head of a horse or a eow, and if steeped in 
the blood of an animal with certain ceremonies, a wind arises 
followed by snow and rain." 

While traversing the mountain Pass of Pir Panjal, three things 
recalled Beniier's "old philosophical speculations." One was 
the above one of the aged hermit and the tempests. The second 
was the experience of the opposite seasons ol summer and win- 
ter within the same hour : "In ascending we were exposed to 
the intense heat of the sun, and perspired most profusely ; but 
when we reached the summit, we found ourselves in the midst 
of frozen snow." One of ten experiences some changes of tempe- 
rature when he goes on the top of a hill, but here, on thi lofty 
Pass, the change is very great. Though I had not the severe 
experience of Bernier to be on the frozen snow, I experienced 
an unusual sudden change within two or three minutes. I 

1 Bernier's Travels (16561668) in Constable's Oriental Miscellany, Vol. I. (1891) 

p. 410. 

2 Ibid p. 410, n. 1. 

3 Col. Jarrett'i Translation. Vol. II. p. 348. 



THE MOGUL EMPERORS AT KASHMIR. 35 

cannot do better than quote, what I put down there and then in 
my note-book, on arriving at the top of the Pass. I wrote : 



...... vt 



Mi 

<k Thanks to God that He has brought me to-day with my two 
relatives to the top of this Banihal Pass. Where I had failed 20 
years ago, He has brought me to-day. . . . Though it is eleven 
o'clock, there blows cold wind. I had to remove my coat while 
climbing up. I have to put it on again. Very cold wind. The 
(heat of the) sunshine not perceptible. The gardener down below 
and a Mahomedan here say, that in winter, owing to the force of 
the wind, at times men are thrown down and carried away into 
the valley and killed." 

Bernier gives an interesting account of the preparations and 
Transport for transport for Aurangzeb's visit of Kashmir. 
Aurangzeb's visit He says i 1 ** That a scarcity of provisions 
to Kashmir. mav no t be produced in the small kingdom 

of Kachemire, the King will bo followed by a very limited 
number of individuals. Of females he takes only ladies of the 
first rank, the intimate friends of Rauchenara-Begum, and those 
women whose services cannot easily be dispensed with. The 
Omrahs and miltary will also be as few as possible ; and those 
Lords who have permission to attend the Monarch will be 
accompanied by no more than twenty-five troopers out of every 
hundred ; not, however, to the exclusion of the immediate 
officers of their household. These regulations cannot be evaded, 
an Omrah being stationed at the pass of the moutains, who 
reckons every person one by one, and effectually prevents the 
ingress of that multitude of Mansebdars and other cavaliers who 
-are eager to inhale the pure and refreshing air of Kachemire, as 
well as of all those petty tradesmen and inmates of the bazars, 
whose only object is to gain a livelihood. 

" The King has a few of the choicest elephants for his baggage 
.and the women of the Seraglio. Though heavy and unwieldy, 
these animals are yet very surefooted, feeling their way when 
the road is difficult and dangerous, and assuring themselves of 

1 Bender's Travels by A. Constable, 2nd edition, revised by Vincent A. Smith (1914) 
7>. 391. 



36 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

the firm hold of one foot before they move another. The king, 
has also a few mules ; but his camels, which would be more 
useful, are all left behind, the mountains being too steep and 
craggy for their long stiff legs. Porters supply the place of 
camels ; and you may judge of the immense number that will be 
employed if what they tell me be true, that the king alone has 
no fewer than six thousand. I must myself have three, 
although I left my large tent and a considerable quantity of 
luggage at Lahor : every person did the same, not excepting the 
Omrahs and the king himself ; and yet it is calculated that 
there are at least fifteen thousand porters already collected in 
Bember ; some sent by the Governor of Kachemire and by the 
neighbouring Rajas, and others who are come voluntarily in 
the expectation of earning a little money. A royal ordinance 
fixes their pay at ten crowns for every hundred pounds 
weight. It is computed that thirty thousand will be 
employed ; an enormous number, when it is considered that 
the king and Omrahs have been sending forward baggage, 
and the trades people articles of every sort, for the last month." 

IX. 

Aurangzeb, who died in 1118 H. A. D. 1707, was succeeded by 

The Mogul Em- the following kings, one after another : 

perors after Au- 1. Shah Alum Badshah, known as Bahadur- 

rang ! eb . . shah ' who died in 1123 m i Ti > A - D - 171L 

2. Jahandar Shah, who ruled for 11 months only, and was then 
killed by Muhammad Farrukh Siyar, the Jhahid (martyr). 3. 
Sultan Muhammad Farrukh Siyar who came to throne in 1123. 
Hijri A.p. 1711. He ruled for eight years and 4 months and 
was then dethroned and put in prison, where he soon died. 4. 
Abti-1 Barakat Rafi-'ud Darajat, who was declared Emperor in 
1131 Hijri (18th February 1719) and who ruled for a few days. 5. 
Rafi-'ud Daula entitled Shah Jehan II, who came to throne on 2(V 
Rajab 1131, May 27, A.D. 1719, and reigned only for 3 months and 
2 days. 6. Muhammad Shah Badshah, known as Roshan Akhtar, 
who came to throne on 11 Zi-1 kada 1131 H., September 1719. 

We know nothing interesting, in connection with Kashmir 
in the short reigns of these Mogul Kings after Aurangzeb, until 
we come to the reign of the last ruler in the above list. In 
his reign, one Mahbub Khan, otherwise known as Abdu-n Nalur 
Kashmiri, satisfied his enmity towards the Hindus of Kashmir, 
by submitting them to many indignities. This was followed by 
a heavy fight between two factions of the Mahomedans. These 
disturbances caused a damage of lacs of rupees. 

1 ttuntakhabu-l-Lulftb, Elliot -VII, pp. 387-485. 



THE MOGUL EMPERORS AT KASHMIR. 37 

X. 

The language of the Inscriptions generally, and the use of some 

The influence f words especially, suggest the question of the 

Tersia 1 through * n fl uence of Persia upon India. The Moguls 

the Moguls upon have left a powerful mark on India in various 

Kashmir in parti- lines, and in that mark, Old Persia, which 

eneraf d * "* had influenced earl y Mahomedanism, has some 
ne " indirect hand. 'In an interesting article, 

entitled "India's debt to Persia," 1 Mr. H. Beveridge refers to 
some sources for this influence. Speaking generally he says : 
" But if Persian Muhammedans were influential in India, the 
followers of the old Persian faith were also powerful agents in 
civilizing the country. The Persian settlers in Gujrat the 
forefathers of the modern Parsis did same service to India 
as the Huguenots did to England. They introduced new 
arts and sciences and enriched the blood of the Indian 
nations. When we think of what the Parsees have done for 
India, the Huguenots for England, and the Puritans for 
America, we are almost inclined to think, that there is good in 
religious persecutions, and that, like Kirigsley's ' Wild 
North-Easter' they drive hearts of oak seaward round the world." 

Now it is the language of Jehangir's Inscription, and especially 
the use of some religious terms of " the Old Persian faith," referred 
to by Mr. Beveridge, that suggest to us some stray thoughts of 
this kind. Words like ' Haft-keshvar ' and ' Sarush ' used in 
the inscriptions point to the influence of Zoroastrianism upon 
Mahomedanism. The words have come down, as it were, in 
their original form from the Avesta. The first part ' hafta ' in 
1 haftkeshwar ' is Avesta ' hapta ' (seven). The second part 

"* keshwar ' is Avesta ' karshvare ' (country). The word Sarush 
{angel Gabriel) is Avesta Sraosha. 

We find the word Sarush in another inscription of Kashmir. It 
is that on " a postern gate" of the tomb of Kashmir's celebrated 
kirtg Zain-ul Abadin, situated at a short distance from the Masjid 
of Shah Hamdan. The inscription was put by Sultan Habib 
in 981 Hijri, some time after the death of Zain-ul Abadin. The 

couplet which speaks of Sarush runs thus : 2 



iSjyi 

i.e., At the time of laying the foundation, I heard from Sarush 
the year of its date, " the second tomb of Sultan Habib" 981. 

1 Spiegel Memorial Volume, edited by me, pp. 21-22. 

2 AB friven by Kev. Loewenthal in hi* article, entitled " Some Persian Inscriptions 
found In Srinagar. Kashmir" (Journal Bensal Aiiatic Society (1865) Vol. 
XXXIII, No. 8, p. 282). 



ASIATIC PAPERS. 



In the case of Kashmir, Saiyad All of Hamadan (the ancient 
Ecbatana), whose name is borne by a large Masjid of Srinagar, 
had preceded the Moguls and had been the medium of the spread 
of Persian influence. The saint's original name is Mir Sayid Ali 
Hamadani. He died in 786 Hijri (A.D. 1384). This appears 
from the following inscription in the mosque in Srinagar, known 
as the Masjid of Shah Hamdana. * 



r 

13 j U \ | ^9 J 



Translation." Date of his death. 

" In the year 786 from the time of Ahmad, the seal of religion- 
(that is) from the Hijri, there went from the transitory to the* 
eternal world the prince of both worlds, the descendant of 
Yasin (i.e., the descendants of the Prophet)." 

In old Parsee books, for example, the Pahlavi Bundehesh, 
Kashmir is spoken of as a part of India and the Sad-dar 
speaks of Kashmir as being one of the several places where, in 
olden times, Zoroastrianism prevailed. Even later Arab and 
Mahomedan writers speak of Kashmir as being a part of Hind 
or India. According to Magoudi, 2 Kashmir together with Bind 
and Kanauj formed a part of India. 

Up to a few years ago, Persian was the court language of the 
Durbar of Kashmir. Even during my second visit of Kashmir, 
I had occasion to talk in Persian with a large number of peoplo 
there. Even the Hindu Pandits spoke Persian. At one time, 
there were, as it were, two parties in Kashmir ; one was that of 
the Persian-knowning Pandits and the other of Sanskrit-knowing 
Pandits. The Mahomedan King Zain-ul Abadin, a very popular 
and benevolent ruler, known, and still spoken of, as " The Pad- 
shah," i.e., the king, greatly helped the study of Persian. It is 
said, that at one time, the schism was so much, that the Persian- 
speaking Pandits and the Sanskrit-speaking Pandits did not 
inter-marry. Again, the Persian knowing Pandits could not 
practise as gurus or professional Hindu priests. 3 

1 I give the Inscription and translation as given by Bv. J. Loewenthal (Ibid 

PP. 270-289). Eev. Loewenthal gives two more Inscriptions found on this 
MuHjid. 

2 Masoudi, Chap. VII., XVI. Elliot I., pp. 19-23. 

8 Vide my paper on the Pandits of Kashmir, (Journal of the Anthropological Socittp- 
of Bombay. Vol. X, No. 6, pp. 401-85. My " Anthropological papers " Part II),. 



THE MOGUL EMPERORS AT KASHMIR. 39 

The Moguls brought their taste for gardening to Kashmir 

The Persians and f m J Mr. Witt, in his " Retreat of 
gardening. The The Ten Thousand," says : This charming 
Mogul gardens of pursuit (of gardening) had been raised almost 
Kashmir. to the rank of religious duty by Zoroaster, 

the founder of the Persian religion, who had taught his disciples 
that when occupied in the planting and tending of trees useful 
to man, they were engaged in a good action well-pleasing to 
God." 1 

The principal Mogul gardens of Kashmir are the Nishat Bagh 
and the Shalimar on the Dal lake, and the gardens at Achibal and 
Virnag. Sir F. Younghusband, while speaking of the Shalimar 
garden, says : IS The Moguls certainly understood such matters. 
They were quite right in selecting trees of formal growth and 
planting them on geometrical lines, the essence of a good garden 
being that it should form a pleasing intermediate step between 
the free treatment which Nature lavishes on hills and plains, 
fields and forests, and that necessarily artificial object a building 
made by the hand of man." 2 

XI. 

II. THE TEXT AND THE TRANSLATION OF JEHANGIR'S INSCRIP- 
TIONS AT VIRNAG. 

There are two Inscriptions at Virnag. Both are on the walls 
surrounding the octagonal tank, (a) One is on the wall opposite 
to the entrance. (6) The other is on a side wall. I will first give 
the text of the Inscriptions. 

(a) Text of Jehangir's Inscription on the wall of the octagonal 
tank, opposite to the entrance. 



t tsM eU-c Jf AJ-CJ ^t Jjl* c*'-' 



1 "The Retreat of the Ten Thousand " by Prof. C. Witt, translated from tfie Ocnuun 

by Francis Younghusband (1891) p. 17. 

2 " Kashmir " by F. Younghusband, p. 81, 

3 Nuru-ud-din. This was also a title of Jehangir and formed part of his name. 



40 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

(6) Text of the Inscription on the wall on the right-hand side 
of the octagonal tank. 



I'M 
(a) Translation of the first Inscription : 

King Jehangir, the king of the seven regions, the justice- 
spreading Emperor, father of victory, splendour of religion, 
the son of the brave King Akbar, did the honour of coming to this 
fountain-head of abundant mirror (-like water) in the 15th year 
.after his accession to the throne. This building was completed 
by His Majesty's order. This building raised its head toward 
heaven (by the hand of) Jehangir Shah, (son of) Akbar Shah. The 
source of Reason (i.e., angel Gabriel) obtained (i.e., decreed) its 
date as qasr dbdd chcbshmeJi-i-V erndg , i.e., (May the palace of 
the fountain of Vernag flourish). Hijri 1029. 1 

(6) Translation of the second Inscription : 

Thanks to God ! What a (beautiful) waterfall and running 
; stream has Haidar prepared at the order of the King of the 
World, 2 the king of the time ! This running stream has reminded 
us of the stream of Paradise. Kashmir has obtained fame 
from this stream. The invisible Sarush (angel Gabriel) men- 
tioned the date of the canal to be : " Az cha&Kma (i) behesht 
birun dmadfoh ast jui, " i.e., the stream has come out of the 
spring of Paradise, 1036. 

In the case of the first Inscription,the numerical computation 
of the letters in the line iJ^ jj *+*<* a^T j*& must give us the 
number 1029 as given in figures in the Inscription. To give 
us that number, we have to take two alifs for the first letter 
in the word ttf . The word /++ may be taken for p&+ 
and cJfcjj must be read as Virnag cJ l ^j which is the 



1 I.e., A.D. 1619-20, the 15th year of Jehangir'g reign. 

2 The word la Shah Jehan ( fcj^ *^ ). One may, at the ftrit sight, 

take the Inscription to refer to the won and aucccssor of Jehangir, but the date 1086 
clearly shows, that the word here IB a common noun and not a proper noun, and that It 
refers to Jehangir (A.D. 1605-1626), and not to Shah Jehan (1626 -1659). I will speak 
further on this subject later on. 



THE MOGUL EMPERORS AT KASHMIR. 41 

iorm of the name we find in the Memoirs of Jehangir. With 
this modification, the sentence, in order to give the numerical 
value of 1029, must read as iSbjtj * [ J j<** The values 
will be 100+90+200+1 + 1+2+1+4+3+30040+6+10+ 
200+50+1+20=1029. 

In the case of the second Inscritpion, the date of the event, as 
given in figures, is 1036 ; and so, it must tally with the chronogram 
contained in the last line. This chronogram has given me a good 
deal of trouble for numerical calculation. At first, it looks, so that, 
the whole of the last line gives the chronogram, but it is not be- 
cause it does not give the required number 1036. Here, it is not 
a case of the addition of the numerical values of the letters, but 
a case both of addition and subtraction. The date, viz., 1036, can 
be arrived at by adding the numerical values of the letters of the 
words c*fj ,*,* and subtracting from the result the value of the 
letters of the word ^^ The words ***1 uxH " coming out " 
i.e., " taking out " suggest subtraction. Thus, we come to the 
following result : 

5- 

JL- 300 



t .... 5 

w ." .." '.'. '.'. '.'. '.'. 2 



J,- 300 

400 



Total . . 1055 

i ...... - :: I 

....... 



Total . . 19 
Thus 1055 191036. 

We find, that the first of the two inscriptions commemorates 
two events, viz., (I) the visit of Jehangir to the Spring of Virnfcg 
during the 15th year of his reign, which commenced on Friday 
the 15th of the month of Rabi-us Slut, Hijri 1029, 10th March 
1620 1 and (2) the fact that the building round the tank was 
constructed at the orders of Jehangir and the inscription put up 
^during the same year. _ _ 

1 The Memoira of Jahangir, by Rogers-Be veridge, II, p. 130. 



42 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

The second tablet on the right-hand side while entering^ 
takes a note of the fact, that the artificial canal, in which 
the stream ran after leaving the above tank, was built in 1036 
Hijri A.D. 1627 by one Haidar at the orders of the then King 
of the World. 

XII. 

A FEW OBSERVATIONS ON THE INSCRIPTIONS. 

I will now speak of several matters in connection with the 
inscriptions of Jehangir at Virnag, which require to be looked 
into. They are the following : 

1. References to Jehangir 's visits of Virnag in the books of 
history relating to his reign. 

2. Who is the Haidar referred to in the second Inscription ? 

3. Who is the king referred to in the Inscription as Shah 
Jahan ? 

We find from the books of history, that Jehangir had paid 
1. Beferencesto several visits to Virnag. (a) As said above, 
Jehangir's visits we learn from his Memoirs (Tuzuk) 1 that 
to Vim&g. h e b ac i k een there twice during the life-time 

of his father. These visits had impressed him with the beauty 
of the spring, and so, he had ordered some structures there. He 
says in his Tuzuk, " When I was a prince, I had given an order 
that they should erect a building at this spring suitable to 
the place. It was now (1029 H., A.D. 1620, the 15th year of the 
reign) completed." 2 He then describes the tl reservoir of an 
octagonal shape," round which " halls with domes had been 
erected, and there was a garden in front of them." "Round 
the reservoir there was a stone walk." 3 After his accession to 
the throne he paid a third visit to Virnag and gave orders for some 
extensive works. He says, " I ordered them to build the sides 
of the spring round with stone, and they made a garden round it 
with a canal, and built walls and houses about it, and made a place 
such that travellers over the world can point out few like it." 4 
Then Jehangir had a fourth visit of Virnag, during his fourth 
visit of Kashmir, in the 19th year of his reign. It was on the first 
of Shahrivar that he visited Virnag. We find no reference to 
this visit in his Tuzuk. Elliot's quotations also do not refer to- 
it. But we find a reference to it in his Iqbal-nameh. 5 We thus 

1 Tuzuk-i Jahangiri, by Rogers-Beveridge, Vol. I., p. 92. 

2 Ibid II, p. 173. 

3 Ibid II, p. 173. 

4 Ibid Vol. I, p. 92. 

5 Bengal Asiatic Society's edition of 1918, p. 229. 



THE MOGUL EMPERORS AT KASHMIR. 4$ 

find, that Johangir had, during his six visits of Kashmir, 
paid four visits to Virnag. We find two references to his orders 
for the construction of the walls, &c., round the spring, and of 
the canal, referred to in our inscriptions. 

The next question before us is, who is the Haidar referred to in 
2. Who is the tne second inscription as the person, who at 
Haidar referred to the orders of the King of the World (Shah-i 
in the second in- Jehan), built the canal, &c. It seems that 
scnption ? hig name wag Haidar Malik, and that he was 

an officer who was entrusted to do some canal work. We read in 
Jehangir's Memoirs, that in the 17th year of his reign (Hijri 1031), 
beginning with March 10-12, 1622, Jehangir sent this officer to 
Kashmir " to bring a canal from the valley of Lar to the Nur- 
afza garden (at Hari Parbat), giving him Rs. 30,000 for the 
materials and labour." 1 Haidar Malik was a native of Kashmir 
itself. His village was Chardara (or Charvara or Chadura or 
Isadur). 2 It appears that he was the author of a history of 
Kashmir. His work is referred to in another history of Kashmir. 

We have in the Moola Fcroze Library of Bombay a manuscript 
named Tarikh-i Kashmir ( j**f J jl3 ) i. e., the History of 
Kashmir. 3 The author is Muhammad Aatzim, son of Khayr 
Alzeman Khan 4 (e; 1 ^ oK^i^ ^j f^*\ *+&<*). The third 
part of this manuscript history treats of the ' ' Events of Kashmir 
from the beginning of the conquest by the sovereigns of the 
Chagatai dynasty of Taimur." 



Therein, we find an account of Nurrudin Jehangir Badshah's 
rule over Kashmir. In that account, there is a reference to 
the history written by Haidar Malik *j &jb j* cU j***. ).6 
( A~J jixo In the preface, the author of this Ms. history speaks 
of this Haidar Malik Chadurah ( *jji^ ). This Chadurah is 
the abovenamed village of Kashmir to which Haidar Malik 
belonged. It is a town situated near Srinagar. The author 
speaks of Haidar Malik as singing the praises of his own 

forefathers and ancestors and of himself 



1 Tuzuk-i Jehanglri by Rogers and Bevcridge II, p. 238. 

2 Ibid, p. 154 and n. 

3 It bears No. 105. It is the 22nd Ms., described under the heading IV of History, 

Biography, <fec., (Vide p. 82 of the Library's printed catalogue by Prof. E. 
Kehatsek. 

4 JWcf, p 8, 1. 3. of the Mi. 5 Ibid, p. 205. 

6 Ibid, p. 294, 1.9. 7 Ibid, p. 7, 1. 7. 



** ASIATIC PAPERS. 

We read the following in his History of Kashmir by Muham- 
Haidar Malik mad Aatzim : "Jehangir ordered the. im- 
MuhlnLiad Aa* Pavement and prosperity of the country 
*im's History of anc * the reparation and the construction of 
Kashmir, forts and buildings and royal gardens within 

the fort and in the direction of the ponds, especially " Faiz- 
bakhsh."* 

The history names the following persons as the governors of 
Kashmir during the reign of Jehangir : Nawab Kulich Khan, 
Naw&b Haahim Khan, Nawab Safdar Khan, Nawab Ahmad 
Beg Khan, Nawab Delawar Khan (Hijri 1027). 

In the account of the governorship, a reference is made to 
Kashmir's great calamities from storm and fire. In one of the 
:great fires, from 10 to 12 thousand houses were burnt. The great 
Juma Masjid built by Sikandar But-shekan, was also burnt in 
this fire. Jehangir, during his visit of Kashmir, got this Masjd 
repaired. Our author says, that Haidar Malik in his history says, 
that the Sunnis accused his ancestors of bringing about the 
destruction of the Masjid by fire. 2 So, the burden of repairing 
the Masjid was thrown by the kirig upon Haidar's father, Malik 
Mahmad Naji. The event is commemorated in the lines, 



Translation. Malik Haidar, a chief of the country, in the time 
of Jehangir, laid anew its foundation on the day of Id-i 
qurbani. 

Jehangir came to Kashmir for the first time in the year 1029 
Hijri by way of Punj . At that time, he had ordered Ali Malik, the 
brother of Haidar Malik, to clear the roads beforehand. In the 
time of the governorship of Nawab Itaqad Khan (1032 Hijri), 
Haidar Malik had a hand in the construction of the great Juma 
Masjid in Punch. According to this book, Jehangir visited 
Kashmir seven times, ( j k c*i f ) and during every visit 
repaired and laid over gardens and buildings. 



During the last visit, the king, at the request of Nur Jehan, ap- 
pointed Haidar Malik, a permanent officer to remain in the 
presence of the king and gave him the title of Bais-ul Mulk 

Chagatai (yJK-f *fl+H u*fj v lJbu3L )- 3 In the beginning, 



1 Translated from the Persian of the above MH. History of Kashmir, p, 291 ; 11. 

2 IWd/p? 94!' 3 Ibid, p 298, 1. 6. 



THE MOGUL BMPBBOBS AT KASHMIR. 45. 

it was on the recommendation of Meher-ul-Nasa Begum, 
that Haidar Malik was appointed a Zamindar of his 
own country (of Chadrur near Srinagar). On coming to 
Kashmir (Srinagar), he studied the art of repairing buildings 
VS * XJ > C c* 5 ) a nd applied it to several buildings. This 



history of Kashmir thus refers to Jehangir's work of improving 
Kashmir. 



^J >J t J 



Translation. Nur-ud-din Jehangir Badshah Sultan bore the 
name of Selim. After overcoming the enemies of the country, 
he added splendour to the crown and throne. Jalal-ud-din 
Mahmad Akbarshah lived for seventeen years after the conquest 
of Kashmir and came to Kashmir three times. This' Jehangir 
Shah honoured Kashmir with visits for the sake of a pleasant 
ramble and hunt and for the work of protecting the subjects, of 
increasing the prosperity of the country, and of placing in good 
order and proper condition the royal forts, buildings and gardens. 
He ordered to be put in good order the inside of the forts and 
the surroundings of the lakes and especially that of the spring of 
Fafo-bakhsh. He beautified water courses. He (thus) benefited 
and profited the people very much. In the year one thousand 
and fifteen (1015) which was the second year after the 
accession to the throne, the governorship of Kashmir passed to 
Nawab Kulich Khan. 

Haidar's father Hasan Malik bin Malik Muhammad Naji 
Charvarah was of a noble Kashmir family. Malik's history is 
said to have been abridged from Kalhana's Rajatarangini. He 
commenced his work in the 12th year of Jehangir's reign 1 (A.D. 
1697). It seems, that, as he had done a similar work about five 
years ago, (Hijri 1031 A. D. 1622) in the royal palace at Hari 
Parbat near Srinagar, he was also entrusted with the work at 
Vjrnag. _____ 

1 Bernler's Travel*, in Constable's Oriental Miscellany, Vol. I, (1891), p. 393, n. 2. 



46 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

Nur Jehan, the queen of Jehangir, was, at first, the wife of Ali 
Kuli Beg, who had received the title of Sher Afghan and who 
was sent to Bengal. 1 When Sher Afghan was killed in Bengal, 
his wife (Nur Jehan, who afterwards married Jehangir) was avod 
by this Malik Haidar from the hands of those who killed her hus- 
band. 2 

The second Inscription sa} 7 s that Haidar did the Avork at the 
order of Shall Jehan Padshah -i-Dahr 
3. Who is the (^ Ualj ^l^U, ). One may, at the first 
king referred to in . ht and thought, say that the Jang referred 
cation? to was King Shah Jehan. In fact, some- 

body at the spring led me to understand 
that the Inscription referred to Shah Jehan, and, that the 
tablet was at one time on some part of the canal and was 
latterly brought and put up there on the spring. But an examina- 
tion of the date shows, that the word Shah Jehan on th tablet 
is used as a common noun, in the sense of "the King of the 
World," and not as a proper noun for King Shah Jehan. The 
date of the Inscription is 1030 Hijri. Jehangir died on " the 
28th Safar, 1037 A. H. in the 22nd year of his reign/' 3 Sc it 
was he, who is referred to as the Shah-i- Jehan, ?.e., the Kins, of 
the World, and as the Padshah-i-Dahr, i.e., the King of the 
Time. 

It seems, that the first Inscription, which bears ihe Hijri 
The original date of 1029 (A.i>. 1620), was put up 
place of the 2nd during Jehangir's 3rd visit of Kashmir, 
tablet, which was the first after his accession to 

the throne. Jehangir says : " On Friday the 27th of (Shah- 
rivar) I went out to see Virnag, the source of the Bihat." 4 
He had ordered some work to be done theie during the 
time of his princehood. On accession to the throne, he had 
repeated the orders perhaps with those for some further 
extension. All that was done before, or during, the year. So, 
the date of the inscription takes a note both of his first auspicious 
visit as king to his favourite place, and of the completion of 
all his orders. 

The second Inscription takes a note of the subsequent rk of 
the canal, which carried the water of the sp^ng f.om the 
octagonal reservoir to the garden opposite, and from there 
further on. What I heard at the spring seems possible., viz., that 
the tablet at first stood on some part of the canal further 

1 Vide Elliot, VI, pp. 402-4 for an account. 

2 Vide Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri by Rogers-Beverirtue II., p. 154, n. 2. 

3 Ikbal-Nama-i JahanRiri, Elliot, VL P. 4*5 This Hijri date corresponds to 28th 

October A.D. 1627. 

4 1029 Hijri corresponding to about the 6th of September A.D. 1620, Tiunik. Rogere- 

Beveridge II, p. 70. The month was Hhahrivar (Itrid, p. 168). Vide also 
Wakiat-1-Jehangiri, Elliot VI, 373. 



THE MOGUL EMPEBOBS AT KASHMIB. 47 

><lown, but that that part having fallen into ruins, the tablet 
\vas brought down to the tank and put up there on a part of 
the wall, adjoining to that on which the tablet directly referring 
to the tank was put up. 

XIII. 

III. AN INSCBIPTION ON A TOMB ON A HILL ON THE BANK 
or THE DAL LAKE. 

As a supplement to this paper, I propose giving here, 
another inscription on a tomb on a hill on a bank of the 
Dal lake. It is in no way connected with the Mogul Emperors, 
but it is associated with one of the stories related about the 
beauty of the Dal lake, which was further beautified by the 
Mogul Emperor Jehangir by means of his beautiful gardens. 
The story is as follows : There came to Kashmir, a young man 
named Daud, a son of a very rich father, from India for 
the purpose of trade. Instead of carrying on trade properly, he 
wasted his father's money in the enjoyment of pleasure in the 
beauties of the Dal lake. Abul Fazl says in his Ain-i-Akbari, 
that Kashmir is " deservedly appropriate to be either the delight 
of the worldling or the retired abode of the recluse." 1 This 
young man turned out to be a worldling, lost completely in the 
delights and pleasures of the Dal lake. Under the pretext of 
wanting more money for trade, he sent for it from his father in 
India and squandered all. It is said, that he was so enamoured 
of the beauty and pleasures of the Dal, that he had enjoined 
that, on his death, he may be buried somewhere on the lake itself. 
During my first visit, I had heard the story, but could not 
discover the tomb. I noted the story of this young man in my 
lecture on Kashmir before the Gujerati Dnyan Prasarak Mandah* 
as follows : 



1 Ain-i Akbari, Jarrett'a Translation, II, p. 348. 

2 Fftmy flw^ini Rift " UH \, Hl<ll 



48 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

During that visit, I could not see the tomb itself. I succeeded 
to discover the tomb during the 2nd visit of 1915. It is situated 
on the top of a lonely unfrequented hill, a spur of the Takht-i 
Suliman, near a place known as Gangribal. Mr. Nowroji Pestonji 
Unwala of Messrs. Pestonji & Co., of Srinagar, kindly guided me- 
to Gangribal. He did not know where the tomb was situated. 
At first, we could get no definite information about the where- 
abouts of the tomb, though some persons said, that they knew 
that there was a tomb somewhere on the adjoining hill. At length, 
a person was found who pointed out to us from below, the place 
on the top of the spur where I could find the tomb. Leaving my 
friend below, I went up the hill, taking this person as my 
guide and promising him a payment of 4 annas for his trouble. 
It was on the evening of 19th June 1915. The weather was 
cloudy and was becoming threatening. The guide took me 
to the height of about 100 feet, and pointed out a place, as 
the place where Daud was buried. There seemed to be a little 
mound, like what we see on some unclaimed tombs in out-of-the- 
way places. But it struck me, that that cannot be the tomb of a 
man in a good state of life, whose story was traditionally known 
on the Dal lake. His tomb must be at least one with some 
pretension of brickwork. So, I refused to pay my guide, 
saying that he did not show me the proper tomb. And that was 
so. Finding that the weather was getting a little rough and rainj 7 , 
and with a view to be saved from being wet and from the trouble 
of ascending still further, he tried to dupe me. But my stubborn 
refusal compelled him to take me little further up, and to show 
me the right tomb. I purposely speak of, and take a note of, this 
fact, in order that those engaged in such pursuits may be 
cautious, that there are many chances of not only being mis- 
informed, but of being shown wrong places. Suppose, I had 
believed this man, and then said before this Society or elsewhere, 
that I had seen the place of the tomb of Daud, and that there 
was no regularly built tomb and no inscription thereon, and 
suppose some other student had followed me and had come across 
the proper tomb. I would have then been put to the humiliation 
of being accused of bragging and giving an incorrect report. To 
ascertain facts, such guides, at times, require to be examined 
and cross-examined. This Daud is popularly spoken of here as 
Dalu Mian from the connection of his story with the Dal lake. 

I beg to submit, for inspection, my note-book, to show a 
rough outline of the tomb as drawn hastily by me. The toml> 
seems to be one of the ordinary kind of a Mahomedan tomb. It 
is on the edge of a spur very little frequented. As it had be- 
gun to drizzle, and as the weather was getting upleasant and 
threatening, I could not wait longer to make a better inspection 



THE MOGUL EMPERORS AT KASHMIR 49 

of the tomb. I hastily copied in my note-book a few words that 
were easily legible. These words were tdrikh ( *}*>* ) and Mirza 

Daud ( *jt a Ij^* ). The decipherment of these words at least 
gave me the satisfaction that there was some truth in the tradi- 
tion heard by me on the Dal lake about one Daud Mian or Dalu 
Mian. It gave me further satisfaction, that I had the good fortune 
to discover, at last, the tomb of that man, whose story I had 
heard during my first visit, about 20 years ago and had taken a* 
note of, in one of my published lectures. As a matter of fact, it 
turned out to be really a discovery, because the State Archaeolo- 
gical Department, founded a few years ago, knew nothing of this 
tomb. I wrote to Mr. Daya Ram Sohani, the Superintendent of 
the Archaeological Department, to inquire if a copy of the Inscrip- 
tion was taken by his Department. I was surprised to learn, 
that not only was the Inscription not copied, but that his Depart- 
ment knew nothing of the tomb itself. I requested him to 
kindly get an impression taken and sent to me. I reminded him 
of it again on my return to Bombay, and was glad to have it from 
him, with his letter dated Srinagar, 16th August 1915. He writes : 

" I am sending you herewith a copy of the Persian Inscription 
noticed by you. In the first line, we have the date 
I | ir A~ S*F-*> ^ 3 ^ r\ O & and the name of Mirza Daud. 
In the second line we read / CA+A^ which have to be construed 
with Mirza Daud. In the second half of the same line, we read of 
the construction ( c^ UP \ apparently of the tomb in which the 
epigraph is incised and which enshrines the remains of the Mirza 
named in the 1st line." 

I am greatly indebted to Mr. Sohani for the impression he has 
kindly sent me. I produce it here, so that it may be given in 
our Journal, and others may have an opportunity to correctly 
decipher it. Until Mr. Sohani sent me a copy of the impression, 
I did not know, that I had seen only half of the Inscription. I 
went to the tomb from the front and saw the Inscription on 
that front, and owing to haste, due to the weather, with which I 
inspected the tomb and the Inscription, I had no idea, that half 
of it continued on the other side. From the copy of the impres- 
sion, which has been sent to me, and which I produce here for 
reproduction in our Journal, I give below what little I can, 
make out. 

THE FIRST PART OF THE INSCRIPTION IN THE EASTERN 
FRONT OF THE TOMB. 



M ^k 

Translation. On the 29th of the month of Zu-1-Hijjah year 

1162 Mirza Daud Mogul, whose last breathings (hushdsh)*. 

4 



ASIATIC PAPERS 

THE SECOND PABT OF THE INSCRIPTION ON THE BACK 
OF THE TOMB. 



Translation passed away from this world of destiny. 

The Hijri year 1162 began on 22nd December 1748. 1 The 
Hijri month is the last month of the Mahomedan year and the 
29th day is the last day of that month. 2 So, the day is the 
last day of the Hijri year 1162. The Hijri year 1163 commen- 
ced on llth December 1749. 3 So, the day of the Inscription, 
which is the last day of the preceding year, corresponds with 
10th December 1749. Thus the tomb is about 177 years old. 

i Woliaiton'B Persian Dictionary, p. 1489. * Ibid, p. 1401. 3 Ibid, p. 1489. 



After the above paper was written and put into type, and 
before it is printed off, I have had the pleasure of visiting 
Kashmir for the third time. The tomb has been cleaned, and 
so the inscription is much more legible than before. I inspected 
it twice, onco alone on 14th June, and then on 26th June in the 
-company of Moulvi Mahamad Shah kindly recommended to me 
by Pandit Hiranand Shastri, M.A., the present Superintendent 
of the Archaeological Department. The inscription so far as we 
have been now able to decipher on the spot runs thus : 

M kijUj (1) 

...r.. : .. (2) 



Translation. On the 21st of the month of Zai Hijri year 
1162 Mirza Daud Beg Mogul ...... died (lit. went to the house 

of Eternity.) Mirza ...... Beg erected (this) tomb. They 

(i.e., the visitors) may remember him with (the recital of) a 
Jatilui. 

The last word in the first line after the word Mogul 
and the first two letters of the second line seem to make up a 
word which seems to be a proper name signifying perhaps the 
country to which the deceased belonged. 

The indistinct portion after the word Mirza is some proper 
noun, giving the name of the person who built the tomb, per- 
haps according to the last testamentary will of the deceased. 
Moulvi Mahmad Shah thinks the words to be Akbar Kabar. 
-So, the whole name may be Mirza Akbar Kabar Beg. The 
tomb is just on the very edge of a spur and may perhaps go 
'down the hill in a few years with a heavy downfall of rain. It 
-can be protected in time at small expense. 

House Boat, Pearl, No. 306, 
SBINAQAR, KASHMIR, 
29f& June, 1918. 



THE MOGUL EMPERORS AT KASHMIR 



50a 



c 
fc 



*' The Story of the King and the Gardener" 

Emperor in the Wakt&t-i Jehangiri of 

Jehangir and its Parallels. 



(Read 24th January 1918.) 

In the Waki'at-i Jehangiri, in the account of the thirteenth 
The Sto year of his reign, after describing the crossing 

Ty ' of the river Mahi near Ahmedabad, Jehangir 
rthus relates a story : 



" On the way I passed through a field of Juwdr, in which every 
'plant had no less than twelve bunches of corn, while in other 
fields there is generally only one. It excited my astonishment 
and recalled to my mind the tale of the King and the Gardener. 
A King entered a garden during the heat of the day, and met 
a gardener there. He inquired of him whether there were any 
pomegranates and received a reply that there were. His Majesty 
told him to bring a cupful of the juice of that fruit on which the 
gardener told his daughter to execute that commission. She 
was a handsome and accomplished girl. She brought the cupful 
of that beverage, and covered it with a few leaves. The King 
drank it, and asked the girl why she had put the leaves over it. 
'The girl with much readiness replied, that she had done it to 
prevent His Majesty drinking too fast, as drinking of liquids just 
after a fatiguing journey was not good. The King fell in love 
with her, and wished to take her into his palace. He asked the 
gardener how much he derived each year from his garden. He 
said 300 dinars. He then asked how much he paid to the 
diwdn. He gave answer that he did not pay anything on 
f ruit-trees,but whatever sum he derived from his agriculture, he 
paid a tenth part to the State. His Majesty said within himself, 
* There are numerous gardens and trees on my dominions ; and 
if I fix a revenue of a tenth on them, I shall collect a great deal 
of money.' He then desired the girl to bring another cup of the 
'pomegranate juice. She was late in bringing it this time, and 
it was not much she brought. His Majesty asked her the reason 
of this deficiency, observing, that she brought it quickly the first 
time and in great plenty, that now she had delayed long, and 
brought but little. The daughter replied, * The first time one 
tpomegranate sufficed. I have now squeezed several, and have 



52 ASIATIC PAPEES 

not been able to obtain so much juice.' The Sultan was asto- 
nished, upon which her father replied that good produce is en- 
tirely dependent on the good disposition of the Sovereign ; that 
he believed that his guest was the King ; and that from the time 
he inquired respecting the produce of the garden, his disposition 
was altogether changed ; and that therefore the cup did not 
come full of the j uice . The Sultan was impressed with his remark 
and resolved upon relinquishing the tax. After a little time, 
His Majesty desired the girl to bring a third cup of the same 
beverage. This time the girl came sooner, and with a cup brim- 
ful, which convinced the King that the surmise of the gardener 
was sound. The Sultan commended the gardener's penetration, 
and divulged to him his real rank, and the reflections which had 
been passing in his mind. He then asked to be allowed to take 
his daughter in marriage, in order that the memorial of this 
interview and its circumstances might remain for the instruction 
of the world. In short, the abundance of produce depends 
entirely on the good will and justice of the Sovereign. Thanks 
to the Almighty God, that no revenue on fruit-trees has been 
taken during my reign ; and I gave orders that if any one were to 
plant a garden in cultivated land, he was not to pay any revenue. 
I pray that the Almighty may cause the mind of this hum bio 
creature to entertain good pure intentions." 1 



Now the question is : Who is the King of the 
A Parallel from Emperor Jehangir does neither name the 
the Shah-n&meh king, nor does he give the name of the 
of Firdousi. country. I think, the King is the King 

Behramgour of Persia. We find the following story about 
him in the Shah-nameh of Firdousi : On a day in the 
season of spring, when the ground was covered with vegeta- 
tion and had become like the garden of paradise, King Beh- 
ramgour went-a-hunting. He had a good hunt. On the third 
day, he came across a large snake with two breasts like 
that of a woman. The king killed it with an arrow, and 
then, rending its breast with a dagger, found that the snake 
had devoured a young man. A few drops from the poisonous 
blood of the snake pained his eyes. He felt exhausted and his 
pain increased. He arrived incognito before a poor house, the 
land-lady of which, on his inquiring for help, welcomed him in 
her house. She shouted to her husband and asked him to look 
after the stranger. She showed herself to be more hospitable 

Elliot's History of India, Vol. VI. pp. 864-85. We find this story in the TQzok- 
i-Jahingiri with some difference here and there (The Tftzuk-i- Jahangid, by Rogers and 
Beveridge. pp. 60-5-2.) For example, according to the latter, the girl said that ftte 
eeeond time she squeezed 5 or 6 pomegranates, while the Wakfet said several. 



THE STOBY OF THE KING AND THE GARDENER 53 

~than her husband. Behram rested there for the night, and the 
next day she produced before him all that she could afford in her 
rustic house. Among the dainties, there was also a dish of 
harisah ( *~s t ) l - The traveller (king) was much pleased 
with her hospitality. Before retiring to bed, he asked the land- 
lady to regale his sick and suffering mind with some refreshing 
stories. If she liked, she may say something of the rule of the 
then king. Thereupon, the land-lady complained of the officers 
of the king who passed through the village one way or another 
*on business. They accused some poor people of theft and ex- 
torted money from the innocent. They accused respectable 
women. These small extortions did not go to the treasury of the 
king, but, anyhow, they were taken as coming from the King. 
Behramgour, who was travelling incognito, was pained to learn 
all this. He thought to himself : " Though I do my best to 
rule well, my people do not distinguish between a good ruler 
and a bad ruler, and, on account of the misdeeds of my officers, 
accuse me of bad rule. In order to give my people an opportu- 
nity to feel the troubles of a bad rule, I would really try to rule 
badly for some time. The people then will be in a position to 
compare good rule and bad rule." He entertained this evil 
intention of being a bad ruler during the whole night which he 
passed restlessly from his pain. The next moring, the 
land-lady went to milch her cow, taking with her the usual 
quantity of grain and hay for it. She remembered her God 
as usual: and went to her work, but could get no milk from 
the cow. She thereupon shouted to her husband and said : 
"My husband ! The mind of the ruling king has become evil. 
He has become oppressive. Since last time, (of milching), his 
good faith has left him." The husband thereupon asked for 
the reason to say so. She. replied : " When the king becomes 
evil-minded, the milk gets dried in the breasts of the cows. 
We have not decreased her food and drink. So, how is it that 
her milk has gone off ?" 

Behramgour heard this loud conversation between the wife 
and the husband, and repented of his evil intention of being 
really oppressive for some time. He said to himself : " I would 



1 Mecan's Calcutta edition, Vol. in, p. 1514 1. 19. It is " a kind of thick pottage 
made of bruised wheat boiled to a consistency, to which meat, butter, cinnamon, and 
aromatic herbs are added." (Steingass). Haiteah still forms a special dish of sweets 
among the Parsees, specially at the end of the Fayardegan or Muktid holidays. From 
the accounts of the Parsee Punchayat of Bombay of 1832, we find, that the Trustees pro- 
vided that sweet dish on the above occasion at the communal expense to all those who 
asked tor tt. We find a sum of Rupees one hundred and one debited for it for several 
years. It was prepared at the Manockii Seth's Wadi in the Fort, from where anybody 
-who wanted it took a portion. (Vide the Bombay Samachar of 14th September 183U.) 



54 ASIATIC PAPERS 

rather like to be without a royal throne than that my heart 
should turn away from justice." 1 A short time after, the 
land-lady again tried to milk the cow. She began to get the 
milk as usual. She thanked God, saying, "O God ! You hav& 
made the unjust king just again.'* Thereafter, Behramgour 
revealed himself before the peasant couple. 

It seems that it is some version of this story of King Behram- 
gour that Emperor Jehangir refers to, as the story of the King 
and the Gardener. 

I remember having heard, when a boy, another version of 
this story. It is to the following effect : A 
Another parallel, king, feeling exhausted in a hunt, went to 
the hut of a gardener and asked for a drink 
from his wife. She went with a cup and a thorn to her sugar- 
cane field, and, pricking the thorn in a sugarcane, held the cup 
before the hole made in it. The cup was soon filled with juice. 
The king got refreshed with the cup and was surprised at the 
amazing fertility of the soil of this part of his country. On his 
way homeward, he thought, that the land-tax of that portion of 
the country was not, looking to its fertility, what it ought to be. 
He went home and ordered the tax to be increased. A few days 
after, he again went to the same hut and asked for a drink. The 
land lady went to her field and, pricking a sugar-cane with a thorn, 
held a cup before it, but no juice came out of it. She at once 
shouted ; " The good faith of the King has changed." It is said, 
that the king, seeing with his own eyes what had happened^ 
repented of his conduct and ordered the reduction of the tax 
again. 

APPENDIX. 

On the report of the Society's meeting with an outline of this 
paper, appearing in the public papers, Miss Dinoo S. Bastawala, 
a talented promising young lady, a grand-daughter of Sir 
Dinsha Edalji Wacha, wrote to me on 27th January 1918 and 
drew my attention to a version of the above story as given in 
the Arabian Nights. I thank Miss Bastawala for kindly draw- 
ing my attention to this version, which I give below, following 
Sir Richard Burton's translation :* 



2 Plain and Literal Translation of the Arabian Nights,bv Richard JT. Barton, Vol. V. 
pp 87-38, S89th and 300th Xighta. ' 



THE STOKY OF THE KING AND THE GARDENER 55- 

" KING KISRA ANUSHIRWAN AND THE 
VILLAGE DAMSEL." 

4 The just King Kisra Anushirwan one day rode forth to the 
chase and, in pursuit of a deer, became separated from his suite. 
Presently, he caught sight of a hamlet near hand and being sore 
athirst, he made for it and presenting himself at the door of a 
house that lay by the wayside, asked for a draught of water. 
So a damsel came out and looked at him ; then, going back into 
the house, pressed the juice from a single sugar-cane into a b&wl 
and mixed it with water ; after which she strewed on the top 
some scented stuff, as it were dust, and carried it to the King. 
Thereupon he seeing in it what resembled dust, drank it, little 
by little, till he came to the end ; when said he to her, ' O dam- 
sel, the drink is good, and how sweet it had been but for this 
dust in it, that troubleth it.' Answered she, ' guest, I put in 
that powder for a purpose ; ' and he asked ' And why didst 
thou thus ? ; ' so she replied, ' I saw thee exceeding thirsty 
and feared that thou wouldest drain the whole at one draught 
and that this would do thee mischief ; and but for this dust 
that troubled the drink so hadst thou done.' The just King 
wondered at her words, knowing that they came of her 
wit and good sense, and said to her, ' From how many 
sugar-canes didst thou express this draught ? ' One,' 
answered she ; whereat Anushirwan marvelled and, calling 
for the register of the village taxes, saw that its assessment 
was but little and bethought him to increase it, on his 
return to his palace, saying in himself, ' A village where they 
get this much juice out of one sugar-cane, why is it so 
lightly taxed ?' He then left the village and pursued his 
chase ; and, as he came back at the end of the day, he passed 
alone by the same door and called again for drink ; whereupon 
the same damsel came out and, knowing him at a look, went in 
to fetch him water. It was some time before she returned and 
Anushirwan wondered thereat and said to her, ' Why hast thou 

tarried V She answered, ' Because a single 

sugar-cane gave not enough for thy need ; so I pressed three ; 
but they yielded not so much as did one before.' Rejoined he, 
What is the cause of that ? ' ; and she replied, ' The cause 
of it is that when the Sultan's mind is changed against a folk, 
their prosperity ceaseth and their goods waxeth less.' So 
Anushirwan laughed and dismissed from his mind that which he 
had purposed against the villagers. Moreover, he took the dam- 
sel to wife then and there, being pleased with her much wit and 
acuteness and the excellence of her speech." 



-56 ASIATIC PAPERS 

As to the name of the King Anushirwan, Burton says, that 
" the beautiful name is Persian ' Anfishin-ravan' sweet of soul." 
This derivation is not correct. The original name of the King 
is Khusro, which has given us the Greek form Chosroe, Arabic 
Kisra, modern Kaisar. In the Pahlavi Pazend books, he is 



\Y 



spoken of as Khusru-i-Kavatan * ]$?)) \ 

Khusru, the son of Kavad or Kobad. His epithet in Pah- 

lavi was Anushe-roban 2 W>r ^W Av - Anaosha-urvan. 



i- e-> ^e immortal-souled, glorious. 



1 Zand-i Vohnman Yaaht (Dastur Kekobad'i Text) chap. I, u ; II 1:1. 

2 ibid. 



An Instance of Royal Swayamvara as Described 
in the Shdh-Ndmeh of Firdousi. 



(Read 2<tth January 1918). 



The word Swayamvara ( ^r**r q^ ) in Sanskrit literally 
'means ' self-choice ' from svayam ( ^"VT one's self (from 
sva =* Av. hva = Lat. Se, suus) and var ^ ( Av. var ===== Lat. 
velle) to choose. Then, it means the self -choice of a husband or 
choice-marriage. Choice-marriage, though not common among 
modern Hindus, is not rare. But, in ancient India, it seems to have 
been somewhat rare in royal families. The word Swayamvara 
specially came to be applied to choice-marriages by princesses 
among the ancient royal families of India. An article, entitled 
" Ancient Royal Hindu Marriage Customs," by Pandit Vishwa- 
nath in the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of 
'Great Britian and Ireland, 1 which has suggested to me the 
subject of this short paper, says on this subject : " The mode of 
winning a wife 2 at that time among Kshatriyas was that called 
a swayamvara or self -choice. Kings and princes used to be invi- 
ted by the bride's father to his capital, and they displayed their 
skill at games and their prowess in arms and performed great 
feats of strength. The bride witnessed them all and chose him 
who pleased her most." 

I give here,in brief, the two cases of Swayamvara given in the 
paper, as there are here and there a few points which will bear 
some comparison in the case I propose giving from the Shah- 
nameh. The story of the first case of Swayamvara, mentioned in 
the article, is that of Ganga, the great goddess of rivers who was 
ordered to be born on earth to punish Mahabhisha, who, when 
in heaven, did not respect her modesty, by bending his head 
when others did so, on finding that her body was accidentally 
exposed by a gust of wind blowing away her clothes. When 
born on earth, Ganga sought marriage with the pious King Pratipa. 
Pratipa refused, but promised to see that his son who was to 
be born may marry her. A son was born to him and named 

1 Vol. XLVII, January to June 1917, pp. 31*86* 

2 Bather, winning a husband. 



58 ASIATIC PAPERS 

Shantanu (son of the peaceful). Pratipa relinquished his throne, 
and gave it to his son Shantanu, and asked him to marry a celestial* 
maiden (Ganga) to whom he had promised such a marriage. The 
marriage came of itself without Sahntanu knowing that the lovely 
maiden, whom he saw on the bank of the Ganges and after- 
wards married, was herself Ganga whom his father had asked 
him to marry. The principal condition of marriage provided 
that Shantanu was to let the girl do whatever she liked and not 
speak a word of protest. Eight sons were born, one after an- 
other, but all, except the last one, were killed by the mother. 
When the eighth was born, the father, in spite of his promise 
not to protest against any of his wife's doings, remonstrated, and 
the child was saved. Thereupon, the wife explained, that all the 
eight children were the eight vasus, thieves in heaven, who had. 
stolen the nandini cow of a rishi, and that they were therefore, 
for divine punishment, made to be born on earth. When 
punished, they apologized, and so, were permitted to return to 
heaven, but the eighth, Dyan by name, being the greatest offend- 
er, was not pardoned and was destined to remain on earth. All 
that was destined to happen did happen. However, Ganga 
brought up and trained the saved child as a good son, most 
dutiful and affectionate to his father. One day, the father 
Shantanu while going about on the banks of Yamuna (Jamna) 
saw a lovely daughter of a fisherman and fell in love with her. 
The father agreed to give him his daughter Satyavati in mar- 
riage, provided, the king undertook, that the son that may be 
born be appointed heir. Shantanu could not agree to let his 
dutiful son Dyan to be superceded. Under the circumstances, 
the marriage could not take place. Dyan, finding that hi 
father had become morose and dejected, 'inquired from his 
Minister, what the cause was. On learning it, he secretly went 
to the fisherman and asked him to give his daughter in marriage 
to his father, promising on his part, that he would let the male 
progeny of his father's second marriage succeed to the throne. 
The fisherman said, that he accepted the prince's word, but what 
if the son or sons that may be born to the prince would not ac- 
cept the arrangement ? The dutiful son, in order to remove even 
that remote chance of a future objection, undertook never to 
marry and remained celibate. The gods in heaven blessed this 
dutiful son, who thence came to be blown as Bhishma, i.e., the 
terrible, because of the terrible vow he took for the sake of his 
father. The marriage took place. Two sons Chitrangad and 
Vichitravirya were the fruits of the marriage. When Sh&ntanu 
died, Chitrangad came to the throne. Being a minor at the 
time, his elder step-brother Bhishma acted as his protector. Chit* 



AN INSTANCE OF ROYAL SWAYAMVARA 5 

rangad being killed in battle Vichitravirya came to the throne. 
" The mode of winning a wife at that time amongst Kshatriyas 
was that called a swayamvara or self -choice/ Kings and princes 
used to be invited by the bride's father to his capital and they 
displayed their skill at games and their prowess in arms and 
performed great feats of strength. The bride witnessed them all, 
and chose him who pleased her most."' Vichitravirya was too 
young to take part in such a competition, but his mother being 
eager to see him married, Bhishma took upon himself the task 
of finding him a queen. At a swayamvara, he carried off by 
force three daughters of the King of Kashi, challenging all 
the assembled princes to wrest the girls from him if they could. 
The oldest of the three princess having told Bhishma that 
she had taken a vow to marry another prince, she was let go and 
tj^B other two were married to Vichitravirya, who unfortunately 
cBed some time after. He left no issue and this caused the 
further grief of seeing the royal house heirless. To avoid this 
calamity, their mother Satyavati requested Bhishma to marry 
the widows of his step-brother, but he declined as he had, 
under arrangement with Satyavati's fisherman-father, taken a 
vow of celebacy. However, to avoid the disappointment of 
seeing the royal line extinct, Bhishma advised Satyavati to 
perform niyoga, which was a practice 1 resorted to in emer- 
gency. The practice was, that when a person died heirless , 
somebody else, for whom the family had a regard or affection, 
was asked to beget children to the widow. The children thus 
born were not the children of the new or second husband but 
of the deceased first husband. When so advised, Satyavati 
remembered Krishna Dvapayana Vyasa, her son by her former 
husband Parasha who was a great sage. When they parted, this 
son had promised his mother to go to her help whenever she 
wanted help. She had only to think of him and he would 
appear. So, during this emergency Satyavati thought of her son 
Vy&sa and he appeared. The mother asked him to beget 
children to the widows of her deceased son Vichitravirya. He 

1 The form of marriage, referred to in this Indian story as Chokravand, reminds 
us of an old Iranian form of marriage known as Chakraian. The Indian form of 
marriage, known as Chakravand, is one, in which, when a person dies heirless, somebody 
else for whom the family had regard or affection was asked to beget children to the 
widow of the deceased. When children were born of such an union, they were taken 
to be the children of the deceased husband. Of the five kinds of wife in ancient Penia ( 
gome of which are referred to hi the Pahlavi books, and which are explained in some 
detail in the Pcwian Rivftyete, one to known as the Chakraanj The wife to a widow 
who marries again. If she has no children by her first husband, she marries a second 
husband, stipulating that half her children by the second husband should be taton as 
belonging to the first husband In the other world. She herself continues to 
the first husband. Firfe 8. B. B. Vol. V., p. H2, n. 10. 



00 ASIATIC PAFEES 

consented. But as he was very ugly and was therefore called 
Krishna, i.e., black, the widows did not like that he should 
beget children ; but, on the request of their royal mother-in- 
law and for the sake of saving the royal line from extinction, 
they consented. They were excused the whole year's purificatory 
penances, as their toleration of Vyasa's ugliness was in itself a 
penance. 1 The elder widow, in order to avoid the sight of 
the ugly man with whom she had to associate against her will, 
shut her eyes for the time being. Vyasa predicted for her son 
a blind son, who on being born was named Dhritarashtra. The 
younger widow, on looking at the ugly associate, turned pale. 
The son born to her was born pale and he was named Pandu, 
the pale. The queen wished for a third son, perhaps because 
one was blind and the other was pale. But the elder widowed 
daughter-in-law, in order to avoid being with the ugly man, sent 
one of her maids to Vyasa. This maid reverently submitted and 
so a good saintly son was born to her and was named Vidura. 

Bhishma looked after the education of these brothers who 
turned out learned as well as sportsmenlike. Dharitarashtra, 
being blind, the second son Pandu came to the throne. He 
married two wives, Kunti and Madah, but, once, having shot a 
stag when it was coupling with its mate, received a curse that if 
he lived with his wives, he would soon die. So, he went into 
retirement in a jungle followed by his wives even there. When 
there for some time, he began to wish that he may have children. 
His wife Kunti said, that she knew a mantra, by the recital of 
which she could summon gods Dharma (god of justice), V&yu 
(god of wind), and Indra, the king of all gods to come and live 
with her. The result was the birth of three sons, Yudhishthra, 
Bhima and Arjun. The second wife Madri also, by virtue of 
the mantra taught to her by Kunti, summoned the twins Aswins 
and the result was the birth of two sons, Nakula and Sahadewa. 
Kunti had already a son Kama, born from the sun before her 
marriage with Pandu. It was this son, who, as described in 
Mahabharata, fought against the sons of Pandu. Pandu died as 
the result of the abovementioned curse, having one day em- 
braced his Madri. His wife also thereupon committed suttee. 

The account of the second case of Swayamvara runs as fol- 
lows : " King Drupada had heard much of Arjuna's skill as an 
archer and wanted to give him his daughter Draupadi in mar- 
riage. But he wished that she should be won in a swayamvara. 
He made a great bow which he thought none but Arjuna could 
bend, and placed on a lofty pole a revolving fish whose eye was 

I Journal Eoyal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLVII, January to June 1917. 



AN INSTANCE OF ROYAL SWAYAMVARA 61 . 

to be the mark. He who could hit was to marry his daughter. 
A great crowd of kings assembled for the contest, but all 
failed to bend the bow. Then Kama stepped forward and 
strung it and took aim with an arrow. Just as the Pandava 
brothers, who had so far not come forward and were disguised 
as Brahmans, were giving way to despair, Draupadi spoke in 
clear accents : " I will not take a low-born man for my hus- 
band." At this, Kama put down the bow and went away, but 
Arjuna came forward looking like a Brahman, lifted the bow, 
drew it, and hit the mark. Flowers rained from heaven, and 
Draupadi put a garland of sweet flowers round Arjuna' s neck 
as a sign of her choice. The crowd of kings protested that a 
Brahman must not carry off a Kshatriya girl and fought for 
her possession, but the Pandvas defeated them all and carried 
the bride home. 

Now I come to the story of the Shah-nameh : The King 
Gustasp of the Shah-nameh is the King Vishtasp of the 
Avesta. He was the son of Lohrasp, the Aurvat-aspa of the 
Avesta. He was the father of Aspandyar, the Spcnto-data of 
the Avesta. In one point, we find a parallel between the story 
of these three kings and that of the Mogul Emperors Jehangir, 
Shah Jahan and Aurangzobe. Shah Jahan was an undutiful 
son of Jehangir. In turn, he was ill-treated by his son Aurang- 
zebe. Gushtasp also was an undutiful son, who wanted 
the throne of Persia in the life-time of his father. In turn, 
his son Aspandyar wanted his throne in his life-time. When 
Kaikhusro, who, in the matter of his retirement from the 
world, is compared to Yudhisthira, l abdicated the throne 
of Persia and retired childless into a wilderness, he, setting 
aside, as heirs to the throne, other descendants of his grand- 
father Kai Kaus, appointed, as his heir, Lohrasp who was des- 
cended from a brother of Kaus. Lohrasp was unknown to the 
courtiers, but Kaikhusru thought highly of him as a good suc- 
cessor. Lohrasp, on coming to the throne, repaid Kaikhusru 's 
kindness towards him, by showing special favours to the other 
heirs who were displaced. Thereupon, his son Gushtasp felt 
offended. He did not like that his royal father should love his 
distant nephews more than himself. Fearing, lest he may dis- 
place him and appoint somebody else from the family of Kaus 
as his heir, he began to quarrel with his father and asked for the 
throne in his life-time. His wishes not being complied with, he 
left the royal court to come to India, but he was pursued by hi? 
uncle Zarir, persuaded and taken back. He again left the Court, 

1 Fi<to Journal B. B. B. A. Soc. Vol. XVII, Abstract of Proceedings, pp- II.IV 
Journal Atiatique (1887) Huittemme aerie, Tome X, pp. 38-75. 



62 ASIATIC PAPERS 

and, under an assumed name of Farrokhzad, went to the country 
of Roum. There, when he sat one day homeless and friendless 
bemoaning his fallen fortune, the headman of the village, being 
struck with his manly and noble appearance, befriended him 
and took him to his own place as his guest. 

Now, the royal custom with the Kaisar, the ruler of that 
land, for the marriage of his daughters was as follows : 



The King called in his palace an assembly ( er*^l ) of young 
men of position and wisdom, and the princess chose from 
among them a young man for her husband. The then Kaisar 
had three beautiful daughters, the eldest of whom was named 
Kaitayun. He called an assembly of young men from whom 
Kaitayun can choose her husband. The night before the day of 
the assembly she dreamt as follows : " Her country was illumi- 
nated by the sun. There assembled a gathering of young men, 
so large, that 6ven the Pleiades would make way before it. In 
that assembly there was a foreigner, who, though poor and dis- 
tressed, was very wise. He was as straight and taU as a cypress 
and as beautiful as the moon. His demeanour and manner of 
sitting were such as befitted a king sitting on his throne. She 
(Kaitayun) presented a nosegay of myrtle- coloured fragrant 
flowers to him and received one from him." 

The next morning, the princess went with her 60 court-ladies to 
the assembly of the young men, convened by her father, to choose 
a husband for herself. She held a nosegay of roses in her hand. 
She moved about among the young men, but found none whom 
she could like for marriage. She returned to her palace. 
dejected and disappointed for not having found a husband to 
her liking. 

When the Kaisar learnt that his daughter found no young man 
to her liking from among the young men of the first rank in 
wealth and nobility, he called another assembly, to which he 
invited young men of the second grade or the middle class. The 
notice convening this second assembly was given in the city and 
in the adjoining country. Thereupon, the host of Gushtasp 
pressed him to go to that assembly with him. Gushtasp 
accompanied him and sat in a corner, a little dejected. The 
princess went in the assembly with her court-ladies and moved 
about among the people, till, at length, she came near Gushtasp. 
She saw him and said ' ' The secret of that dream is solved." She 
then placed her crown on the head of Gushtasp and chose him 
as her husband. The prime minister of the Kaisar, learning 
this, hastened towards his royal master and said : "Kaitayun has 
chosen from among the assembly a young man' who is as erect 



AN INSTANCE OF BOYAL SWAYAMVABA 63 

'as A cypress, and as handsome as a rose and has a commanding 
stature ; whoever sees him admires him. One may say, that 
the glory of God shines in his face. But we do not know who 
4he is." 

The Kaisar, finding that the young man was an unknown 
foreigner, did not like the choice. His minister tried his best to 
persuade him, that he could not now act against the usual royal 
-custom of selection, but to no purpose. The king then handed 
over Kaitayun to the young man without any dowry or gift 
.and asked both to leave his court. Gushtasp, seeing what had 
happened, tried on his part to dissuade the princess, saying he 
was a poor man. Kaitayun thereupon said : " Do not be dis- 
tressed with what our fate has destined. When I am contented 
with thee, why do you ask me to choose, as husband, one with 
the prospects of a crown or throne ? " The couple then left 
the royal palace and Gushtasp's host kindly made proper 
lodging arrangements for the couple at his house. Though 
the king had given nothing as dowry or gift, the princess 
had very rich jewellery on her body when she left her royal 
father's palace. With that, she tried to set up her new house 
and to live with her husband pretty comfortably. Gushtasp 
often went a-hunting and presented the game he killed to his 
friends. 

After this event, the Kaisar did away with the above custom, 
and for the marriage of his two other daughters he himself tried 
to find out proper husbands. One Miran, a member of a high 
family, asked for the hand of the Kaisar's second daughter. The 
king said to the suitor, that he would accept his offer if he achiev- 
ed a great deed. He asked him to prove his bravery and fitness 
by killing a ferocious wolf in the adjoining village of F&skun. 
Miran had not the required courage and strength to do so. So, 
through the intercession of a mutual friend, he got the wolf 
MQed by the brave foreigner, Gusht&sp. He then went before 
the king, and, claiming the credit of killing the ferocious wolf, 
asked the king's daughter in marriage. The king acting accord- 
ing to his promise, brought about the marriage. 

One Ahran also married the third daughter of the Kaisar, 
similarly seeking the help of brave Gushtasp for killing a 
ferocious snake which caused terror in the adjoining country. 

The Kaisar occasionally held athletic sports in an open place 
which were open to all sportsmen of his country. At the desire 
of Kaitayun, Gushtasp attended one of these, and by displaying 
his courage, strength and intelligence, drew the admiration of 
-all. He also drew the admiration of the king himself, who was 



64 ASIATIC PAPERS 

then soon reconciled with his son-in-law. Gushtasp had stilt 
continued to be known under the name of Farrokhzad, but 
an embassy from Persia from the court of Lohrasp, who was 
challenged to war by the Kaisar at the instigation of Farrokhzad 
(Gushtasp), divulged the whole secret. The Kaisar became glad 
when he knew all the facts, and was proud of his matrimonial 
alliance with the royal family of Persia. 

There seem to be several points of similarity as well as differ- 
ence in the Swayamvara cases referred to in the Indian and 
Persian stories. In the story of Gushtasp, we observe a new 
trait, viz., that of the dream of Kaitayun. Again, the first 
assemblies, or Anjumans are without athletic sports. It is later 
on, that there is the assembly where atheltic sports take place 
and where Gushtasp by his extraordinary sportsmanlike feats 
wins the favour of his royal father-in-law. Again,' just as 
Bhishma by his bravery won two daughters of the King of 
Kashi for the two princes, so did Gushtasp win the two 
daughters of the Kaisar for two princes. The garlanding of the 
chosen husband by the princess is common to the Indian and 
Persian cases. In both the stories, the question of the position 
of the family of the bridegroom is attended to. In the Indian, 
case, it is the bride herself who is solicitous about it. 



ART. IV. Archery in Ancient Persia. A Few 
Extraordinary Feats. 

(Read 24th January 1918.) 

The subject of this paper is suggested by an interesting article 
on " Taxila as a Seat of Learning in the Pali 
Introduction. Literature/' by Mr. Bimaha Charan Law in 
the Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic 
Society of Bengal (New Series Vol. XII, 1916, No. 11). Taxala 
was the place which " pupils from different parts of India used 
to visit for learning various arts and sciences." Prom a para, 
in the article, entitled " Archery," we learn, that archery also 
was taught at Taxala. Some feats in archery are specially men- 
tioned, e.g., (a) that of bringing down a mango from the top of a 
tree, (b) piercing by one arrow four plantain plants kept on 
four sides. These feats remind one of such feats of archery 
among the ancient Persians, especially of the feats of King 
Bahramgour. I will speak on my subject under two heads : I, 
Archery among the ancient Persians as referred to in the 
Avesta and eslewhere, and II, A few feats of Archery, referred 
to by Firdousi and others. 



Archery as referred to in the Avesta. 

The ancient Iranians learned Archery from their very child- 
Archery among nood - Herodotus says that " Beginning 
the ancient Irani- from the age of five years to twenty, they 
ana according to instruct their sons in three things only : to 
Herodotus, ^^ to use the b ow an( j to spea fc the 

truth." 1 Herodotus, in his account of Xerxes' expedition 
against the Greeks, thus speaks of the dress and arms of the 
ancient Persians : 2 " On their heads, they wore loose coverings, 
called tiaras ; on the body, various coloured sleeved breast- 
plates, with iron scales like those of fish ; and on their legs, 
loose trousers ; and instead of shields, bucklers made of osiers ; 

1. Herodotus Bk. I, 136, Carey's translation (1889) p. 61. 
2. Ibid, Bk. VII, 61, p. 433. 



ASIATIC PAPBB3 

and, under them their quivers were hung. They had short 
.spears, long bows and arrows made of cane and besides, daggers 
suspended from the girdle on the right thigh." 

Prof. Jackson thus speaks of the evidence presented by the 
Archery is re- ancient monuments on the subject of bows, 
presented on the arrows and quivers : " The large quiver is 
ancient monu- prominent in the figures of the Dieulafoy 
ments of Persia. archers and ^ ^ cage rf ^ sculpture8 

on the Behistan rock. In both these instances the quiver is 
suspended from the back ..... The quiver, merely as 
arrow-holder, is alluded to in ^Eschylus Pers, 1001-3. . . . 
The bow appears in most of the sculptures and monuments, 
and is naturally mentioned as an important weapon in Iranian 
as in other ancient writers. On the monuments the bow is 
usually represented as strung and as suspended at the left 
shoulder. . . . The arrows are naturally mentioned again 
and again in connection with the bow. Herodotus says that 
the Persian arrows were made of reed ; in the Iranian writings 
there seems to be no mention of the material from which the 
shaft is made, but the weighing and tipping of the arrow is 
described. In the Avesta (Vd. XIV, 9), the number of darts 
carried in the quiver is thirty/' 1 

The Avesta 2 gives a list of twelve weapons used by the ancient 
Archery as refer- Iranians. Therein we find "the fourth 
red to in the Aves- a bow, the fifth a quiver with shoulder- 
^" belt and thirty brass-headed arrows. " 8 

' Falcon- winged arrows " (ishavascha erezifyo-parena) are men- 
tioned in one place* in connection with the bow. In another 
place* we read of " vulture-feathered, gold-notched, lead- 
poised arrows." The Fravardin Yasht 8 speaks of the Frava- 
shis as affording protection against " well-aimed arrows " 
(ishush hvdthakhto). 

The Avesta word for a bow is thanvare 7 or thanvara* 
orthanvana 9 or thanvareti 10 ( Sanskrit ^5: , VJP*, 
from the root tan ( Sans. iwr, P. euj* 3 fcwridan, Lat. 



1 Prof. Jackson's article on " Herodotus VII, 61, or the Arms of the Ancient 

Persians Illustrated from Iranian Sources," in the Volume of the Classical 
Studies in honour of Henry Drisler, (1894 pp. 05-125), p. 100. 

2 Vendidad XIV 9. 3 B. B. E. (1880) Vol. IV , p 169i 
* Vend. XVII 9, 10 ; Ibid, p. 188. 

5 Meher Yaaht (Yt. X), 129, Vide Prof. Jackson's above article, p. 105. 

Yt. XIII, 72. 

7 Vcndldad XVII, 0,10. 8 Vend. XIV, 9. 9 Meher Yasht (Yt. X, 39). 10, IMef 128. 



ARCHERY IN ANCIENT PERSIA 67 

Vr. e-fendre, Guj. wptf T&mran. to stretch. The bow-string 
is jya, Sans. *RTT Pers. *j The material of the bow-string 
was cow-gut (g&vafnahe sndvyajya). 1 

For the arrow we find the following words in the Avesta : 

(a) ainghimana* from the root ah or a9 ( Sans, wr ) to 

throw. 

(b) afti 3 from root a^ to throw. 

(c) ishu 4 ( Sans. f*r ) from the root ish, Sans, f* to 

throw. 

(d) tigra* Pers. ^3) from foot tij Sans. <%sr to sharpen 

(from which root 'tij,' come the English words, 
stimulate, instigate). 

As to the material of the arrows, we read of the arrows being 
vulture-feathered, gold-pointed or yellow-pointed, horn-handled 
and iron-bladed (kahrka^o-parenanam, zaranyo-zafram, ravS 
fitayam, ayanghaena sparegha). 6 

We learn from the Avesta and Pahlavi books, that the 
Symbolic signi- weapons of war which an Iranian soldier 
fication of a bow (rathaeshtar) carried, were metaphorically 
and arrow^. or symbolically taken to be the weapons of 

a priest ( A thra van) to fight against evil. In the Khorshed Yasht 
(Yt.VI 5) one praises the vazra or gurz, i.e., the mace, for striking 
it upon the heads of the Daevas or evil-doers. So, in the case 
of the bow and arrow, they are taken to be symbolical for mental 
perfection and the spirit of liberality. We read in the Mino- 
kherad the following question and answer : 

The question is " How is it possible to make Auharmazd, the 
arch- angels, and the fragrant, well -pleasing heaven more fully for 
oneself ? And how is it possible to make Aharman, the wicked, 
and the demons confounded ? " In reply, it is said, that that 
can be done " when they make the spirit of wisdom a pro- 
tection for the back, and wear the spirit of contentment on the 
body, like arms and armour and valour, and make the spirit 
of truth a shield, the spirit of thankfulness a club, the spirit 
of complete mindfulness a bow, and the spirit of liberality 
an arrow . . ," 7 

1 Ibid, 123 

2 Yacna LVII, 28. 

3 Meher Yasht. (Yt. X, 113). 

4 Meher Yasht, (Yt. X 24). 

5 Tir Yasht, (Yt. VIH) 6. 

6 Meher Yasht, (Yt. X , 129). 

7 Chap. XLIH. 1-12. West S.B.E., XXIV, pp. 83-84. 



68 ASIATIC PAPERS 

The fact, that the bow and arrow were held as symbols for 
Symbolic signifi- some mental qualities or virtues, is illus- 
cation of a bow trated by some semi-religious Achaemenian 
and arrow upon sculptures. There, in the midst of some 
Iranian Monu- re ligious associations, a king is represented 
111611 8 ' as drawing his bow with all his possible 

strength. That signifies, that one must do his level best in his 
line of life and do good to others. Dr. Bartholomao has very 
suggestively put this figure on some of his Iranian publications 
with the words under it : " Wie du kannst so wolle " i.e., 
" Wish as thou canst. " The signification is : The more you 
draw your bow with all your possible strength, the more 
distant will the arrow go. So, put forth all possible energy in 
your work and the result will be proportionately good. 

II 

Some Extraordinary Feats in Archery. 

We will now describe some feats of archery, attributed to king 
Bahramgour by Pirdousi and other Persian writers. Bahram- 
gour was a typical Iranian, possessing masterly skill in archery. 
The poet thus refers to him in the words of a translator. 

" The Lion and the Lizard keep 

The Courts where Jamsheyd gloried and drank deep ; 
And Bahrain, that great Hunter the Wild Ass 
Stamps o'er his head, but cannot break his sleep." 
His name was Bahrain, but he was called Bahram Gour, be- 
cause he was very fond of killing the gour, jj! i.e., the wild 
ass in the hunt. 

Sir John Malcolm, one of the distinguished past-Presidents of 
our Society, and a Governor of our city, thus describes an 
anecdote of one of Bahramgour's hunting feats in archery as 
heard by him during one of his visits of Persia, at a known 
hunting seat of Bahram. 

" Baharam, proud of his excellence as an archer, wished to 
display it before a favourite lady. He 
Malcolm's story, carried her to the plain ; an antelope was soon 
found, asleep. The monarch shot an arrow 
with such precision as to graze its ear. The animal awoke, and 
put his hind hoof to the ear, to strike off the fly by which he 
conceived himself annoyed. Another arrow fixed his hoof to 
his horn. Baharam turned to the lady, in expectation of her 
praises : she cooly observed, Neeko kurden z pur kurden eat ; 
" Practice makes perfect." Enraged at this uncourtly observa- 
tion, the king ordered her to be sent into the mountains to perish. 



ARCHERY IN ANCIENT PERSIA 69 

Her life was saved by the mercy of a minister, who allowed her 
to retire to a small village on the side of a hill. She lodged in an 
upper room, to which she ascended by twenty steps. On her 
arrival she bought a small calf, which she carried up and down 
the stairs every day. This exercise was continued for four 
years ; and the increase of her strength kept pace with the 
increasing weight of the animal. Baharam, who had supposed 
her dead, after a fatiguing chase stopped one evening at this 
village, she was a young woman carrying a large cow up a 
flight of twenty steps. He was astonished, and sent to inquire 
how strength so extraordinary had been acquired by a person of 
so delicate a form. The lady said she would communicate her 
secret to none but Baharam ; and to him only on his condes- 
cending to come alone to her house. The king instantly went ; 
on his repeating his admiration of what he had seen, she bade 
him not lavish praises where they were not due : ' Practice 
makes perfect, ' said she, in her natural voice, and at the same 
time lifted up her veil. Baharam recognised and embraced his 
favourite. Pleased with the lesson she had given him, and 
delighted with the love which had led her to pass four years in an 
endeavour to regain his esteem, he ordered a palace to be built 
on the spot, as a hunting-seat, and a memorial of this event." l 

The story, as given by Firdousi, says, that the woman in the 
Firdousi's ver- story was neither Bahrain's favourite wife nor 
Bion of this story, his queen. She was a favourite flute-player. 
The place of the story was Arabia and the 
time his boyhood when he was under the tutelage of Naaman 
( ^U*} ) at the Court of Manzar ( j&*> ). The story, as heard by 
Malcolm, seems to be another version of it. Firdousi's story runs 
as follows : 2 Baharam, who was a very clever hand in hunting, 
went one day to the chase with Azdeh, a woman of Rouin, who 
was his favourite flute-player. He came across two antelopes, 
one male and the other female. Baharam asked Azdeh kt Which 
of the two you wish me to aim at ?" She replied, " A brave man 
never fights with antelopes, so you better turn with your arrows 
the female into a male and the male into a female. Then, when 
an antelope passes by your side, you aim at him an arrow, in 
such a way, that it merely touches his ear without hurting it, 
and that when he lays down his ear over the shoulder and raises 
his foot to scratch it, you aim another arrow in such a way as to 
pierce the head, the shoulder and the foot all at the same time." 
Baharam had with him an arrow with two points. He aimed it 

1 Malcolm's History of Penis, 2nd ed. (1839), Vol. I, p. 04, n. 1. 

2 Vide my paper on*.* The Education among the Ancient Iranians," p. 14. 



70 ASIATIC PAPBBS 

at the male in such a way that it carried away his two horns 
and gave him the appearance of a female. Then he threw two 
arrows at the female antelope in such a clever way, that they 
struck her head and struck themselves over it, so as to give her 
the appearance of a male with two horns. Then he aimed his 
arrow at another antelope, so as to merely touch his ears. The 
animal raised his foot to scratch his ear, when Baharam aimed 
at him another arrow, so cleverly, that he hit the head, the ear 
and the foot all at the same time. The woman thereupon shed 
tears from her eyes, saying, it was inhuman on the part of 
Baharam to have so killed the poor animal. This enraged 
Baharam, who had done all this at her bidding. He said : ' It 
is all a deceit on your part. If I had failed in doing what you 
ordered me to do, my family would have been put to shame.' 
With these words he immediately killed her. 

Madame Dieulafoy, in her " La Perse, La Chaldee et La Su- 

MadameDieula- siane " <P- 357 ) g^ 68 a Panting illustrating 

foy's painting. the above story. She found it decorating a 

door-frame in a house which she occupied 

in the valley of Eclid. Her painting entitled " Rencontre de 

Baharam et de son ancienne favourite " gives us a picture of 

the favourite woman in the story, carrying the calf on her back 

over the steps. 

Tabari l describes another archery-feat of Behramgour : " One 
Another hunt- da Y Behramgour, when he was in Arabia in 
ing feat of Beh- his boyhood with the Arab King Manzar, 
raingour accord- went a -hunting. He saw a wild ass running, 
ing to Tabari. ft was being overtaken by a lion. The lion 

was on the point of devouring the ass. Behram then threw 
an arrow with such dexterity that it passed through the lion 
and the ass, and killed them both at the same time. Manzar 
is said to have ordered this hunting scene to be painted on the 
walls of the palace where Behramgour lived. 

The Avesta speaks of a famous archer whose arrow went along 
Ere k h s h a, a an enormous distance. He is referred to in 
famous Iranian the Tir Yasht, the Yasht in honour of Tir or 
archer. Tishtrya, the star Sirius, whose enormous 

speed is compared to that of the arrow (tir) thrown by him on a 
historical occasion. We read as follows : 

Tishtrim st&rem raeventem kharenanghantem yazamaide* y6 
avavat khshvaewd vazaiti avi zrayd vouru-kashem yatha tigrish 
mainiva^ao yim anghat Erekhsho khshaviwi-ishush khshviwi- 
ishvatemo Airyanam Airyd Khshaothat hacha gardit khanvan- 

i Tabari par Zotenberg, Vol. II, pp. 11M2. 



ABCHBBY IN ANCIENT PERSIA 71 

tern avi gairim (Tir Yasht. Yt. VIII, 6. We read the same 
passage again later on (s. 37) in the same yasht with the addition 
of two words " &9U-khshavaewem khshviwi-vazem," i.e., " swift- 
running and swift-going " as further adjectives for Tishtrya). 

Translation. We invoke the brillant shining star Tishtrya 
which moves as fast towards the Vourukasha (the Caspian) Sea, 
as the mental arrow (i.e., the arrow whose speed cannot be 
measured but only mentally conceived) which was of Erekhsha, 
the swift Iranian, the swiftest (Iranian) archer among all 
the Iranians (who threw it) from che Khshaotha mountain to the 
Khan van t mountain. 

