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THE IMPERIAL 



AND 



ASIATIC QUARTERLY 
REVIEW 



AND 



Oriental and Colo7tial Record. 




NEW SERIES— VOLUME VII. MTos. 13 & 14. 

JANUARY AND APRIL NUMBERS, 1894. 
(For the Half-Year : October, 1895, to end of March, 1894.) 



" One hand on Sc3rtliia, th' other on the More."— Spbnsbr. 



Woftf na : 

THE ORIENTAL UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE. 



Digitized by CjOOQIC 



JZ-ri'*^ /.7 



Harvtril College Library 

APR 22 1912 
61ft of ,., 
Prof. A. C. Coolidge 

CONTENTS. 



PACK 

A Sanscrit New Year's Stanza. By Trimbaklal Jadavrai Desai 
England and France in Indo-China. By General Sir H. N. 

D. Prendergast, K.C.B i 

The Check to " the Forward Policy" in Afghanistan. By 

an Ex-Panjab Official 15 

Maharaja Duleep Singh (w/'/A his signed Photo^apk^ and 

Reminiscences by Dr, G. W, Leitner^ and Baron Textor de 

Ravist). By Sir Lepel Griffin, K.CS.1 21 

An Invertebrate Viceroyalty. By Senex 53 

The New Viceroy and our Indian Protectorate. By Sir 

Roper Lcthbridge, K.C.I.E 59 

A University for Burma. By the Hon. Justice J. Jardine • 71 

The Last Indian Census. By John Beames, B.C.S. (ret.) . . 76 

Cow-Killing Riots, Seditious Pamphlets, and the Indian 

Police. By Dr. G. W. Leitner 84 

The Amandebili (Matabili) Question. By Bertram Mitford, 

F.R.G.S 96 

Melilla and the Moors. By Rev. Jos^ P. Val D'Eremao, D.D. 103 

The Imperial Federation League. By Rev. J. P. Val 

D'Eremao, D.D 110 

Egyptian and Babylonian Triads. By Prof. F. Robiou . . 119 

The Sects of Lamaism. By Surgeon-Major L. A. Waddell . . 137 

The Sacred Books of the East : "Texts of Confucianism." 

By Fung Hou Wong and other reviewers. " Texts of Taoism." 

By J. Beames. '"The Satapatha Brihmana." By C. H. 

Tawney, M.A. " The True Nature and Interpretation of the 

Yi-King." By the Right Reverend Monsiegneur Professor C. 

De Harlez, D.D 148, 383 

Russia in Oriental Literature. By General F. H. Tyrrell 

(Madras Army) 154 

The Pelasgi and their Modern Descendants. (Conclusion.) 

By the late Sir P. Colquhoun and the late Wassa Pasha : 

Homeric and Albanian Analogies 176 

GrvECO-Buddhistic Sculptures {with illustrations). By Dr. G. 

W. Leitner 186 

A Brahmin at the Chicago World's Fair. By Mulji Dcvji 

Vedant 190 

Elginiana : The Alleged Pledges of the Indian Viceroy— The 

Three Elgins, Lord Elgin on " Home Rule and the Black Man " 

and his Last Speech at Dunfermline 197 

Indian Finance Troubles. By Sir Henry-Stewart Cunningham, 

K.C.LE 251 

The Indian Monetary Problem. By Lesley C. Probyn, late 

Accountant General, Madras 271 

Currency. By an Indian Banker 280 

The Amir Abdurrahman and Great Britain (with H.H.*s 

portrait and a facsimile of his letter on his feelings towards, 

and his visit to, England). By Dr. G. W. Leitner . . . 283 

The Granville-Gortchakoff Convention of 1873 . . 295 

Progress in Afghanistan. By John A. Gray, late Surgeon to 

H.H. the Amir 305 

The Independent Afghan or Pathan Tribes. By Major H. 

G. Raverty, late Bombay Infantry ...'... 312 

French Ambitions in Africa. By Sir G. T. Goldie, K.C.M.G. 327 

Australasian Federation and Federal Defence. By ^'^Cl.Qir^cAe 



Australian Official 



Contents, iii 

PAGE 

Oriental Art and ARCHiEolOGY. . By W. Simpson, Hon. 

A.R.I.B.A • 349 

Continuation of the Nambs\ /Assyria and Nineveh. By 

Dr. A. Lincke . . . ' 371 

The Eucharist of the Lamas. By Dr. L. A. Waddell . • 379 

The Recent Legislation for the Relief of the Dekhan 

Ryots. By J. W. Neill, I.C.S 396 

The Political History of the Sikhs by Contemporary 

Authors. By W. Irvine, B.CS. (ret.) » • . . . 420 

The Progress of Anthropology in India. By H. H. Rislcy, 

CLE 432 

The. Life of the Hebrew Woman of old. By the Rev. Dr. 

Chotzner 438 

Correspondence and Notes 202, 446 

Lord Salisbury and Siam, by One who Knows. — The Colonies and Naval 
Defence, by the Earl of Pembroke. — The Imperial Institute and the 
Colonies. — The Danger of Cow-killing in India, by Historian. — 
General A. W. E. Hutchinson on Cow-killing. — The Symbol of the 
Sacred Cow, by Ch. Johnston. — The Bombay Riots : and the 
Guzerati so-called Sediiious Pamphlet, by Hindu. — Hairy Savages 
in Tibet, by L. A Waddell. — Cholera in Ancient India, by L. A. 
WaddelL—Lobengula, by R. Casement— Ibea .... 202—2x1 

Colonial Federation, by Earl Grey. — The Behar Cadastral Survey, by C. 
E. Biddulph. — A New Departure in the Science of Language — 
Kussia in Oriental Literature, by Hyde Clarke. — Druses and Free 
Masonry. — The Russo-Afghan Frontier, by W. Simpson. — Imperial «— 
Defence and the Franco- Russian Scare, by C. D. Collett. —Oriental 
New Year's Wishes, by C. M. Salwey. — A Danger to Islam, by 
Verb. Sap. — A Defence of Muhammadanism, by G. W. L. and 
letter from H. E. the Persian Minister. — Caste and the Last Indian 
Census, by G. W. Leitner. — The Etymology of Dulip Singh, by J. 

Beames, Gurmukh Singh, and others 446—461 

Reviews and Notices 212, 462 

History of India, by H. G. Keene, CLE. — The Auto-Biography of a 
Spin, by May Edwood.— The Pearl of Asia, by Jacob T. Child.— 
The Early Spread ckf Relieious Ideas especially in the Far East, by 
Joseph Edkins, D.D. — History of the French in India, by G. B. 
Malleson, C.S. I. — The Story of Africa and its Explorers, by Robert 
Brown, F.R.G.S. — Adventures in Mashonaland, by two Hospital 
Nurses. — The Zambesi B.isin and Nyassaland, by David J. Rankin, 
F.R.G.S. — Estoppel by matter of record in Civil Suits in India, 
by L. Broughton. — Modem Indian Architecture, by Ishwar. — 
Australian Commonwealth, by Greville Tregarthen.— British East 
Africa or Ibea, by P. L. McDermett. — Portuguese Discoveries, 
Dependencies and Missions in Asia and Africa, by the Rev. A. J. D. 
D'Orsey, B.D. — Travels in India a Hundred years ago, by Thomas 
Twining. — In the Shadow of the Pagoda, by E. D. Cuming. — 
Chinese Nights' Entertainments, by Adele M. Fielde.— China and 
her Neighbours, by R. S. Grundry.— Fians, Fairies and Picts, by 
David MacRitchie. — Thirteen Years among the Wild Beasts of 
India, by J. P. Sanderson.— The Story of an African Chief, by Mrs. 
W. Knight Bruce, with a preface by Edna Lyall. — Dictionary of 
Quotations, by the Rev. James Wood. — Report on Sanitary 
Measures in India in 1891-92. — TheEmpire of the Tsars and the 
Russians, by Anatole Leroy-Beaulieu. — The Southsea Islanders and 
the Queensland Labour Trade, by W. T. Wawn. — The Memoirs and 
Travels of Count de Benyowsky, edited by Captain Pasfield Oliver, 
R.N.— From the Five Rivers, by F. A. Steel.— Nell* Asia Orientale : 
Ludovico Nocentini. — The Book of Good Counsels, by Sir E. 
Arnold, K.CI.E. — The Story of Mashonaland, by the Rev. F. 
W. Macdonald. — Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan, by L. B. Bowring, 
CS.I. — Rambles and Recollections of an Indian Official, by Sir 
W. H. Sleeman, K.C.B.— The Buccaneers of America, by John 
Esquemeling. — La Hongrie ^conomique : Guillaume Vautier. — 
The Army Book for the British Empire, by Genl. W. H. Good- 
enough and Col. J. C. Dalton. — The Currencies of the Hindu States 
of Rajputana, by W. Webb, M.B., Ind. Med. Staff. — Helen 
Treveryan, by Sir Mortimer Durand, K.C. I.E. —Through the Sikh 
War, by G. A. Henty.— Matebeleland, by A. R. Colquhoun.— C^ r\r\c^\o 
Chinese Central Asia, by H. Lansdell, D.D.— The Pamirs, by the VnVJU^LV^ 



IV Contents. 

PAGE 

Earl of Dunmore, F.R.G.S. — A mission to Gelele, King of 
Dahomey, by Captain Sir Richard Burton, K.C.M.G., etc — ^The 
Mysore Census, of 1891, by V. N. Narasimmeyengar. — Report of 
the 8th Indian National Congress. — A Year Amongst the Persians, 
by E^lward G. Browne. — ^A Journey through the Yemen, by Walter 
B. Harris, F.R.G.S.— Arabic French Vocabulary, by Father J. B. 
Belot, S.J. — The Moslem Present, and An E^ssay on the Pre- 
Islamitic Arabic Poetry : 'Abdul *Ali Faizull&bhal — Elementary 
Arabic Text and Glossary, by F. Du Pr^ Thornton. — Le Premier 
Livre de TArabisant, by M. J. Harfouch. — Bibliographie des 
Ouvrages Arabes, by Prof. Victor Chauvin. — Ghazels from the 
Divan of Hafiz, by Justin Huntly McCarthy. — Tarikh-i-Jadid, by 
Mr. E. G. Browne.— The Mummy, by Mr. E. A. W. Budge.— 
Romance of the Insect World, by L. N. Badenoch, with illustrations 
by Margaret Badenoch.— The Rival Powers in Central Asia, by 
Josef PopowskL — Dictionary of Islam, by the Rev. T. P. Hughes, 

B.D 212—237 

An Oriental Biographical Dictionary, by J. W. Beale. — A glossary of 
Judicial and Revenue terms used in British India, by H. H. Wilson, 
M.A., F.R.S.— Sir John Login and Dulip Singh, by Lady Login. — 
India's Princes, by M. Griffith. — Words on Existing Religions, by 
the Hon. A. S. G. Canning.— ThetMaha-Ch'at, by G. E. Gerini.— 
S^d Al-Khoori al-Shartooni*s Arabic Dictionary. — Materials to- 
wards a Statistical Account of the Town and Island of Bombay 
Vol. I..— The Jardine Prize Essay by E. Forchhammer, Ph.D. 
— Text and Translation of Maung Tct Pyo's Customary Law 
of the Chin Tribes, by Mr. Justice Jardine, — Essay on the Language 
of the Southern Chins, and its Affinities, by B. Houghton, C.S. — 
Peguan Grammar, by the Rev. J, M. Haswell. — Narrative of the 
Mission to Mandalay, by Col. Albert Fytcbe. — The Burmese 
Empire, by Father San Germano. — The British Burma Gazetteer, 
by Col. H. R. Spearman. — King Wagaru's Manu-Dhammasattham, 
by the late Dr. Forchhammer.— J<Iotes on Buddhist Law, by Mr. 
Justice Jardine. — The Dawn of Astronomy, by J. Norman Lockyer. 
— Around Tonquin and Siam, by Prince Henri d'Orleans. — A 
Burmese Reader, by F. St. Andrew St. John. — The Historical 
Geography of the British Colonies, by C. P. Lucan, B.A. — Sir 
Thomas Munro, by John Bradshaw, M.A., LL.D. — Land Revenue 
and Tenure in British India, by B. H. Baden- Powell, CLE.— The 
Mobammadan Dynasties, by S. Lane-Poole. — Gold, Sport and 
Coffee planting in Mysore, by R. H. Elliot. — On the Original 
Inhabitants of Bharatavarsha or India, by Gustav Oppert, Ph.D. — 
Hand Atlas of India, by J. G. Bartholomew, F.R.G.S.— Handbook 
of British East Africa. — The New Egypt : a social sketch, by 
Francis Adams.— Japan, by D. Murray, Ph.D., LL.D.— A Standard 
Dictionary of the English Language. (Vol. I.) — England and 
India, by Lala Baijnath, B.A.— The Fans of Japan, by Charlotte 
M. Salwey. — Annuaire des Traditions Populaires ; 9**°*' Ann^ 
— The Muhammadans, by J. D. Rees, CLE.— History of Australia 
and New Zealand, by A and G. Sutherland. — The Empire, by W. 
E. H. Lecky. — Commercial Geography of the British Empire, 
by L. W. Lyde.— Suwarta, by Annie H. Small.— The Kastdah of 
Hjlji Abdfi Al-Yazdi, by the late Sir Richard Burton. —The 
Thousand and One Quarters of an Hour, edited by L. C Smithers. 
— Rigveda und Edda, by Fredrik Sander.— Palestine Exploration 
Fund Quarterly Statement, January, 1894— Korea and the Sacred 
White Mountain, by Captain A. E. J. Cavendish, F.R.G.S.— The 
Conversation Manual, by CoL G. T. Plunkett, R.E.— The Rauzat- 
us-Safa of Mirkhond, translated by E. Rehatsek. — The Life of 
Muhammad, by Sir W. Muir, K.CS.L— The " Higher Criticism" 
and the verdict of the Monuments, by the Rev. A. H. Sayce. — 
Land Systems of Australia, by W. Epps. — Haroun Alraschid, by 
the late Prof. E. H. Palmer, M.A.— Ivanda, by Captn. Claude 
Bray.— A Dictionary of the New Zealand Language, by the Right 
Revd. W. Williams, D.CL 462—483 

Summary of Events in Asia, Africa and the Colonies . 238, 484 

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* 1st JANUARY, 1894. 



"A HAPPY NEW YEAR" IN SANSCRIT 

TO OUR READERS* 



^ m^^ I lis %^^— 

Trimbaklal Jadavrai Desai. 



TRANSUTERA TION. 
Bho vachaka ! Nave sminvarshe 
Vilokanirtham Naralokasobham 
Swargasya Srifigagragatena Dhatra 
Snehena Kalpadrumapallavani 
Kshiptdni te mangalasQchakani 



TRANSLATION. 
Oh Reader ! In this New Year 
[Good Fortune is Thy Fate,] 
for Dhitrit rising to the Heights 
of Swarga'sJ Summits there to view 
the splendour of the World of Men, 
has, in his love, cast on it broad 
the buds of Kalpadrunia.§ 
[The Tree that grants desires] 
as omens of prosperity to Thee ! 



* The New Year's wish is put in the past tense as an accomplished fact in order to 
show its certain fulfilment. 

t Dh&tri, the Creator or Disposer. 

X The Heaven of Indra, the abode of the inferior Gods and of beatified mortals. 

§ Kalpadruma or ** Wishing-Tree," peculiar to Swarga, has the property of fulfilling 
the desires of those who possess it. God, being pleased, showers its buds on men. 



Imperial and Asiatic Quarterly Review, 
Wokinj^t 1st January, 1 894. 



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Google 



THE IMPERIAL 



AND 



Asiatic Quarterly Review, 

AND ORIENTAL AND COLONIAL RECORD. 

JANUARY, 1894. 

ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN INDO-CHINA. 

By General Sir H. N. D. Prendergast, K.CB , V.C, R.E. 

Our difficulties with France are mostly due to our defective 
comprehension of each other s point of view and manner of 
thought. From the same data the deductions of an Eng- 
lishman and of the most serious of Frenchmen seem to be 
separated by an impassable gulf. British commerce always 
precedes the British flag, but France believes that trade 
follows the flag and consequently she is always endeavour- 
ing to strengthen her position and increase her influence in 
foreign parts with the idea that they may sooner or later 
be useful to her merchants. English policy permits only 
of defending substantial interests, which have been created 
by individual enterprise, while France adopts a forward 
policy and then seeks to create solid interests to justify it. 
The Englishman relies on his own resources, the French- 
man depends on the assistance and protection of Govern- 
ment It is as difficult for an average English rate-payer to 
realise that a war should be undertaken or a territory 
invaded for the sake of an idea, as it is for an ordinary 
Frenchman to conceive an Empire or even a Colony 
founded for the sake of commerce, yet the French are 
proud to go to war for an idea and are ready to believe 
that England fights in order to increase her commerce. 
By comparing the history of the English in BiH4na wijt 
new series, vol. vil ^^^^ ^ A 



2 England and France in Indo- China. 

that of the French in farther India an estimate may be 
formed of the advantages and dis-advantages of the systems 
of Colonial enterprise adopted respectively by England 
and France. 

THE ENGLISH IN BURMA. 

English settlements were established at Siriam, Prome, 
Ava and Bhamo early in the 17th century but there was 
no treaty between England and Burma before that signed 
by Alompra, the founder of the last dynasty, about the 
year 1750; for many years the settlers had a precarious 
existence, British Envoys were ill-received at Ava, and 
British factories were destroyed at Siriam and elsewhere ; 
in 18 18 the Burmese Governor of Ramree demanded the 
cession of Ramoo, Chittagong, Moorshedabad and Dacca 
and threatened to storm, capture and destroy the whole 
of the English possessions; in 1824 the Burmese 
invaded Cachar and threatened Chittagong and Calcutta. 
At that time the Burman Empire besides Burma proper 
and the Provinces of Pegu, Aracan and Tenasserim 
embraced Mogoung, the Northern Shan and Kachin 
States, Assam, and Munnipur and had as tributaries all 
the Shan States as far as the Mekong river. War was 
declared by England on the 25th March 1824, and Sir 
Archibald Campbell having defeated the Burmese in 
general actions at Rangoon, Donabew, Prome, Mallown 
and Pagan signed the treaty of peace at Yandabo on the 
24th February 1826. By the treaty of Yandabo, the King 
of Ava renounced his claims to Assam, Cachar and Jyntea. 
The British Government retained the conquered provinces 
of Aracan, Yeh, Tavoy, Mergui and Tenasserim, and it 
was agreed that accredited Ministers of each Government 
should reside at the Court of the other. Relations with 
Burma were not satisfactory after the war for the terms of 
the treaty were not strictly enforced and Lord Dalhousie 
reviewing the situation said — 

" For a quarter of a century the Burmans had been allowed to dis- 
regard this treaty with impunity. They had been permitted^^a. womu 

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England and France in Indo-Ckina. 3 

away our envoys by petty annoyances, they had vexed our commercial 
Agents at Rangoon into silent departure from their posts. On more than 
one occasion they had threatened a recommencement of hostilities against 
tis and always at the most untoward time. Every effort was made in vain to 
obtain reparation by friendly means. Our demands were evaded, our 
officers were insulted, and War became inevitable." 

In April 1852 a force under Major General Godwin C.B. 
arrived in the Rangoon River and took the Pagoda defences 
of Rangoon, they then took Bassein by assault and occupied 
Prome, Godwin afterwards defeated the Burmans at Pegu, 
Prome and Donabew. 

Having taken possession of all Pegu, Lord Dalhousie 
determined to go no farther, so a proclamation to that 
effect was issued, no treaty having been made with the King, 
and peace was declared on the 20th December 1852. 

The relations between the British Government and the 
Court of Ava were still governed by the Yandabo treaty of 
1826 under which each Government might place a Resident 
at the Court of the other, and commercial treaties were 
concluded in 1862 and 1867. From 1863 to 1879 a British 
Political Agent resided at Mandalay and managed to pre- 
vent the Burmese from totally ignoring their treaty obliga- 
tions, but after the accession of Theebaw to the throne, 
and the massacres of his relations, harmony with the 
Court became impossible and the British Resident, who 
had tolerated many insults, at last withdrew from Mandalay 
in 1879. 

During the new King's reign, and in the absence of a 
British Representative, atrocities were frequently committed 
at Mandalay, chief among such incidents was the massacre 
of prisoners in Mandalay Jail, outrages were committed on 
British vessels, trade was hampered, bands of robbers in- 
fested Upper Burma and occasionally raided into British 
territory. A treaty signed in 1873 was ratified in 1883 
by which France was permitted to accredit a diplomatic 
and Consular Agent to the Court of Ava ; and concessions 
were sought from King Theebaw which would have given 
into French hands the control over the railway and steam 

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4 England and France in Indo-Ckina. 

navigation of the Upper Irrawaddy, and in fact the whole 
trade of Upper Burma. 

At last an event happened which roused the British 
Government to action, the Burmese Government having 
tried to levy unjustly a ruinous fine from the Bombay 
Burma trading Corporation the Government of India 
demanded that an envoy should be suitably received at 
Mandalay, who would settle the dispute and that, for the 
future, a British diplomatic agent should be allowed to 
reside at Mandalay, with proper securities for his safety, 
and should be honorably treated by the Burmese Govern- 
ment ; the Court of Ava rejected these propositions and 
on the 7th November 1885 King Theebaw issued a pro- 
clamation in which he stated that the English barbarians 
seeking to destroy the Buddhist religion and to violate 
national traditions and customs and to degrade the Burman 
race were preparing for war, and that, if these heretics 
should come and in any way attempt to molest or disturb 
the State, His Majesty would himself march forth with his 
Generals, Captains and Lieutenants and with the might of 
his army would efface these foreigners and conquer and 
<mnex their country. This was the last straw of insolence 
I hat broke the back of the camel of British forbearance. 

On the 15th November 1885 a British Force invaded 
Burma by way of the Irrawaddy River, captured the great 
frontier fort of Gwe-gyoun-Kamyo and the Redoubt of 
Minhla, defeated the enemy who was strongly entrenched 
at Myingyan on the 24th, and made Theebaw prisoner in 
his Palace at Mandalay on the 28th November 1^5. On 
I St January 1886 the territories formerly governed by 
King Theebaw were declared to be part of her Majesty's 
dominions, and on the ist March 1886 the Marquis of 
Dufferin and Ava, Viceroy and Governor General of India, 
in presence of the notables of Burma assembled at Man- 
dalay, proclaimed the annexation of Upper Burma to the 
British Empire. A country that for years past had been in 
a condition bordering on anarchy was not rendered tranquil 

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England and France in Indo-Ckina, 5 

in a day by word of command, but military force was 
required to subjugate the districts. Upper Burma is now 
perfectly quiet and except in the outlying tracts, disturb- 
ances are practically unknown. 

The first Burmese war in 1824 was caused by Burman 
violation of British territory, by Burman interference with 
States allied to England, and by Burman threats of in- 
vasion and was undertaken to vindicate the honour of the 
British Government, to bring the Burmese to a just sense 
of its character and rights, to obtain an advantageous 
adjustment of our Eastern boundary, and to preclude the 
recurrence of similar insult and aggression in future. At 
its conclusion the Tenasserim Provinces were annexed by 
England, but if there had been any desire for aggrandise- 
ment all Burma might have been subjugated, as Sir 
Archibald Campbell's force was within a few miles of Ava. 

The 2nd Burmese war was caused by the disregard of 
commercial treaties and insolent hostility of the Court of 
Ava, this resulted in the annexation of Pegu, Lord 
Dalhousie having determined to take no more territory. 
The 3rd Burmese war was precipitated by the attempt of 
Burma to do injustice in the case of a British commercial 
firm, and was undertaken in defence of British trade which 
was seriously threatened, it resulted in the annexation of 
Upper Burma. In each case England was with difficulty 
moved to make war and was moderate after her victory, 
the inhabitants of the territories annexed were infinite 
gainers by the annexations and no other State suffered 
from them, for the countries subjugated were thrown open 
to the commerce of the world. 

Under British rule Burma has been provided with roads, 
railways and bridges to facilitate communication by land, 
and with steamers to carry her commerce by sea and river ; 
men of science are employed in the development of her 
mines and forests ; hydraulic works have been undertaken 
to promote irrigation and navigation : Chinese, Shans, 
Kachins, Hindoos and Mahomedans have been introduced 

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6 England and France in Indo-China, 

to supply the labour so much needed for agricultural 
operations ; relief works have given food to the people in 
time of famine ; hospitals have alleviated the sufferings of 
the sick ; peace and safety have been substituted for 
anarchy and tyranny. 

The progressive value of the Seaborne trade of Burma 
for the following years is shown below : 



Year. 


Imports. 


Exports. 


Total. 






Lakhs of Rupees. 


1866-67 ••• 


255 ... 


231 


48<^ 


1871-72 ... 


315 ... 


378 


693 


1876-77 ... 


471 ... 


551 


1,022 


1881-82 ... 


638 ... 


806 


1,444 


1883-84 ... 


731 ... 


872 


1,603 


1886-87 ... 


770 ... 


869 


1,639 


1887-88 ... 


... 1,013 • 


891 


1,904 


1888-89 ... 


932 ... 


825 . 


*»757 


1889-90 ... 


956 ... 


1,016 


1,972 


1890-91 ... 


1,010 ... 


... 1,236 


2,246 


1891-92 ... 


... 1,050 ... 


1,267 


2,317 



The lollowing tables show that the commerce of all 
nations is encouraged in the Ports of Burma. 

The value of the imports of private merchandize during 
the year 1891-92 was Rupees 10,50,06,247 and there was 
an extraordinary increase in the imports from the following 
countries as is shown below : 







1890-91. 


1891 92. 






Rs. 


Rs. 


Austria 




3»937 


i,i5'827 


Belgium ... 




36,172 


3.22,451 


France 




31.501 


3*07,492 


Germany 




14,26,836 


33,87.759 


Holland ... 




16,186 


13,37.106 


The value of the 


export trade of the year 1891-92 10 


Europe as 


compared 


with 1890-91 


is — 






1890-91. 


1891-92. 






Rs. 


Rs. 


United Kingdom 


• 1,58,58,370 


2,08,51,628 


France 




4,59,110 


2,74,112 


Germany ... 




99,060 


16,90,788 


Italy 




3,200 


82,531 


Spain 




1,32,980 


1,71,208 


Egypt 




. 2,96,81,580 


3.85,36,939 


Malta 




69,76,700 


58,13.606 


Other Europ 


san Countries 
Total 


1,80,170 


76,347 




.. 5»33»9i.i7o 


Digiti^qql by 6,74,97, 1 jf 



England and France in Indo-China, 7 

The value of the inland trade between Lower Burma 
and Siam, Karenni and the Southern Shan States, and 
between Upper Burma and China, the Shan States and 
the Kachin hills in 1891-92 was Rs. 1,16,13,774 or a net 
increase of 4*25 per cent, over that of 1890-91. The 
exports to China principally via Bhamo were valued at 
Rs. 13,87,033 and the imports at Rs. 6,97,452. 

In the report by ** The Times" of Lord Lansdowne's 

recent visit to Burma we read that 

" ^pper Burma which in 1886 was just emerging from oppression and 
misrule, is in 1893 one of the most prosperous provinces of the Empire, 
that the older provinces have not been slow to avail themselves of the 
openings afforded by the new era of prosperity in Upper Burma. Since 
the annexation in 1886 the internal trade has more than doubled. Her 
sea borne commerce has leapt up at the rate of 10 million Rupees a year 
from 120 millions to 180 millions between 1886 and 1892. The revenues 
of Lower Burma which increase pari passu with the extension of cultiva- 
tion and with the growing numbers and prosperity of the inhabitants have 
mounted up from 25 millions to 43 millions of Rupees since 1885. In- 
cluding Upper Burma the total is now close on 55 millions, or more than 
double the revenue before the annexation." 

THE FRENCH IN INDO- CHINA. 

The French occupation of Indo-China was avowedly 
undertaken in the interests of the Church and of com- 
merce. At the instigation of the Abbd Hue ** the Emperor 
Napoleon III. willed to put a stop to the constantly re- 
curring persecutions against Christians in Cochin-China, 
and to secure them the efficacious protection of France,*' 
so Admiral Rigault de Genouilly was ordered in 1858 to 
transfer his forces from China to attain this object ; Cochin- 
China was invaded and three of its provinces were ceded 
to France. By the treaty of Saigon in 1862, full rights of 
navigating the great River of Cambodia were granted to 
France and she occupied temporarily the Citadel of Vinh- 
luong. In 1867 Admiral de la Grandiere, the French 
Governor seized the remaining three Provinces of Cochin- 
China. In 1863 Cambodia came under the protectorate of 
France. In 1867 Siam formally recognized the French 
Protectorate on condition that France should never take 

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8 England and France in Indo- China. 

possession of Cambodia, that the provinces of Battambong 
and Angkror should remain in Siamese possession, and that 
the boundary between Cambodia and the above named 
provinces should be defined by a Franco-Siamese Com- 
mission, and this was done in 1868. 

In 1866 French explorers ascended the Cambodia River 
to the borders of Yunnan, afterwards Monsieur Dupuis 
reported that the Song-koi or Red River was navigable. 
In 1873 M. Gamier was sent to Hanoi with wide dis- 
cretion and a few troops at his command, he thought fit to 
assault the Citadel and assert the Protectorate of France 
over Tong-king. 

In 1874, the Fortresses held by the French in Tong- 
king were relinquished, but French Consuls were ap- 
pointed and the Red River was opened to French com- 
merce; from 1882 to 1885 war was again carried on by 
France in Tong-king till China ceded Langson to France 
and recognized all the treaties concluded between France 
and Annam and agreed to a joint delimitation of the 
boundary between Tong-king and China, thus Tong-king 
became a part of the French Empire. Annam was next 
attacked, its capital Hu6 was taken, French protection was 
acknowledged throughout Annam and the suzerainty of 
China was thrown off. In 1884, notwithstanding the treaty 
with Siam of 1867, Cambodia was incorporated in the 
French Empire. In 1893 Siam has been compelled to 
renounce all claims to territory on the left bank of the 
Mekong, she has been prohibited from maintaining Forts 
or troops on the Mekong, in Angkror and in Battambong, 
and France will establish Consulates at Khorat, Nuang 
Nam and elsewhere, and she occupies Chantaboon tem- 
porarily. 

In 1893 the long cherished desire for a vast French 
Empire in Indo-China is gratified ; the French flag pro- 
tects thousands of square miles of territory in the far East, 
French arms have gained victories and avenged defeats ; 
the French hunger for land and thirst for glory are for the 

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England and France in Indo-China. 9 

moment satisfied ; the spread of the Catholic religion, most 

fervently desired by Louis XIV., is not put forward to-day 

so conspicuously as it was in the time of that monarch, but 

the idea of opening Western China to French trade still 

fascinates the French imagination. It was believed that 

trade with Yunnan might be carried by the Mekong River, 

so first Saigon and next Cambodia were taken, then the 

Song-koi seemed to be a better route so Tong-king was 

brought under French jurisdiction, then all Annam followed 

under the yoke, and lately the frontier of Annam has been 

pushed Westward so as to include the great water-way of 

the Mekong River, but the long hoped for commerce has 

not been attained. In 1880 Mr. Colquhoun observed that 

97^ per cent, of the Tong-king imports were from the 

British port of Hong Kong and only ^ per cent, from 

Saigon, the French capital, while 79 per cent, of the 

exports went to the British Colony and Monsieur Philippe 

Lehault gives the commerce of Tong-king in 1889 as 

follows : 

Importation. Francs. 

Marchandises de France ... 6,578,572 

Numeraire de France 9,046,000 

Marchandises des autres pays .. . 17,173,912 

Numeraire provenant des autres pays 288,260 

Exportation. 

Marchandises k destination de la France et de la Cochin-chine 447,444 

Marchandises k destination des autres pays ;. 10,161,564 

Numeraire ... ... ... ... 4,469,628 

From this statement it would seem that consequent on 
the imposition of heavy duties on British, German and 
Chinese goods the proportion of such merchandise imported 
into Tong-king has decreased, but France sent 9 millions 
of francs to Tong-king of which nearly one half was 
exported to foreign countries and nearly 96 per cent, of the 
exports of goods was to foreign countries. Even at Saigon 
the trade is in English hands, although it is burdened with 
heavy duties, while French imports have preferential rates 
varying from 50 to 70 per cent. 

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lo England and France in Indo-China. 

If France had succeeded in obtaining power over Ava, 
the Shan States and Karenni in 1885 she would have 
secured all the Southern trade routes from Yunnan to the 
Ocean, she would have been able to attack Siam from the 
North, East and South and Siam would soon have been 
effaced from the map of Asia. By the treaty of Bangkok 
of October 1893 France has not only annexed vast territory 
but has provided a basis for re-opening at any moment the 
whole question of Franco-Siamese relations and, it may 
be accepted as certain, if other powers do not intervene, 
that all Siam will sooner or later be annexed by France. 

If the treaty as signed in October 1893 be ratified, not 
only will France gain fair Provinces and the water-way of 
the Mekong, but she will also have temporarily interrupted 
the commerce of Bangkok (be it remembered that 90 per 
cent, of that commerce is English) and will have thwarted 
the design of Siam to construct a line of railway from 
Bangkok to Khorat, a project which M. de Lanessan has 
always wished to frustrate as he foresaw that it would 
attract the trade of the Upper Mekong to Bangkok. It 
is reported that this line of railway which was under 
construction by British Engineers has already been 
abandoned. In fine it may be stated that France deliber- 
ately places obstacles in the path of foreign merchants 
and foreign enterprise, in the endeavour to protect French 
interests, but this policy tends to stifle all trade and so far 
the acquisitions of France in Indo-China cannot be con- 
sidered a commercial success, such a financial record as 
that of Burma cannot be found in her Colonial experiences. 

BUFFER STATES. 

Marshal Bougeaud has graphically described the gallantry 
of English soldiers when attacked and has extolled their 
coolness and discipline, after having beaten an enemy in 
quietly forming to oppose renewed assaults. Wellington 
knew well how to profit by the special qualities of his 
soldiers and was the greatest exponent of defensive- 
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England and France in Indo-China. i r 

offensive tactics. The system that had been found to suit 

British soldiers in action was adopted by the British 

Government in its political conduct in Burma» England on 

every occasion suffered grievous wrong and insult from 

Burma before she changed from defensive to offensive 

action. Wars in the far East are unpopular in England ; 

the British Parliament did not so much as thank the Army 

that overthrew the dynasty of Alompra and added a rich 

province equalling France in area to the British Empire. 

England has no desire for war or aggrandisement and 

would therefore gladly accept a Buffer between her frontier 

and that of an enterprising European State. Buffer States 

are differently regarded by different rulers and Statesmen ; 

for instance Afghanistan, the buffer between England and 

Russia, was said by the late Amir Shere All to be the 

shield of India. 

Abdurrahman, before he had been recognized as sovereign, 

begged for the sympathy and protection of England and 

Russia. 

"This would redound to the credit of both, would give peace to 
Afghanistan and quiet and comfort to God's people." 

This same Abdurrahman, now the Amir of Afghanistan, 
has carefully explained to his people that he owes his 
throne neither to Russia nor to England, but that it was 
"given by God." His Highness being the strongest of 
rulers and most astute of statesmen is careful to provide 
himself with Artillery and small arms and resents every 
attempt at intrusion or interference on the part of his 
powerful neighbours. During the reign of Abdurrahman, 
Afghanistan will probably continue to be an efficient buffer 
State. 

French colonial policy appeals to the imagination ; it 
proposes to found colonies for the glory of God, for the 
protection of the Church, for the glory of France, for the 
sake of commerce, to spite England. 

Travellers and surveyors reconnoitre the country, books 
are published, maps are drawn and coloured in order to 

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1 2 England and France in Indo-Ckina, 

point out the so-called rights of France, the duty of tearing 
up inconvenient treaties, and the necessity for annexing 
territories. Each authority claims more than his predecessor. 
So long ago as 1884 Mr. J. Ferry included in the minimum 
of French rights and sphere of action all the territory that 
lies between the left bank of the Mekong and the frontier 
of China. Monsieur de Lanessan speaking of the rational 
limit of the French Empire in Indo-China says : 

" Ayant repris Us provinces du grand Leu: qui dkpendaient autrefois du 
Cambodge^ le bassin du Mkkong et celui du Se Moun^ nous devrions nous 
attacker d respecter et aprotkger au besoin P indkpendance du Siam^' 

while Mr. Lehault in his Carte politicO'dconomique oi Indo- 
China published in 1892 shows 

" the desirable, probable and rational evolution of the economic sphere of 
action of France in the valleys of the Mekong and of the Menam and a 
part of Southern China." 

In this map the French tint extends far North of the 
City of Yunnan, East of Yunnan it is bounded by the Si 
Kiang almost to Canton, its Western limit is the Tanen 
Toung range of mountains from China to the Gulf of 
Siam, so that it includes all Siam except the Malay 
Peninsula. 

So long as French possessions in the East did not 
exceed the limits of Cochin-China, there was no question 
of neighbourhood between France and England, but 
France has expanded of late years and proposes to extend 
its borders still farther. Siam is not a buffer, but only a 
screen of so weak a texture that it has been pierced and 
torn to pieces in its late collision with France. France and 
England have now determined that there shall be an inter- 
mediate zone between the French and British possessions 
and that the breadth of the zone shall be about 80 super- 
ficial kilometres, that agents representing the two countries 
shall examine the course of the River Mekong from its entry 
into Xien Kheng until its entry into Luang Prabang and 
the limits of the provinces of Xien Kheng and Muongnan. 
It has been agreed* that the navigation, transit and means of 
communication in the neutral zone and also in the State of 
Xien Hong, shall be free. Digitized by Google 



England and France in Indo-China. 1 3 

The sovereignty of the neutral zone may probably be 
offered to China and it will be a happy event if she will 
accept a territory burdened with such difficulties and possi- 
bilities as the possessor of a buffer State between France 
and England may expect to encounter. It is necessary 
that the buffer shall be strong, watchful, unaggressive yet 
prepared to resent liberties, and it is obvious that no State 
except China could undertake such respon^bility. 

THE FRANCO-SIAMESE TREATY. 

When the treaty and convention between France and 
Siam were signed in October 1893, ^^e main interests that 
had to be considered by England were first that the 
English and French possessions should not be conter- 
minous and next that British trade should be secure from 
injury by the blockade of Bangkok or by other action on 
the part of France. France has accepted the principle of 
a buffer-State between the territories owing allegiance to 
France and England respectively, and no doubt arrange- 
ments will be made by these powers for safe-guarding 
British commercial interests in Siam. Recent events how- 
ever indicate that England must immediately take measures 
to facilitate the transport of its produce from Yunnan to 
the sea by way of the Yangtze Kiang to Nankin, or of the 
Si Kiang to Canton, if the railway from Sumao to Maulmein 
and Bangkok and the line proposed from Western China 
to Mandalay prove to be physically, politically or economi- 
cally impossible ; that it is expedient to come to an under- 
standing with China in anticipation of military activity on 
the part of her strong and restless neighbours ; that it is 
the imperative duty of England to take naval command 
of the Gulf of Siam and of the China Sea, and as agitation 
on the North West Frontier may be expected whenever 
the Eastern portion of Her Majesty's Empire is disturbed, 
or threatened, it is necessary that an Army distinct from 
that required for home defence may always be held in 
readiness in England to take the field in the interests of 

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14 England and France in Indo-China. 

India, It cannot be too often repeated that power to 
attack is the only real defence, the only assurance of 
Empire. A home army is required as the second line of 
defence, but in order that England may maintain her place 
among nations the British Navy must command the sea 
and an efficient British Army must be disposable to fight 
abroad. 

Note. — In preparing this paper I have consulted and used Parliamentary 
Blue Books on Burma 1886 and '87. Administration Reports of Burma, 
Magazine Articles, the Times of 30th Sept. and 3 December '93, Yule's 
** Mission to the Court of Ava," Browne's " Coming of the Great Queen," 
J. G. Scott's "Burma," the works of de Lanessan and I^ault, Mr.Curzon's 
writings, Boulger's writings and most of all Gundry's "China and her 
Neighbours." 



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15 

A CHECK TO "THE FORWARD POLICY." 

By ex- Pan jab Official. 

It has already been pointed out that it is part of the policy of 
Russia to encourage us to make annexations in the direction 
of Afghanistan and to break down the natural barriers of 
the numerous Hindukush States, so that her own advances 
on India may be facilitated. The advocates of a " Forward 
policy " are, therefore, her best friends, whilst those who 
would concentrate the strength and resources of India on 
and in, India itself are her real opponents. That the 
former have received a check in the Durand Mission, 
there can be little doubt, for, whatever may be said 
to the contrary, it was confined to the restoration of 
friendly feelings between the Amir of Afghanistan and the 
Government of India by mutual concessions as to the 
Indo-Afghan frontier. Incidentally also, no doubt, the 
Amir has been prepared for any rectification of his assigned 
or real territory in Shigndn and Raushan and on the Pamir 
that in the interests of la haute politique may be agreed to 
between the British and the Russian Foreign Offices on 
the basis of the Gran ville-Gortshakoff agreement of 1873. 

The Asiatic Quarterly Review has, not unsuccessfully, 
taken a part in discussions which came within its special 
range. It strongly opposed the mission of Lord Roberts, 
not from any want of appreciation of this distinguished 
General, but because of the singular want of tact which, 
whilst the Amir was ill and worried by the Hazara rebel- 
lion, selected a Commander-in-Chief, and that too the man 
identified in Afghan opinion with the Kabul executions, to 
meet the very Generalissimo, Ghulam Hyder Khan, whom 
he had proscribed, and to discuss, accompanied by a strong 
British force, ** in a friendly spirit " what the Amir deemed 
to be encroachments on his dominions, rights or claims. I 
then suggested that the Amir would be willing to meet any 
one J provided he was not Lord Roberts, but that thi$ one. 