The feat of archery by a great Iranian archer referred to here, 
is that of throwing an arrow from one mountain to another 
distant mountain. We are not in a position, on the authority 
of A vesta or Pahlavi books, to identify the two mountains 
Khshaotha and Khanvant and the distance between them. But 
the Arab historian Tabari helps us in this matter, and throws 
much light upon this passage of the Avesta, which otherwise 
would have remained much obscure. We learn the following 
details from this historian. 1 

Minocheher, the Iranian king who was fighting in a war with 
Afrasiab, the Turanian king, was besieged in the fort of Amoul 
in the province of Tabaristan. 2 The siege lasted long, because 
Minocheher and his army could get and grow in the fort, all the 
atricles of food except pepper. The want of pepper which grew 
in Hindustan was, on the advice of the sages of Minocheher, 
met by the use of ginger and of a plant named term ( fjk ) 
which grew there. So, the siege lasted for ten years. According 
to Tabari, Minocheher, the besieged sovereign, even sent a few 
things as presents to Afrasiab. f He says : " Minocheher remained 
in the castle, and was not once (during the ten years) obliged to 
procure either clothing or food from any other place ; for he 
possessed there such a superfluity of garments, carpets, herbs, 
and vegetables of every kind that he occasionally sent some as 
presents to Afrasiab ; thus saying ' how longsoever you may 
continue before the gates of this city, I cannot suffer any 
injury, defended by so strong a castle/ " 3 At the end of ten 
years, Afrasiab raised the seige, because there was a great loss of 
life in his troops, owing to sickness, resulting from the great 
humidity of the air round the besieged mountain. Both the 

1 I follow Tabari, traduit par Zotenborg, Vol. I pp. 278-80. Partie, I, Chap. 68. 

9 The Pahlavi Bundeheah speaks of this fortress as situated oi> the mountain of* 

Pftdashkhvargar. Chap. XXXI, 21-22. Vide my Bundehesh, pp. 170-72. 
* Oualoy's Trave IiIII, p. 301. 



72 ASIATIC PAPERS 

kings then made peace on the condition, that their frontiers may 
be fixed. It was arranged, that Minocheher may select the best 
of his Iranian archers, and direct him to throw an arrow from a 
peak of the Demavand. 1 The place, i.e., a line extending both 
ways from the place where the arrow fell, may serve as the bound- 
ary line for the country under dispute. Minocheher found one 
Aresch to be the best archer in his country. He asked him 
to throw an arrow with all his force. He did so, and the arrow 
crossed the province of Tabaristan, Nishapour, Sarakhs, Merv, 
and fell on the banks of the river Jehoun ( &j^*& ). It was 
an extraordinary feat to throw an arrow hundreds of miles away. 
Afrasiab had to stand true to the condition and to accept the 
boundary thus fixed. 

I give below the passage from a recent text of Tabari 3 
which gives a simple narration of the story. His version saves 
the story from any kind of improbability in the matter of an 
enormous distance. 



Translation. A horseman, who may be a good archer, may 
throw a strong arrow from this side of the Jehoun, and that 
place, where the arrow falls, may form the boundary of the 
Iranians. Both the kings bound themselves in this agreement 
and wrote a treaty. Then they chose Aresh. Aresh was a man 
than whom there was no better archer. He went over a hill, 
than which there was no higher mountain in that region. They 
made a mark over the arrow and he (then) threw it ; and it fell 
on the ground on the bank of the Jehoun (Oxus). It was a' 
divine thing (i.e., a miracle) and Afrasiab became sorry, as he 
had to give up the sovereignty of that much country to Mino- 
cheher. 3 

1 One muflt understand, that the names Elburz and Demavand were, at times, used 

for a very long range of mountains in Persia. 

2 Ousley also refers to the story from Tabari. Ousley's Travels in Persia, Vol. Ill, 

PP. 800, 883. 
a Munshi Naval Kishore's Text of 1874, p. 115, 1. 24 et 864. 



ARCHERY IN ANCIENT PERSIA 73 

Mirkhond also refers to this feat in his Rauz-at-us-Safa on the 
authority of Tarikh Maogan. We read there as follow* :* 



Translation. "It was stipulated, that Arish should ascend 
Mound Damavend, and from thence discharge an arrow towards 
the east ; and that the place in which the arrow fell should form 
the boundary between the two kingdoms. Arish thereupon 
ascended the mountain, and discharged towards the east an 
arrow, the flight of which continued from the dawn of day until 
noon, when it fell on the banks of the Jihun. As this incident, 
though so remote from probability, has been invariably recorded 
in the text of all historians, it is therefore mentioned 
here."* 

This extraordinary marvellous feat of archery has been at- 
tempted to be explained in various ways. Ousley thus speaks 
on the subject : "As that golden arrow, of such classical cele- 
brity, which wafted Arbais through the air, has been the subject 
of much learned conjectural explanation, so we find that some 
have attributed the exploit of Aresh to magick, or to the assist- 
ance of an angel ; whilst other ingenious commentators divest 
the story of its most marvellous circumstances and suppose the 
arrow to express figuratively, that the Persians invaded and by 
their skill in archery, obtained possession of the enemy's country ; 
that Aresh was the successful general ; that he determined the 
boundaries ; and that by the magick characters inscribed on his 
wonderful arrow, nothing more is understood than the written 
orders which he dispatched with the utmost expedition to the 
farthest borders of Persia. Others, however, are willing to 
interpret the story more literally ; and on the authority of 
different chronicles, Dowlet Shah informs us that the arrow was 
so contrived as to contain a chymical (chemical) mixture of 
quicksilver and other substances, which, when heated by the 
sun, augmented the original force of projection in such a manner 
that it reached to Marv." 3 

1 Naval Ktehore'a Text of Mirkhond's Rauz-ut-ua-Safa, Vol. I, p. 166 1. 18. 

2 History of the Early Kings of Persia, translated from the original Persian of Mir 

khond, by David Shea (1832) p. 175. 
Oufiley's Travels in Persia, Vol. Ill, pp. 333-34. 



74 , ASIATIC PAPERS 

Ousley speaks of " that golden arrow of such classical celebrity 
which wafted Abaris through the air." We learn as follows- 
of this Abaris : " Abaris, son of Southas, was a Hyperbolean 
priest of Apollo and came from the country about the Caucasus* 
to Greece, while his own country was visited by a plague. In 
his travels through Greece, he carried with him an arrow as the 
symbol of Apollo. . . . He is said to have ridden on his 
arrow, the gift of Apollo, through the air. 1 " May I suggest, 
that this classical Abaris is the same as Iranian Arish ? (a) The 
similarity of name suggests this thought. (6) Again Abaria 
(Axis) is said to have come to Greece from the country about the 
Caucasus. Now, the Mount Damavend in the Iranian story is a 
peak of the Elburz, which itself is a mountain in the range of 
the Caucasus, (c) Dr. James MacDonald, in his article on Druid- 
ism, 2 speaks of Abaris " the mysterious Hyperbolean philoso- 
pher " as the friend of Pythagoras. According to him, Pytha- 
goras was instructed by the Druids who are spoken of as " a 
class of priests corresponding to the Magi or the wise men of the 
ancient Persians." The learning of Pythagoras, is, by some, 
connected with Persia and Persian sages. So, this also suggests 
the connection of the classical Abaris with the Iranian Arish. 

The improbability of the story seems to be fortunately well 
explained to some extent by Tabari. He says : " Some persons 
maintain, that this arrow, by virtue of the good fortune of Mino- 
cheher, happened to strike a vulture in the air, and that this 
bird fell and died on the banks of the Jehoun ; that they after- 
wards found the arrow and carried it to Tabaristan. 3 " Another 
way in which the improbability is sought to be explained is, 
that, by mistake, one place is mistaken for another bearing the 
same name. As we will see later on, the particular place 
whence this arrow was thrown, was according to some writers, 
Amel or Amoul. Now, there are two Amouls, one in the Trans- 
oxania near the river Jehoun, another in the west. The arrow 
was possibly thrown from the Transoxanian Amoul which was 
latterly mistaken to be the western Amoul, thus creating a 
cause for improbability.* 

The Arish mentioned in the works of the above Arab oriental 
writers is the Erekhsh of the Avesta. The Parsis observe a 
festival called the Jashan-i-Tlrangan or Tirangan, on Tir the 
thirteenth day of their month Tir. The word Tir, in the names 
of the day, the month and the festival, means an arrow in 

1 Dr. Smith's Classical Dictionary. 

2 Encyclopedia Britannlca, Vol. VII, p. 478. 

* I translate from the French translation of Zotenberg I., p. 280. Naval Kishore's 
Text does not give this portion. 4 Vide Oualey's Travels, Vol. Ill, pp. 338-84. 



ARCHERY IK ANCIENT PERSIA 75 

Pahlavi, Pazend and Persian. The Farhang-i-Jehangiri, as 
pointed out by Ousley, 1 says, that the festival was meant 
to commemorate the above feat of the arrow by the Persian 
archer. According the Albiruni, the festival was celebrated 
for two reasons. One of these was for the celebration of the 
above extraordinary feat. He says as follows : 

" On the 13th, or Tir-R6z, there is a feast Tiragan, so called 
on account of the identity of the name of the month and the day. 
Of the two causes to which it is traced back, one is this, that 
Afrasiab, after having subdued Eranshahr, and while besieging 
Minocihr in Tabaristan, asked him some favour. Minocihr 
complied with his wish, on the condition that he ( Afrasiab} 
should restore to him a part of Eranshahr as long and as broad 
as an arrow-shot. On that occasion there was a genius present 
called Isfandarmadh ; he ordered to be brought a bow and an 
arrow of such a size as he himself had indicated to the arrow- 
maker, in conformity with that which is manifest in the A vesta. 
Then he sent for Ajrish, a noble, pious, and wise man, and 
ordered him to take the the bow and to shoot the arrow. Arish 
stepped forward, took off his clothes, and said : " Bong, and 
ye others, look at my body. I am free from any wound or disease. 
I know that when I shoot with this bow and arrow I shall fall 
to pieces, and my life will be gone, but I have determined to 
sacrifice it for you.' Then he applied himself to the work, and 
bent the bow with all the power God had given him ; then he 
shot, and fell asunder into pieces. By order of God the wind 
bore the arrow away from the mountain of Ruyan and brought 
it to the utmost frontier of Khurasan between Farghana and 
Tabaristan ; there it hit the trunk of a nut-tree that was so large 
that there had never been a tree like it in the world. The dis- 
tance between the place where the arrow was shot and that 
where it fell was 1,000 Farsakh. Afrasiab and Minocihr made a 
treaty on the basis of this shot that was shot on this day. In 
consequence people made it a feast-day ". 2 

In a Persian book giving an account of the ancient Iranian 
feasts, 3 wherein this feast of Triangan is referred to, the feat 
of the above archer is thus spoken of : 



1 Vol. Ill, p. 333. 

2 "The Chronology of Ancient Nations " of Albiruni translated by Dr. C. E. Sachau 

(1879) p. 205. 

3 Vide my lecture on "Zoroastrian Festivals," in my Gujerati "Lectures and 

Sermons on Zoroastrian Subjects, " Part III, p. 133. 



76 ASIATIC FAFEES 

The above story, as given in this Persian book, runs as follows: 
" This Jashan is called ' Tirgan-e-Mehin, 1 i.e., the great Tirgan 
Jashan. This Jashan falls on the day Tir of the month Tir. 
It was on this day that King Manucheher made peace with the 
Turanian King Afrasiab, on condition, that Afrasiab should give 
up to Manucheher so much of his dominions as would cover the 
distance of a fast-flying arrow. Then ingenious persons made 
an arrow with great contrivance and it was put into the bow 
by Arish standing on a mountain near Tabristan and thrown 
in the direction of the rising sun, the heat of which carried 
the arrow to the boundary line of Takharestan. In the words 
of a poet ' Arish is called Kaman-Gir, i. e., a reputed archer, 
on this account, that he threw an arrow from Amel to Marv.* 
They say, that on this day (i.e., the Tirgan Jashan), the 
country covered by the flight of that arrow was given to 
Manucheher, and the day was passed in revelry and rejoicing." 1 

According to this version of the story, the ingenuity consisted 
in the preparation of the arrow with such materials, as would 
be chemically acted upon by the heat of the rising sun. 

The Mujmul-al Tawarikh speaks of a Arish Shivatir CH^fjx* J^l ) 
Here Shivatir is the Persian form of Shepak-tir, which is the 
Pahlavi rendering of the word Khshviwi-ishu in the above 
Avesta passage of the Tir Yasht. 2 

In the Shah-nameh of Firdousi, we often come across the 
words Tir-i Areshi ( if*^ j ) i.e., the arrow of Aresh. 
This shows, that the name of Arish (Av. Erekhsha) and his 
arrow have become proverbial. Among several uses of this 
kind, we have the following in the accounts of the battle which 
Arjasp fought with Zarir. \jS <iri*U ** .'. (j***f ^~~r *&$ (jjjiy 
cr^-H^-* *****' Here, Sam is referred to as the best mace-man 
and Arish as the best archer. We find from Firdousi 3 that 
Behram Chobin traced his descent from this great archer. 

1 Spiegel Memorial Volume, edited by me, pp. 206-7. Paper on " A few Parses 

festivals (Jashans) according to an old Parsee manuscript," by Ervad 
Manekji.Bustamji Unvala. 

2 Etudes Iranienncs, par Darmesteter, Tome, II, pp. 220-21. 
8 Mohl, small edition, VII, pp. 26 and 30. 



ART V. An unpublished Mogul Insc 
the Margalla Pass near Rawal 



(Read on the llth October 1918.) 



On my return to Rawalpindi on my way back to Bombay from 
Kashmir, during my second visit of the 
Introduction. beautiful valley in 1915, I had paid a short 
visit on 16th July 1915 to the excavations 
of Taxala situated at about 20 miles from Rawalpindi. On 
my way back from the excavations, I halted at the Margalla 
Pass which is situated at about 15 miles from Rawalpindi, 
to see there, the great monument in honour of General 
John Nicholson (died 23rd September 1857, aged 34), erected 
by his British and Indian friends to commemorate his services 
in the " four great wars for the defence of British India " 
and to commemorate " his civil rule in the Punjab " and " his 
share in its conquest." 1 As I had then in mind the movement 
of the erection at Sanjan, of a Memorial Column by my commu- 
nity to commemorate the event of the landing in Gujarat of 
our forefathers, the Iranian Pilgrim fathers, after the Arab 
conquest of Persia, I had some special interest in examining 
the structure of the monument. While going to the monument 
from an old Mogul road on the right, I happened to see on my 
right, a Persian tablet in a rock. I asked the keeper in charge 
of the monument to produce a ladder, so that I could examine 
and copy the inscription. I waited for some time, but, as he 
could not turn up in time with the ladder and as I had to return 
to Rawalpindi in time to prepare for, and catch, the one o'clock 
train for Bombay, I had reluctantly to leave the place without 

iVide Indian M oiiu mental Iincrlptionn, Vol. II; Part I. A Ltet of Inscriptions on 
Christian tombs or .Monuments in the Punjab, N. W. F. Province, Kashmir and 
Afghanistan, p. 128. (Serial No. 842). 



78 ASIATIC PAPERS 

satisfying my literary curiosity. On coming to Bombay, I 
looked into the Rawalpindi Gazetteer, if I could find the inscrip- 
tion therein. I did not find the inscription itself, but found a 
reference to it, which runs as follows : " At M&rgalla there is 
an old cutting through the hill crossing the Lahore and Pesha- 
war Road. The roadway is paved with flags of stone, while a 
stone slab inserted into the wall on the side contains an inscrip- 
tion, which shows that the work was completed in 1083 A.H., 
corresponding with 1672 A.D., or about the time when 
the Emperor Aurangzeb marched to Hassan Abdal and sent his 
son Prince Sultan with an army against the Khattaks and other 
trans-Indus tribes. The pavement was no doubt a remarkable 
achievement in those days, but it has been completely cast into the 
shade by the new cutting higher up to the east by our own en- 
gineers, who have also constructed at the latter place a fine 
column to the memory of the late General John Nicholson." 1 

Then, on 29th September 1915, I wrote to the Commissioner 
of the Rawalpindi Division, requesting him to be good enough 
to refer me to any publication which gave the inscription, and, 
if it was not published anywhere, to kindly send me a copy from 
his records, if it was there. After some further correspondence, 
the Commissioner, Lt.-Col. (now Sir) F. Popham Young, kindly 
sent me, with his letter, dated 13th November 1915, a report, 
dated 10th November, from the Tahsildar, Mr. Hari Singh. The 
report was accompanied with the text, transliteration and 
translation at the hands of the Tahsildar and was received 
by the Commissioner through the Deputy Commissioner. I 
beg to tender my best thanks to these officers for the trouble 
they so kindly took in this matter. 

The Deputy Commissioner, in his communication to his 
Chief, dated llth November 1915, hoped " Mr. Jamsetjee will 
now be satisfied." Unfortunately, or, as it has turned out 
rather fortunately, I was not satisfied, because the Tahsildar 
said thus in his report : " I have tried to decipher this in- 
scription which has been dimmed by time. The inscription 
is engraved in bold relief and the constant exposure to rain 
and hail has washed away several letters and parts of words. 
I have tried to make it out as far as possible but am doubtful 
about the words marked X. The date given is 1080. It is 
probably Hijri, and it would correspond with 1662 A.D. This 
was the fifth year of Aurangzeb's reign, but I doubt very 
much whether this inscription could be meant for an 
Emperor. This appears to be meant for some Khan ; and it may 

i Punjab District Gaztttetr, Vol. XXVIII-A, Rawalpindi Dirtrict (ICO 7), p. 85. 



AN UNPUBLISHED MOGUL INSCRIPTION 79 

be for Mahbat Khan, the famous Mogul general who was for 
.some time Governor of Peshawar." 

I visited Kashmir again for the third time this year, 1 
and on my return to Rawalpindi from there, I took advantage 
of my stay there for a day and saw the inscription again 
leisurely on the 21st of July. I had the pleasure of the company 
and the assistance of Munshi Mahmad Din, the teacher of 
Persian in the Dennis High School at Rawalpindi, and so, 
in the reading of the inscription, which I give below, I 
acknowledge with thanks his help in settling the reading of 
several words, here and there. 



II 

First of all, I give below a plan of the place at the Mar- 
Plan and Tablet & a ^ a ^ ass where the tablet is situated. It 
was kindly drawn, at the request of my 
host, Mr. Nusserwanji J. Boga, by Mr. J. Vesugar, Assistant 
Engineer, P.W.D., at Rawalpindi. I beg to thank Mr. Vesugar 
for it. To do justice to the Tahsildar, and to do justice to my- 
self, as well as to place before the students another reading of 
a number of words here and there, I give, as an appendix, the 
reading and translation of the Tahsildar, which, in some places 
is evidently faulty. Of course, his reading was a hasty 
decipherment in the midst of work in response to the desire of 
his superiors ; so, his reading must be free from criticism. Had 
he known that his decipherment was required for some literary 
purpose, he would have perhaps been more cautious and careful. 
I repeat here my thanks for what he has kindly done. 

On my way homewards, and on my return to Bombay 
after my second visit to Margalla, I wrote to the Archaeological 
Department of the Government of India and requested it to 
kindly send me an impression of the inscription. Dr. D. B. 
Spooner, the then Officiating Director- General of Archaeo- 
logy, kindly sent me, with his letter, dated 14th Sep- 
tember, a copy of the inscription with its transliteration and 
translation. These were, as said by him in his letter, 
dated 14th October 1918, supplied to him by the Commis- 
. sioner, Rawalpindi Division. I give these, as an appendix, at the 
-end to help the student to make his own selection of the reading. 
I have again asked for an impression which I have not received 

1 From 27th nay to 21st July 1018, Including the days of arrival at, nd depar- 
ture from, Rawalpindi. 



80 ASIATIC PAPERS 

as yet. It will be subsequently given, if received. I give 
below, my reading of the text and translation : 

& Text of the Tablet. 



J 



GOD, THE POWERFUL. 

The Khan, (who possesses) a powerful claw and awe- 
inspiring dignity, before whose claw the lion is powerless, built, 
in the hill of Markaleh, which is linked 3 with the high heavens* 
a building, which, out of respect, is always honoured by the 
heavens. 6 The Mogul said : " ndsiya mehva&h-i-Hin&ustdn'. 
(1:6., the moon-like face of Hindustan), 6 for the date of its year' 
*c2& the supervision of Mirza Muhammad Mirani, the 

superintendent of 7 , Ahmad the architect, 8 and 

fogdlish and 9 . . . Sharf and Day aldas were . . . . la 
Spared (i.e., finished) in the year 1083. 

* fjJ ^*The line here has disappeared. It does not seem to be a running line, but a mere 
heAjKfikg to the ett'ect that now follows the name of the architect, supervisor, builder, 
e*& One or two words are legible, e,?.,j and (^ 

2 The reading is doubtful. The first part^H^ seems to be clear, Th p word 
may be ^ [#* or (*)[&* Mirami or Miran or it may be kt^** 

'-"> ' *p ^Tau'amftn twins, linked with. 

. * Lit., which is a twin with the globe or dome of the high wheel, i.e., whjch is an 
ttHA or as splendid as the Heavens. 

A Lit. to which the sky gives a kins every moment out of respect for it. 
o i.e., the building is a beautiful place of Hindustan. 

- .? the word reads like dastan. 

* Mi'mar, an architect, a builder, a mason. 

~"<9 Not legible. It seems to be the first part of a name ending in Sharf. 

10 The reading of the word is not clear, though the last part oz j^ is 
dear. It seems to be a word signifying some petty officer under the architect or 
supervisor. It seems that here three names are mentioned, riz., (1) Jogdash and .... 
Shuf ai'd Dyaldas, as those of petty officera who served as overseen or as some 
officers of that kind. I may add, that even the reading of the names is not certain. 



AN UNPUBLISHED MOGUL INSCRIPTION 8f 

III 

There are several matters in the inscription which re- 
quire to be looked into. They are 

(1) The date of the inscription. 

(2) The identification of the place referred to in it a* 

Markaleh (^j u ). 

(3) Who is the Khan referred to therein ? 

(4) What is it that the inscription takes a note of ? 

Of the figures at the end of the tablet, giving the 
date, the last figure is not very clear. Elliot, 
(1) The Date of in his extracts from the Wakiat-i-Jehan- 
the Tablet. giri, wherein, in the account of Jehangir\s 

march in this district, the hill of Margalla 
is referred to, gives in a footnote, the date as A. H. 1084. l 
The Rawalpindi Gazetter, in its short reference to the tablet, 
gives the date as 1083. The Tahsildar gives it as 1080, as quoted 
above. The Archaeological Department also gives it as 1080. I 
think it is 1083. Both, the Tahsildar and the Archaeological 
Department give the chronogram in the 9th line of the the 
inscription as ^ij^ r <^j>i /^ (Nama-i-yurish-i-Hindustan). 
The Tahsildar translates it as " of the invasion of Hindustan." 
The Archaeological Department translates it as " a writing 
on the conquest of India." This chronogram gives, as follows, 
1188 as the date : 

^= 50 + ' = 1 -f r = 40 + * = 5 + ^=:10+j = 6 + j = 
200 + u* = 300 +* = 5 -f e> =50 + * = 4+j = 6 -f 
^.=604- o = 400+ 1= 1 + e; = 50 = 1188 

Thus, as the total conies to 1188, either their reading of 
the figures of the date at the end of the tablet must be wrong, 
or, the reading of the chronogram must be wrong. But both 
seem to be wrong. 

The date as given by the Rawalpindi Gazetteer is correct, 
but the writer has not given us his reading of the chronogram. 

My reading of the chronogram is ejl^J^r (J*J?* '** ^ 

"Nasiya mahwash-i- Hindustan," i.e., the moon-like face- 
of Hindustan. The abjad calculation of this chronogram gives, 

'*" 1 " The road has been Improved since this Emperor's time. There ia a sub - 
stantlal stone pavement through the pass, which from a Persian inscription on 
a rock appears to have been erected in A. it. 1084 by the strong-handed Khan Mahabat 
fihikoh ff (Elliot's History of India, Vol. VI, p. 310, . 1). 

6 



82 



ASIATIC PAPERS 



as follows, 1083 as the date, which is the date I read at the 
end of the inscription. 

= 50+ 1 = 1+^= 90+ ^ =10+ * =5+ r =40+ * =5 

6+ Ji =300,+ * =5+"u = 50+a=4+j =6+0- = 
60 + o =.400 + I = 1 + e, = 50 = 1083 

Thus, my reading of the chronogram supports my reading of 
the date. Again, the chronogram , as read by me, gives some sense. 

IV 

The Markaleh ( *&/* ), referred to in our tablet, 

is the modern Margalla Pass. It is the 

(2) Markaleh of place, the country round which was, at 

Marga^PaL* 110 one time ' oc ' cu P ied *>y the Ghakkari tribe, 
who played an important part in the early 
history of the Punjab. We read as follows in the Rauxilpindi 
Gazetteer about Margalla : " The Margalla Range, which, so far 
as it lies within the district, is a continuation of a spur running 
through Hazara District about the junction of the Murree, Hari- 
pur and Rawalpindi Tahsil boundaries, and runs in a south- 
westerly direction across the north of the Rawalpindi Tahsil. 
For most of its course through this tahsil it maintains a height 
of over 5,200 feet, and derives from the steepness of its sides and 
the suddenness with which it starts up from the level fertile 
plain below, its somewhat impressive appearance. As it approach- 
es the Attock border the range begins to sink down. About 
15 miles north-west of Rawalpindi, it is crossed by the Margalla 
Pass which carries the Grand Trunk Road and is also marked 
by a conspicuous monument to General John Nicholson. "'- 

In the Wdki'dt-i-Jehangiri, Margalla is thus referred to : 
" The camp moved to Kala-pani, which means in Hindu ' black 
water.' On this march there occurs a hill called Margalla. Mar, 
in Hindi, signifies ' to rob on the highway' and galla, a caravan, 
that is, * it is a place where caravans are plundered.' Up to this 
-extends the country of the boundary of the Gakkhurs."* 

V 

As to the Khan referred to in the tablet, Elliot, in the foot- 
note referred to above, takes him to be 

(3) Who is the one Khan Mahabat Shikoh. It appears 
JKhan referred? that the Khan is Mahabat Khan of the 

time of Aurangzeb. The date of the 

1 The Ghakkars are spoken of also as Gakhars, Gakkhurs, Gakkliars, Ghakars, 
-Kokare and Khokhars. 

2 Rawalpindi District Gazetteer. Part A, p. 3. 

3 Elliot, Vol. VI, p. 310. Vide also "The Tuzak-i Jahangiri by Kogera and 
2BeverIdge,Vol. I, p. 98. 



AN UNPUBLISHED MOGtL INSCRIPTION 83 

tablet is, as, we saw above, 1083. So, it belongs to the time of 
Aurangzeb. Though Ms name is not mentioned directly as such 
in the tablet, it is indirectly mentioned, as is, at times, the way 
-of some Persian poets, inasmuch as he is spoken of as mahdbat 
tshikuh, i.e., of awe-inspiring dignity. The writer has ingeniously 
used the word mahdbat, both, directly, as a common noun 
signifying his position, status or influence, and indirectly, as his 
proper noun. 

The following is an epitome of an account of 
Mahabat Khan's life, as given in the J\Iad$ir-ul-U ward 
of Nawab Samsamud-Daulah Shah Nawaz Khan. 1 His whole 
name was Mahabat Khan Mirza Lohnisp. He was the 
bravest of the sons of Mahabat Khan Kluin Khanan. As a 
youth, in the reign o*f Shah Jahan, he accompanied his father 
in the conquest of Daulatabad as a commander of 2,000 troops. 
After the death of his father, he was appointed to various 
places, among which one was the Foujduri of Oudh. He was 
then appointed on a post in Kandhar. In the 24th year of 
the reign of Shah Jahan, i.e., in 1052, he was made a Mir Bakhshi. 
Up to the 25th year of the reign (1053), he was known as 
Lohrasp Khan. In this year, after being honoured with the 
title of Mahabat Khan, he was appointed viceroy (Subah) of 
Kabul. In 1057, he was appointed governor of Deccan under 
Aurangzeb. He took part in the war with Bijapur and in the 
siege of Bidar. He had a great hand in the defeat of the Bija- 
pur army under Afzul Khan. Soon after, he received a message 
from Dfira Shakoh, the eldest prince, that he was wanted by 
*Shah Jahan ; arid so, he went by quick marches to the Emperor's 
Court. He was then (Hijri 1008, _\.v>. 1057-58) appointed 
to the viceroy alty of Kabul. In the 5th year of Aurangzeb's 
reign (1003-04), he returned to the royal eourt. He was then 
appointed viceroy of Gujarat. In the llth year of Aurang- 
zeb's reign (A.D. 1070), he was again appointed viceroy of 
Kabul. In the J3th year of the reign (A.D. 1071-72), he re- 
turned to the royal court at Akbarulmd. When Shivaji began 
his depredations, including therein the plundering of Surat, 
he was sent to the Deccan to punish him. He punished the 
Mahratha chief. A short time after, the Afghans of the moun- 
tains round Kabul rose in rebellion and Mali a mad Am in Khan, 
Governor of Afghanistan, was defeated in the Khyber Pass; 
Mahabat Khan, who had a previous experience of the moun- 
taineers, was thereupon called from the Deccan, and in the 
16th year of the reign (A.D. 1673), \\as sent to Kabul for the 

1 Bengal Asiatic Society's Text, edited by Maulavi Mirza Aahraf Ali (1891). Vol. Ill 
KP. 090-94. 



34 ASIATIC PAPERS 

settlement (band -o-bast) of the affairs of Kabul. Butj instead of" 
fighting -with and molesting the Afghan army on his way to> 
Kabul, he evidently avoided a fight and went to Kabul safely 
by another route. Aurangzeb did not like this. So, in the- 
17th year of the reign (A.D. 1674), he himself went to' 
Hassan Abdal. Mahabkt Khan then attended the royal 
court and was placed under the orders of Birsangh, the 
grandson of Raja Bahavpat Das Kur. 

The above is the outline of the life of Mahabat Khan 
as given in the Maasir-ul-Umara. To properly under- 
stand that life, especially to properly understand his connec- 
tion with the Afghan frontiers, in a locality of which we find 
his tablet, we will examine some further details. 1 

In 1636, a treaty was made by Shah Jahan, the Moghul 
Emperor at Delhi, with Adil Shah, the king of Bijapur, whereby 
the latter was acknowledged as a friendly ally and his 
sovereignty was left unimpaired to him. Several royal 
customs were special to the Court of the Emperors of 
Delhi. For example, (a) they alone could hold their courts, 
in palaces or places outside the citadel. Other kings were to 
hold their courts within their citadels. (6) They alone held 
elephant-combats in the open ground outside the fort, the 
other kings holding them within the fort, (c) The Emperors 
only could confer the title of Khan-Khanan upon their pre- 
vious ministers. The king of Bijapur latterly began to act 
in opposition to these customs and acted as if he were an^ 
Emperor. So, Shah Jahan called upon him not to do so. Adil. 
SMh first defied Shah Jahan, but soon yielded. The quarrel 
was thus averted, but that only for a few years. It began 
again in th reign of Adii Shah's successor, Ali Adil Shah II. 
In the meantime, Shah Jahan's son Aurangzeb, had, by his 
intrigues and bribes, won over some of the nobles of the Courts 
of Bijapur. It was in the war declared in 1667, against 
Bijapur, that we first find Mahabat Khan taking an active part 
at the direction of prince Aurangzeb. At the head of an army 
of 15,000 soldiers, this Moghul general ravaged a part of tlfe 
Bijapur territory, and, later on, gained other victories over tjle 
Bijapur armies. 2 We then find, that, soon after the above 
victories, Mahabat Khan retired from Aurangzeb's army and 
went away to Agra without giving any notice to Aurangzeb 

1 Vide Elliot's " History of India " and Prof. Jadunath Sarkar'a "History of Aurang 
*eb"i" in throe volumes. 

2 Vide Prof. Jadunatb Sarkar'a "History of Aurangzeb," VoL I, chap, VL for farther 
details of Mahabat Khan's part in the war with Bijapur. 



AN UNPUBLISHED 'MOGUL INSCRIPTION 85 

This, was in the 32nd year of Shah Jahan's reign (1068 Hijri, 
1657-58 A.D.). 1 Shah Jahan fell ill on 6th September 1657, and 
was, as it were, on death-bed for one week. Then began a war of 
succession among his sons, Dara, Shuja, Aurangzeb and Murad 
<even in his life- time. He had declared his wish that Dara, 
the eldest son, should succeed him. The other sons jointly 
and severally opposed that nomination. Aurangzeb marched, 
against the capital, took it, and, in June 1658, made his father 
a prisoner. Shah Jahan continued as prisoner for sevefi years till 
the time of his death on 22nd January 1666. Aurangzeb was 
declared Emperor in July 1658. His formal installation was in 
IViay 1659. It was in the account of this captivity that we read 
of Mahabat Khan again. He was then the governor of Kabul. 
We thus read in the Muntakhabu-l-LuMb,: " Shah Jahan, 
while in confinement, wrote secretly to Mahabat Khan 
Governor of Kabul : ' Dara Shokoh is proceeding to Lahore. 
There is no want of money in Lahore, there is abundance of 
men and horses in Kabul, and no one equal to Mahabat 
Khan in valour and generalship. The Khan ought, there- 
fore, to hasten with his army to Lahore and having there 
joined Dara Shukoh, they might march against the two 
undutiful sons to inflict upon them the due reward of their 
misconduct, and to release the Emperor, the Sahib Kiran-i- 
iSani from prison.' " a 

Aurangzeb had a long war with the Afghans. We 
^tre now and then hearing of the question of "the Afghan Fron- 
tiers," and of the raid of this tribe and that tribe, of the 
Afghans. On the way to Afghanistan from India, there live 
a number of clans which are Turco-Iranian clans, and are 
known as Pathan or Baluchi, according as the clans belong to 
the north or to the south of the region. These clans have their 
own peculiar constitutions, the one principal feature of which, 
is, that the chiefs rule over their followers as allowed by them. 
So, the chiefs often change. There is no hereditary line of 
-chiefs, which one may expect to rule long. So, no treaty 
arrangement with them can be called a pucca arrangement on 
which one can depend long. That is the present difficulty 
of our British rulers and that was the difficulty of the 
Moghal Emperors. Though these emperors had their rule in 
Kabul itself, they had their difficulties with the Afghan tribes 
living between Afghanistan proper or Kabul and India. 
Akbar had such difficulties, and his famous courtier Raja 
Birbal was defeated and killed by these Afghan tribes in 

i KlliotVII,p. 130. 

> Muntokbttbu-l-Lubab " of Muhammad Hoifliin Khafl *ban, Elliot, VH, p. 22* 



86 ASIATIC PAPERS 

1586. 1 Our present experiences were, to a great extent, the* 
experiences of the Moghals. Tiny expeditions to punish 
them, treaties to secure peace, pensions for keeping peace, 
and guarding the roads, etc., are our present inheritances from 
old times. All such things continued, even after Akbar, in 
Jehangir's and Shah Jahan's times. 

When we come to the time of Aurangzeb, we find the 
mischief -growing. The Yusufzai tribe had the chief hand in 
the mischief. In 1667, under one Bhagu, they rose, and cross- 
ing the Indus above Attock, invaded the Mcghal territory. 
A Moghal army of more than 25,000 men went against them; 
and defeated them. Even after the defeat, stray depreda- 
tions and fights continued, off and m, till 1672, A.D. The 
Rajput feudatories of Aurangzeb fought bravely against the 
Afghans during this war. Maharaja Jaswant Sin^h with 
his Rathors had, at one time, held Jamrud, 2 which stands 
on this side of the Khyber Pass. In 1672, the Afridis rose 
against Auraugzeb and defeated Amin Muhammad Khan, 
the Moghal Viceroy of Afghanistan. It is said, that 
10,000 men of Aurangzeb 's Army were killed and two crores 
of rupees in cash were lost. Besides these, 20,000 men 
and women were captured and transported to Central Asia, 
where they were sold as slaves. Aurangzeb's army met 
with a catastrophe, greater than that of Birbal in the time 
of Akbar. In this national rising of the Afghans, the Kha- 
taks who lived in the Southern part of the Peshawar District, 
and who were formeily conquered and won over by Aurangzeb, 
also joined under their chief Khush-bal, who was a poet as 
well as a brave chieftain and who, at one time, was im- 
prisoned iu Delhi and Raitambhor. It was at this crisis, 
that Mahabat Khan who had thrice before ruled over 
Afghanistan as Governor from Aurangzeb and who was 
then in the Dec can was appointed Viceroy of Afghanistan 
for the fourth time. Mahabat Khan did not dare to fight 
with the Afghan who had struck terror all round by their 
above-mentioned great victory. Instead of proceeding to 
Kabul, he wasted time at Peshawar, in trying to bring about 
some settlement with the Afghans. Thereupon, Aurangzeb 

1 Birbal, who advocated the vtews of Akbar, who admired the Iranian reverence 
for. the Sun and Fire, met his death at the hands of the Afghans iu this rebellion which 
was hailed with delight by bigoted Mahomedan writers like Badaonl, who called him* 

M a hellish dog " ( ^^^ -& ) and bastard ( * a \) f [^ ) and who said, 



that the death he met with hthis rebellion was a portion of his base deeds. Akba 
was much affected by hia death (vide my " Parsia at the Court of Akbar.") 

2 Afghan tradition connects this Jamrud with Shah Jamshed of the PeshdSdlar* 
dynasty of v Pe'reia. Vide my paper on ' ' J/Etymolofrie populairc* des npma des gtapes- 
entre Pichaver et Kabul " (Journal) Asiatiqe. Huti$me Serle, Tome XIV, (188ft> 
page 527. Vide my Asiatic Papers, Part I, p. 261 et teq. 



AN UNPUBLISHED &OGUL INSCRIPTION 87" 

sent a special officer from his court to Peshawar to urge 
Mahabat Khan to force his way to Kabul. Mahabat Khan 
thereupon did proceed to Kabul, but not by the regular 
route, fighting with the difficulties he may meet with, 
at the hands of the Afghan enemies, but by another route, 
the Karopa Pass, making his passage thereby easy by bribing 
the Afghans. He thereupon incurred the displeasure of 
Aurangzeb, who then appointed one Shujayet Khan, a man 
who had risen from a lower status of life, to the command, 
against the Afghans. But Shujayet Khan met with a great 
disaster in the Karopa Pass at the hands of the Afghans 
in 1674. Thereupon, Aurangzeb himself went to Hassan 
Abdal, situated on the road from Rawalpindi to Peshawar, 
and stayed there for nearly 18 months. He removed Mahabat 
Khan from the Viceroyalty of Kabul, for having intentionally 
abstained, out of jealousy, from giving help to Shujayet 
Khan. The emperor's presence and diplomacy mastered 
the situation. Some of the hostile Afghan tribes were 
won over by money and others were defeated and overpowered. 
Mahabat Khan is once referred to by Aurangzeb in 
one of his letters 1 to Asad Khan, who bore the titles 
of Umadat-ul-Mulk (the best of the kingdom) and Madur-ul- 
Mahal (the support of State business), but nothing special is 
mentioned about him. 

I give below a list of the principal events referred to 
above in connection with Mahabat Khan's 
career : 

A.D. 

1636. Treaty of Shah Jahan with the King of Bijapur. 

1652. Mahabat Khan appointed Mir Bakhshi. 

1652. Appointed to the Viceroyalty of Kabul for the 

first time. 

1653. Got the title of Mahabat Khan, his original 

name being Lohrasp Khan. His father, who - 
died in 1634, also had the same title. 

1656. War declared against Bijapur in which 

Mahabat Khan takes an important part. 

1657. Mahabat Khan leaves Prince Aurangzeb's 

army at Bijapur and goes to Agra. 

1657. Shah Jahan fell ill. 

(1) The Ruka'at-i-Alamgiri or Letters of Aurangzebe by Jamshld H. Bilimoria 
(1908) p. 142. 



,88 ASIATIC PAPERS 

1657. Mahabat Khan appointed Governor of Deccan. 

1657. Appointed Governor of Kabul for the second 

time. 

1658. Shah Jahan imprisoned by his son Aurangzeb. 
1658. Aurangzeb declared himself Emperoi. 

1658. Dara Shuk6h gathers troops at Delhi and 
marches towards Lahore (end of June, 
beginning of July). 

1658. Shah Jahan writing secretly from the prison 

to Mahabat Khan, who was then the 
Governor of Kabul, imploring him to go 
with his army to Lahore and help Dara 
Shuk6h. 

1659. Aurangzeb formally installed as Emperor. 
1663. Mahabat Khan appointed Viceroy of Gujarat. 

1666. Death of Shah Jahan. 

1667. The Yusufzai Afghans rose in rebellion under 

Bhagu. They were defeated. 

1670. Mahabat Khan appointed Viceroy of Kabul 

for the third time. 

1671. Mahabat Khan sent to the Deccan to suppress 

Shivaji's power. 

1672. The Afridi Afghans rose in rebellion. 

1672-73. Mahabat Khan, who was at Deccan, was 
appointed, for the fourth time, the 
Governor of Afghanistan, and adked to 
proceed to Kabul. He went to the fron- 
tiers but hesitated to fight and reached 
Kabul by another way. 

1673. Mahabat Khan was superseded, as a general 

against the Afghans, by Shujayet Khan. 
Shujayet Khan met with a great defeat. 

1674. 26th June. Aurangzeb himself went against 

the Afghans and stayed at the frontiers 
for 18 months, till he settled the Afghan 
question, both by diplomacy and force. 
Mahabat Khan died in this year, on his way 
from Kabul to the Royal Court. 

J675. Aurangzeb returns to Delhi at the end of 
the year. 



AN UNPUBLISHED MOGUL INSCRIPTION 89 

(a) The tablet bears the Hijri date of 1083. The Hijri, 

year 1083 began on 29th April 1672.1 

Now ' we learn from the above ac^unt of 
Mahabat Khan, that it was in this year 
mined. (1083 Hijri, i.e., 1672-73 A.D.), that he was 

appointed, for the fourth time, the viceroy 
' of Afghanistan, and was asked to march against the Afghan 
rebels. The Rawalpindi Gazetteer, as quoted above, attributes 
the tablet to " the time when the Emperor Aurangzeb marched 
to Hassan Abdal and sent his son prince Sultan with an army 
against the Khattaks and other trans- Indus tribes " and at- 
tributes the tablet to that event. But we find from the above 
account, that th^ Gazetteer seems to be wrong. It was in 1674, 
that Aurangzeb went to Hassan Abdal and not in 1672. So, 
this tablet has nothing to do with Aurangzeb. It seems to 
have been put up by Mahabat Khan in 1672, when he was in 
the good grace of Aurangzeb, and when he was on his way to 
Peshnwar to fight with the Afghans and to make his way to 
Kabul, the capital of Afghanistan, of which he was appointed 
"the Governor. 

(b) The Gazetteer also seems to be incorrect in the mention 
of the name of the prince who accompanied Aurangzeb when 
he went to the place to look personally after the affairs of the 
Afghan war. Aurangzeb had five sons (1) Muhammad Sultan, 
who had intrigued against his father in the war of succession 
and joined the side of Shuja, but was admitted to favour in 
1072. (2) Muhammad Muazzan (afterwards, Emperor Bahadur- 
shah I), who was at first a great favourite of his father, but had 
subsequently fallen into his displeasure in 1673 and was after- 
wards restored to favour again in 1676. He was appointed, under 
.the title of Shah Alam, commander in Afghanistan in that year, 
fell in disfavour again, and was arrested in 1687. (3) Moham- 
mad Azam. (4) Muhammad Akbar, who rebelled openly against 
his father. (5) Muhammad Kam Bakhsh. When Aurangzeb went 
personally to attend to the Afghan war, it was the fourth, out of 
these five sons, prince Akbar, who accompanied him. He was 
asked to march to Kabul vid Kohat under the guardianship of 
Aghar Khan 2 , and Mah&bat Khan was removed from the vice- 
royalty. When Aghar Khan won victories over the Afghans 
on behalf of his royal master, it was prince Akbar who was asked 
to co-operate and advance eastwards from Jalal&bad. 3 He could 

1 Wolloaton's Persian Dictionary, p. 1489. 

2 Aurangzeb by* Prof. Sarkar, Vol. Ill, p 270, 
.3 Ibid p. 273. 



90 ASIATIC PAPERS 

not cany on well his part of the war work. Having settled the 
affairs of the province of Kabul, he returned to Hassan Abdal.* 
When Afghan affairs improved in the end of 1675, prince Akbar 
seems to have returned to Delhi with his father. In October 
1676, it was prince Muazzan, the second son, that was sent to 
Afghanistan after being invested with the title of Shah Alam. 
We thus see, that Prince Sultan, the first son of Aurangzeb, 
had no hand in the Afghan war and had not accompanied his 
father to the frontiers. So, the Gazetteer is incorrect in 
mentioning the name of Prince Sultan in place of Prince Akbar* 

VI. 

Then, the next question is : What is it that the inscription 
4. What is it takes a note of ? I think, that it takes a 
that the Inscrip- note of the work of some adjoining build- 
tion takes a note j n g j w hich no longer stands there now. The 
Rawalpindi Gazetteer says, that it takes a 

note of the completion of the pavement of the roadway, 
which, it says, " was no doubt a remarkable achievement 
in those days." As the Gazetteer has not given the whole 
inscription, we are not in a position to know, how, its 
writer, has come to this conclusion. Both, the Tahsildar and. 
the copyist of the Archaeological Department have taken the 
word u/-^ Khan in the fifth line of the inscription, to be the 
honorific word Khan, meaning a chief, but I think it is a com- 
mon noun signifying a house. The word khdn means " a house, 
an inn, a caravanserai, a station, a market, or any meeting 
place of merchants." 2 

(a) If it is merely the construction of a roadway, pavement 
or cutting that the tablet commemorates, however good an 
achievement it may be in those days, it cannot be spoken of so 
highly as it is in the tablet. The work referred to, is spoken of, 
as being in or on the kotal, i.e., hill of Margalla. Again, it is- 
spoken of as one, to which even the high heavens pay a homago. 
So, even taking into consideration, the fact of exaggeration in 
praise by Persian versifiers, we cannot take it, that a mere road- 
way or pavement would be spoken of so highly and compared to 
the high heavens. (6) Again, the roadway or pavement is not 
very long or extensive. It is, I think, about 200 yards or -so. 
So, a tablet with an inscription of the above kind for a road- 
way of such a length would be something too much for a small 
thing. The Moghal Emperors had built mausoleums like the 
Taj Mahal, masjids like the several Juma masjids, and palatial. 

1 Ibid, p. 274. 2 Steintfass. 



AN UNPUBLISHED MOGUL INSCRIPTION 

buildings like the Diwan-i-Khas, So, a small paved roadway 
would be nothing before these great works and would not be 
so highly praised and compared to the high heavens, (c) 
Again, if the tablet was intended to commemorate the event 
of cutting the hill and making a roadway through it, and if, 
as such, it was the work of the Moghal Government, and not of 
Mahabat Khan personally, the tablet should have mentioned 
Aurangzeb's name and not simply Mahabat Khan's. This 
circumstance also should lead us to think, that it is not merely 
the Moghal cutting of paved roadway that it takes a note of. 

In the plan which Mr. Vesugar, the Assistant Engineer, 
P.W.D., has kindly prepared for me, and which is given above, 
he describes the road as "an old stone set road made by Akbar 
for his elephants to pass." While studying the subject on my 
return to Bombay, these words struck me and I wrote on 
24th September to Mr. Vesugar, inquiring, what was his 
authority for the statement. He writes on 30th September 
1918 in reply : " The information given by me to you re 
the stone at Margalla is just from local traditions and I vouch 
for its accuracy in no way." I think this tradition as heard 
by Mr. Vesugar may be true. From a passage of the WaJcidt-i- 1 
Jdkangiri given above, we learn, that, when Jahangir went to 
Kabul in the second year of his reign (1015 Hijri, 1606 A.D.), 
he passed across this Margalla hill. It seems, that there was 
already a road there, and perhaps, as said by the tradition 
heard there now, it was built by Akbar. One, who would see 
this road paved with big rough stones, would not take long to 
agree, that it was intended for elephants. To save the feet of 
elephants from slipping while passing on the slopy road on 
both sides of the pass, it seems to have been paved with big 
stones. 

The road may have been built by Akbar's officers at the 
king's direction, as a necessary war-work during the time of the 
rebellion of the Yusufzai Afghans, in the suppression of which, as 
said above, Birbal, the great favourite courtier of the king, 
was killed. Or, it is possible, that, the roadway may have been 
built at Akbar's direction for his elephants to pass during his 
visits of Kashmir by this route. Akbar took Kashmir in A.I>. 
1586 and visited it three times. According to his Ain-i-Akbari, 
Kashmir, Kandhar, Zabulistan, Swat and other adjoining places 
belonged to the Subeh or viceroyalty of Kabul. In the divisions 
made by Akbar of this part of the country, one was named 
Akbarabad. The hill of Hassan Abdal in the neighbourhood, re- 
ferred to in our above account of the Afghan war of Auraijigzeb 

1 Vide alpo "The Juzuk-i Jahangeri" by Rogers and Beveridge, Vol., II, pp. 98-99 



ASIATIC PAPERS 

was a favourite place of Akbar. A place there is named '*Wah" 
from the fact, that Akbar, once admiring its beauty, exclaimed 
wah ( lj ), which is a Persian expression of admiration. The 
place was a resting-place for Akbar and other Moghal Emperors 
when they went to Kashmir. So, it seems, that possibly this 
paved roadway was specially intended for Akbar's and his suc- 
cessors' elephants. It is more likely that it is was built, not for 
the temporary purposes of the Afghan war, but for a perma- 
nent purpose, as a part of the trunk-road, passing over the 



On various considerations, and after examining the place, 
I think, that the tablet belongs to some other building or edi- 
fice in that locaHty buttt by MahM>at Khan in 1672 A.D., and that 
the building having fallen down, somebody later on it may be 
one or two hundred years ago may have brought it here and 
fixed it on the rock. We find some instances of this kind, where- 
in, a tablet belonging to one place, has been, on that place falling 
into ruins, removed and fixed in another place, (a) In my paper on 
the Moghal Emperors at Kashmir before this Society, 1 I have 
referred to a tablet of Shah Jahan removed from an adjoining 
canal and fixed in the side of an octagon tank, the sidework 
of which was done at the orders of the king. (6) I found another 
instance of this kind during my third visit of Kashmir, this 
summer, when I was studying and examining some of the in- 
scriptions of Kashmir, referred to by Rev. J. Loewenthal in his 
paper, entitled " Some Persian Inscriptions found in Srinagar, 
Kashmir." 2 Rev. Loewenthal, speaking of the inscriptions 
in the ruins of buildings known as the tomb of Zain-ul-Abadin, 
gives an inscription over what he calls " a postern gate." When 
I went to examine the inscription on 24th June 1918, I could 
neither find " the postern gate " not the inscription given by 
him. After some inquiry, to my great surprise, not unmixed 
with sorrow, I found, that the stones bearing the inscription, 
which Rev. Loewenthal saw in 1864 at their proper place, 
were used with some other loose stones, to form the compound 
wall of the back part of the yard containing Zain-ui- 
Abadin's tomb. The inscription sides of the stones face the 
public road of the adjoining bazar, and, I think, it will not be 
long before the street boys deface the inscription, or some body 
carries away the stones. 



1 Vide Journal, Vol. XXV, No. I, pp. 20-73. Vifr above, p. 46. 

2 Journal Bengal "Asiatic Society, Vol. XXXII No. 3 a864), pp. 278-2W; 



AN UNPUBLISHED MOGUL INSCRIPTION 9$ 

APPENDIX. 

THE TAHSILDAR'S READING, TRANSLITERATION AND 
TRANSLATION. 




II 
12 



Har-ul-Qadir. 

1. Khan Kavi Chasham Mahabat Shakoh 

2. Sher zi sar panja-i oo natiwan 

3. Bar kastal 1 Markalla an ki-bud 

4. Ba kurra i charakh barin tawanau 

5. Sakht khan ra zi ru i sharaf 

6. Bosa dihad charakh baroo Mehar i zaman 

7. Biguzasht Mil dawami tarikh sal 

8. Nama i l urash i Hindustan 

9. Ba IhtamanTMirza Mohammad Miran Darogha Das-tan* 

10. Ahmed mimar chaukidarsh* wald Sharaf 

11. Wa Dialdass tajuba* saz dar 1080 

12. Muratab shud ___ 

I These. words are very doubtful* 



94 ASIATIC PAPEBS 

(Translation.) 
He who is omnipotent. 

1. The khan with bold eyes and commanding appearance 

2. Against whom even the lion is quite powerless 
3: Who was in the pass of Margalla 

4. By the help of the high heavens Powerful 

5. Made the khan through its greatness 

<K The heavens kiss the face of this the sun of the times 

7. Left a permanent inscription of the date and the year 

8. Of the invasion of India 

9. Under the supervision of Mirza Mohammad Miran, 

superintendent of passes 

10. Ahmad Mason and chaukidar sou of Sharaf 

11. And Dialdass sculptor in 1080 (Hijri.) 

12. Was made 

THE TEXT TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION* 
SUPPLIED BY THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL 
DEPARTMENT. 



2 

3 

4 

3 o ^ 5 

6 

7 

8 
9 

10 



** V^^ 8 12 



AN UNPUBLISHED MOGUL INSCRIPTION 95 

HO WAL QADIR. 

'Kh&n-i'-Qawf chashm mahabat shikoh 
Sher ze sar-i-panjae o natawan 
Dar katsal-i-Margalla an ke bftd 
Ba kurrah-i-charkh-i-barin tawanan 
Sakht Khan ra ze rue sharf 
Posa dihad charkh-i-bar wo mehre zaman 
Bar makmanat mail-i-dawami Tarikh sal 
Nama-i-yurish-i-Hindostan 
Ba ehtinam Mirza Muhammad Miran, Darogha-i- 

dastan. 

Ahmad mainiar, chowkidarash wald Sharf 
Wa Dayal Das, tajuba saz, dar san 1080 
Murattab shud. 

ALMIGHTY. 

The awe-inspiring redoubtable Khan 

By whose invincible strength the lion is reduced to 
helplessness. 

Who in the fortress of Margalla 

could cope with the untrained horse of the sky. 

God created this Khan, at whose face the sky and the 
sun of the 

world imprint their kisses on account of his exaltedness. 

In perpetuation of the date of the erection of this edifice, 
of which eternity is enamoured, the following words have 
been written. 

' A writing on the conquest of India ' 

Under the management of Mirza Muhammad Miran, the 
supervisor of stories 

Ahmed architect, his aid-de-camp, son of Sharf 

And Dayal Das sculptor, 

Prepared in the year 1080. 



TO ASIATIC PAPERS 

POSTSCRIPT. 

After reading the paper on 17th October 1918, I received a 
letter dated 18th November 1918 (Saraikala, District Rawalpindi* 
from Sir John Marshal, the Director-General of Archaeology 
in India, in reply to mine of the 28th September, sending there- 
with a rubbing of the inscription. Then, in continuation of 
that letter, I received another letter, dated 14th January 1919* 
(Camp Sanchi Bhilsa. Central India) from Dr. D. B. Spooner, 
the Assistant Director-General, sending therewith the reading and 
translation of the inscription by Mr. Ghulam Yazdani. I beg 
to thank all these gentlemen. I give here a copy of the rubbing 
as well as Mr. Yazdani's reading and translation: 

Mr. Yazdani's reading differs a good deal from the previous 
readings, supplied to me by the Commissioner of Rawalpindi 
and the Archaeological Department, and agrees much with my 
reading, especially in the first important part. But his reading 
of the fifth line differs from mine. It is the second word that 
makes all the difference. What the Tahsildar, the reader of 
the copy supplied by the Archaeological Department, and I with 
Munshi Mahmad Din, read from the tablet itself as Khan ra 

(L> o 1 *'), Mr. Ghulam Yazdani reads, from the rubbing, as 
,'Chflnan rah (tj v^*>). He puts(?) a mark of question in 
his reading after these words. So, he himself is doubtful. 
He reads the fifth line as <Jj& CS-J-H V ? ) * J J ^^ c ^ 1 ** 
and translates it very freely as " Cut a pass rising so high." 
There is no word for " cut " in the text. The word is 
sakht (OA.U) i.e., made. But the fact of the tablet being 

found on a road which is a " cutting " seems to have sug- 
gested to him the sense of cutting. However, if this reading 
is accepted, my above view of the tablet, that it belonged 
to some other work and was latterly placed here, would 
turn out to be wrong, and we must take it, that it ' 
belongs to the road itself and that it takes a note of its cons- 
truction. But, as the Tahsildar, the reader of the Archeaolo- 
gical Department's first copy, myself, and the Munshi who 
accompanied me, have all read the word on the spot itself, as 
' Khdn', and, as Mr. Yazdani himself seems to be doubtful 
about his reading, I leave the matter as it is in the hands of 
other readers. 

BYBAMJEE HOUSE, 
Matheran, 27t& February 1919, 



AS" UNPUBLISHED MOGUL INSOBIPTIOK- 97 



TRANSLATION. 

He is Omnipotent ! 

The Khan of powerful grip, Mahabat 1 Shikoh (awe-in- 
spiring), 

In whose hand the tiger is feeble ; 
In the hill of Margala which was 

A rival (in loftiness) to the sphere of Heaven, 
Cut a-pass rising so high 
That Heaven kisses it every moment. 
Mughal 8 thus composed a chronogram (for the Pass) : 
" The parting in the hair of the moon-faced (mistress 

of India. 5 ' 
Completed under the Superintendence of Maulana Muham 

mad and Wafa Ahmad, the ma 

son, Jogidas, the accountant, and Dialdas, the cash-keeper, 
in the year 1083 A. H. (1672 A.P.) 

1 Hahftbat Khan, Governor of Kabul, 1651-56, 1658-62, 1668-70 and 1672-78 A.D. 
For a full aooount sec If a'cfWrMj-UOTara, Vol. UI, pp. 690-95. 

2 Here Moghal is the name of the poet. He may be identified with Mughal Khan, 
<**& officer attached to th? Court of Aurangzeb who held different posts. 

a, Vol. m, pp. 628-25. 

7 



A Farmdn of Emperor Jehangir in favour 
of two Par sees of the Dordi family of 
Naosari, with other cognate Docu- 
ments of the Mogul times. 



Head 22nd March 1020. 



I had the pleasure of placing for inspection before this So- 
ciety two Persian farmdns of Emperor 
Akbar, when I read before it, on 16th 
December 1901, my paper on " The Parsees at the Court of 
Akbar and Daatur Meherji Rana/' 1 I beg to submit to-day 
for inspection another farwrfw, given by Akbar 's son Jeh&ngir in 
1618 to two Parsis, Mulla Jamasp and Mulla Hoshang of Naoeari. 
One of these two, Mulla Jamasp was an ancestor ninth 
in ascent of the late Mr. Dadabhai Nowroji. lake the 
two fannftns of Akbar, this f arman also illustrates some of the 
Ayins or institutes of the Mogul times on the subject oiidgirs, 
land revenue, &c., described by Abul Fad, the Sir William 
Hunter of Akbar's Court, in his Ayin-i-Akbari, the Imperial 
Gazetteer of the times* My first paper seems to have drawn 
the attention of some scholars in Europe, among whom I was 
glad to find persons like the late Mr. Vincent Smith, 1 Mr. Bev- 
eridge, 3 Mr. Irvine, all of the distinguished Civil Service of 
India, and M. Bonet Maury of France. 4 It were the seals of 
Akbar given in the photo-litho fac-simile in the appendix of the 
paper, that drew the special attention of the late Mr. Irvine in 
1909. He wrote to me, asking for good photographs of such 

i Journal B. B. B. A. S. Vol. XXI. 69-245. 

tin his, Akbar. the Great Mogul," Mr. V. Smith speaks of my paper, as "the 
excellent and convincing treatise " and of the /araufiw and other documents published 
therein, as "previously unpublished documents In both text and translation" ft l^n). 

Sffafistott^ "*** 

*.^^S. A ,!^^ 

In his paper, entitled " I* BeUflon d'Akbar dans ses rapports ami 
M lead before the International Congress of 4fce ffistanr of Bt__ 

- i-**sw.i Sasaa" 



A FABMAV OF BMPBBOB MtiUKGIR. 99 

seals on other documents of the Mogul Emperors. 
I am glad that I attended to Mr. Irvine's request. Not 
only did I send him large photographs of the seals of Akbar's 
two farmdns, but I also sent him with my letter of 18th Feb- 
ruary 1910, a photo of the seal of Jehangir's farmdn which 
forms the subject of my present paper. At my request, the 
owner of the farmdn, the late Mr. Byramji Khurshedji Dordi of 
Naosari, got the whole farmdn photographed and then 
photo-lithoed. I am glad that I got that done, because, had 
the photo not been taken at the time, much of the 
help in now deciphering the farmdn would have been lost, 
I present for inspection the photo-litho, as taken about 
10 years ago for Mr. Irvine, and the photo as taken recently 
about a year ago, at the instance of Dr. Jehangir Byramji Dordi, 
F.R.C.S., the youngest son of the late owner of the farmdn. I 
am very sorry to find, that a very sad mistake has been commit* 
ted, in getting the farmdn patched up and stuck on the two side* 
of a glass plate as you see it before you. Good many words 
have been lost in the work of patching which has been done 
carelessly. 

My above paper has been referred to in a judgment in a 
case of some importance to the Parsee community, wherein 
I had to give evidence. One of the presiding judges, the Hon'ble 
Mr. (now Sir) Justice Beamanj therein animadverted a good 
deal on the paper. When the appreciation of the above learn- 
ed scholars, who had read my paper carefully and leisurely, 
has given me some pleasure, I beg to admit, that the criticism 
of the Hon'ble Judge, the result of his hasty and careless reading, 
has given me some pain. A literary man has no right to com- 
plain against any fair criticism of bis views, but he has every 
right to complain against the language in which that criticism 
is couched, and more especially when the position of the critic 
at the time of his criticism places the victim of his criticism 
in a position whence he cannot reply: As the paper in ques- 
tion was read from the platform of this learned Society, I humbly 
beg to take this opportunity, when I read a paper on another 
farmdn, similar to that referred to in the previous paper, to 
protest against the language of that criticism, wherein motives 
were sought to be attributed when none existed. Had the cri 
ticism been made out of the Court, I knew how best to reply 
to it. But, I had to be silent. Even now, I do not want 
to enter into any details of the criticism ; I think, that if the 
learned judge would read the whole of my paper carefully 
without any prejudice, and especially what led me to write it, 
I think, be would revise his criticism or at least its language. 



'100 ASIATIC PAPEB. 

The point of dispute then was not at all of ooveraum, but was, 
as to who influenced Abkar in his new eclectic religion. The 
point of dispute was not, as the judge erroneously thought, 
. and this serves as an instance of his very hasty superficial 
-treading whether the Naosari Parsees influenced Akbar or the 
Bombay Parsees, but whether the Naosari Parsees influenced 
him or the Parsees of Persia. Bombay had not then even 
passed into the hands of the British and its Parsee population 
then, if any, may not have been even a dozen. Then, the next 
-question of dispute was this : Among the Christians, who are 
said to have influenced Akbar in his Hahi or Divine Faith/there 
were fathers like Rodolph Aquaviva, Antony Monserrat, and 
Francis Herric. Among the Jains who influenced him were 
gurus like Hirvijaya Suri, Vijyasena Suri and Bhamuchandra 
Up&dhaya. Among the Hindus, there was a large number 
who often attended his Court. Now, as to the Parsees, the 
point of dispute was, whether it was Dastur Meherji Rana of 
Naosari or Dastur Ardeshir of Persia. I said, it was Meherji 
Rana, and out of about 177 pages of my paper, about 85, i.e., 
nearly half, have been devoted to the presentation of two far- 
mdns and other documents. Again, as I have hinted in the 
paper, I had undertaken the study of the paper at the instance 
of a friend in France. In spite of all these facts, the judge said : 

' Mr. Modi writes an elaborate treatise, or one might aay almost 
.a book, to prove that the priests of Naosari are fairly entitled 
to the credit of having converted the emperor Akbar." Now, 
there is not a single sentence in the whole of my paper, wherein 
I have stated, that I believed that Akbar was converted to 
rZoroastrianism. On the other hand, what I clearly stated was, 

that, as he put on the visible symbols of the religions of the 
Christians and Hindus, either out of temporary real affection 
for those religions, or only out of dissimulation, or for the sake 
of curiosity, he may have put on, even for a short time, the 
visible signs of Parseeism. If any sure and certain proof of 
what I say is wanted; it is supplied by the report of 
the experts' committee referred to in the case and which was 
framed by me after the paper was read. There, Akbar's 
case has not at all been mentioned as a case of 
conversion. Had I taken it to be a case of con- 
version, I would have mentioned it in my report. 
I beg to repeat, that I do not like to protest so much 
against the criticism as against its -I may be pardoned to .say 
undignified and improper language, imputing motives to 
my paper, written long before the case, when I had no idea, 
that any particular communal question of the kind would 

<Jrop up. 



A FAEMAN OF EMPBBOE JEHA3TGQL 10T 

Now, coming to the subject of the paper, I propose to 
deal besides the farmdn itself, which forms the principal part 
of my subject, with the following documents which relate to 
the land, whole or in part, given to the twoParsisby Emperor 
Jehangir. 

1. A chak-ndmeh, referring to the whole of the land. 
The original of this was sent to me by Mr. BehramjiKhurshedji 
Dordi with his letter, dated 3rd November 1909, when he sent 
to me the farmdn itself and a Gujrati translation of the farmdn 
by Prof. S. H. Hodiwala of Junaghad. There is also a subse- 
quent copy of the chak-ndmeh written on two leaves of thin 
paper. 

2. A chak-ndmeh, in the name of Mehernoush, the third 
in descent from Mulla Jamasp, to whose share there came, 
in subsequent partition, about 18 bigahs of land. There are 
two subsequent copies of this chak-ndmeh, one with the seal 
of Jamalu-d-din Usmani, and another, a copy of the first copy 
with the seal of Kazi Fazal-ud-din. 

3. A parwdneb referring to the above 18 bighas of land 
falling to the share of Mehernoush. There is also a certified 
copy of this parwaneh bearing the seal of the above Fazal-ud-din. 
There is also another certified copy. 

4. An Appeal of Mehernoush to the leading men of Naosari 
to certify that the above 18 bigahs of land had come to his 
hands after a proper Deed of Partition among the heirs of 
Mulla Jamasp. 

5. A Receipt by Mehernoush acknowledging the receipt 
of a sum of money for a three years' lease of his land. 

I will first give the text and translation of the farmdn. 1 

II. 
THE TEXT OF THE FARMAN. 



^j &j* ( 2 ) 



i I beg to acknowledge with thanks the help received in the decipherment of 
several words here and there of the text of the Farman from a copy of the farmftn 
by Munshi Nasir Alikhan of Naosari, supplied to me by Dr. Jehangir Byramji Dordi,* 
and in the decipherment of the farman and other document! by the Gujarat! transla- 
tions which accompanied all the documents except the last. 

l The numbers on the right give the number of the lines in the original/arm**. 

The first two and the last two letters of this word do not appear clearly in the 
photo-lHho copy but can be read in the photo Itself. The same is the case with the last 
letter of the next word. ' 



102 ASIATIC PAPER. 



JL,l 
-^ ( 

JL-J 



( 4 ) v^Jt^J j ^ 7 xi ...... (3) 



1 These first two lines are, as will be seen from the photo-litho and the photo, shore, 
and are written in the left-hand half of the width of the paper of the farmtn. That was a 
characteristic of the Mogul farmtn, of which the Ain-i-Akbari says that the first t\i o 

lines are shortened (Blochmann's, Text p. 195. *& \ tj& ft ^ ^A^sxj^Ja^ ^ ^) 

2 The reading of this word is doubtful. It may be arabic (^~~= )ia$n in Uie sense 
of pleasingness. In that case, with the next word, it may mean , " he ina> .spend us lie 

o^ 
pleased"; or it may be arabic UAA. "power or sagacity," meaning "he may bring the 

income tinder his power and expense." In that case, the nukteh IB wrong, or it may 
have been mtawritten for kharj r-^r^- . The corresponding sentence in the Akbar- 

Meherjl Eana farmftn is 



Not legible. Dr. Jehanglr B, Bordi has given me a copy of the farmjn, recently 
made by Munshi Nasir All khan of Naosari, wherein the Munehi reads the words OB 



The names of the vinous taxes and imports mentioned here are well-nigh the 
same as those in the two /u/ mjns of King Akbar, the difference being only in their 
consecutive order. So, we are helped a good deal by those farmtns in the reading 
of this/arn?n. Vide my Translation of Akbar's farming with footnotes (J. B. B. K. 
A. 8. XXI pp. 163-200). For an explanation of the names of seme of these taxes, 
mentioned in the farm 6ns of the Mogul Emperors, vide the instructive article, 
entitled " Taxation and Finance under the Mughul " by Mr. Qulahan Eai, in the 
Indian Review of September 1919. 



A FABMAN OF EMPBBOB JEHAKGEB. 103 

J ***** J ^ ** J ( l ) j& *j* j jt J j^ j 7 



(4) jjU yJUs (3) 
I t i}^ 



1 In the photo-liUio fac-simile, the word looks like fc^xAJtw* in the original the 
word is read clearly as^wiJ. A part of the letter, j is seen in th fac-similc. The 
conjunction ^5 looks faultily joined with the broken ^ 9 but the original makes it clear. 

2 I cannot make out clearly the words between the two words kanflngtii^^T&P^) 
and zakat al jahati (\^f&Wjr)). In Akbar'stwo farmans, the words between the two 



-words are ^g jj* j C** Ij j j ]j which, in my translation of the two fannfins ( J. 
B. B. B,. A. S. XXI p. 169), I have translated as " burdens (i.e., taxes) for cultivation 
and gardening." I am inclined to take that the word just preceding . 



farmanis s*j&* mvJitarifa, which, according to Steingass, is "A tax on professions." 
The word occurs in the Ain-i-Akbari (Bk. Ill, ain 7. Blochmann's Text Vol. I. p. 204, 
1. 15), as the name of a tax j J rretthas in his translation (Vol. II p. 58) taken it as an 
impost on manufactures. Gladwin (Ayeen Akbery (1800) Vol. I p. 251) also takes it as a 
tax upon manufactures. 

As to the two words which name a tax or taxes, preceding the word which ] read as 
muhtarifa, though the letters are clear, I do not understand the words dearly. They seem 
to be Ij^jb <H k fk* If the reading may be so accepted, the first word may be m'Uhab 
< *f** i.e., extremely fair," and the word after dor may be hwrra " a free woman." 
Perhaps, one may say, that it may be a tax upon loose women, but it does not seem 
to be so. 

s and . The last letters (j^ can be seen, but 

But this word and the next word 4&P* (renewed) cai 
the help of Ak bar's two/orm^nt. 



104 ASIATIC PAPER. 

(The text of the Writing on the back of the farman.) 

1U ib &U* ,> 



Ir ^ ji * 

2 ...... /^ ...... ^ax/lj f1 



1 The cursive word in the form of a long line above the word, extending over 
nearly three-fourths of the- line gives the word mad ad. 

2 Some words here, at the end of the line, are not clearly legible. All the figures 

of the year written next to, or to speak more properly, a little above the word sana <****, 
are not clear, but the last figure is elear as v 7 (seven). The figure next to it on the left 
aeems to be t (two). Thus, if we take these last two to be 27, we may unhesitatingly 
take the next two on tlu- left i.e. the first two to be 10. Then the number of the year 

should be 1027 ( t T V) because we know it for certain, that we are dealing with &farmdn 
of King Jehangir, who came to throne cm "Thursday, Jumftdft-s-Sfinl 20th A. H. 3014 
(October 24th 1605)" (TuzMk-i-Jehaiigiri, translated and edited by Rogers-Beveridge 
p. 1). Now, in this very line, the >ear of the King's reign is given as IT 13 the 
thirteenth. So, this tallies with the year 1027 (H. 1014+13=1027). The veek day 
and the Christian date- corresponding to this day are Tuesday 24th November 1018 old 
style. 

The next word seem-? to be dar j & i.e. in. The next word must be a word signifying 

some olfhv. As the next line speaks of an officer holding the resalah /JU j this word 
very probably i> thnwky ^J^ This writing on the back of the farwdn is, what is called, 

tharfi-'i-ttt'lUiafi /*1*3 rj* i.e. an abridgement of the y&d-d&sht (a memorandum) ot 
His Majesty's orders about the fannfins etc., or shark b'il hfahij/a s**> knJlj ~j i.e, 
post-script explanation. I have explained this in details, on the authority of the 10th and 
llth &ins of the 2nd book of the Ain-i-Akbari (lilochmann's Translation I pp. 2r>8-f>9) f 
in my paper on Akbar's Farmans given to Dastur Meherji Rana (J. B. B. II. A. S. XXI 
pp. 170-71). Now, in these sharks of Akbar's two farmins, we find, in the beginning, 
the notes or the memoranda of the officers holding at the time the rasalah and the 
chowki. So, as in the present farmn we nud the word rasalah (/J Uj) in the second 
line with the name of its holder, here the word must be chowki ^^^ with the name 
of its holder which occurs in the beginning of the second line. 

As to the third or the last illegible word in the first line, it seems, that it may be ft 
word having some signification like that of the second word in the second line m.C*J & 
niq&bat, signifying some dignity. We are led to think so, because the second line begins 
with the conjunction vfiv, i.e., 'and.' In the second line, in connection with the renftoh 
holder, we have the words *^J ^ w j o & U* . so, we have the words 8 ^JC*^ft> 
with the holder of, what I think to be, the ctiowH. I think also that the last illegible 
word of the first line may perhaps be O a U* . Thus, the indistinct or illegible words 

would be t6 6 **** \s* tt J * I * p y There 8eem to De one r two more words, but 
they do not seem to be very important. 



A FARMAN OF EMPEROR JEHANGIR. 105 

i alijcolftjj (2) 



C? ! J ^^ J C5 1 

^ (3) 



ir x^jj^ |U r Uj ................. 2 



(4) 



ftstri i.e., one having the impressions or signs of good fortune. 

2 There secra to be throe wrds between the words i/**; ^ and fijfy which 
eem to he illegible. I venture to suggest, that they may be Shehr-i-Shfth Mandal 



and they refer to the town of Naosari. They were meant to signify, thai the 
two Parsees wore from Kaosari Naosari had several names of old (Vide Mr. Sorabji 
Mancherji Desai's Tavfirikh-i-Navsari ClcJl^l'Ui *tc(^l^l i.e., the History of Navsari 
j)p. 4-8). Two of these were A fcMifihi and N&pj-Mandal x Hpl ^||^ , ^p( VjS^). 
Perhaps, it may be sid, that more than once, the town is mentioned in the farmjn as 
Naosari. So, \\here wa^ then- the necessity of pivinp here another name ? But, it is 
possible, that 1 ho Court ofllccr-s when taking down the notes of the King's gift in 
their records, a^ked thn donees, the name of tlieir town or place of residence. They 
possibly gave the nanv or names which they familiarly used among themselves. Many an 
old document speaks of the to\\n as Nfip-Mandal. Ti J do not mistake, in pomeold papers 
the word N&ff-Manda) is un-d in addition to 1 he name Naosari, in order to mention a 
particular locality of Naosari. There is a particular place at Kaosari. on the Railway 

Station side, which is still ^polkcu of as Sbfihfin Kuvo, 3jl&li *fi\[ i.e.* the " Shahln 



well or the royal or great veil". So, it is possible, that the officer, entering the gift entered 
the name of th" town as given to him by the donee. One may try to read the last two 
words as Sh fch Mogul, but tin- last word does not clearly admit of that reading. The 
word Mandal ( J***) is occasionally used in Persian books for a limited circle or space 
of ground. 

There is another conjecture which I venture to make, and that is to eay,that perhaps 
the words may be "az Shah Mandal " ( J*.x* *U^f) or padsh&h mandal ( J<xl* t^^J) 
Both the fietb of words come to or mean the same thing. 

Firstly, as to the word Kl>6h, we know, that among the Mahomedan*, many of the 
priestly classes, especially of the fakir type, assume the title of tldh. In Kashmir, i 
have heard many a ptr (saint) spoken of as xl.th, e.g., Sli&h Hamdan, Shah Makdum, etc. 
In this connection, one must remember, that, up to very late, Parsee priests were, at 
times, addres ed by thoir laMuen as padshili. The several Fire-temples are even now 
spoken of as p&rfasfc Aft ( ^Ml<15U '*& l"H ^KtylO. The word seems to have been 
transferred also to the priest 1 - who *orved In the temples. It seems, that perhaps from 
very ancient times HOW Zoroastrian high priests came to be spoken of as Ttdshtht from 
the fact of their being petty rulers as well as priests. 

Coming to the word Mandal J^ 1 *, it seems to be used in Persian as a circle or group. 
So " Shah Mandal " or PacMiali Mandal " may mean a circle or group of priesU. Thu, 
the/aman, by adding these words after the word Parsi (Farsi) next to the proper names, 
seems to have meant that they belonged to " the group of Parsee priests " residing at 
Naosari. We know that th**word " mandli " which comes from " mandal," has been 
used in one of the Silhra grants in connection with the Parsees. Thtir colony at Saajan 
at been spoken-erf as< " Khorasan Mandl* " 



106 ASIATIC PAPER. 

/^ ;! xJwU (5) 
Cf l 

J (6) 



IP 



1 All the words after bar qarfir shudah up to the end of the line are illegible. The 

last word seems to be AT in geh i.e., ' at that time.' The following facts lead us 
to think what these other illegible words may be. In the beginning of this writing, on 
the back of the fanrja. we find the names of officers in whose records the fact of the gift 
of the land is noted. They are 1 Mustaffi Khan (the holder of the ehotoki), 2 Sayid 
Ahmad Kadari, the holder of the resalth, 3 Nuruddin Quli, through whose ma'rafat, the 
document passed and 4 Ma h mud Biqr, the waqah-nawteh. Now, in the succeeding line 
we find, in a consecutive order, the names of the above-named second and third officers. 
So, it seems probable, that here in the indistinct and illegible portion is the reference to 
the first person and his record or y4<ld&iht. If we follow somewhat the phraseology of 
the two farmins of King Akbar, in this part of Jehangir's farmdn, the indistinct words 



may be something like /^* j> v^*>J^j (3j* *.., according to the ytd 



dttht of th marginal explanation. Then, there may be the name of the particular 
officer of the time. 

* The figure is 18. The second figure for S may, to some, look like v (7), but it Is 
8. Kashn (\^*\) is the 18th day and not the 17th of the Parsee month. 

Here the illegible words are the day of the week and the date. The figure of the 
, Mahomedan date is not clear. But we can determine it by means of the Hah! date. 
I am thankful to Mr. Muncherji Pestonji Kharegat, I.C.8. (Retd.) for helping me in deter- 
mining this date. He writes to me : " There are two methods of calculating H&hi date* 
(a) the first, which I will call Dr. Taylor's, in which the months are reckoned exactly as in 
the Parsee calendar, of 30 days each, with 5 intercalary days (Gathas) at the end ; 
(6) the second in which the months accord exactly with the times which the sun takes 
in passing through each sign of the Zodiac, and in which, therefore, the months vary in 
length from 29 to 32 days and there are no intercalary days at the end, and which I 
call the true solar method." 

Now, In the first part of the shjrh, as given above, we see that both the Hani date 
and the corresponding Mahomedan date are given. There we read : 

S tyo ir /Ju jf jj 



t.6., " the date of day Tir 13. month azar (Adar), year 13 (Hani), corresponding 
to Wednesday corresponding to date 16 of Zi 'ul Hajja 1028." According to the Tuxuk 
i Jahanniri, Jehangir named Wednesday, kara Shambt, i.e., the inauspicious 
day. Vide below. These Ilahi and Hijri dates correspond according to the 
second of the above two methods, viz : the true Solar method. So, it la certain, that 
the corresponding dates for other Ilahi dates in this farmdn must be reckoned according 
to the second method. Thus, the Ilfthi date " roz lUshna 18, mlh A*f|ndarmaz ( Asian - 
darzQftd). Dahl year 13," corresponds to Friday 21 llabi-ul-awgal 1028. Therefore, the 
Illegible words seem to be . f I 

The last but one word of the line is not legible. 

A The last word of the line is mukamr. to., repeated, again, a MOOO* time. 



A FABMAN OF EMPEROK JEHANGDR. 107 

3 ,JU$ (^b 2 ^( 



U> lyl^ 4 Ul 

Jb t 



m. 

(TRANSLATION OF THE PARMAN.) 

GOD is GREAT. 

The farman* of victorious Nur-ud-din Muhammad Jehan- 
gir Badshah Gazi. 7 At this time, a Royal Order marked with 
the favour 8 (of His Majesty), has acquired the honour of pub- 
lication and the glory of being issued, that land, about one 
hundred bigahs* (as measured) by the royal gaz, lQ according 
to the general practice, in the qasaba n of Naosari in the sarkar^ 
of Surat, may, from the commencement of the spring 13 ku el 1 *, 

1 Nan, elevating, raising 

2 Htfab, a veil, a curtain. 

Falak'tihtibah resembling Heaven. 

* CJ ^^ Jirayan " What issues forth (as an order)" (Steingass). 

5 Order, Imperial mandate. The word is originally Pahlavi fannan r^O It comes 

(* c -*1d Sans X-><1 to arrange, to place in order) to order, 

from fra * i^l j* Lat< pro (}erm vor English forth) and ma (" >ll I*t. 
w*tiri, Germ, messen. Fr. m^-surer) to measure. 

6 Lit. Light of Religion. 7 Brave, Gallant. 

K e)f^ C*,4.A.^/o Distinguished with or honoured by favour. 
9 Modern Vingha cf[aj( " A measure of a third of an acre " (Steiugass). Accordmg 
to the Ain-i-Akbari, in the Mogul times, it was more than half an acre (Vide my 
A Paper In J. B. B. K. A. XXI. p. 1 64 n 2). 
tO Of the three kinds of gaz known in the Mogul times, that known as the long gaz 

(^)jr*J*) ^as used for the measurement of cultivated lands (Ibid. p. 164 n. 3. 
Ain-i-Akbari, Bk. IHain 8. Blochmann's Text, Vol. I, p. 294, 1.25. Jarret'i 
Translation Vol. II. p. 59). 
Town. 