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1 6 A Check to ''the Forward Policy T 

should be a person well-acquainted with Persian and that 
he should go under the protection of an Afghan escort. 
This has been done and the man selected was the very 
Foreign Secretary, the *' WazIr-i-*Azim " whose visit would 
be construed as a great compliment to the Amir whereas 
that of Lord Roberts was a menace, not to speak of the 
danger which that gallant officer ran from the revenge of 
the relatives of killed Afghans. 

More than this ; in spite of the inspired threats of the 
Times, the Pioneer and the Civil and Military Gazette, 
there has been no war on Afghanistan for fancied slights, 
but there has been instead a **give and take'* Mission, as 
was suggested in this Review, in response to Mr. Pyne's 
unofficial visit, to consider the Amir s grievances^ and now 
the silly roars of the Lion, in rage with his own tail, have 
become the gentlest cooings of the sucking-dove and the 
only question is whether Sir M. Durand is to retain the 
really valuable presents he has received in deference to the 
Amir, or to make them over, in accordance with official 
usage, to the Treasury or Tosha-Khana to be sold for the 
benefit of the State along with the decrepit Elephants and 
painted roarers of routine- Nazzars from Indian Chiefs "i 

Nor has the Amir given up anything he ever really had, 
except, perhaps, the moral influence over certain indepen- 
dent Afghan tribes that would have formed an admirable 
recruiting-ground for him in the event of invasion by a 
foreign " infidel " foe. We should rather have strengthened 
his influence as ''primus inter pares'' for, although we are 
now in possession of that ground, its fertility and fidelity to 
ns are infinitely less than to a Muhammadan prince. As 
for Chitrdl, the Amir never had anything to do with it, 
except that it paid a tribute in slaves to Badakhshdn 
which Abdurrahman, as the friend of the Badakshi Chief, 
Jehanddr Shah, at one time scarcely considered a province 
of Afghanistdn. Nor did even Amir Sher Ali take any 
notice of the proffered allegiance of the former Mehtar of 
Chitrdl, the famous Amdn-ul-Mulk, thefather of the present 

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A Check to " the Forward Policy ^ i ^ 

ruler, who wished to check the expected encroachments on 
him by the Maharaja of Kashmfr, whose place we have 
taken and who has been our catspaw in our most unjust 
war on Hunza-Nagyr and Childs, in which ancient Aryan 
organizations have been destroyed. 

Our policy in the gradual conquest of India has ever 
been to surround big native States with buffers and then to 
neutralize them ; to take possession of the two sides of their 
main rivers and of other means of communication ; to prevent 
their holding relations with other States except through us 
and then, in many instances, either to annex them on a 
breach of treaty or to keep them as safety-valves for native 
ambition in a loyal sense, as a comparison with our rule 
and as a strength to it by their internal indigenous de- 
velopment. By our possession of Kurrum, Kabul lies at 
our mercy, and by the hold on Quetta and New Chaman 
we can have Kandahar within a fortnight whenever we 
like. By alienating the Afghan tribes from the Amir we 
still more hold him in the palm of our hands. It is for him to 
judge whether an addition of six lakhs to his yearly subsidy 
of 1 2 lakhs can purchase more men and arms for a smaller 
Afghanistan, and thus render it stronger, than the willing 
obedience of nearly 100,000 fighting independent clans- 
men in times of need. With the Indus Pathan-Kohistan, 
he had never anything to do and very little, at any time, 
with Bajaur, Swat and what is still independent in Kafi- 
ristan. The whole of Dardistan has ever been beyond his 
influence and of the existence of Hunza-Nagyr he, probably, 
heard from us for the first time. 

When it is, therefore, considered how little we wish to 
interfere with the Waziris or even with those Beluchi tribes 
that the Amir once claimed, and that we can never hope 
to do more than ** influence " the numerous races and States 
intervening between India proper and the Russian out- 
posts ; when we know that the policy of the present 
Government is distinctly against any "forward" move- 
ment, not to speak of annexation or any increase of expen- 

NEW SERIKS. VOL. VII. Digitized ft/ CiOOgle 



1 8 A Check to ''the Forward Policy T 

diture in the shaken condition of Indian finance ; when 
the salutary change from a menacing, to a friendly, mission 
to the Amir is mainly due to the military advisers of the 
Secretary of State for India, the folly and ignorance of those 
Radical M.P/s will be appreciated at their real value who 
try to put the following questions to puzzled Under- 
Secretaries and Parliament and who thereby seem actually 
to invite the evils which they dread : 

Questions to the British Parliament in the year of our 

Lord, 1893. 

Has the Amir agreed that Chitral, Bajour, Swat and other States of 
Indus-Kohistan(!) shall be regarded as beyond the sphere of His High- 
nesses influence, though Asmar is said to be retained by him ? 

If those principalities and tribes of the Hindukush have been brought 
definitely within the sphere of British influence, what is the extent of 
jurisdiction of the Indian (jovernment and how can it be applied to those 
outlying regions and what legislation or public procedure will be required to 
sanction ihdX jurisdiction ? 

Also, if, as stated, Waziristan(!) and Wana, as well as the Kurm Valley, 
are to be brought unreservedly under British influence and withdrawn from 
that of the Amir, will the terms of the Treaty to that effect be placed before 
Parliament ? Also, will the reports of Dr. Robertson, or other political 
agent for Chilas, Gilgit and relating to Kafiristan shortly be published ? 

The ''Pioneer'' makes an encouraging reference to our 
intentions regarding the tribes to be put *' under British 
influence " : 

*' If they choose to be friendly and well-behaved they will not be interfered with, any 
more than the Afridis have been in the Khyber districts.'' 

The following extract also from the same paper gives a 
very fair account of our new sphere of abstinence or aggres- 
sion : 

*' Taking the Hindu Kush as the northern boundary, the line runs along the Chitral- 
Badakshan-KaBristan border southwards to a point north of Asmar in the Kunar Valley ; 
thence south-eastwards to the border of the Peshawur District, so as to include Bajour 
and Swat. Landi Kotal remains the limit in the Khyber, and the Afridi country comes 
within the line to the south of the Pass. The Kuram Valley is already British territory, 
and further still to the south the tribesmen of Darwar, Waziristan and Wana come within 
our sphere of influence. Zarmelan lies to the south-west of Waziristan and is important 
as guarding the northern approach into the Zhob Valley. The line from Zarmelan 
trends to the south-westwards until the Peshin plateau is reached, then crosses the Khwaja 
Amran range, takes in New Chaman with its railway terminus, and passes on southwards 
to Shorawak and thence westwards to the Helmand, so as to include Chageh. East- 
Wards of this boundary the independent tribesmen will have to recognise that they have 
no concern with Kabul." ^ t 

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A Check to '' the Forward Policy'' 19 

There are successes, however, which, ill-used, may be 
worse than defeats. Sir M. Durand will now have to put 
the break on the impetuous course of Frontier Officers, 
anxious for promotion, distinction or, that bane of honest 
^work, decorations, for overcoming the difficulties which 
they themselves create. In some of the provinces of 
Chinese Tartary, it was a significant rule that whenever 
a famine or disturbance occurred in one of them, their 
Governor was fined or decapitated. If, similarly, that 
Frontier Officer only were rewarded, of whom nothing is 
heard, either in the way of praise or blame, like the model- 
"woman of Pericles, there would be lasting peace on our 
frontier and a great extension of British influence. Let 
the children and poor praise him as was Abbott at Abbott- 
abad and let him only take care that his conduct does not 
•cause blame to reach superior authority. Indeed, with fewer 
Reports and fewer transfers of officers throughout India, 
there might be fewer Saviours of that continent, but there 
would be less requiring to be saved and there would be a 
quiet, because permanent and local, rule. If, therefore. Sir 
M. Durand forbids his political officers from making any 
proposals leading to interference or, worst of all, "juris- 
diction " or " legislation," among the independent tribes now 
• under our " influence," even with the prospect of an Ilbert 
Bill as something to hope for, he will show a moral courage 
far greater than his physical pluck — largely due to common 
sense and good health — which has enabled him, as it has 
other successful travellers, to trust his safety to Afghan 
. hosts. 

If he, however, has alienated Afghan tribes from the 
Amir he will have broken down, as I feared, another 
barrier to Russian approach, already open by the Pamirs 
against the Amir's reluctant opposition in our interests ; let 
him not further facilitate and precipitate the inevitable by 
. allowing any official interference to demoralize and emas- 
culate the tribes. Let our ^'influence" be confined to 
keeping them independent from one another and ourselves, y 

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20 A Check to ** the Forward Policy'' 

combining only against foreign invasion. It took Russia 
40 years before she could conquer one Circassia by living 
Walls of besieging armies that gradually rose to 2oo,ooc^ 
men and she could not have conquered it at all, had we,, 
even when at war with Russia ourselves, not prevented 
provisions and munitions from reaching the Circassians by 
the Black Sea. It was there that the few fruits of the 
Crimean War were lost and we not only opened the way 
of Russia to Constantinople, but also gave her that almost 
impregnable position in the Caucasus which became the 
lever of her more recent and complete Central Asian suc- 
cesses. Here in the Hindukush, we have 36 Circassias, 
each stronger than the one on the Euxine and without a 
sea to get round them, but our folly in making military 
roads for Russian invaders, as towards Hunza, is destroy- 
ing alike physical obstacles and the native methods and 
genius of resistance. Many of these tribes have kept their 
independence for 1400 years and, unaided, would keep it 
for ever, or for several centuries, if the analogy of Circassia 
be accepted. Still, it is something that the advocates of 
" the Forward Policy " will not be allowed to do any more 
mischief; what they have done being quite sufficient to 
lose, and to have to reconquer, an Empire. In the mean- 
while, we know that we have to defend a reduced Afghani- 
Stan ; ** one step more will rouse the British lion," till such 
step is taken, but, if we leave the independent tribes alone^ 
many generations of Secretaries may yet succeed one 
another in the Foreign Department of the Government 
of India. 



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21 



MAHARAJA DULEEP SINGH. 

By Sir Lepel Griffin, K.C.S.I. 

It is not without reluctance that I have consented to write 
:an article on the late Maharaja Duleep Singh. It would 
not be fitting that a Review devoted to Oriental subjects 
should be altogether silent when so imposing a name, 
though only a shadow and semblance of royalty, passes 
into the land of shadows for ever. Yet it is impossible to 
write of the Maharaja without special reference to the later 
years of his life, when, abandoning the traditions of loyalty 
to the British Government, which had been the guiding 
principle of the policy of his illustrious predecessor and 
reputed father, he posed before the scandalized public of 
Europe and Asia, as a declared enemy of England and a 
friend and ally of all who could be held to be her foes. 
The generous and wholesome apophthegm which tells us 
Co say nothing except good of the dead applies to private 
persons alone. Who are we to rake into unwelcome truth 
^nd lay bare the faults and vices of those who have passed 
behind the dark curtain which, sooner or later, enshrouds 
and conceals us all ? Are there no skeletons in our own 
cupboards, no past episodes which we desire enemies and 
friends to alike forget ? Let us sharpen our rapiers to fight, 
face to face, with our foes. Death closes all ; and forgive- 
ness, if not forgetfulness, is the last sacrament But with 
great personages, sovereigns and statesmen, there can be 
no paltering with the truth in regard to their public utter- 
ances and actions. They belong to history ; they stand 
out as landmarks of example or of warning ; as friendly 
lights or as rocks to avoid. It is not of such that we can 
say with Dante 

JVon ragioniam di lor ma guarda efassa. 

Ingratitude and treason are not to be lightly passed over 
by biographers or historians, the more especially when the 

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22 Maharaja Duleep Singh. 

offence is deliberate and long-continued, and when the- 
abject submission was only more contemptible than the 
revolt from loyalty and honour. Her Majesty the Queen 
was pleased to graciously accept the submission ; but na 
princely generosity on the part of a justly offended 
Sovereign can blot out the record of crime and disgrace. 
But I propose to touch lightly and briefly on the less 
creditable portion of Duleep Singh's life, and will leave the 
unpleasing duty of the advocatus diaboli to others. I have 
however so lately written for the University of Oxford on 
the life and times of Maharaja Ranjit Singh that I may be 
excused for recording a few remarks on the fortunes of the 
last of the reputed children of the founder of the Sikh 
Monarchy, and of the circumstances under which he, the 
accident of an accident, became distinguished. 

Kharrak Singh who succeeded his father in 1839, and 
died in November of the following year, in a very sus- 
picious manner, was the only son, legitimate or illegitimate^ 
born to Maharaja Ranjit Singh, so far as popular opinion 
in the Punjab and the evidence of contemporary witnesses 
are worth anything. It is extremely difficult to ascertain 
the secret history of native Indian Courts, and the curtaia 
which closes the entrance to the women's apartments is 
almost as impenetrable to the outside world as the curtain 
of death of which I have just spoken. But the great 
Maharaja had few reticences. He was a ruler of men ^ 
and although he was very susceptible to feminine influence,. 
he neither believed in, nor regarded, feminine virtue. He 
was indifferent to the scandalous stories which attached to- 
many of the ladies of his household ; and the various 
children whom, from time to time, they presented to him. 
as his own, he accepted without demur, and assigned themr 
estates, large or small, as they or their mothers were in 
favour. These supposititious, but acknowledged, sons were 
seven in number ; the eldest being Maharaja Sher Singb 
who succeeded to the throne in 1841, and was assassinated! 
by Sirdar Ajit Singh on the 15th September, 1843 ; and the 

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Maharaja Duleep Singh. 25 

youngest, Duleep Singh* who was born in February, 1837. 
Whoever his father may have been, he was certainly not 
Maharaja Ranjit Singh, who, at this time, was a paralysed 
cripple, old before his time from the exposure and hard- 
ships of his stormy life and his constant excesses, which 
two years later, caused his death. Maharaja Duleep Singh 
himself did not lay any great stress on his royal descent. 
Writing to me on the 8th May, 1885, he says, " Whatever 
might be my origin — and it is a wise childe (sic) who 
knows his father — the British Government after having 
acknowledged me as heir to the Lion of the Punjab for the 
last 38 years, cannot now when rather too late in the day 
put aside my claims." This was true enough, and in India 
it is difficult and often impossible to decide cases of 
paternity. In old days, when the British Government 
used to claim and rigorously exercise the right of escheat, 
many long and irritating controversies took place as to the 
legitimacy of declared heirs to chiefships; but since the 
right of adoption was generally granted by Lord Canning, 
and the Government declared its desire that native States 
should be perpetual and surrendered its right to inherit 
where there was no direct male heir, the question of legiti- 
macy has become of little importance. In the case of 
Duleep Singh it was even of less moment than usual ; for 
Maharaja Sher Singh, who was not less supposititious, had 
already succeeded to the throne, and Duleep was un- 
doubtedly acknowledged by Ranjit Singh, who caused a 
salute to be fired at his birth, and he was subsequently 
acknowledged as Maharaja by the British Government 
who maintained him on the throne from 1846 to 1849. 
The truth was that Jindan, the mother of Duleep Singh, 
was greatly in favour with the old monarch fast falling into 
dotage ; she was the only one of the women of the Court 
who amused him with her wit and dancing, and although 
she had never been married to him, he was quite willing to 

♦ Duleep Singh is not in accordance with scientific orthography, but as 
the Maharaja so spelt his name it is adopted here. 

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24 Maharaja Duleep Singh. 

humOur her in such a trifle as the acknowledgment of her 
son. She was undoubtedly a woman of great ability and 
force of character, and her fierce temper nlade her dreaded 
by the powerful Sikh barons and even the redoubtable 
Chancellor Raja Dinanath. General MacAndrew, who 
commanded the escort when she was banished from the 
Punjab in 1849, and removed from the fort of Sheikh- 
apUra to the North Western Provinces, has described to 
me her outburst of fury when she started on her com- 
pulsory journey and realized that her opportunities for 
intrigue were over. She abused him in unmeasured terms 
and cursed the Sikh officers of the escort for permitting the 
mother of their Maharaja to be treated with such indignity. 
Everyone was afraid of her, JowAhir Singh her brother, 
and Lai Singh, her lover ; and as her cleverness was equal 
to her spirit, she might have played a great role in the 
Punjab and have steered the ship of the State through the 
troubled waters of the Regency had she not allowed her 
passions to overmaster her discretion. Her lovers were 
worthless men, greedy and unscrupulous and, between them, 
they ruined the State and destroyed the chance of the 
young Maharaja. But Duleep Singh always showed a 
great affection for his mother ; and was never satisfied till 
he persuaded her to live with him in England. The first 
time I met him was about December, i860, at Spence's 
Hotel in Calcutta where he was waiting for the Rani to join 
him and proceed to England. He had been anxious to go 
up country and pose in the Punjab as the exiled monarch 
returned for a space to gladden the eyes of his bereaved 
people ; but Lord Canning had no wish for more rebellion 
than he had already suppressed, so the triumphal progress 
was prohibited, and the Maharaja proceeded no further 
than Calcutta. 

The entry of Duleep Singh on the political scene was in 
storm and bloodshed. He had, with his mother, been 
sheltered at Jammu by the Rajas GuUb Singh and Dhydn 
Singh who were the most powerful men at Court in the 

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Maharaja Duleep Singh. 25 

closing years of Maharaja Ranjit Singh. They kept him 
in their own hands as a trump card to play when the state 
of the game required it. But the Sindhanwalia chiefs, to 
whose family Ranjit Singh had belonged, determined to 
win the rubber by force if not by skill. They assassinated 
Maharaja Sher Singh, his son and heir Partdb Singh and 
the Minister, Raja Dhyan Singh on the same day, the 15th 
September, 1843, ^^^ proclaimed Duleep Singh King. 
But Hira Singh, the son of the murdered Minister, gained 
the army by lavish promises and the Sindhanwalias were 
besieged in the Lahore fort which was quickly taken by 
assault, and Ajit Singh and Lehna Singh, the most able 
leaders of the clan, were put to death. Hira Singh then 
proclaimed himself Prime Minister or Wazir : but seven 
months later he was himself assassinated and Jowahir 
Singh, the drunken and debauched brother of Rani Jindan, 
the Queen Mother, was made Minister through his sister's 
influence. He was utterly unable to carry on the adminis- 
tration with decency, or to hold in check the mutinous 
army, which had learned its strength and was in a chronic 
state of mutiny. He found no means of pacifying them, 
except by raising their pay and increasing their numbers, 
and when these expedients were exhausted, the fate of 
Jowahir Singh was sealed. The excuse was the murder of 
Prince Peshora Singh, one of Ranjit Singh's reputed sons, 
a fine young fellow and popular with the troops, whom the 
Minister caused to be murdered at Attock to remove a 
possible danger to his sister's ambitious schemes. The 
army on this rose in revolt, and killed Jowahir Singh, in 
spite of the entreaties of Rani Jindan, who unveiled, seated 
on an elephant, and with the young Duleep Singh in her 
arms, went to the camp to beg for her brother's life. His 
death did not improve matters and Raja Lai Singh, the 
acknowledged lover of the Rani, succeeded as Minister ; 
but the army, under the control of its committees or pan- 
chayets grew in power and audacity until the Queen 
Regent and her advisers, finding themselves altogether 

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26 Maharaja Duleep Singh. 

unable to control it, contrived to direct its fury against the 
English rather than against themselves. The first Sikh 
war was deliberately arranged at Lahore, not to protect the 
Punjab against aggression or to avenge any grievances at 
the hands of the British, but to break the spirit and power 
of the Sikh army which would otherwise in a short time 
have swept away Duleep Singh, the Queen Regent and 
the obnoxious Minister and have set up a military despotism 
in their place. The result is well known. After a fierce 
and bloody campaign the Sikhs, who had fought with the 
greatest gallantry though led by incompetent or treacherous 
generals, were finally defeated at Sobraon with great 
slaughter, and in February the British army was encamped 
under the walls of Lahore. Duleep Singh had knelt ta 
Lord Hardinge the Governor General and begged for 
forgiveness and he had been again reseated on the throne^ 
though his kingdom was shorn of Kashmir, which was 
granted to the old fox and time-server Raja Gulab Singh^ 
and the districts between the rivers Satlej and Beas were 
added to British India. 

The attempt was first made to govern the Punjab 
through the Minister Lai Singh, and the Queen Mother : 
but it was found impossible, owing to their treachery and 
intrigues. It lasted till the close of the year when Raja 
Lai Singh was convicted of treason in instigating the 
Muhamadan Governor of Kashmir to resist the occupation 
of that province by Raja Gulab Singh who was obnoxious 
to the Rani^because he had not joined the Sikh army on 
the Satlej. His desertion indeed was paid by the English 
with Kashmir. If his troops had joined the Sikhs, our 
conquest of the Punjab would have been exceedingly 
difficult. As it was, the Sikhs always say that at Sobraon 
we were only better than they by one finger ; and they are 
not far wrong. This treachery the Queen Mother deter- 
mined to avenge — and hoped, by opposing the transfer of 
Kashmir, to gain the patriotic party to her side. But the 
Sikhs were not yet ready for another fight : and Lai 
Singh was denounced, tried, convicted of treason and 



Maharaja Duleep Singh. 2j 

banished to British India. As this paper is partly written 
to show that the chief grievances of Duleep Singh were 
imaginary ; that his early misfortunes were due to the 
conduct of his own people, his Ministers and his mother ; 
it may be interesting to give a description of Lai Singh, the 
favourite of the Queen Mother, who, with her, did most 
to ruin the Punjab and the infant Maharaja. But for 
them and their friends, Duleep Singh might have reigned 
long and happily at Lahore, the warm friend and faithful 
ally of England, who would have been as careful of his in- 
dependence as it had been of that of the great Maharaja 
Ranjit Singh from whom he derived his claim. 

** Raja Lai Singh rose to power, by the exercise of arts 
which in a civilized community would have sent him to 
the scaffold. He was one of the chief instigators and 
chief actors in the murders of Raja Hira Singh, of Misr 
Beli Ram and of Bhai Gurmukh Singh. 

** His intrigues with Maharani Jindan were so open and 
shameless that they even scandalized a people whose 
immorality was proverbial. By ingratitude, treachery and 
cunning he succeeded in acquiring the wealth and power 
for which better men are indebted to their virtue or their 
genius. He had great opportunities for serving his 
country, but he resolutely chose the evil in preference to 
the good. Had he possessed one spark of patriotism he 
might, after the Satlej campaign, have saved Kashmir to 
the Punjab. His Ministry was supported by the whole 
strength of the British Government. Major Lawrence 
stood by him, with no petty interference, but offering wise 
and generous advice, which this greedy minister never 
cared to follow ; and when, at length, his jealousy of 
Maharaja Gulab Singh led him into treason, his fall fronn 
power was hailed with joy by all : by the army which 
hated him for the cowardice and imbecility which had been 
its ruin and by the chiefs whose estates he had seized to 
enrich himself and his creatures."* 

* This description of Raja Lai Singh was written by me in 1863, at a 
time when the events of his career were comparatively recentw<aod when. 

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2S Maharaja Duleep Singh. 

After this, a second treaty was made on the i6th Dec, 
1846, defining the manner and amount of assistance which 
the Sikh chiefs desired the British Government to afford 
during the minority of Duleep Singh; and appointing a 
Council of Regency of eight prominent Sikh statesmen 
under the general advice and control of Sir Henry Law- 
rence, the British Resident. This arrangement was to 
continue until Duleep Singh reached the age of 16 years, 
or such previous date as the Governor- General might con- 
sider fitting : the terms of the military occupation were 
prescribed and the defrayment of its cost, and ;^ 15,000 
a year was assigned for the maintenance of the Queen 
Mother, who was altogether excluded from State affairs. 
Her influence was, however, still exercised in secret, and 
she did not cease to intrigue against the existing order of 
things. Early in 1847, she was certainly cognizant of, if 
not the instigator of a conspiracy to murder the Resident 
and Tej Singh, the President of the Council, and a few 
months later she prepared an elaborate scheme to insult 
the latter and the British Government. Tej Singh was 
created Raja of Sialkot and, in accordance with custom, it 
was necessary for the Maharaja, at the ceremony of inves- 
titure, to impress on the forehead of the President a saffron 
mark (tika), as a sign of Rajaship. This, instigated by 
his mother, who hated Tej Singh, the late Commander-in- 
Chief, for a similar reason to that which had caused her 
hostility to Raja Gulab Singh, the boy Maharaja refused 
to do. He folded his arms and drew back, and the 
Resident had to call on Bhai Nidhan Singh, the official 
head of the Sikh religion, who stood by, to perform the 
ceremony. This occurrence, showing the constant enmity 
of the Rani to the Administration, resulted in her removal 
from Lahore to the fort of Sheikhapura, some 20 miles 
distant, where she remained till her final removal to 
Benares. 

among my Sikh friends were many of the statesmen and courtiers of 
Maharaja Ranjit Singh and of the Regency. 

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Maharaja Duleep Singh, 29 

The military revolt soon followed, known as the second 
Sikh war of 1848-49 ; headed by Sirdar Chattar Singh, to 
whose daughter, Tej Kour, the Maharaja Duleep Singh 
had been betrothed in 1843, his son Raja Sher Singh and 
Diwan Mulraj, Governor of Multan. Its history has been 
often written. Suffice it to say that after a severe struggle 
in which Afghans and Sikhs united to oust the British from 
the Punjab, the war was terminated by the decisive victory 
of Gujrat, and Lord Dalhousie who had become Governor 
General, declared Maharaja Duleep Singh deposed and the 
Punjab united to British India. 

This act of annexation was justified by Lord Dalhousie 
in a masterly Minute, which clearly, soberly and without 
sophistry states the arguments which decided his action. 
It was confirmed by the Court of Directors and by Parlia- 
ment, and the Punjab has ever since remained the most 
friendly, loyal and orderly province under British rule. 

It is only as concerning Maharaja Duleep Singh that 
we can here consider the annexation of the Punjab. As 
an act of State it is old history and needs no justification. 
If any be required, let it be found in the prosperity of the 
province and the loyalty of its people to the Queen- 
Empress. But so far as Duleep Singh is concerned and 
his later attitude of hostility to the British Government, it 
may be observed that there was obviously no other course 
than his deposition. Lord Dalhousie wrote : 

** By maintaining the pageant of a throne we should 
have just enough of sovereignty to keep alive among the 
Sikhs the memory of their nationality and to serve as a 
nucleus for constant intrigue. We should have all the 
labour, all the anxiety, all the responsibility which would 
attach to the territories if they were actually made our 
own ; while we should not reap the corresponding benefits 
of increase of revenue and acknowledged possession." 

Again he writes : '* When I am fairly convinced that the 
safety of our own State requires us to enforce subjection of 
the Sikh nation, I cannot abandon that necessary measure 

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30 Maharaja Duleep Singh. 

l>ecause the effectual subjection of the nation involves in 
itself the deposition of their Prince. I cannot permit myself 
to be turned aside from fulfilling the duty which I owe to 
the security and prosperity of millions of British subjects 
by a feeling of misplaced and mistimed compassion for the 
fate of a child." 

The second treaty of Lahore, signed and accepted by 
the Maharaja and the Council in March 1849, was no 
more than the terms granted by the conquerors to the 
vanquished ; regarding its provisions and their interpreta- 
tion it will be necessary to say something hereafter. It 
arranged for the deposition of the Maharaja and the con- 
fiscation of the State property and fixed a suitable provision 
for him and his relatives. 

This document was declared by Duleep Singh and his 
advisers in later years to be a high-handed act of power, 
exercised for the exclusive benefit of the stronger party 
against the weaker, without any justification from any 
treaty or right created by international law. But such a 
complaint is trivial. The terms imposed by conquerors are 
always a high-handed act of power ; and if the party on 
whom they are imposed were not the weaker it is obvious 
that they would not have been imposed at all. Duleep 
Singh had, indeed, received all possible consideration from 
the British Government. The first war of 1845 was caused 
by an insolent invasion of British territory by the Sikh 
army without any offence given by the English, except 
that the anarchy at Lahore compelled them to strengthen 
their frontier garrisons. It was the fruit of the ambition, 
the maladministration and folly of Duleep Singh s mother 
and her advisers ; and if, after Sobraon, it had been de- 
cided to depose the Maharaja and annex the Punjab there 
was no moral objection to such a step. No doubt the 
policy of annexation was considered ; but the Government 
was not then prepared to undertake so onerous a charge, 
and contented itself with taking the Jalandhar Doab, as, 
after the war of 1870, Germany annexed Alsace and 

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Maharaja Duleep Singh. 31 

Lorraine. If Duleep Singh had been deposed in 1846, he 
would have had no legitimate ground of complaint. He 
was personally irresponsible, it is true ; but he was bound 
by the acts of his mother and the Ministers of his State. 
VcB victis is the rule of the East ; and conquest conveys 
the only divine right. By conquest, Ranjit Singh the Great 
and his father Maha Singh and his grandfather Chattar 
Singh won all their possessions : by conquest, and by no 
other right, the throne of India has been won and held 
-century after century ; by the sword we won it and hold it 
to-day : and to pretend that the Punjab did not belong to 
the English, after the first war, according to all the rules of 
Asiatic politics, is ridiculous. But it was convenient to 
Jimit the exercise of our rights ; and in this limitation there 
can be no doubt that, with men of honour like Sir Frederick 
Currie, Sir Henry and Sir John Lawrence at the head of 
affairs, Duleep Singh would have reigned as securely as 
Maharaja Ranjit Singh, though not so autocratically, had 
not the same birds of evil omen, the Rani Jindan and Lai 
Singh, stirred up strife a second time, and troubled the 
waters which were settling down. In estimating the causes 
of tlie second war we need not lay too much stress on the 
intrigue and initiative of the Rani. Her power was broken 
after the banishment of Lai Singh and her own seclusion at 
Sheikhapura, but what influence she had was for evil and 
it certainly affected the weak minded Chattar Singh and his 
son who were anxious, for reasons of private ambition, to 
see Duleep Singh married to the daughter of their house. 
But the soldiers of the Khdlsa who were thoroughly dis- 
affected and who, during the stormy years succeeding the 
•death of this great Maharaja, had drunk so deep of power 
as to have lost their heads, would never have returned to 
their villages and have beaten their swords into plough- 
shares without a second trial of strength with their foreign 
♦conquerors, without a second crushing defeat which might 
convince them that they had no other salvation than in 
Jcissing the rod which smote them. The Queen mother, 

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32 Maharaja Duleep Singh. 

the boy prince, the traitor minister were all puppets set 
dancing by Fortune in the great world-play which signified 
the domination of England in the East ; and although, had 
they been wise and virtuous, they might have delayed the 
catastrophe it could not have been averted. 

But of whiat had Duleep Singh to complain ? The inter- 
vention of the English certainly saved his life and gave 
him the name of monarch for a few years, together with 
the solid and honourable rank and wealth which attached 
to the style of Maharaja after his deposition. He, if he 
claimed to be of the stock of Ranjit Singh, could not com- 
plain that what had been won by the sword was lost by the 
sword. The obligations which the British Government 
voluntarily assumed after the first war, of guardian during 
the minority of the young prince, were modified or cancelled 
by the second war which passed a sponge over the slate,. 
on which the Government then wrote the new terms of 
1849, in accordance with which alone their subsequent 
conduct towards the Maharaja could be criticized. The 
relation of guardian and ward as between the British 
Government and Duleep Singh had been purely sentimental. 
His birth, his parentage, his surroundings entitled him ta 
no special consideration. He was a mere shuttlecock kept 
awhile in the air by the contest of hostile parties in the 
State. He was personally innocent: but the sins of the 
fathers are visited on the children ; and where the father 
was doubtful the sins of the mother, in this case, were 
sufficient for the condemnation of the child. The terms as 
agreed in the second treaty of Lahore were as follows : 

" (i.) His Highness the Maharaja Duleep Singh shall 
resign for himself, his heirs and successors all right, title, and 
claim to the sovereignty of the Punjab or to any sovereignty 
power whatever. 

(ii.) All the property of the State, of whatever description 
and wherever found shall be confiscated to the Honourable 
East India Company in part payment of the debts due by 
the State of Lahore to the British Government and of the 
expenses of the war. ^.^.^.^^^ ^^ Google 



Maharaja Duleep Singh, 33 

(iii.) The gem called the Koh-i-noor, which was taken 
from Shah Shooja-ul-Moolk by Maharaja Ranjit Singh, 
shall be surrendered by the Maharaja of Lahore to the 
Queen of England. 

(iv.) His Highness Duleep Singh shall receive from the 
Honourable East India Company for the support of himself, 
his relatives and the servants of the State, a pension of not 
less than four and not exceeding five lakhs of Company's 
rupees per annum. 

(v.) His Highness shall be treated with respect and 
honour. He shall retain the title of Maharaja Duleep Singh 
Bahadour, and he shall continue to receive during his life 
such portion of the above-named pension as may be allotted 
to himself personally, provided he shall remain obedient to 
the British Government and shall reside at such place as 
the Governor General of India may select.*' 

With the deposition of the Maharaja and the annexation 
of the Punjab the public and historical life of the Maharaja 
closed ; and I do not propose in this sketch to dwell upon 
the incidents of his life as a private gentleman. A few 
particulars of the more noteworthy events will suffice. 

Dr. (afterwards Sir John) Login was appointed super- 
intendent of his establishment, and a young English- 
man, Mr. Barlow, his tutor; and, in February, 1850, he 
was removed from Lahore to Fatahgarh where he lived 
happily and honourably, with a large retinue, spending his 
summers in the hills, shooting, hunting, and acquiring the 
elements of an English education till March 1854, when he 
left India for England. 

It was at Fatahgarh that Duleep Singh became a convert 
to Christianity. According to his account, the decision was 
his own. He says that he asked his Brahman attendant 
to read to him passages from the Bible with which he was 
much impressed and which to his intelligence compared 
favourably with the superstitious doctrines of his Hindu 
priest. He suddenly declared his intention of becoming a 
Christian ; and after testing his sincerity Dr. Login applied 

NEW SERIES. VOL. VII. C O 



34 Maharaja Duleep Singh. 

to Lord Dalhousie who consented to his baptism which 
took place at Fatahgarh in 1853. Lord Dalhousie subse- 
quently presented him with a Bible, in which the following 
inscription seemed to suggest that the Scotch Governor 
General had but a small sense of humour, seeing that it was 
he who deprived Duleep Singh of his earthly kingdom : 

'* To His Highness Maharaja Duleep Singh. 
** This Holy Book, in which he has been led by God s 
grace to find an inheritance richer by far than all earthly 
kingdoms, is presented, with sincere respect and regard by 
his faithful friend Dalhousie, April 5, 1854." 

In England the young Maharaja was received with great 
kindness and honour ; and for many years was a prominent 
person in society and at Court, where his handsome face, 
brilliant costume and numerous jewels were a frequent and 
picturesque addition to State functions. In private life he 
adopted the dress and habits of an English gentleman. 
He was devoted to sport and his means allowed him to 
indulge his tastes without stint. He resided in turn at 
Wimbledon, Roehampton, Castle Menzies in Perthshire 
and Mulgrave Castle in Yorkshire, till, it being decided 
that he should live permanently in England, the estate of 
Hatherop in Gloucestershire was unfortunately selected, 
at an ultimate cost of ^185,000 ; for Duleep Singh found it 
unsuitable and, with the consent of tlie Government, which 
made an advance of ^110,000, purchased the estate of 
Elvedon in Suffolk which he held till his death and which 
became famous for the extent and richness of its game 
preserves. For the extravagance and maladministration 
which caused both Duleep Singh and the Government 
much trouble and embarrassment, he must not be held too 
responsible. The British Government has never yet, with 
all its experience and the warning of innumerable failures, 
understood how to train Indian princes during their minority, 
and Duleep Singh was no exception. A mistaken generosity 
surrounded him during his earlier years with every luxiirv 

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Maharaja Duleep Singh, 35 

and indulgence, and the means which prudence suggested 
of counteracting these early demoralizing influences were 
omitted when he came to England. As he had been per- 
mitted to embrace Christianity, and had thus cut himself 
loose from Indian ties and associations, he should have 
been treated as a young English nobleman and received 
the severe and indeed ascetic training which has preserved 
the English aristocracy wholesome and vigorous and popular, 
in spite of the disadvantages of wealth and prescription 
which have made effete the nobility of a great part of 
Europe. But a mistaken idea of what was due to his rank 
induced the Court of Directors to refuse him permission to 
go to a public school or the University and the consequence 
was that his education was very inefficiently conducted, and 
shooting straight and playing a fair game of whist were the 
chief accomplishments with which he was furnished for 
life. In 1864 the Rani Jindan died and, in accordance 
with her last wishes, Duleep Singh took his mother's 
remains to Bombay where they were burnt and the ashes 
thrown into the sacred river Nerbadda. On his return to 
England he met, in Egypt, a German lady, the daughter of 
a merchant in Alexandria, whom he married and by whom 
he had several children who survive him. 

The Maharaja's allowance, which had been fixed at 
^12,000 p.a., had been increased to ;^i 5,000 in 1856, when 
he reached the age of eighteen ; and to ^25,000 in 1862. 
The Maharaja s extravagant habits soon made this ample 
allowance insufficient, and it was further reduced by the 
interest on advances made to him by the Government ; 
while his estates were encumbered by the enormous sums 
lent by the Government for their purchase, a sum of 
^283,000 having been expended on the Suffolk estates 
alone. His affairs reached a crisis in 1880, when they were 
thoroughly examined by the Government and to pay off 
his debts further sums were advanced with the condition 
that the estates would not be considered hereditary but 
would be sold at his death. 

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o 



6 Maharaja Duleep Singh. 



From this date the sentiments of the Maharaja under- 
went a change. He became embittered and surrounded 
himself with men who found their advantage in persuading 
him that he had been treated with harshness; that the 
terms of the treaty of 1849 had been violated and that by 
agitation and possibly by legal action he might compel the 
Government to improve his position and surrender what he 
fancied was his ancestral fortune. Failing this, he was 
prepared to throw off his allegiance to England and make 
common cause with her enemies ; to renounce Christianity; 
and to appeal to the Sikhs as their leader and king. 

The chief among his grievances was that the whole of 
the treaty allowance of not less than four and not more 
than five lakhs of rupees was not paid to him to utilize as 
he chose for his own expenses and in the support of his 
relatives and servants of the State, and that the lapses on 
the death of pensioners were not paid to his account : 
further that this pension was not hereditary. Now what- 
ever may be thought of the policy of the Government or 
its generosity, there can be no possible doubt of the validity 
of its position as defined by treaty. Sir Charles Wood in 
a memorandum of i860, showed this very clearly. The 
terms of the treaty were moreover precise and specific. 
The pension was to form the provision for himself, his 
relatives and servants of the State ; the Maharaja was only 
to receive such portion as should be allotted to him person- 
ally, and that only during good behaviour and for his life. 
The right to lapses had been fully considered by Lord 
Dalhousie who decided against the claim, and he must be 
supposed to have understood what he meant by the terms 
he had himself granted. The position of the Government 
was simply this, that they had no obligation to give the 
Maharaja a larger pension than they considered sufficient ; 
and the provision for the family after his death was entirely 
at their discretion. The Government contention was legal, 
but ungenerous and short • sighted. Naturally Duleep 
Singh was dissatisfied. Having treated him as a prince 

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Maharaja Duleep Singh. 37 

for thirty years, with an exaggeration of etiquette which 
was, in my opinion, unnecessary and foolish ; the Govern- 
ment should have declared their intention of making an 
hereditary grant, strictly entailed, for the continued dignity 
of the family. The title of Prince, which in England is 
an awkward solecism applied to a British subject not of 
the royal family, should have been dropped by the sons, 
the eldest of whom, receiving an English title and an 
hereditary estate, would have become merged in the ranks 
of the English aristocracy, while the family descent would 
not. have compared unfavoui'ably, in the circumstances of 
its origin, with that of some of our noble houses, the 
members of which carry their heads very high to-day. An 
impartial judgment must allow that a great portion of the 
trouble and shame which the conduct of Duleep Singh 
brought upon both himself and England, during the last 
ten years of his life, should be charged to the crass mis- 
management and unsympathetic attitude of the India Office. 
It was a great public scandal that a deposed Prince, who 
had for a generation been an honoured guest in England 
and had been specially favoured by Her Majesty and the 
Royal Family should have been allowed to range about 
Europe as a rebellious outcast ; denouncing the bad faith 
of the British Government. Such an outrage on good 
taste should never have been tolerated ; and that it was 
possible was due to official red-tape and incapacity. Duleep 
Singh was certainly unpractical and impracticable. He 
was a vain, silly, uneducated man, easily imposed upon ; 
the victim of intriguers and traitors. His extravagance 
and his self-will were irritating enough to the official mind. 
But he was, after all, what the Government had made him. 
Their unwise refusal to give him a sound and sensible 
education and their injudicious bringing-up had ruined his 
character as completely as the drugs so often administered 
to an Oriental Prince debauch his will and his intellect. 
They had spoilt him with adulation and luxury and were 
surprised that the seed which they had sown came up in 

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38 Maharaja Duleep Singh. 

thorns and thistles. The India Office was as incom- 
petent to manage a spoilt child like Duleep Singh, as 
Frankenstein to control the monster to which he had 
j{iven life. There is no reasonable doubt that if Ma- 
haraja Duleep Singh had been treated with ordinary 
intelligence and generosity, England would have been 
spared the humiliating spectacle of a prince whose kingdom 
she had absorbed begging for bread and revenge in the 
streets of Moscow and Paris. The existence of the scandal 
was in itself the condemnation of the India Office. 