J * " A district comprising several pergwwahs." 

l The two words Babi ( and Eharif (spring and autumn) of the Mogul times have 
come down to our times and are still used by the British lie venue depart- 
ment. 

i* These are Turkish words. As to ku ^, the iin-i-Akbari (Bk. Til din I), speak- 
ing of the Turkish era, says, that they counted years by cycles, each cycle having 12 
years. In the names of the 12 years of the cycle which Abu Fazl gives, we find k& j* 
the sheep (*iftj? ) as the 8th year (Blochmann's Text, p. 278, 1. 13. Jarrett's Tran- 
slation, Vol. II, p. 21). As to the word el, Abul Fazl says that " they add the word el to 
each of these words which signifies year." (Jarrett's Translation, Vol. II, p. 21).f ?ulj & 
.Ai>l^t^J ouW JU^A+J^ Jj|&U <J^ (Blochmann's Text, p. 273, II, 16-17) 

According to AJbiruni, ku or kdt seems to be also the name of the 8th month of a Turkish 
r (Alb'ruui 
col o ran.) 



, 

year (Alb'ruui's Chronology of Ancient times, byDr.O, Bdward Sacbau (1870), p. 83, 
Aast c 



108 ASIATIC PAPER. 

be (set apart) free and exempted from taxes, according to the 
contents 1 (of this f arman), for the purpose of the aid of the live- 
lihood (madad-i-maash) 2 of Mulla Jamasp and MulU Hoshang, 
Parsees, and (their) children, so that, by spending and using 
the income of that (land) from season to season and year to year 
for the expenses of their livelihood, they may for all time, be 
engaged in saying prayers for the continuous 3 good fortune 
(of His Majesty). 

It is incumbent on all the present and future noble gover- 
nors 4 and happy 5 agents 6 and pgirdars and Karorians, 7 that 
trying to observe the continuance 8 and confirmation 9 of this 
most holy and exhalted Order (of His Majesty), (and) measuring 
the said lands, and settling 10 the chak, 11 and transferring 12 it 



1 JIasb ul Zimn, according to the contents of. Cf. &+' 

in Meberji Ran&'s first /arm&ti. Vide my paper on that subject, p. 93, 1. 8. 

2 According to the Aiu-i-Akbari (Bk. II, 4in 19 on sayftrgh&ls ( J^JLTfc* 1 } " sub- 
sistence allowances, paid in cash, are called \Vuzilah (sJUJ&j) ; lands conferred are called 
Milk (*!") or madad-i-ma'&sh (^1*-* ^ J^o) Blochmami's Text, p. 198, 1.7, Transla- 



tion, Vol. I, p. 208). Blochiuann, under the head of "Note by the Translator on the Cadra 
of Ak bar's reign, " thus speaks on the subject of the Madad-i-ma'ash : " In this Ain one 
of the most interesting in the whole work the Chagatai Sayarglifcl is translated by the 
Arabic modad-ul-ma'ash. The latter term signifies ' assistance of livelihood, and, like 
its equivalent milk, or property, it denotes landx given fur benevolent purpose*, as specified 
by Abul Fazl. Such lands were hereditary and differ for this reason from Jdi/ir or tftyQl 
lands, which were conferred for a sped lied time, on Alditfabddrx in lieu of salaries." 
(Blochmann's Translation, p. 270). 

a Lit. joined (quarin) to eternity (abad). 

* UjLkftm, pi. of Hakim. According to Blochmann, " the higher MaiiHabd&rs were 
mostly governors of (JQbahs (provinces). The governor were at iirst called SipalutUtrs ; 
towards the end of Akbar's reign we find them called Hdkims, and afterwards, Cdhib 
CUbah or C&bahdrs and still later merely Cuba/is. The other Mangabdars held jagirs." 
(Blochmann's Translation of the Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. 1, pp. ii41-4^). 

5 Kifftyat-farjara. Lit. with sufficient happiness. 

6 Am&l, agents, governors, nobles, tax-gatherers. 

' Karori was an officer in charge of the revenues over one kror (10 millions) of 
d&ms. The Ain-i-Akbari says: ***j*~ && *s* *^*& ^-* l i^ JJ-^ 1 -^ ^^O 
(Bk. I, Ain, 2, Blochmann'a Text I, p. 10, 11.4-5-) " And zealous and upright men were 
put in charge of the revenues, each over one kr5r of dams" (Blochmaun's Translation 
J, p. 13). "The (/Am was a copper coin, weighing blanks, i.e., I tofah. 8 mdshant, 
and 7 surks, it la the fortieth part of a rupee. At first this coin was called Paisah, 
and also UdMoli ; now it is known under this name (d&m). On one Bide the place is given 
where it was struck, and on the other, the date, (Bk. 1, Am 9, Blochmaim's Trans. 
p. 31). 

H Istemr&r " continuance, perpetuity, fixed rent not liable to alteration." 

9 Istiqrr "requiring a settlement ; confirmation ; ratification." 

10 Lit. Binding. 

11 Chak ordinarily means a bond, deed or note. According to the Ain-i-Akbari 
B. Ill, Ain 6), it was the duty of the above said amals or amal-guz&r* (jl& JU* the 
revenue collectors) to ascertain the correctness of chak nimdh 



) (Blochmann's Text I, p. 287,1. 16. Trans. II, Jarrett p. 47). According to 
Jarrett the chaJcndmah "is a grant of alienated lands specifying the boundary limits 
thereof, Chak, according to Elliot, is a patch of rent-free laud detached from a 
Tillage" (Jarrett II, p. 47, n 1.) 

12 GuatBhian "to make a present on the renewal of a lease, to transmit (used with. 
A negative)" Steingau. 



A FARMAN OF EMPEROR JEHANGIR. 109 

enew in their possession, (they should), by no meanfc 1 at all, 2 
make any change or alteration 3 ; and on account of land-tax,* 
and duties on manufacture, 5 capitation taxes 6 and extraordi- 

1 Asian, " by no means, not at all, never, in no shape." 

2 Mutiaq-an " absolutely entirely." 

a There are two or three small words after tar/Mr and toJb-Ul, which are not legible 
but Munshi Nasir Alikhan's reading given above, seems probable. The insertion of that 
reading " r& badfin rfth " make the sentence more elegant, and do not change the mean 
Ing. The rendering of the sentence with the addition of these words would be : "They, 
shall not give way to any change or alteration in any way whatever." 

* We read in the Ain-i-Akbari (Bk. Ill, itn 7) : 
(Blochmann's Text I, p. 294, 11. 12-13.) 



\j &JU, ^ 



J 



"In Iran and Tnran, they collect the land-tax (m&l) from some ; from others the 
JiJidt and from others again the S6ir Jihtf ........ What is imposed on cultivated lands 

by way of quit-rent is termed M dl. Imports <? imposts) on manufacturers of respectable 
kinds are called jihfa, and the remainder Sdir Jih&t " (Jarrett's Translation, Vol. II, 
pp; 57-58). 

In a very interesting article of Mr. Ciulsluin Hai,in the September 1910 issue of the 
'Indian Review, entitled "Taxation and Financial administration under theBIughals "ve 
pet a good summary of the Mogal system of public re venues, including the land revenue. 
The land revenue system is said to have been " firit defined and brought into shape" by 
Baja Todar Mall, The rulturable land v as divided into four classes and the share of the 
State in the produce of the crop varied according to the class. Tender Todar Mall's De- 
cennial settlement, " an aggregate of the actual collection for the past ten years was 
formed, and a tenth of the total was fixed as the annual settlement. After the expiry of 
five years this assessment was made permanent" As to the other sources of public 
revenue, "they were known by the name of kar in Hindu period, and Jilidt, Sair Jilt&t, 
and abiv&btf in the Mahometan period. These imposts were either custom duties, or 
transit duties on merchandise, or taxes on sales of houses, nvrkct places, persons, cattle* 
trees, professions and manufactures, tees and royalties charged on marriages, discount 
on the exchange of coins, fees on fishery rights, and manufacture of salt, lime and 
spirituous liquor ...... In modem phraseology some of these imposts were Imperial 

taxes, some provincial rates and other local cesses." 

5 Vide the above note for Jilifit. 

6 Ikhrfijdt pi. of ikhrfij from klrir&j, i.e., capitation tax. 

We read in the Ain-i-Akbari (Bk. Ill, Ain VII): ^J^^- f 

^<iO l^^^j - l^i j (**J$ J\ '< * " ln ancient times, a rapitntion tax (a tax per 
head) was imposed called Khiraj " (Bli.chmnmV* Text I, p. 2.>2, 31. 24-25. Jarrett's 
Trans. II, p. 55). King Kobad first thought of abolishing the tax taking it to be unfair 
but it was Noshirwan who finally did away with it (Ibid). It appears, that in India, In 
the Mogul times, khiraj was the tribute paid by the Khirftji lands, i.e., lands " which those 
outside the (Mahomedan) faith retain on convention " (Ibid 11, p. 57). In fact, this tax 
was the same as Jaziyah (capitation tax in Persia in the time of the Khalifs. 



110 ASIATIC PAPER. 

nary contributions, 1 such as qariLaghe? and presents 3 and fines 
and tax-gatherers' fees 4 and village assessments 6 and marriage- 

* Aw&rizfit from awfiriz, i.e., extraordinary contributions. 

2 ^ilxS qanlaghe. We must settle what this word is. It occurs in both the faraftns 
of Zing Akbar (Vide the photo-litho facsimiles, given by me in my paper on the two 
farming referred to above. J. B. B. R. A. S. Vol. XXI). The first of this two farmtns 
gives the word as s*Uii. Persian Dictionaries do not give us that word. The second 
farman gives the word with no points (nuktehs) over any o 1 the letters. In my 
above paper, I was doubtful about the reading of this word. I then said: '"This word is not 
clear and legible. One may read it s*& qu ' la. It would mean ' anything paid into the 
exchequer unweighed ; borrowed money/ (Steingass). I think, it is the same as ***!*, 
spoken of as one of the imposts of King A k bar's time in the Ain-i-Akbari (Bk. Ill, Ain 
XI, Blochmann'B Text I, p. 301, 1.8). Another manuscript (of the Ain-i-Akbari) gives 
the words as <**^, In Blochroann's Text the word is marked as doubtful (?). 
Jarrett has not translated it, saying he, " cannot trace it " (Translation Vol. II, p. 67 
note I)." Viie my paper in 3 . B. B. tt. A. s. Vol. XXI, p. 167, n. 4). The above men- 
tioned other reading of the word is not explained by Persian dictionaries. Now, our 
present farman seems to solve all the previous doubts and difficulties. Here the 
word is clearly given as /**U 9 and 1 now feel sure, that it is one of the imposts 
(vajuhat) of King Akbar 's time referred to by Abu-1 Fazl, in the llth ain of the Ain-i- 
Akbari headed " Land and its classification and the proportionate does of sove- 
reignty/' I think that this Jarmfin settles Blochmann's doubts about the reading ol 
the word. 

As to what particular kind ol impost it x\as, \ve are not in a position to say with cer- 
tainty. Col. Jarrett says, he " cannot trace " it. I beg to submit the following explana- 
tion with some diffidence. The first part of the word ^ (quin) means " a slave, especi- 
ally one born in the family, whose father and mother are slaves." The second part of 
the word laght /**) may be the Indian word, known in Gujarati as Hl^ll meaning tux. 
It comes, 1 think, from fcUH^. So, the impost, meant by the word, may be a tax for each 

slave possessed by a man of means. One must not understand by the word * slave' a 
slave in the most ordinary sense of the word e.g., when we speak of ' slave-trade,' but in 
the sense of a life-long family servant, in which sense, it is used in my paper, entitled " A 
Panee Deed of Partition more tbafi 150 years old : a form of slavery referred to therein" 
(Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay Vol. VI, pp. 12-16. Vide my Anthro- 
pological Papers, Part I, pp. 167-172). I am supported in this surmise by the fact, that 
jn the Ain-i-Akbari'B list of the various taxes and imposts which includes this impost, \ve 
find* among other taxes of the kind, " a tax on each head of oxen, a tax on each tree." 
So, it is possible that this impost of qanlaghC, may be a tax on each head of slaves. 

Pishkash or royal fee was one of the imposts (vajuhat) of the Mogul times. It is 
referred to as such in the Ain-i-Akbari (Bk. Ill, Ain XI, Text p. 301. Jarrett II, p. 66). 
Akbar remitted it with several other taxes. It is " a magnificent present, such as is 
only presented to princes, great men, superiors, or sometimes to equals (particularly on 
receiving a great appointment.)" Steingass. 

Perhaps, it is the same impost as ^5^ loU^AAj tahsildari, in Bk. in, Ain XI 
(Ibid). 

ft ZabtAneb, from zo&A, which word, according to Jarrett, was applied by Abu Fad 
loosely for " the revenue collection ox assessment of a village (Vol. II, p. 158, n, 1). The 
word occurs in the 15th tin (Bk. HI) where Jarrett translates it as " revenues In cash 
from crops charged at special rates " (Vol. II, p. 158, Text, p. 417, 1. 16.) 



A FABMAN OF EMPEROR JEHANGIR. Ill 

fees 1 and the fees of the Darogha 2 and forced labour 3 and forced 
attendance at hunting (shikar) 4 ' and supplying of soldiers 5 and 

1 Mahrftnah was " a tax exacted by the Qlzi from the Mahomedans at weddings. ' 
(Steingass). Perhaps,it is the same as the marriage-tax referred to as being on^jJ (<***> & 
(marriage) in the j.in-1-Akbari (Text p. 201. Blochmann'e Trans 1. 1, pp. 277-78). Abu- 
Fazl thils speaks of marriage and refers to the marriage tax in Bk. II, din 24, under the 
head of " Regulations regarding marriages " : " Every care bestowed upon this wonder- 
ful tie between men is a means of preserving the stability of the human race, and ensuring 
the progress of the world ; it is a preventive against the outbreak of evil passions, and 
leads to the establishment of homes. Hence His Majesty, inasmuch as he is benign 
watches over great and small and induces men with his notions of the spiritual union and 
the equality of essence which he sees in marriage. He abhors marriages which take 
place between man and woman before the age of puberty. They bring forth no fruit, and 
His Majesty thinks them even hurtful ; for afterwards, when such a couple ripens into 
manhood, they, dislike having connexion, and their home is desolate. Here in India, 
where a man cannot see the woman to whom he is betrothed, there are peculiar obsta- 
cles ; but His Majesty maintains that the consent of the bride and bride groom, and the 

permission of the parents are absolutely necessary in marriage contracts 

His Hajesty disapproves of high dowries ; for as they are rarely even paid they are mere 
sham ; but he admits that the fixing of high is a preventive against rash divorces. Nor 
does His Majesty approve of every one marrying more than one wife ; for this ruins a 

man's health, and disturbs the peace of the home He has also appointed two sober 

and sensible men, one of whom inquires into the circumstances of the bridgroom, and the 
other into those of the bride. These two officers have the title of Tuibegi, or masters o f 

marriages His Majesty also takes a tax from both parties, to enable them to show 

their gratitude. The payment of this tax is looked upon as auspicious. Man^abdtrs 

commanding from five to one thousand pay 10 Muhurs The middle classes pay 

one Rupee, and common people one dam. In demanding this tax, the officers have to 
pay regard to the circumstances of the father of the bride." (Blochmann's Trans, 
pp. 277-78 Text Bk. I, &in 24, p. 201). 

Akbar'a tQibegts or marriage censors remind us of such marriage censors of the ancient 
Romans whose principal business was to see that people did not spend much after mar- 
riage-festivities. They had the right of attending marriage gatherings and of driving 
A way marriage guests over and above a fixed number permitted by the State. 

2 Dartghgang, was one of the imposts of Akbar's time (Ain-i-Akbari, Bk. Ill, din 
XI, Text p. 301, 1. 6, Jarrett II, p. 66). D&rOgha was " the headman of an office, prefect 
of a town or village, overseer or superintendent of any department" (Steingass). " The 
inspection of village records and the preparation of circle accounts was the work of a 
Darogha or Inspector " (Gulshan Rai). 

* Beg&r "Employing any one without a remuneration" (Steingass). Forced 
labour was prevalent in Mogul times. From a farmftn of Shah-Jah&n, inscribed on the 
Jam! Masjid at Srinagar in Kashmir, on 7th of Isfandarmaz (February. Perhaps Hijri, 
1061 A.D. 1650-51), we learn, that Shah-Jehan did away with this custom of BegAr from 
Kashmir in the matter of the collection of saffron from Government fields. 

Our Bombay word begiri (<*(3ft^l) * a labourer, seems to come from this word 
begir. It seems that originally a begftri was a forced labourer. The word originally may be 
be* or bi k&r, i.e., work exacted without (payment). 

* Neither the Ain-i-Akbari, nor the Tuzuk-i-Jehangari throws any light on this 
word, as to what this impost was. It seems to be something like beg&r. Just M the 
villagers had to submit to forced labour for Royal or Government services, so, perhaps 
they had to submit to go as beaters when the Mogul Kings and their officers went a-hunt- 
i&g. Perhaps, it was incumbent on the holders of land to supply a certain number of 
btgirit and Shikaris, to serve as labourers and beaters to high Government officials. 

5 Mard-lafhkar. Lit. Men for the Army. It seems that this impost was one like 
the two preceding ones. It was incumbent upon large holders of royal lawU, that they 
must, when necessary, procure recruits for the Army. 



112 ASIATIC PAPER. 

( fiye per cent tax 1 and allowances paid to muqaddams* and 
rubs&ft and two per cent tax 4 and kanungui 5 .............. 

and imposts on manufactures, 7 and dues 8 of duties on manu- 

i Deh-nimi. Lit, half of ten i.e., five per cent. It was one of the imposts referred 
to in ths Ain-i-Akbari (Bk. Ill, ftin XI Text I, p. 800. 1. 21. Jarrett II, p. 66) We read 
there : 



Idj JU 



feftlu 



(Text p. 300, 11. 21-24). 

"His Majesty in his wisdom thus regulated the revenues in the aT>ove-mentloned 
favourable manner. He reduced the duty on manufacture from ten to five per-eent. 
(deh-nim), and two per -cent (sad-dfti) was divided between the patwars and thekftnfingo. 
The former is a writer employed on the part of the cultivator. He keeps an account of 
receipts and disbursement, and no village is without one. The latter is the refuge of 
the husbandman. There is one in every district. At the present time the share of the 
kdn&ngo (one per-cent) is remitted, and the three classes of them are paid by the State 
according to rank (Jarrett II, p. 67). 



2 Muqaddami. This word is familiar to us in our Indian form *y*jlVHU This 

Beems to be a new kind of impost. It is not mentioned in the Ain-i-Abkari. A muqad- 
dam is " a superior officer of the revenue in a village ; a title of respect among villagers. 
A leader, a chief, commander " (Steingass). 

I cannot make out what this impost was. 

Vide the above note for this tax. Lit. Two in the hundred, i.e., two per-cent. 

5 Vide the above note. His fee is one per cent. Jarrett says as follows of the 
k&n&ngo : " An officer in each district acquainted with its customs and land tenures and 
whose appointment is usually hereditary. He receives reports from the patwdris of new 
cases of alluvion and diluvion, sales, leases, gifts of land etc.. which entail a charge in 
the register of notations. He is a revenue officer and subordinate to th" tahaildir (Jar- 
rett Vol. II, p. 47, n. 3). He was a Registrar of land records. This officer >*as appointed 
directly by the Crown, ouc for eacli pan/ana ............ He was in charge of all land 

records of the pargana. He was to keep a record of all land assessments and the state- 
ments in his charge showed what was due from each land-holder. All sales and trans- 
fer of property were also to be carefully verified by him." 

6 For the two words here, see the foot-note at this portion of the text. Vide 
above. 



. Muhtarifa. Vide the footnote of this portion of the text. 

j Zakat The word is also written 8 tfj and it means " aim* given accord- 

\ ng to Mahomedan law, by way of purifying or securing a blessing to the rest of one's 
possessions " (Steingass). Jarrett thus speaks of it : " The poor rate, the portion there- 
from given as the due of God by the poesessor that he may purify it thereby, the root of 
the word, \) denoting purity. The proportion varies, but is generally a fourtieth or 
2J per cent, provided that the property is of a certain amount and hat? been in possession 
eleven months " (Jarrett's Translation of the Ain II, p. 57, n 4 ) Abu-1 Fazl while 
speaking of "land, which those outside the faith retain in convention " and which they 
call khiraji, says that the " tribute paid by khiraji land is of two kinds. 1. Muka*amah 
(divided), is the 5th or 6th produce of the soil. 2 Wazffah, what is settled according to 
the capability and convenience of the tributaries. Some call the whole produce of the 
revenue khiraj and as the share of the producing body is in excess of their expenditure, 
the zakdtiB taken from the amount under certain stipulations and this they call a tithe, 
but on each of these points there is much difference of opinion. The Caliph Omar, 
during his time, taxed those who were not of his faith at the rate of 45 dirhams for 
persons of condition, 24 for those of the middle class, and 12 for the lowest class. This 
was called the Jaziyat (capitation tax). (Jarrett II. p. 57). 



A FARMAN OF EMPEROR JEHANGHt. 113 

acture l and annual revenue collections 2 , no molestation 
may be given (to them), and no exactions 3 made for the 
ascertainment of the grant (chak) and the burden 4 of the 
cultivation- taxes and of all civil dues 5 and royal taxes, 6 and 
they may count them as pardoned and free and absolved 7 from 
all taxes, 8 references 9 and transfers., 10 And, in this matter, 
they shall not ask every year for a renewed royal farm.an and 
they shall not turn back from what is (hereby) ordered and 
shall be true to (this) contract. 

Written on the llth of the month Shahrivar Ilahi year 13 
only. 11 

(Translation of the Writing on the back of the Farman. 12 ) 

(This f arman is in the matter of) The aid of livelihood in 
^the name of Mull a Jamaspand another 13 with (their) children, 
according to the Yad-dasht of^the Waqi'ah dated, roz (i.e. day) 
Tir 13, mah (i.e. month) Azar (Adar) year thirteen, corresponding 
with Wednesday, 14 corresponding to the 16th of Zu'1-hijja year 
1027, during the (time of the) choki of fortunate Mustafa Khan, 
the protector of chiefs 15 and leaders, 10 (and) during the rasdlah 
of Sayid Ahmad Kadari, the protector of chiefs and leaders, 
the giver of power 17 to chieftainship 18 and to magisterial dignity, 
(and) during the Ma c rafat 1 ** of Nurud-din Quli who was worthy of 
favours 20 (and) lord of exalted dignity, 21 and during the period- 2 
of the waqui'ahnavish, Mah mad Baqr, who is an humble member 
of the Court. During that time 23 there waited upon 24 His most 

1 " Imports (? Imposts) on manufactures of respectable kiwi are called jlhfit and 
-the remainder Sjir Jtii&t " (Ain-i-Akbari Bk. ill, tfin VII, Jarrett II, p. 58). 

2 Zabt. Vide above, the note on the word Zjbtanah. 
9 MuWabat from talab. 

Takrjr question dispute, burden. 

5 ZW/tf pi. of taklif, trouble. 

6 Matlabdt pi. of Matlab. demand from talab. 

7 Mar/H u'l qalam, absolved, remitted. 

8 RasQmat, rasum (pi. of rasm) customs, common, dues, taxes, fees. 

9 Itl&qat from itlAq reference, application. 

10 Haw tilt pi. of hawftla, transfer, charge, care. 

11 The word Ja&, meaning only, is peculiar to thisfarmdn. We do not find it in 

Akbar's above two/armrfn*. It seems to have been written here in the same sense, as 
we, now a days, write the word 'only* in cheques of money which we pass. This is intend- 
ed to show that the writing is finished and it was ' only * up to the last preceding word, 
to that nobody could add to it. A 

12 The writing on the back of the Farmanis, what is called, Sharh-i-ta'liqah (^r** 
i.e., Explanation of the ta'liqah. It is so named in the first of the two farmana 
given to Dastur Meherji Kana. In the second, it is spoken of as Sharh ba'l hlshiyeh 
i.e. marginal explanation. The word Sharh is used even by the 



Parsees as SharehUl\) in the sense of the commentaries or explanations of their 
acred writings. The following passage from the Ain-i-Akbari will explain some of t lie 
'technical words as choki, waqlah, ytd-d&sht, rislah, Ac., 



, used in this writing. 
8 



114 ASIATIC PAPEB. 



Shaih-i-ta'liqah. Ta'iiqah is a technical term used in the Ain-I-Akbarfc 
or an abridgment of the yidd&sht (i.e. memorandum) of His Majesty's orders about 
the farmans, etc. Its explanation in detail is eaid to be Its tharh. The following 
passages from the 10th and llth Ains will explain, who made this yftdd&sht, or memor- 
andum and ta* liqah or abridgment, and how they were made, and why this abridgment: 
of the memorandum has been added here. We read the following in the 10th Ain on tht 
waqi'ahnawis ( i.e., the writer of events.) " Keeping records is an excellent thing for a 

government His Majesty has appointed fourteen zealous, experienced 

and impartial clerks, two of whom do daily duty in rotation, so that the turn (uaolnt) > 

of each comes after a fortnight Their duty is to write down the orders and the 

doings ol His Majesty and whatever the heads of the departments report, the acts of His 
Majesty as the spiritual guide of the nation, appointments to mangabs, contingents 
of troops, salaries, jagirs. 

' After the diary has been corrected by one of His Majesty's servants, it is laid before 
the emperor, and approved by him. The clerk then makes a copy of each report, -signs it. 
and hands it over to those who require it as a voucher, when it is also signed by the 1'ar- 
w&nchi, by the Mir'Arz, and by that person who laid it before His Majesty. The nport 
lu this case is called y&d-d&sht or memorandum. 

" Besides, there are several copyists who write a good hand and a lucid style. They 
receive the y add fish t when completed, keep it with themselves and make a proper abridg- 
ment of it. After signing it, they return this instead of the jadc'dent, \\hen the abridg- 
ment is signed and sealed by the \Vdqiahnawis, and the Rbilluhc'ar, the Mir 'Arz and the 
Pirogah. The abridgment, thus completed, is called Ta 'liqah and the writer is caKed. 
Taliqahnawis. The Ta'iiqah is then signed, as stated above, and sealed by the minis-ter 
of State " (Blochmann's Translation I pp. 258-259, Text I, pp. 192-3). 

This passage of the 10th Ain then explains the terras ta'Jiqah (abridgment of memo- 
randum), and Tufiqi'ah, (writing or record) which occur in these Farmfins. 

The following passage of the llth Ain explains why this Ta liqah or abridgment of, 
the memorandum of the king's orders has been entered on the back of the Farm&n. 

" The Cfihib-i-Tanjih (the master of military account) keeps the former Taliqah 
with himself, writes its details on the Farman and seals and signs it. It is then 
inspected by the mustanji and is signed and sealed by him. Afterwards the Nfizir and the 
Bakhshis do so likewise, when it is sealed by the Divan, his accountant, and the Vakil 
of the State." (Blochmann's Translation I, pp. 261-62, Text I, pp. 194, II. 13-14). 

la Wa-ghairah i.e., Et cetera or another. This word alto, like the word faqt (only) 
referred to above, reminds us of some similarity to our present writings in moiy 
matters. Whem there are accounts in more than one name in Banks, etc., in writing 
cheques over these accounts, we only write the first name and add after it 'another 'or? 
' others .' The same is the case in legal documents. 

14 /J*> + Kam Shambah. I will speak below at some length why, contrary 

to the usual practice of calling Wednesday, Chahfir Shambah, Jehangir calls it Kam 
Shambah. 

15 Siyfidat, " dominion, rule, chieftainship." 

16 Naq&bat, leader of the people ; magisterial dignity. 

17 Dastgah, power, strength, learning. 

18 Sadflrat from Sudur chiefs, ministers, from Sadr,a chief, government, a high offi- 
cial. 

19 Ma'rafat, knowledge, account, means. Ba-ma'rafat through, by means of. 

20 Anftyat, favour, solicitude, assistance. 

?l Walft Khan. Lord (Khan) of exalted dignity (wltt). 

?? Naobat. lit. period. In the Court military language, it also means a " guards 

which is relieved." 

23 i.e. During the time when the above named officers held their respective posts. 
2 Ba nazr guz&shtand. Lit. They passed in waiting. 



A FAB-MAN OF EMPEBOE JEHANGIR. 115- 

noble and most holy Majesty, Mulla Jamasp and Mullet Hoehang 
Parsi of (orfrom) .................. l on the 2nd day of month 

Shehrivar year 13, and presented four globlets 3 of the oil of 
fulel* His Majesty presented 4 in Court 5 a sum 6 of one hundred 
Rupees, and a world-obeyed order, having the lustre 7 of the sun, 
was issued, that about one-hundred bigdhs of land (measured> 
in Ilahi gaz according to the general practice 8 from the qasba 
of Naosari in the Sarkdr of Surat be settled upon the above- 
named 9 persons with their children for the purpose of aid of 
(their) livelihood. 10 ...................................... 

In the rasdfah of the humble servant of the Court, Sayicl 
Ahmad Qadari, in the Ma'rafat of Nurrud-din Quli; this 
(gift) may be entered in the waquah. Another Sharhis (or may 
be) entered at that time in the W aqi'ah in the handwriting 
of Jumlat-ul-Mulki 11 Madaru-l-mahammi. 12 The marginal 
shark in the hand writing of the Waqi'ah-navish is according to 
the waqfah. The SMrh in the hand-writftig of the Jumlat- 
ul-Mulki Madar-ul-Mahaimni has entered tlie request (in its 
record). Another Shark in the elegant hand-writing of Saiyid 
Mir Muhammad on day Rashn 18 (of) month Asfandarmaz ilahi 
13, corresponding to [Saturday the 16th 1 3 J Rabi'u-1-awwal 1028. 
---- reached again (or was repeated in) the dignified curtain of 
the Heaven-resembling Court (of the King) and like the order 
of fate, was issued as an order. Another sJiarh in the hand- 
writing of Jumlat-ul-Mulki Madar-ul-Muhammi. The farman 
may be written from Rabi kuel. Only. 11 

One hundred bighas of land (measured) by Ilahi gaz. 

1 Vide the Text above for the conjectural readings of three illegible words. 

2 B&nu, a globlet of rose water. 

3 Fulel is " a fragrant oil prepared in India from Jassaraine." Fill Ls* I* "a 
species of water lily." 

MarhamatfarmudeJi. Lit. having ordered a present. Perhaps, from the want of 
a clear distinct style, one may say that the presentation of K. 100 was from the M ullaa. 
to His Majesty in the form of tiazar. Uut, on carefully examining the style (<\g. 
) , it seems that the gift was from the King to the Mulias. 



* Ba Hazur. 

6 Mablagh, a sum, ready money. 

7 Shu'a' Light, lustre. 

8 Zftbita, universal rule, general practice, judicial usage. 

9 Mushftr ilaihi, abo vemen tioned, aforesaid. 

10 Vide the Note in the Text for this portion which is illegible. It ecems to refer to 
the ydd-ddsM or chowki of some officer. 

11 It was a title. Here, the officer is named not by his personal name, but I y hi* 
title. The Chief Git. the sum total) of the kingdom. 

12 This also was a title. Lit. Centre of important affairs i.e., a minister. 

13 Vide above, the foot-note of the text for the reading. 
l* Vide the foot-note above for this word. 



116 > ASIATIC PAPJBE. 

IV. 

DECIPHERMENT OF THE SEALS AND SOME OTHER SHORT 
WRITINGS ON THE FARMiN. 

We will now proceed to the decipherment of the seals on 
the farman, of the writings accompanying the seals, and of some 
other notes on the farman. 

The very first thing that draws our attention on holding 
1 The Com- ^ ne Farman ^ n our hands is the top- line 
mencement of the in the centre, giving the words, Alla'u 
Farman with the Akbar. We learn from. Badaoni's Mun- 
words " Allah Ak- takhab-ut-Tawarikh, 1 that it was in 983 
bar ' Hijri (A.D. 1575-76) that Akbar introduced 

this form of salutation. While discussing its question at Court, 
one courtier objected to its use, as it had an ambiguous 
meaning, because it would mean either "God is Great" or 
'*' Akbar is God," but Akbar overruled the objection, saying, 
that "no man who felt his weakness would claim Divinity." 
He added, that ' k he merely looked to the sound of the words, 
and he had never thought that a thing could be carried to 
such an extreme." 

After the above formula of invocation, we come to the seal, 
2. The King's ^ n tne case * Akbar's two Farmans, 
eai at the head of the seal was round. King Akbar's and 
the Farman. his ancestors' names upto that of Taimur 

were given in eight small circles within a large circle. The 
circle of Akbar's name was in the centre of the circular 
seal. Then, we found the circles of the names of his 
ancesters. Timur's name was in the top circle. Then, Miran 
Shah's in the circle next to that of Taimur coming down from 
the left. Then, the names of Sultan Mahammad Mirza, and Sul- 
tan Abdul Sayid. Then, going up on the right from, down below, 
the circles bore the names of Mirza Omer Shekh, Budshah Babar 
and Badshah Humayun. AH these names except that of Tai- 
mur began with ibn ^t i.e., 'the son of.' 

Now the seal on Jehangir's Farman under our examination is a 
square one, instead of a circular or round one. The photo of the 
farman, has not come off well, as one would wish. That was so 
also in Akbar's farman. Even, looking to the original farman, 
which is placed here on the table for inspection, it is with great 
difficulty that you can, with the help of a powerful magnifying 
glass, read some names. Now, the King's seal in the present 
iarman, though a square, has, if you will carefully see it with 

i Lees and Ahmad All's Text, Vol. II, p. 210. Lowe's Translation II, P. 218. 



A FARMAN OF EMPEROR JEHANGIR. 117 

a magnifying glass, a large circle within it and the other small 
circles are, as in the Akbar's farman, within the circle. Akbar 
had to make room for the names of his seven ancestors, upto 
Taimur. Jehangir, being the son of Akbar, had to make room 
for names of eight ancestors upto Taimur. 

(a) As in the case of Akbar's farman, we find Jehangir's 
own name in the central smaller circle in the middle of the 
larger circle within the square. We read there his name arranged 
as follow : 



This arrangement gives the whole name as 



I am sure of the reading of the upper lines but not so of 
the last line containing the word t>i*Mj^ 

The names of Jehangir's eight ancestors are contained in 
the eight small circles round his name. 

(b) The circle just over the above central one bearing his 
own name contains the name of his furthest eighth ancestor. 
The name is not legible, a portion of the paper having been 
destroyed, but there can be no doubt, that it contains Taimfir's 
name, because, (c) the next lower one on the left contains, 
as in Akbar's farmans, the name of Taimtir's son Miran Shah, 
We read the name in the following order : 



Which gives the whole reading as & 
The word &\ (the son of ) occurs as the first word of the lowest 
line in every inner circle. 

(d) Coming down further on the left, we read the name aa 
follows : 



This gives ua 



118 ASIATIC PAPER. 

(e) Then, in the lowest middle circle, we read : 



This gives us the name **^t 

(f ) Then, in the circle 011 the right of the above, we read : 



Tliis gives us the name 

<g) Then, in the circle going up on the right, we read : 



This gives us the name of Babar as 

(h) Then, going further upward, we read : 



This gives us Humayun's name as lalj 

(i) Lastly, we come to the circle containing Akbar's name. 
,A portion of it is destroyed, wherein the missing word seems to 
be U,ilj The other words which can be read with some 
difficulty make up the reading as : 

g U ^ t j 



This gives us the name as 

Thus, the whole of the King's seal will read as : 



i The name is not legible. So, the gap IB filled frotn Akbar'i farmtnt refined to 



A FABMAN OF EMPEROR JEHANGIR. lift 

5.e, Mahmmad Nurud-din Jehangir Badshah Gazi, son 
*of Mahmmad Akbar Badshah, son of Humayun Badshah, 
^son of Babar Badshah, son of Omar Sheikh Mirza, son of 
Sultan Abu Sayid, son of Sultan Mahammad Mirza, son of 
Miran Shah, son of Amir Taimyr Saheb-i-Qiran. 

As to the position of the King's seal, Abu Fazl says : " The 
seal of His Majesty is put above the Tughra lines on the top 

of the Farrnan." * (*/ v ( J> ^^ L^OlAn* uT"^ 2 ) 
We find this rule carried out in our Fannan. We see that 
'the seal is on the top and above the Tughra lines. 

In King Akbar 's farmana, a horizontal line under his seal 
3. The Square said, what the document was. It said, 
containing jehan- that it was a farman of Akbar. In Jehan- 
gir's Name. gj r > s f arm an under examination, we find 

the statement, not in a horizontal line under the seal, but in a 
square on the left of the seal. The square has three somewhat 
incomplete horizontal lines at well nigh equal distances and 
eleven somewhat incomplete vertical lines, two of which form 
the right hand and the left hand side limits of the square and the 
remaining lines occur in three equi-distant groups, each of three 
equi-distant lines. The whole writing reads as " Farman-i- 
Abu-1-Muzaffar Nuru-d-din Jehangir Badshah Gazi 



I will explain here, how we arrive at this reading : Under 
the lowest horizontal line, we read, at first, the word ej^y 
(the 2nd vertical line from the right giving us the alif of the 
word farman). Then the first vertical line of the square and 
first two letters 5* above the lowest horizontal line make 
up the word j-*t. Then, the third, fourth and fifth vertical 
lines together with the letters on the left of the word v^j* 
give us the word jAJa+Ji. Then, the two letters ^ in the small 

right hand top corner square, formed by the first (from the 
right hand side) two vertical lines and the middle or the second 
horizontal line, together with the two letters ** at the end of 
this second horizontal line, give us the word, *+&*. Then the 
letters jy in the small square formed above and the letter j 

in the small square above it and the letter ^ next to j*&* 
under the lower horizontal line, together with the letters & in 
the small square above the * give us the word i^j^M^jJ. 
Then the last letters in the lowest line with the 9th and 10th 

1 Ain-i-Akbwi. Blochmann I. p. 264. 

2 Text. p. 195, 11. 25-26. 



120 ASIATIC PAPER. 



vertical lines give us the word ^^^t Then, the letters k in- 
the square containing the above letters <^i with the letter a i 
the small square above it and the letters & formed by the 
uppermost horizontal line ending shortwise with an t alif with 
the necessary three nuktas /. above and with the * in the 
north- west corner give us the word *^^. Lastly the letters ** 
formed by the letter above the last letter of J& ( &> and the 
Jast left hand vertical line and the letters 453 formed by the letter 
3 above and (.5 formed by the lowest horizontal line, 
commencing from the left, give us the word 453 l *. All the 
diacritical points for the letters are mostly given at the top, and 
some, in the body of the square, above some of the letters 
themselves. 

As to the name itself, the original name of King Jehangir 
was Salim ; and it was latterly, that he took the name of Nuru- 
d-din Jehangir. We read as follows about the origin of all 
these names in his Tuzuk-i-Jehangiri : " Till he (Akbar) was 
28 years old, no child of my father had lived, and he was conti- 
nually praying for the survival of a son to dervishes and reclu- 
ses, by whom spiritual approach to the throne of Allah is obtained . 
As the great master, Khwaja Mu'inu-d-din Chishti was the foun- 
tain head of most of the saints of India, he considered that in 
order to obtain this object he should have recourse to his blessed 
threshold, and resolved within himself that if Almighty God 
should bestow a son on him he would, by way of complete humi- 
lity, go on foot from Agra to his blessed mausoleum, a distance 
of 140 kos ...................... At the time when my vener- 

ated father was on the outlook for a son, a dervish of the name 
of Shaikh Salim, a man of ecstatic condition who had traversed 
many of the stages of life, had his abode on a hill near Sikri, 
one of the villages of Agra, and the people of that neighbour- 
hood had complete trust in him. As my father was very sub- 
missive to dervishes, he also visited him. One day, when wait- 
ing on him and in a state of distraction, he asked him how many 
sons he should have. The Shaikh replied, 'The Giver who 
gives without being asked will bestow three sons on you.' 
My father said, * I have made a vow that, casting my first son 
on the skirt of your favour, I will make your friendship and kind- 
ness his protector and preserver.' The Shaikh accepted this 
idea, and said, * I congratulate you, and I will give bm\ my own 
name.' When my mother came near the time of her delivery* 
he (Akbar) sent her to the Shaikh's house that I might be 
born there. After my birth they gave me the name of Sultan 
Salim, but I never heard my .father, whether in his cups or in 



A FAEMAN OF EMPEROR JEHANGIR. 12! 

bis sober moments, call me Muhammad Salim or Sultan Salim 

but always Shaikhti Bdbd When I became 

king it occurred to me to change my name because this 
resembled that of the Emperor of Rum. An inspiration from 
the hidden world brought it into my mind that, in as much 
as the business of kings is the controlling of the world, I 
should give myself the name of Jahangir (World-seizer) and 
make my title of honour (laqab) Nuru-d-din, in asmuch as my 
sitting on the throne coincided with the rising and shining on 
the earth of the great light (the Sun). I had also heard, in the 
days when I was a prince, from Indian sages, that after the 
expiration of the reign and life of King Jalalu-d-din Akbar one 
named Nuru-d-din would be administrator of the affairs of the 
State. Therefore I gave myself the name and appellation of 
Niiru-d-din Jahangir Padshah/' 1 

On looking to the original farman, which I produce here 
4. Peculiarities of f or inspection, we find (a) firstly, that the 

(a) a Tte n 'golden s P ace of the above S( * uare on the left of the 
colour of the square above seal differs a little from the rest of 
on the seal the paper. It is a little yellowish or gold- 

(b) and the red coloured; (b) secondly, that some of the 

it? tottew. S me V0wel marks of the letters of the writin S 
are in red ink. Both these peculiarities are explained by what 
Jehangir himself says in his Tuzuk. He says : 2 " Our ances- 
tors and forefathers were in the habit of granting jagirs to 
every one under proprietory title, and adorned the farmans 
for these with the al tamghd seal, which is an impressed seal 
made in vermilion (i.e., red ink). I ordered that they should 
cover the place for the seal with gold leaf (tMposh) and impress 
the seal thereon and I called this the altun tamghd."* We 
find here a kind of adaptation of the above order of Jehangir. 
The place for the seal is not covered with gold leaf nor is the 
seal itself impressed in red ink. But, there is an adaptation. 
The seal is there, and some space just on the left of it has gold- 
en or yellow colour applied to it, and it is then written over 
with the name of Jehangir in a peculiar flourish of style. 
Again, instead of the whole being written in red ink, it is the 
vowel marks that arc put in red ink. 



I Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, Translated and edited by Rogers and Beveridge, Vol. I, pp. 1-& 
* Rogers-Beveridge, Vol. I, p. 23. 

" Alia vermilion in Tuzki, and attwn gold. Jahangir means.that he changed th* 
name from al tamghd to atom tamghd. 



122 ASIATIC PAPER. 

On looking to the body of the farman, we find, that the 

first two lines are short. This again is 

-5. The first two explained by what we read in the llth 

short ^ e <<* ain of the Ain-i-Akbari. It says, that in 

characters. wnat are called parwdnduis, the lines are 

not short ; otherwise, i.e., in farmans proper, 

they are short. It says: " Farmans are sometimes written in 

Tughra characters ; but the first two lines are not made short. 

Such a farman is called parwanchah." This being a farmdn 

and not a parwanchah, the first two lines are short. 

As to the Tughra characters, Dr. Steingass says in his Per- 
sian Dictionary : " The Royal titles, prefixed to letters, dip- 
lomat or other public deeds are generally written in a fine orna- 
mental hand." We find that our farmdn is written in such a 
fine ornamental hand, but the two first lines are made short. 
So, this farman is not of the parwanchah type ; but of a proper 



Now, we come to the decipherment of the different seals 
and writings below the writing of the Sharh- 

f i - ta ' li 3 ah on the back side of *he farman. 
We find, that the seals, the writings within 
and below them, and the other three lines of writing at the bot- 
tom of the other side of the farman, are all written in an inverted 
position. I have explained this q uestion of inversion in my paper 
on Akbar's farman, but 1 may briefly say here, that the Ain-i- 
Akbari (Bk. II, Ain 12) gives the reason. It says, that the 
seals were put in the order of their folds ( ^/^W ). g o , 
holding the document in our hands in the position in which 
it commences, the first fold will present the bottom of the other 
side of the document where we find the seals of the principal 
officers. The passage of the Ain-i-Akbari on this subject says : 
"Farmans, Parwanchas, and Baratas, are made into several 
iolds beginning from the bottom." (Blochinann's Text Vol. 
I, p. 195, 1. 19. Translation VoL I, p. 263). After this 
explanation, I will come to the seals and the writings, given 
in an inverted order on the lower half of the back side of 
the farmdn. 

1. We will first determine the Text and the meaning of the 
three lines on the first fold of the farman after turning it over. 
"Holding the farman in the usual way, in order to read it from 
.the words f-k J*' 1 ** *** , these lines occur at the foot of the 
page in an inverted position. These lines take a note of the docu- 
ment having been passed in the time (o^i), when Mahznad 
Baqr was. the Waqi'ah-naviah. As the writing of these 



A FARMAN OF EMPEROR JEHANGIR. 123 

three lines is much damaged, we cannot read well all the lines, 
f)ut I give below the words that can be deciphered : 



...... 2 

3 

Portions of these three lines are destroyed. The words of 
the first line are much destroyed. The first word is indistinct. 
The second seems to be rasakh. The next word is not legible. 
"Then the next word seems to be 'dastf (hand). Then theilast word 
is rasid (reached) or may be rasand. The word siyd dat pandh va, 
niqdbat pandk, which are legible in the second line, are applied 
in the text of the Sharh given above, as words of honour to 
officers holding the chawki and the resalah. So, the other miss- 
ing and illegible words of these two lines seem to contain the 
names of the officers named in the Sharh. The first line may 
contain the name of the officer in charge of the rascdah and 
the second that of the officer in charge of the chowki. The 
last line gives the words "naubat waqi'ah-nawis Mahamad 
Baqr, i.e., " in the time of the writer of the waqiah Mahmmad 
Baqr." This name occurs in the text of the shark taliq'ah. 
So, the missing portions may be containing the names, with 
ome qualifying adjectives of one or more of the other officers 
named in the body of the Shark, viz. Mustafa Khan, Sayid Ahmad 
Qadri and Nuruddin Quli. So, as far as they can be deciphered, 
the translation of the three lines is something like this : 

(The document) came to the hands of ............ (to be 

recorded) in the rasalah of .... and (the choki ?) 

of ... who is the protector of chiefs and leaders ; and in 
the naubat (time) of the waqiah -navis Mohammad Baqr ---- 

(2) The writing on the first seal on the left of the above 
three lines is not legible, though a few letters here and there 
can be read. In the illegible writing under it, the figure twenty 
-nine can be read. The next word may be jXJt" 

(3) The next two seals on the left of the above also are 
illegible. The date under the third on the extreme left seems 
to be (&*)jj* IT 12 Farwardin. 

(4) The wording of the fourth seal below the above three 
eals is in the following order 



124 ASIATIC PAPER. 

This wording when properly arranged can be read as 



It means : " Jehangir King, the royal deciple. Issued in 
1025." It appears from the date, that the royal seal which was 
affixed to the farman was prepared in 1025 i.e. two years before 
the date of the farman. As to the word, " murid-'ali," Jehangir 
thereby calls himself a disciple or follower of Akbar. In one 
of Akbar's farmans, the first farman, Khan Khanan calls him- 
self " Murid-i- Akbar Shah." Jehangir, instead of naming his 
father, simply refers to him as *ali? 

There is some further writing under the seal which is not 
quite clear. It seems to bear the name of some officers who 
put the seal. It also bears a date. We read words like^ 
Mcher and the figure re i.e. 25. We read also a word like ***> 
Sayid. It may be the name of the officer, Sayid Ahmed Qadri, 
referred to in the body of the Sharh. 

5. Below these, there are two other seals. They are 
mixed up. We decipher under one of them the words ^rt* ** 

V. 

IDENTIFICATION or THE PERSONAGES MENTIONED IN THE 

FARMAN. 

We will now proceed to identify the various personages 
named in the Farman and give some particulars about them. 
I give below the names in the order in which we find them in 
the Farman. 

1. Mulla Jamasp. 5. Nuru-d-din Quii. 

2. Mulla Hoshang. 6. Mahmmad Baqr. 

3. Mustafa Khan. 7. Saiyid Mir Muhammad. 

4. Saiyid Ahmad Kadari. 

As we have to speak at some length for the first two per- 

sonages, the heroes of the farman, I will first identify the rest. 

We learn from Jehangir's Memoirs that Mustafa Khan was a 

great Officer of his Court. In the 10th year 

Mustafa Khan. of his reign, his mansab was " increased by 

500 personal and 200 horse to 2,000 per- 

sonal and 260 horse." 1 In the 14th year of his reign he is 

represented as submitting offerings to the King 2 . His name is 

mentioned with that of Nftru-d-din Quii, who also is mentioned 

in our farman. During the 17th year of his reign, he was the 

Governor of Thatta, and " had sent, as an offering, a Sh&hnama 

i Mtmoirs. Boftn-levertdge I, pp. 280-81. s Ibid H, p. 80* 



A FARMAN OF EMPEROR JEHANGIR. 125 

a Khamsa (quintet) of Shaikh Nizaini illustrated by inas- 
ters (of painting) along with other presents." 1 

Jehangir speaks of the " Sayyids of Barha " as " the brave 
. . ones of the age " and as those " who have 

Ktd^r ad k eld this P lace (**' comi pand)in every fight 
in which they have been. 2 '* They were in the 
van in his fight against his son Khusrau. Sayyid Ahmad Kadri 
seems to be one of the members of this known family. His 
name is mentioned in the Tuzuk with that of Nur-u-d-din 
Quli, \\hose name occurs in our farmannexfc to Saiyid Ahmad's. 
He seems to have made his name even in Akbar's time. When 
Akbar was engaged in beseiging Surat, Saiyid Ahmad, who 
is spoken of there as Saiyad Ahmad Khan Barha, defended 
Pattan against Ibrahim Husain Mirza's two colleagues in revolt, 
-viz. Muhummad Husain Mirza and Shah Mirza. 3 

According to the Tuzuk-i- Jehangiri, Niiru-d-din was one 
of the great officers of the Court. In the 
Xuru-d-din Quli. twelfth year of the reign, he " was honoured 
with the mansabj original and increase, 
of 3,000 personal and 600 horse." 4 In the 
14th year of the reign ? he was the kolwdl, and he is spoken of as 
submitting his offering before the King. 5 His name is men- 
tioned with that of Mustafa Khan, who also is mentioned in our 
farman. 

Muhamad Baqr seems to be the Baqr Khan, who, according 

to the Tuzuk, was, in the 13th year of the 

Muhamad Baqr. reign, Fozdar of Multan 6 and in the 14th 

was raised to the mansab of 1,000 personal 

and 400 horse. 7 In the same year (the 14th), he was given 

an elephant 8 and was honoured with a standard. 9 He had 

some influence with the King, and so, had secured pardon 

for one Allah-dad, who was in the ill will of the King. 10 In the 

16th year, he was in charge of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, 

which were reviewed by the King who then made him the 

Fozdar of Agra. n In the 16th year, he was raised to the mansab 

f 2,000 personal and 1,200 horse. 12 In the same year, he was 

made the Subah of Oudh. 13 In the 17th year, we find him as the 

Fozdar of Oudh. 14 In the 18th year, he took an active part in 

Jehangir's war with his son Khusrau. 15 

1 Ibid p..232. 2 Tuzuk, Ibid I, p. 64. a Elliot I, pp. 251-32. 
The Memoirs of Jehangir by Hogers and Beveridge I, p. 418. 

5 Ibid II, p. 80. 6 Memoir's Rogers-Beveridge II, p. 4. 

7 Ibid. p. 82. 8 Ibid p. 86. 

t Ibid p. 100. 10 Ibid p. 120. 

n Ibid p. 199. 12 Ibid p. 210. 

'3 Ibid p. 217. " Ibid p. 252. 
'15 Ibid p. 254. 



126 ASIATIC PAPER. 

We learn from the Tuzuk-i- Jehangiri, that he was a favourite 
Saiyid Mir * J e h an g ir * He was with the King in his- 

Muhammad i>OUT * Gujarat. Once, the King asked 
him to demand from him whatever he liked, 
and swore on Koran, that he would give it. But the Saiyid 
asked only for a Koran. The King presented to him a very 
elegant copy of it, writing on it with his own hand, that the gift 
was made " on a certain day and in a certain place." In the* 
account of this affair, the King thus speaks of this person : 
"The Mir is of an exceedingly good disposition, endowed with ' 
personal nobility and acquired excellencies, of good manner 
and approved ways, with a very pleasing face and open fore- 
head. I have never seen a man of this country of such a pleas- 
ing disposition as the Mir." 1 

Now, \ve come to the most, important personages of the 
Mulla Jmnasp Farmdn, the donees of the Parman, Mulla 
and Jamasp and Mulla Hoshang. They were 

HuEluinfc. two O f t k e sever al P a rsees who visited the 
court of the Mogul Emperors of Delhi on different occasions. 1 
According to the tradition recorded by Khan Bahadur 
Bomanji Byramji Pat el (Parsee Prakash, Vol. I, p. 856, n. 3), 
on the authority of a note on the back of a document written, 
by Dastiir Framji Sorabjec Mehcrji Rana of Naosari (1758-1806 ) r 
who was one of the, if not the, most learned Dasturs of the 

1 Ibid II, i>.:.{ 4. 

2 The Bombay Gazetteer (Vol. IX Part II Gujarat Population pp. 183-254) 
thus speak* of these different visitors of the Mogul Court of Delhi. " Of the Paruis wh 
visited the Moghal Court the names of eight remain. The first was Meherji Rana (1589.) 

The second was Meherji's son Kekonad who about A. D. 1594-95 went to 

Delhi The third was Mulla Jamanp a priest of Nawftri who about A. 

D. 1619 in return for a present of jasimin oil was given a piece of land named 
Ratn&giri near Navnftri by the emperor Jahangir. The fourth was Rustam Manek 
who went with the head of the Surat factory to Delhi in 1600. The fifth was Sorabji 
Kavasji who was of great service to the English in 1760 when they obtained com- 
mand of the Surat castle and the post of Moghal Admiral. He returned to Surat bringing 
dresses of honour and a horse to the heads of the English Company at Surat (Despatch 
from the Surat Chief in Council to the Bombay President and Council 3rd May 1760 in 
Briggs' Cities of Gujarastra). It is said that Sorabji Kfivasji, who had been taught watch- 
making by a European, first went to Delhi in 1744 to mend a favourite clock of the 
emperor. The emperor, probably Muhammad Shah (A. D. 1719-1748), was so pleased 
with Sorabji's skill that he honoured him with the title of Nek Satkhanthat is Lord of the 
Lucky Hour, gave liim a lien on the customs revenue in Surat and the rank of a chief of 
500 horse and 300 foot. Nek Satkhan was an ancestor of the well known Ardeshir Bahadur 
Kotwal of Surat. The sixth was Kavasji Rustamji, third son of the high priest of Udvftda, 
who is said to have gone to Delhi as Nek Satkhan's assistant. He was given the title of 
Mirzan Khosru Beg and land near Surat which his family, now known as the Mirzan . 
family, enjoyed for several years. Mirzan Khosru Beg's skill as a watchmaker descend- 
ed to his son Kaioji who was watch -repairer to B&jir&v Peshwa. After BaJirav'sfall(A.D. 
1818) Kaioji went to Bhavnagar with a clock of Bajir&v's which the Bhavnagar chief 
had brought. In Bhavnagar he made entirely from local materials a large clock for 
which a tower was built and which is still (A.D. 1898) in order. Kaioji's descendants 
have a high name in Bhavnagar and in KathiawaT generally for their skill as watch- 
makers and mechanics. The seventh was Kalabhai SerabjHhe sen-In-law of Nek Sfttkh&n. 
He is said to have gone to Delhi to meet his father-in-law and received an estate in 
Rftnder in Surat. The eighth was Mancherji Kharshedji Seth, a wealthy merchamt 
and well known Dutch broker who some time before A. D. 1784 visited Delhi, It was said) 
at the emperor's request, who had heard of the liberality for which he was famons. 
(This article is printed in a separate book form by K. N. Survai and B. B. Patelj. 
Vide p, 15. n. 2.) 



A FABMAN OF EMPEROR JEHANGIR. IS? 

Meherji Rana family of Naosari, l the original names of these two 
persons were Chandji Kamdin and Hoshang Rftnji. Hoshang 
was the nephew (brother's son) of Chandji. 

There is one statement in the Parsee Prakash, that draws our 
special attention. The author, Mr. Bomanji Patel quotes from 
the manuscript of the above Dastur, a statement, which says 
that the principal person of the Farman, Mulla Jamasp (whose 
original name was Chandji Kamdin) had received the 
title of Mulla from king Akbar (2US29 iPttfl-IH, ^Hi^ 

MlSU<| $*2li wTHRM^l ^CllH *HlM&t 6cll). I have found 
no other writing to confirm this statement of Dastur Framji 
about Mulla Jamasp. But, at the same time, there seema 
to be no reason to doubfc that statement. The two Parsees 
were the contemporaries of the great Dastur, Dastur 
Meherji Rana, who had gone to the Court of Akbar. 
We learn from Mahomedan histories like the Muntakhab-ut- 
Tavarikh of Badaoni, Tabakat-i-Akbari and from the Dabistain, 
that some other Parsees also had gone to the court of Akbar in 
the company of Dastur Meherji Kana on the occasion of the 
religious discussions. Upto now, we know of the name of only one 
Parsee, and that Dastur Meherji Rana. I think, that these two 
Parsees, the beneficiaries of our farman, Jamasp and Hoshang, 
may possibly be two others of the party, and that when Dastur 
Framji refers in the above quotation, to Jamasp (Chandji Kamdin) 
having been given the title of Mulla Jamasp, his reference may 
be to the time when some Parsees headed by Dastur Meherji 
Rana had visited the court of Akbar. It is not said in the above 
quotation, why Chandji Kamdin (Jamasp) was given the title of 
Mulla Jamasp, but I think, it may be for his presence and some 
services in the religious discussions of his Court. The same 
must have been the case with Hoshang. Perhaps, one may ask 
then, why was not Meherji Rana given the title of Mulla. The 
answer is easy. He was already more than a Mulla. Being th 
son of a learned father and being a member of a learned family, 
he already held a high position in his town. So, he required no 
titular special recognition but was given land at Naosari. 

If that is so, we can understand the fact, that the two Parsees, 
who had been at Akbar's Court and who were honoured by th 
king, having heard of the arrival of Akbar's son Jehangir at 
Ahmedabad, a few days' journey from Naosari, went there to 
pay their homage to the sovereign, whose father had given them 
material and literary hospitality at his court and had honoured 
them. While paying their homage, they carried as wazar or 
present some attar (perfume) which was well known then as oner 

i P. Prakash I, pp. 106-7. 



128 ASIATIC PAPER. 

of the best products of their land. Their presence may have 
drawn the attention of Jehangir to the fact of their presence 
at the court of his father. This fact and the additional 
fact of their having taken the trouble all the way from 
Naosari to Ahmedabad, to pay their homage to him and that 
with the nazar of an article like attar which was always very 
acceptable to him, may have induced Jehangir to present them 
with land near their own town. I am not in a position to speak 
with any confidence on the subject of their visit to the Court of 
Akbar, but since a learned Dastur of a later time is said to have 
mentioned the fact, I beg to submit the above view of their 
possibly being members of Dastur Meherji Rana's party, for 
further consideration and inquiry. 

I give below the ascending and descending lines of ancestors 
and heirs of Mulla Jamasp (Chandji) and Moola Hoshang. 
They are prepared from "The Geneology of the Parsi Priests." 1 
Out of these two lines, there may arise some doubts about the 
authenticity of the topmost names in the geneology in the ascen- 
ding line, but none in the case of the descending line (the 
farzanddn of the Farman) as it is based on recent more 
authentic firhasts or records of descent kept at Naosari, the head- 
quarters of the Parsi priesthood and on the ndmgrahan of the 
Dordi family which comes down from one of Mulla Jamasp's heirs. 

Mulla Jamasp's Line of Ascent up to Jarthost Mobad. 
JARTHOST MOBAD. 

I 
Kamdin. 

! 

Mobad. 

I 
Kamdin. 

i 

Kana. 

! 

Chandna. 

i 

Anna. 

I 
Pahlun. 

Wacha. 
Kamdin. 

i ** The Geneology of the Parsi Priests " by Ervad Rustomii Jamaspji Dastoor 
Meherjirana, issued for private circulation only by the liberality of Austa Naoros 
Ervad M. Parveez, with an introduction by Sir George Birdwood, pp. 15 et seq. 



A FARMAN OF EMPEROR JEHANGIR. 



Mulla Jamasp's Line of descent. 

KAMDIN 



Chandji. Ranji. Faridun. 

(Mulla) Jamasp | | 

of the farman. (Mulla) Hoshang, (Desai) Behram, 

| of the farman. (D. 1622). 



Burjorji. 



Sorabji. 
(Known as Hafiz). 



Dorabji (Dordi). 



Khorshed. 



Nowroji. 



Sdulji. 



Edulj 

(Father-in-law 
of the well-known 
Desai Khurshedji 
Temulji of Navsari). 

Bacha. 



Hamajiar. Mehernoshji. 
(Died 21st 
March 1742). 



Framroz. 



Behrani. Nowroji. Maneck. 



Framji. Khdrshed. Kausji. 



Hormazji. 
Pallanji. 



Minochehrji. 
Khurshedji, 



Nowroji. 

Dadabhoy. Behramji. Manockji. Dadabhoy. 
Ardeshir. 



Nowroji. j 

Rustomji. Edalji. Jehangir. 



130 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

We see that .in the case of the neph -jw Hoshang Banji 

Their names and the title or honorific name was applied 

title as given in the before his own name Hoshang, but in the 

Farman. case of the uncle Chandji Kamdin his 

original name Chandji was changed to Jamasp. Among Parsee 

names, Chandji is a Hindoo name, derived from Chdnd, i.e., 

moon. Mr. Behramji Dordi the owner of the documents while 

.sending me this Chak-nameh, in his Letter dated 3rd November 

1909, wrote 



i.e. " The names in the original Farman are Mull a Jamasp 
and Hoshang. But this personage's original name is Chandji 
Kamdin. That being a Hindu name, it is changed to the above 
name." The Mogul Emperors had a liking for Iranian names 
of ancient Persia. So, it seems, that King Jehangir, while 
conferring the farman upon the Parsee to express his apprecia- 
tion, changed his Hindu name Chandji to an old Parsee name 
Jamasp. In the case of the nephew, there was no reason to 
change it, as his name, Hoshang, was an old Iranian name. We 
find from Jehangir 'sTuzuk, that, at times, he conferred altogether 
.new titled names upon persons whom he wanted to honour. For 
example, Jehangir Quli Beg, a Turkoman, was dignified with 
the title of Jan-Si par Khan- 1 Shamsu-d-din Khan received 
the name and title of Jehangir Quli Khan. 2 Murtaza Khan 
of Deccan got the new name and title of Warzish Khan. We find 
a number of such examples. So, it is quite possible, that 
Jehangir, while giving the farman for a gift of lands changed 
the Hindu name to a true old Persian name. 

As to the title, Mulla these two persons were priests and 
perhaps Jehangir was led to give it to them on account of their 
being priests or members of the priestly family. 

I may say here a few words on some of the descendants 
History of their of Mulla Jamasp, the first of the two 
Descendants. beneficiaries of the farman. 

1. His grandson Sorabji was, for his good knowledge of 
Persian, known at Naosari as Hafiz, i.e., gifted with a good 
memory. 

2. His great great grandson Behramji Mehernoshji was the 
founder of the Naosari family known as the Dordi family. Mr. 

i Tuzuk, Bogers-B veridge I, p. 396. Ibid I, P. 144. 



A FARMAN OF EMPEROR JEHANG1B. 131 

Sorabji Muncherji Desai thus explains the surname: 1 "Once 
A number of friends went on a picnic. Behramji had agreed 
to be one of them. But he went a little late, and, approaching 
the place where the party was sitting, tried to conceal himself. 
Thereupon, one of the party, noticing him said : " l*Ml it^l 
*Ptt!lMl aicii fc^iai? . "Why do you twist yourself 
here and there like a rope (dordi)." Heuce, he and his family 
began to be known by that surname. Not only that, but the 
surname began to be applied to all the descending branches of 
his grandfather, one of which was that of the late Mr. Dadabhoy 
Nowroji. Mr. Dadabhoy thus referred to this surname in his 
lecture on 13th March 1861 before the Liverpool Phil-Harmonic 
Society. " My name is Dadabhai, which is the name given to 
me on my birth. My father's name is Nowroji given to him in 

the same way. My surname or family name is Dordi 

and in any important documents I may sign Dadabhoy Now- 
roji Dordi." 

3 . Mehernoshj i , the third in descent from Mulla Jama sp, was 
a known Mobed and a leading Parsee of Naosari. He died on 
31st March 1742 (roz 11, inah 6, 1111 Yazd.) (a) As a lead- 
ing Mobed, he was one of the signatories to the letter from the 
Naosari priests, dated roz 22, mah 11, 1090 Yazd. (3rd Sep- 
tember 1721), in reply to a letter of inquiry from the Surat 
Parsees, whether a paddn (mouth-cover) should or should not be 
put over a dead body before disposal. He, with other Naosari 
priests, gave the opinion that mouth-cover should be put on- 2 
(ft) He was one of the addressees in a letter of agreement, dated 
roz 26, wok 3, savant 1791 (18th January 1735), written by the 
Naosari laity to the clergy, saying, that they agreed to act accord- 
ing to the decision of the ten Hindu arbitrators residing at Surat, 
Naosari, Gandevi, etc., to whom Rao Shri Gangaji Gaikwad 
ihad referred the matter of dispute among them, viz., which of 
the two divisions of priests, the Bhagarias or the Minocherhomjis 
may perform the religious services at the houses of the laity. 3 
(c) He was a signatory, as a leading Mobed, of a memorial, sent 
by the Naosari priests in 1736, to Nawab Tegbeg Khan of Surat. 
The frequent inroads of some Pindaris in Naosari had driven 
some of the clergy and laity of the town to Surat, where they had 
settled. 4 The Surat clergy thereupon had claimed the right 
of officiating in the houses of these new-comers. The Naosari 



i Vide his article entitled " Parsee Surnames and Names " -.. ^. %- * - - . 
"*W nl in the Zoroautrian Calendar of the late Mr. Muncherji Jagoah, of the year 
1200 Yaidatardi (1890 A.D.). * P. PnkfthB I p. 28. For the discwwion of this qiuw 
4ion among the Panees. vide Mr. B. B. Patera Paper in the K. A. Cama Memorial 
Whune, 8. /Wrf.p.31. 4 J6Wp. 858. 



132 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

priests opposed this claim. The claim was examined by Maho- 
medan Judges in consultation with some leading Hindus and 
Parsees of Surat and decided in favour of the Naosari priests. 
The Surat priests occasionally disregarded this decision. So, 
in the above memorial, the Naosari priests prayed, that a proper 
writing or parvanah may be sent to them, embodying the above 
decision properly attested. Such a proper writing was sent 
to the Naosari priests. It had as witnesses or confirmatories* 
the signatures of about 41 Hindus in addition to those of about 
22 Parsees. 

4. Coming to the last but one generation of this line of 
descent, we find, that the brothers Behramji, Maneckji, and 
Dadabhoy Gursetji Dordi had a helping hand in the founding 
of the Meherjirana Library at Naosari. They presented a 
number of books to form a nucleus of the library and one of them 
Behramji was one of the mem hers of the first managing commit - 
tee and its local Honorary Secretary from 1874 to 1878. 

5. The late Mr. Dadabhoy Nowroji, the Grand Old Man of 
India, was the sixth in descent from this Mehernoshji. Our 
genealogical tree shows him as coming down from Bacha, the 
eldest son of Mehernoshji. The late Mr. Behramji Cursetji 
Dordi, referred to above, who had kindly placed at my disposal 
the original farman for a photo for Mr. Irvine, came down from 
Nowroji, the third son of this Mehernoshji. I am thankful to 
the three sons of this Mr. Byramji, and especially to Dr. Jehan- 
gir B. Dordi, F.R.Cj-S., for kindly placing again at my disposal 
for my present study, the original farman, and for giving me 
some particulars about the family. 

VI. 

EXPLANATION ABOUT A FEW PARTICULARS OF THE FARMAN. 

Having spoken at some length on several points relating 
to the order observed in the Farman itself, I will now 
speak of several facts referred to in the body of the 
farmdn. 

In one place, in the Farman, there is the mention of a week 

i.Jehangir'sname dav > Wednesday. The usual Persian 

fop Wednesday. name for Wednesday is Chahar Shamba, 

i.e., the fourth Shamba, Shamba /**** 

means a day. Saturday, which is the day after Juina (Friday), 

the sacred day of the week, is simply called Shamba, i.e., the* 

d*y* Sunday, the next day, is called Yak-shamba, ".&, the- 

first day after the Shamba. Monday is called 



A FARMAN OF EMPEROR JEHANGIR. 13$ 

and so on. Similarly, Wednesday is the Chahar (fourth) Shamba. 
Now, our Farman speaks of a week day as Kam-shamba s***ff 
Were it not for the Tuzuk (Memoirs) of Jehangir, one would 
be at a lo$s to say, what that day is. 1 x^f* Kam-shamba 

was the name given by Jehangir to Wednesday. The reason 
as given in the Tuzuk is this : on the llth day of Khurdad 
month, of the llth year of his reign, when Jehangir was at 
Ajmere, there died his grand-daughter, 2 daughter of Shah Khur- 
ram (afterwards Shah Jehan) of small-pox. The day was Wed- 
nesday, the 29th of Junxadiu-l-awval 1025 Hijri "(15th June 
1616). Jehangir was much grieved at her death, because 
she was the first child of the prince. Hence, he directed, 
that Wednesday, the day of the week on which the death 
took place, may be called Kam-ehamba. The translator of the 
Tuzuk, Mr. Rogers, seems to think that the word may be Gum- 
sham ba, i.e., the day on which the grand-daughter was lost 
(gum). 3 In our Farman, the word is ^and not ff. So the 
word is Kam-Shamba i.e., the less (fortunate) or unfortunate 
day* 

We have another instance of how Jehangir, according to 
Jhis fancy, changed the proper name of a week day. During the 
12th year of his reign, Jehangir named Thursday, which is the 
fifth shamba, Mubarak (i.e., auspicious) shamba. Thursday the 
26th corresponding with the 14th of Shaban, which is the Shab- 
i-barat was first named Mubarak shamba. Jehangir thus gives 
the reasons : " On this day of Thursday, several special things 
had happened. One was that it was the day of my accession to the 
throne ; secondly, it was the Shab-i-barat; thirdly, it was the day 
of the rdklii, which has already been described, and with the 
Hindus is a special day. On account of these three peices of 

good fortune I called the day the Mubarak- shamba t 

Wednesday, in the same way that Mubarak- shamba had been 
fortunate one for me, had fallen out exactly the opposite. On 
this account I gave this evil day the name of Kam-shamba, in 
order that this day might always fail from the world (lessen)." 4 
In his Tuzuk, Jehangir continues to name Wednesdays and Thurs- 
days as Kam-shamba and Mub&rak-shamba, e.g., he uses this 
.name in his account of his hunting expedition in Gujarat in 

i Munani Nasir Alikhaii's copy of the farmSn and a Cinjarati translation of 
the farmftn given to me by the family have misread the word and taken it to lie 
Y**haiftba i.0., Sunday. 

* According to Beveridge, her name w Chittni Begun, which name may be Cha* 
jmani Begum, i.e., verdant or garden-like Begum (Memoir* 1, p, 3i't), n. 6). 

Memoirs I, p. 327. 

The Tyxufc-1-JehMQgiri by Kqfere smA Bef eri4f> I >P- 366. 



134 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

the 12th year of his reign. 1 Further on, we find that he ceases 
using these auspicious and inauspicious names. 2 

We have an instance of Jehangir never naming even hi& 
son whom he disliked. He says about his son Khurram, (after- 
wards Shah Jehan) who had turned disloyal to him*: " I pro- 
ceeded to punish that one of dark fortune, and ghve an order 
that henceforth they should call him Bi-daulat (wretch). Wher- 
ever in this record of fortune, ' Bi-daulat ' is mentioned it will 
refer to him. 3 " We find that thereafter he always speaks 
of Khurram as Bi-daulat. 

The family tradition, current among the descendants of 

2. The place of pre- the Mullas, says that they went to 

sentatioii of the Delhi and p resen ted the atar there. The 

ofator r latc Khan Bahadur Bomanji Byramji Patel 

thus recorded the tradition in his Parsi Prakash, 4 while speak- 

ing of the death of Mehernosh Darab, the fourth in descent from 

Mulla Jamasp : 



tl. *. ivie> 

Ml S "^ Sl 

t cl -iWi^ >3<l tttf 2lll^ -i^l^ 4VHIMI 



i.e.," His great grandfather, A. (i.e., Andhiaruor priest) Ghandji 
Kamdin and one of his nephews, Andhiaru Hoshang Ranji, had 
gone in 1619 to Delhi in the court of Sh&h Jehangir ; and it 
appears from a document that they submitted to the king as an 
offering ( nazar) a jar of the atar of daisies. His Majesty thereupon 
being pleased gave them a hereditary grant of 100 bigahs of 
land in the qasbd (town) of Naosari. And it is (further) said 
that after returning from the Court of Delhi, he was known by 
the name of Mulla Jamasp at Naosari. The late Dastur Fram ji 
Sohrabji Meherjirana of Naosari has thus written about this 
(matter) on the back of a document. ' Ghandji Kamdin wa 
given the title of Mulla Jamasp by king Akbar." 

PP.404. 406, .413. t, IHd II. pp. 153, 163, 167. Tuzuk II, p. 248. 
* Vol. I, p. 856. a. 3. 



A FARMAN OF EMFEBOB JEHANGHt. 135- 

The dastdvej (i.e., the document), referred to by Mr. Patel, 
seems to be our farman under examination, and it corrects Mr. 
Patel in the following matters which he heard as mentioned in 
the family tradition. 

1. Firstly, Mulla Jamasp had not gone to Delhi. T he- 

presentation was not at Delhi. 

2. The proper date of the event is 1618 and not 1019, 
though the latter is the year in which a note of the* 
fannin was taken in one oi the court records. 

3. The presentation from the Mulla was that of 4 gob- 
lets of the atar of Jessamine and not of one jar 
of the atar of daisy. 

The most important correction is that in the matter of 
the place of presentation. It was not Delhi but was Ahmed a - 
bad. What we learn from the different dates mentioned in the 
body of the Farman and in its postscript, etc., is this : 

(1) The two Parsees saw King Jehangir with some bottles 
of atar on the 2nd roz Bahman of Shehrivar (the 6th Parsee 
Month) in the 13th year of his reign. The 13th year of Jehan- 
gir 's reign (which also was the new year's day, Roz 1 Farwar- 
din) began on " Wednesday, the 23rd Rabi 'u-1-awwal, 1027 
(March 10, 1618)." 1 So, the event of the interview happened 
on 15th August 1618 (New style). 

(2) In appreciation of the present, acceptable to His Majesty, 
the Mullas were presented with a sum. of Rs. 100 and land about 
100 bigahs in area. The farman of this gift was issued on 
the llth (i.e., roz Khorshed) of the same month Shehrivar, i.e.* 
9 days after the presentation of the itar (atar). This corre- 
sponds with the 12th of Ramzan, 2 24th of August 1618. 

(3) A note of the Emperor's gift was taken in the Yddddsht 
and a -written farman was issued on the 13th day roz Tir of the 
month Adar, the 9th month of the Parsee Calendar, i.e., 3 months 
and 2 days after the issue of the Royal Fannan orally. This 
date then comes to the 24th of November 1618. 

(4) Then a note of the issue of the Royal Farman was made 
in the records of Sayid Mir Mahmad on roz Rashne (18th day) 
of month Aspandarmaz, the 12th month of the Parsee year. 
This then was the 27th of February 1619. 

From these dates we see, that the presentation of the atar 
and the issue of the farmdn took place in the month of Shehrivar 
of the 13th year of Jehangir's reign, i.e., in August 1618. Now 

i Date calculated from the Memoirs of Jehangir by Bogerc-Beveridge, II, p. I. 
t From Ibid, p. 8U 



JL36 ASIATIC PAPEKS. 

we learn from the Tuzuk of Jehangir, that on the 21st of Far- 
wardin, the first month, Jehangir turned with his army towirds 
Ahifcedabad. 1 On 23rd Farwardin, he was at Jalod and on the 
29th on the bank of the Mahi. He left Mahi on the 1st of Ar- 
dibehesht and on the 7th of the same month entered Ahmeda- 
bad. In his account of the events of the month of Khurdad, he 
condemns Ahmedabad as " a spot devoid of the favour of God." 2 
He condemns its air, soil and water. He gives bad names to Ahmed - 
abad, such as Samumistan, i.e., the place of the simoom, Bima- 
ristan, i.e., the place of sickness, and Jahannamabad, i.e., the sea,t 
of hell. He continued to remain at Ahmedabad in the months of 
Tir and Amardad. He had grand illuminations, at the Kankaria 
tank there, on the occasion of the holiday of the Shab-i-Barat. 
We further read, that on the 1st of Shehrivar, he was still at 
Ahmedabad. His advance camp left Ahmedabad for Agra on 
the 7th of Shehrivar, 3 corresponding to 19th August 1618. 4 
An auspicious hour was named by astrologers and astronomers 
for the march of the King's and his men's camp. He was to 
start on the 21st of Shehrivar (22 Ramzan 1027=2nd Septem- 
ber 1618). 5 Thus, on the 2nd day of Shehrivar (the 14th of 
August 1618), when the Mullas presented themselves before the 
Emperor with their nazar of the four goblets of the atar of 
jessamine, the emperor was at Ahmedabad. 

We find from the itinerary as given in the Tuzuk that 
the royal march was very slow. As Jehangir himself says : 
" From Ahmedabad to Ujain is a distance of Oil kos (19fi 
miles). It was traversed in 28 marches and forty-one halts 
that is in two months and nine days." This comes to less than 
3 miles per day. After he arrived at Ujain on 1st of Adar 
he stopped there long. On the 2nd of the next month Deh 
he arrived at the fort of Ranthambur. He then says : 

" The astrologers and astronomers chose the day of Mu- 
barak shamba (Thursday), the 28th of the Divine month of Dai, 
in my thirteenth year, corresponding with the last day of the 
Muharram in the Hijri year 1028 (January 7, 1619), as the proper 
time at which to enter the capital of Agra. At this time, again, 
it appeared from the reports of the loyal, that the disease of the 
plague was prevalent in Agra, so that daily about 100 people, 
more or less, were dying of it. Under the armpits, or in the 
groin, or below the throat, buboes formed, and they died. This 
is the third year that it has raged in the cold weather, and dis- 
appeared in the commencement of the hot season. It is a 
Btnu&ge thing that in these three years the infection has spread 

p. & 2 Iftid. p. IS. 

. 25. Calculated toon Ibid, p. 27 iiote. 5 Ibid, p. 2* note. 



A FARMAN OF EMPEROR JEHAKGIR. 



137 



to all the towns and villages in the neighbourhood of Agra, while 
there has been no trace of it in Fathpur. It has come as far 
as Amanabad, which is 2 kos from Fathpfir, and the people 
-of that place (Amanabad) have forsaken their homes and 
gone to other villages. There being no choice, and consider- 
ing the observance of caution necessary, it was decided that 
at this propitious hour, the victorious army should enter the 
inhabited part of Fathpur in all joy and auspiciousness, and after 
:the sickness and scarcity had subsided and another auspicious 
ihour had been chosen, I should enter the capital, please the 
Almighty and most holy Allah." 1 

He stayed at Fathpur for more than three months. Then 
iurthcr on we read : " On Sunday the 1st Urdibihisht, at 
:the auspicious hour chosen by astrologers and astronomers, 
I mounted a special elephant of the name of Dilir, and in 
all prosperity and happiness entered the City." 2 Then, 
from Agra he went to Kashmir. From all the above, 
we find that for all the dates found in the Farman, the last of 
which was in Asfandarmaz, the king was not at all at Delhi. 
On the date of the issue of the Farman, the llth of Sherivar 
.(23rd of August 1618) he was at Ahmedabad. 

Thus, we see that the family tradition, that the Mullas 
Avent to Delhi to see the Emperor is not correct, though it is 
correct to say that they went to the Delhi Darbar or the King's 
Darbar. The Emperor's Darbar is said to be at the place wher- 
ever he be for the time being, just as we now speak of the Bom- 
bay Government to be at Bombay, Poona or Mahableshwar, 
wherever the Governor in Council may be for the time being. 

The following table gives the dates of the different events 
referred to in the Farman. 



Events. 


Ilahi date of the 
13th year of Jehongir's 
reign, i. e., 1027 Hijri 
1618 A. D. 


Hijri date. 


Christian 
date. 


1. J e h a n g i r*s 
-arrival at Ahmedabad. 
2. TheMulla'a 
interview with Jehan- 
gir. 
3. The date on 
which the Farman for 
the grant of 100 bigaha 
^was given by Jehangir. 


Roz 7th Amerdad, 
mah 2nd, Ardibehesht. 
Roz 2 Bahman, 
mah 6 Shehrivar. 

Roz 11 Khorshed 
mah 6 Shehrivar. 





15th Aug. 
1018. 

24th Aug. 

idia. fe 



Tuzuk, Vol. II, pp. 60-00. 



2 Ibid, p. 8*. 



138 



ASIATIC PAPERS. 



4. The date, on 


Boz 13 Tir, mah 


Wednes- 


24th Nov. 


which the farman was 


Adar. 


day, the 


1618. 


noted in the Records 




16th Z i 1 




of the Chowki, the 




Hajja 1027. 




Resateh, Waqiah,etc. 








5. The date of 


Koz IS Rashna, mah 


21 Rabi-ul 


Friday, 


noting the farman in 


12 Asfandarmad. 


Auwal 1023. 