It is not for a moment disputed that the pretensions of 
Duleep Singh were not preposterous. Chief among them 
was the claim to the ancestral real and personal property of 
his father Maharaja Ranjit Singh ; estates acquired by 
himself, his father or his grandfather, together with jewels 
and personal property. Under the treaty of 1849, all the 
property of the State of whatever description and whereso- 
ever found, was confiscated to the East India Company. 
These estates and jewels Duleep Singh argued were not 
State property ; and the confiscation of private property 
was not contemplated in the treaty, nor was the forfeiture 
of ancestral estates a punishment which could have been 
enforced against an innocent child, however guilty the 
responsible leaders of the State may have been. 

When Maharaja Duleep Singh left the solid ground of 
State right for the delusive bog of private inheritance he 
was in a difficult position. As Maharaja he had been 
accepted by the British Government who recognised the 
order of things which they found after the first Sikh war. 
He had been placed on the throne as the result of a palace 
intrigue and the farce was played as a serious drama. But 
private property and ancestral right were different things. 
To succeed, in days of revolution, to the throne of a success- 
ful soldier, a certificate of legitimacy was superfluous. But 
to inherit ancestral property, an ancestor was necessary, 
and this, Duleep Singh was not in a position to produce, 
it was a physical impossibility that the paralysed Maharaja 

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Maharaja Duleep Singh, 39 

Ranjit Singh should have been his father ; and Rani 
J indan his mother, who was the daughter of a Sikh trooper 
taken into the Zenana as a wild gamine whose playground 
was the gutters of Lahore, could not claim any ancestral 
property on her side of the family. 

In the second place there was no distinction between 
State and private property in the case of inheritance to 
Ranjit Singh. His father, grandfather and himself had been 
mere predatory leaders in the days of the collapse of the 
Mogul Empire ; they had taken what they could, where 
they found it. There was but one law in those days : 

" The good old rule, the simple plan, 

That they should take who have the power, 
And they should keep who can." 

Everything possessed by these chiefs was robbed from 
somebody else, won by the sword and kept by the sword. 

In India, generally, the prince is the State. '* U6tat 
c est moi." All the land is his property and his subjects 
only hold it during his pleasure. The confiscation of the 
State property includes that of so-called private and 
ancestral property. The Koh-i-noor was, it is true, made 
the subject of a special clause in the treaty : but this was 
merely on account of its great value and the interest 
attaching to it. This gem had been for hundreds of years 
the prize of victory. Ranjit Singh alone had stolen it with- 
out a fight from a fugitive prince who had sought his pro- 
tection. The English won it in fair fight and it belongs by 
historic prescription to the Empress of India. 

The question of the claims to private and ancestral 
estates by a member of the late ruling family had been 
discussed many years before it was raised by Duleep 
Singh. I was employed by the Government to examine 
and report on the claims of Prince Shahdeo Singh, the son 
of Maharaja Sher Singh eldest reputed son of Maharaja 
Ranjit Singh, who asserted his right to the large estates of 
his maternal grandmother Mai Sadda Kour, a famous 
woman in her time and the head and leader of the powerful 

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40 Maharaja Duleep Singh. 

R^mgarhia confederacy. His pretensions were at once 
brushed aside, for the reasons stated above. The RAm- 
garhia estates had been confiscated by Ranjit Singh as an 
act of State ; just as those claimed by Duleep Singh had 
been confiscated by right of Conquest. 

On the closing years of Maharaja Duleep Singh's life we 

will not dwell. The picture is a painful one. His brain, 

weakened by continued brooding over his imaginary 

wrongs, in part gave way, and no absurdity was too great 

for him to perpetrate. The disaffected and the designing 

found him an easy victim. Strange faces from the Punjab 

appeared in London, and ** His Majesty" Duleep Singh 

was openly talked of at the North brook Club, with the 

same spirit as that in which Jacobites used to toast the 

Pretender over the water. Among others who were 

drawn by Duleep Singh to England was Sirdar Thdkur 

Singh, a well-meaning stupid old chief, the eldest surviving 

member of the Sindhanwalia family from which Maharaja 

Ranjit Singh had sprung. The old man had for many 

years been a friend of mine and I urged him not to make 

a fool of himself by allowing Duleep Singh to advertise 

him as a partisan. But the candle is the doom of the 

moth ; and Thdkur Singh, with his allowances confiscated, 

died a poverty-stricken disappointed man, thrown aside 

by Duleep Singh who had written to me that he should 

share his last crust. The Maharaja issued a proclamation 

to the Sikhs which, whether composed by himself or his 

English advisers, was a model of burlesque literature and 

which was treated by the Sikh people with contempt. To 

everyone who would listen, in season and out of season, he 

poured forth his hatred of the British Government and his 

determination to be revenged. The last time I saw the 

late Mr. John Bright in the Reform Club he told me how he 

met the Maharaja in a brush shop in Piccadilly, and there, 

to the astonishment of the shopmen, he had discoursed in 

a loud voice and at great length on the enormities of the 

Government. A Parsi friend of mine and his, Mr. 

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Maharaja Duleep Singh. 41 

Manockjee Cursetjee, showed me a letter which he had 
received from the Maharaja in 1884 announcing his change 
of creed from Christianity to Sikhism for the reason that 
Christianity was the reh'gion of robbers and plunderers and 
violators of solemn engagements. 

At last he determined to go himself to India and set 
himself at the head of his faithful subjects. This luxurious, 
selfish and foolish man, who had no experience of the rough 
side of life and had only sufficient brains to preserve and 
kill partridges^ prepared to set himself in array against the 
forces, moral and material, of the British Government. I 
was consulted by the Secretary of State as to the expediency 
of allowing him to go to India and gave my opinion that 
Duleep Singh was ready for any mischief and that it was 
inexpedient to allow him to leave England : that the Sikhs 
did not care two straws about him, but they were an 
excitable race ; that no one could calculate what might be 
the force of national sentiment and that only madmen took 
lighted candles into powder magazines. I was told that the 
advisers of the Crown considered that it would be illegal to 
prevent the Maharaja leaving England ; but that under the 
Regulations, the Viceroy could forbid him from going to 
the Punjab or wherever else might be thought in- 
convenient. 

It is possible that the Maharaja s journey to India was 
a mere piece of fanfarronade intended to impress the 
Government and obtain better terms ; but Duleep Singh 
was weak enough to take himself seriously. At any rate 
the piece fell very flat. On the arrival at Aden of the 
steamer which carried Caesar and his fortunes, in April, 1886, 
he was arrested by the General commanding the garrison 
and taken on shore with his family, servants and bag- 
gage. The General gave him most kindly hospitality in 
his own house, and as the Maharaja gave his parole that 
he would not attempt to leave Aden, he was subjected to 
merely nominal restraint. After a fortnight he expressed 
his intention of remaining himself at Aden but sent his 

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42 Maharaja DnUep Singh. 

family back to England, where he might have gone him- 
self had he chosen to do so. He then became very 
anxious to be reinitiated as a Sikh and to take xS\^ pahul or 
Sikh baptism. The Government made no objection, and 
after some difficulty the necessary number of the faithful 
were gathered together and the ceremony was duly per- 
formed. The weather became very hot and the Maharaja 
fell ill and at last, thinking he had endured enough for con- 
science' sake, he left Aden for Marseilles on the 3rd June. 

Thus fell the curtain on the dignified portion of the life 
of Duleep Singh. After this, rejecting the proffered help 
of the British Government, he drifted into the position of a 
dissatisfied political refugee, ready for treason if any Power 
could be found weak enough to buy his tinsel sword and 
his fanciful pretensions. Russia, who has a keen eye for 
profitable pretenders, would have none of him, and his stay 
in Moscow was only associated with poverty and humiliation. 
He at last took up his residence in Paris, and there he died 
a few months ago, having made a tardy submission to the 
Queen who was graciously pleased to forgive his past mis- 
conduct. 

Thus passed away a notable figure in the history of the 
Victorian Court. Poor shadow and simulacrum of royalty ; 
a monarch without a kingdom ; an exile and a foreigner ; 
a wild creature in a gilded cage. The instincts and 
passions of the East were strong in his blood, and the 
civilization of the West could not satisfy him. He wore it 
as a garment to be thrown off, like the Christianity which 
was with him a fashion and not a belief. Old wine does 
not suit new bottles, and the East and the West refuse to 
commingle. 

In this sordid tragedy which closed a once brilliant life, 
England has not been free from blame. It is for her 
now to take care that the children of the late Maharaja, 
who are without reproach, be adequately and honourably 
provided for. Whatever may have been the terms of the 
treaty of 1849, in their interpretation of which the Govern- 

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Maharaja Duleep Singh. 45 

meat was undoubtedly correct, the fact remains that Duleep 
Singh, whatever his origin, was still a ruling monarch whose 
kingdom was rightfully annexed by England, and the claims 
of his children must be decided not by mere considerations 
of economy and legal right, but genefcusly and with due 
regard to the honour of the English nation. 



Letter of Dr. Leitner to Sir Lepel Griffin. 

I beg to send you the most striking of my recollections 
of Maharaja Dhulip Singh. They extend over twenty- 
four years and confirm our view that it is scarcely possible 
for a native of India to live in England as an Englishman, 
even under the most favourable conditions, without injury to 
his character and influence. They may also incidentally 
show that if it was wise first to denationalize him, it 
became necessary afterwards to stop him at Aden. They 
will further throw a side-light on the feelings with which he 
was regarded by Russians, if not by the Sikhs. 

In 1869 I was astounded by Sirdar Thakur Singh Sind- 
hanwalia, the hereditary foe of Ranjit Singh's family, asking 
me to be the bearer of a complimentary letter and of some 
trifling presents to his distant relative Dhulip, whilst on 
short leave to England. Dhulip Singh, the picture of an 
English country-gentleman, called on me, and, without any 
solicitation on my part, offered to subscribe a thousand 
Rupees annually to the Panjab University which I was 
then engaged in founding with you, ''provided the Bible 
was taught in it.'' As the Institution in question was un- 
denominational and mainly intended for the promotion of 
.secular Oriental learning, the offer had to be refused, 
though it was re-iterated by the Maharaja ** in order to 
spread the Gospel among his benighted fellow-countrymen." 

In 1876 I was in a waiting-room at the Strassburg 
Railway Station. A party of Russian Oflficers rushed 
in eagerly discussing Indian Affairs and, before I had 
time to make my presence known and to leave, I heard 

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44 Maharaja Duleep Singh, 

them express " regret that Maharaja Dhulip Singh was 
such a good Christian, as he was thereby utterly lost to 
Russian objects among the Sikhs." 

That there were such objects of certain Russians, if not 
of Russia, may be inferred from a distinguished Russian 
Orientalist, who some years later visited me at Lahore and 
at whose service I had placed an English-knowing Sikh as 
Cicerone to Amritsar, requesting the latter to furnish him 
with those songs in which the Sikhs were supposed still to 
wish for the return of the glorious reign of Ranjit Singh. My 
Sikh was horrified at the request and the savant departed 
rS in/ecid. 

At the beginning of 1884, whilst on leave in England, 
Dhulip Singh asked me to see him at his rooms in London 
in order, mirabile dictu, to get my opinion as to an Opera 
which he was then composing. I heard a portion of it, but 
did not feel that I was competent to say more than that it 
was very different from the minstrelsy of any of the Sikh 
Gurus. He then informed me that a family-priest had 
come over to England to teach him the Sikh faith and he 
handed to me a printed book on his grievances. Opening 
it at random I saw a claim to the private property of Ranjit 
Singh far exceeding the total amount of the revenue of the 
whole province, for which Lord Dalhousie had thought it 
worth while to annex the Panjab. I told this to the 
Maharaja and also that I had been at Gujranwala and 
knew that Ranjit Singh's property had never been anything 
like what he stated. He said, alas! that he was in the 
hands of ** good Lawyers " who were preparing his case, I 
believe by personal inspection of the property in question. 
He thought that " according to Sikh ideas, a king could do 
no wrong.'* I pointed out that this was a feudal European 
notion and utterly opposed to the republican constitution of 
the Sikh Khalsa, of which Ranjit Singh was merely the 
highest executive Officer and, I added, without any arriere- 
pensdCy that the strength of the Sikhs consisted in their 
loyalty to the British Government, when he explained that 

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Maharaja Duleep Singh. 45 

they were, above all, attached to Ranjit Singhs family. 
He wished to live as a private gentleman at Delhi, but 
I ventured to strongly dissuade him from such a course. 

Shortly after, I had occasion to reprimand certain Punjabi 
Students who would call on "His Majesty the Maharaja 
Dhulip Singh,'' instead of studying and who joined a 
Meeting at an Indian Club at which it was announced that 
he would invade the Panjab next year with a Russian 
Army! They were encouraged by one of those English 
meddlers, who spoil Indians in this country. 

In 1885, on my return to India, I met a party of fine- 
looking simple-minded Sikh peasants who had a case at 
the Chief Court at Lahore. They asked me when Dhulip 
Singh was coming to the Panjab and were sure that in that 
event taxes and cow-killing would be abolished. The 
native papers, as a rule, sympathized with him, for he had 
grievances and a name and had not yet published his 
seditious proclamation. (See Extracts from native papers 
in the Civil and Military Gazette^ 

In 1886 the Indian Government, suspecting him to have 
prompted an anonymous seditious proclamation in the 
Panjab, stopped him at Aden, when on his way to India.* 
(See Simla Telegram in the Times of Sept. 8, 1886.) 

1 887 and 1888 the Maharaja devoted to his Russian plans.f 

* The following telegram appeared in the Times of July 5th, i886.--^<f. A. Q. R, : 
" The Maharajah Dhulip Singh has written an extraordinary letter to the Times of 
India. He begins by saying that before quitting England the Indian Government 
offered him ^£'50,000 provided that he promised never to return to India. He declined, 
adding that he would not accept ;f 500,000. His health having broken down, owing to 
his residence at Aden, he is going back to drink the German waters. But although 
prevented from reaching Bombay, he goes on to say, other roads remain. When he 
returns, he can land at Goa or Pondicherry, or enter the Panjab through Russia. 

** In the latter event he supposes that the whole Indian army would be sent to resist 
him. The Indian taxpayers, he adds, will be glad to hear that he has resigned the 
miserable stipend paid under the iniquitous treaty of annexation. When restored to 
health, he hopes to appeal for pecuniary aid to the Oriental liberality of his brother 
Princes and of the people of India. If, however, this Government should veto their 
generous impulses, he will transfer his allegiance to some other European Power, v/hicb 
will doubtless provide him with maintenance." 



t The following telegram appeared in the Tivies of Monday, January 9th, 1888. — Ed, : 

Paris, Jan. 8ih. 
I am authorised to publish the following letters, the originals of which are in myj 
hands, addressed by Dhulip Singh to one of his friends. However unimportant th^l^^ 



46 Maharaja Duleep Singh. 

In 1889 the public proclamation of Dhulip Singh to 
the natives of India destroyed any chances that he might 
ever have had. owing to its European melodramatic tone 
and its suicidal half- knowledge of the very native feeling 
to which he appealed.* He received an indignant dis- 
claimer from the Sikh Khalsa and the Sikhs generally, who 
rightly consider themselves as a bulwark in the Punjab 
against all aggression on British rule. 

writer may now be, they are carious productions and contain passages which deserve to 

be known, especially by the English Public As they were despatched from Russia, it 

may be presumed that the writer counted on their being perused by vigilant Russian 

Officials before they were sent off, and that he thus wished to convey assurances of 

devotion to the Czar :— 

" Hotel Billo, Moscow, Oct. 28th, 1887. 

'* Monsieur le Comte, — I have the pleasure of acknowledging the receipt o( your letter 
of the 14th inst., and return you my best thanks for it. It is very pleasing to make the 
acquaintance of one who hates the English as much as I do. I much regret to inform 
you that the President of your great Republic did not behave courteously towards me, 
as M. (»revy has not up to the present sent me a reply to a letter I addressed him asking 
for French protection, so as to enable me to reside at Pondicherry, some months before 
I quilted Paris. 

** But that now matters very little, as my destiny has brought me to the feet of my 
Sovereign the Emperor of Russia, whom ( am prepared to serve with my life should 
he ever desire to employ me in his service. Thanking you from my heart for your kind 
sympathy towards my countrymen, whom I hope one of these days to deliver as predicted 
of me in a prophecy written in the year 1725 by the last religious teacher of the Sikhs. 
** I remain your faithful Dui.eep Singh, 
** Sovereign of the Sikh nation and proud, implacable foe of England." 

** Moscow, Nov. 4, 1887. 
" Monsieur le Comle, — I have again to thank you for another kind letter. My know- 
ledge of French is very limited, or with sincere thanks I would accept the book which 
yon kindly offer to present me with. I have only one trite private friend in Paris, but 
I am not at liberty to disclose his name without his authority. However, I will write to 
him and if he thinks proper (of which I have no doubt) he will communicate with you. 
I am really most grateful to you for all the kindness you express towards and the interest 
yoa evince in me. May God reward you for desiring to help an almost friendless man. 
Again thanking you from my heart, 

"' I remain your most grateful Duleep Singh, 

** Sovereign of the Sikh nation and proud, implacable foe of England.'* 



• The Proclamation of Dhulip Singh. 

The following Calcutta Telegram also appears in the Times of August 5, 1889. — Ed, : 

*' An appeal by the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh of an extraordinary character, addressed 
to the natives of India is published in the Press. In prevision of the future and as his 
Royal decree, he demands a monthly subscription of one pice from each of the 250,000^003, 
but from each in the Punjab one anna. The public debt of India is (in this document) 
repudiated ; the payment of taxes is forbidden, cow-killing is prohibited, prisoners are to 
be released, and all persons who have suffered tyranny and injustice, caused by the 
British Government are to be reinstated in their rights. lie purposes entering India with 
a European army with the material support of Russia." ^-^ , 

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Maharajct Duleep Singh. 47 

Last year, Baron Textor de Ravisi surprised me by 
bringing the Maharaja to my rooms in the H6tel de 
Choiseul in Paris. His Highness moved with difficulty 
and seemed very contrite. He said : ** I have left your 
God and He has humbled me to the dust. I praise His 
holy name. I was never so happy as when I lived on a 
few francs at a Russian H6tel.'* I suggested that, according 
to Indian notions, a Fakir was the only equal of a King 
and therefore as he could not be the latter, he had still 
greatness open to him as a true Fakir. He then made 
numerous Biblical allusions, but he never implied that he 
had left Sikhism. 

The Baron, however, assures me that he had since, more 
fervently than before, embraced Christianity in its Anglican 
State-form. 

The Maharaja, before his death, also expressed, or rather 
re-iterated, the most profound loyalty to Her Majesty and 
veneration for the Prince of Wales, which the Baron com- 
municated to the British Ambassador at Paris. The photo- 
graph, which I have made over for reproduction to the 
'* Asiatic Quarterly Review,'' is supposed* to represent him 
as the ** King of the Sikhs " and was given to the Baron 
in 1889, when the Maharaja was still **the proud implacable 
foe of England." It seems, however, to be like the one 
that was taken of him many years ago in the costume in 
which he was a welcome visitor at great Court functions 
in this country. As the Baron's account cannot fail to be 
interesting to his friends in Europe, if not to his fellow- 
countrymen in the Panjab, I beg to add it here : 



Letter front Baron Textor de Ravisi to Dr. Leitner. 

** My unfortunate* and illustrious friend died at Paris at 
the Hdtel de la Tr^mouille on the 22nd Oct., 1893, ^ 
Sunday, the day of the obsequies of Marshal MacMahon. 
The Maharaja suddenly succumbed to the efiFects of a 
hemiplegia ; his health, however, had already t^^^^YfXJLTp 

igi ize y g 



48 Maharaja Duleep Singh,^ 

weak before. The Maharani Ada had gone to London 
with Prince Frederick for a few days and Prince Victor 
had left for Berlin; They learned the fatal event by 
Telegraph. The Maharaja did not foresee his end and 
died unconscious. On the 24th the body was embalmed 
and on the 26th the widow and the children took the train 
to Calais in order to bury the body at Elvedon. The 
English Embassy here arranged the necessary formalities. 

Death had given a youthful appearance to the fine 
features of the Maharaja and he closely resembled the 
Photograph taken in 1889 which he had given me and 
which I now send you, except that his black hair and 
beard had become white. This Photograph is the last 
portrait of Dhulip Singh and he appears in it in his grand 
Royal costume — notice that amongst the decorations and 
diamonds on his breast, the portrait of Queen Victoria 
takes the place of the famous Koh-i-noor, which had been 
ceded to Her Majesty by the Treaty of Lahore. 

After his mother, the Rani Jhinda, Dhulip Singh most 
loved and venerated Queen Victoria. He completely 
separated Her name from that of Her Government. He 
often told me : ** In all my disputes with, and revolts 
against, the British Government, my great preoccupation 
has always been the pain which it might give to Queen 
Victoria. The fatality of the necessities of my position 
and of my duties to my people, compelled me to act as I 
did." He added : ** If I die in a state of consciousness I 
will say or write this, but if I die unconscious, may it be 
told Her, how great was my veneration for Her and how 
profound my regret at the pain which I have caused 
Her." 