27th Feb. 


the records of Saiyid 






1619. 


Mir Mahomed. 









Now, a question may arise, why Jehangir should have 

presented to the two Parsees Us. 100 

3. Why such a large and 100 bigahs of land for four goblets 

Re ?f f fo f r four (mil) of the afar (tiar). Of course, we 
gODiets 01 amr. ^^ tfaat rftm much dependg> u ' the 

whims or fancies of kings. They may pay fancy prices for 
insignificant things or niggardly miserable prices for rare costly 
things. But, in this case, I think, there were special reasons, 
why the King should be very favourable towards the Parsees. 
The reasons seem to be the following : 

(a) The fact of Jehangir's personal appreciation far 
perfumes. 

(6) The fact, of the perfume coming from the hands of 
persons at Naosari, which was much famed for 
its perfumes. 

(c) The fact that the two Parsees belonged to the priestly 
class, and were men of some position. 

I will speak of these three i^oints in order. 

Firstly, we learn from Jehangir's Tuzuk, that he greatly 
appreciated fragrant oils, and, at one time r 
he rewarded his own mother-in-law for dis- 
eovmng fragrant otto of roses He des' 
cubes that event yi the account of the 9th 
year of his reign. Once he had very large 
pomegranates brought by merchants from 
Yezd, and melons brought from Kariz. They 
weie so extraordinarily good in comparison with those he usu- 
ally had pomegranates from Kabul and melons from Badakh- 
shan that he thought as if he " had never had a pomegranate 
or a melon before." He then regretted that his revered father 
Akbar, who was fond of fruits, had not the opportunity of en- 
joying such good fruits in his time. The fruits reminded him 
of the afar of roses, and he similarly regretted that his father 



(a) Jehangir's 



a present in appro 
ciation. 



A FAB-MAN OF EMPEROR JEHANGIR. 139 

had not also the advantage of enjoying the most fragrant oil 
discovered in his time. He then thus describes the discovery and 
the reward that he gave for it : "I have the same regret for the 
Jahangiri 'itr (so called otto of roses), that his nostrils were not 
gratified with such essences. This itr is a discovery which 
was made during my reign through the efforts of the mother of 
Nur-Jehan Begam. When she was making rose-water, a scum 
formed on the surface of the dishes into which the hot rose- 
water was poured from the jugs. She collected the scum little 
by little ; when much rose-water was obtained a sensible por- 
tion of the scum was collected. It is of such strength in per- 
fume that if one drop be rubbed on the palm of the hand, it 
scents a whole assembly, and it appears as if many red rose buds 
had bloomed at once. There is no other scent of equal excel- 
lence to it. It restores hearts that have gone and brings back 
withered souls. In reward for that invention, I presented a string 
of pearls to the inventress. Salima Sultan Begam (may the 
lights of God be on her tomb) was present, and she gave this 
oil the name of ' dr-i-Jehangiri." 1 

Another reason, why Jehangir should have so generously 
rewarded the two Parsees for presenting 

the P erfume > seems to * that they 
were from Naosari ; and so, the perfume 
must have been the product of that town which was well-known 
for its excellent perfumery. In a reference to Naosari, in the 
Ain-i-Akbari, we read Abul Fazl saying that "they manu- 
facture fragrant perfumes there, the like of which is produced 
nowhere else." 2 



Jehangir may have perhaps presented Mulla Jamasp and 
(c) Regard for the ^ulla Hoshang with cash in addition to land 

priestly class. because they belonged to the priestly class of 
a community for whose ancient ancestry and 
religion his father had a great regard. We find some cases of 
such double presentation in Jehangir's Tuzuk. For example, 
he presented Maulana Muhammad Amin, a faqir with 1,000 
bighas of land and 1,000 rupees in cash. 3 

i The Tuzuk-1-Jehangiri by Rogers Beveridge I, pp. 270- 271. 

* Blochmann's Text, Vol. I, p. 408, column 1, 1. 13. Col. Jarrett'a Translation, Vol. 
II, p. 257. From my casual visits of Naosari, I think that the people of Naosari, *\c a 
now, are very fond of flowers and that the soil of the town produces fragrant flowers. 
While passing through its Bazar (chowtt) one sees, that compared to the population 
of the town there te a very large number of flower-shops, which reveal their presence to* 
the passers-by by the fragrance of the flowers. Mr. Bana of Naosari has won many 
prizes for perfumery in several Indian Exhibitions. 

a Tniuk-Bogers-Bcveridge I, p, 135. 



140 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

VII* 

THE PLACE AND SITUATION OF THE LAND GIVEN TO THE MULLAS. 

Now, let us examine, in what part of the Naosari district 
was the land, granted to the two Parsis, situated. We saw, that 
thefarmdn speaks of chak bastan, 1 i.e., of settling the boundaries 
of the land given by the Emperor. It seems, that the rule of the 
Mogul Emperors was, that tne donee went with thefarmdn given 
by the Emperor to the particular district named in the farmdn 
and presented it to the governor or other officers of the district. 
They, then gave the proposed area of available land in their 
district. The officers, selecting the land, described it in, what 
is called a chak-nameh. All the land granted by the Emperor 
cannot always be available in one place. So, they described in 
the chak-nameh where the different pieces of land which made 
up the area granted were situated, and what the boundaries of 
the pieces were. In the case of thefarmdn in favour of the two 
Parsees, we have a chaknameh of this kind in the hands of the 
Dordi family, a branch of one of the original donees. It is 
dated 1031 Hijri. So, it took about four years after the date 
of the f arman for the authorities of the Surat Sarkar to find 
out the land for the Parsis and settle its details. 

I beg to give the text and translation of the chak-nameh, 
which I think will be found very interesting, as it gives one an 
idea of the old way of describing the boundaries which was 
not much different from our present method. It is also interest- 
ing from another point of view, viz.^ that the Revenue Officers 
of the Moguls had, in spite of the comparative richness of the 
Persian language, to use many Gujarat! words in describing the 
boundaries. I am supplied with the original chak-nameh, a sub- 
sequent copy, and an old Gujarati translation of it . I am surprised 
to find that the copy differs from the original in an important part 
of it, viz., the details of tha boundaries . The text of the preliminary 
portion, which relates what the document is, is well nigh the 
same with the difference of a word here and there. I think, 
the copyist had before him also the original f arman. So, when 
copying the chak-nameh, he put in some additional words, 
which he found in the f arman itself, but which were not put in 
the chak-nameh) perhaps because they were thought not very. 

1 1 have explained the word chals above. The word has several cognate rneaBtam. 
One of its m*"fog in " the written and signed sentence of a judge or magistrate." The 

ladian words chftkado (sl&l) for " decision " andchftkawu (fcq^) for" to settle* 



pa^ off " are connected with this word. It also meant title-deeds, bonds, notes. 
' " 



U.' In the matter of land, the technical word which goes with it as a verb is , 

.., " to bind." So, eta* toutan means * to draw out the boundaries of the land and give 
its description in detail/ The document that does this, is spoken of as ehak-nAmth. 



A FARMAN OF EMPEROR JEHANGIR. 141 

important. As to the difference in the description of the details,, 
they are not very important, but the copyist perhaps was 
asked to give what was subsequently thought to be a more exact 
description of the boundaries of the different pieces. 

The copy bears a name, perhaps of its owner, in Gujarati 
as <*u. Mi. "^Rl i.e.* B. P. Dordi. It bears on the left hand 
corner of the top some words which look like ^j" ut/* 
Quran Sharif, i.e., the holy Quran. It omits the word <^ 
given at the top of the original chak-nameh. The Gujarati 
translation has followed not the original chak-narneh, but the 
copy. 

Before giving the text and the translation, I will describe 
the process of the description of the boundaries, so that the 
reader may easily follow the contents of the chak-nameh. 

It was generally the practice of the Mogul times that when 
land was granted as a favour, one -fourth of it formed good 
ground which was already cultivated, and three-fourths uncul- 
tivated land, which is technically spoken of in the document- 
as ufladeh *otit i.e., "fallen," the corresponding Gujarati 
wordf or which, as used even now, is pa'lat ( ^ 6 <1 ), i.e., land that 
had fallen or remained uncultivated. According to the above 
division, the details of the land as given in the chak-nameh, are 
divided into two parts. Firstly, the details of the one-fourth 
cultivated land (zamin-mazrua) are given and then those of the 
uncultivated or fallen land. The cultivated land was not in 
one contiguous plot. Some of it was in a place known as the 
garden (bagh) of Bauji, which, as the chak-nameh is not written 
all along with proper dots (nukteh) on the letters, may be read 
variously. The name may be read as Makuji or Naluji or in 
several other ways. But I read it as Bauji, because in the old 
Gujarati translation, it is so read. So, it is possible, that the 
old translation perhaps gave the name as it had come down 
to the times of the translator from one lip to another. Again 
the name Bawaji is even now heard at Naosari as the name of 
some persons. For example, there was upto a few years ago, 
a known learned Parsee Desai, known as Bawabhai Desai. The 
rest of the cultivated land, was in the garden of Batnagar. This 
word also can be read variously. But there is no doubt about 
its reading, because the name still continues as Batan wadi or 
Batnagar wadi. It is situated on our way to Kachiawady on 
the bank of the Puma river at Naosari. I had the pleasure of 
going to this part of % Naosari several times in some of piy 
morning walks during my occasional visits to Naosari., ..... , 



142 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

The boundaries of these two pieces in the above two bdghs 
or gardens are described in two rows in the document, the 
Bawji's garden land on the right hand and the Ratnagar land 
on the left. The order followed in the description of the 
boundaries is East, West, South and North. 

Tjie uncultivated (uftadeh) land consisted of seven 
different pieces as follows : 

1 . In the land known as that of the garden of Ratnagar. 

2. In Pddar i reh i.e., the pddar of the road. 1 

, 3. The piece of land in Tigreh 2 on the bank of the river 
(nodi). 

4. Another piece of land at Tigreh. 

5. A piece of land named as Goleh *^ 

From the details of the boundary of this piece, it seems that it 
was near Tigreh. 

tf . A piece of land known as Loki. It was near Tigreh. 
7. A piece of land at Italweh. 3 

The above nine pieces two of good cultivated land and 
seven of uncultivated ( ufladeh \s><\ ) land made up the 100 
bigahs as follows : 

The garden of Bawji had 22| bigahs. 
The Ratnagar garden had 2J bigahs. 

These two made up the one-fourth good cultivated land 
measuring 25 bigdhs. 

i The word is used even now at Naosari and in other villages of Gujarat as 
3|l*Ml MI& 8 &1U ui padarfi* * on the outskirt of the village or town. We do 
not find this word in Persian dictionaries, but it may be pd dar j lj i.e., " the foot in." 
We have the phrase V^O J ^ ^ (lit. foot in the stirrup), used when one is just about to 
Hide. So, in connection with towns or villages, the word* pfi dar ' may mean, ground 
just on the border of the town, whence you step into the town. Here, by ' pi dar i reh/ 
is meant, perhaps the land just on the road. 

2 There is even now a village of the name of Tigrab about two miles from Naosari 
and about a mile on the louth-east of the Mehta Parsee Lying-in Hospital. A road from 
the *outh of the Jail, leads to it (vide my paper on the poet Bhajo Bhagat in my Dnyta 
Prasarak Essays Fart IV). A large tract of land over and above the present village 
then bore the name of Tigreh. 

Italwun is a village about 3 to 4 miles from Naosarf. At present, the main road 
to Gandevi from Naoaari pawses through this village. H iw larger than Tlfreh. ' 



A FABMAN OF EMPEEOB JEHANGIR. 143 

Then the above seven pieces contained 76 bigdhs&s follows: 
1. 16 J. A plot of ground in the land known as Ratnagar 



2. 2. A plot on the pddar of the road. 

3. 2J. A plot at Tigreh on the bank of the nadi (river). 

4. 7. Another plot of Tigreh. 

5. 7. Plot known as Goleh. 

6. 27i. Plot known as Loki. 

7. 12J. Plot at Italweh. 



Total 75. 

Now, I give the text of the chak-nameh. It is difficult 
to decipher correctly all the words, especially the proper names 
of the places, as the usual dots or nulctelis are not generally given. 
So, in reading these and the figures about the bigahs, I am 
helped by the Gujarati translation. There is also a copy of this 
chak-nameh on very thin paper in two leaves. In rare cases, 
this copy helps us to determine a word here and there. The 
second leaf of this copy contains the boundaries of the last few 
pieces. 

(The Text of the Chak-nameh) 

i 

S \ AJJ I 



1 This form of invocation to God, introduced by A klmr, over which there was a good 
deal of discussion among his courtiers (vide above) is written in different styles or 
shapes. In this chak-nameh, it is written as above. In the farmftn itself it is written 
In another shape. 

* The word M^la, as written here, varies from what is written in the farman Itself 

where it is written A* wuWA, which means "a schoolmaster, a doctor, a learned wan, 

judge, a priest " (Steingass). When written Jjj* Maula, as written in this chak-namab, 



In the copy of the chak-n&meh is the proper form. So, I have followed it in my transla- 
tion. The copy omits th(s word before the name of Hoshang . 

In the copy, of the chak-nameh, the word is (jp \y* 

* Mnstatftb, gracious. 

In the copy, we have an additional word Irefore this, viz. t{ j* I>t+Jj\&* i.e., the 
centre of affairs. 

6 In the copy, we find these additional words after this word: 



.., the protector of the ministry, the wealth of dominion, Mir Saiyid Ahmad 
9 Wartrat, the dignity of the Minister. 



144 ASIATIC PAPERS. 



8* IS! /.-ft^ ,! j OJ^j jjl>* /*** c^J /J' JsJ U ;$ 

^ J- 

3 



A 



C J 



The word as given in tht- cluik-ii&mah, is x* wherein all the letter^ 



are not given their proper nukfahs. But the word seems to be Tanguz, the 12th or the 
last month of the Turks (vide the Chronology of Albruni by Dr. Sachan, p. 83). 
2 Shi'ftri, customary, habitual. 

The copy of this document omits this word. 

* The copy has the word as *fJ I j {*** 

5 rlha a king, prince, emperor. I am doubtful about the reading of this word. 

6 The copy has after the word b 6*1 t and jd**/^ i.e., "with the seal of the sadr. 
As it Is a copy, it means to say, that the original has the seals of the proper authorities. 

7 The copy of the chak-nftmah gives between the two words, two additional wordb 
ris., p 4 j *Jli c., (The piece is) "in the garden" of Bauji. We find the word bftgh in the 
case of the other piece in the garden Ratn&gir, 

8 I do not understand the word which is written without the nuktahs. It seem.- 
to be the proper name of a neighbour's land. 

9 The copy gives, instead of the Vfoi&muttasil (contiguous adjacent). s<Q* ^ *u. The 

whole will then read ^5^ f*!/H C5J^ '"*^r P^ ** ^ lu tlle B* rdeu oi &** 
hith-kiftri of Behramji. Hftth-kiiri is Gujarati, meaning, the rice-neld(^l^l^j), which 
can be only ploughed by hand (gl^)* where bullocks cannot work. 

10 This and the following word are local Gujarat! words, now spo can as '^l<T/<t 
t*t l^J khftjan khiri, i.e., excavated land and salt water bed. When one exaggerates a 
matter, a Gujarat! proverb says. ^Sft ^li<JV-i ^l^l ilfcf Ucft *l^ 
i.e., he is not restricted by any excavated ground or outlet of water. The copy gives 
for the whole line only the words /^j^ ^ b&g kharieh ( ^iltQ^l HIH ) 

U Sar a'&m, i.e., public side. Tneae words, used in the cast of 
another boundary, are^U jl which seem to be more appropriate, efi" ShAr'aa 
is high road. The words mean 'public road .' We use in co lioouial Gujaratl *l^**U M 
t.c M public road. The copy gives for this line f^jW j jj&3& ( \\rt \ 
) whichare explained above. 



A FABMAN OF BMPEBOB JE HANG IB. 145 

jf Mj fc fikS (2) 



(Now follow the description of the seven pieces (qataa's 
of the uncultivated ground. It runs as follows : ) 



U*" 



* U 8 



1 The name, as ordinarily spoken, is ^^ XJl^ Chandjiand notChandjiv. The 
copy gives it as such. 

2 Bahmanji, son of Behrftm. The copy gives the name as: 
Bchram Andhiru ( M^^l>i ^'Hl^ ) *-, Behrim, the priest. 

3 The copy gives this boundary as ^U *j^ i.e. public road. The Malik Yusuf 
named here, is one of the signatories of the document as will be seen below : 

4 The copy gives this boundary *BJ^J** ... u;^ ^t.. the large garden 
ref . . . .Minocbfthar. The illegible word before Minochehar may be Desftl or Adhtrn. 

5 The copy gives jS U3j b j,j gla5 

6 The copy gives as boundary simply the word *J li i e . a steam. The copy all 
along omits the first word mwttan/, i.e., adjoining. 

7 The copy adds the name of the person to whom the d&baharith belonged, and says 
**-> uU* ^b ^J^Jl^ i.e., the d&baharieh of the garden of Malik Yusuf. 
DdtaJkaricA is the local Gujarati word for the ground where nothing useful grows, bat only 
xank grass of the lowest kind. 

B The copy has *ltf j **\j* * 'j the road of carriage and ox. The word 
+*Uad for ox is Gujarati ( H&t4 ). 

9 A Gujaraticised form ( CtfcUlil ) from Pers. v^ tilth, pond. 
10 This seems to be the name of the pond. Or, perhaps, it may be a word for the Kara 
madi ( H*Ul ) berrie - The copy has. instead of this line, <JJJ*3 <.,, i.e., the 
jnoith of the snail pond ( (t^tl^^Q ) 

10 



146 ASIATIC PAPERS. 



i J( uJ ^ s yt*3 k? (3) 



4. 



5. 



JU3 xoJ 



1 The copy gives the boundary of the south asjj^l ^l^ 8^-f ^^t.e., th 
hut (GujaraO 5PIM? ) of Behrtm, the priest; and that of the north. ae^j^^jW-*^ 
/So U |^?t4jM i.e., the tree of the date palm ( ^taj^Q ) of Somji Mtnkeh. Th 
Gu jarati rendering gives the name as ?ll >1O Ml-Usl. The boundaries differ, but the 
text of the copy and the Gujarat! rendering help us to read the proper name at Somji 
Mankt. 

2 Gujarat! &*\\ or &IM|. 

The copy has, instead of /$ the word jb ptr, i.e., the edf. 

4 The copy has this boundary as ^OJ V T **&&j!* jjf> 9 &\ ^j/t- ^**^JJ 
.e.. the field of Behrftm Adhftru, near tue watfr of the river. Th original givet 
the nama of the owner, as Bahmanjiv (Bahmanji), who, as seen above, was the som 
of Behram)ee. 

> r > Tiie copy has \s^*[ft* &J+t* ^ .., the garden of lemon (lahamn 
rflc)of Bebramjee. 

The copy gives this boundary CU* \y^ ^ cJS^ vS*A. j ^ i. f , t the trees, field 
and cultivation. 

7 The copy is torn off at this portion. 

8 It may be read simply as ^**jj Hirji. 

9 The name Bamanji (v) is quite clear in the original, but the copy, in its bad 
thitosta style, gives a form, which can be read both as Bahmanji or * 
Kahmuhi. So, the Gujarat! rendering baa given the boundary as 

This is evidently a mistake. 



I The copy gives the nameas jj r t f^f"? and the boundaries are inter* 
changed, {. e^ what is the southern in the one H the northern in the other and rice vrrto. 

II 1 am guided in reading this name by the Gujarat! version, which gives the name at - 



A FABMAN OF EMPEROR JEHAKGIR. 

& 6. 



j I j 

rr A 



. llfc * that WWch (mfi)l8 In (ff) ' WIth the P^ceding word, this meant 



vltei. * at WWch (mfi)l8 In (ff) ' WIth the P^ceding word, this mean 
vital . to the contents (of this document)." 2 Doubtful : this signature is not clear 
The copy gives this name as <H^> y (TV . 

* The copy gives only seven names of the witnesses. One of these is 3m n 
*? ^IPH. This shows that the *\\ in the original is an attonvf. 
DUUl (G * rd * X We ^^ that Ih8ie i8 a w ell.k 

" oflrdfi fanui3r - 8o P088ibly thu 8lBn 

The copy gives among the seven, one name as 



M - 

the copy, which U not legible. It may be *>i for Brvad. 



148 ASIATIC PAPBES. 

(TRANSLATION OP THE CHAK-NAMEH.) 

GOD IS GREAT. 
CHAK-NAMEH. 

"The Chak-namehfor the land (given)for thehelp of the liveli- 
hood of Mulla Jamasp and Mulla Hoshang, Parsee, with their 
children. Whereas, according to the respected and worthy to be 
obeyed Jehangiri Farman, and (according to) the Parwancheh 
of the gracious Nawab, the leader of the country, 1 the sup- 
porter of the state, 1 and of the Nawab, the protector of the 
Waz&rat , Sif kh&n, and (according to) the s register with the seal of 
Mirza Mahmad Qasim, about 100 bigahs of land have been 
measured with the ilahi gaz, according to the usual practice, viz., 
one part of the cultivated land of ryots 4 and three parts of the 
Uncultivated (land) fit for cultivation, from the rural district 
of the town of Naosari, in the Sarkar of Surat, in the fasal of 

Kharif Tunguz El 6 (month) year 1031, (and Whereas) 

the customary servants of the rule of Mirza Muzaffar 
Hasin and Khwaja 7 Lalchand Diwan and the Deeahis and the 
revenue-officers 8 and the ryotaand the cultivators have, on date 
8th Jamadu-1-sani 1033, measured in details as given below 
and settled the limits (chak), separated the four boundaries 
and prepared assignments, (the land) has been entrusted 
to the above said persons ; so that no body else may 
enter into the land and be troublesome ; so that the above said 
persons having the land in their own charge and possession, may, 
with peace of mind, spending the income of the said land, remain 
engaged in saying prayers for the perpetual good fortune of His 
Majesty for the perpetuity of his long rule. 

100 bighas of land (measured) by Ilahi gaz. 

I Cultivated land tilled by ryots. Bigah ** 

Two pieces. ,<>! 

1 The piece (in the garden of) Bauji. 23 J 

EAST. Adjoining .... and the field of K&mdin . . . 

WEST. Adjoining the kidri 9 of Behramji. 

SOUTH. Adjoining the Ichdjan and khdri. 11 

I Thii and the next words are titles. Lit. the turn total of the country. 
> Lit. Support of State. 

Ta'llqa a schedule, a register. 

Raiyat, ryot, tenant of the soil. 

5 Lit. fallen MMfcl M4fl. 

6 Vide above, the footnote in the Text. 
i It is an honorific title. 

Muqaddam a superior officer of the revenue in a village (cf. Gujarat! )*rlt>t 

9 If^Ml^fl " A rice field surrounded with and confined by ridges or embankments ; 
*ed of garden watered and planted with flowers." 

10 Khanjar a small ditch. ( v*tf | v^o/^ ). 

II Perhaps from Gujarat! khMi. 



A FARMAN OF EMPEROR JEHANOIB. 

NOBTH Adjoining public road and a salt ditch (Rhdrio 

l^l). 

The piece of the Ratnagar Garden. Bigahs 2J. 

EAST. Adjoining the kidri of Ch&ndji Patel. 

WEST. Adjoining the field of Bahmanji, son of Behram. 

SOTTTH. Adjoining the Dfcbhriyeh of Malik Yusuf . 

NOBTH. The well of Chandji(v) Patel. 

II The uncultivated land fit for cultivation. 75 

1. The piece of the Batnagar (Garden). 16 
EAST. Adjoining the Kiari of Chfindji Patel. 

WEST. Adjoining the field of Bahmanji the son of Behram. 
SOUTH. Adjoining the Dabhariyeh. 1 
NOBTH. Adjoining the well of Chandji Patel. 

2. The piece on the out skirt 2 of the road. Bigahs 2J. 
EAST. Adjoining the public road. 

WEST. Adjoining the small 3 pond of karamdd. 
SOUTH. Adjoining the date 4 trees of Somji Manka. 
NOBTH. Adjoining the well and the hut 6 of Bahmanji. 

3. The piece of land at Tigrah on the edge of the water of 
the river. 6 2J. 

EAST. Adjoining the cultivation of Bahmanji. 
WEST. Adjoining the well and the lemon-garden 7 of 
Bahmanji. 

SOUTH. Adjoining the Khari of Tigrah. 8 
NOBTH. Adjoining the field of Narsang Meherji. 

4. (Another) piece at Tigrah according to the sharh 7J. 
EAST. Adjoining the field of Narsang Meherji. 

WEST. Adjoining the mangoe-trees of Bahmanji. 

1 A place, wherein, grows dfibhdo <cl(Hil a kind of rough grass. It is spoken 
of as "ll<M^"d*bhadiyftn,justasa place where grass ( Ml*| ) grows is called 
m^\j (ghasyftn). Mr. Sorabji Muncherji Desai of Naosari informs me, in reply to my 
inquiry, that there still exists a vazifah at K&chiawadi ( ^ 1^*41 41^1 ) which is 



known as dabhariyun. ( tICHH )- I* is about 23 bigahs in area and is the property 
of Mr. Pardunji Desai. It is the dfibhtriyeh, referred to in this document. 

2 PAdar. The word seems to mean Lit. "the foot in ;" i.c., the place, whence the 
next step leads you to a place. For example, we speak of the p&dar of a village 
), *.., the place whence the next step takes you to the village itself . 



* Talftvri, a Gujarat! word for a small pond. 

* Khajuri, a Gujarat! word for date-tree. 
5 ChApreh, a Gujarat! word for a hut. 

Kadi, Gujarat! word for a river. 
7 LehmuD, Lemon, 



8 For the village of Tigrfth, vide an account of my visit of it in my paper on 

" *il*Mieii^i fc'fl 5ul 
=tiiH^rfl 'cffl <n *m. 

FraMcak EBMVB, Put IV, p. 142). 



150 ASIATIC PAPEBS. 

SOUTH. Adjoining the lemon-garden of Bahmanji. 
NOBTH. Adjoining the KhAri of Tigrab. 

5. The piece of Guleh. 7 

EAST. Adjoining the land of It&lweh ^hich is within the 
limit of the three trees of Indian dates. 

WEST. Adjoining the land of the Koli 1 and the well of 
the Guleh. 

SOUTH. Adjoining the Mart of Tigrah. 

NORTH. Adjoining the kftari of the village of Basoli from 
the rule (anial pi. of * amal,' tracts, rule, country) of the 
parganah of Tilari. 

6. The piece L6ki. 27J 

EAST. Adjoining the well of the Kolis. 

WEST. Adjoining the land of Kamdin, the physician.* 

SOUTH. Adjoining Tigrah. 

NORTH. Adjoining the khdri of the village of Basoli. 

7. The piece at Italweh. 

EAST. Adjoining the land of the Tchdriyeh. 

WEST. Adjoining the limit of the Kulieh. 

SOUTH. Adjoining the khdri of Tigrah and Kahr . . . leh 8 

NORTH. Adjoining the land 4 

(Then follow as mentioned below the signatures of some 
well-known men of the town, certifying, that, as said above, 
the boundaries have been settled. The first two signatures 
are in Persian characters and the rest in Gujarati. They put 
down their signatures under the following statement): 

The above mentioned described pieces according to their 
boundaries, are given after being all entered into chak-bandi. 
These few words of the Chaknamch are written and given by 
way of proof so that in case of necessity in court, they may 
serve as a proof. Written on .... 9th of the month 
Jum&du'l s&ni year 1033. 6 

1 Tho Kolis form a caste in Gujarat. 

2 After this paper wa? read and by the time it parses through the PrefS, Prof. 
8. H. Hodivalft, Principal arid Professor of History at Bjhauddin college, bat pub* 
liahed an excellent book, entitled " Studies in Parti History," wherein (pp. 1-491-88) 
he speaks of a 1'trsi physician Meher Vaid (born about 1&20 A. C), whose ancestors and 
descendants practi ed medicine at Naosart. One of the descendants was Qiam Talib. 
A document belonging to his property has a date of about 1085 A. H. (j62fiA ('.) 
I think that the Kamuin Tabib of our document of about 1023-24 A. C., id the Qlara 
Tabib of the above document. We Know that the name Kamdin is a form of Qiftmu- 
d-din. 

The letters of the word have no nukteh. So, it is difficult to read them. They 
seem to form the name of a place. The word may be gadhftr-ba-nftleh, i.0., the cart road 
in the water-course ( *ll6tHU *ltf ), < it may be gahr-naleh, i.e., a covered outlet 

for water ( 3R-1iq ). 

I do not understand the word. If we take it, that a stroke over the first letter 
has been omitted by mistake by the writer, it may be gttulyeh I Hl%< ), ***.t 
place where only grass grows. 

5 i. e., A. D. 1628-24. 



A FARM AW OF JBMPEBOB JEHANGR. 151 

Witness to the contents. Shaikhji son of Shaikh Ahmad, 
Witness Malik Yusuf, son of Malik Habib. 
1. Hari. Witness according to the schedule. 1 
1. Bhoodhar Suj Kal;y,an. Witness according to what 
is written (above). 

1. Bahman Behram. Witness according to the chak 
in Persian. 

1. Ch&ndji Sheheryar. Witness. 
1. Chandji Ashdin. Witness. 

1. Manock Nagoj. Witness according to what is written. 
Sohrab Behram. Witness. 

Gopal Syamdas. Witness according to what is written. 
Writer, Mathuran Rai. Witness 1031 ? 
Mehernosh Ferdunji. Witness. 
Sohrab Kaka. Witness. 
Daji Manka. Witness. 
1. Narayan Kinda La. Witnesc, 
1. 6a. Rustom Mehirji. Witness. 

(the signator es on the right hand margin arp) 
1. Mehernosh Kekbad Dcshai. This chaknameh is cor- 
rect according to the writing. Witness to the contents Shaik 
Mahamud son of Shaik Mansur. Witness to the contents Khan 
Mahamud son of Abd-ul-Karim An^ayari." 

In all, there are 19 signatures uf which four are in Persian 
characters and 15 in Gujarati. Of the 19 signatories, four are Ma- 
homedans, 6 are Hindus and 9 Parsers. The Hindu and Parses 
signatures are all preceded by the Gujarati numeral figure 
for one. This seems to be the general custom in Gujarati, 
to affirm perhaps, that what they state is truth and truth alone, 
as enjoined by God who is one. 

Some of the signatories seem to be respectable known 
citizens of Naosari at that time. We have authority to say so, 
at least for the Parsees. The first Parsee signatory Bahman 
Behram was Bahman ji Behramji Desai who died in 1655 
A.D. 2 He had acquired great influence at the Mogul Court 
and held large ja jirs He was the son of a well known 
Desai, Desai Behram Faredun. 3 

Sohrab Kaka was one of the signatories of a document 
dated roz 5, mah 1, year 1033 tfazdazardi (1683 A.D.) 
wherein the laymen of Naosari agree among themselves, that 
they may engage any priests they like for the religious services 
in their families, and not necessarJy those who come to office 
in turn according to their sacerdotal arrangement. 4 

1 Doubtful. Tae la*t part may be read H6t<l|. Here the word pat may b* 
Gujarat! Md meaning a schedule, list. 

2 Pawee Praka^h 1, p. 14. 3 Ibid p. 111. 4 Ibid p, 844, 



152 ' ASIATIC PAPERS. 

As to the last signatory, who signs as Ga.Rustam Mehrjv 
we saw above, that the word Ga ( '(I ) seems to be an abbre- 
viation for Gaida. The Gard& family is a well-known family 
of Naosari at present. Now there remain, the seals on the- 
Chak-nameh to be deciphered. 

The first topmost seal reads 1 ^^sJI^ Ail! J^j ^jA ^U* 
aUlcU> i. e> Abdulhusan Fazulalla, the servant of the orders 
of the Prophet. 

On the next seal the first topmost word is not clear. 
The next word gives the name t*n j&* ^^AX* i. e. 9 
Sayid Husin Muzaffar 1031. This and the next seals above 
them bear the words ** *&j? d*> i- e., the copy is taken. So 
these are the seals of Government officers. 

The third seal reads : **+ ^ &* *** cW *j*JI i.e., ser- 
vant L&lchand, the son of 2 Aurchand. 

The fourth seal is not clear. Some words seem to read 
^-AjAJLM Alia Nasir. We read the The name Nasir in the 
writing onitsleft. It is A*U^AJ atwJl JSf^^a-tU &)+#>+* LA*iy t 
i.e., formed according to the purport of these lines. The 
humblest of servants, 3 Nasir Mahmad. 

vrn. 

APPENDIX. 

As an appendix to the paper, I give the text and transla- 
tion of some old documents, referring, not to the whole land, 
but to 18 high as, which, latterly, came to the share of Meher- 
nosh, the third in descent from Mulla Jamasp. The documents 
are of some antiquarian interest, as they show some old methods 
of describing boundaries, proving one's rights over any land, 
passing receipts, etc., and as giving some idea of other cognate 
matters. 

We learnt from the Farm&n, that 100 Bighas of land were 
presented jointly to Mulla Jamasp and his nephew Mulla 
Hoshang. So, possibly they themselves, latterly in their life- 
time, or their heirs after their death, divided the land, and each, 
or the descendants of each, got. 50 Bigh&s. It appears from a 
Chak-nameh in the name of Mehernosh, the third in descent 
from Mulla Jamasp, that, after some divisions, there came 
to his share about 18 Bigh&s of land. I give below the chak 
nameh of this share of the land. 

1 The reading of the last part of fcthe name is doubtful. The last word of the. 
seal also is not legible. 

2 The first part of the name is not clear; 

8 ' AqalT (i.e., the least of) ' ibid (a servant). 



A FARXAN OF BMPEEOE JE HANGER. 

First Document. Chak-nameh of 18 Bighas of land thai 
came to the share of Mehernoush. 



13 



C*^ 



14 



1 This word stands for /JJt. I am told, that even now, Mahomedans write thii form 
on the top of their letter. 

2 In the original, the first four letters &U. of the word form the first line run- 
ning over well-nigh the whole breadth of the paper and the last two letters ** appear 
as if they were joined with the letters <-*^ of the word V^l In the next line. 



* The word c?*J which occurs in the first chak-ntmeh, given abore, of Moil* 
Jamasp, is here omitted and taken as understood. 

This word is written here as in the original farmin and the cop j of the first chak- 
nameh, and not as Vy ai in the original of the first chak-nameh. Vide above p. 141. 

* The last letter y P is omitted. We find such eliminations in some ancient 
Parsi names. For example; the name Tehmurasp (Avesta Takhma urupa) has becom* 
Tehmuras, which, in its turn, latterly became Tehmur (Tenant, Taimur), which again 
has been changed into Tehmul, in which form we see it in the modern Parsi name Temulji. 

In this chak-nameh, we find only the name of Mulla Jamasp and not of Mnlla Hoshang 
because it refers only to 18 bigahs of land which came in division and sub-divisions to one 
of the descendants of the third generation of Mulla Jamasp. 

6 Here, after this word, the name Emperor Jehangir, which is mentioned in the first 
Chak-nameh is omitted and taken as understood and a little space Is kept blank. 

7 In the first chak-nameh, the word is 

ghafr; pardoning. 



A title. Here the personage is spoken of by his title and not by his name, just 
as we say* " the Prime Minister, the Chancellor," etc. 

10 Lit. The prop or support (i'tam&d) of the State. 

11 Marhfim, the late. As Sifkhan was dead by the time of this second chak-nameh 
he is spoken of as ' the late." 



12 The word ' which generally follows in such documents of the Mogul times 
IB not found here. Instead of that, a small space as could contain the word is kept 
vacant. Perhaps this is meant to signify, that the word is too revered to be often repeated. 

! Aima, ayimxna "Land given as a reward or favour by the king at a very low rent, 
A fief (when no rent is paid the land is called g \j*> H JA khar&j, Allodial) ; Charity 
lands." (Steingass). or it may be for t* s* one hundred. 

IA The words " Khfeei jama " outside (i.e., free of) the assessment (Jam*) are not 
ound in the first chak-nameh. 

15 AshJAr trees. 

1C Masaff (from *-&* rank, order) ranked in. The words' 'ranked in the Suba (pro- 
Tince) of Ahmedabad" are not found in the first chak-nameh and the original farmin. 
80, it seems, that it was latterly, after the 17th year of Jehangir's reign, when the first 
chak-nameh was made, that Surat was properly placed in the Suba-ship of AbmedabadL 



154 SASIATIC PAPERS. 



J 5 ir AlJ 

1 Jl^J I 



~J A 



J 1,4-SJ I ^ J f i-y^^ t 

J ^1 gk 



3! y ^ ^fatjl^^ ^ ir* 



TRANSLATION. 
GOD ( ALLAH). 

Ghak-nameh for the assistance of the livelihood of 
Mehernoush (one) of the children of Mulla Jamas Parsi 
and his (Mehernousl/s) children. According to the farmdn, 

1 mansftb, constituted, appointed, substituted. 

2 rif'at, exalted, noble. 

ma' ale, eminences, high places, sublime matters. 

4 majmu'ad&r " a record-keeper ; one who checks or audit* the account of reven 
collector* in each district." 

5 bitwa, the twentieth part of an acre of land q^|. In reading the flgorea, I am 
helped by a Gujarat! translation of the chak-nimeh. 

ttdi upto, towards. 



A FARMAlf OF KMPEBOB JEHANGIR. 155 

of His Majesty, worthy to be obeyed, 1 and according to the 
parwdneh of the protector (or giver) of pardons, the gracious 2 
Nawftb Jumlatu-1-Mulki 3 ratim&duJ-Daulat and Nawab Wa- 
zarat-panah the late Sifkhan,* 18 bigdhs of land (measured) 
by gaz (-i ilahi), from the total free land of the said Mulla Jamas, 
according 5 to the Deed of Partition of the said Mehernoush, 
(and ) according to the usual practice, (viz) one share, (i.e., one- 
fourth) in the cultivated land of the ryots and three shares in the 
uncultivated land tree of assessment and fit for cultivation, 
together with all trees, from the suburbs of the district of Naosari 
in the sarkar of Surat (which is) ranked in the subah of 
Ahmcdabad, in the season of kharif tahd 6 Icoel in the year 
1125 fasdli. have been entrusted by Haji Bashir, the Mansub, 
(i e. the appointed officer) of the exhalted and the most 
eminent 7 Mirza Mahmad Zaman and by the Desais 8 and 
Majmudars^ and Re venue -offic:rs and ryots and cultivators, 
alter measuring (the land) according to the details in the 
postscript, (i.e., the following details) and settling the Chak, to 
the above-named (Mehernoush), so that, no one may be au 
intruder and be troublesome in the said land, and the above- 
said 10 peraon may, bringing the land under his hold and 
possession (and) spending the produce of the said land with 
peace of mind, for perpetuity be engaged in praying for tht 
constant good fortune (of the King). 

The pieces of 18 bigahs. 

The First piece, bigahs 9, biswa 11 12. 

Length 12 from the East to the West, 61 sticks. 

Breadth 13 from the South to the North 62 sticks. 

(Boundaries.) 

The East adjoining a public thoroughfare and the field 14 
of Gokal Birah.i' 

i W a ;ibu-l-Iz'?an. * Mustat4b. 

* Tuts and the next three word? form titles. 

We And the nam? of this officer iu the first Chak-nameh of Mulla Jamaip and 
Mulla Hodhung. 

* (3^ cleaving to, joined to. 

<* Alb.niiii's li.nt of T irxlah m^ntlr, doai not give this name. He gave Kuy as 
the n.iiue oi tha -th month and Taghuk AH fiat of tli-s lota month. Perhaps the nama 
Tat A Kiul of our Utia^-iiamah is the Taghuk o.' Ali.lrnnl (Chronology p. 83 1 

' Lit. protactor of eminent persons. If we read the first word as ^3 '** m'ate 
<Gujrati Hp^-fl ), it may nuan protector of spiritual matters, i.e., learned theologian 

8 DoHfly-n. 9 Majmu'adftr. 

10 Mumi, above-mentioned and ilait above-named. Afumi ilai, above laid. 

1 1 t f~'! The 20th part of an acre. 

it i5")jb Length. i* vJ**-^ Breadth. 

* Oi^ AD Indian word for fielded. 15 



156 ASIATIC PAPEBS. 

The West adjoining the second piece, the property of 
said Mehernoush. 

The South, adjoining (the property of) Gokal Birah and 
the dabharyeh 1 of Malek Sharif . 

The North. The boundary of this piece is towards the 
South, leaving 22 sticks from the old well of Ch&ndji Patel. 

The Second piece, big&hs 8, biswa 8. 

Length from the East to the West 56 sticks. 2 

Breadth from the South to the North 60 sticks. 
(Boundaries.) 

East. Adjoining the first piece of Mehernoush, the said' 
landholder. 

West. (It is) Adjoining the public thoroughfare. 

South. The Dabhariyeh of Malik Sharif. 

North. Public thoroughfare. 3 

Written on date 14th of the great month Sha'aban of the 
year 7 of the ezhalted Accession. 

(Here follow four signatures, three of Parsees and one of a. 
Hindu who calls himself Majmudar.) 

Desai Manock Homjee. Signed. 

Desai Darab Bustamji. Signed. 

Tehmul Rustam Witness. 

Mehta Baghnathdass Vandavandass Majmudar. What 
is written here is correct." 

The Parsee signatories of the document were known persons 
of the time. 

Desai Manock Homji. He came to his Desai-ship in 1701 
on the death of his father Homejibhai Temulji. He died in 
1730. His son Jivanji 4 Manock ji also had become famous 
at Naosari. 

Desai Darab Bustamji also was a known personage of his 
times. 6 

Desai Tehmulji Bustamji (died 1728). He held from the 
Delhi Emperor the ckodhrai* of Naosari and Parchol. In 1714, 
he had purchased from the above Desai Darab Bustamji his 
share of Desai-ship. It is said, that, as the people of Naosari 
were tired of the misrule of the officers of the Mogul Emperor, 
he tried to bring Subed&r Pilaji Gaikwad, who ruled at Songad, 

* A Gujarat! word. Field of course grass. Vide above. 
Modem Gujarat! Jjlfl. 

* The modern Gujarat! ^|ifl^Hl>i ( ^| ) is JDft^l *Hl*i. The Gujarat! 
phrase Strfl^HW $Ud & comes from these Persian words, meaning it is very false, 
the intensity of the falsehood being as great as the width of a public thornghiare. 

* Parsee Prakash I, pp. 28-50. 5 Ibid pp. 28 and 28. 
Cfctfkri was a kind of high police office. 



A VABMAN OF EMPEEOB JEHANGIR. 157 

to power at Naosari in 1720. The Nawab of Surat, thereupon 
took him and his family prisoners. Pil&ji Rao Gaikwad releas- 
ed them from their prison and gave them high powers under 
.him. 1 

The Chak nameh bears four seals at the top. The inscrip- 
tion on the first big seal on the left runs as follows : 



i.e., Rafiu-d-din Usmani, the servant of the religion of 
Mahomad confirms. 2 1127? From a copy of this chak- 
nameh referred to below, it appears that this personage was 
the Qazi of Naosari at that time. 

The second small square seal, a little above, and on the 
right of the first, bears the name <j^*j *+t* Mahmad Zaman. 
He is the officer named above in the chak-nameh. 

The third small round seal, below the second and on the 
'right of it, reads jfy *oux/l i.e. servant Bashir. He also 
is mentioned above in the chak-nameh. He was a subordinate 
of Mahamad Zaman. It bears a date which seems to be 1123. 

The fourth seal on the extreme right seems to give the 
reading as " Mian Miran," 3 

This chak-nameh of 18 bigahs is spoken of on the last 
fold from below in th? first original as (&**) ^j ,* lj&^ 



i.e. The Chak-n&meh in the matter of the land in the 
district of Chovisi in the matter of the land of Ratnagar 
in the name of Mehernosh. 

.(a) I produce another Persian document for inspection. It is 
only a copy of the above-given original Chak- 

Two copies of the nameh of Meher-noush. It is an authenticated, 
what we may now caU, a certified copy. 
It bears the seal of the person who gave the 

copy. The seal reads ^^ CJ^JU* ...... ts~ f*^ 

*.c., the servant of Religion ........ 4 Jamalu-d-din 

Usmani. Under the seal of this person, we read the words 

JUl 
i.e., copy according to the original. 

As it is a copy, we find the following writing, somewhat 
similar to that of the original, added at the commencement to 
how t that it is a copy of the original Chak-nameh. 

1 Paitae Ptaktth I, p. 27. 

z & Shad, confirming. * The word is not quite legible. 

The word U not legible. It may be 



ASIATIC PAPERS. 



JfL, ^.jU 3! v * 
i.e., copy of the Chak-nameh with the seal of Kazi R;.fiu-d-din 
and of exalted and most eminent 1 Mirza Mahmad Zaman 
and Haji Bashir and with the name of Desai from the Agreement 
of the 14th of the great month Sh'aban, year 7 of the 
exalted accession of the King; viz., 

We read on the back of the last fold from Jbhe bottom 
the following title: aifc-li^, ^^ $, n<w\^^ Ml \i*Q 

(b) I produce for inspection another copy of the same Chak 
nameh, which is a copy taken from the second copy. It is a 
certified copy of the preceding copy of the Chak-n&meh. It 
gives the wording of the seal of the above copy with additional 
words, written in a vertical line on the left, as <J& <JJ tja * cW 
.e.,a copy according to a copy. Then, there is the seal of the 
certifying officer on the top, on the left of the above writing.* 
Its lines run as follows : 



These words, when properly arranged, read 

If vn ^U 

i.e., The servant of the noble religion, K&zi Fazlu-d-dm Oosmani 
1286. 

In the very beginning of the text of this copy of th* 
chak-n&meh, we have the following writing, showing, that it is 
a copy from a copy. 



i.e. copy of the Chak-n&meh with the seal of Kazi Rafiu-d-din 
and of exalted and most eminent Mirza Mahmad Zaman 
and Haji Bashir and with the name of Desai from the agree- 
ment of the 14th of the great month Sha'aban, year 7 of the 
exalted accession of the King, viz. 

1 If read Ma'fini-panfih, it would mean Protector of spiritual matters, i.e., Theolo- 
gian. 

* It bears the following title on its last fold from the bottom. 
cfl. \{ 3 



A FABMAN OF EMPEROR JEHANQHU 



156 



We find, from this Chak-nameh, that all the 18 big&hs 
of this chak-n&meh were in the land known as Ratn&gar 
Bag or Ratn&gar vazifeh (now known as Ratnagar wddi). It is 
near the land now known as KachiH-wadi ( Jji^r-u J) ), which 
is considered to be one of the fertile parts of the district of 
Naosari. As it is situated near the Purna river on which Naosari 
stands, the land is occasionally renewed and fertilized by the 
new soil brought by the inundations of the river. The Ghovisi 
village which gives its name to the whole district is about 2 
miles from this place. The land of Tigreh, referred to in the first 
Chak-nameh of Mulla Jamasp, adjoins Chovisi district. 

The Batnagar bdg land is first referred to in the boundaries 
of the nine pieces that made up 100 bigahs of the land granted 
by Jehangir. Both, a part of the cultivated land (25 bigahs) 
aad a part of the uncultivated or fallen (uftadeh) land (75 
bigahs), were included in this Ratnagar bdg land. The follow- 
ing diagrams give us a bird's eye-view of the boundaries of the 
two pieces (vide the chak-n&meh above) 1 

The piece of 2 bigahs in the cultivated good ground of 
Ratnagar Bdg. 

N. 

The Well of Chaudji Pfltel. 



I 



Cd 



The Dahbarieh of Malik 

Yusuf. 

S. 



1 Choviil is the name of a district still known by that 
aame now is about two miles from the land in question, w] 
f the members of the Dordl family who have descended froff M< 




tat 



ASIATIC PAPERS. 



The piece of 16J bigabs in the fallen or uncultivated 
( ufttdeh M4<t ) ground of the Ratnagar Bdg. 



N. 

The Well of CMndji Patel. 



W 



The Dahbarieh. 
8. 



The details of the boundaries show that both the pieces, 
one in the fertile or cultivated ground and the other in the 
fallen or uncultivated ground, stood adjoining each other. 
So, the boundaries of the whole ground of the Ratnagar 
bdgm&y be represented by the same above diagrams. 

It seems from the details of the chak-n&xneh now under 
consideration, that Mehernosh got as his share, well nigh the 
whole of the above referred to land of the Ratn&gar garden. 
The following diagram based on the details of the chak-n&meh 
gives us a bird's eye-view of Mehernosh's land. This diagram 
is not supposed to be a very exact plan. The chak-nftmeh 
describes it in two pieces, the length of one of which is shorter 
than the breadth. As described in the chak-n&meh, the length 
runs from East to West. So, I give the diagram in two parts, 
marked I and II. The public road is represented by the arrow 
heads. 



A FARMAN OF EMPEROR JEHANGIE. 

Well of Chandji Patel. 
N. 



161 



^ 




' 3 


^ 






S 

2 


I 


II. 


re" 

.2 


3 


3 ^ 

^ 






Leni>th 61 Sticks. r 9 




QQ 


1 




S 


J3 1 *0 


Length T>f> J 


^ T 




x 


S ' K 




5 


23 











CQ ' .? 




1 * 


T 




>V 


loVinl.niMAli r,f Malik Shftrif 



Second document. A Parwanah with the seal of Mahomad 
Zaman. 

There is an old document, named on its fold as a parwanah, 
which refers to the 18 bigahs of land that came to the share of 
Mehernosh on partition. It seems, that it was made after 
the land was settled by the Chak-nameh. 



fc^lifl ^uAA. ^M 



rr i 



God. 



Zill subhani IB a royal title or epithet, meaning the shadow or representative of 
Thifl is the abbreviated sign of Alia referred to above. 



162 ASIATIC PAPERS 

TRANSLATION. 

41 Resting in Paradise. God. The Shadow of God. 

Let the present and the future officers of Government of the- 
town of Naosari of the Sarkar of Surat know, that ( Wheras) about 
eighteen bigahs of land, (measured) by the (Ilahi 1 ), gaz, have 
been fixed as described for the purpose of the help of the liveli- 
hood of Mehernosh, (one) of the children of Parsi Mulla Jamas 
and his (Mehernosh J s) children, according to the farman of His 
Majesty who is merciful 2 and according to thepanuanah of Nawab 
Jumlatu-1-Mulki Ia'timadu-1-daulat and Nawab Wazarat panah, 
the late Sifkhan, 3 according to the Deed of Partition of the said 
Mehernosh, (and) according to the usual practice, i.e , one share of 
cultivated ryot land and three shares of uncultivated land, 
free of assessment (and) fit for cultivation, together with trees, 
in the direction of Chovisi (known as) Ratnagar in the above 4 
kasbeh, it is therefore put down in writing, that the said lands 
may be entrusted in the usual way in the charge and possession 
of the above-named person (Mehernosh) and his children as a sac- 
rifice* over the auspicious heads of the slaves of His Majesty, 
so that spending the (land's) income upon his wants 6 he may 
pray continually ? for the increase of the life and good fortune 
for a continuous period. In this matter they (the Government 
officers) should exercise no delay or defection. Written on the 
date 22 of Zi'al qaddeh, year 7 of accession." 

The document bears a square seal on the right, a little above 
the first line. We read therein the name of the officer as 
^ U^ *+&* Mahamad Zaman. On its fold, it bears the word 
5 * H I *1 (far man) i nstea d of Mil 3 1^ (par w anah . ) 

There is a certified copy of this Parwanah with the seal 
of Kazi Fazlud-din Usmani. The seal bears words below 
it saying ^L*^ (j^b+i d& i.e. a copy according to the original. 
The seal itself bears the wording : 



* Instead of the usual word ufJ a space is kept vacant It seems that to 
uume God and great mm was considered Irreverent. 

2 Lit. of manners or mode ('anvin) of compassion or mercy. 
a The name Sifkhan seems to be a contraction of Asufkh4n. 

* Mastur, described. 

5 43* sacrificing, charity. Farqis head,cf. the Gujarat! saying *U*4l <M^tfl 

3*^4^3. The Gujarat! ^Ml^4R<^ gives some similar idea. The signification is,. 
that the land may be given free, so that the donee may remain devoted, and pray for th* 
kingdom and its officers. Perhaps in the Gujarat! word 3J\I c( i^cj ' we have the word 
U in the phrase va guzftshtan which we find here. 

6 Ma-yahtaJ i.e., what IB wanted. 

7 Muwftzibat, b"ln? assiduous, co&ntant. 



A FARMAN OF EMPEROR JEHANGJR. 163* 



.e., servant of the noble religion Kazi Fazalu-d-din Usmani. 
This copy bears over a fold the title of the document as 



There is a subsequent certified copy of a copy of the original 
parwanah with the following additional words to show that it 
is a copy : 

i.e., the Parwanah with the seal of Mahmad Zaman 
from the writing of date 22 Ziu-1-qu'adeh year 7 of accession, viz. 9 
It bears the seal of Jamalu-d-din Usmani with the words 
cUj j^Ua-* J& i.e., a copy according to the, copy. The seal bears 
th^ name thus ^ U-*^ ^- &J I J UA. ^^> ti & ULxJ U *j * & Li. 

i.e., The servant of the noble religion Jamal-ud-din Usmani. 

The document is wrongly named on its fold by the owner 
in pencil as *ii^l ^ -il^lHl. 

Third document. A Document in the matter of a Dispute 
about the land of Mehernoush. 

It seems that the above Mehernoush had a dispute with 
his nephew in the matter of the above 18 bignhs of land. We 
have a document which refers to this dispute and in which some 
of the known men of Naosari, both Parsees and non-Parsees, 
support Mehernoush. It is a kind of our modern affidavit. 
I give below the text and the translation of the document. 

Text of the Document appealing for evidence. 



rJ >5 



^ Istiahh&d, taking evidence, summoning witnesses, bringing testimony or proof. 
2 Az'a/, most weak, helpless. 
> 'Ibid, servant ; devotee, ibidat, service, worship. 

* This is another way in which the word mulla is written in this document. We 
saw above two forms Jt* and 



Jumhnr, gathering of people ; populate ; all. 

6 Sakanatfpl. of *&ken\ inhabitants. 

7 Mutawattin, inhabitanti resident. 



464 ASIATIC PAPERS. 



^ j*. 



x ^\\\ 



? AJ Jj^J <Jb U ^J I ^a^-H^ ^^ J ^ 

I Jk i o ^ o ^ l ^ Ai-' I ^Ja-^ ' A t 



ilUlf 



TRANSLATION. 

Mehernosh, a poor servant of God, a son of Adharft 
(i.e. , priest) Darab, of the Parsee Community (one) of the heirs 
of Adharu Mulla Jamas of the said community, an inhabitant 
of the qasaba (town) of Naosari, asks and implores evidence, 
from generous Saiyids 5 and most honoured 6 Shaikhs, 7 and from 
all the inhabitants and the resident public of the above-said 

1 Shuraka' pi. of sharik. partner. 

2 hisBas, pi. of hlssah, share. 

hasb, in conformity with, according to, agreeably to. 

4 Waaiqat, writing, bond, agreement. 

5 SM&t, pi. of Salvid. 6 Zawi'l-ihUrara, master of honour. 
^ Hashftlkh, pi. of Shaikh. 



A FARMAN OF EMPEROR JEHANGIR. 165- 

town (of Naosari), in this matter, viz,, that (there is) a piece oi 
land, about 18 Bigaha from the Wazif a (i.e. , the land) of the above- 
named Mulla Jamas in the above-said qasaba in the direction* 
of Chovisi, which (piece) is known as Ratnagar, and which above- 
mentioned piece was formerly shared 1 by this applicant with 
other partners and was undivided. 2 Till now, all partners 
have, of their own free will and pleasure, given possession of 
their shares in this said piece of IS.Bigahs to this applicant (and)* 
having got done and given (i.e., transferred) legal 3 bonds 4 of 
purchase and release 6 and Chak-nameh and letter of veri- 
fication with the seal of ministers 7 for the said piece of 18 Bi- 
gahs, in the name of this applicant, made him possessor and 
occupant, 8 so that, he (the applicant) coming into the posses- 
sion of the produce of the said piece of land, may hold himself 
responsible 9 m the matter of all civil revenues. &c. , which may 
be due on the land. Accordingly, I have in my hands in 
my own name the said bonds and Chak-nameh and verifi- 
cations of the minister, about the whole of the said piece (of 
land), and since that long time, properly 10 improving 11 the 
land (and) cultivating it. make it the means of my livelihood. 
About all this, 12 Manock, the son of the above-mentioned 
Darab, this applicant's (i.e., my) own 1 J brother, also had given 
in writing the bond 14 of the sale of his own share in the said 
piece of 18 Bigahs in the name of this applicant, which (bond) 
also I have in my possession. 

Now, the heirs of the above-mentioned Manock have, con- 
trary to the legal bond of their own father, setting up a claim,, 
without cause, turned (themselves) towards putting the appli- 
cant to trouble and molestation. Therefore any body, who 
has any information about the truth of this affair, 15 may, agree- 
ably to God, affirm his own testimony under this writing, 10 so 
that, he may be recompensed by God 17 and he may be 
thanked by men. 18 



i Mushtarak. 2 Ghair maqsuiu. 

8 C*^r* Shara, legal. * Tamassukat. 

5 iW^ la da w&, release. 6 Taahlha-ii&meh. 

7 Sadur pi. of Sadr. 8 Musta>arraf . 9 Lit. gives questions and answers. 
l o Waq'i, completely, properly. 

*i Pardakhtan, to clean, adorn, improve; or it may mean, beinn wholly engaged in, 
working on the land. 

12 or, from all those (partners). 

i Haqiqi, true. real. own. l4 Tamassuk. 

15 ma ftni, signification, sense import. 

16 Waslquah, writing, agreement, bond. W 'inda'1-lah. 

18 Over the last word ffardad, there is a letter which is not clear. It may be 
a word like faqt* to signify that the writing is finished ; or with it the last word may 
be read gardanad. In this case then, the translation would be, " he would make me 
recompensed by God and thankful to men. " 



166 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

There is one thing in this document which puzzles me. Me- 
hernoush complains of the conduct of his brother's children, 
saying, that though their father Manock (Mehernosh's brother) 
had settled his share with him, they raised disputes. Now, 
we do not find in the family genealogy, Manock as a brother of 
Mehemoush. We find one Manock put down as the son of 
Mehernoush. This makes us say, that we must be very careful 
in the matter of these genealogies, based on the family ndm- 
grdhn and the records of priesthood kept at Naosari. At times, 
mistakes and misunderstandings may arise from the fact of the 
-custom of adoption. When a person is adopted, his name is 
recited in the family-recitals of prayers, as that of a son. At 
times, even a brother is adopted. So, in that case, the brother is 
shown as a son. It seems, that here, there may be a similar case. 
Manock, though a real brother of Mehernoush, may have been 
given to him in adoption. So, his name may appear in 
the genealogical tree as that of a son. 

Ten persons have signed the document in Gujarati. support- 
ing the statement of Mehernoush. I have given above their 
signatures in Gujarati. All these Parsees formed a galaxy of 
some of the well known personages of the time at Naosari. 

I have pointed out above that the first signatory, Desai Manockji 
Homji, who had also signed the Chak-nameh, was a leading 
Parsee of his time. The second Desai Kukaji Meherji (1652- 
1742) was a great man, who had great influence with both 
the Mogul and the Gaikwadi officers. It is said, that the 
latter often consulted him in Government affairs. Desai 
Khurshedji Temulji (1688-1779) was a leader of the Naosari 
Parsees, who had great influence with the rulers of Naosari and 
who had given a helping 'hand in some of the old Naosari 
charities. Desai Darabji Rustomji is also referred to above. 

Darab Pahlan was a known Dastur oi Naosari, and the 
author of several Persian writings, and among them, of the 
well-known Farziat-nameh and Kholaseh-i-Din. Nowroji Ker- 
saspji was a leading priest of Naosari. 1 Jamasp Asaji (1697- 
1753) was the great Dastur Jamasp Asa, the founder of the 
Jamasp Asa family. He was a known Persian scholar. Button 
Manockji was a known priest, known as Ruttonji Manockji 
Antia. 2 Manock Nowroji also was a known priest of Naosari. 3 
Jamshed Rustumji (1701-1760) was the Dastur Jamshedji 
Rustomji Meherji Rana who came to the Dasturship of Naosari 
in 1722. 

Besides the above Parsee signatories, almost ail of whom 
are well-known persons of the time, who have put down 

1 Parsee Prakash I, pp. 25, 28, 29, 31. 

2 Ibid, pp. 25-28. 3 Ibid. p. 29. 



A PARMAN OF EMPEROR JEHANGIR. 167 

"their signatures tinder the document, there are a number 
of Mahomedan gentlemen who have signed the document in 
various positions on the right hand side broad margin of the 
document. Some of them have put down their seals. 

Of the two seals above the first line of the document, the 
' one on the left reads. 



i.e., The seal of Qazi Utbaq Alia, the servant of the religion of 
the prophet of God, informed of the science of the Divine order 
of God, in Deputy -ship 1 

Under the seal on the left, there is a line written crosswise, 
which reads : 5 c*- I C-AJ 4 ^j ^(3^ 3 ^ j ' L$* s^^+i /* V ^ 
i.e.. The fact is, that all the lines in this text are inscribed true 
and without doubt. 

The second larger seal on the right reads : 



i.e., The seal of Kazi Ahmad by Deputy-ship or (succession), 
the servant of the religion of Mohamad 1139, year. 

The third seal reads uri 
i.e., A'madu-1-din Usmani 1139." 

The line under this seal, on its left, reads something like: 



i.e., The purport of this text is described as what happened. 

The fourth seal in the extreme right is not legible. The 
line under it in the left is /^Uj & r U 
i e., Witness of what (md) in written within (j^). 

The fifth seal down below on the right reads l, \ re &+:.- ^x^ 
i.e., Sayad^Mahomad 1135. The line under it on the left is 
u*~A5 Ij ^ L j^jfl^/o ^j+iA* i.e. the purport of these lines is the 
same as the fact. 

The other Mahoinedan signatories, beginning from the top 
on the right hand margin who have put down their signatures 
everywhere under different statements of confirmation are 
Qadavat Alia. 
Shaikh Rasiuddin. 
Mursalahuddin. 

l Nay&bat, succession, vice-gerency, Deputy-ship. What is meant by this word 
seems to be, that he was a Deputy in the Qazi-ship, or perhaps it may mean that 
the qail-Bhlp had come to him in succession. 

a amr, fact. a matn. the text of a book. 

* la rib, undoubted. 5 sabt. inscribed. 



168 ASIATIC PAPEES. 

Abdullah, son of Shaikh Abdul Razah. 

Malik Mahomad, son of Malik Ashaq. 

Nuruddin, son of Shaikh Abdul Wahed. 

Mahmad Hanah, son of Saleh Mahmad. 

Abdulla Salam, son of Shaikh Abdul Malik. 

Faizalla, son of Shaikh Razvanalla. 

Shaikh Abdulla. 

Mohamad Amin, son of Shaikh Mansen. 

Saiyad Ahmad. 

Sayid Aa'zin, son of Sayid Nuralla. 

Sayid Surajuddin, son of Sayid Jaafar. 

Shaikh Jinatallah (or perhaps Hasoballa), son of Shaikh 

Abdul-latif. 

Sayad Hamad, son of Sayid Mohamad, 
Shaikh Amuruddin, son of Qazi Refi-u-ddin. 
Shaikh Abdul-latif, son of Shaikh Rasid. 
Mohamad- Zaz, son of Abdul-latif. 
Sayid Arif, son of Sayid Mahomad. 
Khwajeh Ahmad, son of Khwajeh Mahamad. 
Almost all of these 23 signatories have begun with the word 

Shahid, i.e., witness. 

The document itself bears no date. Three of the seals of 
the Mahomedan signatories have dates. Two bear thedate 1139. 
A third seal, the last of the five, bears the date as 1135. These 
seals bear the d^tes of the time when they were made. 

From the dates of the document, it appears certain that the 
dispute arose after the above Chak-nameh in favour of 
Mehernoush was made and before the Hijri year 1135. 

FOURTH DOCUMENT, A RECEIPT REFERRING TO THE 
LEASE OF THE LAND OF MEHERNOUSH. 

The following is the text and translation of a document 
which says that Mehernoush had leased a part of the land of 
Mulla Jamasp which fell to his share for cultivation for a period 
of three years. In this document, which is a copy, not the ori- 
ginal, he acknowledges receipt of the money and declares that 
the use of the property has come back to him. The receipt 
bears the seal of a Government officer. The document bears 
on its fold the Gujarati word Hlf%l Pers. ***.; Rasfd, 
English Receipt. This document, like many of the preceding 
documents, bears, at the top in the centre of the leaf, the word 
*J la-hu, i.e., to Him. It seems to be another and thai a shorter 
form of 



A FARMAN OF EMPEROR JEHANGIR 



oo I ^Kj JU, Ujlji ,$ * 

^^U TA ^A 

TRANSLATION. 

The object of \vriting this is this : 

I, who am Mehernoush, the son of D?irab Adharoo, inhabit- 
ant of the town of Naosari, make declaration to this effect, that 
I have received a sum of Rupees nineteen and annas two, in 
the matter of the propertj r of the share from Mulla Jamasp, 
through Behrarn Aspu, Parsee, for the account of three years, 
and I have brought it (i.e., the property) in my charge and 
possession. These few words are written bjr way of agreement 
(sanad), so that, it (the property) may come again (lit. secondly) 1 
in (my) use. 

Written on date 14 of the month of Jamadu-1-sani, year 
38 of accession to the throne. 

The original of this document had a seal which the present 
copy gives as * x*x> ^j p^U. <y 1 *^ eH" ! U l< ^ 
v'.e.,Ziar-u-ddin 2 Usmani, the servant of the religion of Mohom- 
ed. Confirmed. 

Behrarn Aspur, referred to in the document was Behram- 
Aspu-Peshitan-Chanda whose family held the Talati-ship of the 
Parchol parganah. 3 It was in 1610 AD. that the Talati-ship 
was first given to his grandfather Peshotan Chanda. The do- 
cument bears the date 38 Jalusi. The Jalusi year is of the acces- 
sion of Shah Alum, who came to throne in 1118 Hijri (1707-8 
A.D.). So, the 38th year of his reign is 1156 Hijri corresponding 
to 174344. 

(a) The photo-lithos of the farmdn, (b) Mehernoush 's 
chak-n&meh and (c) his appeal (aavdl) to the leading men are 
appended herewith. 

1 Arab, Sftniyan, secondly, in the second place. 

2 The name may be Menaru-d-din. 
a Parsee Prakash 1861. 



Some Prayer-gestures of the Babylonians and 
Assyrians. Their Parallels among the ancient 
Iranians and modern Parsees. 

Read on 3rd December 1920. 

The subject of this paper has been suggested to me by an 

interesting and instructive paper in the 

Introduction. October 1010 issue of the Journal of the 

Royal Asiatic Society of London (Art. 

XVI), entitled. "Gesture in Sumerian and Babylonian Prayer: 

A study in Babylonian and Assyrian Archaeology ?> and 

written by Dr. S. Langdon, Professor of Assyreology at Oxford. 

When I was reading Dr. Langdon's paper, I happened to 

stay at Khandala, in the beautiful bungalow on the Elphinstone 

point belonging to Mr. Rustamjee B m yramjee Jejeebhoy, in the 

compound of which there is a monolith, which has on its 

four sides a number of partly defaced and destroyed figures 

with different gestures and postures of hands. 1 Among 

these gestures, some hand postures suggest that some 

i The Bombay Gazetteer of Poona thus speaks of the monolith : " Near the 
west wall of the garden of Mr. Bairamji's houaeis a I illar about a foot square and four 
feet high covered with rich much worn carving. Among the figures are more than 
one small seated images. The pillar is said to have been brought from near the 
reverting station by a Mr. Adam, who was employed in making the Railway " 
'Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. XVIII, Part III, Poona, page 237, n. 1.) 

My information gathered from Mr. Pestonji Nusservanji Wadia, who, as the Private 
Secretary of the late first Mr. Byramjee Jejeebhoy, had been off and on visiting the bunga- 
low since about 1870, was, that the monolith belonged to a temple on the fort on the hill 
Of llfij-Mfichl, which one sees from the Kail way train during a great part of the Bore 
ilhaut ascent from Karjat to Khandala, and which is situated at the distance of about 
in miles from Khandala. Some curiosity to know whether the monolith belonged to 
that temple led me to visit the fort and the temple on 30th May of this year. The fort 
has a fatiguing ascent and the temple the temple of Bhairav is a ruin. At present, it 
is more a dilapidated hut thau a pucca structure. From what I observed there, I am in- 
clined to think, that the Bombay Gazetteer's statement, that the monolith was brought 
nt the Bungalow from a site at the He versing Station, is not correct, and that it it likely, 
that it belonged to the temple at Ra j-m&chi. 1 got excavated from the rubbish round 
the temple hut, the ruin of another monolith, which, however had some figures on only 
one side, similar to those on the monolith at Khandala. This much is certain, that 
the monolith must have belonged to a temple or a place of worship of some structural 
i mportance. But we do not find near the Reversing Station any ruins of a temple 
to which the monolith may have belonged. 

The monolith Is said to have been brought to the bungalow by Mr. S. Adamson, a 
Contractor who built the Bore Ghaut Railway. He had built the bungalow for his resi- 
dence for several years during which the Ghaut was built. I found his name in small 
letters on three pieces of the furniture of the bungalow which passed from his hands 
through one or two purchasers to the hands of the late Mr. Byramjee. The name 
" Adam ", as given by the Gazetteer, is evidently a mistake for Adamson. 

I beg to draw the attention of our Archaeological Department to the monolith for 
study. A paper by some Hindu scholar on all the prayer-gestures, whether of hands or 
otherwise, will be very welcome to students of Prayer-attitudes. 



PRAYER-GESTURES. 171 

of the figures are of persons who are praying. Two 
figures present a pose of the hands placed on the lap, 
which we see in many figures of Budha and Indian deities. 
I am sorry, 1 have not been able to produce a cast of these 
figures, but I produce for inspection a very rough sketch of 
them taken by an unskilled hand. The gestures of the figures 
on this monolith led me to think further on the subject of Dr. 
Langdon's paper and to study the question of prayer-gestures 
of the ancient Iranians and "modern Parsees. 

While speaking of gestures referred to in the Bible, Mr. W; 
Ewing 1 says, that " The Oriental is a natural expert in appro- 
priate and expressive gesture. To his impulsive and iminotionai 
temperament, attitude and action form a more apt vehicle for 

thought and feeling than even speech Conversation is, 

accompanied by a sort of running commentary of gestures. " 
The object of this paper is to treat the question of gestures 
among the ancient Iranians, not all gestures but only those 
which present some parellelism with those referred to by Dr. 
Langdon as prevailing in Sumeria, Assyria or Babylonia. 

Dr. Langdon says " Religious worship is abundantly illustrated 
in many of its most important aspects by scenes engraved 
on Sumerian, Babylonian, and Assyrian seal cylinders. 
Chionologically, the seals of this region illustrate nearly 
very period of the long history of these peoples and the 
changing rituals and beliefs of their religion. A very large 
proportion of the seals represent the owner of the seal 

approaching a deity in the attitude of prayer The 

engravers of cylinders in all periods probably kept in stock seals 
engraved with the scene of the private prayer as the custom 
imposed in their periods. The human who is figured standing 
betore a god, or in Assyria more frequently before a divine 
symbol, is not a portrait of the owner of the seal. The owner 
regards himself rather as represented and symbolized by the 
conventional figure. In those cases in which the engraver 
produced a seal cylinder at the command of a Sumerian or Baby- 
lonian, perhaps, we may regard the praying figure as an approxi- 
mate portrait. " 2 Dr. Langdon then refers to " the various 
attitudes of the worshipper's hands in the different periods," 
and compares " these attitudes with those which characterise the 
worship of adjacent peoples." 3 Among the adjacent peoples, 
Dr. Langdon does not rei'er to the ancient Iranians who were 
Zoroastnans by faith. This is, perhaps, because, .what can be 
called authentic history shows that the ancient Iranians at the 

1 Dictionary of the Bible by Rev. Hastings. 

2 J. R. A. S. October 1010, p. 531. * Ibid p. 533; 



172 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

time of their highest glory were the successors of the Babylon- 
iansand Assyrians and not their contemporaries. Sir W. Jones, 
though he identified the earlier Iranians of the Peshdadian 
dynasty with the Assyrians, thought, " that the annals of the 
Peshdad or Assyrian race may be considered dark and fabulous ; 
those of the Kaiani family as heroic and poetical ; and those of 
the Sassanian kings as historical." However, we know from some 
authentic sources, that the ancient Iranians had, in the early 
career of their history, come into contact with the Babylonians 
and Assyrians 

The very name Ba bylon can be traced to the Avesta. Babylon, 



Baby ion, the istheBawrii j*>| of the Avesta (Yt. V., 
Bawri of the Aves- _ J x ' 

ta. Its founder 09 ), Babyrus of the Cuneiform inscriptions 
Basvar(a*p). ( Behistin Inscription I, 6) and Babil Jbk 

of the Persian writers. Philologically, the ancient Iranian 
name Bawri, can easily become at first Babyl and then 
Babylon. The letter * w ' of Bawri can easily change place with 
" b," both letters being of the same Sthdna. So, Avesta Bawri, 
would become Babri. Then * r ' can easily be read ' 1.' So 
Babri would become Babli, which then became Babil. The last 
part ' on " is a later Greek addition, as we find in the case of 
Macedon, Chalcedon, etc. 

I think that the city has taken its name from its original 
founder. Who was the founder ? The Avesta connects 
Bawri with one Azi-Dahaka, who is said to have offered at 
Bawri a great sacrifice of 100 horses, 1,000 oxen and 10,000 
lambs or goats. This name Azi Dahaka was latterly contract- 
ed into Dahaka, the first part Azi being dropped. We 
have several such cases of parts of an old name being dropped ; 
for example, in the Avesta name Takhma-urupa, the latter part 
' urwpa ' is dropped in the Farvardin Yasht, and we find ths name 
simply s& Takhma, a form whi^h has latterly given us the later 
Iranian name Tahma-tan (another name of Rustam) and Tehe- 
min& (the name of the wife of Bustam). In the same way, we 
find that the Avesta name Yima Khshaeta, which has given us 
the later name Jamshed, has been contracted into Yima (Jam in 
the Afrin i Hept AmesMspand). Here, in the Case of the name 
Azi-Dahaka, it is the first part, Azi, that is dropped and the- 
name was contracted into Dahak, which soon became, without 
any philological difficulty, Zoh&k, a name with which Sir Walter 
Scott has familiarized his readers of the novel of Talisman. 

Now, the extent Avesta connects this Azi Dahaka or Zohak 
with Bawri in the matter of a sacrifice and says nothing 



PRAYEB-GESTUBES. 173 



more, but the Pahlavi Bundehesh 1 says, that this Azi 
Dahaka or Zohak built a palace in Babylon which was 
known as Kulang Dushit, which is the Kvirinta Duzhita of 
the Avesta ( Yt XV 19 ), Kulen Dis of Hamza Isphahani, 
Gang-i Diz hukht of Firdousi 2 ( Mohl I p. 96). These 
references show that Bawri or Babylon, was not only the 
seat of Zohak's great sacrifice but was also founded by him. 
Ma9oudi attributes the foundation of Babylon to Nimrod. 3 
But, as pointed out by Malcolm, oriental writers identify this 
Nimrod with Zohak. Ebn Haukal 4 and Edrisi 5 also attribute 
the foundation of Babylon to Zohak. 

The Pahlavi Shatroiha i Airan says, that Bawri was founded 
in the reign of Jamshed. "He (the founder of the city) fixed 
there (the direction of) the planet mercury. By the situation 
of the city or its building, he pointed out magically the 7 planets, 
the 12 constellations and signs of the Zodiac and the eight parts 
<(of the heavens) towards the sun and other planets." Now 
Zohak lived in the time of Jamshid. In fact, Jamshid, the 
Iranian was overthrown by Zohak the Babylonian. So, this 
statement of this Pahlavi treatise also indirectly supports the 
fact that Zohak was the founder of Babylon. 

The above statement of this book that Zohak founded the 
city on some astronomical principles, or to speak generally, 
attending to some principles of orientation, is supported by 
Ma9oudi, who connects with Nimrod (who is identified by some 
with Zohak) the cult of fire and stars. 6 Now, the Burdehesh 7 
and the Shah-nameh 8 say, that this Azi-Dahaka or Zohak 
was known as Baevar-asp. The Pazend Afrin-i Haft Amsh- 
aspand (s.S) also points to this identification. Zohak was called 
Baevar-asp, because he was the possessor of 10,000 (baevar) 
horses (asp). I think then, that the city Bawri, the original form 
of the later name Babil (Babylon), derived its name from its 
founder Baevar-asp, which was another name of Azi Dahaka 
or Zohak. The second part of the name " asp *' was dropped, 
AS it often happens and as seen above in the case of other 
proper names. I have gone rather deep into this subject in order 
to show, on the authority of old Parsee books and of the 
works of Arab authors, that the ancient Iranians had come 
into contact with the Babylonians under Zohak. I must admit, 

i Darmesteter. Le Zend Avesta II p. 584. fitudes Iraniennes II pp. 210-218. Vide 
the Photo-zlnco Text published by the Parsee Punchayat and edited by Mr. Behram- 
ore Tehemuras Ankleiarla. 

* Vide my Dictionary of Avestaic Proper names p. 68. 

Magoudi, par Barbier de Meynard. I p. 78. * Ousley's Oriental Geography p. 70 

& Edrisi par Jaubert II pp. 160-61. 6 tfagoudi par B-de Meynard I. p. 82. 

1 Chap. XXIX, 9 S. B. E Vol. V. p. 119. 8 Mohl I p 57. 



174 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

that herein we go to, what are known as, pre-historic times, 
but, anyhow, we find that there was some connection. So, 
if you once expect some such connection, one may expect to- 
find, at least some parallels between the prayer gestures and 
attitudes of the Iranians and those of the Babylonians and 
Assyrians. I propose dealing in this Paper with some of these 
prayer gestures and attitudes. In fact, my paper may be 
taken as one continuing the study of the prayer gestures and 
attitudes of the Babylonians and Assyrians to times subsequent 
to the periods to which Dr. Langdon refers. In the ordinary 
course, I would have preferred to read this Paper before 
my Anthropological Society of Bombay, but, as Dr. Langdon's 
Paper is published in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic 
Society, I beg to submit mine before the Bombay Branch 
of the Society. 

Let us first of all examine some poses of hand referred to in 

, , the Avesta. The Avesta word for hand 

Some hand- 
poses of the Avesta. is Zasta -wcotfC (Pahl-hasta. Sans. 



Pers. dast ( CM.J ) Ger. hand). The Avesta has 
generally two words, one for good persons and another 
for bad persons. Thus, Zasta is the hand of good per- 

sons andgava ( -UA>Q Gr. guivri) for that of bad persons.* 
The prayer-pose of the hands is ustana-zasta -UJAW^U> 
i.e., stretched fourth or uplifted 2 (from us or uz 



JB> (> Pahl. ,5pj Pers. j sans, ^f, Ger.aus. Lat. ex. out). We 

find frequent references to hands, holding offerings in prayers. 
For example, aesmozasta, i.e., holding the fire-wood in the hand* 
(Yacna, LXII 1 ), gao-zasta, i.e., holding some cow-productions 



1 For similar instances, we have padha (Sans. ^Tf , Per - P fie 4/^7 Lat * peds- 
pw. FT. pied. Ger. fuss. Eng. foot) for the foot of good men and zbaretha f *&$}( \ 

and dvarethra ( *^kJ ) for that of *ad men. Vagdhana ( -l-tfytH^ f 

for the head of good men and kam6r6dha ( 4 "^'K JI $ ) for that of bad men. 

2 The holding up of the hands was a prayer geiture of the Hebrews also : " Whe 
Moses held up his hand Israel prevailed " (Exodi* XVII, 11). 

The three Magis or the Wisemen of the Bast are said to have carried incense- 
(labannm U*il1) in their hands as an offering to the infant Jesus. 



PRAYER-GESTURES. 175 

like milk in the hand ; baresmo zasta, i.e., holding the twigs of 
the sacred barsam in the hand ;havano-zasta,*.e., holding in the 
hand the hdvantm or the mortar for pounding the Haoma ; 
gaomata-zasta, i.e., holding a bovine production in the hand. 
As the hand played an important part in prayer- gestures, a con- 



tract made by a pressing of hands ( -p-m< -^**$ -*C ) 



was held to be very sacred. l Hand, being an useful organ of 
the body and being used in prayer-gestures, a valuable contract 
was spoken of as zasta maso, i.e., of the value of the hand. 

Dr. Langdon first refers to the attitude of the worshipper's 
hands in the early period of Sumerian glypti- 
que, commonly known as pre-Sargonic, which 
period had the so-called processional scenes 
on the seals. So, let us see at first, what have the Iranian materials, 
the writings, sculptures, etc., to say on the subject of processions. 
I think, we find the germ of such processional scenes in the 
Avesta. In the Vendidad (Chap. II, 21), Ahura Mazda himself 
is represented as proceeding to the vara, or colony- the Airyana 
Vaeja, the Iran Vej, the cradle of theAryas newly founded by 
Yima (Jamshed), with his Yazatas or angels in some thing like 
a procession. Yima also, in return, proceeds to meet Ahura 
Mazda in the same way. In the processional entry of Ahura 
Mazda in Iran a number of invisible Yazatas or angels who 
can only be conceived in mind (mainyaoiby6 yazataeibyd) 
accompanied him, Ahura Mazda proceeded with them, as if it 
were, to inaugurate a house-warming or rather a city- warming 
ceremony. Yima proceeded to welcome Ahura Mazda and his 
host of Yazatas, in the company of the best men (vahishtaeibyd 
mashyakaeibyo) of Iran. The Avestaic word Hanjaman (Pers. 
Anjuman) used in this connection is the same as Sanskrit sangama 
used for the groups, in which, in India, pilgrims march in 
processional order when visiting known places of pilgrimage. 

Coming to Iranian sculptures, we have no parallels of pro- 
cessions going to seated deities, but we have those of proces- 
sions going to seated kings. For example, we have two such 
processional scenes in the ruins of the City of Sapur (Kiash's 
Ancient Persian Sculptures, Plates 4 and 6). Mr. Kiash thinks, 
that the first is that of Behram II and the second that of Khusro 
Parvez (Chosroes II). Some writers think the second to be 
that of Shapur I. Coming to modern times, we find that the 
idea of a religious procession still survives. 

i Cf. Genesis XIV, 22, wherein a holy vow was taken by holding the hand unto 
the Lord. 



176 ASIATIC PAPBBS. 

(a) We see it in the initiation ceremony of N&var, wherein 
the initiate or candidate for priesthood is conducted to a 
temple by the head priest accompanied by other priests and 
laymen and even ladies. 

(b) Again upto a few years ago, at Naosari, on the occasions 
of the Gahambars (season festivals), a procession headed by the 
head priest (Dastur) and other elders (Desais) went on a pre- 
vious day to the place where the communal feast was to take 
place the next day. There, the head priest and the elders with 
their own hands threw in a cooking pot a few spices ( ^VR ) 
etc., to be cooked for the meal for the next day. They placed 
sandle wood and frank incense on the fire preparing the food 
and said the prayer of Tan-darusti (Benediction) invoking 
God's blessings on the whole community. 

(c) Marriage processions, though dying out generally in a 
great crowded city like Bombay, where the parents of the bride- 
grooms and brides have not sufficient accommodation at their 
own places for the marriage ritual and its preliminaries, social 
and religious, and where, consequently there are common gather- 
ing places like rhe Allbless Baug, the Cama Baug, etc., do not 
still seem to have lost their preliminary signification. The 
principle marriage procession in early days was that in which 
the bridegroom, went to the house of the bride to be married 
and to fetch the bride to her new home. Nowadays, though 
both the parents of the bride and the bridegroom meet in a 
common communal place, there generally still remains the 
travesty or the show of the bridegroom going out in the com- 
pany of the officiating priests and the ladies of his family, from 
one gate of the gathering-place and returning by the other. 

(d) The next instance of a religious procession still extant, 
is that of the funeral procession, wherein the mourners, headed 
by priests, at least by two priests, follow the bier in pairs of 
two, reciting a piayer. The presence of priests in all these 
processions still preserves the religious character of the 
processions. 

As in the Babylonian Archaeology, so, in the Iranian Archaeo- 
logy, there arises the question, as to who 
The praying the praying figures are. Whom do the 

b&n n and e ]^ P ra y in S *&** on the Babylonian seals 
nian Archaeology. represent ? Whom do the praying figures 
in the Iranian sculptures represent ? As 
to Babylonia, Dr. Langdon says : " The praying figures 
on seals actually represent the owners. Of that we can no longer 
doubt. Sumerians, Babylonians, and Assyrians carried about 
on their seals representatives of themselves as they said their 



PRAYER-GESTURES. 11T 

prayers before one of the great gods. These were supported 
from the neck by a stout cord which passed through an aperture 
at the axis of the cylinder 1 " We have a parallel of this 
in some Iranian sculptures, which determine, that the praying 
figures represent the owners. For example, take the sculpture 
of the Naksh-i Darius in the sculptuies on the mountain of 
Besitoun or Behistoun. There, we see on the top a winged 
flying figure in the air, holding forth the hand for prayer. The 
sculpture bears the well-known inscription which bears the^ 
name of Darius, thus showing that the praying figure is that of 
King Darius himself (vide for the sculpture, Kavasji Dinwha 
Kiash's Ancient Persian Sculpture, p. 185, Plate 55). 

From the fact, that the sculpture bears the owner's name (the 
name of Darius), we can safely infer, that similar portraits of 
winged flying figures in other parts of Persia are the portraits of 
the kings or noble men who engraved them. We have a similar 
figure atPersipolis orTakht-i Jamshed (Kiash's Plates 26 & 27). 
In one portrait (PI. 26), the king while saying his prayer before 
the fire in two vases, bears in his hand the royal mace (the vazra 
of the Avesta). In another (PL 27), the winged figure of the 
King, or to speak more properly the winged figure of the Fravashi 
or Farohar, the guiding spirit of the King, bears in his left hand 
a circle (Avesta chakhra), the symbol of righteous authority. 
The most notable instance of this, is that of a human winged 
figure with a peculiar horned crown, at Pasargadse or Pasargard* 
The figure bears at the top an inscription which gives the name 
of Cyrus (Plate 53 of Kiash). 

We find that the use of hands to express some emotions in 
prayers is referred to in the Avesta. That use 
The use of Hands presented different attitudes, (a) The Vendi- 
in Prayers. dad (Chap. V, 59) refers to " the stretching 

of hands in prayers " (zasto frene nizbarat). 
A woman in the state of menses (dakhshtavanti), and 
a person who has a cut or a wound in his body from which 
there is a discharge of blood or filthy matter, are not con- 
sidered to be in a proper condition necessary for worship. 
Perhaps, the worship referred to is not private or individual 
worship or prayer but common or joint worship. Their reverting,, 
after recovery, to a proper clean state is spoken of as " stretching 
their hands in prayers ". (b) The Ahunavaiti Gatha (Yasna 
XXVIII, 1) refers to the prayer gesture of stretching out 
hands. The worshipper says : Ahya yasa nemangha ustanazastd 
rafedhrahya manyeush Mazdao paourvim spentahya asha 
vispeng shkyaothna vangheush khratum manangho ya khshn- 

(1) J, R. A. S. of 119, pp. 532-33. 

12 



178 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

visha geushcha urvanem, i.e., I pray rapturously with all 
humility with uplifted 1 hands primarily for all righteous acts 

: from the invisible bountiful Mazda and for wisdom resulting 
from good mind, so that, thereby, I may please the (very) soul of 
the universe, (c) In the Farvardin Yasht (Yt. XIII 50, 57), 
where prayers for the Fravashis or Farohars of the dear departed 
ones are referred to, they are spoken of as with " hands holding 
food and clothes " for the poor (gaomata Zasta vastravata 
usha-nasa nemangha). (d) In Gatha Ushtavaiti (Yasna XLIII, 4), 
Ahura Mazda is represented as bestowing blessings both upon 

the sinful and the righteous with hands. (Zasta hafshi 

^ ashish). 

In the Babylonian seals, where the various prayer attitudes 

are represented, we see the winged form 

The Winged genii o f the genii. Among the Iranians, the 

IdtheSedS p^ashis or Farohars are represented as 

Shars of the Iranians. flvm g- 

The Avesta refers to the winged form of the genii. It is said 
in the Farvardin Yasht ( Yt. XIII 69-70 ), that the Fravashis, 
(the spiritual proto-types) of the righteous, fly to the help of 
those who invoke them in the form of winged birds or winged 
bird-like men. We read there : 

Aat yat bavaiti avi-spashto sasta dangheush hamo-khshathro 
aurvathaeibyo paro tbishyanbyo, tao hasjchit upa-zbayeiti 

. . . .avanghe tao dim avinifravaynti, manayen ahe yatha 

na mereg6 hupereno, i.e., When the well-ruling King of a 
country is taken unawares (i.e., is surprised) by a harmful enemy, 
then he invokes to his aid the powerful Fravashis of the righteous 

They (The Fravashis) fly towards him (for help) like 

{i.e., in the form of) well- winged man -like 2 birds. 

The various At- Now, we come to the various attitudes 
titudes of the Wor- o f the worshipper's hands, Dr. Langdon 
shipper'* Hands. refers to the following : 

(1) The owner of the seal "conducted into the presence 
of a great seated deity by his own personal god, who leads his 
r protege by the hand. 

(2) The right hand extended and the forearm raised 
parallel with the face, palm inward. 

(3) Both hands folded at the waist. 

i or out stretched, from us-tan (Sans. ?T5-<TT I*t. tenders, Fr. tiendrc, Pers. 
- tanudan) to stretch out. * 

a Dr. Oeldner thinks this word unnecessary! hut here the .reference seems to he to 
rforms half human and half bird-like. 



PRAYEB-GBSTtJRES. 178 

(4) The palm not turned inward but facing the left. " The 
hand is thus brought into such position that the narrow surface 
on the side of the little finger is turned towards the deity." 

Now let us see what the Iranian materials have to say about 
these attitudes. 

In the Babylonian and Assyrian seals, 
1. The attitude the gods are represented as leading their 
of being led by the proteges by their hands before " a great 
hand. seated deity ". (a) Iranian writings, (6) sculp- 

tures and (c) ritual refer to this attitude. 

(a) We learn from the Pahlavi Ardai Viraf -nameh, that, when 
Ardai Viraf, the ancient Iranian Dante, was led in a vision to the 
other world to see Heaven and Hell, he was led by the hand by 
the Yazatas or angels, Atar and Sraosha. We read Viraf saying 
" the two angels caught hold of my hands " (zak-i li yadman 
faraz vakhdunl, Chap. IV, 6 ;* V, 6 ; XI, 2, 13 ; XVI, 1). He was 
similarly led before Ahuramazda, the Supreme Deity and his 
Ameshaspands or archangels. (Ch. CI 1, 2.) 

(6) We see the same attitude in some of the Iranian sculptures 
ivhich refer to times much anterior to that when the above Pahla- 
vi work was written. We see this in the sculptures at Persepolis 
(vide travels of Sir Robert Ker Porter in Georgia, Persia, Vol. I, 
pp. 604, 608 (six groups), 612 (five groups, Plates 37, 43); vide 
Mr. Kavasji Dinshawji Kiash's Ancient Persian Sculptures, Plates 
XI, XIII, XV, XVII, XVIIH). Here a well-dressed person, 
armed with a mace and a dagger, holds by his left hand the right 
hand of another simple unarmed man and leads him. The second 
man is followed by several others, who carry in both their hands 
big bowls or cups containing, perhaps, various articles of presents 
or offerings. The second person is led either before a King to 
make presents as humble homage, or to a place of worship with 
offerings. The first person may be a courtier, and he may be 
leading, by the hand, citizens who came to pay their homage to 
the sovereign. But the mace and the sword do not preclude 
the possibility of his being a priest, because the Iranian priests 
also carried weapons, intended to be symbolic of spiritual weapons 
Tnth which they were to strike and destroy the Daevas or evil 
powers and influences. Even now, in the ceremonial proces- 
sion of the Navar, the initiate or the candidate for priesthood 
carries with him a gurz (Avesta vareza, i.e., a mace), which he 
keeps underneath his bed for three nights, and in the Yazash- 
'nagah when he performs the liturgical services for four days. 
jEer Porter argues, that "the design of the artist is not to display 

1 The Text of Dr. Hoehangji, p. ie, etc. 



180 AMATIC PAPERS. 

a religious procession." 1 But one cannot definitely say that 
it is not a religious procession. His own long quotation 2 from. 
Zenophon about Cyrus's procession with sacred bulls and horses, 
etc., points to a probability that the procession may perhaps 
be religious. 

(c) Again, in the modern Parsee ritual, we see something of one 
person conducting another. In the very ceremony of Navar, 
above referred to, the initiate or the candidate is held by the 
hand by the priest who initiates him and is presented before* 
the senior priest and the priestly assembly, from whom a forma! 
permission is asked to initiate the candidate into priesthood. 
Again, in the celebration of the Yacna, on two occasions, one 
of the celebrants leads the other by the hand. 

In the Persepolis sculptures, where we see the attitude of one- 

Two peculiar!- Person leading the other by the hand, we- 

ties of the Iranian see two other peculiarities which seem to 

Sculptures in this have escaped attention. In one of the sculp- 

matter. tureg ^^ Rer p orfcep . g p] ate 37 . ^ e 

also Plate on page 708), we see a person holding the skirt of 
another person who precedes him. We see this in both 
the groups of the above plate. Again, in some cases, we- 
see one person placing his hand on the shoulder of another 
person preceding him (Ibid). What do these attitudes signify ? 
What are they intended for 1 In the recital by an assembly, of the 
Atash Nyaish, i.e., the prayer in honour of the angel presiding 
over fire, we, at times, find the combination of all the varieties, 
above referred to, of holding the hand, etc. We see persons 
(a) holding others by the hand, (b) placing their hands on the 
shoulders of another and (c) holding others by the fringes of 
their drf-ss. I will describe the process here at some length. 

(a) When a Parsee recites his Atash nydish, during the 
recitals of some parts of the prayer, the worshipper holds a ladle 
over the fire-vase, so as to touch it. If he is saying the nydiah 
before the sacred fire of a Fire-temple, as he cannot go into the 
fire-chamber, wherein priests only can enter, during the above 
recitals he places his hand upon the door, or a window or the 
wall of the fire-chamber, the object being to establish some con- 
tact with the fire before him. In some fire-temples, some orna- 
mental strings hanging from the ceiling are provided. The wor- 
shippers catch hold of these strings and thus create, during the^ 
above recital, a kind of contact with the sacred fire from a distance. 

1 Vol. I, p. 6:25. t Ibid, p. 017. 



PRAYEK-GESTUKES. 181 

In small or large gatherings or prayer meetings, for example, 
those held on occasions of public prayers (jashans) during the 
last war, or on occasions of joyous celebrations, they produce fire 
in a vase in the midst of the gathering and all say the Atash nyaish 
standing round the fire. A priest holds, by one hand, a ladle 
over the vase during the above referred to recital of the portions 
-of the nyaish and thus establishes, as it were, a contact between 
himself and the fire before which they pray. He gives his other 
hand to the person next to him. Then this second person gives 
his other unoccupied hand to a third person, who in turn gives 
one of his hands to a fourth person, and so on. The gathering 
may be large, say of hundreds and all thus hold each other by 
the hand. Some establish the contact by holding the fringe 
-or skirt of another's upper garment. Some establish the contact 
by placing their hands on the shoulders of others who have 
iormed a contact in one way or another. The principal aim or 
object is to establish a kind of contact with the Fire before whom 
they pray. As all cannot form a direct contact by holding a 
ladle on the fire- vase they form this indirect contact or 
contact through another's contact. 

(b) During the recital of a prayer, recited on the occasions of 
'Gahambars or season festivals, and known as Gahambar nipdvi, 
so called because all the celebrants were expected to sit in a kind 
of circuit enclosed by a pdvi or a marked enclosure, a contact is 
established by all the celebrants either spreading the skirts of 
their upper ceremonial garment (jameh) so as to touch one another 
or by placing their handkerchiefs between two persons when 
they do not sit close enough to touch one another. 

(c) In the recital of the Rapithavin Yacna, during a particular 
part of the ritual, the two celebrants; the Zoti and the Itdthwi, 
establish a contact among themselves by holding the skirt of 
the Sudreh (sacred shirt-) of the other who precedes him. 

(d) In a Parsee funeral procession, one sees, even at present, 
the priests and other mourners going in the procession in pairs 
holding a handkerchief between them. 

From all these considerations, I think, that in some cases, 
the idea of the attitude of holding another by the hand may be, 
that of leading him, and in others where the holding of skirts of 
each others clothes and the placing of one's hand upon the shoul- 
der of another are variants that of establishing a contact. The 
creation of the contact was ultimately meant to express co-opera- 
tion and sympathy in the particular work. 



182 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

Dr. Langdon thus refers to another attitude of the hand in the 
Babylonian worship : " On Fig. 2, an attendant 

2. The attitude of brings the animal sacrifice ; the reader will ob- 
the right hand ex- gerve that this attendant approaches with the 
towm raTsed *- ri ht ann exte nded and the forearm raised 
rallel to the face parallel with the face palm-inward. Observe 
palm inward. also that the conducting deities approach 

with disengaged arm, raised in a similar 
manner palms inward: On seal Fig. 7 three deities approach 
the seated grain goddess. The central figure (a goddess) of these 
three has the most ancient attitude of prayer for humans, the 
raised hand palm inward and the disengaged arm folded at the 
waist. These are all archaic types extending back to a period 
as early as 3,500 B.C. From them we conclude that man, when 
not conducted by a deity, stood in the position of prayer described 
above. This is apparently the original prayer attitude of 
prehistoric man in Sumer." 

Now, let us see, what have the Iranian materials to say on 
the subject of this attitude. Herein, we have two attitudes 
combined into one. (a) Extended or outstretched hand and 
(b) the forearm or the disengaged arm raised parallel with the 
face palm inward. 

Among the Assyrians, the phrase " lifting of the hand " for 
prayers was purely technical and borrowed, 

(a) The extended along with the prayers, from the Babylonians. 1 
or outstretched In the later Neo-Babylonian and. Persian 
hands - periods, there prevailed "the open hand 

position." During that period, the term 
for " to pray " was' " to open the hands " and not " to 
raise the hands. 2 " But, it seems, we cannot say posi- 
tively, because the instances are not many that according ta 
the Avesta " stretching the hands " was the technical phrase 
of the Iranians. In practice, the stretching and opening seemed 
to mean the same thing. The Iranian sculptures seem to support 
this posture. There are cases of hands " opened " as well as 
"stretched or raised or uplifted." In the celebration of the 
liturgical ceremony of the Ya9na, just a little before the 
commencement of the recital of the Ya9na proper, commencing 
with the first chapter (nivaSdhaeyemi hankaray&ni), the two 
celebrants join their two hands in an outstretched position 
and recite the prayer of " Frastuyfc humatoibyascha ", which 
prayer is spoken of by some as the Patet, i.e., the Penitence 
prayer of the Avesta. Not only do they join their two hands 
.into an outstretched position but also their feet. To join the/ 

1 J. B. A. S.j Oct. 1920., p. 539 k 2 Ibid, p. 541. - ' < 



PRAYER-GESTURES. 18$ 

feet they place the toe of the right foot over the toe of the 
left. The ritual is thus described in Gujarati in modern books 
of the ritual " 4< <wtc{lctm ^IMql ift <x*\i iM <*ll^iciHi w^ii 
M'ftl^fcl M<HlM'Hi *M^U>1 SlM* ^4Moft MVld \Z. i.e., Both 
the Zaoti and the Rathvi shall join their hands and put the 
toe of the right foot over the toe of the left, and then pray. 
The object of joining the two hands and joining the two feet 
is to indicate sincere devotion. *M$ M^l ^l*fl <MV*n b^cft 
*.., "to pray God with (i.e., standing on) one foot," is the phrase 
for saying a prayer with all devotion. One cannot join his two 
feet in a standing position as he would join his two hands. 
So, the next best way is to place the toe of one foot over the toe 
of another. 

We see a parallel of the Balylonian attitude in the Iranian 
sculptures of Persipolis and elsewhere. (Vide Plates XXVII 
and XXXVI of Kiash's Ancient Persian Sculptures.) There, 
in one case, we find the winged flying figure of a king holding 
a disc (Avesta chakhra) in his left hand and his right hand 
extended but palm outward. In another case, the left hand 
carries, what seems to be, a bundle of baraam twigs. This 
attitude of the hand signifies blessing. Iranian winged figures 
are associated with fravashis or farohars, which are the 
guiding spirits of persons. These fravashis are represented 
as blessing the people of the house where they are invoked 
(khshntitao afrinentu ahmya mn&ne. Farvardin Yasht. Yt. 
XIII, 157). 

The show of hands in favour of propositions in the modern 
rules and regulations for the proceedings of public meetings 
seems to be a form of this attitude of hands for blessings. Those 
who raise their hands in favour of a proposition raise them, as 
it were, to bless the proposition. The Masonic ritual seems 
to have preserved this attitude well, because in that craft, 
the show of hands in favour of propositions is not like that 
at ordinary meetings but in the attitude of blessing, the right 
hand extended palm downward. 

Now, as to the second component of the above attitude, viz.> 
the raising of the forearm parallel with 

(b) The forearm the face palm inward, which according to 
raised parallel with DJ. Langdon is " the most ancient attitude 
the face palm inward. rf prayer for humans," I think, we find 
a parallel of this attitude in what is observed, even now, by 
the Zoroastrian clergy during the recital of the Patet (the 
prayer for penitence). In practice, the attitude is not observed 
exactly by all alike, i.e., the arm is not kept parallel to the 



184 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

iace by all ; but some elders of the priestly assembly, in the midst 
-of deep devotion observe it strictly. 

It is this Babylonian attitude, and it is Dr. Langdon's descrip- 
tion and explanation of it, ,that have much interested me 
nd has led me specially to the study of the subject of this paper 
from an Iranian point of view. Among Zoioastrian religious 
prayers, there is one, which is called the Patet, i.e., prayer of 
penitence (Av. paitita from Av. paiti ; Sans, prati ^tfci, Lat. 
re, back, and Av. i Sans, i vf Lat. i-re to go ; a prayer whereby the 
worshipper goes back to the proper path). While reciting that 
prayer of penitence, Parsees hold up before, or parallel to, their 
face their left hand. The prayer takes about 15 minutes to 
recite and the left hand is, during all this time, Held up before 
.the face. I confess, that it is after the perusal of Dr. Langdon's 
paper, that I understood the proper signification of this attitude 
of the Parsee worshippers' hands. According to Dr. Langdon, 
in some Babylonian seals, the posture of the attitude of hands 
varies. In some cases, it is associated with " penitential prayers." 
So, I think, that the attitude observed in the Zoroastrian or 
Parsee Patet or penitential prayer is a relic of the old attitude, 
wherein the worshipper raised his disengaged arm parallel to his 
face. In practice, as said above, the attitude is not observed 
exactly by all alike, i.e., the arm is not kept parallel to the face 
by all, but the elders in the priestly assembly observe the 
attitude strictly and correctly. 

There is one peculiarity in the modem Parsee custom, still 
observed, which shows that the forearm must be strictly 
parallel to the face, so that the palm-inward portion of the arm 
may be just before the mouth. That peculiarity consists in 
covering the palm-end portion of the hand with a piece of cloth. 
A handkerchief, or a sleeve of the upper garment, or the shawl 
in the case if the worshipper is a head priest or Dastur, serves 
the purpose. In the Babylonian and Assyrian prayer gestures 
of this kind, we do not see it. Then, what is the object of this 
covering among the Parsees ? According to the Zoroastrian 
health-laws, the saliva of the mouth being unclean, if the hand 
has touched the saliva of the mouth, it must be washed. 
Now, when the worshipper holds, during the recital of the 
prayer, his left forearm palm inwards parallel to his face, 
which position places it just opposite to the mouth, there is 
a chance of some particles of the saliva falling on the palm 
and thus polluting it. I think that, it is to protect the palm from 
this pollution, that it is covered with some kind of cloth. This 
practice of holding some kind of cloth on the inward part of 
the palm, held parallel to the face and before the mouth, is spoken 



PRAYER-GESTURES . 1 8$ 



of now, in the modern ritual phraseology, as paddn karvun 
{ ^nil b^^) i.e>9 to do the paddn. Padan { J*t3{) ) is a 

later Pahlavi form of the AvaStai paitidana ( 



from paiti front and dd to keep) i.e., that which is kept in 
front of the A face. The paddn was, and is even now, put on by 
the Parsi Athenians (Athravans or Fire-priests) when they go 
before the sacred fire, so that their breath or particles of the 
saliva of their mouth may not pollute the ^fire before them. 
They put it on even when they say their Afringan and Baj 
prayers before the myazd, *.e,the offerings of fruits and flowers, 
or their liturgical prayers of the Ya$na, etc. Some kind of 
cloth-cover for the face was also put on by the Flamines, the 
fire-priests of the ancient Romans. 

When asked, why the hand, covered as said above, was held 
before the face in the Patet or penitence prayers, the explana- 
tion now offered was, that it was another form of the ritual of 
paddn observed before the Fire or before sacred offerings or 
sacred utensils or liturgical apparatus. But, in the recital of 
the Patet, when recited jointly in an assembly or singly, there 
is no fire, or any sacred offering or utensil before the worship- 
pers. So, why was the padan required in that recital ? I 
think, we now learn, as said above, the proper signification, from 
the Babylonian attitude. There must be among the ancient 
Iranians, as among the Babylonians, the custom of holding the 
hand before the face, during the recital of Patets or penitential 
prayers. That custom has come down from their Iranian 
ancestors to the present Parsees with the additional requisite 
of a cloth-cover over the inward portion of the palm to protect 
it from pollution by thl particles of the saliva of the mouth. 
The main point is the raising of the hand, palm inwards, 
parallel to the face. Then the covering of the hand is a second 
subsidiary point that has arisen from the first main point. 

This form or ritual of paddn karvun is observed by Parsee 
priests, in assemblies for the celebration of Jashans, wherein 
Af ringan prayers are recited. The two principle celebrants the 
,Zaoti and the Jltravakhshi put on the actual paddn on their 
faces. But the rest hold their covered hands, palm inwards, 
parallel to their faces and before their mouth. Here there is no 
special recital of the Patet or penitential prayer. So, in this 
-case, the attitude may be taken as an attitude of prayer, whether 
connected or not with penitence. In ceremonial customs and 
attitudes, social or religious, we have, at times, a number of 



186 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

permutations and combinations of the various forms of one and 
the same custom or attitude or of different customs and attitudes* 

It is the left hand which observes the above attitude among 
the Parsees. In many Zoroastrian rituals, at 

The left hand. first, it is the left hand that plays a promi- 
nent part, when an attitude is to be continued 
for some time. The right hand is kept disengaged for various 
other small observances or performances, e.g., to feed the fire. 
The holding of the twigs of a particular kind of tree in the 
ritual of the Yacna was held necessary. These twigs were 
called barsam. The Vendidad (Ch. XIX, 19) enjoins that these 
sacred twigs must be held in the left hand (havdya zasta). 
In one of the sculptures at Persipolis or Takht-i Jamshed, 
the king who prays before a fire vase, holds the royal mace 
(Av. vazra : Pers. Gurz.) in his right hand and a bunch in his- 
left hand. This bunch seems to be a bunch of the barsam 
twigs (vide Plates 25 and 26 in Mr. K. D. Kiash's " Ancient 
Persian Sculptures "). In other sculptures at the same place r 
where the king holds out his right hand in a prayer gesture, there 
also the sacred barsam twigs are held in the left hand (Ibid, 
pi. 36). 

In the Iranian sculptures it is also the left hand which does 
the principal work that has to last long. For example, in 
the case of the winged figures of the praying kings (Plates 36 
and 47 of Kiash), it is the left hand that does the continuous 
work of holding the symbolic disc, or the barsam or the bow, and 
the disengaged right hand that is outstretched, palm sidewise, 
expresses the attitude of prayer. 

Dr. Langdon thinks that " the attitude with hands folded 
at the waist " was assumed by the Baby- 

3. B6th hands Ionian worshipper income formal prayers,, 
folded. an d it denoted " humility, submission, 

contrition." This attitude is referred to 
in the Pahlavi Viraf-nameh, where it seems to be an attitude of 
consent and obedience. When Ardai Viraf was selected from 
among many for a journey to the other world, he stood up 
and folded his hands on his breast (madam val regalman 
ikvimfinat va yadman pavan kash kard. Chap. I, 36-37). 
When he was finally selected for the heavenly journey from 
among the three best, by drawing lots, he, as an expression of 
consent &nd acceptance, folded his hands upon the waist 
(yadman pavan kash vadtind : Chap. II, 21). We see ho figures 
with folded hands in Iranian sculptures. At present, you may 
see priests in prayer assemblies occasionally sitting with folded 
hands, but with no formal purpose. They fold or unfold the- 



PRAYBE-GESTUBBS . 1 87 

hands as they like when the hands are otherwise not engaged 
in particular attitudes of ritual. In modern Parsee phraseology, 
his particular attitude of hands is spoken of as " adab vdlvi," 
t.e., " to fold the adab ", where the word " adab" is Arabic 
adab ( v*' ) meaning "courtesy, politeness." The word has 
nothing to do with hands, though the words intend an attitude 
of folding hands. In assemblies of solemnity, gay or sorrowful, 
like those of funerals or marriage or even in prayer assemblies 
we see persons here and there sitting with folded hands, but 
that attitude is in no way necessarily connected with any 
prayer gesture though it signifies a kind of resignation or 
submission to the will of God. 

According to Dr. Langdon, the above attitude of folded hands, 
latterly gave way " in favour of the kissing-hand (or kiss-throw- 
ing hand) position with one arm folded 

The "Kiss hand" at the waist. This widely adopted attitude 
pose or attitude. of Babylonian religion seems to have been 
introduced by the Semites ofthe first dynasty 
as a simple means of containing the two principle religious poses 
of the Sumerians. They thus continued the ideas of salutation 
and humility." 1 The kiss-hand pose at one time " prevalent 
in Greece and Rome" prevailed in Sumeria from the very 
earliest period. It seems to have come to the Babylonians 
from the Sumerians, as " the second great hand movement 
in religious psychology " and fundamentally conveying "the 
idea of salutation, greeting, adoration." 2 

According to Herodotus, kissing was a form of salutation 
among the Iranians of the Acheemenian times. He says: 
When they meet one another in the streets, one may discover 
by the followig custom, whether those who meet are equals. 
For instead of accosting one another, they kiss on the mouth ; 
if one be little inferior to the other they kiss the cheek ; but 
if he be of a much lower rank, he prostrates himself before the 
other."3 

- But in prayer attitudes, the kissing hand posture does not 
seem to Le possible among the Iranians from the standpoint 
of their view of pollution and sanitation. Whatever comes out 
from the mouth was polluted and unhealthy. The Parsees 
generally, even now, would not drink from the samo cup. The 
officiating priest, holding the Bareshnum ritual, would not 
drink even from the same pot, though the pot may not have 
touched the lip of the previous drinker. If the hand aocidently 

l J . K. A. 8., Oct. 1020, p. 546. 

Ibi'l, p. 544. ' 

a Herodotus Bk. 1, 184. Gary's Translation (1880) p. 61. 



188 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

touched any moist part of the lips, it was required to be 
washed. So, the kissing pose of hand in religious ritual or 
prayers is not observed among the Iranians. 

In a sculpture at Persipolis (Kiash, PL 90) there appears a 
pose of the hand, which one may very plausibly take to be a kiss- 
throwing pose, but I think it is another form of the pose of 
the arm raised parallel to the face palm inward. Had it been 
a kiss-throwing pose, it would have been with the right hand, 
but it is not so. The pose is that of the left hand though the 
right hand is disengaged. 

But a certain pose or attitude of both the hands is prevalent 
among the Parsees from olden times, which comes somewhat 
nearer to this attitude, which seems to be akin to what is 
known as the " Bass of Peace " among the ancient Hebrews 
and the early Christians, and which is still prevalent among 
some Israels. This Hebrew or early Christian Kiss of Peace may 
have come down from the ancient Babylonian attitude of the 
kissing hand. This attitude or pose of both the hands is 
known among the Parsees even now as Hamazor, wherein 
one person lets his two hands pass alternately between the 
two hands of another, and after two passes of that kind, both 
carry the two hands to the head in the form of a salutation. 
The Israels and the early Christians did the same thing, but in 
thte end kissed their hands. For details of the Parsee custom 
I will refer my readers to my Paper entitled " The Kiss of Peace, 
among the Israels and the Hamazor among the Zoroastrians " 
read before the Anthropological Society of Bombay. 1 

Next to the attitude of the extended hand arm raised parallel 
4. The Pointed- to the face, palm inward, it is the pointed 
finger attitude of finger attitude of the hand among the Baby- 
the Hand. lonians referred to by Dr. Langdon that 

has inteiested me greatly from the Iranian or Parsee point of 
view. Dr. Langdon refers to the "extraordinary pointed 
finger attitude of the Assyrians as they worshipped before statues 
and sacred symbols " and says that " it is really the kiss-throw- 
ing hand arrested in the last stage of the act and thrown with 
the index-finger only." 2 I will not enter here into the psycho- 
logy of this attitude and say what it meant among the Babylo- 
nians and Assyrians, but proceed to refer to a similar pose among 
the Iranians, (a) in their sculptures and (6) in their rituals. 

(a) We find this attitude in several Iranian sculptures. In one 
of the sculptures at a place named Naksh-i-Shapur, which is 

1 Journal of tho Anthropological Society of Bombay. Vol. VIII, pp. 84-95. Vide 
my Anthropological Papers, Fart I, pp. 288-04. 
t J. B. A. S. f Oct. 1010. p. 546. 



PRAYER-GESTURES. 1 89 

supposed by Mr. Kiash to depict the surrender of the Roman Em- 
peror Valerian to the Iranian King Shapur I, there are two rows of 
Persian horsemen who all point the index-finger of their right 
hand to their King, while before the King there stand three 
figures, supposed to be Roman courtiers with both hands extended 
and opened palm upwards asking forgiveness for a person in 
fetters before them, supposed to be Valerian (Ki ash's Ancient 
Persian Sculptures, PL 12). In another sculpture of the same 
king (Ibid, PI. 13), supposed to be a triumphal scene, we tee 
similarly, two rows of horsemen, each of 14 troopers pointing 
their right hand index-finger to the Iranian King. In another 
sculpture (Z6w7, PL 39) which seems to be a coronation scene, the 
King, while receiving from the Mobadan Mobad, the archimagus, 
the Iranian archbishop, the royal disc or circlet (charkh) with 
his right hand, holds his left hand closed as in a fist with 
the pointed thumb before his face. This seems to be another 
pose of the pointed finger attitude. It also, like the pointed 
finger, signifies, obedience, consent, acceptance. It seems that 
persons of lower grade, when they wanted to express a posture 
of obedience, respect, agreement, or consent, in the presence of 
their superiors, did so with the index-finger. But persons of 
higher rank generally did so with all the five-fingers folded, as 
if forming a fist with the thumb pointing a little upwards. 

Vide the following plates for one or another of these finger 
or thumb postures expressive of obedience, respect, agreement, 
etc. 

(1) Kiash, PL 41. Shapur I at Naksh-i-Rustam., Index- 

finger by a subordinate standing behind the King. 

(2) Ibid., PL 42. Closed fist with the thumb upwards. 

A Coronation Scene at Naksh-i-Rustam. 

(3) Ibid., PL 43. Index-finger at Naksh-i-Rustam. Behram 

Gore or Behram V. 

(4) Ibid., PL 44. Index-finger 

(6) Coming to the modern rituals we find that the Parsees, in 
the recital of their Afringan prayers, recite a section, which ia 
common to all the Afringans and which is in honour of the 
ruling King of the land. The Zoroastrian priests of Persia,, 
during this recital, hold up their fingers. The Indian Parsee 
priests, instead of holding up their fingers, hold up a flower in 
their hands. Here, the flower seems to serve the purpose of a 
finger. The flower is held up in the right hand, the arm of which 
is, raised up well-nigh parallel to the face. 

Now, what does the holding up of the finger in Iranian 
Archaeology and in the Zoroastrian ritual in Persia, or the 
holding up of the flower as a substitute in t]ie Zoroastrian ritual 



100 ASIATIC PAPEBS. 

in India signify ? It signifies assent, approval, agreement. The 
particular section of the Afringan (lit. the prayer of blessing), 
invokes God's blessing upon the ruler (khshathriya) of the land. 
At this recital, all the priests of the prayer-assembly raise up 
their fingers in Persia and flowers in India, to express their heart- 
felt assent and good-will in the benediction. 

The Tibetans observe the Buddhist religion at present. But 
their old religion is said to be the Bon religion, some elements 
of which they have embodied in their religion. Their old 
Bon religion seems to have come to them from some part of 
Oentral Asia where their ancestors may have had a home com- 
mon with that of the early Iranians. Their custom of the 
disposal of the dead, which resembles that of the modern Parsees 
of India and much more resembles that enjoined in the Vendidad 
from which the modern Parsees of India seem to have diverted 
41 little, points to this very early relation. When at Darjeeling 
in the summer of 1913, I had the pleasure of visiting often three 
Gumpas or monasteries of the Tibetan Lamas there. My 
long talks with the Lamas and my study of the works of great 
writers and travellers of Tibet, like Col. Weddel, Rai Sarat 
handra Bahadur, Mons. L. De Milloue, Mr. Rockhill, Dr. Sven 
Hedin and Mons. Bonvalot, showed me some points of simi- 
larity between some Tibetan and Zoroastrian beliefs and customs. 
As I said then, I understood some parts of my Vendidad better* 
there and then, than at home before. 

Now these Tibetans have a form of salutation and of 
expression of assent or approval which resembles the above 
referred to Zoroastrian form of expressing consent by the raising 
of a finger. This form is that of raising up their thumbs. 
" Pulling the thumb up means approval and satisfaction." 1 
One way of expressing their thanks is that of lifting up the 
thumbs. According to Rockhill, " throughout Tibet, to say a 
thing is very good, they hold up the thumb with the fingers 
closed and say ' Angetumbo re' i.e., it is the thumb ; it is the 
first. Second class is expressed by holding up the index with 
the remark ' ange nyiba r6,' it is the second." Mr. Rockhill 
says of one part of Tibet : " The mode of salutation among the 
people in this section of the country is novel. They bold 
out both hands, palms upper most." This mode of salutation 
is prevalent among the Mongols also. Rockhill says further on : 
" The lower classes here, when saluting superiors, are in 
the habit of bending the knee very low, putting the right hand 
beside the right cheek and the left hand under the elbow of the 
right arm, at the same time sticking out the tongue." In one 

i " Across Tibet, etc.," by Bonvalot, p. 08. 



PRAYER-GESTURES. 191 

part of Tibet) accoiding to Mr. Sarat Chandra, " it is customary 
to greet one another with a kiss, and whoever omits a kiss when 
meeting or parting with an acquaintance is considered rude 
and unmannerly/*' 1 In many of the old age beliefs and 
customs of the Tibetans, who have continued to live in an 
isoJated condition surrounded by lofty mountains, we see a 
good deal which explains some of the early Babylonian and 
Iranian forms of belief and salutation. 

From all these considerations we see that the finger and 
thumb attitude as seen in more than one bas-relief of Iranian 
sculpture was an attitude expressing satisfaction and assent. 

In many a ritual of the Church, in almost all communities, 
there prevails, what we mi* call, a shorten- 

Various attitudes ing process. I have reterred to it in my 
of the hand and p aper on Tibetan rosaries read before the 
^JSSSSSS Anthropological Society of Bombay.* There 
the Iranians. seems to have prevailed the same shorten* 

ing-process in the matter of the attitude 
or pose of hands in prayers. In spite of the shortening 
process, we see prevailing, side by side, all the various 
attitudes from the first primitive longest to the latest shortest. 
From religious gatherings and religious surroundings to social 
gatherings and social surroundings is one step, though the step 
may occasionally be long. So, we see many customs prevalent 
both in Church and Society. From a study of the attitudes 
of the hand, as referred to in Iranian books, sculptures and 
ritual, we may draw the following conclusions : 

1. The outstretched hands raised a little above, somewhat 
parallel to the face, palm upwards, pointing heavenwards, was 
the primitive pose, expressive of imploration of God's help and 
forgiveness. That was also the posture or pose for asking for- 
giveness from another person, whether a prince or peer. In an 
Iranian bas-relief of Darius (Kiash's Plate 55), a fallen person 
lying prostrate on the ground face upward, implores forgiveness 
irom the king by raising both his hands and feet upwards, 
towards the face of the king. 

2. The use of one hand in place of two is the next step. It is 
'the first step in the shortening process. When the left hand 
was occupied in holding a religious symbol like the barsam at 
first, and like the cTutkhra (a wheel, disc or circlet) and bow later 
on, the right hand only was similarly extended. (Vide the 
sculptures of Persipolis, Plate 36 of Kiash; of Behistun, lbid> 
PI. 55.) These may be said to be very early Avestan or AchflB- 
menian poses. 

1 Journey to Lbassa and Central Tibet, p. 137. 

2 Vol. X, pp. 139-56, My " Anthropological Papers ", Part 11, pp. &2-109. 



192 ASIATIC PAPERS. 

In ceremonial gatherings like those of large religious congre- 
gations or court assemblies, when the left hands held some symbols 
of authority, for example the bow in the case of Achsemenian 
kings, the right hand was free for expression of emotions. For 
example, Darius, holding a bow in his left hand, extends his 
right hand towards the state prisoners before him, and, pointing 
his index-finger towards them, tells them some words of 
caution or advice. 

3. The left hand extended and arm raised parallel to the face 
was the next pose derived from the first pose as the result 
of the shortening process. One cannot keep both his hands 
extended as above very long during the recital of a long prayer. 
So, the left hand came to be so extended but not so much as to 
fatigue the worshipper. The right hand was kept disengaged 
for other religious or ordinary purposes, e.g., to feed the sacred 
fire before the worshipper with sandalwood and frank incense 
(adsam bui), or to form a contact with the fire- vase during parti- 
cular recitals, or to extend it to the other worshippers to create 
a sympathetic contact, or to guide others by gestures. When, 
by this shortening process, the left hand gradually came to be 
very close to the mouth, in order to avoid pollution, it had to 
be covered with paddn or a piece of cloth. 

4. Coming to later times, we find the pose of folded hands 
(adab) expressing submission, consent, obedience, etc. For 
example, Ardai Viraf folds his hands on his breast to express 
such an emotion. When you f(?ld your hands, you shut off 
your hands, as it were, from any work; you express helpless- 
ness and surrender, and hence consent, or obedience. <k Fold 
up hands >J was, as it were, the older form of later "Hold 
up hands." 

5. This is the case in the matter of voluntary submission. 
But, in case of compulsory submission, both the hands are 
voluntarily held backwards on the waist at the back or are 
chained in a similar position. ( Vide Kiash's Plate 60, where 
the nine rebel princes are made to stand in that position, with 
a common rope passing through the necks of all.) 

Then, occasionally, instead of both the hands being folded on 
the waist, we find one folded and the other working. 

6. The pointed, finger or thumb pose seems to be a much later 
form. Instead of both the hands or of one hand being used in, 
supplication, there came in the use of one finger. Of course, 
at times, in the shortening- process, there came in also some addi- 
tional signification. In a sculpture at Kermanshah, supposed 
to be a coronation scene, there is a picture, supposed to be that of 
a Zoroastrian, where the person instead of pointing his hands* 



fBAYEB-GESTUBES. 193 

or hand seems to point his wand towards God. In some later 
varieties of that picture, we see the person pointing towards 
Heaven with his finger. 

We find some prayer attitudes of hands in the Sassanian 
coins, (a) We find the attitude of arm 
raised Parallel to the face palm inward in 
some of the ccdns. For example, in the 
coin of Varahran II (Nos. 3 and 5 of Plates IV of Longperier's 
Essai surles MMailles des Rois Perses de la Dynastie Sassanide). 
The worshipper, who is the king himself, stands before the altar 
of the Sacred Fire in that posture, while on the other side of 
the altar stands the fire-priest holding up a chakhra (disc or 
circlet), an emblem of royalty or royal authority, in the attitude 
of placing it on the fire. I think it is actually a chakhra or circlet 
of sandal- wood or some other fragrant wood, that the fire-priest 
(Athravan, the Iranian Flamine) is placing en the fire. He zeceiv- 
es it from the royal worshipper who brings it as an offering 
before the Sacred Fire and hands it to the priest whose function 
is to feed the fire. 

In the modern ritual of feeding the Sacred fire of the Atasb 
Behraoi, the Fire-temple of the first grade the ritual known 
as bui dddan &&** 45^ i.e., to give fragrant fuel, the priebt 
goes round the fire-vase in a particular enjoined way . l The 
ritual is now spoken of as " chak farvo." I think, that pos- 
sibly, the word chak may be a corrupted form of chakhra, and 
so, the above wards of the ritual may mean " to go round in a 
circle (round the fire)." The modern ritual of mdchi over the 
sacred fire is another form of offering fragrant fuel in the form 
of a royal disc. The modern machi (lit. a throne, a seat) is in 
the form of a throne, arranged by placing six or seven pieces 
of sandal- wood. 

(6) Another hand posture which we observe on the Sassanian 
coins is that of both, the worshipping king and the serving fire- 
priest, holding some long stick-like forms (Ibid Nos. 1, 2 and 4). 
They may be metallic ladles. One cannot understand why 
their faces are not turned towards the fire but away from the 
fire, when they hold the ladle. It is true , that even now, in the 
modern ritual of feeding the sacred fire, in one part of the recital 
of the Atash-nyaish the recital of the " Dadar gehan diu-i- 
Mtzda-yani, etc./' formula, the worshipper has to turn to the 
south. But one cannot understand why is it generally so in the 
case of the worshippers with the ladles or sticks in their hands . 

i Vide my Paper on Consecration Ceremonies before the Anthropological* Society 
Journal, Vol. XI, r 517. 

13 



194 ASIATIC PAPER. 

(c) In gome later coins (Varaharan III, Narses, Hormsidas II 
and others, Ibid Plate V Nos. 1 to 5 and Plot VI) the ladles, 
are short. Here the picture of the ladles is like that of the 
hand raised parallel to the face. The ladles or metallic sticks 
seem to replace the hand posture. This is very clearly marked 
in the case of the coins of Artaexrxes II and Shapur III (Ibid 
PI. VII). In some coins, the royal worshipper has a short laddie 
while the priest has a long one. 

In the case of a coin of Chosroes I, we find the picture of folded 
hands (Ibid PI. X 4). 

In the case of short laddies in some coins, they are held up 
from the waist upwards, and in others, they are rested on the 
ground. The latter is the posture in which one can now see, at 
times, Parsee priests standing before the fire. 

The above different postures can also be studied from Thomas's 
44 Numismtic and other Antiquarian Illustrations of the Rule 
of the Sassasnians in Persia (1873)." 

In all the ab^ve attitudes, I have referred to the Iranian 
attitudes cr prayer gestures of hand, wherein 

Detestation for ^ O( * or *^ e Higher Intelligences 01 Higher 
the Evil. Powers are appealed to or implored. But, 

there are certain attitudes which express 
emotions of disgust or detestation of what is bad or 
evil. I will conclude my Paper with a few words on these 
attitudes. Seme of these prayers for these expressions of detes 
taticn are later. They are not in the original Avesta, but are in 
later Pazend. They are more of what we call incantations for the 
removal of evils of all sorts including the pest of noxious animals 
like serpsnts, snakes, wolves, cats, rats, etc. In the Vanant 
Yasht, there are incantations of that kind, and the later ritual 
enjoins that during their recital, the worshipper, must strike 
the palm of one hand (the left hand) with the other hand, at 
one part of the recital, one? ; at another part, twice ; and at 
three other parts, ihrice. 

In other similar incantations and in various parts of the 
Avesta, where the name of Angra Mainyu, the Ahriman or the 
Evil Power is mentioned, or where evil influences or powers are 
referred to, the worshipper puts the thumb of his right hand over 
the central finger and gives it a slip, so as to produce a sound, 
spoken of in modern phraseology as tachdkdi or snapping. The 
s tme emotion is expressed by an outward motion of the right 
hand palm inwards, expressing an idea of repulsion. 



A Visit to the Great Watt of China. 
A Similar Watt of King Noshirwdn 
(Chosroes I) of Persia. 

READ ON 20TH APRIL 1923. 

Last year (1922), I had the pleasure and honour of represent- 
ing this Society and four 1 other Societies 
Introduction. and Institutions at the second Oriental 
Conference, held in the end of January at 
^Calcutta. From Calcutta I had gone to Burma, the Strait 
Settlements of Singapore and Penang, French Indo-China, 
China and Japan. In my itinerary, I had included the world- 
known Great Wall of China, which had influenced the history 
of many ancient countries. I had the pleasure of visiting 
it on 1st April 1922. It was one of the dreams of my 
life to see this Great Wall, the construction of which 
was a landmark, not only in the history of China but also 
in the history of the then known world. Being the 
realization of one of the dreams of my life, I take my visit of 
it in the evening of my life as a landmark in the history of my , 
life. The object of this paper is, (I) to give a brief description of 
.my visit of the wall and of my impressions, and (II) to speak of a 
similar, though smaller, wall, built about 800 years later, in the 
West, near the Caspian Sea, by Anoushirawan or Noushirwan 
:(Chosroes I) of Persia, who, like Justinian, his contemporary 
of Rome, was known as Noushirwan adal t i.e., the Just, and 
of whose justice, his another contemporary, Mahomed, the 
great Prophet of Arabia, is reported to have said, that he 
considered himself very fortunate that he was born under the 
sovereignty of a just prince like Noushirwan. I speak of 
Noushirwan's wall as a wall similar to that of the Great* 
Wall of China, because, like the great wall, it was built to keep 
.away the inroads of a people, who were the descendants ot 
an offshoot of the great people against whom the Chinesewall 
built. 



The University of Bombay, the Anthropological S>ciety of Bo-nbay. the K. 
ntal Institute and th? Jarthosati Din ni A hoi Karnftri Mapdli. 



196 ASIATIC PAPER. 

We have often heard of the Seven Wonders of the ancient 
World. 1 The Westerners, or, to speak mora 
correcti y at Present, the Middle Westerners 
the wonderof the * t'ke ancient times, looked for their Wonders, 
Ancient World. only to the countries round the Mediterranean, 
which was more intimately known to them, 
and they did not include the Great Wall of the furthest East 
among their seven wonders, as they had hardly any opportunity 
to see it. It is not from any architectural point of view, but from 
the point of view of the great enterprise and its great length, and 
also from the point of view of the great and noble thought of the 
safety of his people which led to its structure by the King of 
China, that one can include the Great Wall in the list of wonders. 
Dr. Edgar J. Banks, in his " Seven Wonders of the Ancient 
World " very properly says that "it is a common weakness 
of modern man to imagine that his own age and his own country 
have progressed beyond all others." But imagine a continuous 
wall of the length of 1,500 miles, of the width of about 12 feet 
at the top, with 200 towers here and there across its whole 
length, built in a kind of wilderness of wildernesses, rising and 
falling over mountains and into valleys, and think, that the 
great wall was built by a great king of the remote past for 
securing the safety of his people from the frequent inroads of 
hordes of marauders, and you will then, I think, admit, 
that it must be a wonderful piece of work by a wonderful man, 
wonderfully solicitous for the good of his country. 

Some speak of the Himalayas, the Great Wall of China and 
% the Pyramids as the three greatest Wonders of the World. Of 
these three, one, the Pyramids are colossal mausoleums, which, 
one may say, are not of any practical utility. But think of the 
great practical purpose, the long wall of Nature, the Himalayas, 
has served in defending the extensive frontiers of India on the 
North ; and from that, you can form an idea of the great purpose 
which the Wall of China has served in keeping off the inroads 
of marauding^tribes into China. Fortunately, I have the plea- 
sure of visiting all these three 'great wonders and I am in a 
position to form a clear idea of the purposes they have served. 
From the point of view with which it was built and from the 
fact of its being built in a wilderness, the Wall of China is very 

i The following are generally held to be the seven Wonders : 

1. The Pyramids of Egypt, especially that of Cheops, built about 2900 B. C. 

2. The Wall and Hanging Gardens of Babylon from about 605 to 562 B. C. 

3. The Statue of Olympian Zeno by Phldeus about 470 to 462 B. C. 

4. The Temple of Diana at Ephesus about 356 B. C. 

5. The Mausoleum or tomb of King Mauzolus of Carla, erected by his 

widow Artemesia, about 353 B. C. 

6. The Colossus of Rhodes, about 280 B. C. 

7. The Pharos or Watch-tower of Alexandria about 247 B. C. 



A .VISIT TO THE GBB1T WALL OF CHINA. 197 

^properly taken to " have no paralled in the whole world, not even 
in the pyramids of Egypt." 1 

From what you see, while travelling by train in China, and 

in Pekin itself, and from what you read in 

China, a Coun- the books on China, you can say, that China 

try of Walls. is> as it were> a Country of Walls. The Great 

Chinese Wall has made it emphatically so 

But, even before that wall was built in about 217 B. C., a Chinese 

King named Ts'm, who lived about 100 years before this time, 

had built a wall against the Tartars who were now and then 

attacking his people. It is said, that even about 50 years before 

that time, Ngwei, a powerful prince of the Tsin family had 

built a wall to keep off his neighbours. 2 The city of Pekin, 

" a mysterious picturesque interesting City " itself, has 

several walls, the wall round the Forbidden city which 

included the quarters of the Emperors and his nobility, 

the inner wall, and the outer wall. Some parts of the country 

are said to have walls built to keep off prevailing injurious 

winds. 

T 

We left Pekin on the morning of 31st March by a train, 

. leaving that city at 7-25 a.m., and arrived 

My visit. at Nankou at about 10-45 a m From there> 

we went to see the great tombs of the Ming Kings (1368-1662 
A. C.). From the station to the tombs, it is a ride on mules 
of about 3 hours. The distance is about 11 miles. Resting 
at Nankou for the night on returning from the tombs, we took 
.the next day, at about 10 a.m., a train for the Ching-lung-chiao 
station which is the station to go up to the Wall. Our train had 
its engine at the back ; so we had, from the front gallery 
of our carriage in front, a good look of the Nankou pass along 
which the train ascends. The Nankou ridge is about 1,900 feet 
high. I had the pleasure of crossing, in my previous travels, 
three mountain passes the Khyber Pass on the way from 
Peshawar to Cabul, the Bubu pass in the Himalayas leading 
to the Kulu Valley, and the Banihal pass leading from Vernag in 
Kashmir to Jamoo. Out of these three passes, I was reminded 
of the Khyber Pass on seeing the wildly picturesque scenery 
of the Nankou Pass. In the case of, the Khyber, I remember 
leaving Peshawar on an early morning in the end of March 
in 1887 shivering with cold, and returning at midday to Jamrud 
irom Ali Musjid, all exhausted, riding for 10 miles and back 
under a torching sun. It was well nigh the same time of the 



i Calcutta Review of January 1003, Vol. 116. p. 40. 

* Ancient China simplified, by Plot Edward, Harper Parker (1908), 



p. 11. 



198 ASIATIC PAPER. 

year (1st April) when we crossed the Nankou pass by train and? 
the weather here was cool. We saw snow here and there on some* 
parts of the hills and also in some creviced down below. 
We began seeing the great Wall with its watch-towers here and 
there from the train. We saw from the train the old caravan 
route running in a zig-zag line here and there. We got down 
from the train at the Ching-lung-chiao station, and from there, 
about half an hour's walk of gradual ascent takes us to the top 
of a part of the wall. It was 12-10 when I placed my foot upon 
this historical wall, and the first words I wrote then with a glad 
heart in my note-book were "{jftHl *l*U ! " tf **U*l Sl*& 
M^l *Hl <tU<Nl CHlfclM* *U3lU " *., " I am grateful to Thee, 
O God ! that you brought me at this age on this Historic Wall." 

The wall had watch-towers at some distances, and here and 
there, there were rooms beneath the floor which may be godowns 
or store-rooms for military requisites. The wind was blowing 
terribly strong on the top of the Wall, and, though it was mid- 
day and I had an overcoat on my body, it seemed to pierce 
through. Leaving my friends, I proceeded a few hundred yards 
further and it was a grand and glorious sight from there, to 
see the noble wall rising and falling over precipices in a 
wilderness. Looking on your right and on your left, in your 
front and on your back, you can cast your physical eyes to long 
distances of space, and your mental eyes to long vistas of time 
past ages which had now and then kings in China, as noble 
as in any other parts of the world, who thought more of their 
subjects than of themselves. I would have liked to stay or 
sit longer on this awe-inspiring wall in the wilderness and to 
meditate there on the ups and downs of Empires. But there 
was not much time to indulge in that luxury, and, once more 
thanking God, I left the wall, full of joy for having seen this 
great piece of the work of Man inspired by God. When I say, 
that I saw the great Wall of China and realized a dream of 
my life, I say, that I saw only a very small part of the great 
wall which extended through a large tract of the country. 
We had a second look at the Great Wall from a distance, 
from the train on the 3rd of April 1922 at about 5-15 p.m., 
when we were on our way to Japan via Fengtien or Mukden. 
From the Chin-Wang-tao station, we saw the Wall on our left. 
The wall commenced from Shanhaikuan at the Gulf of Pechili 
close by, which has a great harbour. But the distant view from 
here was not sufficiently impressive. That at the Nankou pass 
was one, which, as said by a traveller, "onoe seen, can never 
be effaced from the memory." 1 As said by another writer, 

i Charles E. D. Black in the Calcutta Be view of January 1903, p. 84. 



A VISIT TO THE GREAT WALL OF CHINA. 191) 

" It is one of the few great sights of the world that is not 
disappointing. It grows upon me* hour by hour and from the 
incredible it becomes credible." 1 

The wall is said to be 1,500 miles long. The most accessible 
P 81 ^ of it is that at the Nankou Pass. Its 

hei S ht varies from 20 to 50 feet ' In some 
parts of it, at the distance of every 200 yards, 

there are watch-towers about 40 feet high. Some of these 
towers, in addition to being watch-towers for the sentries, served 
also as places for hurling stones towards the enemies. The 
base- of the towers varied from 15 to 25 feet in thickness. 
It was 12 feet at the summit. In some parts, the wall is about 
4,000 feet high from the sea level. Wherever it was more 
exposed to the marauding tribes, it was built of solid masonry. 
General Grant of America is said to have estimated, that the wall 
" took as much work as would have built all our (American) 
railroads, all our canals and nearly all our cities." 2 Another 
writer estimates the use of materials in its construction 
as follows : "To give another idea of the mass of matter in 
the stupendous fabric, it may be observed that it is more 
than sufficient to surround the circumference of the earth at 
two of its greatest circles with two walls, each six feet high 
and two feet thick. It is to be understood that in the cal- 
culation is included the earthy part of the midst of the Wall." 3 

It is said, that about 30 lacs of men were engaged by the 
king in building this Great Wall. As the marauders, against 
whom the wall was being built, were likely to harass, and 
actually harassed, these builders who all were spread along a 
long line of the wall, an army of three lacs of men was required 
to protect the builders from harm. It is said on some authority 
that forced labour of 7,00,000 men 4 was employed over it. 

The Great Wall separates, as said by Mr. Geil, 5 two lands 

of the East, the Cold North and the Summer 

A sketch of the South. It also separates two great races 

Ch' 8tOI d y th f " the outward fl owing white race of the 

Biilierrf the North and the black-haired race on the 

Great Wall. south, now known as the Yellow race/' 

In the same way, it separates two epochs in 

1 Miflg Eliza Schidmore, as quoted by the above writer, Ibid, p. 36. 

t The Great WaU of China by William Edgar Oeil. 

a Calcutta Review of January 1908, p. 41. 

< It is said of the Emperor who built it that he had employed 7,00,000 eunuchs 
on the work of building his palaces. The eunuchs were castrated criminals whose 
crimes were lesser than those that deserved the punishment of death or of maiming, 
such as chopping off of feet or slicing of knees. (Ancient China simplified, by Prof. 
Parker, p. liOt) 

5 ''The Great Wall of China " by William Edgar Geil. 



200 . ASIATIC PAPER, 

the history of China the Mythical age and the Historical 
age. The History of China is divided into four periods : 1. 
The most Ancient period. 2. The Ancient period (265-207 B. 
C.) 3. The Middle period and 4. The Modern period. Out 
of these four, the Great Wall divides the first two periods, 
and, " as the .greatest monument of human industry, it has 
a noble history." 

The pre-historic or semi-mythical history of China begins 
at about 2,500 B. C., when China, under its three successive 
rulers, is said to have passed into a stage of civilization. During 
this period, marriage was instituted, animals were domesticated, 
agriculture taught, medical art founded with the use of herbs, 
cities were founded, time began to be regularly counted and 
calendars formed, communication between cities was carried 
by boats on rivers and by carts on land, and silk industry 
commenced. Before this time, language, as it were, consisted 
of expression of thoughts by means of knots tied on strings, 
but during this period picture-writing began, which, later on, 
developed into the modern system of Chinese ideographs. 

The next set of rulers of China, after the first batch of the 
above three kings and their successors, were known for the great 
engineering works in connection with the regulation of floods, 
one of which is said to have been as large as the great Deluge 
of the Bible in Mesopotamia. The flood period lasted for about 
9 years and was ended by the construction of canals, the engi- 
neering feat of some of which is said to be as great as that of the 
Panama canal. One of these rulers, Yu is known as the great 
canal-builder (2205 B.C.). 

Then reigned the Shang (Tang) or Yin dynasty (1766-1122 B.C.), 
which was followed by the Chou (or Chow) dynasty, founded by 
Wu Wang, who established a kind of feudal system in China by 
granting portions of the kingdom to his supporters. The rule of 
this dynasty was the longest in China (1122 to 249 B. C.). The 
proper historical history of China begins with the rule of this 
dynasty. The three great Chinese philosophers,Confucius,Mancius 
and Taotze were born during the rule of this dynasty. The 
feudal system of this dynasty weakened China after a number 
of years when the feudal princes grew strong and weakened 
the central power. So, a powerful nobleman of the 
country, named Shih Hivang (or 9wang)-ti, spoken of as 
the Napoleon of China, founded in 221 B. C., a new 
regime of the Tsin or Chin dynasty. This was, 'as it were, 
the foundation of China as a great united Empire, which 
continued as an empire, though under different dynasties 



A VISIT TO THE GEEAT WALL OF CHINA. 201 

and though now and then divided for short periods between 
rival rulers, for a long period of about 2,000 years, till it was 
overthrown in the beginning of this century and a Republic 
formed. Hwang- ti, the founder of the Empire, was a powerful 
man. When he found, that a number of people preferred the 
iormer Feudal system, and that scholars pointed for their 
authority for the advantages of that system to previous litera- 
ture, he ordered the destruction by fire of all old literature 
which referred to old tradition. This was a great black spot 
on the brilliant life of this great man. He destroyed extensive 
libraries of old books formed by successive previous rulers of 
Ohina, saving only scientific books on medicine, astrology, 
and husbandly and books on divination. He also buried alive a 
number of literary scholars who quoted old books in favour 
of the ancient rulers and against the then rulers. His name 
has therefore been condemned by later Chinese writers. He 
was to China what Alexander the Great was to ancient Iran, 
in the matter of destroying the country's old libraries, with this 
difference, that Alexander was a foreigner but Hwang-ti was a 
son of the soil. His name was cursed by the Chinese, as that of 
Alexander by the Persians. It was this king, who began building 
the Great China Wall in 214 B.C. to defend his country against 
the northern Tartars who formed a tribe of the great Hun nation. 
He entrusted his General Ming-tien with this great work. Chinese 
trade with Persia and, further on, with Rome flourished in the 
reign of this king. It was this great ruler Hwang-ti, who, from 
the name Tsin, where he was born and lived, gave his dynasty 
the name of Tsin or Chin, which dynasty, in its turn, gave the 
country its later name of Chin or China. 1 

One may perhaps say from the above act of the Emperor 
that he was altogether opposed to education. But no ; from 
his point of view of the good of the country, his quarrel was, 
to speak in our modern style of speech, a quarrel with the 
Humanists,who are believed to be attaching too much importance 
to the Classics. He was, as it were, an anti-humanist, an extreme 
anti-classic of the worst type. But while he tried to destroy the 
old Chinese Classics, he attempted to liberalize general education. 
He wanted to introduce a style of writing by which books can 
be easily composed by the writers and understood by the readers. 
From this point of view, Mr. W. E. Geil places him in the rank 
of Peter the Great, Alfred the Great and even Bisinark. He 
cared less for the fetf learned and more foi enlightened 
commonalty. 

!"i His dynasty was overthrown by the Hun dynasty, whose founder was to China 
'what Ardeshir (Artaxerxes) Babegan was to Iran the restorer of its ancient literature 
and enoourager of learning. It was he with whom commenced the well-known Ohjneo 
system oi literary examinations for the civil service of China. 



202 ASIATIC PAPER. 

What is said of this Great Emperor who built the Great 
Wall of China, reminds us of what we are told of Chandragupta^ 
the father of Asoka. It is said, that Chandragupta was so much, 
afraid of his enemies who looked at his rise with jealousy, that r 
to keep them off their watch, he did not sleep in one and the 
same palace every night, and that, in the same palace also,, 
he slept in different rooms during the different parts of night. 
Similarly, it is said of the Chinese king, that powerful as he had 
become after uniting the different kingdoms, he was not afraid of 
human beings, but was afraid of evil spirits, who, he imagined, 
pursued him. So, in order to throw them off their scent, he slept 
each night in the different rooms of his great palace consisting of 
about 1 ,000 bed rooms. He built the wall to keep off the ancient 
Tartars of the Hun nation. But, by what is spoken of as " an 
irony of fate," the dynasty of the same Monchu Tartars recently 
ruled over China, till overthrown by the formation of the 
Republic. To emphasize this change, all the Chinese got their 
long hair cut off. 

The building of this great wall of China, spoken of by the 
Chinese as Chang,-Ching, i.e., the Great Wall, was preceded, 
as said above, by some walls on a smaller scale, here and 
there. M. Deguignes, in his History of the Huns, thus refers 
to the previous walls : " China was desolated since a long 
time, by the incursions made by the Tartars living on the 
North. Several small kings had erected a long wall on their 
frontiers to stop them. Tehing-van having become the master 
of the Empire joined them together and constructed one 
in his ancient country of Tsin, that which formed what we now 
call the Great Wall, of which he was not entirely the author 
as several writers of Europe have written." 1 M. Deguignes 
says, that one may regard this wall built to check the 
Huns as one of the Wonders of the World (une des marveilles 
du monde). 2 

The Great Wall affected the history of the whole world. It 

is generally, and, to a certain extent, properly 

nJS? w5f C L^ *hJ believed, that the downfall of the Roman 

Great Wall upon the __ , * - . * /-* . j * * i 

history of the world. Empire in the 5th Century was due to the 
eruption of the Teutonic tribes into Roman 
territories. But the cause which led the Germanic hordes to 
drive towardfl the Roman territories was the movement of the 
Hun tribes of Central Asia. The ancestors of these tribes- 

_i J give jnjr. translation from " Histolre Gftnarale des Huns ' 



A VISIT TO THE GREAT WALL OF CHINA. 20$ 

were, for a long number of years, invading the different 
countries of the East, and among these, the country of China. 
The Chinese Emperor having built in the 3rd Century B.C., the 
Great Wall for the defence of the Chinese Empire against 
the Huns, the latter turned towards the West. Though 
there was the interval of nearly eight centuries between the 
time (the 3rd Century B.C.) when the Great Wall was built 
and the time (5th Century A.C.) when the Roman Empire 
fell, one can well trace the influence of the Great Wall upon 
the Roman Empire. A great event in history exerts its influence 
for a number of years, both in the country itself and outside of 
it. The particular tribes of the Huns who were repulsed from 
China by the construction of the Great Wall turned back and 
fell upon the Yuechi tribes who were in front of them and drove 
them further back. The latter in their turn fell upon the 
Ut-Suivi tribes and drove them back. The latter again fell 
upon the Scythic tribes which had extended up to the 
Caspian sea, and so on. 

In my paper on " The Early History of the Huns and their 
inroads in India and Persia " before this Society, I have dwelt 
at some length on the influence of this great wall, upon the 
History of China, Rome, India and Persia. In my paper OD 
" The Hunas in Avesta and Pahlavi " in the R. G. Bhandarkar 
Commemoration Volume (pp. 65-80), I have touched in passing 
the question as to who the king was, who defeated and put an 
end to the Huna supremacy in India-- Was he Yashodharma 
( Vikramaditya) or Baladitya ? In this controversy, the history 
of Persia is appealed to, and I have ventured to believe " that 
the credit of the defeat of the Huns belongs to Yashodharma." 
I will not enter here into the great question of the influence 
of the Great Wall on the History of the then known world, 
but pass on, referring my readers to the above papers for details. 

The ancient Huns who harassed China were divided into 
various tribes, known under different names in different countries 
and at different times. These tribes had, as it were, a continu- 
ous war with the Iranians, down from, what may be termed, 
the prehistoric times of the Kayflman dynasty to well-nigh the- 
end of the Sassanian dynasty. Just as it was Yashodharma 
who broke the power of the Huns in India, it was Noshirwan 
(Chosroes I) who broke their power against Persia. They had 
some fight with the successors of Noshirwan, but their power 
was greatly broken by Noshirwan. This brings us to the second 
part of my paper, the Wall built by Noshirwan against the- 
Khazars who were a tribe or an offshoot of the Huna. 



:204 ASIATIC PAPER. 

II. 

THE WALL OF NOSHIRWAN OF PERSIA. 

About 750 years after the above Chinese Wall, Noshirw&n of 
Persia (Chosroes I, 531-579 A.O.), built a similar wall to protect 
ills people living on the Caspian shores from the inroads of the 
bribes whose ancestors had knocked often at the gates of China 
And who were prevented by the Great Wall from entering China. 
As said above, I speak of Noshirw&n 'a wall as a similar wall, 
.not on account of its extent, because it was very small in compa- 
rison, but on account of the association of events. It also was, 
like the Great Wall of China, built against the Huns. Just as the 
great wall of China begins from the sea at the Gulf of Pechili 
Npshirwan's wall began from the Caspian Sea at Darband. 
Like the Chinese wall, it ran across mountains mountains of 
the Caucasus range and valleys and is said to have extended 
'tipto the Black Sea. Just as our Himalayas form a kind of 
.natural bulwark against invaders from the North, the Caucasus 
formed a bulwark running across the regions between the Caspian 
Sea on the East and the Black Sea on the West. The mountains 
were crossed by two passes, one inland, known as the Darial 
Pass, and the other, close to the Caspian at Derbend, known 
as the Derbend Pass . In fact, the latter cannot strictly be called 
a Pass because it was a gap between the mountain and the 
^Caspian. The latter was very important, and, as the old name 
of the place, Bab-al-abw&b (door of doors), and the modern 
.name Darband (the closed door) signify, it was the Door of Doors 
or Gate of Gates for the people coming to Persia froin the 
North. Prof. Jackson 1 speaks of it as the " Key to Persia," 
and says, that when Peter the Great of Persia returned to his 
-country after his conquest of a part of Persia, he carried with 
him as a souvenir "the keys of the city of Derbend." The 
ancient Romans spoke of the Pass or Gate as Caspise Ports, 
i.e., the Caspian Gates. Several Arab and Mahomedan writers 
Jiave referred to this work of' Noshirwan. Macoudi 2 , who 
lived in the early part of the 10th Century, was one of these. 
Macoudi, in his Chapter on Mount Caucasus (Chap. XVII) spo- 
Th all f k n * as El-Kabkh ( *& I ), while speaking of 
Noshirw&n accord- the city of Bab-el- Abwab (Darband), describes 
dng to Macoudi. the wall built by Kosroe Anoushiraw&B 
) fr m 8ea to sea, to keep off the Khazars, 



t Prom Constantinople to the Home of Omar Khayfcm, p. JO. _ 

i MaOoudi WM born at the end of the 9tb Century at Baghdad. He travelled in 
India In 912*18 A. o. upto Multan. He was again in India at Cambay in 915-16. Tnenee 
^w west to Ceylon and then to Madagascar. He had travelled on the shores of tbe 
Canton. He died ID Egypt to 956-57. 



A VISIT TO THE GREAT WALL OF CHINA. 205- 

the Allans, theTurcs, the Serirs and other tribes, who were tho 
offshoots of the great people known under the general name 
of Huns. He says, that " the Caucasus contained a number 
of tribes, about seventy -two in the least, each ruled by m> 
separate chief and speaking a separate language. Noushir- 
w&n built, at the head of one of the defiles of this mountain, 
the city of Bab-el-Abw&b (Lit. Gate of Gates), the city latterly 
known as Darband, which is situated at the foot of the Caucasus,, 
on the Caspian Sea known as the Sea of the Khazars (j J^Jl^aj ). 
He also built a large extensive wall which began from about a 
mile in the sea, and then, ascending lofty mountains and" 
descending deep valleys, ran for 40 pharsangs, 1 ending at 
a place called Tabarestan. This length of 40 farsangs means' 
the distance of about 120 or 160 miles. At the distance of every 
three miles or nearly three miles according to the importance- 
of the road over which it opened, he placed an iron door near 
which he installed from the inside of the place a tribe of people 
to watch it (the gate) and the wall. This rampart was to present 
an insurmountable barrier to the attacks of the neighbouring, 
tribes of Kabkh (**), such as the Khazars, the Allans, 
the Turcs, the Serirs and other infidel people (j^l ^\ ^ 
In order to visit the cragged summits of the mountains of 
Kabkh and to run over their length and breadth, it required 
two months or more. The tribes inhabiting the mountain 
were so numerous that God alone can count them. One of the 
defiles of the mountain ended at the shore of the Caspian near 
Bab-el- Abwab and another at the sea of Mayatis ( u*^ 1 * >aj ), 
where lies the canal of Constantinople ( A*ikUa~$ ). Over 
this sea (Caspian), also stands Trebizend, a centre of trade. 
Noushirwan settled the territories of all the above tribes with 
chiefs ruling over them just as Ardeshir, the-son of Babak had 
done before him in the case of the princes of Khorasan. 
One of such territories was Shirwan (CJ'AT*), the chief 
of which was called Shirw&n-shah ( *U v^j-r^) 2 '" This 
territory, according to Macoudi, was ruled over, in his time, 
br Mahomed, son of Yazed, who traced his descent from 
Behramgour, from whom the chief of the Serirs (j*.j"* ) also 
traced his descent. The chief of Khorassan, at the time of 

1 A Farsang corresponds to a league, i.e., three miles (Steingass). According to 
Wollaston, it is a league and three quarters , i.e., it comes to about 4 miles. According- 
to Herodotus (Bk. V. 63), an Iranian farsang was equal to 30 stades (" stadiums, or 
furlongs)/' i.e., 8* miles. (According to Webster, stadium was a Greek as well as a 
Boman measure. It was equal to 600 Greek or 625 Roman feet or 125 Roman paces, or 
to English 606 feet Q inches). According to Strabo, some took a farsang to measure 
40 stades and others 60 stades. According to the Pahlavi Zadsparam. (Chapt. VI. g 
S. B. E. Vol. V. p. 170) also, a farsang comes to about 20,000 feet~tA, 30 furlongs. 

2 In this account, I have followed the Translation of Magoudl by Barbier De-Mey- 
oard et Pavet de Courteille, Vol. II, pp. 1 4 *eq. 



306 ASIATIC PAPBE. 

Ma^oudi, was named Ismail, son of Ahmed. He also traced 
riiis descent from Behramgour. 1 

Later on, Ma^oudi says of this wall that, " had not God 
by his rare sagacity, his all-power, and his love for his people, 
helped with his grace the sovereigns of Persia in the foundation 
of the city of Bab-el- Abwab, in the construction of this wall, 
which extends over the continent (i.e., over land), in the sea 
and over mountains, in the erection of different fortresses, 
and in the establishment of several colonies subject to the 
regularly constituted powers, there is no doubt, that the kings 
of Khazars, the Allans, the Serirs, the Turks would have 



; invaded the territories of Berdeh, ^* i^ ), Er-Ran ( ^ iy ) 

Bailaqan, Azarbaijan, Zenjan, Abhar, Kazwin, Hamdan, Dina- 
war, Nehavend and other countries which, via Koufah and 
Basra, gave entrance into Irak. Fortunately, God has opposed 
to their barbarities these barriers, which are necessary to-day 
more than ever when the power of Islam gets feeble and declines, 
when the Greeks rail at the Musulmans, when the custom of 
pilgrimage falls into disuse, when one does no more hear of 
sacred war (jehdd)> when the communications are interrupted 
and the roads are hardly safe to-day (332 Hijri) when the 
different chiefs of the Mahomedan countries have isolated 
themselves and have made themselves independent in their 
governments, imitating in that (matter) the conduct of the 
aatraps ( *AJ Ijkl I <Jjl/c ) after the death of Alexander upto 
the time of Ardeshir, son of Babak, son of Sassan, who re-estab- 
lished the unity of the kingdom, caused the internal divisions 
to cease, and gave security to the people and culture to the 
country." 2 The wall according to Ma^oudi, was called Sour et- 
Tien ( tjfWl jj**) 3 i.e., wall of mortar. 
After Ma^oudi, Firdousi is the next known author who refers 
Firdousi on to the Wall of Noshirwan. He speaks of 
Noshirw&n's Wall, it under the head of : 



1 Among one of the pagan tribes of this district, there was prevalent in the time of 
Magoudi. the custom of what we call Sutee in India. Magoudi thus speaks of the custom : 
* They burn their dead by placing over the same funeral pile their beasts of burden, their 

.arms and their dress. When a man dies, his wife is burnt alive with him ; but if a woman 
dies first, the husband does not submit himself to the same fate. When one dies unmarried 
they give him a wife after his death. Women desire arduously to be burnt with their 
husbands to enter with them into paradise (al Jinnat). This custom, as we have already 
remarked, has prevailed in India where the wife is burnt with her husband only wheii 
she consents." Vol II. p. 0. 

2 Mogoudi par Barbier de Meynard, Vol. II, pp. 72-73. 



Arab, turat **jf* " A row of stones in a wall ; a structure ' and tin 
clay or mortar. According to Prof. Jackson, the Armenians speak of the Pass across 
which the wall runs as Pahak 8orai,"t.e., the wall (saur) of protection " (From Con- 
stantinople to the Home of Omar Khayam, p. 61, n. 3.) 



A VISIT TO THE GREAT WALL OF CHINA. 207 



j ejltfl *- e -> " Noshirwan's travels within his kingdom 
and his constructing a wall on the route of passage between Iran 
and Turan." According to Firdousi, Noshirwan, after ascend- 
ing his throne, went on a tour in his dominions. His heralds 
.shouted to the people wherever he went and inquired if the sub- 
jects had anything to say to their sovereign. During this tour, he 
passed from Gurgan through the country (of Mazendaran) where 
are situated the towns of Sari and Amoul. The country was very 
beautiful and he praised God for the creation of such a beautiful 
land. One of his subjects there said to the king, that the 
vicinity of the Turcs, who passed that way, was a -bar to their 
iiappiness of living in such a beautiful place. They often came 
there and plundered the country. The people there, therefore, 
prayed to the king to relieve them from these frequent inroads. 
The king sympathised with them. He ordered ski&ul architects 
irom other countries and got a wall built there 1 under the 
.supervision of an old Mo bad. 

According to Yaqout, 2 the city of el-Bab (i.e., the Porte 
or gate) or Bab-el- Abwab (the Gate of Gates), 

Noshirwan's behind which Noshirwan had built the above 
wall according to wa j^ wa s latterly known as Darbund (i.e., the 

qou ' Bar of a Door) or Darband-Sehirwan. Across 

the two necks of land which form the entrance of the port of the 
xsity , they had put up barriers to make the entrance very narrow, 



.^. (3 



J^ ^t 



doUJ 

Calcutta Edition Vol. HI, p. 1630, M. Mohl'd small edition of " Le Livre 
des Hois" Vol. VI, pp. 144-45. 

i Dictionnaire Gedgraphique, Historique et Littgraire de la Perse, par C. Barbie* 
4e Meyoard (1861). p. 68. Yaquot was born in 1178 A. c. 



2()8 ASIATIC PAPER. 

and two strong and long chains closed the entrance of ships 
into the port without authority. Yaqout thus refers to the 
wall Tunning from behind this city : " Above the city is a 
stone wall which extends over the mountain in the direction of 
its length ; it is difficult to enter by that way the Mussulman 
countries on account of the difficulty of the routes and the 
narrow paths which lead to it. Besides this, a part of the wall 
advances into the city in the form of a promontory and pre- 
vents the ships from approaching. It is built very solidly 
and rests upon strong strata. It is Noushirwan who is the 

builder of it. 1 The ancient Kousroes (kings) never lost 

sight of this frontier and omitted nothing to make it impregnable 
on account of the dangerous vicinity (of hostile tribes). They 
confided its guard to Persian troops of tried fidelity, to whom 
they left the possession of all the territories which they could 
cultivate with a view to develop the resources of the country 
and to defend against the Turkish tribes and other infidels." 
The reason why Noushirwan built this wall is thus described : 
" The Khazar tribe had made themselves masters of the Persian 
Empire upto Hamdan and Mosul. Noushirwan, on ascending 
the throne, sent some deputies to ask in marriage, the daughter* 
of their king and offering his to him, with a view to cement by 
that alliance their .union against their common enemies. This 
proposition having been accepted, Noushirwan selected one of 
his most beautiful slave women. He sent her, under the name 
of his daughter, to the Bang of the Khazars, to whom, according 
to custom, he made magnificent presents. The Khakan (the 
King of the Khazars) then offered his own daughter to Khosro. 
Noushirwan demanded an interview to strengthen the bonds of 
friendship between them. They selected a propitious place 
and the two sovereigns lived there for some time." One day 
Noushirw&n ordered one of his officers to select 300 of his 
best soldiers and to plunder the camp of the Khakan when 
they were all asleep. The next morning, the Khakan complained 
of what happened in his camp at night and asked for an explana- 
tion. Noushirwan pretended ignorance and said that he would 
make inquiries which ended in nothing. This was repeated 
twice. Then the Khakan, being irritated at the culprits not 
being traced, asked one of his generals to do a similar thing, 
i.e., to plunder one night the camp of Noushirwan. When 
Noufihirwan complained the next morning, the Khakan said : 
* Your camp has been put to this trouble only once but my 

t Gibbon alludes to the building of the wall and its gate by Nouahirwan when 
he Bays : " The Persian assumed the guard of the gates of Caucasus." (Vol. Ill, p. 120, 
Edition of 1844). 

2 Here, by the expression of exchange of daughters is meant the exchange of the 
royal brides of each's family. 



A VISIT TO THE GREAT WALL OF CHINA. 209 

<camp has been thrice plundered." Then Noshirwan said : 
*' This seems to be the work of evil-minded persons on both 
.sides who wish to create a rupture in our friendship. I propose 
a project, which will benefit us both, if you accept it." On 
the Khakan asking, what it was, he suggested that a wall may 
be built between their territories to prevent the subjects of one 
entering into the territories of another without permission. 
The Khakan agreed and the wall was the result. It is said 
that when it was finished Noshirwan got his throne placed on 
the dam over the sea upto which the wall was extended and 
prostrating himself before God, thanked Him for having helped 
him to finish the great work. He then laid himself down on 
the throne and exclaimed: " I can now rest myself." 