I accordingly reported this to the British Ambassador 
in Paris for transmission to Her Majesty. I also informed 
him of the high esteem and respectful friendship which the 
Maharaja publicly professed for H.R.H. the Prince of 
Wales, ** his kind and amiable companion when he arrived 
in England." 

You wish to know in what religion tfie^^M^ftffSp^d^d. 



Maharaja Duleep Singh. 49 

On the 8th of March, 1853, he was initiated into the 
mysteries of the Christian reh'gion by Dr. Login, but he 
had never taken this initiation seriously. He preferred, 
until lately, the ** Granth " to the Bible and to the Koran. 
Last year he told me formally : '\the Truth is in the Bible. 
If I die conscious, I will have my hand on the Bible. 
If I die unconscious, I wish to be buried according to the 
Protestant Anglican rite, the State-religion." This also I 
naturally reported to the British Ambassador. 

The Maharaja honoured me with his friendship as a 
private individual. With General Count Carrole de T^vis 
he spoke about the affairs of India, for the General was to 
be to him what General Allard had been to his father, 
Ranjit Singh. I greatly appreciated the good heart and 
high intellect, as also the fatalistic resignation of Maharaja 
Dhulip Singh. 

I can therefore not speak of the Sovereign, the ward of 
England, whom she dethroned ; of the treaties of Bhyrowal 
and Lahore, or of the Manifestos of the dethroned rebel 
or claimant, but I have known him during his stay in Paris 
and was a witness of his second marriage and of the sale of 
some of his jewels, one fortune and the other misfortune. 

** I marry," he said, ** Miss Ada Douglas Wetherill, 
because she is English; she will be the sister and the 
second mother of my first children." The Civil marriage 
took place at the Mairie of the second Arrondissement of 
Paris. The Maharaja gave his arm to my wife and Miss 
Ada took mine. The other three witnesses were Count de 
T^vis, Dr. de Cyon, a Councillor of His Majesty the 
Tsar, and Monsieur Pelletier whom he had known in 
Russia. Princess Ada had the courage to be present 
incognito at the public sale of the Jewels of her husband. 
The cessation of the British indemnities had placed the 
once -opulent king of Lahore in a condition of real 
distress. When we returned, we found Dhulip Singh 
thoughtful, but resigned. He merely told his wife "this 
is one of the most humiliating and sad trials of my life • 
may the will of God be blessed !" Indeed, this unfortunate 

NEW SERIES. VOL. VII. D 



50 Maharaja Duleep Singh. 

Prince often told me : ** God has raised me and God has 
humbled me. It was written. May His will be done !" 
Dhulip Singh was very fond of the English individually 
and tried to imitate them as much as possible. All who 
showed an interest in him evoked his sympathetic gratitude. 
He naively confessed his astonishment that men who had 
such great personal qualities could as a nation be so 
thoroughly selfish and pitiless to others. Dhulip Singh 
used daily to brood for hours on the past and on the 
possibilities of the future. He had ** vowed an implacable 
hatred to the Viceroys, Governors, Ministers and high 
Dignitaries generally of India and England, who, directly 
or indirectly, under pretexts born from their own handi- 
work, had despoiled the child of his Kingdom and had 
persecuted the dethroned King." A certain native super- 
stition prevented him from naming them, except mentally, 
but, all his life, he followed their luck or ill-luck, to them- 
selves or to their belongings, with incessant attention. 
** God is just; all human accounts will be settled by Him 
either in this world or the next." Yet his kind and 
magnanimous disposition, aided by religion, made him say 
often : ** In dying, I will forgive them all, so that God may 
forgive me the wrong I have done." Per contra, he liked 
to remember and pronounce the names of those who had 
rendered him services or who had shown him friendship 
and sympathy. I regret that I cannot cite them. To me 
they were strangers and my memory has not retained their 
names. The Maharaja often mentioned you as the founder 
of many educational institutions in his country, the languages 
of which you spoke and wrote so well and the customs, 
religions and views of which you knew better than anyone 
else. Above all, you loved the natives and wished them 
to be governed, but not oppressed. 

Dhulip Singh daily read several leading journals and 
kept the principal reviews of India, England and France. 
He was as well-read as he was modest. He carefully con- 
cealed his science as something too private to be made 
known. He spoke several languages and read the Bible iJc 



Maharaja Duleep Singh. 5 1 

Hebrew and Latin. He often enquired into the labours 
of our learned societies, took an interest in our International 
Congress of Orientalists, attended the lectures of travellers 
like J. Dupuis, the explorer of the Red River who induced 
France to conquer Annam and Tonkin. He specially 
attended when at the Indo-Chinese Society I enlarged on 
the appropriateness of an amicable understanding between 
France and England for the constitution of a political 
equilibrium in Indo-China by a Buffer-State, formed of 
Shan and Laotian States under the Prince Mingun Min 
of Burma. He objected : ** What becomes of China in this 
plan ? If, in the extreme East, the beginning of wisdom is 
the fear of England, the end of wisdom ought to be the 
fear of China." 

I have no doubt that the supreme wish of Dhulip Singh 
will be fulfilled. It was : '* May England be merciful and 
generous to my wife and children ; they are truly English 
and are, therefore, incapable of causing the least umbrage 
or of claiming the sovereignty of the Panjab." 

The benevolent reception which Dhulip Singh met in 
Russia was accorded to the unhappy monarch, not to the 
Sikh claimant. Nor did he expect more. He knew, in 
fact, that Russia could not be expected to intervene be- 
tween him and England or provoke an agitation in his 
favour among his subjects. He said : ** Whenever Russia 
will think the hour come, she will descend on India to drive 
out the English, not to take their place, but to establish 
Federations of Indian States bound to her by Treaties of 
friendship and commerce." On that subject too he used to 
dream, when wide-awake, more suo. As an instance he 
one day told me laughingly : ** I am dreaming of a Triple 
Alliance composed of England, France and Russia, with 
well-defined satisfactions to their respective ambitions, 
stopping only at the limits of unnecessary encroachments 
on the respective three allies." — ** And what would be your 
place in this Triplicity ?" — ** Oh, I still remained the 
dethroned, but the income of my father's property was 
restored as also the payment of my stipulated indemnities." 

D 2 



52 Maharaja Duleep Singh. 

DhuHp Singh often repeated that France was for him 
"the good and classic ground of hospitality to all mis- 
fortunes, great and small, where he had been most free 
and where fewest had meddled in his affairs." He had 
a high regard for M. Carnot and was astonished that our 
political changes of Ministry brought about no internal or 
external disorder and were so readily accepted by public 
opinion. 

By philosophy and religion, Dhulip Singh rose from 
fatalism to resignation. His main characteristics were 
kindness, generosity and sweetness of disposition. His 
will was tenacious in re^ though mild in modo^ but all his 
life he was obliged to yield, seeing that the only sanction 
to his will was the voluntary respect due to a great mis- 
fortune. The Princess Ada was the devoted companion of 
his exile, endeavouring to distract his sorrow, to interest 
him in his family and yet not to hide from him the hope- 
lessness of re-ascending the throne of Lahore. She care- 
fully watched over her children and is as kind as she is 
beautiful." 



The story of Dhulip Singh's first conversion to Christi- 
anity is thus told by a former resident at Fatahgarh : " The 
three boys, Tommy Scott, Duleep Singh and another were 
playing together and got very hot. The two English lads 
then drank water out of a Lotah, but refused to give it to- 
the little Maharaja, as doing so would spoil his caste. 
Thirsty Duleep Singh, however, said that he must have 
his drink and would become a Christian. So he drank out 
of the Lotah which the other boys had used and ran into- 
the house announcing his change of religion. Duleep- 
Singh's cousin, however, remained a Sikh, for he was ii> 
charge of female relatives who looked carefully after him." 



To judge from Dhulip Singh s letters to his friends in* 
England when he was on a visit to India in 1864, he had a 
great dislike to the natives of that Continent— Ed. JOgle 



53 



AN INVERTEBRATE VICEROYALTY. 

'Tis not in mortals to command success ; and in that re- 
spect, the outgoing Viceroy has only shared the common 
lot of mortals. Has he deserved success ? That is a 
question that is perhaps worth considering for a few 
moments, before finally closing the book on an uninspiring 
chapter of Indian history. 

We believe the answer to that question would be emphati- 
cally in the affirmative, if amiability of disposition, urbanity 
of manner, and rectitude of personal character, were the 
only qualities required for a great Viceroy. Simla's fare- 
well to Lord Lansdowne is, beyond all question, one of 
unfeigned admiration and regret. 

But Simla is not India. Simla opinion becomes every 
year less and less representative of Indian opinion. Indeed, 
the tendency at present seems to be, for Simla opinion to 
come more and more into actual conflict with Indian opinion, 
as its bureaucratic aristocracy grows larger and its bureau- 
cratic exclusiveness more marked. In the Services, those 
whom Simla loves become the ** curled darlings " of the 
Secretariats, and rise to be themselves Secretaries, and 
even Members of Council and Lieutenant-Governors. But 
they are not the men whom one would like to have at the 
head of one s Province, still less of one's district, in times 
of disorder and danger ; and no one would accuse them of 
being in touch either with the people, or with the ** grunt- 
ing and sweating " rank-and-file of the Services down in 
the plains. One feels instinctively that they can bring 
about a Manipur massacre or abolish trial by jury, with equal 
grace and lightheartedness, in the intervals of an Annandale 
Gymkhana, or while engaged in the pleasant process of 
calling for " more Reports " from the grunters and sweaters 
aforesaid. But one would hardly wish for them when 

actual tough work has to be done; for that, Simla has 
unfitted them. 

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54 An Invertebrate Viceroyalty. 

And so it may be with Viceroys. At Simla, the Viceroy 
is his own golden image. The air there is always laden 
with the soft and captivating notes of the comet, flute, harp, 
sackbut, psaltery, Pioneer y Civil and Military Gazette, and 
all kinds of sweet official music ; and whoso at the sound 
of that pleasant music falleth not down and worshippeth, is 
the same hour cast into the midst of a burning fiery district 
in the plains. The Great Panjandrum of a huge and 
powerful organization for Mutual Adulation of this sort is 
about as badly placed, for learning real facts and forming just 
conclusions, as any man can well be. By locating him at 
Simla, we do our level best to make it impossible for any 
Viceroy to be an efficient ruler. And in such circumstances, 
amiability of temper is one of the most dangerous of snares. 
From the top of Jacko down to the cart-road, and from 
Mashobra on the one side to Jutogh on the other, there is 
not a soul who is not incessantly hymning soft Lydian 
measures to the Presence, and assuring the king that he 
will live for ever, and his every enemy be scattered before 
him. 

Simla, then, has been a large factor in Lord Lansdowne's 
failure — and his own too credulous amiability has been 
another. But it must be admitted that he has been excep- 
tionally unlucky. Even in his luck he has been unlucky, 
paradoxical as that may sound ; for he has had the luck to 
have no great Famine and no great War to face, and 
consequently the ill-luck not to be able to put all the blame 
on either of those two convenient and striking forms of 
catastrophe. 

Then again, he has had the ill-luck to be tied up, during 
the greater part of his term of office, to the most hopeless 
Secretaries of State that have ever sat at the upper end of 
that dreadful telegraph-wire to meddle and muddle. Every 
one will remember, as every one sympathised with, the 
anger and scorn that breathed in every word of Sir John 
Gorst's famous Manipur speech in the House of Commons, 
at the fussy incapacity ruling in Whitehall. Poor Lord 

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An Invertebrate Viceroy alty. 55 

Cross suffered from a curious disease — Bradlaugh on the 
brain ; and if all the secrets of the Viceregal telegraph 
cipher were known to the world, it is pretty safe to 
prophesy that the world would be less hard on Lord 
Lansdowne for many of his weaknesses and fatix pas. 
How interesting, for instance, would be the complete text 
of the secret telegraphic correspondence between the 
Secretary of State and the Viceroy on the subject of Mrs. 
Grim wood s account of the Manipur disasters : and equally 
edifying would be the telegrams about the prosecution of 
the Bangobashi newspaper, about the affairs of Hyderabad 
or those of Kashmir, or about the Opium resolution, or the 
Cantonment Acts. At Simla it used to be said that the 
effect of the mildest question in the House of Commons 
was simply to utterly demoralise Lord Cross ; and it must 
have been trying for the Viceroy, to have a master tele- 
graphing to you continually from the other end of a cable, 
in a state of mind bordering on distraction, about every 
trivial Parliamentary interpellation and every resolution of 
a National Congress. Before the days of Mr. Panioty and 
Mr. Latimer, the idiotic system of administering India 
through the medium of telegraphic messages was happily 
tempered by the frequent and opportune loss of the cipher ; 
but even that ** counsel of despair'* was closed to the 
Viceroy when he ceased to decipher his own despatches. 
He had to bear his ** Cross " as best he could, and at times 
it must have been a weary and depressing load, enough to 
turn a stronger brain than Lord Lansdowne s. A Viceroy 
may be forgiven if he hardly rises to the heights of heroism, 
or feels himself up to the making of history, at a moment 
when he is being pestered with alternate threats and 
entreaties about a trumpery question in Parliament. 

Then again, Lord Lansdowne was supremely unlucky 
— with some remarkable exceptions — in the instruments on 
whom he had to lean, both in the Council and in the 
Provinces. He had a splendid Commander-in-Chief, and 
had never any cause to give a moment's anxiety to the 

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56 An Invertebrate Viceroyalty. 

affairs of either Bombay or Madras, where he was served 
(or let alone) with marked ability. But the Council does 
not consist only of a Commander-in-Chief; and in Bengal, 
and the other provinces more immediately subordinated to 
the Viceroy, and most of all in the Feudatory States, things 
have gone from bad to worse, as one ** distinguished 
administrator " after another has been shed by Simla, and 
shot on to these convenient rubbish -heaps. 

The true story of the Manipur disaster has yet to be 
written. The one fact, and one fact only, that was clearly 
brought out by the debate on the subject in the House 
of Commons, was, that the Government of India and the 
India Office were in league to strain every nerve to obscure 
the circumstances, and to render it impossible to apportion 
the blame. The task was obviously a most distasteful one 
to the straightforward and courageous Under-Secretary to 
whom it had to be entrusted ; and the whole Press com- 
mented at the time on the heavy strain that had been 
imposed on loyalty and official discipline. 

The egregious blundering that took place over the State 
prosecution, in Calcutta, of a Bengali newspaper, the 
Bangobashi, that had lashed itself into a fury over the 
controversies about the Age of Consent Bill, has now 
almost become ancient history. And the oblivion thus 
obtained would be the best possible ending of a foolish 
business, were it not for the fact that blunder has succeeded 
blunder in Bengal, with startling rapidity. The indecent 
interference of the executive power with the High Court 
and the judiciary — the ridiculous alternations of bounce 
and timidity in dealing with the Maimansingh scandal — 
the dissensions and discontent engendered in Behar by the 
ill-omened scheme of a Cadastral Survey — all these gross 
blunders, born of bureaucratic arrogance, and nurtured in 
administrative ineptitude, have been thrown into the shade 
by the monstrous indiscretions with which the Trial by 
Jury agitation in Bengal was first provoked and irritated, 
and then hushed up and submitted to. Apart altogether 

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An Invertebrate Viceroy alty. 57 

from the intrinsic merits of the question, with which we are 
not concerned, it is obvious on the face of it that the mis- 
guided folly of the Government has resulted in the infliction 
of a severe blow on the prestige of British rule in India. 

And then, what a spectacle we have in Upper India at 
this moment! — of British cavalry and artillery being 
marched up and down to over-awe a country, whose in- 
habitants only require reasonably fair, firm, and considerate 
treatment to be as peaceful and law-abiding as any in the 
world. A recent paper of singular ability in this Review 
has shown what ought to have been the attitude of the 
Government in the deplorable ** cow-killing " riots. And 
this is what the Civil and Military Gazette, by no means 
an unfriendly critic, says of the signs of the times, resulting 
from the curious admixture of foolish provocation and 
timidity that has been in vogue of late : — 

'* We are reluctant to draw attention to anything ominous in the * signs 
of the times ' in India : but this alleged incendiarism at Peshawur, result- 
ing in an immense loss of military stores, and the rumours of a similar 
outrage being intended at Rawul Pindi, must make the less confident 
among us pause and think whether these may not be sparks from the 
volcano, on the crust of which British rule and civilisation in India have 
been imposed. The riots at Bombay, the cow-killing agitation throughout 
India, the recrudescence of dacoity in Native States, the increase of violent 
crime in British provinces, the racial assault cases, the attempts to wreck 
trains in the north-west, the circulation of incendiary pamphlets — all these 
rise to the eye of the most casual observer as signs of unrest. It is not 
apparently an unrest which moves towards any definite object, but only a 
general uneasiness of the body politic which needs careful watching, lest it 
develop into an outbreak of serious disease." 

And only a day or two ago the Time^ Calcutta corre- 
spondent, telegraphing on Dec. 3, writes as follows : — 

" A somewhat serious skirmish between the police and dacoits has taken 
place in the Budaon district of the North-West Provinces, and 50 men of 
the 2nd Bengal Lancers have been sent from Bareilly to help in maintain- 
ing order. The increasing audacity of gangs of robbers in some parts of 
Upper India is one more sign of the feeling of unrest which is so prevalent 
just now." 

In Kashmir, and again in Khelat, we have recently been 
treated to actual coups-cCitat or revolutions. In Hyderabad, 
in BhopAl, and elsewhere, we have indications continually 

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58 An Invertebrate Viceroyalty. 

cropping up of that *' spirit of unrest," of which the Times 
and the Civil and Military Gazette^ and probably many 
other papers, have spoken so strongly. The invertebrate 
policy of the Government, irritating and provocative as all 
weak policies always are, is producing its natural result. 

Lord Roberts, in his fine speech the other day to the 
University of Edinburgh, rightly declared that our duty 
was, to "treat our fellow-subjects in India, and especially 
the Chiefs and Princes, with consideration and sympathy/* 
and " to maintain our rights and fulfil our engagements." 
That spirit has been too much forgotten of late. We seem 
to have been watching rather for opportunities of showing 
a spirit exactly the opposite of this ; and even now, we are 
sending out an Opium Commission, largely at the cost of 
the Indian revenues, to annoy Native feeling, and to 
threaten some of the most loyal of the Princes with con- 
fiscation of their revenues and impoverishment of their 
peoples. And for what i^ — to please a few fanatics, and 
win a few votes in the House of Commons ! It may be 
"pleaded that Lord Lansdowne cannot fairly be held 
responsible for this act of a Government to whose politics 
he is opposed. But on the other hand it may be 
doubted whether any Government would have forced such 
a disgrace on the Viceroy, if he had shown some determina- 
tion, some nerve and backbone, in dealing with the weak- 
nesses and timidities of a Secretary of State. 

Senex. 



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59 



THE NEW VICEROY AND OUR INDIAN 
PROTECTORATE. 

By Sir Roper Lethbridge, K.C.I.E. 

Lord Elgin goes out to India with unique opportunities. 
It is of course quite true that he will have to face many 
questions of immense gravity, as the East India Associa- 
tion pointed out to His Excellency in the remarkable 
address which they presented in November, and as the 
Viceroy Designate himself clearly recognises. He will 
have to undertake responsibilities of the first magnitude 
in attempting their solution. But he has, comparatively 
speaking, a free hand, such as none of his illustrious prede- 
cessors ever enjoyed. He is not compelled by the force of 
circumstances to devote himself to any one pre-ordained 
and all-absorbing task — such as that of keeping the people 
alive in the midst of certain famine, that of constructing 
and fortifying a defensible frontier, or that of annexing and 
pacifying a great and turbulent kingdom. The three ter- 
rible Fs. of Indian politics — Finance, Frontiers, Famine — 
though still powerful as ever in the way of causing anxiety 
to, and imposing vigilance on, the Viceroy — are to a certain 
extent provided for, so far as concerns all probable develop- 
ments ; and even if the necessity for dealing with any or 
all of them should recur, experience, carefully treasured and 
thought out, will be found to have made the way compara- 
tively straight and easy. Such a situation, it is obvious, 
offers what I have ventured to term unique opportunities 
for the initiation and carrying through of great and far- 
reaching internal reforms. The Political Party to which 
Lord Elgin belongs ought, if there be any sincerity in its 
professions, strenuously to support him in this great task. 
Some of those reforms, that lie more immediately and 
directly before an incoming Viceroy, both in British India 
and in **the India of the Rdjds," have been frankly sug- 
gested by the address to which I have referred. In this 

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6o The New Viceroy and our Indian Protectorate. 

paper I propose to dwell for a moment on the suggestions 
that have been therein offered for improved relations 
between the Paramount Power and that part of India that is 
called by Mr. C. L. Tupper **Our Indian Protectorate." 