The Derbend-namah 1 refers to Noshirwan's Wall. I give 
Noshirwan's wall nere a substance of the portion, which precedes 
referred to in the the reference to Noshirwan's wall, showing 
Turkish Derbend- that there existed then, even before the time 
namah. ^ of N os hirwan, a wall known as the Wall of 

Alexander : There reigned in Iran, a king named Kobad who 
ruled over the whole of Turkistan and Ajamastan ( ^'I-**^ ). 
Anoushirawan Adil was the son of this King. In the North, 
there ruled over the Khazar tribe a king called Khakan Shah 
*( ^Ull^Lj who also ruled over Russia ( /**jj ), Moscow 
j~* ), Kazan ( oL>* ), Crimea ( pij* ) and other countries. 
The seat of the throne of this Khakan -shah was on the sea- 
shore on the banks of the river Adil ( J** Volga). There 
was a constant war between Persia and the Khakan-shah, 
which was put to an end by a peace, the principal term 
of which was, that King Kobad of Persia was to marry a 
daughter of the King of the Khazars. To prevent disturbances in 
future, Kobad proposed that a boundary wall may be 
constructed between the frontiers of the Persian territories 
and the territories of the Khazars. The Khakan proposed 
that the wall built by Iskander Zoulqarnin (t^ir*^ jx&.l) 

may form the boundary and that the Persian king may build 
a city there. The city was built and named Babul-abwab 

1 Vide Derbend-nameh or the History of Derbend, translated from a select Turkish 
version and published with the Texts and with Notes, by Mirza A. Kazem-Beg. (St. 
Petersburg 1851). According to Mirza Kazem-Beg, it was written at the end of the 16th 

century by Mahomed Awabi Aktachi (^Ua.3 I ^ I j I *+A*) under the patronage of 
Ghazi Geral, a brother of Semiz Muhamed Gherai Khan, the Khan of Crimea. Tills 
was some time after the Ottomans subdued Aderbaisan and Daghistao in the reign of 
Sultan Murad III. A Persian translation of this Turkish Derbend-nameh Is said to "have 
"been made in 1806 (Ibid, p. XI) by one Ali-Yar. Then there has been another Turkish 
-version made from the Persian version. 

14 



210 ASIATIC PAPER. 

Darbend and many Persians went and settled there. This 
being done, Kobad-shah sent the daughter of the Khakan-shah 
back inviolated to her father's court, apprehensive that, were- 
children to be born of this marriage, such an event might in 
future ages be a cause of discord between two kingdoms, and 
might give occasion to the tribes of Khazar to possess themselves- 
of the frontiers of Iran. The Khakan-shah was enraged at this- 
conduct of Kobad and wars were again renewed. The new 
city of Darbend was invaded and Noshirw&n, the son of Kobad, 
defended it. 

Then we further read that Noshirwan himself also " erected 
a wall, at the distance of three farsakhs from Derbend which 
extended to the distance of ninety-two farsakhs."! Thereafter, 
" Prince Anoshirwan on the death of his father ascended the 
throne of the Kingdom and reigned. He filled with warriors 
all the cities and fortresses lying around Derbend and on the 
frontiers ; and himself retired to his metropolis Med&yan, 
where he remained with a firm resolution to defend the boundaries 
of his Empire .......... His object in building these town& 

and fortresses was to prevent Khakan-shah and the Khazarians 
from having it in their power to conquer Derbend ........ Thus 

the ancient kings endeavoured to defend Derbend in order that 
the Khazars might not gain possession of it ; for if the Khazars 
could have taken Derbend, all the kingdoms of Aderbaijan, 
and F&rs would inevitably have fallen under their dominion." 2 

Tabari, though referrring to Noshirwan's war with theKhazars, 



Tabaria on Nosh- 

irwan'" spring of to a reservoir of water built by Noshirwan- 
water at Derbend. at the city. While speaking of the war 
of Maslama, son of Abdou'l Malik governor 
of Armenia, with the Khazars, Tabari refers to Noshirwan J a 
reservoir and describes a stratagem whereby the Khazars were- 
made to run away from the city of Bab-al-Abwab. According: 
to this writer, there lived in the city 1,000 Kazar families. 
Maslama beseiged the city but to no purpose. One of tha 
Khazars of the city proved treacherous to his tribe, and on 
the promise of a reward, he undertook to help Maslama. He 
asked from Maslama 100 sheep and oxen and took them to th& 
reservoir of water built by Noshirwan from which the Khazara 
in the citadel of the fort drew their supply of water by a sub- 
terranean channel. He slew all the 100 animals there and' 
rendered the water bloody. So, the Khazars in the citadel 
could not drink the water. Being thus deprived of their water,, 

1 Ibid, p. 7. 2 Ibid. pp. 7-0. ~ 

9 Tabari wag born at Amol in Tabarfetan in 838* 



A VISIT TO THE GREAT WALL OF CHINA. 211 

to avoid dying by thirst, they left the city. Thus, this stratagem 
brought the citadel into the hands of the Musulmans. 

Prof. Jackson, in his second book of travels in Persia, gives 

us a very interesting account of his visit 

Prof. Jackson's to Noshirw&n's Wall and of his researches 

twto thelall there ' We leam from ii5 ' tbat even now > 
after the lapse of nearly 14 centuries, one 

sees the relics of Sassanian times there on the banks of the Great 
Caspian. 1 The surest evidence of identifying the wall as the 

work of the Sassanians was the fact that " in the stones 

there were carved the oft-repeated figure of a ring with two 
lines hanging from it resembling the familiar Saesanian chaplet 
with streamers. These devisees were generally carved high up 
at the sides." 2 According to Prof. Jackson, the construction 
of the wall is of large blocks, four feet in length and two feet 
in height but only eight inches broad between them. Many 
of the larger blocks, however, are of still greater proportions. 
Ibn Takil (903 A. D.) said that it would take fifty men 
to lift them. All the blocks are carefully set ; and some of the 
oldest accounts of them speak of their being bound together 
by cramps of iron, so that they must have formed a perfect 
breastwork in the days when artillery was not known." 3 

That the Khazars, against whom Noshirwan built the 
wall at Derbend, were a tribe of the Huns, is evident from the 
fact that the Armenians speak of the pass along which the wall 
is built as Honor Pahak, i.e., the Watch or the protector against 
the Huns. 4 It is said that Noshirwan spent a good deal of 
money on this wall. Finding his treasury empty for further 
work, he is said to have " paid a surprise visit to Azad 
"Mohan," who had " accumulated enormous wealth " at 
Kerman. Azad Mohan provided a sum of money, sufficient 
not only to complete the great work, but also to found the 
city of Astrabad. 6 

According to Deguignes, the Turcs, a tribe of the Huns, 
who made frequent inroads in the territories of the Persians 
near Media or Aderbadgan, were looked at peacefully by the 
Romans of Justin II, who was now and then at war with the 
Persians. They were taken to be, as it were, a check upon 
the Persians of Noushirw&n. So, the Persian king, to put an 
end to their frequent inroads, built a great wall of 40 farsangs 
(quarante parsangues). 6 Noshirwan also built a city 
there called Darband. 

i From Constantinople to the Home of Omar Khayam (1011), Chap. V. 

* Ibid, p. 78. Ibid. p. 61. 4 Ibid, p. 01. 

* Torthousand Mil* in Persia " by Major P. M. Syke* (1002), p. 40. 
Htotoire General det Huns, par Dtgulgnei Tome I, Parti* II. p. 800. 



212 ASIATIC PAPER. 

. Caterino Zeno, who was in Persia as ambassador from the 
Republic of Venice in the 15th Century, thus speaks of Derbend, 
the city of the wall : " Derbento is a city which was built in the 
passes of the Caspian mountains by Alexander, to resist the 
incursions of the Scythians, where the pass is so narrow that one 
hundred resolute soldiers could bar with their pikes the passage 
of a million of men." 1 

The Derbend-nameh, in its above description, refers to a pre- 
vious wall built by one Sikandar Zu-1-qarnain. 
^Wallof Alexan- Tlie wor( j Zul-qarnain means bi-cornous or 
two horned (lit. master (zu) of two horns (qarri). 
There were two Sikandars or Alexanders, who were known 
by this name. The word qarnin or horns meant two direc- 
tions, the East and the West. What was meant was that the 
person had conquered the whole world from the East to the 
West. The first of the two kings known by this name lived in 
the hoary past, and not much is known about him. The second 
of the two is Alexander the Great, spoken of by Eastern writers 
as Ben Phillicus, i.e., the son of Philip. 

Tabari refers to the wall near Derbend and speaks of it 88 the 
wall of Yajouj and Majouj ( ^y> ^ j gj* k Gog and Magog). 
From the way he describes the place of the wall, it seems, as if 
the place was somewhat mysterious and produced jewels of 
great value. He attributes it to one Zu'1-qarnain without 
joining the name of Askander to the word. It seems that he 
means the Sikander Zu-1-qarnain of some hoary antiquity and 
not Alexander the Great. Though Tacitus and others attribute 
the wall to Alexander the Great, perhaps the tradition about 
one Zu'1-qarnain has been transferred to another Zu-1-qarnain. 

A part of Noshirwan's Wall extended into the sea and there, 
at the end, formed a kind of protection for 

Cottteuclin^th the harbour also - We read the following 
Wall. about the process of the extension of the wall 

in the sea in Masoudi's account 2 of the 
reign of Noshirwan. Ma9oudi says : 3 

i Travels of Venltians in Persia, p. 44 (Hakluyt Society), quoted by Sykei. 

a Macoudl for Barber de Meynard, Vol. II, p. 196. 

8 Maooudi says that the king received the title of Anousharavan ( &\jj*}* ' ) 
after his victory over Mazdak and his 80,000 followers who were killed in the country 
between Jtrir and Nahrwan (u 'j^rt^'j J j^)* He **?* tbat the word meanB a " new 
king" ((JLiJlOJ**), Here, Magoudi is wrong, the meaning being " imnortal-eouled.'* 



The word is originally anaoaha urvan ( ||A* (gW M-, of undying or immortal 
soul) in tire Avert*, and Anc*hakroban( - rj^ J t)ir Ardal VIrat.1, lo) to the Pihla vf . 



A VISIT TO THE GREAT WALL OF CHINA. 21$ 

4 Th king was called at the city of El Bab and at the Cau- 
casus by the incursions of the neighbouring kings. He built 
over the (Caspian) sea with the aid of leather bottles of inflated 
leather, a wall of rocks (i.e., stone-slabs) tied together by iron 
and lead. The leather bottles sank down in water according 
as the construction (of the wall) was raised over it. When they 
settled at the bottom and the wall came over the level of the 
water, the divers armed with daggers and cutlasses broke the 
bather bottles ; the wall entering deeply under the sub-marine 
ground, attained then the height of the bank. It exists even' 
to-day in 332 (Hijri), and all that part of the wall of which 

the layers have plunged into water is called el keid ( <H^ i.e., 

the chain, because it stops the ships of the enemy who attempted 
to land on this side. They continued the same work along 

the shore between the Caucasus (f&)\ <-J** the mountain of 

Kabkh) and the sea. They opened the gates over the territories 
of the infidels and prolonged the wall across Mount Caucasus 
in the way, as said above, in describing this mountain and the 
city of El-Bab. Anoushirawan had, before its construction, 
long strifes with the kings of the Khazars and they pretend 
that he built the wall only to intimidate and subdue the peoples 
which inhabited this country." 1 

We learn from Fridousi's account of the wall, that Noshir- 
wan ordered skilful artisans ( >&*! ) from 

Persia^ Com- a n countries, China may be one of these 
Chinr tl0n countries. He must have heard of the 

Great Wall of China built against the Huns 
about 800 years before his time. So, when he found his own 
country open to the inroads of the descendants of these Huns, 
he very possibly sent for some architects from China also, who 
from their knowledge of the great Chinese Wall against the 
Huns might assist him in his work against the then Huns. There 
is no doubt that in those early times there was a trade communica- 
tion between Persia and China. Mr. Parker, in his book on 
China 8 refers to the early trade of the West with China 
by the land route of Parthia. The Romans later on began 
the trade by the sea route. According to Chinese records " the 
Parthians carried on a land trade in waggons and sea trade 
in boats." 3 The distances of the stages in the route were 
all measured by Persian farsangs. It was the cupidity of 
the later Parthian traders that let slip the land trade from 

dve my translation from the French translation of Barbier de Meynard. 
na by E. H. Parker. 
, by . H. Parker, p. 61. 



214 ASIATIC PAPEB. 

the hands of the Persians to those of the Romans, who 
traded by the sea route. 1 

, Dr. Rostovtzeff, in his recently published interesting 
book, "Ir&nians and Greeks in South Russia" (1922), 
speaks at some length of the influence of the Iranians on 
South Russia. It was the presence of the Sassanians and 
their predecessors on the shores of the Caspian, and their 
conquest and long stay in that direction that had led to the 
influence. 



l In the nea& massacre of Canton In 879 A. 0. about 120,000 Jews. Christians, 
Ifahomedans and Zoroastrians are said to have been killed. Host of the Koroastriaas; 
killed in this massaere. may be the Zoroastrians driven away from Persia by the Anb 
conquest, bnt some of them may be traders. 



TTHE AFGHANISTAN OF THE AMIR AND THE ANCIENT 
MAZDAYACNANS. 1 

" L'histoire de r Afghanistan interesse a la fois 1'Inde et la 
{Perse, car il a tour a tour oscilte dans 1'orbite de Tune et de 
i'autre. Sous les successeurs d'Alexandre en particulier, sous 
les noms d'Arie, Arachosie, Paroponise, et Drangiane, il a te 
la siege d'un mouvement de civilisation ties intense et tres 
vari6 ; c'est de la que la civilisation grecque a rayonn6 sur 
4'Inde ; il a et6 plus tard le premier centre de Tempire indo- 
scyfche ; quatre civilisations, quatre religions, le Mazdeisme, le 
Brahamanisme, le Buddhisme, et I'Hellenisme, s'y sont ren- 
xsontres, s'y sont juxtaposes et semblent y avoir vlcu en paix 
sous la tutelle des rois bar bares." (Professor James Dannes- 
teter, in his " triannual Report of the work done by the 4 Asiatic 
Society of Paris," for the years 1888-1890. Journal Asiatique, 
Huitieme serie, Tome XVI, pp. 83-84. Vide pp. 69-70 of the 
separate Extract. 

As Professor Darmesteter says, " the history of Afghanistan 
interests India and Persia at one and the same time, because it 
oscillates in turn in the orbit of one or the other. Under the 
successors of Alexander in particular, under the names of Arie, 
Arachosia, Paraponasus and Drangiana, it has been the seat of a 
movement of a very great and varied civilisation ; it was from 
- there that the civilisation of Greece had radiated over India. 
Tt has been, later on, the important centre of the Indo-Scythian 
Empire. Four civilisations, four religions the Mazdayannn, 
the Brahmanic, the Buddhistic and the Hellenic have met there, 
.have been in juxtaposition there and appear to have lived there 
.in peace under the guardianship of uncivilised kings." 

It is the ruler of a country with such glorious past associations 
"who visits our country now. His visit, as the friend of our 
august Emperor, our benign Government and our beloved 
-country, has drawn towards itself the attention of all the various 
communities in general, and of the Mahomedans^ 
*in particular. The Mahomedans look upon this 
oular interest, as the Amir is one of the th 
of Islamic faith. The Parsees look upon it 

I This papar was contributed to the " East 
iMr. B. M. Malabar! , at the time of the visit of Ti: 
Afghanistan in 1907. 



216 ASIATIC PAPER. 

for the reason that, as pointed out by Professor Darmesteter 
in the passage quoted at the top of this paper, his country was, 
at one time, the seat of their Mazdayagn&n religion and of their 
ancient Iranian civilisation. His Majesty's country of Afghanis* 
tan is a country which has many of the old association* 
of their history connected with it. It is a country which was, at 
one time, the cradle of their religion and the home of some of their 
early forefathers. It is a country over which, at one time, ruled 
many of the kings of the ancient dynasties of Iran. It is a country 
whose ancient history and geography are referred to in their old 
scriptures and in their later Pahlavi and Persian literature. It 
is a country a part of which was, according to Firdousi, ruled 
over, as feudal chiefs by the celebrated Rustam and Zal. It i 
a country which cherished, up to a late period, the ancient 
traditions of Iran which supplied to Firdousi a great part of 
the materials for his Shahn&meh. It is no wonder, then, if 
the monarch of a land, with which such of their old associa- 
tions are connected, is looked upon by the Parsees with esteem 
and respect, and if, on his visit to this city, they give expres- 
sion to their feelings of respectful welcome. 

On the subject of the origin of the Afghans and of their Ian* 
guage, there has been a difference of opinion among scholars. 
The Afghans themselves trace their descent from the Jews. We 
find in the Asiatic Researches 1 , a letter from Henry Vansittarfc 
to Sir William Jones, giving an abridged outline of their early 
history, as given by the Afghans themselves in a work called 
Asrdr-ul Afdghinah or the " Secrets of the Afghans." We read 
there that, "the Afghans, according to their own traditions, 
are the posterity of Melic T&lut (King Saul) who, in the opinion * 
of some, was a descendant of Judah, the son of Jacob ; and ac- 
cording to others, of Benjamin, the brother of Joseph." Ac- 
cording to Dr. Bellew, "the traditions of this people refer them ta 
Syria as the country of their residence at the time they were 
carried away into captivity by Bukhtunasar (Nebuchadnezzar), 
and planted as colonists in different parts of Persia and Media. 
From these positions they, at some subsequent period, emi- 
grated eastward into the mountainous country of Ghor, where 
they were called by the neighbouring peoples ' Bani Afghan * 
and ' Bani Ism!!/ or children of Afghan and children of Israel." 2 

1 Vol. II (1799) pp. 67-75. In this connection, vide also. " History of the Afghans '* 
by Niaiuet Ullah, translated by Bernhard Dorn, Part I (1829). 

2 The Races of Afghanistan' by H W. Bellew (1880) p. 15. For a brief outline of 
the History of th* Afghans upto now, vide my Lecture in Oujarati, entitled ** 
"H*m(ftrtM fl m%lfil *lf *Ml3l" in my "W X** ft W Part III, pp. 
1-28. For the Advance of Russia In Afghanistan" vide my letters, entitled," ^fr 
H*1M %** *H3 cWl<ft MIU& 3-Wlwl wiflsA WUl" in the jam-i Jamshefc. 

of Bombay of 7,8, 0, 10 and 12 November 1887. 



THE AFGHANISTAN AND THE ANCIENT MAZDAYACNANS. 217 

Captain Raverty says : " I am inclined to conclude from the 
great affinity I have shown to exist between the Pushto and 
the Semitic and Iranian dialects; from the numerous traditions 
on the subject ; from the Levitical customs still prevalent 
among the Afghans, after the lapse of twenty-five centuries 
from the Jewish captivity ; from their great and decided 
difference in feature from any other people% . . . and 
from the numerous proofs we possess of their gradually 
having advanced from the west of Asia that the 
Afghans are a remnant of the lost tribes of Israel." 1 Thus, 
we see that the Afghans are believed to be '* a remnant 
of the lost tribes of Israel," and that they are believed to have 
"gradually advanced from the west of Asia." Mr. Fitzgerald 
Lee, in his recent book " The Greater Exodus and the Cradle 
of the Semitic Race," "tries to show that the cradle of the 
Semitic race is not in Western Asia as it is generally believed, 
but in America ; that it was from America that the ancient 
Israelites migrated to Asia ; and that it was in this migration 
from America to Western Asia via the Behring straits, that the 
Afghans were left in their modern country as an offshoot of the 
Israelites." 

As to Pushtu, the language of the Afghans, the late 
Professor James Darmesteter, who had come to India 
in 1886-87, on a special errand to study Pushtu, and had 
stayed for several months at Peshawar and Abbatabad, came 
to the conclusion that the Pushtu belonged to the Iranian stock, 
and that it was, as it were, an offspring of the ancient Zend. It 
was the Zend of Arachosia. He says: " Le phonetisme 
afghan ne preeente aucun des traits essentiels de 1'Inde et 
presente tons ceux qui sont essentiels a la famille iranienno. 
A I'int6rieur de cette famille, il se rattache, non au rameau 
perse, mais au rameau zend ; car dans les traits charac- 
teristiques oft le zend differe du Perse, c'est le Zend qu'il suit : 
autrement dit, TAfghan est le Zend de Arachosie". 2 

The Afghanistan of the present time is much reduced in area, 
It is not what it once was. As Dr. Bellewsays, by the term 
Afghanistan we must understand "all that region which is 
bounded on the north by the Oxus, and on the south by Balo- 
chistan ; on the east by the middle course of the Indus, and on 
the west by the desert of Persia." 3 Up to the beginning of the 

* " Dictionary of the Pushto " by Capt. Raverty (1860), Introductory Remarks 
J>p. XVII-XVIII. 

* The above Report p. 70. 

* The Races of Afghanistan, bv Hi W. Bellew (1880), p. 12. 



318 



ASIATIC PAPEB. 



hteenth century, Afghanistan was included in the general name 
Khorasan. Dr. Bellew says "that both (Afghanistan 
and Baluchistan) were divisions of an extensive geographical 
^rea known by the name of Khorassan. The word Khorassan 
itself is said to be a mere euphonism of Khoristan or 'the 
-country of the sun ', 'the place of Light ' or, in other words, 'the 
East/ "the Orient as being the easternmost or Indian 
province of the ancient Persian Empire of Cyrus and Darius" 1 

The name Afghanistan comes from one AfghAna, who was 
believed to be their ancestor. Tradition attributes to him the 
same sort of semi-miraculous birth as that attributed to the 
Iranian hero Rustam, whose home and country, as mentioned 
3>y Krdousi, were Jaboul and Kaboul in Afghanistan. It ia 
said of Rustam that, on the advice of the Simurg, his mother 
Roudabeh had to go through a surgical operation to give birth 
to Rustam, whose body had overgrown the usual size of a child 
in the womb of his mother. When relieved of her pains after 
-the birth of the child, the first word she is said to have uttered 
was " Rastam," i.e., " I am relieved (of pains)." This word is 
said to have given the name to the child. A similar story is 
said of Afgh&na. The first word that his mother is said to have 
uttered on her being relieved of her pains was " Afghfcna," 
a word of complaint or lamentation from Pers. fighan, express- 
ing a feeling of" relief from pains." This word gave the name 
to the child. 

Now coming to the question of the ancient history 
*of the country of Afghanistan and its connection with the 
ancient Iranians or Zoroastrians, we find that we have, at the 
^very frontiers of Afghanistan, many traditions about the ancient 
Iranians, For example, when going to the fort of Ali Maajid 
in the Khyber Pass in 1877, I heard that the fort of Jamrad, 
situated on this side of the Khyber, had its name associated with 
the name of King Jamshed, who is also known in Parsee books by 
the name of Jam, the later equivalent of its Avesta form Yima. * 
The tradition of the Jehan-numai Jam (i.e., the world-showing 
cup) of Jamshed and Kaikhosru is connected with a tdldb, i.e., 
a pond, said to be in the neighbourhood of this fort. This cup of 
* Jamshed reminds one of the cup of Joseph in Egypt (Genesis, 
xliv. 2, 5), of the cup of Nestor in Greece, of the cup of King 
Kaid in India, and of the Holy Grail of Christ. 8 

* * Afghaniatan, and Afghans " by H. W. Bellew (1870) pp. 181-82. 

v^YSP* "YiW^v " J*/ Btymologle populaire <lesncmides etapea entre Pichaver et 
Kabul , read before La Society ABiatiqe departs, Seance du 8 No vembw 1889 (Journal 
lue, Hultltme eerie, Tome XIV (1889) p. 6:27. Vide my " Asiatic papen 1 * Part I 

~Vite my paper in Gujarat! "Shah Jamshed and Jam-i-famshed " pp. 



THE AFGHANISTAN AND THE ANCIENT MAZDATACNANS. 219 

Again, we find that many of the towns and localities of Afgha- 
nistan are mentioned in the A vesta. Though scholars differ in 
the identification of some places, there is no doubt that many of 
?the cities, mentioned in the first chapter of the Vendidad, be- 
longed to Afghanistan. For places like Sughdha, Bakhdhi, Ha- 
iroyii, VaSkereta, Urva, Haravaiti and Haetumaut, mentioned 
in the Vendidad, 1 one has to look to the East and to the country 
of Afghanistan. They have been identified with several towns 
of this country. 

Coming to the Yashte, some of the places of worship men- 
tioned in the Aban Yasht as those where some of the grandees 
of ancient Iran prayed for strength of body and mind to attain 
their objects of desire, are the places of Afghanistan, notably 
the Paesanangha (the modern Peshin) valley and the Frazdana 
lake, places connected with the name of Keresaspa and King 
Gushtasp. For most of the places mentioned in the Meher 
Yasht, such as Ishkata, and Pouruta, we have to look to the 
Paroponessus, which is connected with Afghanistan. The 
*Zamyad Yasht gives a long list of the mountains of Ancient Iran. 
'Some of these, such as the Ushidarena, Ereziphya, Vaiti-gaesa, 
and Ishkata, have been identified with the mountains of Afgha- 
nistan. The mountain Khanvant of the Tir Yasht is identified 
with the Bamian mountains of Afghanistan. 

Coming to the Pahlavi treatise known as Afdiya va Sahigiya 
i-Sistan, 2 one has to look to Afghanistan, and especially to Seistan 
for the identification of most of the places mentioned in it. 
Many of the places, associated therein with the name of Zoroaster, 
-are to be found in this part of the country. It was the very 
cradle of Zoroastrianism. According to Dr. Stein, the well- 
known traveller of Central Asia, even now there lives a tribe 
-called Kianian on the banks of the Helmund, which is the 
Ha&tumand of this Pahlavi Treatise, the Haetumat of the A vesta, 
and the Etymander of the Greeks. Lakes Frazd&n and Kansu, 
referred to as the residences of the apostles, Hoshedar and 
Soshyos, the mount Hosh-dastar, referred to as the holy moun- 
tain of the inspiration of the prophet, all belong to this part of 
Afghanistan. The region of Frazdan was the first place in 
Seistan where Gushtasp is said to have promulgated the religion 
of Zoroaster. 

The Pahlavi treatise of Shatroiha-i-Iran throws a good deal 
of light on the question of the connection of the ancient kings 

* For the identification of these names, vide my " Dictionary of Avestlc Proper names". 

* Vide my Transliteration and Translation of "Aiyfidgftr-i-zariran, Shatroiha-J Airan 
<va Afdih na Sahighlh-i Seistan." 



220 ASIATIC PAPER, 

and heroes of Iran with Seistan, which forms an important part 
of Afghanistan. According to Dr. F. Goldsmid, "it is some- 
what embarrassing at the present day to define the limits of the 
province of Sistan. We may suppose two territories, one com- 
pact and concentrated, which may be termed ' Sistan Proper/ 
the other detached and irregular, which may be termed ' Outer 
Sistan," 1 According to Dr. Bellew, " Nimruz (which was another 
name of Seistan) included the modern Sistan, which represents 
but a trivial portion of the area included in the Sakistan of the 
Greeks and the Sajestan or Sijistan of the Arabs. Further, the 
whole of Sijistan country is included in the more extensive region 
of Khorassan." 2 As to the name " Nimroz " i. e., " half a day," 
applied to Seistan, tradition says that it " was once entirely 
under water, but having been drained, in the short space of half 
day by the Genii, it hence received the name of Nimroze." 3 

According to tho above mentioned Pahlavi treatise, K&vul 
(modern Cabul) was at one time considered to be a part of 
Seistan. The Arab geographer Ebn Haukal 4 supports this 
statement. According to Edrisi, 5 another Arab geographer, no 
king could assume the title of Shah until he was enthroned at 
Kabul. The above Pahlavi treatise attributes its foundation 
and in the case of many of the towns referred to by it, by * founda- 
tion we must, at times, also understand re-building or embellish- 
ment to Artashir-i-Spendadat, i. e., Bahaman, the son 
of Asfandyar, the son of Gusht&sp. Some scholars identify the 
Vae*kereta of the Vendidad, and some the Urva of the Vendidad 
with Cabul*. I think it is the latter. It is the Ortospana of 
the writers who describe the travels of Alexander the Great. 
Another name of this Ortospana was Carura. 7 According to Ptole- 
my, ohis Carura later became Caboura, which again latterly 
became Cabul. * Tabari indirectly supports the statement which 
connects Bahman Asfandyar with Cabul. According to- 
Ma9oudi, 9 this Bahman had founded in Seistan the fire-temple 
of Kerakeran. It is the fire-temple of Kerkoe, referred to in the- 
Atash Ni&yash. It is the locality of this fire-temple that was 
lately discovered by an English civil officer doing duty in Seistan. 

1 " Journey from Bunder Abbas to Meshed by Sistau " by Sir J. J. Goldtmid. Pit- 
ceedingsof the Royal Geographical Society, Vol. XXII. p. 88. 

2 " Prom the Indus to the Tigris " by Dr. Bellew, pp. 262. 
Ibid. 

Ousley's Oriental Geography p. 207. 

5 Ofiographle d'Edrisi, par Jaubert I p. 183. 

o Vide my Gujarat! " Geography of the Age of tfce Avesta " 

? Strabon, tradult en Francais Prera-partie p. 267. 

* Vide the " Invasion of India by Alexander the Great " by M'Crindle p. 331. 

* Ifcacoudl, traduit par Barbierde Meynard, Vol. IV, p. 73. 



THE AFGHANISTAN AND THE ANCIENT MAZDAYACNANS. 221 

Next to Cabul, Kandhar, or Khandhar is another important 
city of Afghanistan. Some scholars have identified it with the 
Khanent of the Vendidad, the last part ' har ' being a later addi- 
tion. According to Ma^oudi, 1 it was also known as Rahput. 
So, it seems to be the city of Ravad spoken of in the Pahlavi 
Shatroiha-i-Iran 2 , as founded by Reham of Godrez. after his 
having killed a Turanian officer. Perhaps, it is the Raibad of 
Firdousi's Shah-nameh according to which, in the well-known fight 
between the eleven heroes of Iran and the eleven heroes of Turan, 
Reham and Godrez killed Barman. 3 

Bost is another principal city of Afghanistan referred to in 
connection with the ancient Zoroastrians. Ebn Haukal, 4 Macou- 
di 6 and Edrisi 6 consider this city to be one of the principal cities 
ol Seistan. It is the town which, according to the Shahnameh, 7 
Kaikhosru gave to Rustam as a gift on his retirement from the 
throne. It was, situated on the Helmand, which, according to 
Magoudi, is also known as the river of Bost. According to 
D'Anville, 8 Kinneir, 9 and Malcolm, 10 it is the Abeste of Pliny. 
According to Dr. Belle w, 11 on some excavations being made there 
*t the time of his travels, two or three fire-altars and some Sas- 
sanian coins were found. This town of Bost had derived its name 
from Bastvairi of the Farvardin Yasht, 12 the Bastur or Nastur 
of the Shahnameh, 13 who founded it. According to the Pahlavi 
treatise of the " Cities of Iran/' it was founded, or rather rebuilt 
and embellished, " at the time when king Vishtasp was in the 
adjoining district of lake Frazdan to promulgate the religion of 
Zoroaster." 14 Vishtasp (Gushtasp) and his other iamily-chiefs 
Are said to have belonged to this city. Saena Ahum Satudan 
of the Farvardin Yasht, who had flourished 100 years after 
Zoroaster and who was the preceptor of a hundred disciples 
whom he had brought to the fold of Zoroastrian religion, belonged, 
According to another Pahlavi treatise, 16 to this city. It was the 
-centre of the promulgation of the Zoroastrian religion in its 
arly years. 



1 Ibid. p. 372. 

2 Vide my Translation of this treatise p. 89. 
- Mohl III p. 589. 

Ousley'B Oriental Geography p. 207. 
5 B.deMeynardIIpp.79-80;V 802. 

* Edrisi, par Jaubert, I p. 417, 442. 
T Mohl IV p. 252. 

* D'Anville's Ancient Geography II p. 64. 
9 Kfnneir's Persian Empire p. 190. 

10 Malcolm's History of Persia. 

11 From the Indus to the Tigris, p. 175. 
1 Yt. XIII, 103. 

U Mohl IV, p. 418. 

* i Vide my Translation, p. 91, Vide also p. 124. 
15 Afdlya va Sahigiha-i Sistan. Fufc my translation, p. 126. 



222 ASIATIC PAPER. 

The Pahlavi treatise the " Cities of Iran " l attributes to Bus- 
tarn the formation of two cities of Afghanistan. They are FariAv r 
the Fariab of Firdousi, 2 and Zavulast&n, the Zaboulastan of 
Firdousi. It speaks of Rustam as the Shah of Javulast&n. 
According to Arab writers, 3 this Fariab was founded by Kai- 
kobad. This city seems to be the Feivh of Ebn Haukal. 4 It i& 
the " Plarrah mentioned in ancient geography, capital of the- 
Parthian province of Anaban and at that time a place of great 
splendour and extent. 6 As to Zavulastan or Zaboul, the- 
district round Gizni and Cabul was then known by that 
name. 

The next important city of Seistan is Dooshak, which is the 
Zerenj of the Pahlavi treatise of the " Cities of Iran." 6 It is the 
Zerandj of Tabari 7 who calls it the capital of Seistan, Zarinje of 
Ebn HaukalS who calls it the largest city of Seistan, and Zarend 
of Edrisi 9 who calls it the principal city of Sedjestan or Seistan. 
It is the Zaranga of Ptolemy. At first Ram S.heristan 10 on the- 
banks of the Helmund was the capital of Seistan, but the river 
having changed its course from there, later on, Zarang or Doosha- 
ka on the Helmund was made the capital. The fire-temple of 
Karkoe referred to above as being founded in Seistan was situated 
in this city. 11 In its early history, the name of Afrasiab is con* 
nected with it. King Kaikhosru added splendour to it. Ar- 
deshir Babegan (Artaxerxes), the founder of the Sassanian 
dynasty, is said to have rebuilt and embellished this city. 12 

The river Ardvi(jura, whose praises are sung in the Aban 
Yasht, is identified by different scholars with different rivers of 
Central Asia. I agree with Dr. Geiger in taking, that it is th& 
Oxus, a large part of which runs from the dominions of the Amir. 
The name Oxus is derived from Aksu, one of its principal tribu- 
taries, and I think, that the name Aksu has some connection with 
Ardvicu(ra). We learn from Col. Gordon, that the district 

l 8. 37. Vide my Translation p. 91. 
t MohJ III p. 506. 

" Dictionnaiie Geographique &c., de la Peree, " par B. de Meynard. p. 414. 
Oualey'g Oriental Geography p. 208. 

5 Kinneir's Pen. Empire p. 193, D' Anville'g Ancient Geography II, p. 65. 

6 S. 38. My Translation p. 92. 

7 Tabari par Zotenberg III, p. 517. 

8 Outlay's Oriental Geography pp. 203 and 207. 

Edrisi par Jaubert I p. 442. 

10 Dictionnaire Geographique par B. de Ifeynard. 

11 Magondi, par B.de Meynard IV, p. 78. Shatroiha-i Iran 8. 88. My Translation JP. 92* 
* Ibid. 



AFGHANISTAN AKD THE ANCIENT MAZDAYACNANS. 22 

of the Pamirs, whence the Orus flows, had a Zoroastrian popu- 
lation as late as about 700 years ago. He says : 

" According to Shighni accounts, the family of the Shah of 
Shighnan originally came from Persia, and the first arrival 
from that country (said to hare been between 500 and 700 
years ago) was the Shah-i-Khamosh, who was a Syud and 
a Fakir. The country was at that time in the hands of the 
Zardushtis (ancient Guebers, fire-worshippers), a powerful 
and learned race. The Shah-i-Khamosh commenced to teach 
these people the Koran. There were already at this time 
Musulmans in the neighbouring country of Darwaz, and 
many of them flocked into Shighnan as followers of the Shah- 
i-Khamosh. In about ten years he had converted large num- 
bere of the people, and a religious war commenced, which 
ended in this leader wresting the kingdom from Kahakuh, 
the ruler of Shighnan and Roshan under the Zardushtis, the 
seat of whose government was then at Balkh. After this 
the teaching of the people continued, and in ten years more 
all had been converted to the Shiah form of the Muham- 
madan faith. If this be true, it is probable that proselytis- 
ing expeditions were sent into Wakhan and the neighbouring 
hill countries, and extended their operations even to Sirikol 
and Kunjut, gaining all over to the Shiah faith which they 
now profess. The ruins of three forts, said by the natives 
to have been erected by the " Atashparastan " (fire -wor- 
shippers), still exist in| Wakhan; one called " Kahkaha " in 
the Isbtrak district; another named " Maichun " in the 
vicinity of Khandut ; and the third, Kila Sangibar, close 
to the hamlet of Hissar. The first was the residence of the 
ruler of the Zardushtis." 1 



Lieut. Wood, who travelled in the Pamirs in 1837, supports 
Gordon. He says : " Since crossing the Pass of Ish Kashm, we 
had seen the ruins of three Kaffer forts, which the natives be- 
lieve to have been erected by the Guebers or fire- worshippers, 
one called Sumri, in the neighbourhood of Kundut ; another in 
the vicinity of Ishtrakh, named Kakah ; and the last, Kila Zan- 
guebar, close to the hamlet of Issar. I have elsewhere mentioned 
the repugnance with which a Badakhshi blows out a light. 
Similar lingering remnants of Zoroaster's creed are to be detected 



" Tbe Bod of the World " by Col, Gordon (1876) pp. 141-42. 



224 ASIATIC PAPER. 

here. A Wakhani considers it bad luck to blow out a light by the 
breadth, and will rather ware his hand for several minutes under 
the flame of his pine-slip, than resort to the sure but to him 
disagreeable alternative. " l 

i Wood ' S " Personal Narratives of a Journey to the source of the Aim Oxu 
<841) p. 383. Forthe Pamirs Vide my ' Gujarat! ' Lecture* entitled "MMttU *&& 



in my Dnyftn Prasirak Essays. Part 1 (1808) pp. 150-168. For ft Brief account and 
history of Baluchistan on the South of Russia, vide my Gujerati Lecture, entttled"<H|*(l- 
in my Dnyan Prasarak Esaays, part U pp. 96-134. 



A PARSI PRAYER, PRESENTING PASSAGES, 
PARALLEL TO THOSE OF TWO GREEK 
AND CHINESE ANECDOTES. 



t In the Bulletin (Vol. II Part IV (1923) pp. 609-11) of the 
School of Oriental Studies, London Institution, Mr. Lionel 
<jriles gives, under the heading, " Two Parallel Anecdotes in 
Greek and Chinese, " anecdotes from Chinese and Greek 
writings, wherein persons express their satisfaction for having 
'been born in a certain condition. 

(a) Confucius asks an old Chinaman : " What is it that 
makes you happy ?" He replies:"! have a great deal to 
make me happy. God created all things, and of all His crea- 
tions man is the noblest. It has fallen to my lot to be a man ; 
that is my first ground for happiness. Then there is a 
^distinction between male and female, the former being rated 
more highly than the, latter. Therefore it is better to be a 
male ; and since I am one, I have a second ground of happiness. 
Furthermore, some are born who never behold the sun or the 
moon and who never emerge from their swaddling-clothes. 
But I have already walked the earth for the space of ninety 
years. That is my third ground for happiness. Poverty is 
the normal lot of the scholars, death the appointed end for all 
.human beings. Abiding in the normal state, and reaching at 
dast the appointed end, what is there that should make me 
unhappy 1 " 

(6) As a parallel Greek passage, Mr. Giles quotes from 
Plutarch's Life of Marius ( 46), a passage, wherein Plato 
on the approach of his death, " gave thanks to his familiar 
spirit and to Fortune for that, in the first place, he had been 
toorn a man and not a brute devoid of reason, and in the 
second, a Greek and not a barbarian ; and moreover, that his 
birth had happened to fall within the life-time of Socrates." 

(c) Mr. Giles gives another passage from Diogenes Laertius 
{I, VII, 33), who lived probably in the second century A.C., 
which says : " Hermippus, in his. Lives, attributes to our 
philosopher (Thales) a saying which is sometimes told of Soc- 
Tates. According to this authority, he used to say that he gave 
thanks to Fortune for three things in particular : firstly, because 
-he had been born a , man and not a beast ; secondly, because 
Jhe was a male and not a female ; and thirdly, a Greek 
and not a barbarian." 

15 



226 ASIATIC PAPER. 

From these Chinese and Greek passages, we find the follow- 
ing to be the pauses for which the parties felt happy : 

(1) Chinese. Having been born (a) a Man, not a beast. 
(6) a Male, not a female, (c) Growing up to ripe old age, not 
dying early. 

(2) Greek. Having been bom (a) a Man and not a beast (&) 
a Greek, not a barbarian (c) a Male, not a female. 

Now, we have a Parsi thanks -giving prayer which refers 
to some similar parallel causes of happiness. The prayer is 
known as Nemaz-i-Dadar Hormazd ( O^J-^r J^ ld j 1 * 5 ) The 
prayer is in Pazend and is given in full in Avesta characters 
in the " Pazend Texts " (pp. 206-7) by Ervad Edalji Kersaspji 
Antia (1909). published by the Trustees of the Funds and 
Properties oi the Parsee * Panchayat . This is not a daily 
recited prayer, but it is recited by few and on rare occa- 
sions. It is given in Avesta characters in the Persian 
Rivayet of Darab Hormazdyar.* As the heading of the 
prayer, we read the following : 



i.e., This prayer of Praise is to be recited every 
day in the Havan gah aftei the recital of the Nyaishes of 
Khurshid and Meher, because, in this prayer, there is much 
of thanks to Dadar Hormazd. 

In this Pazend thanks-giving prayer, the worshipper 
thanks God for the following favours . 

(1) For the ages that have passed with prosperity (nek. 
zaman) and not with adversity (anakih or halakih-i -zaman). 
From the very beginning of creation (bfln-dahishneh) till this 
day (im-ruz), the Heavens have moved in their full splendour^ 
the Earth in its extensive width, the rivers in their full length, 
the sun in the high heavens, the waters in their running course,, 

* Darab Hormazdyar's Rivayftt by Ervacl Maiieckji Rustomjo 
Unwala, with an Introduction by me (1922), Vol. I, pp. 411-413. 
This prayer is given in Gujarat! characters in Parsee Prayer-books- 
known as Tamam Khordeh Avesta. It is recently published in Gujarati 
characters, with Gujarati translation, by Mr. Pheroze Shapurjee Maeani 
(1920), in his ' Pazend Setayish ba maeni" pp. 1-9. It is translated into 
French by Prof. Darmesteter in his " Le Zend Avesta," Troisieme- 
Volume pp. 187-190. It is also translated by him in his " Une Prier* 
Judeo-Pomn " (1891) pp. 7-11. 



A PABSI PKAYEK, PRESENTING PASSAGES. 227' 

the trees in their growth, and the sun, moon and stars in their 
full brilliance. All this will continue from now to the Day of 
Resurrection (Rastakhiz). 

(2) For having been born (a) an Air i.e. Aryan or Iranian 
(and not an un -Iranian), (b) and a follower of the good 
(Mazdayasnan,) religion (hu-din), and (c) with the enjoyment of 
all physical and mental powers, such as, wisdom, good sense, 
repose, good eye-sight, use of hands and feet, good food, good 
clothings and all such blessings (hama neki). 

(3) For having been born of the race of Man (Chihr-i- 
marduman) with powers to hear, speak and ee. 

(4) For having been born Free (azad), and not a bonds- 
man or slave (bandeh). 

(5) For having been bom a Male (mard) and not a Female 
(zan). 

(6) For (God or the Prophet) having commanded, that 
meals be taken silently alter the recital of grace (baj, vaz- 
khur), and not talking loud (darayan). 

(7) For being in a position to see and enjoy all the gifts 
of God, such as the high heaven, the warming sun, the cattle- 
seeded moon*, the brilliant fire, the Halo or The Glory of a 
reigning monarch (Khoreh-i Padshah), fertile land, running 
waters, useful trees and herbs, good dress, modest handsome, 
women, sweet eloquence in an assembly (anjuman), cheerful 
friends, companions, brethren, and near ones and all good en- 
joyments (Ram khastra). 

From among this long list of blessings, deserving thanks to 
God, we find, that the following present parallels to the bless- 
ings mentioned in the above Chinese and Greek writings. 
Having been bom (a) An Iranian not a non -Iranian, correspond- 
ing to the Greek blessing of being born a Greek and not a 
Barbarian, (6) a man (not a beast), (c) a male and not a female. 
(d) The Chinese blessing of living a good old age has a parallel, 
though not direct, in the passage of thanks for the full enjoy- 
ment of all* God's creations. ' 

There are two other blessings in the Parscc prayer which 
require a mention. They are (a) of having been born in the 

* According to the Mah Xyaish, the Moon has some influence on 
the good growth of the cattle. Vide my paper on "The Ancient Iranian 
Belief and Folklore about the Moon. Some cognate Beliefs among 
other Nations** (Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay of 
1917. Videmy " Anthropological Pnpers " Part IT., pp, 302-26.) 



ASIATIC PAPEB. 



^ iayasnftn) Faith and (WJkee, not a bondsman. 
Darmesteter has, in his above referred to paper, " Une ,,* wv 
Judeo-Persane," shown the parallels of these in the Jewish 
Litany of the morning prayer. He gives the following three 
-forms : 

" Beni soit 1'Eternel, notre Dieu, maitre du monde, (a) qui 
ne m'a pas fait naftre idolAtre. . . (6) qui ne m'a pas fait 
naftre esclave . . . . (r,) qui ne m'a pas fait naftre 
femme." (p. 11.) 

Of these three, the first two are commoiv with the Parsi 
prayer and the third is common to the prayers of all the 
.above four people, the Chinese, the Greeks, the Parsis and 
the Jews. 

Prof. Darmesteter discusses the question as to "Who 
borrowed ? the Parsees from the Jews, or the Jews from the 
Parsees ?" He concludes that it were the Parsees who 
borrowed. We are led to agree with him, especially from the 
point of view of the parallel of the prayer offering thanks to 
God for being born a male and not a female. When we look 
to the fact, (a) that the Parsee prayer is comparatively later, 
(b) when we remember the fact that according to the older 
Avesta, the holy spirits of pious women were invoked and 
honoured like those of pious men, and (c) when we find, that 
in the Avesta, women are represented as holding a high position 
in society, we are easily inclined to think, that, as Darmesteter 
has said, the borrowing may have been by the Persians 
from the Jews. 

I conclude this paper with my Trannlaiion of the Parsee 
prayer : 

TRANSLATION OF THE NEMAZ-I DADAR HORMAZD. 

1. " Adoration to Ahura Mazda, the brilliant, glorious, 
omniscient, wise, powerful l t one who makes (others) powerful, 
pardoner perpetually good doer, perpetually well-preserver, 
who perpetually keeps away harm, successful worker, victorious 
king, victorious monarch, who is worthy of praise and holy. 

2. Creator, Ahura Mazd ! I am under your (toi) obliga- 
tion, I am under obligation by (my) thoughts, I am u^der 

obligation by (mv) words, I am under obligation by (n*y) 
-deeds. Dfldftr! I am thankful to Thee, that good times 

1 Avakhshaishnigar. Mr. Ph. Masaui adds before it awakhshidfcr. 
Darab Hormazdyar's Bivayat gives avakhshaishgar. 



A PAR3I PRAYER, PRESENTING PASSAGES, 230 

have arrived. I am thankful, that bad times have not arrived. 
I am thankful, that from the 'beginning of the creation till thib 
day, 1 and from to-day till the Resurrection of the future body 
(tan pasin), the sky has been (and will continue to be> 
beautiful, * the earth in (its full) width, the river (in its) full 
length, the Sun high (in the Heavens), waters running, trees 
growing, the sun shining, the moon, brilliant, and the stars in 
the heavens. 

3. Dadar Ahura Mazda ! I am under obligation to 
Thee with my thoughts, under obligation with my words, 
under obligation with deeds. O Dad&r I am under your 
obligation for this, that you have made me an Air 3 (Airyan, 
Iranian) and a Veh-din (i.e. a member of the good Zoroastrian 
religion) and that you gave me intelligence, and sense, and- 
peace, and light to my eyes, and hands and feet, pleasant food 
and good apparel, and all these 4 good things according to my 
desire. O D&dar ! I thank thee from (my) thoughts, words and 
deeds, every day, a thousand times, thousands of thousand 
times* - 

4. O D&dar Ahura Mazd ! I am thankful with thoughts, 
thankful with words, thankful with deeds. Dad&r ! I am 
thankful to thee, that you (ket) created me Man by nature 
(chihar) and that you (o-t) gave (me the powers of ) hearing and 
speaking and seeing and you created me free (azad), and not 
slave and that you created me Male, not female, and that you 
created me a (silent) eater with the recital of grace- 
(v&z-khfir) and not one (eating while) talking. 

5. My Adoration to Thee O God ! because I see Thy crea- 
tions, like the high heavens, like the sun, like the cattle -seeded 
moon, like the red, burning, brilliant fire, like the glory of a 
king, prosperous with treasure and wealth, like fertile land, 
like running (ravashnimand) water, like vegetable and wood 
and trees and valuable (arzhomand) & clothes, like a modest, 
handsome brilliant woman, like a sweet tongue (hizv&n) that 
may be liked and adored in an assembly, like pleasant friends 
and neighbours and nearly-related brethren, like desirable 
pleasure (and) like one's own (good) thoughts which must be 
honest, and (like) all thy things which are prosperous, full of 

1 Ervad. Antia has Ahura Mazda for im roz, evidently a mistake. 

2 Ervad Antia gives Ziya for Ziba. Darab Hormazdya's Rivaynt 
properly gives ziba. 

3 Ervad Antia has Hatr wrongly for Air. Air is .for Airy a. 

4 Antia has nin, miswritten for va in. Ph. Masaoi hs va in. 
6 Darab Hormazdyar's Kivayat gives arzhomand. 



230 ASIATIC PAPER. 

* 

advantage and splendour and happiness (khareh) and gpod, 
for which you in this world of righteousness (ashahe-homand) 
and your assistance are worthy of welcome. 

(6) May they (worshippers) have their share of paradise. 
May immortality reach their souls. May they rest in the 
brilliant Heaven, May my fathers, mothers, (i.e. ancestors), 
brothers, sisters, near ones and own-ones, (and) co-religionists 
all those who may come hereafter or are now existent or are 
dead have a share in the Paradise and a share in (the bless- 
ings of) this world. May their works and righteousness have 
their share (of reward) in this world. May all, by virtue of 
their, (good) thoughts, words and deeds, be on the path of 
truth and virtue, on the path of good, so that they may be 
liked by God." 

In the matter of the particular passages, which present 
parallels to the Chinese, Greek or Jewish desires, we find them 
repeated in another similar Pazend prayer, known as 
4 Ba Xam-i Yazad " (i.e. in the name of God). Therein, w r e 
find the three forms of prayer, not dispersed as in the first 
prayer but all united in one passage. We read : " Sepas darani 
&z D&d&r-i veh avzfini, ke air ham na an-air, wh-din ham na 
^akdin, ward ham na' zan."* 

Translation. I am thankful to Good Bountiful Dadar 
that I am an Iranian (or Airya) not a non -Iranian, of the 
Good (Zoroastrian) religion not of (any other) bad religion, a 
man not a woman. 

* Pazend Texts by E. K. Antia, p. 208. Pazend Setnyesh ba maeni, 
by Mr. Pheroze S. Masani, p. 12. Mr. Masani has taken some 
liberty with the original texts, in this as well as the preceding 
prayers. He seems to have been influenced by his own personal 
views, which could have better had an expression in a foot-note. The 
text has very properly only one form viz. "mard ham na zan", but 
Mr. Masani, perhaps thinking, that there must be some similar 
words for a female worshipper, has added alternative words ''zan 
ham na mard." In doing so, he seems to have missed the very 
spirit of the prayer, which is seen, as said above, in the parallel 
passages from the Chinese, Greek and Jewish writings. 



WINE AMONG THE ANCIENT PERSIANS. 1 



Now, when the Abkari system of the Government of India is 
a topic of much discussion here and in 

introduction. England, the subject of this paper will, I 
hope, be interesting to many, especially to my 
Parsee readers. The subject of temperance and total absti- 
nence has drawn the attention of many well-wishers of our 
British Army, and among them of no less a personage that 
General Sir Frederick Roberts, our distinguished Commander- 
in-Chief, who, on account of his very celebrated march in the 
land of our fore-fathers, from the Kaboulistan and Zaboulis- 
tan of old to the town of Kandahar and, on account of his 
equally celebrated victory at the latter place, which reminded 
us of the ancient Roman hero, saying, on a similar occasion, 
*' I came, I saw, and I conquered," was very aptly compared 
with the national hero of Iran, the Jehan Pehelvaii Rustam, 
who had, as described by the great epic poet, Firdousi, 
performed the celebrated marches of the Haftakhans, or Seven 
Stages. The object of this paper is to trace a short history 
of the use of wine among the ancient Persians, from remote 
historic times up to the time of our emigration to India an 
emigration that has, after several great and important political 
changes, placed us under the fostering care of the benign 
British rule, whose kind shelter reminds us of the auspicious 
shadow of the fabulous Persian bird, Homae, whose splendour 
reminds us of our Cyrus the Great, and whose justice reminds 
us of our Noshirvan the Just. 

In all nations, and at all times, we find eminent men, either 
singing the praise of wine, or magnifying its evil. If we have 
the excellent Koran preaching against wine, we have the Divan 
of one of its disciples, Hafiz, praising its virtue. If we have a 
Sir Walter Raleigh, or a great divine, to run down the use of 
wine, we have a Martin Luther to extol it. For example, the 
following two short lines of Martin Luther sum up, as it were, a 
few of the gazals of Hafiz : 

" Wer nicht liebt Wein, Weib und Gesang 
Der bleibt ein Narr sein Lebenlang." (i.e. 

He who does not like wine, song, and wife, 
Remains a fool for the whole of his life. 

Compare with this the following lines of Hafiz : 

' i Thto Paper was at first, read, before the Startboshti Din ni kliOl Karnari MawuTon 
15th February 1888. It waa then delivered u* a Lecture, on 2nd June 1888 before the 
Hell Improvement Association. It is given lierf 9 at written at the time, with ome alight 
alterations and with appendix. 



232 ASIATIC PAPER. 

" Ishkb&zi, wa jawani, wa sharb-M'al fam 
Majlis-i-uns, wa harif-i-hamdam, wa sharb-i-modam 
Bar ke in majlis bejuyad khush deli bar wai halal 
Wa an ke in ashrat ne kh&had zindagi bar wai har&m." 

(i.e.) Love, youth, and ruby-coloured wine, 

A friendly meeting, a congenial companion and constant 

drinking; 
He who is desirous of this n\nnber of pleasures is deserving of 

cheerfulness ; 
He who does not like these pleasures, may curse be on his life. 

On the other hand, this short definition of wine, that " Wino is a 
turn-coat, first a friend, and then an enemy " finds itself dinpli- 
fied in the following denunciation of Sir Walter Raleigh, which 
says that, "Take especial care that thou delight not in wine ; for 
there never M*a any man that came to honour or preferment 
that loved it ; for it transformeth a man into a beast, decayeth 
health, poisoneth the breath, destroyeth natural heat, brings 
a man's stomach to an artificial heat, deformeth the face, rotteth 
the teeth, and, to conclude, maketh a man contemptible, soon 
old, and despised of all wise and worthy men ; hated in thy ser- 
vants, in thyself and companions, for it is a bewitching and 
infectious vice." 

Now, then, if we are asked What does the ancient Iranian 

literature teach ? Does it run down its use 

The teaching or sing its praise ? We would say that it does 

of Iranian Liter- neither the one nor the other. The Iranian 

ftttlre - literature preaches temperance in the strictest 

sense of the word, but not in the sense of 

" total abstinence/' in which it is generally understood by the 

Temperance societies. It does not totally prohibit the use of 

wine. The wine used by the Persians of very early times was 

generally the innocent juice of grapes. It was very sweet and 

nourishing. The fermented juice of grapes was used very 

rarely, and that as a medicine. 

King Jainshed (the Yima Khshacta of the Avesta, and 
Yania of the Vedas), the fourth monarch of the Peshd&dyan 
Dynasty of Persia, was the first monarch in whose reign wine 
was discovered and used as a medicine. Many incidents of the 
life of King Jainshed are similar to those of Noah as described in 
Genesis (VI. VIII.) 

(a) Jainshed lived for 1,000 years ; Noah for 950. 

(b) Both cultivated land. 

(c) As Noah was asked to build an Arc to save himself from the 
Deluge, so was Jainshed asked to build a Vara (enclosure). 



WTNE AMONG THE ANCIENT PERSIANS. 233 

(d) Both took therein the choicest specimens of plants and 
animals. 

(e) As Noah built an altar unto the Lord as a mark of thanks- 
giving for his safety, so Jamshed established a sacred fire, 
named Atar Faroba. 

(/) Lastly, as Noah was the first man to plant vineyards and 
to drink wine, so was Jamshed first to discover wine. 

Prince Jalal-ud-din Mirza Kajar thus describes the incident 
of the discovery of wine in his History of Persia : " King 
Jamshed was very fond of grapes which grew only in summer. 
He once ordered a large quantity to be deposited in a jar for his 
use in winter when they were very rare. On sending for the 
jar after some time, he found the juice of grapes fermenting. 
Thinking that it was turning into a poisonous liquid he got the 
flask marked * poison/ and ordered it to be placed in an out-of- 
the-way corner of the royal store-room, so as to be beyond the 
reach of anybody. A maid-servant, of the royal household, happen- 
ed to know this. As she was suffering from a very bad headache, 
she thought of committing suicide in order to get rid of the 
pain. She stealthily went into the royal store-room, and took 
a dose out of that flask of wine, and, to her surprise, found that 
the drink, instead of killing her, lulled her to sleep and restored 
her to health. She then communicated the matter to King 
Jamshed, who was greatly pleased with the discovery. The 
king and his courtiers began to use it on occasions of joy and 
merriment. The wine was known as the ' shah daroo/ i.e., the 
royal wine, from the fact of its being discovered by the shah, 
i.e., the king. 1 " It is said that in Persia even now wine is some- 
times called the " zeher-i-khoosh," i.e., pleasant poison, from 
the fact of its first being considered a poison by King Jain- 
shed. 

Coming to the time of the A vesta, we find that the wine then 
used was the innocent juice of the grapes. That it was a sweet, 
nourishing, and health-giving drink appears from several facts :- - 

(1 ) The very Avestaic word for wine shows that it was a drink 
as sweet as honey. This Aventaic word is madfid, which corres- 
ponds to the Sanscrit madhu, Latin mel, and French micL 

(2) The root of the word shows its medicinal virtue. It comes 
from an old Aryan root, wad or madh, Latin med&ri, meaning, 
to make a remedy, from which comes our English word medi- . 
cine. "Dam/* the later Persian word for wine, which is now 
commonly used in Gujarati, also has the etymological meaning 

1 This IB a story of the core of toad-ache. An inscription on the tomb of Ahmad Shah 
Babamani, the founder of modern Bcdar, (rives the following words about the heart-curt 
Aid fc* have been brought about by wine; " Should any heart ache my remedy is thi : 
A otip of wine I rip of Miss " (Annual Beport of the Archaeological Sumy of India 
of 1014-15, p. 132.) 



234 ASIATIC PAPER. 

of medicine. Dava-daru is a colloquial phrase for medical 
treatment. It comes from an old Aryan root, " dru," Sanskrit 
" dhru," meaning to be strong, to be healthj^. (3) It was pres- 
cribed as nourishment to ladies in their accouchement. (Vend. 
V. 52.) (4) Being a nourishing and innocent drink, its use was 
permitted even among the priesthood (Vend. XIV. 17.) (5) In 
one of the later scriptures, the Afrin-i-Gahambar, where they 
speak about the six Gfthambte, which are the season festivals 
and thanksgiving occasions, corresponding to the six days of the 
Creation in the Christian Scriptures, it is said, that the merit of 
celebrating the last season-festival of the year, the Hamas- 
pathmaedem G&hanibar, in honour of the Creation of Man, is 
just the same as that of feeding the poor and the pious. In the 
food referred to here, wine is spoken of as a part of the diet. 
This accounts for why wine is used together with milk and water 
in some of the Parsee religious ceremonies. At one time, it was 
thought very meritorious to taste a little of the wine used in the 
religious ceremonies of the G&hambar festival. (0) An allusion 
to wine in the recital of blessings at the marriage 'ceremony, 
known as the Ashirvad ceremony, shows, that the wine spoken 
of in the old Parsee books was not the wine that intoxicated. 
The officiating priests in the recital of a long list of blessings that 
are invoked upon the marrying couple wish the bride and the 
bridegroom to be as sparkling and cheerful as wine. 

After the evidences of the A vest a, which refer to the later 
time of the Kyfoiian dynast} 7 , we come to the 

Classical Greek and Roman historians, who speak of the 
Writers. Acha&nenian and Ste&nian dynawties. Accord- 
ing to Herodotus, the father of History, in the 
time of Cyrus, who is spoken of in the Bible, as *'" the Annotated 
of the Lord " (Isaiah, XLV), the Persians did not make a 
general use of the nourishing wine. Sandanis, a wise man of 
Lydia, dissuades his Lydiaii King Croesus from going to war 
with a nation that did not drink wine, but simply lived on water. 
He says, " Thou art about, oh Icing ! to make war against 
men who wear leathern trousers, and have all their other 
garments of leather ; who feed not on what they like, but 
on what they can get from a soil that is sterile and unkindly ; 
who do not indulge in wine, but drink water ; who possess 
.no figs nor anything else that is good to eat. If, then, 
thou conquerest them, what canst thou get from them, seeing 
that they have nothing at all ? But if they conquer thee, 
consider how much that is precious thou wilt lose ; if they 
once get a taste of our pleasant things, they will keep such 
hold of them that we shall never be <ab)e to make them 
loose their grasp." (Herod. I. 71.) 



WINE AMONG THE ANCIENT PERSIANS. 235 

Again, Cyrus, in order to**persuade his Persians to go to 
light against the Medians under his maternal grand-father 
Astyages, gives them a Median feast and, therein, wine also a 
luxury with which thev were not familiar. According to 
Herodotus (I. 126) : " He (Cyrus) collected together all his 
father's flocks, both sheep and goats, and all his oxen, and 
slaughtered them, and made ready to give an entertainment 
to the entire Persian army. Wine, too, and bread of the 
choicest kinds were prepared for the occasion. When the 
'morrow came and the Persians appeared, he bade them recline 
upon the grass and enjoy themselves. After the feast was over, he 
Tequestedthem to tell him ; which they liked best, to-day's work 
or yesterday's ? ? They answered that ' the contrast was, indeed 
strong ; yesterday brought them nothing but what was bad, 
to-day everything that was good.' Cyrus instantly seized on 
their reply and laid bare liis purpose in these words: "Ye men 
of Persia ! thus do matters stand with you. If you choose to 
hearken to my words, you may enjoy these and ten thousand 
similar delights, and never 'condescend to any slavish toil ; but 
if you will not hearken, prepare yourselves for unnumbered toils 
as hard as yesterday's.' " These evidences from Herodotus 
nhow that wine was not so generally used by the Persians of the 
time of Cyrus. It was after the conquests of Lydia and Media 
that the Persians began to possess the luxury of wine. Hero- 
dotus says on this point that " before the conquest of Lydia the 
Persians possessed none of the luxuries or delights of life." 
(I. 75.) According to Xenophon, who also speaks of the time 
of Cyrus, the Persian kings of that time were somewhat familiar 
with wine, but they made a very moderate use of it. This 
appears from the following conversation which young Cyrus 
had with his Median grandfather, Astyages (Cyropsedia, I. Ch. 
3 3. 21). Cyrus says to Astyages : "When you feasted your 
Mends on your birthday, I plainly found that he (the 
cupbearer) had poured you all poison." "And how child/' 
said Astyages, "did you know this." "Truly," said he, 
" because I saw you all disordered in body and mind ; for, 
first, what you do not allow us boys to do, that you .did 
yourselves ; for you all bawled together and could learn nothing 
of each other ; then you fell to singing very ridiculously : 
and without attending to the singer, you swore he sung 
admirably ; then every one told stories of his own strength ; 
.you rose up and fell to dancing, but without all rule or measure, for 
you could not so much as keep yourselves upright ; then you all 
-entirely forgot yourselves ; you, that you were king, and they, 
that you were their governor ; and then for the first time I dis- 
covered that you were celebrating a festival, where all were 



ASIATIC PAPER * 

allowed to talk with equal liberty^for you never ceased talking. " 
Astyages then said : * c Does your father, child, never drink till 
he 1 gets drunk ?" " No, truly," said he. " What does he then V r 
"Why, he quenches his thirst and gets no further harm. 7 ' 

When we come to the reign of Cambyses, the successor of 
Cyrus, we find from Herodotus that the Persians made a more 
general use of wine. The wine which they used was very nou- 
rishing and health-giving. This appears very clearly from th^ 
following episode : When Cambjises sent to the King of Ethio- 
pia a flask of wine as a present, the latter was greatly delighted 
with its taste and its excellent nourishing quality, and said 
that the longest life of eighty years which the Persians lived 
must be solely due to that nourishing wine, more especially so, 
as the wheat they used was of a very inferior quality. I will 
quote Herodotus ; " Last of all he came to ]the wine, and having 
learnt their way of making it, he drank a draught, which greatly 
delighted him ; whereupon he asked what the Persian king wa^ 
wont to eat, and to wjhat age the longest lived of the Persians- 
had been known to attain. They told him that the king ate- 
bread, and described the nature of wheat, adding that eighty 
years was the longest term of man's life among the Persians. 
Hereat, he remarked : It did not surprise him if they fed on dirt 
that they died so soon ; indeed, he was sure they never would 
have lived so long as eighty years, except for the refreshment 
they got from that drink (meaning the wine), wherein he con- 
fessed the Persians surpassed the Ethiopians/' (Herod. III. 
22.) 

This luxury which the Persians began to possess after the 
conquest of Lydia seemed to be on an increase in the reigns of 
the successors of Cainbyses. In the reign of Darius, M'e find a 
few Persians of high rank playing an indecent mischief, under 
the influence of wine, in the royal court of the Macedonian 
Amyntas, the great grandfather of Alexander the Great, (the 
cursed Alexander of the Pahlavi works). According to Hero- 
dotus, Megabazus the Persian General of Darius, sent 
an embassy to Macedonia to demand from its king, 
Amyntas, " water and earth " as symbols of submission. 
Ainyntas did not only give these, but called them to a 
dinner in his palace. After dinner, rome of the Persians, 
under the influence of drink, behaved themselves disgrace- 
fully and ins\ilted the Macedonian ladies, who were speci- 
ally sent for at their request. The drunken frolic ended 
in the massacre of the whole of the Persian embassy. The son 
of Amyntas, who was a youth of fiery spirit, determined to avenge 
this insult to the fair sex of his country. The next day, he agate 



WINE AMONG THE ANCIENT PERSIANS. 

Called to dinner the members of the embassy. They were made 
to sit each by the side of a handsome Macedonian youth, dressed 
as a t young lady. The Persians, on their again attempting to 
repeat their drunken frolic of the previous day were pierced 
with daggers which the Macedonian youths carried beneath 
their dress. (Herodotus V. 17-23.) 

After Darius, when we come to later times, we find Herodotus 
speaking of the Persians of his own time that " they are fond 
of wine and drink it in large quantities." (Herodotus 1. 133). 
This increasing propensity to drink they further imitated from 
the Greeks. " There is no nation," says Herodotus, " which so 
readily adopts foreign customs as the Persians. ... As 
soon as they hear of any luxury they instantly make it their 
own." (Herodotus!. 135). 

Xenophon, praising the moderation of the Persians at the 
time of their first institution under Cyrus, says of the Persians 
of his own time that " beginning their meal very early they 
continue eating and drinking till the latest sitters-up go to 
toed. It was likewise an institution among them not to bring 
3arge bottles to their banquets ; evidently thinking that, by not 
drinking to excess, they should neither weaken their bodies nor 
impair their understanding. And that custom, too, continues 
of not bringing such bottles ; but they drink to such excess, 
that instead of bringing in they are carried out themselves, not 
being able to walk without help." (Cyrop. VIII. chap. 8-9-10). 

Plato, on the other hand, Vriting of the same time as Xeno- 
phon, represents the Persians a$ taking moderate potations. In 
ihis discourse on Temperance (Laws I. 636), the Athenian stran- 
ger, speaking 011 the subject of drink, says to Megillus, the Lace- 
demonian, that u the Persians, again, are much given to other 
practices of luxury which you reject, but they have more mode- 
ration in them than the Thracians and Scythians." 

After Herodotus, Xenophon, and Plato, the next Greek his- 
torian of importance is Strabo, who flourished in the beginning 
of the Christian Era. Saying that the Persians as a nation are 
moderate, he attributes whatever there be of immoderation to 
the kings. He says, *' Their habits are in general temperate, 
but their kings, from the great wealth which they possessed, 
degenerated into a luxurious way of life." (XV. C III. 22.) 

The unlicensed luxury and licentiousness of some of the Persian* 
kings of the Achaemenian dynasty have brought an unjust odium 
upon the whole Persian nation % The hard drinking of the kings 
and their grandees is one instance of this land. Instances 
of unlicensed luxury and licentiousness were* confined to the 
class of kings and their grandees, but were not common in the 



238 . ASIATIC PAPER. 

whole nation. As Herodotus himself says, the ancient Persian 
laws did in no way sanction such acts ; but the kings of the 
Achaemenian dynasty thought themselves to be "above the 
Jaw*" and indulging in them brought an odium upon the whole- 
nation. 

The next Greek historian of importance, who speaks on this^ 
subject, is Duris, of Samos, who flourished in the reign of Ptole- 
my Philadelphus. His statement that once a year at the feast 
of Mithras, the King of Persia was bound to be drjmk has driven 
two learned scholars of Europe to two opposite conclusions. 
Professor George Rawlinson of England infers from this that 
the Persians at the time were addicted to drinking. Professor 
Rapp of Germany, on the other hand, says that drunkenness, as 
a rule, was avoided. The fact, that the king intoxicated him- 
self only once. during a year, showed that, as a rule, there was no* 
drunkenness. We are inclined to side with Professor Rapp when 
we refer to Firdousi for an account of this Mithraic festival- 
His account refers to the practice of drinking on this gala day, 
but does not speak of any immoderate use of wine fc either by 
the king or by the populace. This feast of Mithras is known 
among the Parsees of India and their co-religionists of Persia by 
the name of Jashan-i-Mehergftn. It occurs on the 16th day 
(Meher) of the 7th month (Meher) of a Parsee year. Firdousi 
says that it occurred on the first of the seventh month. Irres- 
pective of the historic event with which it was associated, this 
day was a great festival d^y like the other twelve 
festival days of a Parsee year which occur on the day 
which bears the name of a Parsee month. Again ; it occurred 
about the time of the autumnal equinox, which was observed 
as a season festival. Lastly , that which gave a great 
importance to this day was an historical event. It celebrated 
the anniversary of the accession of King Faridfin on the throne- 
of Persia. The great novelist, Sir Walter Scott, has familiarized! 
to us, in his "Talisman/' the well-known episode of Faridurb 
and Zoh&k. King Jamshed was overthrown and killed by one- 
Zoh&k (the Azidah&ka of the A vesta), who was an usurper and. 
a tyrant. The whole of Persia groaned under the foreign sway 
of 1jhis great tyrant, who came from Syria. King Faridtin, 
having freed his country from the yoke of this tyrant, ascended 
the throne of Persia on the auspicious day of the abovenamed 
Mithraic feast, when his accession was hailed with delight and 
joy by the whole of Persia. King Faridftn celebrated the, day 
as a great holiday, and feasted the grandees. Ever since that 
time the anniversary of that day was celebrated as a great festi- 
val in Persia under the name of Jashan-i-Meherg&n. Firdousi,. 



WINE AMONG THE ANCIENT PERSIANS. 239 

who lived about 1,000 years ago, said that it was celebrated 
evefi at his time. Some of the Parsees of Bombay, though they 
have forgotten its historic origin, celebrate it on a small scale, 
and it is said that their few co-religionists in Iran still celebrate 
it with its historic associations. Firdousi thus describes this 
festival in his Shah-nameh, and refers to the practice of drinking 
wine on that gala day : " Faridfin, when he found himself to be 
the fortunate master of the world, and when he knew no other 
ruler Tbut himself, prepared the throne and the crown in the 
imperial palace according to the usage of the kings. On an 
auspicious day, which was the beginning of the month of Meher, 
he placed over his head the royal diadem. The world was re- 
lieved of the fear of evil ; everybody followed the way of God. 
They put off quarrels from their hearts and solemnly celebrated 
a festival. The grandees sat with a joyous heart, each holding 
a ruby-coloured cup of wino in his hand. The wine and the 
face of the new monarch shone brilliantly. The world was full 
of justice, and it was a new month's day. He ordered a fire to 
be kindled and to burn amber and saffron over it. It is he who 
haa instituted the feast of Mehergan. The custom of taking 
rest on, and enjoying, that day comes from him. The month of 
Meher still bears his memory. Try and be jolly." Thus it is 
that Firdousi describes fhjs great festival which, as he says, was 
observed even at his time, and \\hich he in his last line advises 
all to observe. Now it is natural that the Persian monarchs 
celebrated with great eclat and joy this celebrated festival which 
was not only a religious and season festival, but withal a historic 
festival, and drank to their hearts' content or even more ; but 
this does not betray a propensity of very hard drinking among 
the nation . This custom of the Persian kings drinking too much 
on the Mithraic festival reminds us of the practice which is said 
to prevail among the illiterate class of Jews, who think it a 
pious duty to be drunk on the day of their feast of Purim, which 
falls on the 14th and loth of their 12th month Adar, and which 
celebrates the massacre of the Persians by the Jews (Old 
Testament Book of Esther IX, 17). It" also reminds' us of a 
similar practice which is said to prevail among the lower classes 
of the Irish people, who think it a pious duty to be drunk on 
St. Patrick's Day. 

Among the Roman writers who have spoken about this sub- 
ject, we find Ammian who had accompanied Emperor Julian 
in his campaign against the Persians, under Shapur in A.D. 363. 
He says of the Persians of his -time from his own experience 
that they avoided drinking as one would avoid the pest. Wealth 
and conquests had made the Persians of the Achsemenian times 
luxurious and slothful. Thev had lost the moderation of the 



240 ASIATIC PAPER. 



times and of the time of Cyrus. But after the faU of the 
Achewnenian power reaction set in again, and they begfaft to 
learn moderation once more. As Professor George R^wlioson 
wjys, "Their fall from power, their loss of wealth and of domi- 
nion did indeed advantage them in one way ; it put an end to 
that continually advancing sloth and luxury which had sapped 
the .virtue of the nation, depriving if of energy, endurance and 
almost every manly excellence. It dashed the Persians back 
upon the ground whence they had sprung, and whence, Autaeus- 
Iike, they proceeded to derive fresh vigour and vital force. Til 
their ' scant and rugged ' fatherland, the people of Cyrus once 
more recovered to a great extent their ancient prowess and 
hardihood their habits became simplified, their old patriotism 
revived, their self-respect grew greater." (VII. (Men. Mon. 
p. 25). Thus it is that we see them avoiding drunkenness, as 
Ammian says, " like the pest." 

Coming to the time of the Pahlavi literature of the Parsees, 
which flourished during the period of the 
Pahlavi Writers. Sassanian dynasty, we find Pahlavi writers 
permitting the use of .wine and preaching 
moderation. Adarbad Marespand, in his Pandnameh, or Book 
of Advice, thus admonishes his son : " Make a moderate use of 
wine, because he who makes an immoderate use, committeth 
various sinful acts." Dadistan-i-dini (ch. L., LI.) allows 
the use of wine and admonishes every man to exert con- 
trol over himself. To the robust and intelligent who can do 
without wine it recommends abstinence. To others it recom- 
mends moderation. A person who gives another a drink is 
deemed as guilty as the drinker, if the latter does any mischief 
either to himself or to others through the influence of that 
drink. Only that man is justified to take wine, who can thereby 
do some good to himself, or, at least, can do no harm to himself. 
If his humata, hukhfa and hvarshta, i.e., his good thoughts, good 
words, and good deeds are in the least perverted by drink, he 
must abstain from it. *The book advises a man to determine 
for himself once for all what moderate quantity he can digest 
without doing any harm. Having once determined that quan- 
tity, he is never to exceed it. The most that a man should take 
is three glassed of diluted wine. If he exceeds that quantity 
there id likelihood of his good thoughts, words, and deed's 
being perverted. This reminds us of a Parsee Gujarati saying! 

ell n 



WINE AMONG THE ANCIENT PERSIANS. 241 

(i. e.,) The first cup is a medicinal drink) 
The second an allowable thing ; 
The third is a luxury, 
The fourth brings on misery. 

On the subject of the trade of wine-sellers, the Dadistau-i- 
-dini says that not only is a man who makes an improper and im- 
moderate use of wine guilty, but also a wine-seller who know- 
ingly sells wine to those who make an improper use of it. It 
was deemed improper and unlawful for a wine-seller to continue 
to sell wine, for the sake of his pocket, to a customer who was 
the worse for liquor. He is to make it a point to sell wine to 
those only who can do some good to themselves by that drink, 
or at least no harm either to themselves or to others. 

The Pahlavi Minokherad (Chap. XVI, 25-63) speaks of the 
advantages of moderate drinking and disadvantages of im- 
moderate drinking. 

We find from Mahomedan writers that after the downfall of 
the Persian monarchy, the Zoroastrian Persians were the only 
persons who carried on the business of wine-sellers. The " Pir- 
i-Moghftn," often alluded to by the celebrated Persian poet, 
Hafiz, in this well known Divan, is the Parsee wine-seller. Wine 
being altogether prohibited in the Mahomedan scriptures, no 
Mahomedan could carry on this business. So, it fell to a 
Parsee's lot to do so. In India also, and especially in Guzerat, a 
Parsee liquor-seller was for the same reason, up to recently, a 
well-known figure in the villages. 

We will now speak of some of the usages and customs observed 
by the Persians when drinking wine. It was 
Usages of Wine- generally their custom to drink wine after 
drinking. dinner. The cup bearer went round in the 

assembly when it met in the hall after dinner. 
This appears from Herodotus and from Firdousi. The latter in 
his episode (dastan) of Bejan and Manijeh thus speaks of the party 
that had assembled in the royal palace of Kaikhusro to partici- 
pate in the rejoicings for the release of Bejan from the captivity 
of Afrftsiab. '* Khusro ordered a table to be spread and invited 
high-minded noblemen to dinner. When they got up from the 
royal table, they prepared a sitting-place for drinking wine." 
It was at one of such assemblies that Afrasiab, the Turanian 
nemy of Persia, thought of making, through the instrumentality 
of one Susan Ramashgar, an excellent songstress, the different 
brigadiers-general of the Persian army of Kaikhosru prisoners. 
An intoxicating powder was stealthily put in in the wineglasses 
of these generals which immediately fyUed them to sleep. 

16 



242 ASIATIC PAPER. 

In these after-dinner assemblies the old Persians deliberated 
on affairs of importance under the influence of drink. "It is 
also their general practice,' 7 -says Herodotus, "to deliberate 
upon affairs of weight when they are drunk ; and then on the 
morrow, when they are sober, the decision to which they came 
the night before is put before them by the master of the house 
in which it was made ; and if it is then approved of they act 
on it ; if not they set it aside. Sometimes, however, they 
are sober at their first deliberation, but in this case they always 
reconsider the matter under the influence of wine." (I. 134.) 
Strabo, who wrote about five centuries after Herodotus, 
Bays on the same subject: "Their consultations on the 
most important affairs are carried on while they are drinking, 
and they consider the resolutions made at that time more to be 
depended upon 'than those made when sober (XV, ch. 3). 
According to Prof. George Rawlinson, Tacit us refers to a similar 
custom among the ancient Germans, who deliberated upon 
questions of peace and war in their banquets and reconsidered 
them the next day. "They deliberated," says Tacitus, "on 
peace and war .generally during the banquets, as if at no other 
time was their mind able to conceive higher ideas. People who 
are not cunning and too sharp always open the secrets of their 
heart in free jokes. Thus the opened and revealed thoughts of 
all are again considered the next day. They take into conside- 
ration the affair of both times. They deliberate when they are 
not able to deceive. They resolve when they are not able* 
to err." The reason for this practice, as given by Tacitus, is 
this, that in banquets, under a partial influence of wine, all the 
members of the assembly feel themselves to be on an equal 
footing, and so, without any fear or favour., give out their own 
independent opinions, which enable the mover of the question 
to come to a proper conclusion. We learn the same thing from 
the Shah-nameh of Firdousi, who represents Persian kings and 
heroes deliberating carefully on question of war and peace in 
their after-dinner gatherings, when the cup-bearer (Saki) was 
circulating the wine. This custom of the old Persians reminds 
us of the after-dinner speeches of modern times, wherein Cabinet 
Ministers and Councillors, while proposing toasts of one kind or 
another, discuss political questions of great importance to the 
State. These after-dinner Persian assemblies are the " ban-- 
quets of wine " spoken about in the Old Testament (Esther, vi 
6). It was at sucha banquet that the Persian King Ahasue- 
ros, whose identity with any particular Persian monarch is not 



WINE AMONG THE ANCIENT PERSIANS. 24$ 

yet determined, 1 sent for his queen Vashti (which seems to be the. 
Avestaic word, vahishti, i.e., the best), in order " to shew the 
people and the princes her beauty, for she was fair to look on," 
and divorced her for not having obeyed the royal mandate. It: 
was at such a " banquet of wine " that later on Esther, the 
Jewish queen of the same Persian King, won the royal favour and 
secured permission to put to death all those Persians who 
hated the Jews (Esther, ix. 5). 

Firdousi speaks of another custom. When toasts were pro- 
posed and drunk in honour of great persons like the King, the 
assembly prostrated themselves on the ground after drinking 
wine and kissed the earth. Speaking of such an assembly, at 
which Rustam presided, Firdousi says, '' They first remembered 
the name of their king (Kaus), then drank wine, and then pros- 
trating themselves on the ground kissed it." Just as modern 
nations show their respect to their ruling sovereigns by drinking 
to their health while standing, so, the ancients paid their homrage 
by prostrating themselves and kissing the ground. Prostrating 
oneself upon the 'ground was, according to Herodotus, the usual 
way of paying respect to the great. 4 ' When they met each' 
other in the streets/' says Herodotus (I, 134), ''you may know 
if the persons meeting are of equal rank by the following token : 
if they are, instead of speaking, they kiss each other on the lips ; 
in the case .where one is a little inferior to the other, the kiss is 
given on the cheek ; where the difference of rank is great, the 
inferior prostrates himself upon the ground. " 

Old wine was held in very high esteem in Ancient Persia. 