The landmarks in the modern history of those relations 
are (i) the Queens Proclamation of 1858 (the Magna 
Charta of India) ; and (2) the Proclamation of the Imperial 
style and title in 1877, accompanied by the establishment 
of a Council of the Empire, and the promulgation of an 
Imperial constitution for India, closely assimilated to that 
which had been adopted for the German Empire six years 
earlier. The relations between the British Power and the 
Native States were so entirely revolutionised by these two 
great events, that it is unnecessary, at this time of day, to 
go behind them, further than to remark that the Imperial 
constitution is based on the antecedent Treaties, as that of 
Germany was based on the Treaties of 187 1.* And as that 
Imperial Constitution has been loyally and spontaneously ac- 
cepted by the Native States, so it is absolutely binding oil the 
Paramount Power. One of the tasks before Lord Elgin, and 
one well worthy of his best energies — nodus vindice dignus — is 
to respond to the good feeling of the Native States, by ac- 
knowledging, in an Imperial spirit, and with frank loyalty and 
spontaneity, the reciprocal duties of the British Government, 

Moreover, the circumstances of the hour are favourable 
to such an enterprise from other points of view, besides the 
political condition of the Indian administration. Her 
Majesty the Queen Empress has shown, in various ways, 
keen interest in, and affection for, the various Indian 
dynasties connected with the Empire by ties of subordinate 
alliance ; while the Prince of Wales, and other members of 
the Imperial House, have made no secret of their friendly 
feelings towards many of the Indian Princes. Lord Elgin 
himself has many advantages, of age, position, and training, 
that fit him admirably for the task of dealing with such a 
question ; and possesses also, in Sir Mortimer Durand, a 

* See Malleson's Thi Re-founding of the German Empire^ last chapter. 

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The New Viceroy and our Indian Protectorate. 6 1 

Foreign Secretary young, able, and energetic, skilled in 
aHairs, and having hereditary sympathies with the Indian 
dynasties. 

It will probably be found that most, perhaps all, of the 
grievances of the Native States take their origin in survivals 
of the policy, or no policy, pursued towards them by the 
British Power in times antecedent to the Queen's Proclama- 
tion and the transfer of the Government of India from the 
Company to the Crown. That policy was describe^ in 
caustic terms by Colonel Davidson, the Resident at Hyder- 
abad under Lord Canning, who negotiated the Treaty of 
i860 with the Nizam by which a portion of the "Assigned 
Districts " was restored to the Sovereign of the Deccan : — 

" The policy the Honourable Company's Government pursued towards the Nizam ever 
nnce the Partition Treaty of 1817 after the termination of the Mahratta War, has been 
• . . completely one on their side of sic volo sicjubto^'' 

Colonel Davidson had already observed that — 

"The wonder clearly is that . . . our claim did not render the Nizam hopelessly in- 
solvent." 

And elsewhere he wrote — 

•* I was present during the negotiations that took place in 1853 for the unreserved 
cession of the Berar districts to our Government, when General Low informed the 
Darbar, if so surrendered, he was authorised to cancel all our pecuniary demands on the 
Hyderabad State. I witnessed the objurgations and threats then used to induce the late 
Nizam to acquiesce in the Government proposals, similar, with slight modifications, to 
those now submitted to his successor for acceptance ;* and I am satisfied his son has 
inherited all his father's aversion and dislike to part with the Berars, except under certain 
stipulations, to our Government." 

Now, there can be no doubt whatever that, if the Imperial 
Government does its duty, and loyally accepts the altered 
conditions brought about by the two great events men- 
tioned above, it must ever be as impossible for the Nizam, 
or any other Indian Prince, to be coerced by "objurgations 
and threats," as it would be for the King of Saxony or the 
King of Bavaria to be so coerced by the representatives of 
the Imperial German Power. That Colonel Davidsons 
description of the negotiations of 1853 was by no means 
unduly unfavourable to the Indian Government is amply 
shown by the Blue-Book of April 6, 1854, on the affairs of 

* This refers to a demand for the complete cession of the Berars, as a condition of the 
Tieatj of i860, that was subsequently abandoned in favour of the existing arrangement — 
which, however, was hardly more in harmony with the wishes of the late Nizam^ 

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62 The New Viceroy and our Indian Protectorate. 

Hyderabad ; and a perusal of that of May 17, 1866, shows 
that hardly more consideration would have been given to 
the late Nizam in i860, if it had not been for the good 
feeling and high-mindedness of Colonel Davidson, who 
seems to have received scant thanks for his pains from his 
own Government. 

Take, for instance, the allegation that is always put pro- 
minently forward by the supporters of Lord Dalhousie s 
policy in 1853, that — inasmuch as the cession, or temporary 
assignment, of the Berars was only demanded in order to 
provide for the punctual payment of the Hyderabad Con- 
tingent, just as the payment of the Hyderabad Subsidiary 
Force had long before been provided for by the cession of 
the Ceded Districts of Madras — the Nizam might have 
avoided the cession by agreeing to disband the Contingents 
This is what Colonel Low (afterwards Sir John Low), 
Lord Dalhousie's Resident, reported of his dealing with 
the Nizam on this particular point : — 

" His Highness here said, in an angry tone of voice, ' Suppose I were to declare that 
I don't want the Contingent at all ?* I answered him instanUr by sajring that I was 
quite prepared for that case, only that the removing of that force from His Highness's 
service must be done gradually, in order to preserve the good faith of the British Govern- 
ment towards those troops, which had been heretofore kept up for the advantage of the 
Hyderabad Government, first by his father's consent, and then by his own, for a long 
course of years, had been trained and disciplined and commanded by British Officers ; 
some years, I said, might perhaps elapse before all those men could either be otherwise 
provided for or discharged, as they might respectively merit, and that until the whole 
could be removed from His Highness's service, we mmt still have command tempararUy 
of districts for their regular payment, ^^ 

The words I have italicised show beyond dispute that it 
is a mere sham to pretend that the Nizam had the option 
of disbanding the Contingent instead of losing his territory. 
And at the last, the Minister Suraj-ul-Mulk (uncle of the 
first Sir Salar Jung) was distinctly told that British troops 
would occupy Hyderabad, and that two regiments were 
actually under orders to march from Poona, in case the 
assent of the Nizam were not forthcoming ! 

I have made these extracts from the Hyderabad Blue- 
Books, because it is notorious that the question of our for- 
cible retention of the Berars has been the weak point of our 
Protectorate policy ever since the strenuous endeavours of 

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The New Viceroy and our Indian Protectorate. 63 

^ late Sir Salar Jung to regain those districts in 1866, 
^6 again in 1876, and the liberal arrangements made by 
that clever Minister for guaranteeing from other sources 
the necessary payments for the Contingent, brought clearly 
before the public the undeniable fact that our general treat- 
ment of the Nizam has not been in accord with our 
professions. 

Lord Canning, on November 19, i860, when restoring 
to the Nizam the Raichore Doab and Dharaseo, distinctly 
instructed the Resident, Colonel Davidson, that the Govern- 
ment of India would not demand from the Nizam, even 
temporarily, more territory than would be fairly sufficient 
to meet the payment of this Contingent, and one or two 
other payments provided for by the Treaty of 1853. He 
wrote — 

" His Excellency in Council is not disposed to accept territory yielding 35 lakhs a year, 
when the Nizam has already been told that we require only so much as will yield 
32 lakhs." 

Yet at this moment the Berars, still held by us for this 
purpose, yield a gross revenue of over 102 lakhs ! And if 
we had adhered to the understanding that our charges for ad- 
ministration should be at the rate then current in the Nizam's 
other dominions of 1 2\ per cent, on the gross collections, 
there would remain a net revenue of nearly 90 lakhs ! Of 
course we pay back into the Nizam s treasury the annual 
surplus, now some 13 or 14 lakhs, that remains after all the 
huge expenditure on the administration, public works, etc., 
and all the stipulated payments have been made. Even 
this small obligation, obviously impossible to be long 
evaded, we did not fulfil for some years — as is shown by 
the letter of the late Sir Salar Jung, which I quote below. 
But it is not the loss of revenue so much as the loss of 
territory, and the consequent loss of prestige, that has 
always been so keenly felt and resented, both by the grand- 
father and by the father of the present Nizam, as well as 
by, it can hardly be doubted, His Highness himself. 

That that resentment has not hitherto, so far as the 
public knows, been officially expressed by the present?^ 



64 The New Viceroy and our Indian Protectorate. 

Nizam, may be due to the fact that the late Sir Salar Jung 
was distinctly promised that the question might be re- 
opened on the occasion of the coming of age of His 
Highness — and the latter doubtless is still awaiting the 
spontaneous fulfilment of this promise by our Government. 
The promise was the last resort of the Government, clearly 
worsted in argument. 

For it seems to me absolutely impossible to defend the 
retention of the Berars, when the Nizam asks for their 
restoration, and is able to furnish other unquestioned 
security for the payments for which their revenues were to 
provide under the Treaties of 1853 and i860. Over and 
over again, in the course of the various negotiations, have 
we been compelled to admit, in the fullest and amplest 
terms, that the Nizam's sovereignty over these districts — 
hard as we tried both in 1853 and in i860 to frighten him 
into relinquishing all or some of it — has throughout been 
maintained intact ; and that we only administer them as a 
** trust" for him, simply to secure these payments, and for 
no other purpose whatever. I believe this was very 
generally felt and acknowledged in official circles, in 1876 
and again in 1881, when the late Sir Salar Jung was 
pressing the Nizam's claims upon us, both in India and at 
home. With some knowledge of the facts, I have no 
hesitation in expressing my opinion that the rendition 
would at that time have been carried out, if it had not 
unfortunately happened that the just claims of the Nizam 
had been obscured by the violent and utterly ridiculous 
and unwarrantable language of some of Sir Salar Jung's 
supporters in the Press — and perhaps to some extent by 
the somewhat exaggerated pretensions of that most able 
and loyal Minister himself. The heat and acrimony of 
those unfortunate controversies have now happily passed 
into oblivion. The young Nizam has come of age, has 
been duly installed on the masnad, and is said to be 
proving himself a capable and intelh'gent ruler. He has 
given the most substantial proofs of his loyalty to the 

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The New Viceroy and our Indian Protectorate. 65 

Paramount Power ; everyone will remember the enthusiasm 
with which His Highnesses letter to Lord Dufferin at the 
time of the Penjdeh affair was received in England — in 
which he offered not only a liberal contribution for frontier 
defence in money, but, what was far better, **his own 
sword if need be/' In i860, Lord Canning gave back to 
His Highnesses father the administration of the Raichore 
Doab and Dharaseo, that had formed a part of the territory 
ceded in 1853 ; and I have seen, by personal observation, 
that the administration of the Raichore Doab will compare 
not unfavourably with our own administration in the neigh- 
bouring British districts. Lord Elgin may well claim the 
privilege of completing the act of justice commenced by 
Lord Canning in i860. 

It will be seen that the reason alleged by Sir Salar Jung 
why, in 1866, he dared to put forward claims that he might 
have been afraid to speak of at an earlier period, was, that 
the Queen's Proclamation had inaugurated a new era in 
our relations with the Native Powers of India. Here are 
two extracts from Sir Salar s letter, addressed to the British 
Resident on October 27, 1866 \-^ 

From Salar Jung, Minister of His Highness the Nizam, to Sir George Yule, C.B., 
K.C.S.I., Resident at Hyderabad.— (No. i8), dated Hyderabad, 27th October 1866. 

My dear Sir Grorge Yule, — I am very reluctant to trouble you and the Govern- 
ment of India with this letter, but circumstances and the repeated inquiries of His High* 
ness the Nizam on the subject render it necessary for me to do so. 

2. You are aware from the correspondence on record in your office of the great diffi- 
culty with which His Highness the late Nizam was persuaded to assign Berai to the 
British Government in 1853. The British Government, in the first instance, desired the 
districts should be ceded in perpetuity, to which His Highness would not consent, and it 
was only to prevent the unpleasantness inseparable from pecuniary transactions between the 
tvro Governments, and the assurances of General Low that the assignment would be just 
the same thing as giving districts into the charge of Arab or other Jemadars, that His 
Highness was prevailed upon to accede to the measure, expecting that he would derive 
considerable benefit by it. Accordingly, the terms of the Treaty required accounts to be 
furnished yearly, and the surplus to be paid to His Highness ; but it is well known that 
neither of these conditions was fulfilled. In consequence of this, the Circar applied to 
the British Government for the restoration of districts held in excess of the amount 
required by Treaty, as well as the accounts and surplus which may have accumulated 
during this period. The districts of Raichoor, etc., were restored, but no surplus was 
paid, nor any accounts rendered ; but as the British Government gave up the claim of 
50 lakhs against the Nizam, His Highness could not with propriety press the demand, 
and therefore acceded to the supplemental Treaty of i860, which dispensed with the 
accounts altogether for ihe ** past, prftsent, or future," but rendered it obligatory on the 
British authorities to pay the surplus thereafter to His Highness, expecting that thence- 

NEW SERIES. VOL. VIL E^ t 

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66 The New Viceroy and our Indian Protectorate. 

forward, at least, the surplus would be paid to him regularly. In this expectation, like- 
wise the Circar has been disappointed up to this time, although six years have elapsed, 
and His Highness has not received a rupee of the surplus yet ; and, if anything is paid 
hereafter, it can only be a small sum, considering our expectations and the very great 
expenditure allowed in Berar. I have no official data on which to speak, but I under- 
stand the revenues of the assigned districts have amounted to about 50 lakhs, 27 of which 
being appropriated to the purposes of the Treaty, the remaining 23 lakhs are absorbed in 
administrative establishments, public works, etc. ; thus the latter expenditure is nearly 
eight annas on the rupee, about four times as much as was incurred on this account under 
our direct management. Berar is one of the most productive portions of His Highnesses 
dominions, and the surplus revenues it is capable of yielding ought to be shared in by 
the less fortunate divisions of the country, and not appropriated exclusively for the benefit 
of Berar itself. This is more particularly felt at the present time, when the scarcity of 
com presses so heavily on the people, and the urgent need of works of irrigation, etc., to 
extend cultivation is so manifest ; and you are aware that these works are much more 
needed here than in Berar. 

3. This Government has not the means of carr]ring out many administrative reforms, 
as you know. The civil establishments are very much underpaid, and to make them 
efficient, liberal salaries must be offered to attract men of ability and character. The 
police department also requires considerable outlay towards its efficiency, and in public 
works, such as cutcherries, works of irrigation, etc. , not only are new works imperatively 
called for, but old ones stand much in need of repairs ; and, to meet all these demands, 
considerable sums of money are required, which this Government in its present financial 
state cannot afford. Although the credit of this Government is pretty good with the 
capitalists of the country, as compared with former administrations, yet it cannot raise 
loans to be repaid at pleasure, as the British Government can do. 

4. Under the circumstances above stated, it is but natural that His Highness should 
seek to have Berar restored to him, which has indeed been his desire all along, if satis- 
factory arrangements can be made for the payment of the Contingent, etc. 

5. That such arrangements are practicable I beg leave now to submit, trusting my 
representations will meet with the same kind and liberal consideration from the British 
Government which this Circar has always experienced. • . . 

16. As the British Government is now disposed to do strict justice to Indian rulers, 
and to carry out the spirit of Her Majesty's gracious Proclamation, the apprehension that 
claims of this nature would create annoyance and displeasure has been dissipated, and I 
am emboldened to bring forward these just claims, feeling assured that a generous con- 
sideration will be given them by His Excellency the Viceroy, and the districts will be 
restored to His Highness. 

17. It may possibly be objected that the restoration of Berar to the Nizam would bring 
back the former misrule and disorder ; but you may have observed that this has not been 
the case with regard to the restored districts of Raichoor, Dharaseo, etc., in which the 
system of administration uiider the British Government is continued in all its main 
features ; and not only so, but the same system is being introduced into all the other 
districts under this Circar. In respect to Berar, also, there would be little or no change 
in the system pursued, and the native officials, trained to the work under British officers, 
would be either continued or sent into other districts to carry out the same system of ad- 
ministration. 

18. I have received many kindnesses from the British Government, for which I feel a 
sincere attachment, and desire its welfare quite as much as I do that of my own Govern- 
ment ; but His Excellency will perceive that it is only an act of justice for which I am 
now pleading, and I am sure the well-known generosity and sense of justice of His Excel- 
lency will pardon the intrusion on his time and attention. 

Sir Salar Jung had full authority for his view that a new 
and more just and liberal policy towards Native Princes 

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The New Viceroy and our Indian Protectorate. 67 

had been definitely adopted by the British Government. 
For, more than three months before this letter was written, 
the present Lord Salisbury — then Lord Cranborne, M.P. 
for Stamford, and Secretary of State for India — had 
publicly used the following weighty words in a speech to 
his constituents at Stamford on July 12, 1866 : — 

" Thirty years a(go the predominant idea with many English statesmen was that our 
interest in India consisted in extending our territory to the largest possible extent. To 
that annexation policy the terrible disaster of the Mutiny of 1857 must to a large extent 
be ascribed. But as time has gone on, that desire of increased dominion which is the 
natural temptation of all powerful States has been overcome, and Statesmen of all Parties 
have arrived at the conclusion that we now hold in India pretty well as much as we can 
govern, and that we should be pursuing an unwise and dangerous policy if we tried to 
extend our borders, or to lessen the power or the permanence of those Native Rulers upon 
whose assistance we have so long relied. I believe the Native Princes were formerly the 
objects of jealousy and distrust to English rulers, but within the last ten years a great 
change has come over the spirit of our statesmanship in that respect ; and there is now, I 
think, a general desire to uphold them in the rights and honours which they justly earned 
by their loyal support at the time of the Mutiny, and to look upon them, not as impedi- 
ments to our rule, but as its most useful auxiliaries." 

The East India Association, in its Address to Lord 
Elgin, pointed out that the noble and generous spirit, 
breathed in these words of our ex-Premier, was also dis- 
played in the dealings of Lord Lytton's and Lord Ripon's 
Government with the State of Mysore. Though the con- 
ditions imposed on the Mahdrdjd of Mysore at the time of 
the Rendition erred much — as is now apparent— on the 
side of undue restrictions, yet it was apparent throughout 
those dealings that these restrictions were imposed, not to 
lower the dignity or hurt the feelings of the Prince, but to 
secure the good government of the people. A similar sense 
of justice was displayed by Lord Dufferin s Government, 
when it restored to the MahArAjd Sindhia of Gwalior the 
ancient fortress of Gwalior. Would not Lord Elgin do 
well to maintain and improve on these excellent traditions ? 

Lord Salisbury's speech quoted above disposes entirely 
of the suggestion that we should incur any loss of real 
power or prestige by giving back to the Nizam what un- 
doubtedly belongs to him ; and one is glad to observe that 
his lordship did not condescend even to notice the ignoble 
fear of the loss of patronage, which is generally said to be 
the real reason why we so persistently stick to wrong-doing. 

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68 The New Viceroy and our Indian Protectorate, 

In point of fact, the sole argument for the retention of the 
Berars that is worth a moment s consideration, is that which 
was frankly and honourably put forward by the Times of 
India and the Civil and Military Gazette at the time of 
the controversy with Sir Salar Jung. The Times of India 
thus wrote on September 19, 1881 : — 

" The Lahore paper regrets that the Berar question is to be reopened. ' To discuss the 
restoration of Berar to the Nizam's Government is pure nonsense, it is highly immoral, 
the subject should be closed once and for all with a straightforward declaration that Berar, 
having so long enjoyed the advantages of English administration — having in short become 
to all intents and purposes a British Province — can never be allowed to fall again under 
Native rule. All this trifling of humanitarian statesmanship with what it is pleased to 
regard as Native " rights " creates vast mischief. It excites hopes which if realized would 
cause the relapse of large portions of India into barbarism. * The humanitarian statesman 
is, in this instance at any rate, infinitely more dangerous than his rival, the Jinga The 
latter, at all events, proceeds on the wholesome rule of the survival of the fittest ; the 
former argues on principles which, if carried out to their conclusion, imply the equality of 
men and apes.' " 

Now that is a perfectly plain and intelligible argument ; 
and 1 have no doubt carried much weight at the time it 
was written. The British Government would indeed be in 
a cleft stick, if it had to choose between keeping what does 
not belong to it, or allowing ** the relapse of large portions 
of India into barbarism." And to the two able and honour- 
able journals that adopted this view, it was not so easy to 
answer it then as it is now. But surely, after our experience 
of the administration of the Raichore Doab by the Nizam's 
Government — and of that of the whole State of Mysore 
by the Mahdrdjd's Government — it would be simply silly 
nonsense at this time of day to talk about territories 
** lapsing into barbarism " merely because they are handed 
back to Native rule. Why, I have myself travelled in 
many of the most remote corners of the territories I have 
named ; I have talked with all sorts and conditions of men 
there ; and I have heard from English settlers there, both 
official and non-official, that they could not be better off 
under direct British rule. And this is well-known and 
admitted to be the general experience. And as to ** lapsing 
into barbarism," let me quote the summary, published in 
the Times of Dec. 4th, of the speech of Sir K. Sheshadri 
Iyer, K. C.S.I, to the Representative Assembly of Mysore 



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The New Viceroy and our Indian Protectorate, 69 

on Oct. 23rd last. Sir Sheshadri, himself one of the ablest 
administrators in India, is justly proud of the achievements 
of Native rule since the rendition — which is, of course, 
what he refers to when he compares the figures of to-day 
with the figures of **ten or eleven years ago.*' Here is the 
,Times summary : — 

Thb Mysore Representative Assembly. — The 13th meeting of the Representative 
Assembly of Mysore was held on the 23rd of October, when the Dewan, Sir K. Sheshadri 
Iyer, delivered an address, from which the following extracts are taken. After quoting 
with gratification Lord Lansdowne's recent statement that " there is probably no State in 
India where the ruler and the ruled are on more satisfactory terms '' than in Mysore, the 
Minister goes on to say that the past year was one of exceptional financial prosperity, the 
State revenue (excluding railways) having reached the unprecedented total of 165^ lakhs. 
In the last 10 or 11 years the revenue has increased by more than 60 per cent. The land 
revenue, which produces considerably more than half the total revenue, showed an 
increase alone of 16,49,000 rupees, of which about 3 lakhs were due to expansion of cul- 
tivation. T^ie extent of lands under occupation increased from 5,685,162 acres in 
1891-92 to 5,891,268 in 1892-93. The area brought under cultivation during the last 
12 years has increased by 49 per cent, and the assessment by 31 per cent Under the 
head of excise there is also a notable increase of 9,93,724 rupees, attributed to the greater 
consumption of spirits by men working on the gold fields. With regard to gold, the 
quantity extracted exceeded that of the previous year by 32,757 ounces, and the royalty 
to the Government increased by 71,673 rupees. Among the variety of subjects referred 
to in this address is the important subject of infant marriage, on which the Minister 
adopts what might be called an apologetic, or at least explanatory, tone. Legislation is 
contemplated on the subject, and a regulation has been drafted with the view of creating 
discussion on the subject. Sir Sheshadri Iyer says : — " The measure is in some quarters 
r^;arded as an undue interference with the liberty of the subject, but you are doubtless 
aware that the action of the Government in the matter is merely a response to the 
general sentiment of the country, which, we have reason to believe, demands the aboli* 
tion, under the authority of the law, of certain usages which are as much opposed to the 
spirit of the Hindu Shastras as to the best interests of society." 