Adarbad, speaking of friendship, compares an 

Old Wine. old friend to old wine. He says, "An old 

friend is like old wine. The more it grows 

old, the more it is fit for kings." It was believed that wine 

improved by time. We read the same thing in the Bible, 

" No man also having drunk old wine straightway desireth 

new ; for he saith, The old is better " (Luke, v, 39). * 

It seems that latterly, two sorts of wine were common in 

Persia. In the remote Avestic times, it was 

Date Wine. only made from grapes. But latterly, it was 

also made from dates, the fruit of palm-trees. 

Xenophon, in his account of the expedition of Cyrus, wherein 

he played a very prominent part as the leader of " The 

Retreat of the Ten . Thousand," thus speaks from his own 

experience: " At last .coming to the villages where the 

1 He Is Identified by some with Xerxes. In Daniel IX, '1. Ahasuerus is said fo 1* 
the father of Darius, *' of the seed ol the Medea." * If we take this Darius to b* 
Darius II, then this Ahasuenw the father of Daring, i* Artoxerx-*, the .father 01 
Darius II. 



244 



ASIATIC PAPER. 



.guides told them they might supply themselves with provisions, 
they found plenty of corn, and wine made of the fruit of the 
palm-tree, and also vinegar drawn by boiling from the same 
fruit. These dates such as we have in Greece, they give to their 
"domestics ; but those which are reserved for the masters are 
chosen fruit and worthy of admiration, both for their beauty 
^nd size, having in all respects the appearance of amber, and so 
delicious that they are frequently dried for sweetmeats. The 
wine that was made of it was sweet to the taste but apt to give 
the headache. (11.3). 

APPENDIX. 

According to Thalibi, King Kaikobad had prohibited the use 
of wine in Persia in his reign, but one day, he saw, that an ordi- 
nary man becoming somewhat brave after the drink of a little 
wine, had the courage of riding a lion under its influence. 
He then permitted a moderate use of it. 

We learn from Firdousi, that similarly, King Behramgore, who 
had once prohibited its use, later on, permitted it. The story 
says that at first wine was permitted in Persia and Behraingore 
himself drank it. At one time, he was the guest of a great 
villager (dehkAn) Meher Bid&d by name. A guest in the camp, 
Kirui by name, at one time got so much drunk, that he could not 
take care of himself, and he got so much unconscious that 
crows attacked him and blinded him. The king, seeing this the 
-abuse of wine, ceased drinking wine and prohibited its use 
in his country. The Royal proclamation said : 

" Har&rn ast mae bar Jeha sar ba sar. 

Agar pehlwan ast y& pisheh var" 1 i.e., Wine is altogether 
unlawful in the world, whether (the drinker) ia a hero or a 
tradesman. After a year, a lion got loose from the royal stable. 
'The son of a cobbler, who was at first impotent but had regained 
his potency by the use of wine given to him by his mother, ran 
after the lion and holding him by his ears got over it and bravely 
rode on it. The king, learning this piece of bravery as the 
result of a drink of wine, withdrew his order of prohibition. 
'The Royal proclamation said :-- 

"Kharushi bar&mad hamta glh ze dar. 
Ke ae pehlw&n&n-i-zarin kamar. 
Bar and&zeh bar bar kaei mae khurid. 
Ze aghaz far jam khud be negarid. 

p ' 149 ' Kutar Brother ' 8 Ed " VoL vm > p ' 62 ' 

Brothe ' 8 ' 



AVINB AMONG THB ANCIENT PERSIANS. 24$- 

" i.e., A voice proclaimed from the (royal) court at the time- 
that " O Ye warriors with golden belts ! any one of you may 
drink wine as it suits you. One must from the beginning 
determine the result (i.e., everybody is to determine for himself" 
what quantity is good for him and not be immoderate). 1 

A king of a part of India, holding the title of Zanbil ( J*~3 j }* 
up to the Hijri year 332, had invaded Sijastan ( ^ lru*sCU* ) 
or Seistan, with a view to march from there to Syria. He* con- 
quered Syria after a war lasting for one year* and killed its 
ruling monarch. But soon after, he was defeated by a king 
of the Arabs, who, seizing Ir&q, re-established the empire of the 
Syrians. Thereupon the Syrians placed upon the throne, 
Tastar (yS^J ) 2 , the son of the previous king who was killed bv 
the Indian king. Tastar was, after a reign of eight years, suc- 
ceeded by Ahrim fin (&)*>i.ji\ ) 3 , who, again, was, after a reign of 
12 years, succeeded by his son Houria ( b jj ? ), who patronized 
agriculture. Houria was, after a reign 'of 22 years, succee- 
ded by Maroub ( c->jy U ) 4 who, after a reign of twelve or 
fifteen years was succeeded by two brother princes Azour and 
Khalenjas djwlacuA^ , Jjj*i- ^ ne * these two princes, one 
day, saw, on the top of his palace, a bird which had built a' nest 
there. The flapping of the wings and the cry of the bird drew 
the attention of the prince, who saw, that a serpent was climbing 
up the nest to devour the young ones of the bird. The prince, 
thereup on killed the serpent withhis bow and arrow and saved 
the young ones. A short time after, the parent bird, returning 
with one berry in its beak and two more in its claws, came in 
the front of the prince and dropped the berries before him. 
The prince thought to himself that there was some purpose in 
this and that the bird had in view some recompense for the act 
of saving its little ones. The king picked up the berries and 
on the advice of a learned man in his court entrusted them to 
some cultivators to sow them and take care of them. The 
cultivators did so and there grew from these seeds plants which 
produced raisins. No body dared to eat them lest the fruit 
may be poisonous. The king ordered juice to be squeezed 
from the raisins and to be collected in vases. Some of the grapes 

1 Maooudi traduit pas B, de Meyntrd II., pp. 89-91 Cnap. XVIII. ~ 

2 According to Babicr de MeynarJ, other texts give the name a g jj-*J or [p** or 

(Ibid. p. 445). 

3 According to B. de Meynard* one text gives the name ^J*i/? ' and another i\s 

(Ibid.) 
One text gives the name as Marut ( Oyl* ) 



246 ASIATIC PAPER. 

were ordered to be kept in their natural state. The King, then, 
in order to test the quality of the juice, sent for an old man who 
was wrecked in health and gave him some juice to. drink. He 
had hardly finished one-third of the quantity given him, when 
he began to jump, to loosen his dress, to clap his hands, to jolt 
his head, to leap over his two feet, to look gay and to sing. 
The king thus saw that the juice was not a poison and that it 
rejuvenated the old man. Then ; he gave some more juice to 
him. The old man thereupon went to sleep. On awakening, he 
looked well, all his illness having left him. The King saw that 
the drink had given to the old man joy of heart, gaiety, good 
digestion, calmness, sleep and good spirits. He therefore asked 
more vines to be planted. At first, he prohibited the general 
use of wine saying that it was only a royal homage. Later on, 
all began to drink wine. 

Ma9oudi, at the end of the above story, adds that some attri- 
bute to Noah the first cultivation of vine. 



A MAHOMEDAN VIEW OF COMETS., THE VIEW OF 
THE ANCIENT IRANIANS (PISHINIGANS.) 1 
I 

We are on the eve of seeing Halley's comet this year or 
It d cti n early next year. Some observers have 

n ro uc 10 . already seen it with their powerful telescopes. 
The Directors of the Heidelberg and the Cambridge Observato- 
ries have already seen it. The Director of the latter Observa 
tory has announced that its appearance is like that of a star 
of the 14th or 15th magnitude. At this juncture, I hope that 
an account of the comets given by some Mahomedan historians 
will be found interesting, I think that a part of account will 
be of some interest even to scientific men because, if I do not 
mistake, the account of the comets by Abul Fazl, which will 
form the principal part of my paper will be presented for the 
first time before the students of cometography. I propose 
dealing with the following matter in this paper : 

1 . Theversion of some Mahomedan historians about comets ; 

2. The identification of the comets seen or described by 
them ; 

3. An inquiry into the views of Mahomedan writers on 
comets. 

List of the Ma- The Mahomedan authors \Vhose versions 
/rX e ^toTn h the * V?* ^ing, or whom I am going to 

r I Bid I v7U tU 1U Li I It? . , i . A i f 11 

paper, refer in this paper are the following : 

1. Magoudi, who lived at the end of the third century and 
in the first half of the fourth century. There is only one refer- 
ence to a comet in his MurMj adh-Dhahab (Prairies of gold). 

2. Abul Fazl, the celebrated Prime Minister of king Akbar 
of India. He describes in his Akbar-ndmeh a comet 
that he had seen in the 22nd year of the reign of Akbar (985 
Hijri, 1577-78 A,D). Before describing this comet, he writes 
as it were, a long introduction giving not only his view of the 
phenomenon of the appearance of a comet, but the view of the 
learned of his time. While doing so, he refers to Greek, Roman, 
Egyptian and Hindu writers on the subject also. Having given 
his introduction, he describes three comets that had appeared 
before his time. Of course, this must be on the authority of 
some previous writers whom he does not name. This account 
of the comets will, I hope, interest some scientific men. As 
far as I know that portion of the Akbar-n&meh which gives this 

i This paper had. at Ant, appeared in an issue of the "Revue du Monde Musulman " 
440 Ajm$e No. 1) The Editor spoke of the paper as containing " curleusest erudites 
cecherches sur un point inal connu de I'lilstoiro et de la science oiu&ulmanes." 



24$ ASIATIC PAPER. 

long account of the comets is not hitherto translated into any 
other language. I give my own translation in which I have- 
followed the text edited for the Asiatic Society of Bengal by 
Maulawi Abd-ur-Rahim. 

3. Ahmad-bin Mahmad's Nigdristan written in 1552 A.D. 

4. Niz&m-ud-din the author of the Tabakdt-i-Akbart. 

5. Badaoni, the author of the Muntakhab-al-Taw&rikh. 

6. Jahftngir's Waka'dt-i-Jahdngiri. 

7. Mutamad khan's Ikbdl-ndmeh-i-Jahangiri. 

I will now give the version of the Mahomedan historians I 
have named above. I will give the versions of four in the- 
words of their translators. The rest I have translated from 
the original. 

I will give at first Abul Fazl's version about the comets as it 
is the largest, and fullest. As said above, 1 give my own tran- 
slation of his version in the Akbar-nameh: ! 

II. 

ABUL FAZL'S VERSION OF THE COMETS OF 1264, 
1400, 1401, 1433, AND 1577 IN HIS ABKAR.NAMEH. 

" In the matter of the appearance of a tailed comet which ap- 
peared after sunset (lit. after the time of the sitting of the great 
luminary which bestows favours upon the world on the chair 
of the crust of the Earth). 

"A Preface is written for a complete comprehension of the des- 
cription of the symbol of the Heavens. 

44 When the rays of the world-illuminating sun fall on the moist 
earth, it is heated by the lustre of that exhalted luminary, and 
some of the particles of water, becoming lighter, rise upwards, 
and mixing with particles of air take an upward direction. 
This mixture is called "vapour" (bokh&r). 

"When the parched earth becomes the seat of the heat of the 
illuminator of the world (i.e. when it is heated by the sun), the 
essence of moisture from its embuscade is attached to dryness. 
Then by the influence of the heat, particles of earth being heated 
become lighter and after mixing themselves with air fly above 
and that inter-mixture is called steam (dakh&n). 

Each of these is of two kinds. One is confined to the Earth r 
and springs, streamlets and streams come into appearance, 2 

1 Mania wi Abd-ur-Rahim's Text for The Asiatic Society of Bengal vol. Ill, pp. 22 r 
224. 

2 This ref erg to the action of what A bul Fart calte <te*M or steam Here he explains 
not in a .clear or distinct way, how streams and springs are formed. Modern science also 
attributes to the formation of strain the rise of springs, etc., 1'rof . Anstead's following 
description elucidates what AbOl Fazl jays ; 



A MAjaOMEDAN VIEW OF COMETS. 

"The second, appearing on the surface, rises up pompously. 
From this are formed clouds, rain, hail, thunder, lightning and 
such other phenomena. Books of natural science give explana- 
tory accounts of these very clearly. 

"Now, Jet a little of the manifestation of that wonderful image 
(viz. the comet) be written for the pleasure of the gardenground 
of information (i.e. I will now write something about the pheno- 
menon of a comet for the information of my readers.) 

"It is not concealed from (i.e. it is known to) the writers of 
wisdom, that every time Mars attains ascendancy over the 
tract of a countay, it makes the land of the country dry, and 
foul vapour and steam arise in large quantities, especially, in 
the commencement of the year or the season, when Mars is in the 
10th and when the unhappy constellation may be that of bdd$ 
(i.e. that of Gemini, Aquarius and Libra) and of ataaht (i.e. of 
Aries, Leo and Sagittarius) and when the Moon or Mercury is in 
the bddi (i.e. in Gemini, Aquarius and Libra) so that it looks 
towards them with an eye of amity. Anyhow, fields are then 
devastated and the beginning of a famine is in sight; sickness ia 
prevalent ; calamities gain strength, and the thread of the pur- 
suit of knowledge is broken. 

" In short, when the tenacious thick vapour (rising) from its 
seat, attaches itself to the first layers of atmosphere which are- 
heated, it acquires a pleasant look (i.e. is illuminated)), just as 
the lamp-black of a lamp becomes illumined from its contact 
with a lighted candle. It is then called shahdb (i.e. meteor). 
When it begins coining down to the earth, common people think, 
that it is a star that is coming down. If that does not happen 
on accouht of its connection, it is not illuminated, but burns and, 
profiting by the different kinds of weather, assumes different 
forms, like those of a man with locks of hair, a person having a 
tail, a person holding a lance in his hand, an animal with horn& 

"Of the water that fulls on the earth as rain, we have seen that a certain part runs 
off the surface by rivers into the sea, or is evaporated back azain into the atmosphere 
within a very short time. The remaining part disappears. It passes into the earth'* 
crust, being absorbed into the soil and surface-rocks, or entering the innumerable crevicks 
and fissures that exist in all rocks near the surface. Making its way through permeable 
rocks, such as sand, or passinc into natural reservoirs or along some underground channel,, 
it circulates through the earth for a timejonger or shorter according to circumstances, 
and comes at length once more to the .surface. If it falls in a district greatly above the 
8eu level, it may issue in springs at some lower part of the same country, or, by the pressure 
It exerts when the rocks are full, may force out other water that has already performed a 
long journey. If it falls near the sea, it may still be brought back into circulation, for 
we know that the temperature of the interior of the earth is higher titan at the surf ace : 
and it is quite possible that a little water, penetrating tho depths at which it would be 
converted into steam, may exercise a pressure sufficient to overcome the force of gravitv 
and help to force up large columns of water from great depths, which may either rise 
through fissures at a high temperature in thermal springs, or, oozing upwards, way again 
become cooled before reaching the surface. It may and does re-appear in this way naturally 
and at ordinary temperatures. All water obtained or obtainable from the interior of thV 
earth is called *pring wattr ; and all sources of water within the earth are called *prin-i? 
(.Physical Qeot/raphy, by Prof. Anstead, 1871 , p. 213). - 



250 . ASIATIC PAPER. 

or the like. Depending on the differences of its position, it 
fades soon, or lasts long.. At times, dreadful red l or black 
forms appear in it. The red forms when thick add to the terror. 
When thicker, it is the black forms that cause terror. In the 
ancient language, such a form is named sawdbi-i-najum 2 or 
ZawaCul azwdb*. Every one (of these forms) has a different 
name according to its feature. Thus the one with locks is called 
Zuzavdb& (i.e. the possessor of locks of hair) and the one with a 
tail is called Zuzanab (i.e. the possessor of a tail). 

"In Indian books, more than 100 (names) are recounted. In 
Greek books, 7 kinds are recognized and all are considered to be 
of the nature of Saturn or Mars. Those with locks of hair and 
those with tails are known to be more unlucky. Batlimus 
(Ptolemy) says that between the hairy comets and the sun, 
there is the difference of 11 constellations. Some Greeks are of 
opinion that the hairy comets appear towards the West in the 
early part of the evening. Certainly from the repeated sight 
(of such phenomena) such a supposition can be made. 

"The wise men of India divide them into two kinds and take 
them to be auspicious and inauspicious (respectively). All are 
unanimous in saying this, that its (i.e. the comet's) influence is 
reflected upon the country over whose zenith it passes or 
whose best inhabitants see it. It moves according to the posi- 
tion of the constellation in which it appears and in accordance 
with the strength of the motion of the region of fire 4 . Its 
influence* appear in proportion to, (the time of) its stay, (i.e.) 
the longer it appears, the greater its influences as to good or 
bad luck to the country. In the writings of the ancients, 
nirangs ( L^JJ+JI incantations) for (counteracting) the& influen- 
ces are mentioned more than can be described. 

" Out of all (these comets) one hairy comet appeared in the 
year 662 Hijri 6 . The increaser of the splendour of the world 
(Farugh afza-i'alam) was in the sign of Leo and had gone about 11 
fingers* down the earth (i.e. had set) in the night. The 
stranger thing was that (i.e. the comet) appeared to be of the 
proportion of the head of a big man and emitted steam from its 
front. It passed (i.e. appeared) in the countries of Tibet, 
Turkestan, China, Kashghar, Farghana, Ma'wara'u'n-nahr 

1 Cl . the deecripton of the appearance of Hal ley's comet in 1835 by Mr. Howard : 
"It glowed like a red-hot coal of oblong form." It appeared like "a blazing rocket." 
(The Story of Halley's comet, in The Nineteenth Century of September 1000, p. 523). 

2 Lit. keeper of the ward-robe of the stare.' ' 

3 J. . "mifttresB of locks. ' * 

4 Compare with these the word*. "The Chariot of Fire" applied to a comet by Mr. E. 
Vincent Howard in his "Story of Halley'a Comet", The Nineteenth Century of September 
1009, p. 512. 

5 A. C. 1264. 
6 AkiBdofmeftsuie. 



A MAHOMED AN VIEW OF COMETS. 251 

<(Transoxania) and Khorasan. It appeared for 85! days. In all 
these countries, there arose rebellions. In Transoxania and 
Khorassan calamities of thunder 1 and lightning sftid such 
others appeared. 

" Many years and months had passed over this event and then 
in 803 2 , a tailed comet appeared in the zenith at Rum (Con- 
stantinople). Maulftna Abdallalasan and Mahiad-din Maghrabi 
with other astrologers of that time informed Timur,, that, it 
appears from what the wise and the experienced have said, 
that an army (coming) from the direction of the East will be 
victorious in that country and a general from that country will 
assist (him). Timur (lit. that illuminator of the face of fortune), 
who was always expecting an invasion of the country, but whose 
companions of poor intelligence did not acquiesce, attended to 
that (prediction) and convinced the great and the small (of his 
court) of the truth (lit. gem) of his resolution and of the insight 
of the star-seers. 

" In the year 837 3 , on the occasion of a new moon in the first 
part of Libra, a tailed comet appeared (lit. gave brilliancy to the 
day) near the 17th lunar mansion in the North. It rose and set 
with it. After the lapse of several days, its special motion appear- 
ed. From that 17th lunar mansion in the North, (a form like 
that of) a lance-holder separated (lit. assumed the face of sepa- 
ration), and in eight months, took the path of the Camel. A 
great pestilence spreading misery (round about) appeared in 
Herat and its dependencies. Every day more than a thousand 
persons died. Mirza Ibr&him, the Governor of Fars and Mirza 
Bysangar Arghun, the king of Badakhshan, and Shaikh Zainud- 
din Kh&fi died in this calamity. A lierce quarrel, which took 
place between Mirza Sh&h-rokh and Sikandar Karsi-Yusef, was 
also in consequence of this (comet). 

"The learned in the mysteries of the Heavens are convinced 
of this, that if it appears within the boundaries of a country, its 
king or his vicegerent dies. If it is inclined towards the boun- 
dary, the property (i.e. the country of the governor) passes 
away from his hands 4 and plague and diseases add afflictions 
to the sickness of the country. Sudden deaths occur among 
the common people. 

1 Taking the word to be ra'ad **j . The Bengal Asiatic Society's text, 
as kay&d ( ** If ) which is the last star in the tail of the Lesser Bear, 
governor. But these seem to have no proper meaning here. In f* 
rayad ( &> tj ) as found in another manuscript. I think it is 

{ **j ) which suits well with the next word ( <3 l/J ) barftk, 

2 A. D. 1401. A. D. 1483. 

* Cf . the words o! Louis le Debonnaire on seeing Halley's comet 
41 A change of reign and the death of a prince are announced by thi 
Halley's comet, in The NintUenth Century of September, 1909, p. 51 




252 ASIATIC PAPER, 

"A thousand thanks to God, that owing to the benedictions of 
the holy soul of the King (Akbar), influences and misfortunes* 
have disappeared from his dominions. If, in case, such a terri- 
ble sign (i.e. a comet) appears, a great calamity does not over- 
take this country. In spite of such divine protection, that in- 
telligent person of the assembly of information (i.e. the intelli* 
gent well-informed king Akbar) ordered alms to be distributed* 
on a large scale according to the customs of the Mahomedaiia 
and Brahmans and people of all places became cheerful. The 
most beautiful thing of this great liberality (i.e. the result of 
this alms-giving) was this : On the day Arad (Arshisang), the 
25th of the Ilahi month Aban, at the time when the sun. 
made his conspicuous appearance in the sign Scorpio, this 
heavenly sign (i.e the tailed comet) kindled its brilliant face in 
the sign of Sagittarius, faced towards the West (and) inclined 
towards the North. It had a long tail. It had reached such a 
limit, that in many towns they saw it for five months. The 
well-informed astrologers, and those skilled in the mysteries 
belonging to the higher (i.e. celestial) assembly, explained 
it thus : 

That among some of the inhabited parts Hindustan, there will, 
be a scarcity of grain, and they specified some particular places. 
The time of the ruler of Iran will come to an end, and in Irak 
and Khorasan there will arise disturbances." All, that was said, 
came to pass without anything being less or diminished. A 
short time after, a caravan came from Iran. Some of its well- 
informed men of truthful mind informed His Majesty of the 
death of Shah Tahmasp and of the murder of Sultan Haidar 
and of the accession to the throne of Shah Ismail. 

The purport of all this detailed account is this : The king of 
heavenly abode (i.e. king Tahmasp) died in Kazvin in the 
beginning of the Ilahi month Khord&d) V 

III. 
VERSION FROM OTHER MAHOMEDAN WORKS. 

I will now give the version of the other Mahomedan writers 
in the order in which I have named them above. 

Mft$oudi's Ma^oudi, speaking of the events of the 

Murftdj udh- Hijri year 299 (911-12 A.C.), thus speaks 

Dharhab. o f the appearance of a comet in that year : 

"Une grele enorme, composee de grelons pesant un ritl, poids 
de Bagdad, tornbe sur Koufah en meme temps qu'une bourras- 
que de sirocco, au mois de ramadan ; plusieurs maisons et edi- 

Hew follow* an account, as to how king Tahn a<*p died, ami Sultan Haidarww 
nd Shah IgzoftU came to the throne. 



A MAHOMEDAN VIEW OF COMETS. 253 

ifices sont renverses. Ce sinistre est suivi d'un trembleinent de 
terre qui coute la vie & un grand nombre d'habitants. Ces 

-desastres eurent lieu & Kouiah en 299.-;- La meme annee est 
signaled par un tremblement de terre en Egypte et par 1'appari- 

vtion d* une comete l . 

In the year 330 (Hijri) 3 there appeared a Comet whose tail 

T,, , r . . appeared from the East to the West. It 

ihe Version of x r . , . . , . , ^ , , 

Ahmad bin Man- remained for eighteen days. From the 

mad* in his Na- influence of this inauspicious sign, one jarib 4 

gftristan about the o f wheat cost 320 golden- miakdls*. When 

Cornet of 941-942 one eftr of com Wfls WQrth a beast of 

burden* the price of wheat rose so high. 
Men ate one another out of hunger. In the time of famine a 
plague appeared, so (virulent) that people had not the strength 
of burying the dead. 

"At this period, at the time of evening prayer, a comet 



Nizam-ud-din's j 

version of the inclining to the North, and continued very 

comet of 1578, awful for two hours. The opinion of the 

twenty-third year Astrologers was that the effects would not 

71 n h i%ft r ?$ n7 be felt in Hindustan, but probably in 
\A. v. i7-7y;. Khoristo and frak Shortly afterwards, 

Shah Ismail, son of Shah Tahmasp Safavi departed this life, 
-and great troubles arose in Persia" 8 . 

I have given Elliot's translation, but have corrected it in one 
place. The first part of the passage, as given by Niz&m-ud-din, 

.runs thus: L^JJ jJ *b! 



Elliot seems to be wrong in translating the word "dar tarf-i 
Arab " by " towards the East ' '. The word " Arab ' ' does not mean 
"* East '. It simply means ' Arabia '. So, the words should be 

1 MACOUDI, traduit par Barbier de Meynard, vol. VIIT, p. 281-82. 

2 In this translation, 1 have follow ed the text published in 1245 Hijri *= 1820 A. P., 



at the instance of Captain George Jervis 

p. 70. 1. 10 et seq. Vide ELLIOT'S History of India, vol. II, appendix, p. 585. 

3 ie. 941442 A. D. 

* Jarib is " a cron measure equal to four qaflz ". Oaflz is a measure containing 
about 64 ibs. in weight " (Steingass) 

5 * 6 A weight of a dram and three-sevenths " (Steingass). 

Parvhi. It also means Pleiades. 

7 The beginning of the 23rd year of .Tahanglr's reign corresponded with Tuesday, 



^he 2nd Mubarram 086 H. (llth March 1578). 
Elliot's History of India, vol. V, p. 407. 
9 Tabakat-i Akbari. Munvhi Naval Kishore'v 



IKishore'y lithographed edition of 1875 A.D.(1292 
s. 3-4. 



354 ASIATIC PAPER.. 

translated ' ' towards Arabia ". Now, as Arabia is in the West, the- 
words may, be translated " towards the West/' This translation 
will then tally with the -statements of Badaoni and Abul Fazl. 
who say that the comet appeared in the West (iJjk* , maghreb). 
There is one thing to be noticed in Niztai-ud-din's writing. 
He uses the word "dur-daneh" ( s* ^ jj 4 ) for a comet. I do not 
find the word in the well-known Persian- English dictionaries of 
Richardson and Steingass nor in the English- Persian dictionary of 
Woolaston. TheTabaMt-i Akbari alone uses it for "a comet." 
I think this word is an attempt to render into Persian ' 'Gurcheher, 
the Pahlavi word for comet, which can also be read " dur cheher." 
We will speak of the Pahlavi word at some length later on. 
"Among the unexpected events (one) was this that in the 
Badaorii's ver same vear a cornet appeared from the 
sion o? the* comet direction of the west. When Shah Mansur 
of 1578, as given left a long tail from behind in the corner of 
in his Munta- his turban, they named him (in joke) 
khab-ut-Tawarikh < ft tailed comet ', ' The e ff ects o f t hi s comet 

appeared in that country." 

Badaoni, like Abul Fazl, places the event in the 22nd year of 
king Akbar's reign, while Nizam-ud-din, as seen above, places it 
in the 23rd year. Elliot thus explains the discrepancy : 

"The twenty-second year began on the 20th Zi-1 hijja, 984 
and being a solar year, it extended over the whole of Hijja 985. 
and ended on the 1st day of 986. The oversight of this fact 
has given rise to some confusion in the dates about this period, 
and the events here recorded as having occurred in the twenty- 
third year of the reign are placed by Abul Fazl in the twenty 
second 2 ." 

When identifying the comet of king Akbar's reign later on, . 
we will see that it appeared in 1577, the 22nd year of Akbar's 
reign. 

The version of thfe author of the Waki&t-i-Jahangiri about 
the two comets that appeared in 1618 in> 
JaMngir's Wa- ^ Jahangirs reign runs thus : (ELLIOT'S 
k a At, Jahangm. , * 



" Saturday, 17th Zi-1 ka'da 3 Several nights before this, a 
little before dawn, a luminous vapour, in the form of a column, 

1 Lees and Ahmad All's Text, vol. II, p. ii40. 1. 10 ; p. 241, 1. 5, 1 give my translation 
from this text. Vvte Lowe.'H translation, vol. II, p. 24H. FtVfcalso L'Empereur A kite f 
par le Comte F. A. De Noer tradult de I'nllemnnd par U. Bonet-Maury, vol. I, p. 262. 

2 Elliot's History of India, vol. V, p. 408, no. ] . , w , _ 
The year was Hljrl 1027, A.D. 1618. The date- corresponds to 10th March 1618. 

Vide Elliot's History of India, Vol. VI, p. H50. 



A MAHOMEDAN VIEW OK COMETS. 25 

had made its appearance, and every succeeding night it arose 
half an hour earlier than on the preceding night. When it had 
attained its full development, it looked like a spear with the two 
ends thin, but thick about the middle. It was a little curved 
like a reaping-sickle, with its back towards the South, and its 
edge towards the North. On the date above-mentioned, it rose 
three hours before sunrise. The astronomers measured its size 
with their astrolabes, and, on an average of different observa- 
tions, it was found to extend 24 degrees. Its course was in tho 
empyrean heaven, but it had a proper motion of its own, inde- 
pendent of that firmament, as it was retrograde first appearing 
in the sign of the Scorpio, then in that of the Scalefc. Its declina- 
tion was southerly. Astrologers call such a phenomenon a 
spear, and have written that it portends evil to the chiefs of 
Arabia, and the establishment of an enemy's power over them. 
God only knows if this be true ! 

" Sixteen nights after its first appearance, a comet appeared in 
the same quarter, having a shining nucleus, with H tail in appear- 
ance about two or three yards long, but in the tail there was no 
light or splendour. Up to the present time, nearly eight years* 
have elapsed since its first appearance, and when it disappears, I 
shall take care to record it, as wr^ll as the effects which have 
resulted from it. " 

From the above extract, perhaps one may be led to suppose 
that the comet continued to appear for eight years. We will 
explain this matter later on while identifying this comet. 

The version of Mutamadkhan, in his Ikbdl Ndmeh-i Jahan- 
Muiamadkhan's ffiri, about the first of the comets of 161H 

I k b A 1-n a m e h-i runs thus, (ELLIOT'S History of India., vol. 

Jah^ngiri. VI, pp. 406-7) : 

" On the 16th of December, an hour and a quarter before the/ 
dawn of the day, there appeared in the atmosphere a vaporous 
matter in the shape of a column, and it was seen half an hour ear- 
lier every succeeding night. When it appeared in its full form, it- 
resembled the shape of a javelin. It was thin at both ends, 
and thick and crooked in the middle like a sickle. Its back was 
towards the south, and its face towards the north. The astro- 
nomers measured its size by means of an ast/oJable. and upon a 
comparison of different observations, it was found to extend 
over 24 degrees. It moved with the highest of the heavens, but 
had a proper motion of its own : so that it first appeared in the 
sign of Scorpio, and in a short time left it, and entered that of 
Libra. II also had a southerly declination. Astrologers, iu thpir 
books, mention such a phenomenon under the name of a jave- 
lin. Sixteen nights after its appearance, a star was seen in, .the 



256 JLSIATIO PAPEB. 

same direction, the head of which wad luminous ; but its tail, 
which was two or three yards long, emitted no light. It was in 
consequence of its appearance that a pestilential disorder (tvabd 
o td'fin) spread throughout this extensive country of Hindustan, 
which exceeded everything known and recorded in former ages, 
nor is there any mention made of such in the authentic works of 
the Hindus. The pestilence arose in the country one year 
before the appearance of the phenomenon, and continued to 
rage for eight years. It was also through the effects of this 
phenomenon that a misunderstanding arose between His Majesty 
and the fortunate Prince Shah Jahan. The disturbances which 
thus originated lasted seven or eight years. What blood was 
shed in the country ! and what families were ruined ! 

" At this time it was learnt from the petition of Bahadur Khan, 
governor of Kandahar, that in the environs and dependencies 
of the city, the mice had increased to such an extent that they 
ieft no trace of either crops or fruits. With the greatest diffi- 
culty, perhaps, only one-fourth of the produce was saved to the 
cultivators. In the same manner, the fields of melons, and the 
produce of orchards and vineyards were totally destroyed ; and 
when no fruit and no corn remained in the gardens and in the 
fields, by degrees the mice all died off." 

IV. 

IDENTIFICATION OF THE COMETS. 

We will now proceed to identify the comets described by the 
above-named Mahomedan authors. Mr. J. Russel Hind's book 
on comets has been of great use to me in identifying them. 
The comet referred to by Niz&ni-ud-din's Tabakat-i Akbari and 
by Badaoni's Muntakhab-ut-Tavudrikh is the same as that which 
is* the fourth in the list of Abftl Fazl ; so they do not require a 
separate identification. We will proceed in our work of identifi- 
<cation in the chronological order of their appearance. The 
oldest comet referred to is the one mentioned by Ma^oudi. 

The comet of Hijri 299 (911-912 A.D), referred to by 

M u'di's ^ a 9 ou di, is Halley's comet in one of its 

comet of OI^A-D* previous revolutions. Mr. Russel Hind, in his 

book on Comets l gives a table of the most 

probable epochs of the perihelion passages of Halley's 

comet, commencing from 11 B.C. Therein we find its 13th 

appearance in 912 A.D. This date corresponds to Majoudi's 

Hijri date 299. 

i The Comets, by J. RuBsel Hind, 1852, p. 57. 



A MAHOMKDAN VIEW OF COMETF. 257 

Effiot i surmised that the comet of Hijri 330 (941-942 A.D.), 
referred to in the Nigaristan, was Halley's 

2. The comet CO met, one of whose probable appearance lias 
-referred to in the , , . c norT A T\ TT 

Nigaristan. been reckoned to be in 930 A. D. He 

surmised that, as there is always a difference 

of a few months between each period of its appearance, due 

to the action of planets and to other causes, this difference 

of nearly 11 years may be accounted. But Russel Hind has. 

in his book 2 on Comets, given a list of the epochs of its 

perihelion passages on former occasion, from the date of its last 

appearance 1835 A.D. to 11 B.C. We do not find in that list 

its appearance in 941-942 op thereabouts. So for the present, 

we must take it as an unidentified comet. 

The first comet referred to by Abul Fazl is that of the 

yeara263-1264 (Hijri 662). This comet is 

3. Abfil FazPs comet 111 of Fergusson's list 3 . It passed, 
comets. its perihelion on 6th July 12(v4 at 6 h., 50' 

39", according to the meantime of 
'Greenwich 4 . Mr. Hind says of it that it was a great comet and 
.that " it was accompanied by a train fully 100 long, agreeably 
to the Chinese description, while European contemporaries tell 
us, when the head was just clear of the eastern horizon, the 
tail stretched past the mid-heaven westward, which seems to 
indicate an extent of more than 90 6 

Further on, Hind speaks thus of this great comet : "One of 
the grandest comets mentioned in history is that which made 
its appearance in the middle of the year 1264. It is recorded in 
terms of wonder and astonishment by nearly all the historians 
of the age : no one then living had seen any to be compared to 
it. It was at the height of its splendour in the month of August, 
and during the early part of September. When the head was 
just visible above the estern horizon in the early morning sky, 
the tail stretched out past the mid-heaven towards the west, or 
was fully 100 in length. Both Chinese and European writers 
testify to its enormous magnitude. In China, the tail was not 
only 100 long, but appeared curved in the form of a sabre. Its 
movement was from Leo, through Cancer and Gemini, into 
Orion. It continued visible until the beginning of October, his- 
torians generally agreeing in dating its last appearance on the 
2nd of October, or on the night of the death of Pope Urban IV., 
of which event it seems to have been considered the precursor. 

1 Elliot's History of India, vol. Ill, p. BOO, n. 1 

2 The Comets, by J. Basse! Hind, 1852, p. 57. 

* Perffusson's Astronomv, explained upon Sir Isaac Newton's principles, by Dav 
Brewster, 1811, vol. II, p. 800. 

* The Comets, by J. Russel Hind, 1852, p. 127. Hind gives the hour as 1.51 

"5 Ibid p. 12. 



258 ASIATIC PAPER. 

" Some rough approximations to the elements have been at- 
tempted in the first instance by Mr. Dunthorne, in the middle of 
the last century, and subsequently by M. Pingre, the well- 
known French writer upon the history of comets 1 ". 

According to Russel Hind, the comet of 1556 which according 
to Fergusson's list passed its perihelion on 21st April was 
the same comet appearing after a period of 292 years. Then, it 
was not nearly so conspicuous as in 1264 but still was " a great 
and brilliant star 2 ". It seems to have gradually lost its bril- 
liancy. Hind 3 predicted its return between 1856-1860. Two 
comets 4 have appeared within the period in 1859 and 1860, 
but none has been clearly identified with it. 

Abul Fazl, referring to the sign of Leo, also says, that it was 
seen in Tibet, Turkestan, China, Kashghar, Fraghana, Mawara'- 
unnahr (Transoxania) and Khorassan, and that it continued to. 
appear for 80 days. From this, we sec that it was a great comet 
and was seen even in China in the farthest cast. All those fact a 
and the year identify Abul Fazl's comet of 662 Hijri as the 
great comet of 1264. 

We are not able to identify the second comet of Abul Fazl 
(Hijri 803 A.D. 1400-1401) with any of the comets in the lists 
given in modern astronomy. 

Coming to his third comet (Hijri 837, A.D. 1433-1434)1 
think it is the same as that of 1433 referred to by Russel Hind 5 
in his list of comets. It passed its perihelion on the 4th or 
5th of November 1433. It was also observed by the Chinese 6 . 

The fourth comet referred to by Abul Fazl (Hijri 985, A.D. 
1576-1577, is the comet IX. of Fergussori's list, 7 which passed 
its perihelion on 26th of October 1577. Russel Hind also gives 
this comet in his list 8 . It was of this comet that Tycho 
Brahe found " that it had no diurnal parallax and that it was 
therefore situated at a much greater distance than the 
moon y ". This comet has been identified by Elliot 1 **. 

1 Ibid., pp. 116- LI 7. 

2 The Comets, p. 117. 
a Ibid., p. 122. 

* Newoomb's Astronomy for Everybody, 1903, p. 274. 
"> The Comets by Russel Hind, p. 127. 
7Md.,p.l41. 

7 Ferguson's Astronomy, by Brcwster, Vol. II, p. 360. 
" The Comet* , by J. Russel Hind, p. 128. 
i> Feryusson's Astronomy, by Brewstcr, vol. IT, p. 355. 
10 Elliot's History of India, vol. V, p. 407. 



A MAHOMED AX VIEW OF COMETS. 259 

The, Waki&t-i Jahdngiri refers to two comets that appeared 

The comets *** J^^g^ 8 reign. -Both appeared in the 

referred to in the same y ear ( Hi J ri 1027 A - D - 1617-1618) and 

WakV&t-iJah&n- after a short interval. We also find both 

giri and in the from Fergusson 1 and Russel Hind 2 that 

JahAngW 18114 two comets had appeared in 1618. The 

first had passed its perihelion on the 17th 
of August 1618 and the second on the 8th of November 1618. 

Hind speaks of the second as f * a splendid comet " and as " one 
of the finest ever observed 3 ". But according to the Wakiat-i 
Jahangiri, it was the first that was more splendid. Of tho 
second, he says, that it appeared sixteen nights after the first 
and that there was no light or splendour in its tail. In connec- 
tion with this matter of difference between the Mahomedan 
writer and the later Christian writer, it is worth noting, that 
according to Hind, the observations of Kepler on the first of the 
two comets were " somewhat imperfect. 4 " 

From the description of the Wakiul-i Jahdngiri, one may be 
led to think that the comet continued to appear for eight years. 
But as the Ikbal-ndmeh's description of the same comet, which, 
to a certain extent, follows that of the Wakiat-i Jahangiri, 
points out, the reference is to the supposed disastrous and 
unlucky influences of the comet. These were believed to have 
lasted long for nearly eight years. 

We will here give a list of the comets referred to in this paper, 

which will present to the reader, at one sight, 

A List of comets, the dates of their appearances and an idea of 

their identification. In giving the Christian 

dates of the Hijri years of the Mahomedan authors, I have 

followed this rule : 

" From the given number of Mahomedan years, deduct 3 per 
cent, and to the remainder add 621-54". 'The corresponding 
rule for vice versa is : " From the given number of Christian 
years, deduct 621*64 and to the remainder add 3 per cent, of 
the same." Wollaston gives, at the end of his English- Persian 
Dictionary, a list of the Mahomedan years and their corres- 
ponding Christian years. 

1 Ferguson's Astronomy, by Brewster, vol. II, p. 360. 

2 The Comets, by Ruasel Hind, p. 128. 
a Ibid. t p. 144. 

7f.f.,p. 144. 



:260 



ASIATIC PAPER. 



The book referring 
to the comet. 



Hijri Christian My identification of 
year. year. , the Comet. 



1 . Murudj udh-Dha- 
hab. 

2. Ahmad-bin Mali- 

mad's Nigaristan. 

3. Abul Fazl's Akbar- 
nameh . 



4. Ditto 
o. Ditto 



299 



330 



911-12 



941-42 



Halle.rs Comet in 912 
A. D. 

Unidentified. 



><>. (a) Abul Fazl's Ak- j 
bar-nameh. j 

(b) Nizam-uddin's | 
Tabakat-i Akbari. 

(c) Badaoni's Mun- 
takhab- ut-Tawa- 
rikh. 



7. The Wakiat-J Ja- 

hangiri. 

(6) and Ikbal-iiameli 

8. The Wakiat-i Ja- 

hangiri. 



(>02 1203-(i4 jThe comet which pass- 
i ! ed.its perihelion on 

I i Gth July 1264. 

803 [1400-01 'Unidentified. 

I i 

837 J1433-34 The comet which, ac- 
cording to Russel 
Hind, passed its peri- 
helion on 4th or 5th 
! November 1433. 

985 |] 577-78 \Thv comet that passed 
' ! its perihelion on 

! 26th October 1577. 



1027 I H:LS JThe comet that passed 
its perihelion on 1 7th 
August 1618. 



1027 



1018 



Tlie comet tliat passed 
its perihelion on 8th 
November 1618. 



A MAHOMEDAN VIEW OF COMETS. 261 



AN INQUIRY INTO THE VIEWS OF THE 
MAHOMEDAN WRITERS ON COMETS. 

We will now examine the statements of these Mahoniedan 
authors at some length. All of them, with the exception of 
Abul Fad, have mostly described the appearances of the comets 
which fell under their own observations or whose observations 
were noticed by some previous writers whose descriptions they 
followed. It is Abul Fazl, alone, who, not only describes the 
appearances of the comets, but enters into a kind of description 
about the theory of their formation, etc., so, we will examine his 
statement, and, where necessary, see how far he is supported 
by other Mahomedan authors and by other ancient writers'. 

The contents of Abul Fazl's long article 

Ahul views* 1 S on comcts in the Aktor-ndmeh can be divided 
Mewb -' and examined under the following heads : 

1. The general theory explaining the phenomenon : 

2. The influences attributed to their appearance by the 

people ; 

3. The view of the pishinigdn, (i.e., the ancients), referred 

to by him, and their nirangx or incantation-prayers to avert 

the influences of the comets. 

Abul Fazl connects this phenomenon with the formation of 
what he calls bokhdr (i.e., vapour) and da khan, 

^" e "> steam )- To 8 P eak * i* in * ne modern 
scientific phraseology, he connects it with the 
phenomenon of evaporation. He says that its appearance is 
due to the vapour floating in the air, as the result of the 
process of evaporation. But, though the vapour is thus always 
in the air, the appearance of the comet is rare. So he says 
that its appearance in the heavens is due to a particular 
position of the planets Mars and Mercury in the heavens. 

As to the theory about the presence of 
A comparison of vapours in the comet, we find that modern 
his view with, the . * . . . i * . .1 - . . .-* 

modern view. scientists also refer to them and say that the 

luminosity is due to them. Sir George 
Gabriel Stokes 1 says on this point : 

" There can no longer be any doubt that the nucleus consists, 
in its inner portions at least, of vapour of some kind, and we 
must now add incandescent vapour ; nor does there appear to 
be any reasonable doubt that in most comets' this vapour 

i Nature Seriod, Burnett Lectures on Light, by Sir George Gabriel Sftkfca, 1892, 
pp. 210-213. 



362 ASIATIC PAPBB, 

consists of, or contains, some volatile compound of carbon, unless 
it be carbon itself vaporized by the heat of the sun. Now it is 
conceivable that if the nucleus of a comet be endowed with an 
atmosphere, or perhaps even coated with a liquid, having in a 
high degree the combination of the transparent and athermanous 
characters of glass, its temperature when exposed to radiation 
from the sun might rise much above what we might have 
expected a priori." 

Though Abui FazTs reference to vapours in the comet is cor- 
rect even from the modern scientific point of view, his inference 
that the vapour is the vapour rising from oar earth is wrong. 
He takes it to be an ordinary meteorological phenomenon 
which is not correct as the comet appears in the ultra-terrestrial 
regions. Abfil Fazl refers to terrestrial evaluation, while, 
according to the modern view, it is the evaporation of a vola- 
tile liquid of an object in the ultra-terrestrial regions. The 
Ikbdl-nameh-i Jahdngiri 1 also connects the phenomenon with a 
vaporous matter in the atmosphere. The Wakiat-i-Jahangiri 
also speaks of " a luminous vapour. 2 " 

It is one of the features, which a comet generally ta,kc\s, 
that seems to have led Abul Fazl and others to assume that 
it is a terrestrial meteorological phenomenon. As pointed out 
by Prof. Newcomb, 3 one of the three features which a comet 
embodies is that of the nucleus which is surrounded by "a cloudy 
nebulous mass like a little bunch of fog, shading off very gra- 
dually towards the edge." The comet " looks like a star shining 
through a patch of mist or f og. " So, it is this misty or foggy a] > - 
pearance that seems to have led AbOl Fazl and others to con- 
ceive the appearance of a comet to be a terrestrial phenomenon 
occurring within the limits of the strata < f the earth's atmosphere . 

Thus, Abul Fazl and soms other Mahometan authors partially 
re fleet the views of the early ag^s of scenes. Fergusson says : 
" In the early ages of science, the comets were regarded as an 
assemblage of small stars that had accidentally coalesced into 
one body, and afterwards they were b lievod to be simple me- 
teors or exhalations generated by inflammable vapours in the 
earth's atmosphere."* 

The view that comets are atmospheric phenomena was held 
upto as late as Tycho Brand's time. Astronomer Heath thus 
speaks on this point : "The ancient philosophers believed that 

comets existed in the earth's atmosphere. This idea was first 

i j t * 

V Elliot's History of India, vol. VI, p. 406. 
2 Elliot's ffintory of India, vol. VI, p. 868. 

9 Artrowty foe Jterytafy ,* a popular exposition of the womtew of the Heavens, by 
l> r of. Simon Newoomb, with an introduction by Sir Robert B. BMl, 1008. P. 2&6. 
< ITwMKW'f 4ftr0**my, by Dr. Brewater, 1811, vol. II, * 8*A-& , 



A MAHOMEDAN VIEW OF COMETS. 263 

exploded by Tycho Brahc, who showed, by actual measurements, 
that the comet of 1577 moved in a space at a distance from the 
arth farther away than the moon, and therefore far beyond the 
confines of the earth's atmosphere 1 . ff 

While explaining the origin of the ap- 

Abul Faal's pearance of the comet, Abul Fazl speaks of 

view nbout the tne various forms which the comets assume. 

th^S ' He sa y s that the comets assume the following 

forms : 

(a) A man with locks of hair ; 

(6) A person having a tail ; 

\c) A person holding a lance in his hand ; 

(d) An animal. 

(a) The first form mentioned by Abul Fazl, viz., that of a 
person with Jocks, is that which is also referred to by modern 
scientific writers on comets. They say that the nucleus or the 
central nebulous mass is surrounded by a hairy mass. The very 
word "comet " is derived from " coma," the latin word for hair 
because it looks hairy. This hairy portion is called "coma." 
The nucleus and the coma together form what is called " head." 
We find that the use of the word ' ' head " for a part of the body 
of the comet, which is hairy, is ancient. The Bundehesh, 3 a 
Pahlavi book of the Parsees, speaks of the head and tail 
(royashman va dumb) of a comet. 

One of the several Persian words for a comet is "zuzu&b,"i.e., 
the possessor of locks of hair. A story is toki of Prof, Barnard 
showing a photograph of a comet to a lady. On looking at it, 
she is reported to have said : "Why ! that comet looks as if it 
had been out all night. " 3 That remark can be more true from 
the point of view of its hairy portion than from that of its tail. 

(6) The second form of the comet, referred to by Abul Fazl, is 
that of a person with a tail. One of the several Persian words 
for a comet is " zuzanab ", i.e. ,the possessor of a tail. Our general 
notion of a comet is this : that it is a tailed star, and that, as 
uch, it always carries a tail. So, Abul Fazl's distinction bet- 
ween the comets, as those with locks of hair or hairy comets 
and tailed comets, appears strange at first thought. But we 
must remember that, at times, the comet is not seen in 
all, its perfection. Generally, the nucleus or the part which 
forms the hairy portion is not seen at all, and at other times, 
it is the tail that is not seen at all. Prof. Newcomb says 

i The Tu*nti*th -Jenivry Atlo* of Pojmkr Astrtmomy, toy Thomas Heath, 1903, p. 03 
i Chap. XXVIII, 44, : B. B..V01. 1880, p. 113. I- 'M. 

Vcrifar* Astronomy, by Turner, 1001, p. 226. 



v ASIATIC PAPEK. 

on this point: "Comets differ enormously in brightness.. 
Sometimes a telescopic comet has no visible tail ; this however 
is the ca&e only when the abject is extremely faint. Sometimes 
also, the nucleus is almost wholly wanting." Again, we must 
remember that the observations in India in the times of Abul 
Fazl (1551-1602 A.D.) were made with the naked eye and not 
with telescopes. The Wakidt-i JaMngiri, while speaking of a 
comet in the tinie of Jehangir, the successor of Akbar (in 1618) r 
also says that in its tail " there was no light or splendour. " * 

According to Badaoni, the author of the Muntakhab-ut 
Towarikh, the tail of a comet, which had appeared in 985 Hijri 
(1577-78 A.D.) in the reign of king Akbar (1542-1505 A.D.) f had 
suggested a joke in the case of a courtier. Shah Mancur, who 
occupied the post of Divan, used to keep the end of his turban 
hanging behind him over his head. The recent appearance of 
the comet suggested the idea that the end of the turban hung 
over the back of his head like the tail of the comet. So, in joke, 

he was called Sitarah-i dunbalah ( /5 LJ o *jla- )" i.e., a tailed 
star or comet. 

(c) The third form attributed by Abul Fazl to a comet, viz., 
that of a person with a lance (nezeh) in his hand, is one which 
is not referred to by modern scientific writers on comets, but it 
is referred to by Pliny. 3 Other Mahomedan authors besides 
Abul Fazl have attributed to comets forms of instruments. The 
Wakiat-i Jahangiri, while speaking of a comet that appeared 
in the 13th year of the reign of Jahangiri (Hijri 1027, A.D. 1618). 
says that it appeared "like a spear with the two ends 
thin but thick about the middle." 3 The Ikbal-naineh- 
Jahangiri also speaks of the form as that of a javelin 5 . 

Some European writers also refer to the comets as assuming 
the forms of instruments. For example, Sigebert says of the 
comet that appeared in 1066, the year of the Norman conquest, 
that to its train "hung a fiery sword not unlike a dragon's 
tail; "In another place we read of a comet appearing like 
a Turkish scimitar; " 7 

(d) The fourth form supposed to be assumed by the comets 
according to 'Abul Fazl is that of an animal. The Pahlavi 
Bundehesh also seems to refer to this form. 

1 Elliot's History of India, vol. VI, p. 364. 

2 The Afuntakhab at-tawankh, edited by Dr. Lees and Munehi Ahmad All, 1808, vol. II, 
p. 240, 1. o 18 ; Loire's translation, 1884, vol. II., p. 248; Elliot's History of/tuto* vol. V, 

P a^linVs JTofcra* History, vol. II, chap. XXII. Bostock and Elley's translation* 1855; 
vol. I., p. 56 

Elliot's History o/ India, vol. VT, p. 363. 

ft /Md., p. 406. 

6 The story of Hallcy's Comet, The Nineteenth Century of September 1909, 

1 IMT.,p. 520. 



A MAHOMEDAN VIEW OF COMETS. 26 

Pliny 1 refers to the following'forms assumed by the comets : 
sword, dart, horn, deity in a human form, spear, spire, knot of 
fire, and flute. 

VI. 

THE INFLUENCE ATTRIBUTED BY THE PEOPLE TO 
A COMET'S APPEARANCE. 

Mr. Vincent Heward in his " Story of Halley's Comet 2 " says 
of Halley's comet that "it is closely associated with events which 
have contributed largely towards moulding the destiny ot 
Europe." One can say that that statement is true, to a great 
or less extent, of many great comets. Abul Fazl's statement 
about the beliefs in a comet's influence is a reflection of the 
general belief on this subject. 

Abul Fazl, on the authority of ancient writers whom he calls 

41 writers of wisdom ", says that, as a result 

Abftl Faziv o f the evil influences of a comet "a famine 

7SJ!? * f Jf 1 ' is in sight, sickness is prevalent, and cala- 
mnuenco of tho A _LI. i ^u L. 

comets. mities gam strength. further on, he refers 

to the dethronement of kings, etc. If by the 
"writers of wisdom" he means the pishinigdn or "the ancients' 7 
referred to by him in another passage, we will see, later on, 
that the Pahlavi Bundehesh refers to all these calamities 
mentioned by Abul Fazl. "We find from other Mahomedaii 
authors also that the fear about the evil influences of the 
comets was well nigh general. 

The following statement of Fergusson is a reflection of what, 
according to Abul Fazl, was the general 
Its comparison belief of those in earlier times. Fergusson 
similar sa y s : "During the ages of barTbarism arid 
superstition, they were regarded as the 
harbingers of awful convulsions, both in the political and in the 
physical world. Wars, pestilence and famine, the dethrone- 
ment of kings, the fall of nations and the more Alarming 
convulsions of the globe, were the dreadful evils whjchi they 
presented to- the diseased and terrified imaginations of men . . 
Even at the beginning of the 18th century, the- friend and 
companion of Newton (Mr. Whiston) regarded them " as the 
abode of the damned " 3 . 

There are a number of theories about the origin and cause of 
the deluge. One of these is, that it must be due to a comet 

i Pliny's Natural History, vol. II, chap. XXII and. XXIIL Bostock and ,Biles ' 
translation, vol. I, pp. 55-58. 

* The Nineteenth Century of September 1909, n 391 , p. 509. 

* Fcryunwn'8 Astronomy by Dr. Brewster, 1811 , vol. II, p. 352* 



2G6 ASIATIC PAPER. 

which may have come into collision with the earth. Fergusson 
and also Dr. Whiston, an astronomer a contemporary and 
friend of Newton, held this view. Fergusson says as follows 
on this point : "We must confess, that 3 a natural cause is to 
be sought for that great event, we can explain it only by the. 
shock of some celestial body. The transient effect of a comet 
passing near the Earth, could scarcely amount to any great con- 
vulsion ; but if the earth were actually to receive a shock from 
one of these bodies, the consequences would be awful. A new 
direction would be given to its rotatory motion, and the globe 
would revolve round a new axis. The seas, forsaking their 
ancient beds, would be hurried by their centrifugal force to the 
new equatorial regions ; islands and continents, the abodes of 
men and animals, would be covered by the universal rush of 
Avaters to the new equator, and every prestige of human indus- 
try and genius at once destroyed. The chances against such an 
event are, however, so very numerous, that there is no dread of 
its occurrence. "* 

Halley is reported to have said of the comet that bears his 
name that " if so large a body with so rapid a motion were to 
strike the Earth a thing by no means impossible the shock 

might reduce this beautiful world to its original chaos." 2 

) 

It seems that the very mention by those whom Abfil Fazl calls 
" writers of wisdom," of the chances, however remote, of a catas- 
trophe, has led many men, even of the intelligent class, to be 
afraid of the phenomenon. It has led them to. prayers and 
ceremonies to avert such misfortunes. They attributed their 
escape to their devout prayers. Though they believed that 
the general disaster was averted, they attributed partial disas- 
ters, like that of an invasion or of a dethronement, a famine or a 
pestilence to that phenomenon. 

Again, it was not only in India and Persia that such a fear was 
general. We find that it was common in many nations both 
ancient and modern. Abfil Fazl, in his account of the comets, 
refers to ancient Greece, Egypt and Rome. All these countries 
had superstitious fears of these comets. Among the Greeks, 
Aristotle, among the Romans, Ammianus Marcellinus and Pliny, 
and among Egyptians, Ptolemy refer to this fact. 

Ammianus Marcellinus is reported to have said that '' comets 
foretold the ruin of great conditions. " 3 

1 Perg&son't Astronomy, p, 858. 

2 The Nineteenth Century of September 1909, p. 513. 

* Encudopasdia of Antiquities, by Bey. Fosbroke, 1826, vol, II, p. C76. 



A MAHOMETAN VIEW OF COMETS. 267 

Pliny devotee two chapters (Bk. II, chaps. XXII and XXIII) 
to comets. 1 He divides them into several classes according 
to their form and appearance. In his long description of form 
and appearance, we find the foDowing forms referred to by Abul 
Pazl: 

1. " Shaggy with bloody locks and surrounded with bristles 
like hair. " Some " have a mane hanging down from their lower 
parts like a long beard. " 

2. "They shine like a sword. " One had the appearance of a 
spear. 

According to Pliny" it portends something unfavourable." 2 
These unfavourable prognostications depend upon the different 
forms and appearances that it assumes. 

Pliny refers to a comet that appeared in the time of Caesar 
(44 A.D.). Halley has identified this comet with that of 1680 
A.D. whose appearance is said to have led both Newton and 
Halley to believe that " the comets were perhaps controlled in 
their movements by the same influence as that which ... held 
the moon in its orbit." 3 It was the study of the observations 
of this comet in 1680 that led Halley to observe and study more 
carefully the comet which appeared in 1682, whose next appear- 
ance he foretold, and which is known by his name. 

According to Ptolemy, referred to by Abul Fazl, "comets pre- 
sented an omen especially unfavourable to kings." 4 Milton is 
believed to refer to this opinion when he says of a comet in his 
Paradise Lost. " And with fear of change per plexes monarchs ." 
Milton thus speaks of the belief referred to by Abul Fazl that 
pestilence and war result from the appearance of a comet : 

On the other side, 

Incensed with indignation, Satan stood 
Unterrified, and like a comet burn'd, 
That fires the length of Ophiuchus huge 
In the arctic sky, and from his horrid hair. 
Shakes pestilence and war. 6 .... 
Gibbon*, on the authority of Halley and others, gives an 
account of the different appearances of the comet of 44 A.D., re- 
ferred to by Pliny. It has the period of 575 years. While 
speaking of its appearance in the time of Justinian, Gibbon says 
that "the nations, who gazed with astonishment, expected wars 

1 The Natural History of Pliny, translated by Boatock and Biley, 1855, vol. I, pp. 
55-58. * lbid. t p. 67. 

2 Tlie Story of Halley's Comet," by B. V, Hcwaid in The JNineUenth Century, no. 
391. September 1909, p. 509. 

Ibid., p. 57. no. 4. 

5 Paradvu: Lcut, Bk. II, 11, p. 70 etsge. 

6 The Jftcfto and PM of Roman Empire, 1844. ?ol. Ill, p. 160. 



268 ASIATIC PAPER. 

and calamities from their baneful influence ;' and these expecta* 
tions were abundantly fulfilled." l He enumerates its follo\fring 
appearances :' ' 

1. Its appearance in 1767 B.C. is connected with the tradi- 
tion which Varro has preserved ' ' that under the reign of Oxyges, 
the father of Grecian antiquity, the planet Venus changed her 
colour, size, figure and course." 2 

2. Its second appearance in 1193 B.C. "is darkly implied in 
the fable of Electra, the seventh of the Pleiads, who have been 
reduced to six since the time of the Trojan war. That nymph, 
the wife of Dardenus, was unable to support the ruin of her 
country ; she abandoned the dances of her sister orbs, fled from 
the Zodiac to the North pole, and obtained, from her dishevel- 
led locks, the name of the cornel." 3 From this description we 
iind, that the comet is classed as a nymph, just as it is styled as a 
pan (fairy) in the A vest a and Pahlavi, as will be seen later on. 

3. The third appearance was in 618 B.C. "a date that exactly 
agrees with the tremendous comet of the Sybil, and perhaps of 
Pliny." ^ 

4. The fourth appearance was in 44 B.C. when it appeared 
as a long-haired star in Borne. It was believed to have ' ' conveyed 
to heaven the divine soul of the dictator (Caesar)." b 

5. The fifth appearance was, as said above, in 531 A.D. 
during the reign of Justinian. 

6. The sixth appearance was in 1106 A.D. Even the Chi- 
nese have a record of this appearance. This was the time of the 
Crusades, and both Crusaders and Saracens took omens from 
its appearance. 

7. The last appearance was in 1680 A.D. 

vn. 

THE PlSHlNlGAN (i. c. THE ANCIENT IRANIANS AND 
THEIR NIRANGS, REFERRED TO BY ABtfL FAZL. 
Abul Fazl, in his long account of the comets, refers to the 
Pfehtnujdn or the ancients and says that they had many nirangs 
to counteract evil influences like those resulting from the ap- 
pearance of comets. Let us examine here in a separate section 
the following points on this subject. 

A. Who were the pishinlgdn ? 

B. What were their nirangs '*. 

C. What had the pishinig&n to say about the comets ? 

I Ibid. 2 Ibid. 9 Ibid., pp. 160-101. 

The Decline and Fall of Roman Empire, p. 101. 5 Ibid 



A MAHOMEDAN VIEW OF COMETS. 269 

The <pisMnigdn or the ancients, referred to by Abul Fazl, were 
the ancient Persians who professed the Maz- 
A. Who were the day agnan faith. In the Pahlavi Dinkard 1 , 
? the pteUnigdn are identified with the poriyo- 

tkeskdn. This word is used in the Persian 
translation, from the Pahlavi, of the letter of Tosar or Tansar, 
the Chief Priest and the Prime Minister of the court of Ardashir 
Babagan, the founder of the Sassanian dynasty, to Jasnasfshah, 
the king of Tabaristan. Tansar has used this word 3 , as well as 
the word avalydri* (/.jUlJ), in the sense, as Darmesteter 4 has 
said, of poriyo- llcaeshdn, who were the ancient Masdaya Bruins 
of Persia in the time of Zoroaster. 

The word nirang used by Abul Fazl is originally a Pahlavi 

word. Darmesteter says: " Nirang est le 

B. What were the terme pehlvi pour les actes liturgiques et par 

mrangs of the ., r . . -,. ,.. . c mi 

pishinigan? suite pour les indications liturgiques 5 . Ihe 

word signifies more than this. It has the 
following different significations: 1. Ritual. 2. A prayer 
formula used on particular occasions and in particular cere- 
monies. 3. A prayer formula used as a charm or amulet for 
averting an evil. 

As an example of the use of the word in the first sense, the 
Parsees have a ritual or ceremony called Nirang-dinormravig-i din 
(lit. the ritual of religion). It is a long ceremony for the con- 
secration of the gao-mez or the urine of a sacred bull. From 
the name of the ceremony, urine itself is at times called nirang. 
Again, there is a Pahlavi book which is called Nirangistan, be- 
cause it refers to rituals. 

I think that the Pahlavi word nirang is another reading of 
the Pahlavi word nirui or nmi which is 

f Origin and mean- Persian niru ( . . J \. meaning strength or 
ng of tho word \Js ' ' , 11 i 

nirang. power. The same Pahlavi word that can be 

read nirui is read nirang. A nirang, whether 
it is a ritual, a prayer formula, a charm or amulet , or an in- 
cantation, gives to its performer, possessor, or reciter, power 
or strength, especially mental power or strength as the result 
of faith. 

, -i The Dinkarrf, by Dastur J)r. Peshotan liehramji Sanjana, vol. IX, PahUvi text, 

ft. 451, 1. 20. Vide The Zwul Pahlavi Glossary, by Dastur Hosliancii and Dr. Haug. 

Introduction, p. xxxv, b. 2. PoryotkSshan i pishinigan. Vide also the text of the Sad- 

dar-i Beher-i tavil, (-hap. XIII, wherein king Jamshed is spoken of as one of tho 

2 Journal Asiatique, 9 stfrie, t. Ill, Mars-avril 1894, p. 212, 1. 3. 

Ibid., p. 211,1. 12. 

IIM., Mai-juin 1874, pp. 514-15. 

L". % ' nd Avtsta, I, Introduction', p. 89. 



270 ASIATIC PAPER. 

In the P&zend Afrin-i G&hainbar 1 and in the Afrin-i Arda* 
f arvash, we find the word niru in the sense of ' strength, ' used with 
cognate words. We read there Aoj, zur, niru, tagi, amavandi, piroa- 
gari hamd fravash-i ashodn be-rasdd, i.e., " May the strength, 
vigour, power, force, success, victory all reach the holy spirits 
of the pious 2 ". This word, niru, when it occurs similarly in 
the Afrin-i Rapithavin occurs as nirui. The sentence runs thus : 
" Pa aoj, va zor va niru-i varz pirozgar-i Dad&r Ahura Mazda ", 
i.e., "With the strength and vigour and power of the triumph- 
ant splendour of Dadftr' Ahuramazd 3 ". This word niru-i a 
written hero, may be clearly read nirang. 

Dr. Steingass 4 gives a Persian word nimyish (jZjJjj*) as 
meaning " divine decree, fate ", and by putting a mark of inter- 
rogation before it, seems to have some doubt about the word. 
I think this word is the same as " nirui ", which, in the above pas- 
sage, is associated with divine splendour. The final i (u$) 
which forms abstract nouns in Persian arc written in Pahlavi 
and Pazend with a letter ^ which can be read both sh and 

* '?/<?." For example the Persian "shadi" for joy, which is Avesta 
shditi, is written in Pahlavi "shadih". But in the P&zend, 
the word is written and read " Shadish ". We have a number 
of such readings of abstract nouns in the P&zend Afrin-i 
Haft Ameshashpandan 5 . So, Dr. Steingass's Persian word 
niruish is nothing but nirui, which has originated the word 
nirang. 

From this short examination of the etymology and meaning 
of the word, wo see that the word " nirang " has acquired the 
sense of incantation, charm, etc., because it gives power or 
strength to those who have faith in them. 

We have a number of nirangs still existing among some of the 
Pazend and Persian books of the Parsees* 

A few I'ai^re intended to be recited on certain occasions 
to avert certain maladies, evils, and evil 
influences. I have given some of the nirangs 



1 The Text of the Fravashi, AJriitg&n* awd -A friw*. published by Ervad Tehmuras Din* 
Rhaw Anklcsaria, 1883, p. JUO. Afrin-i Gahanttdr, 4. 

2 Ibid., p. 178. Darmesteter translates this sentence tlniR : Qne la viguer, la force 
la puissance, la fermote, lasccndant victorienx viennent aux Fravashis des Saints" I L 
Zend Avesta, III, p. 181. 

a Mr. Tchrauras's Text, p. 223 , Afrin-i Kaphi thavan ,21. 
* Persian-English Dictionary, p. 1441. 

5 Afrin-i Haft Ameshaspand, 15, Ervad Tehmuras *s Text, p. 191. 

6 Vide Uevayet of Barab Hormazdyar. Bombay University Library Muuucrip 
Vol. I, folios 155-165. 



A MAHOMEDAN VIEW OF COMETS. 271 

in my papers 1 read before the Anthropological Society of 
Bombay. Among the nirangs that now exist, we do not find 
any special nirang enjoined to be recited on the appearance 
of a comet. But it seems certain, that latterly, in ancient 
Persia, some of the natural phenomena were believed to 
bring with them some calamities. As I have said in my 
paper on " A few ancient beliefs about eclipse and a few 
superstitions based on these beliefs 2 ", it was usual among 
the Parsees, until a few years ago, to say prayers on such 
occasions and to recite especially the Muh bokhtar Ny&ish 
in the praise of the moon during lunar eclipses. Mr. Gaspard 
DrouvUle 3 said of the Zoroastrians in Persia in the early 
part of this century that: " Us adressent leurs prieres au 
soleil. et les jours d'eclipse sont pour eux jours de desolation 
et de deuil ; ils sc prosternent alors la face centre terre et ne 
se relevent qu'au retour des rayons de cct astro ". 

We will see further on, that the comets were believed, as it 
were, to belong to the class of paris, or fairies. So we have 
several Parsee Nirangs still existing, and still recited by many 
though not on occasions of the appearance of comets only 
in which paris (fairies) are mentioned, and it is prayed that their 
influence may be averted. One of these nirangs is that 
known as the "Nirang of the Vannant Yasht". The other is 
that known as the " Nirang of the Haoma Yasht 4 ". The 
third nirang of this kind is the "Nirang-i kusti 5 ", i.e., the 
prayer recited on putting on the sacred thread. The fourth 
is that known as the Nirang-i dur kardan-i Zulam-i divan 
va dartij&n u i.e., the Incantation for averting the oppressive 
influence of the Demons and Drujs. 

Now, we come to the third part of this section. Let us exa- 
mine here briefly what the Pahlavi books of 
have the pisMnigdn or ancient Persians have to 
8a y generally on the subject of comets. 
Before considering this subject, we must first 
of all note, that in the Pahlavi Bundehesh, wherever comets 
are referred to, they are generally referred to together with 
meteors. 

* (a) Charms or amulets for some diseases of the Eye. The Journal oftht Anthropolo- 
gical Society of Bombay, vol. Ill, 1894, p. 338 et HPQ. ; (f>) Nirang-i Jashrfn-i Burzigaran, 
iWrf.. vol. V 1900, p. 398 ; (<?) Incantations for cutting the hair and the nails, ibid., vol. 
VIII. 

2 Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, vol. Ill, n. 6, p. 300. 
a Voyaye en Perse t fait en 1813, t. II, p. 193. 

Vide Spiegel's Avesta, translated by Bleeck. Khordeh Avefta, vol. Ill, p. ]90, L. XV. 
Vide The Pazend Texts, edited by Ervad Edaljl Kerehaspji Autia and published by the 
Trustees of the Parsee Punchayet of Bombay, p. 174. 

3 Spiegel. Ibid., p. 4. 

Vide the Paz^nd Texts, edited l>y E.K. Vntia s pp. 181-8:!. 



272 



ASIATIC PAPER. 



Almost all scientific writers of the present day treat of Comets 
and Meteors in the same chapter or division * . 

Meteor/s and They think of these as being two phenomena 
comets classed * " -n t ** i i jji 

together in of well nigh the same kind. Some of the 

Pahlavi books. meteoric showers are believed to be the 
disintegrated parts of a comet. For example, 
the Perseides are believed to be connected with Swift's Comet or 
the Comet III. of 1862. The Andromedes are believed to be 
the disintegrated portion of Biela's Comet. The Lyrids are 
connected with the comet I of 1861. The Leonides 'are con- 
nected with the comet known as the Temple. Prof. Newcomb 
connects these together and, while speaking of them under the 
heading " Connection of Comets and Meteors", says : 

" These objects had originally formed part of the comet and had 
gradually separated from it. When a comet is disintegrated 
those portions of its mass which are not completely dissi- 
pated continue to revolve around the sun as minute particles, 
which get gradually separated from each other in consequence 
of there being 110 sufficient bond of attraction, but they still 
follow each other in line in nearly the same orbit. 2 " 

The Pahlavi Buiidehesh, though it does not specifically refer 
to any connection between the comets and 

the ooms e in the me te rs - 8 J* aks of * hem together. At times, 
Bundohesh. both these bodies are mixed up together. 

It refers to the comets in chapters xxxv, 18, 
31. The fifth chapter, which is a chapter on a part of Astro- 
nomy, after speaking of the planets, speaks of two heavenly 
bodies as "Gwcheher va duzdo mushpar dun&-homan&* J Dr. 
West translates these words as "Gocheher and the thievish 
Mushpar, provided with tails 3 ". Here the word "Gocheher, " 
as suggested by Dr. West, refers to meteors. The word 
" Mushpar " from its epithet dumb-homand, i.e. " with tails" is 
evidently for the comet. For this heavenly body of Mushpar 
(comet), it is added : "The sun has attached Mushpar to its own 
radiance by mutual agreement, so that he may be less able to 
do harm" 4 . 

In the 28th chapter we have the words "Gocheher royashman 
va dumb va mush parik-i dumb-homand " i.e. Gocheher head 
and tail, and the tailed mush parik. Here, we find that both the 
words "Gocheher "and "Mushparik" refer to comets. The words 
' ' head and tail " attached to Gocheher show that the word " Goche- 
her " also refers to comets. 

1 The- Twentieth Century Atlatof Popular A ttrotiomy, by Thomas Heath, 3903, chap. 
XIII, p. 02. 

2 Prof. Newcomb's Astronomy for Everybody , pp. 281-283. 

3 S. B. E., vol. V, 180, pp. 21-22. 4 Tbid., p. 22. 



A MAHOMEDAN VIEW OF COMETS. 273- 

Then we find two more references to Gocheher in the 30th 
chapter of the Bundehesh. In the first place, it says : "Gucheher 
chegun da van sepeher min tahi bina bara val zamik nafrunet l " " 
Dr. West thus translates the sentence : ' As Gochihar falls in the 
celestial sphere from a moon-beam on the earth 2 ." Here he 
akes the word " Gochihar " as referring to a meteor. But Windis- 
thmann reads the word as " Gurzcheher " and translates it a& 
" Komet Keulenkopf " i.e. "a club-headed comet". Justi, reading 
it Gurcheher, says of it that it is " name eines Kometen " i.e. 
the name of a comet. Again, we read in the same chapter 
(Chap, xxx, 31) : " Gocheher mar pa van zak ayokshest vatakhtah 
Suzet " i.e. " Gocheher burns the serpent in the melted meta." 

From all these references in the Bunde- 
for cornets wo hesh, we find that the comets are known as 
(a) " Gocheher " and (6) " Mush or Mush- 
parik." 

(a) As to the word Gocheher, we find that the word itself 
varies in various manuscripts, and, even when written in the 
same way in some manuscripts, it is read by scholars in 
various ways, because some of the letters of the Pahlavi 
alphabet admit of various readings. Taking both these facts 
into consideration, we find that the word can be, and is, read 
as : Guchihar, Gurchihar, Gurgchihar, Gurzchihar, Durchihar, 
Gurzdar, Gurgdar. The words may respectively mean "cow- 
faced, boar-faced, wolf-faced, mace or club-faced, far- 
faced, club-keeper, wolf -keeper' 1 . Some of the several words 
for a comet in modern Persian as given by Richardson 
in his English- Persia n Dictionary are juzahr (j&: ^Y 
guzchahar (j$^ j*S) , guzchaharah (*jG>* )y)- Dr. Steingass, 
in his Persian-English Dictionary, gives the words gawaz-chihr 
(p. 1102, j^^- \*{) and jauzahr (p. 378, y&;^)for a comet. 
Nizam-ud-din in his Tabaknt-i Alcbari gives the word 



" dur-daneh " ( ^\ j^ j ) f or a comet. All these words then are de - 
rived from the Pahlavi word "Gurchihar/' which can be, and 
which is, read variously in Persian. The Persian words for a 
comet settle this, viz. that the Pahlavi word " Gurchihr " and its 
equivalent readings in the Bundehesh more generally refer to 
" comets ' ' than to " meteors ", 

Now, coming to the meaning of the Pahlavi word, we find 
that the " comet " has derived its name, either form its apparent 



1 Vide my Bundehesh, p. 158. 

2 S. B. E., V, p. 125, Chap. XXX, 18. 



18 



"274 



ASIATIC PAPER. 



form of an animal like the cow, boar, or wolf, or of an Jnstru- 
ment like the mace or club. These Pahlavi words then show 
that Abul Fazl, when he said that the comet assumed the forms 
of animals or of instruments like the spear or javelin, had the 
support of the Pahlavi writings, the writings of the ancient 
Persians whom he called the pishinigdn, i.e. the ancients. 

(6) Coming to the second word in Pahlavi for a comet, viz. 
Mushpar, we do not find that it has given an equivalent word 
to Persian for a comet. The word occurs twice in the Bunde- 
hesh (Chap, v., 1. 2 and Chap, xxviii, 44). That the word is 
used for a comet is evident, because it has the appellation dumb 
homand, i.e. " with a tail ", attached to it in both the places. As 
the words " royashma,n va dumb" i.e. "head and tail" are 
attached to the word Oochihar, and as the word " dumb" homand- 
i.e. "with tail" is attached to "Mushpar, " I conclude, that 
the Pahlavi writers divided comets into the following two 
classes : 

1. Those which were quite distinct, and which appeared, 
both with their heads (or to speak in the modern scientific lan- 
guage) with their nucleus and coma, and their tails ; 

2. Those which appeared rather indistinct, i.e. those whose 
tails only appeared. 

I think Abul Fazl's division of the comets into two classes, 
viz. (I) the Zawat'ul-zawab, i.e. those with locks of hair and 
the Zuzanab i.e. those with tails, corresponds to the above divi- 
sion of the Pahlavi Bundehesh, viz. the Guchihar and the Mushpar. 

As to the meaning of the word Mus-par, it is difficult to settle 
it. In an old text of the Bundehesh, in one place (chapter 
xxvin., 4), the word is given as Mush-parik l . This Mush-par or 
Mush-pairik is the Mush-pairika of the Avesta (Yasna xvi, 8 
Lxvm, 8), where the words Mush and pairika seem to have been 
used as two separate words. The Avesta word pairika is the 
same as Pahlavi parik, Persian pari, English fairy. Thus we 
find, that "Mush", the Avesta and Pahlavi word for a comet, has 
the word pairika or parik or par, meaning fairy , attached to it, 
both in the Avesta and in the Pahlavi. Similarly, we find that 
the " Meteors " which belong to the same class of bodies as the 
" comets ", are referred to in the Avesta (Tir yasht 8) as belong- 
ing to a class of fairies. 

It appears from some of the PahJavi books, that at one time, 
the ancient Persians distinguished between the Sun, the Moon 
and the Fixed Stars on the one hand, and the Planets, the 
<Joniets~and itfeteors on the other hand. The former belonged 

l S. B. E., vol. V, 1880, p. 22, n. 1. 



A MAHOMEDAN VIEW OF COMETS. 275 

ta> the class of the creation of Spenta Mainyu, i.e. the Good 
Spirit and the latter to that of the creation of the Evil Spirit '. 
In the Pahlavi Z&dsparam (chap, iv, 3), the Planets aje 
represented as being opposed to the Sun and the Moon. The 
reason, why the Sun, the Moon and the Fixed Stars are repre- 
sented as belonging to the creations of the Good Spirit and the 
Planet and the Comets and Meteors to those of the Evil Spirit, 
seems to be this : What is orderly and systematic is said to 
move in the path of Asha i.e. Righteousness or Order. What 
is disorderly and unsystematic is opposed to Asha and is said 
to move in the path of the Dravant i.e. the wandering. Now 
44 planets ", as their very English word (from its Greek root 
signifying to wander) implies, are " wandering stars ", as com- 
pared with " fixed stars ". So, they are represented to belong 
to the class of the Evil Spirit. 

The fairies, according to the ideas of the ancient Persians, be- 
longed to the class of the creations of Evil Spirit. Pairik, 
Parik, Par or Pari, the Iranian word for a fairy, comes from a 
root " par " meaning " to tempt, to enchant." The ancient 
word fairy also comes from a similar root (fier, to enchant). 
Thus, the wandering bodies of comets and meteors were termed 
fairies, as belonging to the class of the creatures of the Evil 
Spirit. 

This idea of considering the Planets and the Comets and 
meteors as belonging to the class of the Evil Spirit, seems to be 
a later one. It does not seem to be early Avestaic. This ap- 
pears from the very names of the planets. They all bear the 
names of some of the Yazatas or good beings named in the 
A vesta. For example, the planet Jupiter is called Ormazd 
(Ahura Mazda). Mars is called Behar&m (Verethragna). Venus is 
-called Nahid (An&hita). The Ulam&-i Isldm 2 says, that Ahura 
Mazda had given these planets good names. Thus, the idea of 
attributing evil influences to the meteors and comets, which we 
see in later Pahlavi books and in the Persian books of Mahome- 
dan authors, seems to be a later Iranian one. 

We find a reference to the comets (Mush-pairika) in the 
Avesta also. They are referred to in the Yasna (xvi 8, LXVH 8). 
The Pahlavi translators of the Avesta render Mush-parika by 
Mush-parik 3 The Persian rendering of this is "mush ytoi 

1 The Bundehesh, chap. XXVIII, 43-45 ; 8. B. E., vol. V, 1880, p. 118-114. 

2 fragments rclatife&la Religion deZoroastre.Exte&lt* dee Manuscrits Persanede la 
BiWlothfique du Boi, Paria, 1829, p. 5. Vide Blochefs article " Le Livre intitufe I/Ou- 

Jama-i-Islam " in the Revue de I'Histoire des Religions, 1898. 

Spiegel's Pahlavi Vendidad, p. 96, 1. 1. 



276 ASIATIC PAPBB. 

pan har&mzad * " i.e. " Mush " i.e. " the ill-born fairy. '* 
In the above Yasna, we find faint allusions to the belief, that the 
appearances of the comets were opposed to the prosperity of a 
country. 

Now, as to the word Musha, which forms the first part of the 
word Mush-parika, Mush-parik, or Mush-par, it comes from the 
Aryan root " mush " to injure. The word seems to be the same 
as Persian Mush ^^> English "mouse." So, perhaps, one 
may take it that one of the animal forms which the comet, ac- 
cording to Abul Fazl, was believed to assume, was that of the 
*' mouse. " Prof. Harlez derives the word from the root " mush " 
" to steal, " which we find in the Sanskrit word mushndmi i.e. a 
thief. If we take that to be the proper root of the word, the 
Pahlavi word " duzina " (Persian duzd j:j ) i.e. " a thief , " 
which we find in the Bundehesh applied to Mush-par, supports 
that assumption. Dr. Mills 2 asks : " Is it possible that a 
plague of mice is meant, ' mush ' being here undeclinable ? 
This reminds us of what is said in the Mahomedan work, above 
mentioned, the Ikbdl-nameh-i JdhdngM. There, in the account 
of the phenomenon of a comet that appeared in the 
13th year of king Jahangir, it is said : " In the environs and de- 
pendencies of the city, the mice had increased to such an 
extent that they left no trace of either crops or fruits. With 
the greatest difficulty, perhaps, only one-fourth of the produce 
was saved to the cultivators. In the same manner, the fields 
of melons and the produce of orchards and vine-yards were 
totally destroyed, and when no fruit and no corn remained in 
the gardens and in the fields, by degrees the mice all died off 3 ". 

The Bundehesh (Chap, v) says of the cornet that "the sun 
has attached Mush-par (i.e. the comet) to its own radiance by 
mutual agreement, so that he may be less able to do harm 4 ." This 
statement refers to the movement of the comet round the Sun 
alluded to by Abul Fazl and referred by modern scientific wri- 
t-era, who say that, moving under the influence of the Sun, it 
always describes a conic section, the curve of which is in the 
form of an eclipse, a parabola or an hyperbola. 

The evil influences believed to be resulting from the appear- 
ance of a comet as mentioned by Abul Fazl are thus referred 
to in the Bundehesh : " By them, these ten worldly creatures, 
that is, the sky, water, earth, vegetation, animals, metals, wind, 
light, fire, and mankind, are corrupted with all this vileness ; 

i My manuscript of the Avesta-Pahlavi-Pereian Ya?na, vol. I, p. 183. 

* 8. B. B., vol. XXXI, p. 257, n*. 2, Yacna XVI, 8. 
Elliot' a History of India, vol. VI, p. 407. 

* S. B. B., vol. V, 1880, p. 22. 



A MAHOMEDAN VIEW OF COMETS. 277 

and from them calamity, captivity, disease, death, and other 
-evils and corruptions ever come to water, vegetation and the 
other creatures which exist in the world 1 ". 

The Bundehesh thus refers to the terror struck among the 
people by the appearance of a comet : " The distress of the 
^arth becomes such like as that of a sheep when a wolf falls 
upon it 2 ." The A vesta 3 ' Pahlavi, Pazend 4 and Persian 6 
books, when they went to speak of a great alarm or terror, 
use this simile, viz. " that of the sheep being frightened by the 
ooming of a wolf in their midst." 

1 BundehesJi, chap. XXVIII; S. B. E., vol. V, p. 114. 

2 Ibid., chap. XXX, 18 ; S. B. E., vol. V, p. 125. 
a Vendidad, XIX, 33. 

* Afrin-I Ardafarosh. 

& Le Livre des romir par Mohl, vol. I, p. 365. " II apercut ses hommes de goerre qui 
aval en t eur de Pelephant comrae un e brt:bis quand olle voitla face du loup." 



INDEX. 



Aban (month) . . . . . . 252 

Yasht . . 219, 222 

Abaris, priest of Apollo : identi- 
fied with Iranian Arish 73, 74 

Abbotabad 217 

Abeste (See Bost) .. ..221 
Abdallalasan, Maulana : astro. 

loger . . 261 

Abdul Ham id Lahori, Author 

of Badshah Nameh . . 29 

Abdul Malik, father of Mas- 

lama (q. v.) 210 

Abdul Rahim Khajft, courtier 
of Jehangir . . . . . . 26 

Abdun Nalur Kashmiri an- 
other name of Mahbub Khan 

(q. v.) 

Abdur Rahim, Maulavi ; Editor 

of Akbar Nameh . . . . 248 

Abhar 206 

Abkari System of the Govern- 

ment of India . . . . 231 

Abul Barakat Rafi-'ud Darajat, 

Emperor 36 

Abul Fazl 32, 34, 47, 98, 119, 139 : 
His description of Kashmir 10-11: 
On comets 247-252, 254, 256-60 : 
His views on comets examined 
261-64 : His version of the in- 
fluence of the comets 265-67 : 
His division of the comets into 
two classes 274 : Animal form 
assumed by comets 276. 
Abu Sayid, Sultan : grand- 
father of Babar .. 116,119 
Acheemenian Sculptures (See 

Iranian Sculptures). 
Achwmenians, the 187, 191, 192, 
234, 237-40 
Achval, Achibal : spring of 

water in Kashmir 20-22, 39 

Adar, Azar (month) 31, 113, 135, 

136, 239 

Adarbad Marespand : on wine 240, 

243 

Adil, the (See Volga) . . . . 209 
Adil Shah : of Bijapur . . 84 

JSschylus 66 

*' Afdiya va Sahigiya-i Sistan" 219 
Afghana, ancestor of the 
Afghans .. .. ., 218 



Afghanistan 83, 85, 86, 88-90 : 
its connection with the an- 
cient Mazdayasnians 215- 
24 : its present area 217-18 : 
its ancient history 218-24 

Afghans, the 83, 85-89 : their 

origin . . 216-17 

Afrasiab . . 71, 72, 75, 76 

Afridis, the . . . . 86, 88 

Afrin-i Ardafravash . . . . 270 

Afrin-i Gahambar 237, 270 

Afrin-i Haft Amshaspend 172, 173, 

270 
Afrin-i Rapithawan . . . . 270 

Afringan prayer 185, 189, 190 : 
holding up of the fingers in 
the prayer . . . . . . 189 

After-dinner assemblies of the 
old Persians . . . . . . 242 

AfzulKhan 83 

Aghar Khan, officer of Aurang- 

zeb 89 

Agra, 15, 84, 87, 120, 125, 136, 137 
Ahriman, Aharman, the Evil 

Spirit .. .. 67, 194 

Ahrimun, Syrian king . . 245 

Ahasuerus, Persian king . . 242 
Ahmad, Kazi of Naosari .. 167 
Ahmad Befc Khan, Nawab : 
governor of Kashmir in 
Jehangir 's time . . 44 

Ahmad bin Mahmad: on comets 

248, 253, 260 
Ahmad Kadri, Sayid: officer 

ofJehangir 113, 115, 123-25 
Ahmad Khan B&rha (See 

Ahmad Kadir). 

Ahmedabad 51, 127, 128, 135-37, 
155 : Jehangir 's dislike of 

the city 136 

Ahmednagar . . . . . . 10 

Ahran, officer of the Kaisar's 

court 63 

Ahunavaiti Gatha . . . . 177 

Ahura Mazda 175, 178, 179, 226 

270, 275 

Ahura Mazda (planet) . . 275' 

Ain-i Akbari 32, 34, 47, 91, 98, 

122, 139 : describes KashmirlO-1 1 
Ains or Institutes of the Mo- 

ghuls 98 

AiryanaVaeja . . .. 17& 
Ajamastan . 



280 



ASIATIC PAPER 



A contd. 

Ajmere . . . . . . 9, 24 

Akbar, Prince : son of Aurang- 

zeb -89,90 

Akbar, 3, 7, 10, 12, 15, 30, 40, 
45, 85, 86, 91, 92, 98-100, 
116-122, 124, 125, 127, 128, 
134, 138, 247, 252, 254, 264, 
Akbar and Kashmir 8-9 : 
Akbar's farmdns 98-100, 
116-17, 119, 122, 124; Ques- 
tion of Akbar's conversion. . 100 
4 Akbar-nama" 18, 247, 248, 260, 

261 

Akbarabad . . . . 83, 91 

Aksu, the (See Oxus) . . . . 222 
Albiruni : on the festival of 
Tirangan and on Arish's 
feat of archery . . . . 75 
Alexander the Great 5, 201, 
206, 212, 215, 220, 236: 
Alexander's Wall .. .. 209 
Alfred the Great . . . . 201 

Ali Adil Shah II .. ..84 

Alikhan, ruler of Kashmir . . 9 
Ali Kuli Beg, husband of Nur 

Jehan 46 

Ali Malik, brother of Haidar 

Malik (q.v.) 44 

Ali Masjid, fort .. 197,218 

Alaah-dad : pardoned by Akbar 
at the instance of Muham- 
mad Baqr (q. v.) . . . . 125 
Allans, the . . . . 205, 206 
Alla'u Akbar : its signification. 116 
Alibi ess Baug, of Bombay . . 176 

Am&nabad 137 

Amardad (month) . . . . 136 

America . . 37, 199, 217 

Ameshaspends . . . . 179 

Amin Muhammad Khan, 

viceroy of Afghanistan . . 86 
Amir of Afghanistan, the 215-16 
Ammian ; on wine among the 
Persians . . . . 239-40 

Ammianus Marcellinus . . 266 

Amoul, Am el city 71, 74, 76, 207 
AmyntuB : Darius' embassy to 
him .. .. 236-37 

Aria ban, province of Parthia. 222 
Anahita (planet) . . . . 275 

Andha NAg a place in Kashmir 2 
Andromedes, the . . . . 272 

Angra Mainya . . . . 194 

.Antpeus . . . . . . 240 

Antia, Erwad E. K 226 



Antia, Ruttonji Maneckji of 

Naosari 166 

4< Anushirwan and the Village 
Damsel " . . . . 55,56 

Apollo 74 

Aquarius . . . . . . 249 

Aqua viva, Father Rudolph . . 100 
Arab Conquest, the . . . . 77 

Arabia . . . . 69, 70, 195, 253-55 

' 4 Arabian Nights," the . . 54 

Arabs, the . . 10, 220, 245 

Arachosia . . . . 215, 217 

Arad, Arshisang (day ) . . '22 
Archery : in ancient Persia 
65-76 : refered to in A vesta 
66-67 : represented on Behis- 
tun 66 : among the Iranians 
according to Herodotus . . 66-67 
Architecture, Indian ; Greek 
influence on . . . . . . 5 

Ardai Viraf . . 179, 186,192 

Ardai Viral Nameh .. ..179 

Ardeshir, Dastur of Persia . . 100 
Ardeshir Babagan 205, 206, 222,269 
Ardibehesht (month) 136,137 

Ardvi?ura 222 

Aresch, Aresh, Arish (See 
Erekhsha) : his feat in ar- 
chery 70-76 : identified with 
Abaris, the priest of Apollo 74 

Arie 215 

Aries . . . . . . . . 249 

Aristotle 266 

Arjasp 76 

Arjun, Ar juna son of Kunti : 

his skill as an archer 60,61 

Armenia . . . . . . 210 

Armenians, the .. ..211 

Artashir-i Spendadat . . . . 220 

Artaxerxess (See Ardeshir 

Babagan). 
Artaxerxes II .. ..194 

Aryas, the 175 

A sad khan: officer of Aurengzeb 87 
Asfandarmaz, lafandarmaz 

(month) 16, 26, 31, 115, 135, 137 
Asfandyar .. .. 61,220 

Asha 275 

Asia 217 

Ashirwad ceremony : on the 

virtue of wine . . . . 234 
Asoka 202 : relics of his Bud- 
dhist temples at Kashmir 
5 : his Buddhism . . . . 6 
" Asrfir ul-Afaghinah " .. 216 

Assyria 171 

Assyrians, the 172, 174, 176, 182, 188 



INDEX 



281 



A concld. 

Astrabad . .. ..211 

Astyages . .. 235-36 

Aswins, the . . . . . 60 

Atak, the . .. ..8 

.Atar (angel) . . . . . 179 

Atar Froba : fire established 
by Jamshed 233 

.Atash Behram fire-temple of 
the first grade . . . . 193 

Atash Nyaish 220 : attitude 
observed while reciting it 1 80 - 8 1 

Atash-parastan : fire-worship- 
pers 223 

A.tra vakhshi, assistant priest . . 1 85 

Athornans, Athravans : priest 185 

Attar (perfumes) : Jehangir's 
appreciation of 138-39 : pre- 
sented to Jehangir by two 
Parsis of Naosari, 115, 127-28, 
134, 136, 138 

Attock 82, 86 

Augashta rishi 

Augra rishi 

Augustus, Emperor 

Auharmazd 67 (See Ahura 
Mazda). 

Aurangzeb 7, 28, 61, 78, 82-91 
his visits to Kashmir 32-36. 

Aurvat-aspa (See Lohrasp). 

Avantipura : founded by Avan- 
tivarmaii (q. v.) 

Avaiitivarman, King of Kash- 
mir 

Avesta 37, 61, 65, 66, 71, 75, 
172-75, 177, 178, 182, 194, 
219, 232-34, 238, 268, 274, 
275. 



Babylonians, the 172-74, 176, 
178, 182, 185, 188 : their 
winged genii . . ..178 

Babyrus 172 

Bacha Mehernoshji, ancestor 

of Dadabhai Nowroji . . 132 
Badakhshan . . 4, 6, 138, 251 
Badakhshanis, the . . . . 223 

Badaom 116, 127 : on comets 

254, 256, 260, 264 
1 Badshah Nameh " .. 29,30 

Baevarasp 172, 173 (SeeZohak. 
Baghdad . . . . 8, 252 

Bahadur Khan, governor of 
Kandhar . . . . . . 256 

Bahavpat Das Kur, Raja . . 84 
Bahdur Shah, Emperor 36, 89 

Bahman, son of Asfandyar . . 220 

Bahman (day) 135 

BahrAmgalla 29 

Bahut, Behut, Bihut, the (see 
Jhelam) ; its source 13, 21,24,46 



6 


Bailaqan 


..206 


2 


Bail-am fort 


. . 26 


2 


Bdj ceremony . . 


..185 


2 


Bajaur 


..10 




Bakhdhi 


.. 219 




Baiaditya 


..203 


. 


Balkh 


..223 




Baluchi clan, the 


. . 85 




Baluchistan 


217,218 




Bamian, Mount 


..219 


6 


Bani Afghan 


.. 216 




Bani Israel 


..216 


6 


Banihal Pass near 


Virn&g: 




described 


32-33, 35, 197 



Azad Mohan 
Azarbaijan, Aderbaijan 



.. Ill 
206, 210, 
211 

Azdeh, flute-player of Roum. . 69 
Azidahaka 172, 178, 238 (See 

Zohak). 
Azour, King of India . . . . 245 



B 



al-Abwab, El-Bab (See 
Darband) 204-207, 209, 210, 213 
Babak ........ 205 

Babar . . 12, 34, 116, 118, 119 
Babil ...... 172, 173 

Babylon: its founder.. 172, 173 
Babylonia . . , . 171, 176 



Banks, Dr. Edgar J 196 

Baqr Khan 125 (See Mahmad 

Baqr.) 
Baramuia 2, 9-25: explained 

etymologically . . 14 

Bardwan rishi . . . . 22 

Bareshnum ritual .. 187 

Barha 125 

Barman .. .. 221 

Barnard, Prof 263 

Bar earn twigs . . 183, 186, 191 
Barthplomae, Dr. : on the signi 
fication of the drawing of 

the bow 68 

Bashir, Haji officer of Je- 
hangir .. ..155,157158 
Basoli : village adjoining Nao- 
sari 150 

Basra ..206 

Bastavala, Miss Dinoo 8. . . 54 
Bastvairi, Bastur . . . . 221 



282 



ASIATIC PAPER 



B concld. 

Batlimus (See Ptolemy) : on 

comets 250 

Bauji garden : referred to in 
the chak-rtdmeh of the Dordi 
family of Naosari 141, 142, 148 

Bawri 172,173 

Beaman, Sir F. . . . . 99 

Behistun . . . . 66, 177 

Behram II 175 

Behram V (See Behramgour). 
Behram (planet) . . . . 275 
Behram Aspu of Naosari . . 169 
Behram Chobin . . . . 76 
Behramgour 52-54, 65, 189, 
206, 206 : his feats in archery 
68-70 : on the use of wine . . 244 
Behram ji Mehernoshji : foun- 
der of the Dordi family of 
Naosari .. .. 130-31 
Behring Straits .. ..217 
Bejan and Manijeh : the epi- 
sode of 241 

Bellew, De. . . 216-18, 220, 221 

Bengal 46 

Benjamin, brother of Joseph. . 216 

Berar 10 

Berdeh 206 

Bernier, Francois : his account 

of Kashmir, 7, 11, 28, 32, 33-35 
Beveridge, Mr. H, 24, 98 : on 
the task of Jehangir 12 : on 
India's debt to Persia . . 37 

Bhagarias, the 131 

Bhagu, leader of the Yusufzai 

86,88 

Bhagwan, god 22 

Bhagwan Das, courtier of 

Akbar 8 

Bhamuchandra Upadhaya . . 100 
" Bhandarkar Memorial Vo- 
lume" 203 

Bhawan, a lake in Kashmir . . 23 
Bhima, son of Kunti . . . . 60 
Bhimbar, Bember . . 24, 36 

Bhishma (See >yan) . . 58-60 

Bible, the .. .. 171,234 

Bidar 83 

Bidaulat, nickname of Shah 
Jehan 24 : why so named . . 134 

Biela's comet 272 

Bijapur . * 83, 84, 87 

Bijbiara (See Panj Brara) . . 18 
Bim&rist&n : Ahmedabad BO 
named by Jehangir 136 



Binbar IP 

Birbal, raja . . 85, 86, 91 

Birsangh, officer of Shah Jehan 84 

Bismarck * 201 

Black Sea, the .. ..204 

Bodleian, the 12 

Boga, Mr. N. J 79> 

Bombay. . . . 100, 176, 239- 

Bon religion of the Tibetans . . 190 

Bonvalot, M 190 

Bost, city of Afghanistan : how 

named 221 

Bow and arrow, the : its sym 

holism . . . . 68 

Brahma god . . . . 22 

Brahmanic civilization 215 

Brahmanism . . . . 6- 

Brahmins-Gandharva, the 6 

Brahmins, the , 252 

Bubu Pass of the Himalayas. . 197 

Buddha 171 

Buddhism : infused with Zo- 
roastrian ideas 6 : over- 
thrown by Brahmanism . . 6- 
Buddhistic civilization . . 215 

Bwi-dddan ritual . . . . 19 

Bukhtunasar 216- 

" Bundehesh " the 38, 173 : on 
Kashmir 4 : on comets 263-65, 
271-77 
Burma . . . . . . . . 195 

Burton, Sir R. . . . . 54,6fr 

Bysangar Arghun, King of 
Badakshan 251 



Caboura (See Kabul) .. .. 22O 

Cabul (See Kabul). 

Caesar .. .. 267,268- 

Calcutta 195 

Cama Baug of Bombay . . 176 
Cambridge observatory . . 247 

Cambyses 236- 

Cancer 257 

Carura (See Kabul) . . . . 220 
Caspian gates, the . . . . 204 
Caspian the 71, 195, 204, 205, 211- 

14 

Caterino Zeno 212 

Caucasus, the 74, 204, 205, 213 
Central Asia 86, 190, 202, 219, 22fc 
Chadura, Chadur, Charvara, 
village of Kashmir : native 
place af Haidar Malik (q.v.) 43,45 
Chagtai dynasty .. ..43- 



INDEX 



28$ 



C concld. 

Chalc-ndrneh : referring to the 
land given e&jdgir by Jehan- 
gir to two Par sees of the 
Dordi family of Naosari 101; 
the term explained 108, 
note 11 : the land described 
in the chak-ndmeh its 
text and translation 140-52 

Chalcedon 172 

Chandji Kamdin : original name 
of Mulla Jamasp (q. v.) 

127, 128, 130, 134 

Chandji Patel . . 149, 156, 161 
Chandra, Bai Sarat . . 190, 191 

Chhandragupta 202 

Chang Ching the great wall 

of China 202 (See China). 
Chin (See Tsin). 

Chin-Wang-Tao .. ..198 

China, 250, 257, 258 : its name 
201 : a country of walls 197 : 
its great wall 195-203 : his- 
tory of China 200-202 : the 
wall, one of the wonders of 
the world 196-97 : the extent 
of the wall 199 : builder of 
the wall 199-202 : effect of 
the wall on the history of the 
world 202-203 : a visit to 
this wall 197-99 : Persias 
communication with China. 

213-U 

Chin&b, the 8 

Chindrs, plane trees af Kashmir 

13,17, 18 

Chinese, the 268 

Chinese anecdote, a offering 

parallels to a Par si prayer 225-28 
Ching-lung-chiao . . 197,198 
Chitrangad, son of king Shan- 

tanu . . . . 58-59 

Chosroe (See Khusro) . . 56 

Chosroes I 195, 203, 204 (See 
Noshirwan). 

Chosroes II 175 

Chovisi, village adjoining 

Naosari . . 157, 159, 162, 165 
Chow (Chou) dynasty of China 200 

Christ 218 

Christians, the . . 100, 188 

Classical writers : on wine 234-40 
Claudius, emperor . . . . 12 
'! Climate "; the term explained 10 



Comets : as described by the 
ancients and moderns 247-77 
Mahomedan writers on 
comets 247-48 : their identi- 
fication 256-60 : their in- 
fluence 265-68 : the pishin- 
igdn on comets 271-77 ; of 
the category of the Evil Spirit 

275 

Confucius . . . . 200,225 
Constantinople . . 205,251 

Crimea 209 

Croesus 234 

Crusades, the 268 

Cunningham . . . . . . 5- 

Cyrus 177, 180, 218, 231, 236, 240, 
244 ; mentioned in the Bible 234: 
on the use of wine . . . . 235- 



Dabistan 127 

Dadabhai Nowroji of the 

Dordi family 98,129,131, 132 
" Dadistan-i Dini " on wine 

240-41 
Daevas, the .. .. 67,179 

Dahaka 172 (See Zoh&k). 

Dai, Deh (month) . . . . 13ft 

Dal lake of Kashmir 3,15, 17- 
19, *30, 39: described by 
Bernier 11-12 ; Inscription 
on a tomb on its bank 3,47- 
50 
Dalu Mian, Daud Mian 48, 49 

(See Daud, Mirza). 
Damdana . . . . . . & 

Danishmand the Mogul in 
whose company Bernier 
visited Kashmir, . . . . 7 

Dante 179 

D'Anville 221 

DaraShakoh .. .. 83,85,38 
Dorab Hormazdyar his Riva- 

yat .. 226 

Darab Pahlon 16ft 

Darband 204206, 210-12: 
Tabari on Noshirwan's 
spring of water at Darband 
210-11. 

Darband Sehirwan (See Dar- 
band). 

'Darband-Ndmeh": on Nos- 
hirwan's wall .. 209-10,212 
Dardenus, husband of Electra 

(q. v.) 26* 

DarialPass 204 



284 



ASIATIC PAPER 



D condd. 

Darius the Great 5, 176, 191-92 
218 : his embassy to King 
Amyntus . . . . 236-37 

Darjeeling 190 

Darmesteter, Prof. 215-17, 228, 259 
Ddru, davd-ddru (medicine) 

233-34 

Darwaz 223 

Baud, Mirza : his tomb on the 
bank of the Dal lake . . 47-50 

Daulatabad 83 

Deccan, the . . 83, 86, 88, 130 

Deguines, M 202,211 

Delawar Khan, Nawab : govern- 
nor of Kashmir in Jehangir's 
time . . . . . . . . 44 

Delhi 84, 88, 90, 126, 134, 135, 137 
Deluge, the . . . . 200, 232 

Demavand, Mount . . 72-74 

DeMiUoue, M. L 190 

Desais, the of Naosari . . 176 
Desai Bahmanji Behramji . . 151 
Desai Bawabhai .. ..141 
Desai Behram Faredun . . 151 
Desai Darab Rust om j i 1 56, 1 66 
Desai Homjibhai Temulji .. 156 
Desai Jivanji Maneckji . . 156 

Desai Khurshedji Temulji ..166 
Desai Kukaji Mehrji .. .'.166 
Desai Maneck Homji . . 156, 166 
Desai Sorabji Mancherji . . 131 
Desai Tehmulji Rustamji . . 156 
Dharma, god of justice . . 60 

D'Herbelot 34 

Dhritarashtra blind son of 

Vyasa 60 

Dieulafoy . . . . 66,70 

Dilir: name of an elephant 

of Jehanger .. .. ..137 

Dinftvar 206 

"I>inkard,"the .. ..269 

Diogenes Laertius . . . . 225 

Dooshak : city of Seistan . . 222 

Dordi family of Naosari : its 

founder 130, 140 : the name 

explained . . . . . . 131 

Dordi B. P 141 

Dordi Byramji Khurshedji 99, 101, 
130, 132 

Dordi Dadabhai Khurshedji . . 132 
Dordi Dr. Jehangir Byramji. 99,132 
Dordi Maneckji Khurshedji . . 132 
Dowlat Shah : on Arish's feat 

of archery . . . . 7 3 

Wrangiana . . . . . . 215 



Draupadi : her ewayamvara 60,61 
Drouville, Mr. Gasper . . 271 

Druidism . . . . 74 

Druids, the 74 

drujas, the 271 

Drupada, King. . . . 60 

Dunthrone, Mr. . . . . 258 

Duris, Greek historian : on the 
drinking habits of the Per- 
sians . . . . . . 238 

Dyan, son of Shantanu and 

Ganga . . . . 58 

E 

Ebn Haukal Arab Geogra- 
pher. . .. ..173, 220-22 

Ecbatana 38 

Eclid valley . . . . 70 

Edrisi, Arab geographer 173,220-22 
Egypt . . . . 197, 218, 266. 
Egyptians, the . . . . 266 

Elburz, Mount . . . . 74 

Electra, the seventh of the 

Pleiades : its fable . . . . 268 
Elliot, Mr. historian 24, 28, 

29, 42, 82, 253-56, 258 
England .. .. 37,231 

Eranshahr . . . . 75 

Erekhsha his feat in archery 70-76 
Ereziphya, Mount . . . . 219 

Er-Ran . . 206 

Esther Queen of Ahasuerus 243 
" Esther "Book of . . 239,242 

Ethiopia 239 

Ethiopians, the . . . . 239 

Etymander, the . . . . 275 

Europe.. .. .. 238, 265 

Evil Spirit, the (see Ahriman) 275 
Ewing Mr. W 171 



Faiz-bakhsh : Spring of .water 

in Kashmir . . . . 44,45 

Farghana . . . . 75, 250, 258 

" Farhang-i-Jehangiri " . . 75 
Fariab, Fariav . . . . 222 

Farid Shakerganj, Shaikh : 

Akbar's visit to his tomb . . 9 
Faridun : his accession to the 
throne on the Mehergan 
(q. v.)- 238-239 : Zohak Y s 
defeat at his hands .. 238 

Farohar (Seefravashi). 
Farrokhzad pseudonym of 
Gushtasp (q. v.) . . 62, 64 



INDEX 



B f coneld. 

Fars 210,251 

Farvardin (month) 14, 16, 123, 135, 

136 

Farvardin Yasht. 171, 178, 183, 221 
" Farziat -Nameh "of Darab 

Pahlon 166 

FAskun, village of Roum . . 63 

Fatahpur 137 

Fazl-ud-din Usmani, Kazi of 
Naosari .. 101, 158, 162, 163 

Fengtien 198 

Ferah (See Fariab) . . . . 222 
Fergusson, Mr : author of a 
work on Astronomy, 257-59, 
262, 265-66 

Firdousi 17, 52, 57, 65, 68, 69, 76, 
173, 213, 216, 218, 221-22, 231, 
238, 239, 241-44 : his descrip- 
tion of the wall of Noshirwan 

206-207 

Fires : (See Atar Froba ; Atash 
Behram ; Kerakeran and 
Kerkoe). 

Fire-temples 180 

Fire-worshippers . . . . 223 
Flam ines, the .. .. 185,193 

France 98, 100 

Fravashi : the winged farohars 

of the Iranians.. 177-78, 183 
Frazdana, lake .. 211,219 
Froba fire : established by Jam- 
shed 233 

Julel goblets of afar (q. v.) 



Gabriel 37, 40 

Gabriel-Stokes, Sir George . . 261 
Gahambars six season -festi- 
vals 176, 181, 234 
gahdmbdr-ni pdvi : how cele- 
brated 181 

Gandevi, a place near Naosari. 131 
Gandharva Brahmins . . 6 

Ganesh, god . . . . . . 22 

Gang-i Diz hukht (See Kulang 

Dushit) 173 

Ganga, goddess : her swayapi- 

vara 57, 58 

Ganga-Jamna, the . . . . 22 
Ganga ji Gaekwad . . . . 131 

Ganges, the 58 

Gangribal, a place in Kashmir. 48 
Gaomez, bull's urine . . . . 269 
Garda family of Naosari . . 152 



Gautama rishi . . 
Geiger, Dr. 
Geil, Mr. W. E. 
Gemini 
Genesis, the 
Germans, the . . 
Germany 



.. 22 

.. 222 

199, 201 

249, 257 

218, 232 

.. 242 

.. 238 



Ghakkar bribe of Margalla 

(q. v.) 82 

Ghor country. . . . . . 216 

Gibbon 267 

Giles, Mr. Lionel . . . . 225 

Gizni 222 

Godrej (hero) 221 

Gog and Magog . . . . 212 
Goldsmid, Mr. . . . . 220 
Goleh, village adjoining Nao- 
sari 142-43,150 

Gordon, Col 222, 223 

Grant, Gen 199 

Greco-Buddhist art : its in- 
fluence on the old temples 
of Kashmir . . . . . . 5 

Greece 4, 74, 187, 215, 218, 244, 266 
Greeks, the 4, 10, 65, 206, 21 9 r 
220, 237, 250, 266 
Greek anecdote, a : offering 

parallels to a Parsi prayer 225-28 
Greek influence on Indian 

Architecture . . . . 5 
Greenwich . . , . . . 257 
Guebres, the fire-worshippers 223 
Gujrat, 37, 77, 83, 88, 126, 133, 241 
Gul-marg : a meadow of Kash- 
mir 19 

Gurgftn 207 

gurz (mace) : used in the 
Navar ceremony 179 : In 
Iranian sculptures . . . . 186 

Gurcheher, gocheher (see Comets) 
254, 272-74 : reading of the 
word in various ways . . 273 
Gushtasp218-21 : his departure 
to Roum from the Persian 
Court 61 : chosen as husband 
by Kaitayun. . . . 62-6& 



H 

Hadrian, Emperor 
Haetumant * . . 
Hafiz : on wine 
Haftakhans 
Haidar, Sultan. . 



1 

.. 219 

231, 241 

.. 231 

,. 252. 



28$ 



ASIATIC PAPER 



H concld. 

Haidar Malik : officer of Jehan- 
gir's court 3, 43-46 : author 
of a history of Kashmir 43 : 
referred t'o by Muhammad 
Aatzam in his history of Kash- 
mir 44 ; saved Nur Jehan . . 46 

Halley's comet 247, 256, 257, 260, 
265-67 

Hamaspathmaedem : sixth 
season-festival . . . . 234 

Hamazor and the " Kiss of 
Peace" 188 

HamdAn . . . . 38, 206, 208 

Hamza Isphahni . . . . 173 

Hands : hand poses referred 
to in Avesta 174-75 : their 
use in prayers 177-78 ; vari- 
ous attitudes of the worship- 
per's hands and their signifi- 
cation 178-94 : outstretched 
hands in prayer 182-83 : fore- 
arm raised parallel with 
face 183-86 : the left-hand 
in prayer 186 : both hands 
folded in prayer 186-87 : 
" kiss hand" pose or attitude 
187-88 : the pointed finger 
attitude of the hand 188-91: 
hand-postures on Sassanian 
coins 193-94 : signification of 
the attitudes of the hand in 
prayer . . . . 191-93 

Haoma Yasht 271 

Haravaiti 219 

Hari Parbat : fort built by 

Akbar and completed by 

Jehangir, 9, 15, 16, 18, 30, 

43, 45. 

Hari Singh, Mr. : Tahsildar of 

Rawalpindi . . . . 78 

Haripur .... . . . . 82 

Harlez, Prof 276 

Haroyu . . . . . . 219 

Harsa, King of Kashmir . . 6 
Harwan, in Kashmir : seat of 
Nagarjuna . . . . . . 6 

Hasan Malik bin Malik Muham- 
mad Naji : father of Haider 
Malik (q.v.) .. ..45 

Hashim Khan, Nawab : gover- 
nor of Kashmir in Jehangir's 
time .. .. .. ..44 

Hassan Abdal 78, 84, 87, 89-91 , 

Havan gah 226 

Hazara district . . . . 82 



Hebrews, the .. ^ .. 188 
Hedin, Dr. Sven . . . . 190 
Heidelburg observatory . . 247 
Hellenic civilization . . 215 

Helmund, the . . 219, 221, 222 

Herat 251 

Hermippus . . . . . . 225 

Herodotus 187, 234-38, 241-43 
his mention of Archery among 
the ancient Persians ..65-66 

Herric, Father Francis . . 100 

Reward, Mr. Vincent . , . . 265 
Heiun Tsiang-Chinese traveller 6 
Himalayas, the 3, 10, 11, 196, 

197 f 204 

Hindus, the 6, 7, 14, 57, 100 

Hindustan (See India). 
Hiranand Shastri, Pandit . . 50 

Hirapur 23 

Hirviiaya Suri . . . . 100 

Hissar 223 

Hodivala, Prof. S. H. .. 101 
Holy Grail, the . . . . 218 
Homae : a fabulous bird 231 : 
its habits 25 

Honor Pahak 211 

Horamzd (See Ahura Mazda). 

HormisdasII 194 

Hoshang Kanji Original name 

of Mulla Hoshang (q.v.) 127, 130, 

134 

Hoshedar future apostle .. 219 
Hosh-dfishtar, mount . . 219 

Houria 245 

Huguenots, the . . . . 37 

Humayun, Emperor 19, 116, 118, 

119 
Huns, the 204, 205, 211, 213 : 

their history 202-203 : their 

excursion headed by Mihrcula 6 
Husin Mirza, Sayid : officer of 

Jehangir's Court . . . . 152 
Hwang-ti : his destruction of 

the Chinese library 200-20 1 



IbnTakil 211 

Ibrahim Hussain Mirza re- 
volted in Akbar 's time . . 125 
Ibrahim Mirza, governor of 

Fare 251 

Hahi faith of Akbar .. ..100 
Inch, a spring of water in Kash- 
mir 23 



INDEX 



287 



I concld. 

India 3-7, 9, 12, 13, 23, 31, 37, 38 
47, 57, 61, 65, 71, 85, 120, 190 
196, 203, 215, 217, 218, 231, 238, 
241, 245, 250, 252, 253, 256, 266 
Indian Art : influenced by Per- 

*epolotan art 5 

Indo-China 195 

Indo-Scythian coins . . . . 6 

Indo-Scythian Empire . . 215 

Indo-Scythians . . . . 5 

Indra, King of the gods . . 60 

Indus, the .. ,. 86,217 

Inscriptions at Virnag (See 

Virnag) : on a tomb on the 

bank of the Dal lake 47-50 

4 'Iqbal-Nameh" of Jehangir 24, 26, 

27, 29, 42: describes comets 248, 

255, 256, 259, 260, 262, 264, 276 

Jra . . 206, 245, 252, 253 

Iran (See Persia) 175, 201, 207, 

209, 210, 216, 21921, 231, 

239, 252 , 

Iranian civilization . . . . 216 ' 

Iranian dialects . . . . 217 

Iranian sculptures 68, 175 91 

Iranians, the 4, 10, 65, 66, 

70-72, 171-73, 178, 182, 185, 

187, 188, 190, 203, 214, 218 : 

their relations with Kashmir 

and Northern India . . 4 

Iran-Vej 175 

Irish, the .. .. : . 139 

Irvine, Mr. . . 98, 99, 132 

Isadur (See Chadura). 
Isfandarmaz (See Asfandarmaz) 
Isfandarmadh- angel . . . . 75 
Ish Kashm Pass . . . . 223 

Ishkata 219 

Jshtrak district . . . . 223 

Iskandar (See Sikandar-i Zoul- 
karnain). 

lalam 206 

Islamabad 18 

Ismail Ahmad, chief of Khoras- 

san 206 

Ismail Shah .. .. 252-53 

Israel 216,217 

Israels, Israelites, the. . 1 18, 217 

Issar (See Hissar). 

Italweh, a village adjoining 

Naosari . . 141, 143, 150 

Itiqfcd Khan, officer of Shah 
Jehan .. .. 31*44 



Jaboul 218 

Jackson, Prof t on the archery 
of the Persians 66 : his visit 
to the wall of Noshirwan . . 211 

Jacob 216 

Jdgira 98 

Jehanamabad Ahmedabad so 

named by Jehangir . . 1 36 

Jahandar Shah . . . . 36 

Jains, the 100 

Jalalabad 89 

Jalaludin Mahmad (See Akbar). 
Jalaludin Mirza Kajar : on 
Jamshed's discovery of wine 233 

Jalod 136 

Jam, Jamshed 172, 173, 175: 
his name associated with the 
fort of Jamrud 218: his Jehan 
numai jam 218 : discoverer 
of wine 231-33 : compared 
with Noah 232-33 : over 
thrown by Zohak . . . . 238 
Jamal Khan, a courtier of 

Jehangir . . . . 25 

Jam alu din Usmani, officer of 

Jehangir .. .. 101,163 
Jamasp Asa, Dastur . . ..166 
James I . . . . 12 

Jamna, the 58 

Jamoo 32, 33, 197 

Jamrud . . . . 86, 218 

Jand 8 

Jan Sipar Khan, officer of 

Jehangir 130 

Japan 195,198 

Jarret, bol . . . . . . 34 

Jaahans. 74-76, 181, 185, 238,-39 
Jasnasfshah, King of Tabaristen 269 
Jaswant Singh, Maharaja . . 86 
Jehangir, Emperor 33, 47, 51, 
52, 54, 61, 86, 91, 248, 254, 
255, 259, 264, 276 : His ac- 
count of the spring of Virnag 
in Kashmir 12, 13, 21-22 ; his 
inscription at Virnag-its 
text and translation 3,39-47 ; 
references to Jehangir's 
visit to Virnag 42-43 : his 
visits to Kashmir 3,12, 14- 
16, 23-26 : his efforts at 
beautifying Kashmir 7,11 : 
his completion of the fort of 
Hari Parbat 9 : his adminis- 
tration of Kashmir 16 : his 
faith in Astrology 17 : his 



288 



ASIATIC PAPER 



J concld. 

account of the chindra of 
Kashmir 17-18: Shalamar 
garden laid out by him 18 : 
his fondness for gardens 19 : 
his account of the flower - 
margs of Kashmir 19-20 : 
his fondness for flowers 24 : 
his fondness for engraving 
inscriptions 28-29 : his 
" Memoris " translated by 
Price 27-28 : his title of 
Shah-i Jehan 40, 42, 43, 46 : 
his farmdn in favour of two 
Parsees of Navsari, 98-169 : 
the text of this farm An 101- 
107 : its translation, 107-115 
decipherment of the seals 
on the farman 116-24: 
personages mentioned in the 
farman 124-32 : some points 
in the farmdn further ex- 
plained 132-39 : dates of the 
events referred to in the 
farmdn .. .. 137-138 

Jehangir Quli Beg, officer of 
Jehangir . . . . . . 130 

Jehoun, the . . . . 72-74 

Jewish captivity, the . . 217 

Jews, the . .216, 228, 239, 243 

Jhelum, Jilam, the 2, 9, 13, 22, 24, 

27 
Jones, Sir W. .. 172,216 

Joseph 216,218 

Jotik Ray astrologer of the 

Court of Jehangir . . . . 17 
Jotraj : his additions to the 

Kajatarangini . . . . 5 
Judah, son of Jacob . . . . 216 
Julian, Emperor . . 12, 239 

Jupiter . . . . . . . . 275 

Justi, Dr 273 

Justin II 211 

Justinian ..12, 195, 267, 268 



Kabkh tribe .. .. 205, 213 I 

Kaboulistan 231 

Kabul 9, 10, 13, 19, 83, 86-91, 138, 

197, 218, 220-2 I 

Kachiawady of Naosari . 141,159 
Kaffir forts . . .' . . . 223 
Kahkaha, Kakah a fort . . 223 
Kahkuh, ruler of Shignan . . 223 
Kaid, King 218 



Kaikhusro, King 221, 222, 241 

his Jehan-numai Jam 218 : 

his abdication . . 61 

Kaikobad, King 222 : on the 

use of wine . . . . 244 

Kailan marg, a meadow of 

Kashmir 1J 

Kailasa 11 

Kaitayun : her choice of a 

husband . . . . . . 62-64 

Kalhana, author of Rajataran- 

gini 5, 11, 45 

Kam-shamba : Wednesday so 

named by Jehangir . . 13& 

Kamdin Tabib (physician) . . 150 

Kanauj 38- 

KandMr 10, 83, 91, 231, 256 ; 

identified with Avestan 

Khanent 221 

Kanishka, Indo-Scythian ruler 

of Kashmir . . . . . . 5,6- 

Kankaria tank of Ahmedabad 13ft 

Kansu lake 21& 

Kariz 138- 

Karna son of Kunti . . 60, 61 

Karopa Pass . . . . 87 

Kashghar .. .. 250, 25* 
Kashi 59, 64 

Kashmir 1-50, 77, 79, 91, 92, 
137, 197 : Moghul Emperors 
at 1-50 : its central position 
geographically and histori- 
cally 3-4 : the relations of 
ancient Iranians with the 
Kashmir 4 : its History 
before the Moghuls 4-7 : 
Younghusband's book on 
Kashmir 4 : the shawls of 
Kashmir 4 : ancient temples 
of Kashmir 5 : Prese- 
politan influence on the 
temples of Kashmir 6 : 
Kashmir, the paradise of 
India 7 : Taimur and Kash- 
mir 7-8 : Akbar and Kashmir 
8-9 : Kashmir described in 
the Ain-i Akbari 10-11 : 
Kashmir as described by 
Abul Fazl 10-11 : Jehangir*B 
visit to Kashmir 11-12 : 
flowers of Kashmir 15,24 : 
Kashmir and its saffron 25 : 
visited by Shah Jehan 29-32: 
visited by Aurangzeb 32-36 : 
Kashmir alluded to in Bunde 
hesh 38 : the gardens of 
Kashmir 39. 



INDEX 



289 



K conoid. | 

Kashmiris the . . . . 11, 18, 31 

Kashyapa . . . . . . 11 

Kasim Khan, Mirbahr Con- 

queror of Kashmir . . 9 

Kaus, Kaikaus King . . 01 , 243 
Kazan ...... ..209 

Kazvin ...... 206, 252 

Kepler, astronomer . . . . 259 

Keresaspa ...... 219 

Kerkoe, Kerakeran ; fire esta- 
blished by Bahaman Asfan- 
dyar ........ 220 

Kerman ........ 211 

Kermanshah .. .. " . . 192 

Keshvar . . . . 10 

Khakan Shah, King of Khazars 

208-10 

Khalen, King of India ' . . 245 
Khandala ...... 170 

Khandesh ...... 10 

Khandut, Kundut . . . . 223 

Khanent ...... 221 

Khan vant , Mount . . 71,219 
Khattaks, the . . . . 78, 86, 89 

Khayr Alzeman Khan, father 
of Muhammad Aatzim 
(q. v.) ...... 43 

Khazars, the . . . . 203-13 

Kholasoh-i Din " of Darab 
Pahlon ...... 166 

Khorasan 75, 205, 220, 251-53, 
258 : why so railed . . . . 218 

Khordad (month) 24, 29, 133, 136, 

252 

Khoristan (See Khorasan) . . 218 
Khorshed (day) .. ..135 

Khorshed Nyaish .. ..226 

Khorshed Yasht .. ..67 

Khshaotha, mount . . . . 71 



Khshatriyas, the . . 57, 59 

Khurram, son of Jehangir 18, 133, 

134 

Khush-hal, chief of the Khattacks 86 
Khusroo % son of Jehangir . . 125 
Khusru (See Noshirwan). 
Khusro-i Kavadan (See Noshir- 

wan). 

Khusro Parvez . . . . 175 

Khyber Pass 83, 84, 86, 197, 218 
Kiash, Mr. K. D. : his "Ancient 

Persian Sculptures," 175-76, 179, 

183, 186, 188, 189, 191, 192 

Kila Sangibar ...... 223 



"King, the and the gardener" 
its parallel from the Shah- 
Nameh .. . 51-54 

Kingsloy . . . . . 37 

Kinnier . . . . . 221 

Kishan Ganga, the . 14 

Kisra (See Nosherwan) 
" Kiss of Peace ", the. . . . 188 
Kobad, Kavad, King 56, 209, 210 

Kohat 89 

Koran, the 126, 223 ; on wine 231 

Kosroe (See Nosherwan). 

Koufeh . . . . 206, 252, 253 

Kousroes, the 208 

Krishna nickname of Vyasa 

(q.v.) 60 

Kulang Dushit palace of Zobak 

at Babylon 173 

Kulen Dis (See Kulang Dushit). 
Kulich Khan, Nawab governor 
of Kashmir in Jehangir 's 

time 44, 45 

Kulu Valley 197 

Kunjut 223 

Kunti, wife of Pandu . . 60 

Kuri-marg : described by Je- 
hangir .. .. 19-20 
Kvirinta Duzhita (See Kulang 

Dushit). 
Kyanians, the 172, 203, 219, 234 



Lahore . . 24, 26, 78, 85, 88 

Lalchand Diwan. Khwaja : 

officer of Jehangir . . 148, 152 

Lamas, the 190 

Langdon, Dr. 170, 171, 174-76, 178, 

182-84, 18G-8S 

Lar valley . . . . 23, 43 

Law, Mr. B. C 65 

Lee, Mr. Fitzgerald . . . . 217 
Leo . . 249, 250, 257, 258 

Leonides, the 272 

Levitical customs . . . . 217 
Libra .. .. 249,251,255 

Libraries, of China and Trail : 

their destruction . . . . 201 
Liladitya, King of Kashmir . . 6 

Loewenthal, Rev. J 92 

Lohrasp, father of Gushtasp 61, 64 
Lohrasp Khan 83, 87 (See 

Mahabat Khan). 
Loki, a village adjoining Nao- 

sari .. .. 142, 143, 150 

Longperier, M. . . . . 193 

Lydia 234-36 

Lyrids, the . . .. ..272 

19 



290 



ASIATIC PAPER 



M 

" Maasir-ul Umara " . . 83, 84 

MacDonald, Dr. James . . 74 

Macedon, Macedonia. . 172, 236 
machi ritual for the sacred fire 193 
Machhi Bhavan, spring of 

water in Kashmir 20, 23 

Ma<;pudi 38, 173, 220-21 : 
his description of the wall of 
Nosherwan 204-206, 212-13 : 
on the preparation of wine 
246 : on comets 247, 252-53. 

256 

Madari. Madri: wife of Pandu 60 
Magabazus, general of Darius 236 
Magi, the . . . . 74 

Magog (See Gog and Magog). 
Mahabat Khun, governor of 
Peshawar 79, 89-92 : the Khan 
referred to in the tablet at 
Marpalla 82-88 : an account 
of his life 83-88 : the contents 
of the inscription on the 
tablet criticised . . 90-92 

Mahabat Khan Mirza Lohrasp 

(See Mahabat Khan). 
Mahabat Shikoh (See Mahabat 

Khan). 

Mahabat Khan Khan Khanan, 
father of Mahabat Khan 

(q.v.) 83 

Mahabhisha ; punished by the 

goddess Ganga . . . . 57 
mahalx subdivision of a *ar- 

kfir (q. v.) 10 

Mahay ana " the Greater vehi- 
cle of the Law" of the Bud- 
dhists 6 

Mahbub Khan, officer of the 
court of the last Moghul Em- 
peror . . . . . . 36 

Man bukhtar Nyaish . . . . 270 

Maheshwar, god . . . . 22 

Mahi, the . . . . 61, 136 

Mahiad-din Maghrabi, astrolo- 
ger 251 

Mahmad Amin Khan, governor 

of Afghanistan . . . . 83 
Mahmad Baqr, officer of Je- 

hangir's Court 113, 122-25 

Mahmad Din, Munshi. . 79, 96 

Mahmad Quasim, Mirza ; officer 

of Jeharigir 148 

Mahmad Zaman, Mirza, officer 

of Jehangir 155, 157, 158, 161, 163 
Mahomed, prophet . . . . 195 



Mahomed Yazed, ruler of Shir- 
wan 205 

Mahomedanism . . . . 37 

Mahomed Gazni : his unsucces- 
ful invasion of Kashmir . . 6 

Maichun fort 223 

Majouj 212 

Malcom, Sir John 173, 221 :his 
story of Behramgour's hunt- 
ing feats of archery. . 68-69 
" Malfuzat-i Taimuri " (See 
Tuzuk-i Taimur) 7, 9 : 
Kashmir described in . . 8 
Malik Mahmad Naji, father of 

Haider Malik (q. v.) . . 44 

Manasbal a beautiful lake in 

Kashmir 12 

Manchu Tartars . . . . 202 

Mancius. . . . . . . . 200 

Manock brother of Mehernosh 

Darabji (q. v.). .. 166 

Mansur, SMh . . . . 254, 264 

Manzar, Arab prince . . 69, 70 

Marcus Aurelius . . . . 12 

marys meadows of Kashmir. 19-20 
Margalla Pass of Kashmir 77- 
82, 90-92 : a Moghul Inscrip- 
tion at . . . . 77-97 

Marich rishi 22 

Marius his life by Plutarch.. 225 
Markaleh (See Margalla) . . 82 

Maroub 245 

Mars .. ..249,250,261,275 
Marshall, Sir John . . . . 96 
Martand temple of Kashmir : 
Persepolitan influence on 5 : 
built by Liladitya . . 6 
Martin Luther : on wine . . 231 
Masalmans, the . . 206, 21 1 , 223 
Maslama Governor of Arme- 
nia 210 

Masonic ritual . . . . . . 1 83 

Maury, M. Bouet . . . . 98 

Mawaraun Nahr . . 250, 258 
Mayatis sea . . . . . . 205 

Mazdyasnian civilization . . 215 
Mazdayasnian faith .. 216,269 
Mazdayasnians, the . . . . 269 

Mazendaran . . . . . . 210 

MedAyan 210 

Media .. .. 211,216,235 

Medians, the 236 

Mediterranean, the . . . . 196 
Megillus, the Lacedemonian 237 
Meher (month) 23, 238, 239 

Meher (day) 238 

Meher Nyaish 220 



INDEX 



291 



M -contd. 

Meher Yasht 214 

Meher Bidad 249 

Mehergan feast : described 

238-9 

Meher ji Kana Dastur of Nao- 
sari . . . . 100, 127, 128 

Meher ji Rana, Framji Sorabji 

120, 127, 134 

Meher ji Rana, Jamshedji Rus- 
tomji . . . . . . 166 

Meher ji Rana Library of 

Naosari 132 

Mehernoshji Darabji descend- 
ant of Mulla Jarnasp (q.v.) 
101, 131-32, 134: the chak- 
nameh of the jdgir land 
which came to his share 
its text and translation. . 152-69 
Meher-ul-Nasa Begum of 

Jehangir . . . . 45 

"Memoirs of Jehangir" 12-14, 

16, 20, 21, 23, 24, 41-43, 124 

translated by Price 27-28 

(See " Tuzuk-i Jehangiri ") 

Mercury .. .. 249,261 

Merv .. .. 72, 73, 76 

Mesopotamia . . . . . . 200 

Mihr .. 6 

Mihrapur city founded by 
Mlhrcula . . . . . . 6 

Mihrcula head of the White 

Huns 6 

Mihreshwar city founded by 
Mihrcula . . . . . . 6 

Mills, Dr 276 

Milton 267 

Ming Kings of China . . . . 197 
Ming-tieri, Chinese general. . 201 
Miiiochohr, King ..71, 72, 74-76 
Minochehrhomjis,the of Nao- 
sari 131 

" Minokherad, " the 67: on 

wine 241 

Miran officer of the Kaisar's 

court 63 

Miran Shah, Taimur's son 116, 117, 

119 

Mirkhond : on Arish's feat of 
archery . . . . . . 73 

Mir Muhammad, Sayad, officer 

of Jehangir 115, 124, 126, 136 
Mirza Haidar conqueror of 
Kashmir . . . . . . 7 

Mirza Rustam Khan, courtier 
of Jehangir 27 



Mithra 6 

Mithraic festival described by 
Firdousi .. .. 238-239 

Mithras feast . . . . . . 238 

Mobadan Mobad archimagus. 1 89 
Modi, Dr. J. J. . . . . 100 

Moghul Emperors at Kashmir 1-50 
Moghul Inscription, a at 
Margalla 77-97 : text and 
translation of the tablet 80 : 
its date 81-82 : the Khan 
referred to in the tablet 82- 
88 : Different readings and 
translations of . . 93-97 

Moguls .. .. 1-50, 98,99 

Monserrat, Father Antony . . 100 
Moola Firuz Library of Bombay 43 

Moscow 209 

Mosul 208 

mubarak-shamba Thursday so 

named by Jehangir ..133, 136 
Muhammad Aatzarn author 

of kt Tarikh-i Kashmir " . .43, 44 
Muhammad Akbar, son of 
Aurangzeb . . . . . . 89 

Muhammad Amin, Maulana 

a fakir of Jeharigh's time. . 139 
Muhammad Azam son of 

Aurangzeb . . . . . . 89 

Muhammad Farrukh Siyar . . 36 
Muhammad Husain Mirza : 

revolted in Akbar's time. . 125 
Muhammad Kam Bakhsh : 
son of Auraiigzeb . . . . 89 

Muhammad Mirani, Mirza 80 

Muhammad Mirza, Sultan : 
great -grand-father of Babar 

116,119 

Muhammad Muazzam : eon of 
Aurangzeb . . . . 89, 90 

Muhammad Sultan : son of 
Aurangzeb . . . . . . 89 

Muhammad Shah, Badshah . . 36 
Muinud-diii Chisti, Khwaja 
a saint of India . . . . 120 

" Mujmal-ul Tawarikh " . . 76 

Mukden 198 

Mulla Hoshang of Naosari 98, 
107, 115, 124, 126 : his genea- 
logy 128-29 : why called 
Mulla 130 : his probable 
visit to the court of Akbar 
127-28, 137 : why Jehangir 
rewarded him 138-39 : Situa- 
tion of the land given to him 
by Jehangir text and trans- 
lation of the chafe-winch 140-52 



292 



ASIATIC PAPER 



M conoid . 

Mulla Ishki, courtier of Akbar . . 9 
Mutla Jamasp of Naosari 
ancestor of Dadabhai Now- 
roji, 98, 101, 107, 113, 
116, 124, 126, 131, 134-35, 
154, 155, 159, 162, 164, 165, 
168, 169 : his genealogy 128- 
29 : his original name 127, 
130: his probable visit to 
the court of Akbar 127-28, 
137 : why called Mulla 130 : 
why Jehangir rewarded him 
138-39 : Situation of the 
land given to him by Jehan- 
gir text arid translation of 
the chak-narneh . . 140-152 
Mulla Shdh Badakhshani 
builder of a mosque in Kash- 
mir 30, 31 

" Muntakhab-ul Lubab " . . 85 
44 Muntakhab-ut Tawarikh " 

116, 127: on comets 254,256, 
260, 264 

Multan 8, 125 

Murad, son of Shah Jehan . . 85 

Murree 82 

Murtaza Khan officer of Je- 
harigir . . . . . . 130 

"Murudj-adh-Dhahab"(Prairies 
of Gold) : on comets 247, 252-53, 

260 

Mushpar, Mushparik, Mush- 
pairika comet 272, 276 : 
Signification of "mush" . . 276 
Mustafa Khan governor of 

Thatta .. 113, 123-125 

Mutamid Khan author of 

" Iqbai Namch" . .248, 255-56 
Muzalfar Hasim, Mirza, officer 
of Jehangir . . . . . . 148 

myazd offering . . . . 58 



Naamnn tutor of Behram- 

gour 69 

Nagarjuna . . . . . . 6 

Naghaz, city of Kashmir . . 8 

Nahid 275 

Naksh-i Darius . . . . 1 76 

Naksh-i Rustam .. ..189 

Nakflh-i Shapur . . . . 188 

Nakula, son of Madri . . . . 60 
Nankou .. .. 197-99 

Naoroz new-year's day . . 14 



Naosari 98-101, 107, 116, 126- 
28, 130-32, 134, 138, 140, 
141, 148, 151, 152, 155-57 
159, 162-66, 169, 176 : noted 
for perfumes . . . . 139 

Naosari Par sees . . . . 100 

Napoleon of China . . . . 200 

Narses 194 

Nasir Mahmad, of the court 
of Jehangir. . . . . . 152 

Navar ceremony and proces- 
sion 176,179 

Nebuchadnezzar .. ..216 

Nehavand 206 

'* Nemaz-i Dadar Hormazd" : 
translated 228-30 : offers 
parallels to Chinese and 
Greek stories . . 226-28 

Nestor 218 

.Newcomb, Prof. 262, 263, 272 

Newton 267 

Ngwei, prince of the Tsin 

family 197 

Nicholson, Gen. John 77, 78, 82 
"Nigaristan" of Ahmad bin 
Mahmad : on comets 248, 253, 257 

Nimrod 173 

Nimruz . . . . . . . . 220 

Nirang incantation prayer 
261 : its original meaning 
and various significations 
269-70 : Niranys of the 
pishiniydn or ancient Ira- 
nians 268-71 

Nirang of Haoma Yasht . . 271 
Nirang Kushti . . ..271 

Nirang of Vanant Yash . . 271 
Nirang din ritual . . . . 269 

"Nirangistftn 269 

Nishapur 72 

Nishat a beautiful Moghul 
garden .. .. 7,39 

Niyoga a form of Hindu mar- 
riage . . . . . . 59 

Nizami, Shaikh . . . . 125 

Nizamuddin, author of Taba- 
kat-i Akbar i - on comets 
248, 253-54, 256, 260, 273 
Noah : his arc compared with 
Jamshed's vara 232-33 : the 
first cultivator of vino . . 246 
Noshirwan, the just 56, 195, 
203, 231 : his wall 204-14 : 
his wall according to Ma9oudi 
204-206; his wall according 
to Firdousi 206-207 : his wall 
according to Yacout 207- 



INDEX 



293 



N concld. 

209 : the wall referred to in 
the Darband Nameh 209-10 : 
Jackson's account of the 
wall 211 : its extension into 
the sea . . . . ' 212-13 

Norman Conquest, the . . 264 

North Pole, the . . . . 268 

Nowroji Korsaspji of Naosari. 166 
Nur-afza, garden of Hari 

Parbat 16,43 

Nur Jehan . . . . 44, 46,139 
Nur Mahal 1 1 (see Nur Jehan). 
Nuruddin Jehangir Badshah 

(See Johangir). 
Nurruddin Muhammad Je- 
hangir : why Jehangir so- 
called himself .. ..121 
Nuruddin Quli officer of Je- 
haiigir's court 14, 113, 115, 123- 

25 



Old Testament, the . . 239, 2 
Omar Shekh Mirza, father of 

Babar .. .. 116,119 

Orion 257 

Ormazd (planet) . . . . 275 

Ortospaiia 220 (See Urva and 

Kabul). 

Oudh 83, 125 

Ouseley, Sir W : on Arish's 

feat of archery . . 73-75 
Oxus, the . . 72, 217, 222, 228 

Oxyges, king . . . . 263 



padan, 192 : its signification 

why put on the face . . 185 

Pndshah Banu Begum ; her 
death predicted by Jotik 

Rai (q. v.) 17 

Paesangha ; modern Peshin . . 219 
Pahlavi literature : on wine 240-41 
paitiddna (see paddn). 

Pakhali 9 

Pakli 10 

Pamirs, the 223 

Pampur : its saffron fields des- 
cribed by Jehangir . . 23 
Panama Canal,the . . . . 200 
Pandar Sandhya, a spring of 

water in Kashmir . . 23 

Panda vas, the . . . . 31, 61 

"Pand Nameh" of Adarbad : 
on wine . , . . . . . . 240 



Pandits of Kashmir, the 2, 38 

Pandu, son of Vyasa . . . . 60 
Pan] Brara : the chindrs of 18 

(See Bijbiaro). 

"Paradise Lost" . . . . 267 

Paraponasus .. .. 215,219 
Parasha first husband of 

Satyavati (q. v.) . . . . 69 
Parchol, a village adjoining 

Naosari . . . . 156, 169 
pari (fairy) . . 268, 271, 274, 275 

Parker, Mr 213 

Parrah (See Fariab) . . . . 222 
Parsees, the 37, 100, 184-190; 215, 
216, 228, 238-40, 263, 269-71 
Parsees, the : who visited the 

Moghul Emperors of Delhi. . 126 
Parsees of Bombay . . . . 100 
Parsees of Naosari . . . . 100 
Parsees by Persia . . . . 100 
Parsees of Surat . . . . 131 

'Parsees at the Court of 
Akbai " : adversely com- 
mented on by Just ice Beaman 
99-100 : refutation of the 
views held by the Judge 99-100 
Parsee prayer of " Nemaz-i 
Dadar Hormazd" : com- 
pared with some Greek and 
and Chinese anecdotes. . 225-30 
" Parsee Prakash " the 126, 127, 134 

Parthia 213 

Parthians, the 213 

Pasargadoe, Pasargard . . 177 

Patel B.B., Khan Bahadur 126, 

127, 134, 135 

patet penitence prayer 182-85 

Pathans, the . . * . . . . 85 

Pattan 125 

Pa van Sandhyft a spring of 

water in Kashmir . . . . 22 
Peechili, gulf of . . 198, 204 

Pekin 197 

Penang 195 

Perseides, the 272 

Persepolis . . 177, 179, 186, 188, 191 
Persepolitan influence on 
Indian art . . . . . . 

Persia 61, 64, 65, 73, 74, 77, 
130, 177, 189, 195, 201, 203, 
204, 206, 209, 211, 215-17, 
223, 232, 234-37,238,241-44, 
266, 269, 271, 274, 275; 
its communication with 
China 213-14 : its influence 
on Kashmir and India.. 37-39 



294 



ASIATIC PAPER 



condd. 

Persian inscriptions at Virnag 

(See Virnag). 
Persian Sculptures (See Iranian 

Sculptures). 

Persians, the 74, 21 1, 214 : the 
Persians and Kashmir 4, 17: 
the Persians arid gardening 
39 : feats of archery of 65- 
76 : their dress and arms 
mentioned by Herodotus 
65-66 : their massacre by 
the Jews . . . . 239, 243 
Peshawar 78, 79, 86, 87, 89, 

197,217 

Peshdad 172 

Peshdadian dynasty . . 172, 232 

Peshin valley 219 

Peshotan Chanda of Naosari. . 169 
Peter the Great . . 201, 204 

Phak a district of Kashmere 18 
Philip of Macedon . . . . 212 

Piedmont . . . . . . 3 

Pilaji Gaikwad . . 156, 1 57 

Pindaris, the .. .. 131, 132 

Pingre, Mr : writer on the 
history of comets . . . . 258 

Pir-i Moghan Parsee wine- 
seller 241 

Pir Panjal route leading to 
Kashmir 10, 24, 25, 28, 29, 
32, 34 : how so named . . 33 
pishiniyans : the ancient Irani- 
ans so referred to by Abul 
Fazl .. 261, 265, 268-77 

Plato 225 : his discourse on 
temperance . . . . . 127 



, the 



Pleiad 
Pliny . . 
Plutarch 
poriotkeshdn 
Porter, Sir R. Ker 
Pouruta. . 



221, 



62,268 
264-68 
.. 225 
.. 269 
179, 180 
219 



Prandrathan, a village of 
Kashmir . . . . . . 5 

Pratipur, King his marriage 
with Ganga, the goddess 57, 58 

Prayers : prayer-gestures of 
the Babylonians and Assy- 
rians their parallels among 
the Iranians and modern 
Parsees 170-94 : hand poses 
in prayers, referred to in 
the Avesta 174-75 : Proces- 
sional scenes in the Avesta 
175-76 : praying figures in 



Babylonian and Iranian 
Archeology 176-77 : the use 
of hands in prayers 177-78 : 
various attitudes of the 
hands in prayers and their 
sigriifi cation .. .. 178-94 

Price, Major David 
tra nslat ed * * Mem oirs of 
Jehangir " . . . . 26 

Processions 175-76 : Navar 
procession 176, 179 : funeral 
procession 181 : marriage 
procession . . . . . . 176 

Ptolemy Philadelphus . . 238 

Ptolemy 220, 222 ; on comets 

250 266, 267 
Punch (Panj) route leading 

to Virnag .. 14, 24, 29, 44 
Punjab, the . . 3, 4, 6, 9, 82 
Puritans, the . . . . . . 37 

Purim feast 239 

Puma the . . . . 141, 159 
Pushto dialect belonging to 

the Iranian stock . . . . 217 
Pyramids, the . . . . 196, 197 
Pythagoras . . . . . . 74 

R 

Rafi-ud Daula, Emperor .. 36 
Ranuddin Usmani, Kazi of 

Naosari .. .. 157, 158 
Rahput : name of Kaiidhar 

according to Mayoudi . . 221 

Raibadcity 221 

Rais-ul Mulk Chagtai title of 

Haidar Malik (q. v.) .. 44 

Rajatarangini " the 3-6, 11, 15, 46 

Rajour 26 

Raleigh, Sir Walter : on wine 231-32 
Ram Seheristan . . . . 222 

Ranthambur fort . . . . 136 
Rapithvin Yasna . . . . 181 
Rapp, Prof, on the drinking 

habits of the Persians . . 238 

Rashne (day) 135 

Rathors, the 86 

Rathwi, assistant priest 181, 183 
Ratnagar wadi of Naosari : 

referred to in the chak-nameh 

of the Dordi family 141-43, 149, 
157, 159, 160, 162. 165 
Rauchenara Begum queen of 

Aurangzeb . . . . . . 35 

" Rauzat-us Safa " .. ..73 

Ravadcity 221 

Raverty, Capt ..217 



INDEX 



295 



R concld. 

Bawalpur a village of Kash- 
mir 18 

Rawalpindi. 77-79, 81, 82, 87, 96 
Rawlinson, Prof. G. 242 : on 
the use of wine among the 
Persians 238 : on the fall of 
the Achoemenians . . . . 240 
Bay Bihari Chand, officer of 

Akbar 20 

Reham of Godrej . . . . 221 
Richardson: author of a Persian 
Dictionary . . . . 254, 273 

Roberts, Gen. Sir F 231 

Rochhill, Mr 190 

Rogers, Mr. : translator of 

" Tuzuk-i Jehangiri " 24, 1 33 
Roman Empire : cause of its 

downfall .. .. 202-203 

Romans, the 185, 204, 211, 213, 

214, 266 

Rome 186, 195, 201, 203, 266, 268 
Roshan district . . . . 223 

Roshan Akhl ar : another name 

of Mahrnad Shah, Badshah 36 
Rostovtzeff, Dr. .. ..214 

Roudaheh 218 

Rum (Roum) .. 62,121, 251 

Russel Hind, Mr. J : his book 
on comets . . . . 256 60 

Russia 209,214 

Rustam 172, 216, 221, 222, 231 

243 : his birth . . . . 218 

Rustam Meherji : of tho 

Garda family of Naosari . . 152 
Rustamji Byramji Jeejeebhai, 

Mr 170 

Ruyan mount . . . . 75 

S 

*'Saddar," the : on Kashmir . . 38 
Sadruddin, Kazi of the court 

of Akbar 9 

Saena Ahum Studan . . . . 221 

Safapur 23 

Safdar Khan, Nawab : gover- 
nor of Kashmir . . 44 
Sagittarius . . . . 249, 252 
Sahadeva, son of Madri . . 60 
Saiyad Ali of Hamdan . . 38 
Sajestan, 220, 245 (See Seistan). 
Sakistan, 220, 245 (See Seistan). 
Salim Original name of Je- 

hangir . . . . 45, 120 

Salim, Shaikh u derwish of 
Akbar's time . . . . 120 



Salima Sultan Begum . . 139 

Sam 76 

Samos . . . . . . . . 138 

Samumistan Ahmedabad so 

named by Jehangir . . 136 

Sandanis wise man of Lydia 234 
Sanjan Memorial Column . . 77 

Sarakhs 72 

Sari city 207 

Sarkdr division of a subdh 

(q-v.) 10 

Saruah, Sraosha . . 37, 40,179 

Sassan 206 

Sassanian coins .. 193,194 

Sassanians, the 172, 203, 211, 214, 

222, 234, 240, 269 

SathaBhuli 18 

Saturn 250 

Satyavati married to King 
Shantanu . . . . 58-59 

Saul (King) 216 

Sayyids of Barha honoured 
by Jehangir . . . . . . 125 

Scorpio 252, 255 

Scott, Sir Walter . . 172, 238 
Scythians, the . . . . 212, 237 

Seistan 219-22, 245 

Semites, the .. .. 186,217 
Semitic dialects . . . . 217 

Serirs, the . . . . 205-206 
Shab-i barat .. .. 133,136 

Shah Abbas 19 

Shdh-dlti, the cherries of Kash- 
mir . . . . . . 19 

Shah Alum . . 36, 89, 90, 169 

Shah Alum II 36 

Shah Hamdan : his masjid in 
Kashmir . . . . 37, 38 

Shah Jehan 46, 61, 83-88 ; his 

visit to Gashmir . . 29, 32 

Shah Jehan : Jehangir's title 
on his inscription in Kash- 
mir .. .. 40,42,43,46 

"Shah Jehan Namoh" (See 

* 'Badshah Nnmeh"). 
Shah-i Khamush & fakir .. 223 
Shah Kuli Mahran officer of 
Akbar .. .. .. 8 

Shah Mirza : raised a revolt 
in Akbar's time . . . . 125 

Shah Mir founder of the Ma- 
homedan dynasty of Kash- 
mir . . . . . . . . 6 

" Shah Nameh" 52, 57, 61, 76, 173, 
216, 221, 239, 242 
Shah Nawilfc Khan author of 
' Maasir ul Ulniara" . . 81* 



296 



ASIATIC PAPER 



S concld. 

Shahrivar (day) . . . . 115 

Shahrivar (month) 24, 42, 113, 135- 

37 

Shah Rokh, Mirza . . . . 251 
Shaikhu-baba : Jehangir thus 

addressed by Akbar . . 121 

Shalimar gardens 7, 39 : laid 

out by Jehangir . . . . 18 
Shamsuddin Khan officer of 

Jehangir 'a court .. ..130 

Shang dynasty of China . . 220 
Shanhaikuan . . . . . . 198 

Shantanu : his marriage with 

Ganga 58 

Shapta rishi 22 

Shapurl .. 175,189,239 

Shapur III 194 

Sharaf-ud-Din author of "Zafar 

Nam eh ": his description of 

Kashmir . . . . . . 8 

"Shatroiha-i Iran" (Cities of 
' Iran) .. .. 173,219,221,222 

shawls, the of Kashmir . . 4 
Sher Afghan title of Ali Quli 

Beg (q. v.) 46 

Shiah faith 223 

Shighnan 223 

Shigni 223 

Shii-wan 205 

Shirwan Shah 205 

Shiva 22 

Shivaji 83, 88 

Shivatir 76 (See Erekhsha). 
Shrivar Pandit . . . . 5 

Shuja, son of Jehangir : his fall 

from a window predicted by 

Jotik Ray 17 

Shuja, son of Shah Jehan 85, 89 
Shujayat Khan officer of the 

coiirt of Aurangzeb . . 87, 88 
Sifkhan a Nawab of Je- 

hangir's time . . 148, 155, 162 

Sigebert 264 

Sikandar-i Zoulkarnain 209, 212 
Sikandar But-Shekan buil- 
der of the Juma Masjid of 

Kashmir . * . . 44 



Sikandar Kara 



Yusef 



Sikri 

Simourg 

Sind 

Singapore 

Sirikol . . 

Smith, Mr. Vinpent 

Socrates 



. 251 
. 210 
. 218 
3, 38 
. 195 
. 223 
. 98 
. 225 



Sohani, Dayaram of the 
Archaeological Department 
of Kashmir . . . . 2, 49 

Sohrab Kaka 151 

Sona-marg : a meadow of Kash- 
mir 19 

Songad . . . . . . . . 156 

Sorabji Hafiz grandson of 

Mulla Jamasp (q. v.) . . 130 
Soshyos, future apostle . . 219 

Sour et-Tien : the wall of 

Noshirwan 206 

Southas, father of Abaris (q.v.) 74 
Spenta Mainyu . . . . 275 

Spent o- data ( See Aspandya r ) . . / 
Spooner, Dr. D. B. 2, 79, 96 

Sraosha (See Sarush). 
Srinagar 2, 5, 6, 15, 18, 23, 27, 38, 
I 43, 45, 48, 92 

' St. Patrick's day . . . . 239 
Stein, Dr. Aurel . . 6, 219 

Steingass, Dr. : author of a 
Persian dictionary 122, 254; 270, 

273 

Strabo : on the temperate 
habits of tho Persians 237 : 
on the after-dinner assemblies 
of the Persians . . . . 242 
Straits Settlements . . ... 195 
subdhs divisions of the Em- 
pire of Akbar . . .'. 10 
Sudreh (sacred shirt) . . .,.' 181 

Sughdha 219 

Suhrab Khan, a courtier of 
Jehangir : his doath by 
drowning .. .;27-28 

Sultan, son of Aurangzob 78-90 

Sultan Habib 37 

Sumbal, a place in Kashmiri . 17 
Sumer, Sumeria .. 171,187 

Sumerians, the . . 176, 182 

Sumri, a Kaffir fort . . . . 223 
Sunnis, the . . . . . . 44 

Surat 83, 107, 115, 125, 131, 140, 

148, 155, 157, 162 

Susan Rameahgar . . . . 241 

Swat 10, 91 

ewayamvara choice marriages 

57-64 



Swift's comet . . 
Sybil, the 
Sylvestre de Sacy 
Syria 
Syrians, the . . 



..272 
..268 
.. 27 

216, 238, 245 
..245 



INDEX 



297 



"Tabakat-i-Akbari" 9,127: 
on comets 248, 254, 256, 

260 

Tabaristan 71, 72, 74-76, 205, 269 

Tabari 220, 222 : on Nosher- 
wan's spring of water at 
Darband 210-12 : on the 
hunting -feat of Behramgour, 
70 : on the hunting feat of 
Erekhsha .. .. 71-74 

Tacitus 212 : on the delibera- 
tions of the Germans . . 242 

Tahmasp Safavi, Shah 252-63 

Tahma-tan 172 (See Rustam). 

Thana 

Taimur 7, 43, 116, 117, 

Taj Mahal, the.. 

Takharestan . . 

Takhma-urupa 

Takht-i Jameshed 

Takht-i Sulaiman 

** Talisman," the 

Talut, Melic 

Tan-darusti 
prayer) 

Tang dynasty of China 

Taotze 

Tarikh-i Kashmir " 



119, 



" Tarikh-i Maoghan " " 
" - Salim Shahi ' 



26 
251 
90 

.. 76 
.. 172 
177, 186 
.. 48 
172, 238 
.. 216 
(Benediction 
176 

.. 200 
.. 200 
,. 43 
.. 73 
27-28 

Tartars, the .. 197, 201, 202 
Tastar-king of India . . . . 245 
Taxale .. .. 65,77 

Tegbeg Khan, Nawab of Surat 131 

Tehing-van 202 

Tehmina 172 

Temple, the (comet) . . 272 

Temples of Kashmir : influen- 
ced by Greco Buddhist art 5 
Teutonic tribes, the . . 202 

Thales 225 

Thalibi 244 

Thatta 124 

Thomas, Mr. E. .. ..194 

Thracians, the .. ..237 

Thursday how named by 



Jehangir 



133 



Tibet 4, 6, 30, 190, 191, 250, 258 
Tibetans, the .. .. 190,191 
Tigreh village adjoining Nao- 

sari 142, 143, 149, 150, 159 

Tigris, the 8 

Tilari village adjoining Nao- 

sari 150 



Timur (See Taimur). 

Tir (angel) 70 

Tir(day) .. 74-76,113, 115 

Tir (month) .. ..74, 76, 136 
Tir Yasht .. 70, 76, 219, 274 
Tir-i-Areshi 76 (See Erekhsha). 
Tirangan jashan . . 74-70 

Tishtrya .. .. 79,71 

Tosar, Tansar 269 

Trajan, Emperor . . . . 12 

Transoxiasa . . 74, 251, 268 

Trebizond . . . . . . 205 

Trojan War, the . . . . 268 

Ts'in, Chinese ing : built a 

wall against the Tartars. . 197 
Tsin dynasty of China 197, 200, 202 
Tughrfi characters . . 119, 122 

Turan 207,221 

Turco-Iranian clans . . . . 85 
Turkistan .. 209, 250, 258 
Turks, the .. 7, 205-207, 211 
Tusi-marg, a meadow of 

Kashmir . . . . , . 19, 
"Tuzuk-i Jehangiri " 12, 18, 23 

24, 27, 42, 120-21, 125-26, 130, 

133, 136, 138, 139 

"Tuzuk-i Taimur " . . . . 7, 8 

Tycho Brah6 . . 258, 262-63 



136 
" Ulma-i Islam " . . . . 275 

Unvala, Mr. N. P 43 

Urban IV, Pope . . . . 257 

Urva 219,220 

Ushidarena, Mount .. ..219 
Ushtavaiti Gatha .. ..178 
Utbag Alla-Kazi of Navsari . . 167 
Ut-Suivi tribe 203 



Vaekereta 
Vaitigaesa, mount 
Valerian, Emperor 
Variant Yasht . . 
Vansitart, Jlenry 
Faro of Jamshed 
Varahran II 
Varahran III 
Varro . 
Vashti, queen 
Vasishtha rii * 



219,! 



1 Vendidad 




298 



ASIATIC PAPBE 



V conM. 

Venice 212 

Venus 268,275 

Verethraghna (Behram planet) 275 

Ver, Vir (See Virnag). 

Vernag (See Virnag). 

Vesugar, Mr. J. . . 79, 91 

Vichitravirya, son of Shantanu 

(q. v.) .. .. 58,59 

Vidura, son of Vyasa . . 60 

Vijayasena Suri . . . . 100 

Vikramaditya 206 

Vine : its first cultivator 245-46 

Viraf-Nameh 186 

Virnag a spring of water in 
Kashmir 2, 3, 7, 8, 11, 12, 
15, 16,20,23,24,29,32,39, 
45, 46, 197 : described by 
Jehangir 13, 21-22 : text and 
translation of Jehangir's ins- 
cription at Virnag 39-47 : 
described by Taimur 8 : des- 
cribed by Abul Fazl 11 : 
the word explained etymo- 
logically 13, 22 : visited by 
Shah Jehan 30 : references 
of Jehangir's visit to Virnag 

42-43 

Viahnu, god 22 

Vishtap (See Gushtasp). 
Vitashta (See Jhelam) . . 22 

Vithavatru (See Jhelam) . . 22 

Volga, the 209 

Vourukasha sea . . . . 71 

Vyasa, Krishna Dvapayana 
son of Satyavati (q. v.) 59, 60 

W 

Wacha, Sir D. E 54 

Wakhan 223 

Wakhanis, the .. ..224 

Wakiat-i Jehangiri " 26, 61, 
81, 82, 91 : describes the 
story of the king and the 
Gardener 51-52 : describes 
comets 248, 254-55, 259-60, 

262, 264 

Walter del Mar . . 2 

Warzish Khan officer of Je- 
hangir's court . . . . 130 

Weddel, Col 190 

Wednesday how named by 

Jehangir in his " Tuzuk " 123 
Wee Wang : founder of the 

Chow dynasty . . . . 200 
West,Dr 272,273 



Whiston, Dr 265-66 

Windischmann, Dr 273 

Wine t among the Persians 
231-46 : Jamshed, the dis- 
coverer of wine 232-33 : 
wine as described in the 
A vesta 233-34 : used in Par- 
see ceremonies 234 : wine 
according to classical writers 
234-40 : wine in Pahlavi 
literature 240-41 : wine- 
sellers according to the 
Dadistan 241: wine-drinking 
usages among the Persians 
241-43 : old wine 243 : the 
preparation of wine 233, 243 

Witt, Mr 39 

Wood, Lieut 223 

Wollaston, author of a Persiar, 
Dictionary . . . . 254, S&59 



Xenophon 1 80 : on wine am on& 
the Persians 235, 237, 244 

Xerxes : his expedition against 
the Greeks 65 



Yadgar : his revolt in Kashmir 9 

Y&jouj .. 212 

Yama (See Yima). 

Yamuna, the 58 (See Jamna). 

Yaqout : his description of the 

wall of Noshirvan .. 207-209 
Yarkand .. . % ..34 

Yashodharma 203 

Yashte, the 219 

Yasna, the . . 182, 185-86, 275,276 

Yazaahna-gah 179 

Yazatas, the .. 175, 179, 275 
Yazdani, Mr. Ghulam : his 

reading of the inscription at 

Margalla 96 

Yellow race, the . . . . 199 

Yezd 138 

Yima, Yima Khshaeta 172, 

175 (See Jamshed). 
Yin dynasty of China . . 200 

Young, Sir F. P 78 

Younghusband, Sir F.: his book 

on Kashmir . . 4-6, 12, 39 

Yucchi tribe 203 

Yudhishthra son of Kunti 60, 61 
Yusuf Khan Kizani ruler of 

Kashmir 8-9 

Yusuf zai tribe ..86,88, 91 



INDEX 



299 



Zaboul, Zaboulastan, Zavulas- 
tan .. .. 10,91,222,231 

" Zadsparam ": on the planets 275 
Zafar Khan, subahdar of 
Kashmir 

Zafar Nameh " of Sharafud- 
din Yazdi : describes Kash- 
mir 8 
Zai n -Lanka, a reservoir in 
Kashmir . . . . . . 9 

Zainuddin Khafi, Shaikh . . 251 
Zain-ul Abadin : King of 
Kashmir 7, 9, 38, 92 : In- 
scription on his tomb . . 37 

Zal ..216 

Zambil, King of India . . 245 

Zampa, a rope-bridge 14,15 

ZamyadYasht .. ..219 



Zaranga. . . . . . . . 222 

Zarduahtis (See Zoroastrians). 

Zarir 61,7(5 

Zend 217 

Zenzan 206 

Zerenj, Zerandj, Zarinje, 

Zarend, Zaranga 222 (See 

Dooshak). 

Zodiac, the .. .. 173,268 
Zohak 172-73 : overthrown by 

Faridun 238 

Zoroaster 39, 219, 221, 223, 269 
" Zoroastrian Deities on Indo- 

Scythian Coins " . . 6 

Zoroastrians, the 37, 38, 100, 171, 

218, 219, 221, 223, 271 

Zulqarnain (See Sikandar). 

Zoti, Zaoti .. 181,183, 185