Now, if anyone were to be so foolish or so unjust as to 
talk at this time of day of territories ** lapsing into bar- 
barism " on being made over to Native rule, surely we 
might point to this marvellous record of prosperity and 
progress, and ask where in British India we can beat it ! 
No one could possibly be less inclined than myself to 
minimise, in any way or in any degree whatever, the 
glorious achievements of my own fellow-countrymen in 
India — they are, and must always be, the source of un- 
bounded pride and gratification to every Englishman. But 
it is only a poor pride that can regard the belittling of the 
achievements of others as necessary to the proper ap- 
preciation of those of our own race. In Mysore City I 
have myself inspected a High-caste Girls' School of some 

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JO The New Viceroy and our Indian Protectorate. 

40b pupils, all ladies of some social position ; and I was 
then forced to admit that I had never seen such a clear 
indication of advanced civilisation and enlightenment in 
any city of British India. We have not yet attained to 
the point of having a ** Representative Assembly " of the 
popular nature of that addressed by Sir Sheshadri Iyer. 
And I can bear personal testimony to the efficiency of the 
Famine-relief arrangements that were provided by the 
Nizam's Government, under the Nawdb Azam Yar Jang, 
in the Raichore Doab in 1892. It is clearly not a question 
of ** lapsing into barbarism"; it is a question of honourable 
and not unequally matched competition between English- 
men and Indians. 

In this paper I have confined my remarks mainly to one 
particularly strong case for reform and redress in our 
Protectorate relations — that of our unjust retention of the 
Berars. I have alluded also to the hard measure meted 
out to the Mysore State in arranging the terms of the 
rendition. I see that Dr. Leitner, who is certainly not 
biased in favour of Kashmir, lends the weight of his 
great Frontier experience to complaints of our treat- 
• ment of that Ally. These, and many other points that are 
pressed on the attention of the careful student of Indian 
affairs, cannot be dealt with at the fag-end of an article 
that has already grown too long. But the Viceroy has in 
his own hands, by a very wise and proper arrangement, 
the portfolio of " Foreign affairs " — that is, of our relations 
with the Indian Princes ; and all these things will come 
before His Excellency in due course, who will assuredly 
deal with them in the spirit of Jeremy Bentham's maxim, 
•* Bad faith is always bad policy." 

Carlton Club, Dec. 4, 1893. 



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A UNIVERSITY FOR BURxMA. 

By the Hon. Mr. Justice Jardine. 
First President of the Burma Board of Education. 

The demand of the Educational Board of Burma for 
incorporation as a University at Rangoon merits the 
notice of statesmen. It is one of a series of acts which, 
during the last decade or two, have embodied the aspira- 
tions of the Province towards completer institutions. There 
has been talk of a petition to get Burma created a Crown 
Colony, separated from India, as was done in the case of 
Singapore and the Straits Settlements. Many endeavours 
have been made by the mercantile and legal communities, 
backed by the highest officials, to obtain a local High 
Court, and so do away with the costly system of appeals 
to Calcutta. These proposals have however not met with 
popular enthusiasm or support ; and it is doubtful whether 
they will be realised within measurable time. But the 
idea of a University has been hailed with favour by the 
people, if we may judge by the public meetings, held in 
the cities and large towns, to strengthen the hands of the 
Board of Education. 

The immediate cause of the agitation was the reduction 
by the University of Calcutta, of the number of local centres 
of examination of candidates, against the advice of the 
Board and the Director of Government Education. There 
are but scanty means for forming a sound judgment whether 
the authorities in Bengal or those in Burma were in the 
right. The issue is, I think, immaterial, as the real causes 
of the movement are deeper and more interesting. They 
concern chiefly the two great educative agencies, the order 
of Burman Buddhist monks and the Christian missions : 
but they touch also the whole literary and technical develop- 
ment, and therefore must be studied along with the history 
of education in Burma. The Director of Education leads 
the new movement, in company with the Chief Justice, and 
my venerable friend, the learned Bishop Bigandet. Google 



72 A University for But ma. 

Buddhism differs from Brahmanism in its strong leanings 
to equality, its dislike of caste distinctions, its contempt for 
superstitions, and its opening the fountains of knowledge to 
all. According to all accounts the Buddhist monks, as 
common schoolmasters, have deserved well of the people. 
As in older Christendom, a boys' school was and is 
attached to every monastery. Thus when the State system 
of schools began, the officials found a fairly educated people, 
supporting an ancient and indigenous system of schools, in 
which not only the three R's, but also the national religion 
and morality were taught. Years ago it was shown by 
statistics that in matters of common schooling, Burma stood 
intermediate between Belgium and Austria. About the 
year 1720^ the Pope sent Italian missionaries to Burma, 
who at once began starting schools of a most practical 
kind, including even technical classes. About a century 
later, the American Baptists, with the Judsons as pioneers,, 
entered on the same field : and these two great agencies 
have ever since exercised a widening influence on the 
country. The Church of England and other denominations 
have also joined in the work with much success. The 
grant-in-aid system brought all the religious schools into 
line : and the results of this devoted labour were the same 
as in India. To supply the demand for higher education, 
schools began to turn into colleges ; and questions arose 
which neither the University at Calcutta nor the local 
Government officials, could settle to the general satisfac- 
tion. At length about ten years ago Sir C. Bernard went 
the next stage, by creating the Educational Board to 
manage education. Thus officials, Buddhists, missionaries 
and others interested in learning were brought together at 
the same table. This Institution has worked ever since 
most successfully. It has conducted all the local examina- 
tions, including those for the Bar and the public service : 
dispensed the grants-in-aid ; and established a college and 
a Free Library, full of learned and other books. As with 
the missionaries, so with the Buddhist monks : having 

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A University for Burma 75 

representation on the Board, the voluntary agencies have 
worked in most friendly agreement with the State ; while 
the quarrels between the religious and secular views of 
things, which have desolated Belgium and obtruded into 
the London School Board, have never been waged in 
Burma. 

In the meantime, the conquest of Upper Burma has 
disestablished the Buddhist Church, to which of course the 
people cling : and with the fall of ancient and venerated 
institutions, there arises a longing for others, neW but 
stately. Hence a golden opportunity occurs for some 
statesman like Mountstuart Elphinstone of Bombay ; or 
those other rulers of India, who, in the very year of the 
Mutiny, created the older Universities. Some means 
must be found of upholding the general respect for the 
monastery schools; and there will be need of tact and 
forbearance to induce the clergy to graft the science of the 
West on the religious morals of the East. 

The missionaries and monks, having had a potent voice 
in all matters of education since the Board was started, feel 
more keenly than ever their exclusion from all direct in- 
fluence over the University at Calcutta, from which Rangoon 
is 800 miles distant, involving a voyage of four days each 
way and great expense. This inconvenience is more felt 
by men living up country in the wilds. Distance alone 
would justify the University in refraining to appoint men 
in Burma to its Senate : and most of the missionaries and 
Buddhists in Burma will admit that they have no claim to 
meddle with affairs in Bengal, the two countries being so 
different in their development, races, languages, religions 
and habits. The Rev. John Marks, D.D., Warden of 
the Church of England College, a man foremost in 
all questions of education, has objected to the Bengali 
Baboos of the Calcutta Senate having anything to say to 
Burma. The Buddhist monks do not write to the news- 
papers, but their feelings and objections must be very 
much stronger. To the learned Buddhist, Pali is the 

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74 A University for Burma. 

sacred language : it is alao the source of the religion and 
morality taught to the children. But what can a Bengali 
Brahman care for Buddhism ? To him Sanskrit is like the 
chief wife or the first-born son, married or begotten from 
motives of duty. Pali, if he studies it at all, is only a 
second string to his bow. All Indian Literature, legal or 
philosophical, is imbued with Buddhism before the Burmans 
will adopt it. Again, the local and hardly known literature 
of the Burmans themselves, of the Takings, the Shans 
and other tribes can only receive development in Burma : 
all that we know of it is due to monks and missionaries, 
and a few local scholars who have made Burma their own, 
like the late Dr. Forchhammer and Professor James Gray. 
I think the authorities ought to see to it, that the national 
feeling, which always surrounds the literature, is not ignored 
or treated with unlearned indifference. While the settled 
neutral policy of the British Government in the Indian 
Empire excludes it from active interference in matters 
religious, it is not required to be unsympathetic ; and if we 
may judge from the tenor of the literature issuing from the 
Mission presses, there is no desire in Burma to undervalue 
what the Buddhist teachers have done. Indeed I remember 
that it was through the kindly encouragement of a Christian 
missionary, that the monks were induced to attend the 
opening of the Library by Sir C. Bernard ; and most men of 
reflection think, that the religious influence is the only one, 
that can really deal with the prevalence of gambling and 
similar vices among the young. No statesman in Burma 
has yet advised that Buddhism should be left out in the cold : 
and a few monks or laymen of learning would add to the 
dignity of a Senate, as they do at present to the Board. The 
same principles apply to the Missionaries, they being as a 
class the pioneers of Western learning, and the men best 
acquainted with the daily control of colleges. They are 
without rival in their care of such backward races as the 
Karens : and from them more than from any other body, 
the impetus to the higher learning must come. How 

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A University for Burma. 75 

greatly this is needed is a commonplace in the mouths of 
all, who know the general deficiency in medical or legal 
study, or the difficulty of getting competent hands to man 
the subordinate official service. There are hardly any 
Burman graduates in any Faculty. 

If there were no Universities in Ireland, and degrees 
were given from London only, the local Catholics and 
Presbyterians being excluded from the Senate, we would 
have a parallel to the academical position of Burma. But 
the distances are greater between Bengal and Burma : and 
the peoples have different languages, creeds and characters. 
It would be more exact to imagine the higher education of 
Spain or Portugal, as being under the control of London. 
The questions raised now by the Board of Education are : — 
why should not the seven millions of Burma have a Univer- 
sity of their own ? why should not the Burmans develop 
themselves and their learning in their own way "i The 
obstacle is not the want of money, as the Board report 
that the new departure will require no increased grant. A 
respectable minority is averse to the change : but the only 
published argument against it is the usual plea for delay, 
that the time has not yet come. This plea was used ad 
nauseam against even the present Board in its first lustrum : 
and was always met with the reply, that on the foundations 
of the Board, the University of the future, was being 
reared ; and to me at least, it seems suspicious, after the 
Board has been crowned with success, that the prophets of 
evil should so soon refurbish the arguments out of the old 
debates, in order to bind Burma more tightly to Bengal. 
They ignore the necessity which exists in Burma of having 
some great institution where the Burmans and the British, 
clerical and lay, official or non-official, may meet on terms 
of respect and esteem. For this purpose, as a long ex- 
perience in the University of Bombay convinces me, there 
is nothing like a Republic of Letters. 



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76 



THE LAST CENSUS OF INDIA (1891). 

By John Beames, B.C.S. (Ret.). 

The results of this important operation are now before the 
public in the form of a Parliamentary Bluebook of the 
modest dimensions of less than three hundred pages. In 
these narrow limits is contained a mass of information 
regarding the people of India, digested with admirable 
lucidity, and expounded in a style so attractive as to make 
even the driest details interesting. The following rapid 
survey takes note only of the salient points, for details the 
reader is referred to the report itself. 

The first thing that strikes an old Indian official is the 
absence of any mention of opposition on the part of the 
natives. If this really means that no opposition was met 
with, it is very satisfactory as showing remarkable progress 
in appreciation of the objects of their rulers by the people 
at large. In 1871, when we took the first census that had 
any claim to be considered general, the most absurd rumours 
were rife. Children were to be killed to obtain their blood 
for this or that purpose, or were to be buried alive to ensure 
the stability of some public building ; women were to be 
carried off" as wives for the British soldiers ; the whole 
population was to be forcibly converted to Christianity; 
and so forth. At the second census in 1881 there was less 
of this ignorant opposition, but even then the Sonthals were 
disquieted by idle rumours and it was necessary to take the 
census in their hills during the daytime when their women 
were sent away into the jungle, and a couple of regiments 
had to be promenaded through the district to ensure tran- 
quillity. On the present occasion we hear nothing of such 
opposition, and the actual enumeration of the whole country 
took only four hours of the night of the 26th February. 
The results showing a total of about 287 million persons 
were compiled with such expedition and accuracy that they 

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The Last Census of India (1891). ^^ 

were published within five weeks from the date of the 
census with a difiference of only five persons in every 
thousand, or one-half per cent., from the finally corrected 
returns. 

The actual figures for the total population are 287,223,431 
or, including French and Portuguese possessions and some 
wild and frontier tracts estimated rather than actually 
counted, 289,187,316 or about one-fifth of the total popula- 
tion of the globe as at present computed. Of this total, 
77 per cent, or 221,172,952 is the population of the territory 
under direct British rule, and 23 per cent, or 66,050,479 
that of the feudatory and dependent States ; a proportion 
which strikingly recalls old Ranjit Singh's prophecy, sab Idl 
ho jdegd^ It will all become red.* 

Descending to provincial details we find the following 
figures : 

1. Bengal 71,346,987 or 2484 per cent, of all India. 

2. N. W. Provinces and Oudh 46,905,085 „ 1633 „ „ 

3. Madras 35.630,440 i» 12-40 „ „ 

4. Panjab 20,866,847 „ 7*09 „ „ 

5. Bombay and Sindh ... 18,857,044,, 6*56 „ „ 

6. Central Provinces ... • 10,784,294 „ 3*75 „ „ 

7. Burroah 7,605,560 „ 2-66 „ „ 

8. Other Provinces! ... 9,176,695 „ 3*20 „ „ 

It may be interesting to note that Bengal, the largest of 
the provinces is equal in area to the whole United Kingdom 
with a second Scotland thrown in, and in population to the 
United States of America including Mexico. Madras equals 
in size Prussia and Saxony and in population those two 
kingdoms with Wurtemburg added. Bombay is as large 
and as populous as Spain, Holland and Norway, while the 
Panjab and Sindh are about equivalent to Austria- Hungary 
and the North West Provinces and Oudh to the German 
Empire. 

In examining the distribution of the population the 
principal characteristic is its generally rural type. Large 

* In most maps of India British possessions are coloured red. 

t Assam, the Berars, Ajmer, Curg, Aden, Biluchistan, the Andaraans, etc 

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78 The Last Census of India (1891). 

towns are few and far between, and the small weekly 
markets so common everywhere have prevented the rise of 
small towns. In England 53 per cent, of the population is 
found to reside in 182 towns of 20,cxx) inhabitants and 
upwards. In India there are 227 towns of that size, but 
only 4*84 per cent, of the people reside in them. In all 
this vast area there are only 28 towns with a populatfon of 
more than 100,000. Including its numerous suburbs, the 
exclusion of which from its total is as absurd as it would 
be to exclude Southwark or Kensington from London, the 
metropolis Calcutta has 961,670 or very close on one 
million inhabitants. Bombay, the second city in the empire, 
has 821,764. No other town has more than half this 
population. In the rural areas the average number of 
persons to the square mile is for the whole of India 184, 
but this is the mean of a very wide range of figures. In 
northern Behar where the greatest density of population 
exists, as many as 930 to the square mile (Saran district) 
and in upper Burmah as few as 4 (Khyndwin) are found. 
There does not seem to be any tendency on the part of the 
rural population to migrate into towns. The cultivator is 
intensely attached to his native village and even when 
compelled to leave it for a time in search of a livelihood, 
he invariably returns there as soon as possible. The 
ordinary habits and customs of daily life are to a Hindu 
matters of religion, and it is only in a village that he can 
find the open air and space which his habits require. Even 
his towns are more like large villages than towns. It is 
not probable that for a long time to come there will be any 
great migration of the people. Only a very few districts 
are as yet at all congested, and even in them all efforts to 
induce the people to migrate have utterly failed. Moreover 
although the tendency of British administration is to protect 
life against conditions inimical to it — war, famine and sick- 
ness ; and although the number of children annually born 
is very large, still the resources of the country are so 
enormous, and with the exception of agriculture, as yet so 

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The Last Census of India (1891). 79 

little explored, that it seems probable that the soil will be 
able for a long time to come to support the population. 

With regard to the occupations of the people some 
difficulty was experienced in obtaining accurate informa- 
tion. One fact however stands out prominently. Persons 
occupied in owning, farming, and cultivating, land amount 
to 62 per cent, or nearly two-thirds of the total population. 
Another significant fact is that persons who have property 
which makes it unnecessary for them to work for their 
bread amount only to 193,291 or less than one-twentieth 
per cent. It is the absence of a cultivated and leisured 
class that retards the development of the country. As 
however the figures under this head are admittedly im- 
perfect it will perhaps be better not to attempt to draw 
inferences from them. We pass to what will be to many 
the most interesting section of the Report — the ethno- 
graphical distribution of the people. This is treated under 
the three great heads of Language, Religion, and Caste. 
Under the first head the figures are not quite complete, 
and where there are so very many dialects it is impossible 
to expect that ignorant enumerators should in all cases 
return them correctly, or that the Superintendents of 
Provinces though highly-educated gentlemen should have 
studied the science of Philology sufficiently to enable them 
to discriminate the mass of languages and dialects accurately. 
The list of languages comprises 80 in all, but this includes 
European languages as English, French, and German, and 
any language spoken by travellers, or temporary residents. 
There are also many inaccuracies in classification, as where 
Marwari which is a mere dialect of Hindi is returned as a 
separate language, or Urdu as a distinct language from 
Hindi. But perhaps a really scientific classification could 
only be expected from trained philologists. As the figures 
stand Hindi is facile princeps in Indian languages being 
spoken by 89 millions. Bengali comes next with 41 millions ; 
next, longo intervallo are Telugu with 19 and Marathi with 
18, millions respectively. On the whole this section of the 
report is the least satisfactory of the work. Cooale 

igi ize y g 



8o The Last Census of India ( 1 89 1 ). 

Under the head of religion the principal fact is that more 
than 72 per cent, of the population call themselves Hindus. 
What Hinduism is is difficult to say and the difficulty is not 
much diminished by the remarks in the report. It is at any 
rate far from correct to describe it as ** primarily and his- 
torically the antithesis of Islam/* Hinduism in almost its 
present shape certainly existed in full force before a single 
Muslim trod the shores of India; Muhamad Kasim found 
it in Sindh on his first expedition very much in the same 
form as that in which it exists at the present day. But a 
census report is hardly the proper place for discussing the 
origin and development of a vast and complicated religious 
system. After the 207 millions of Hindus, come next in 
number 57 million Musulmans, 9 million wild tribes pro- 
fessing religions grouped under the not very intelligible or 
suitable title of Animism, 7 million Buddhists, nearly 2. 
million Sikhs, a million and a half of Jains, and upwards 
of 2 million Christians, more than half of whom are 
Roman Catholics. Of the Musulmans who number about 
one fifth of the whole population, a large majority are con- 
verted Hindus, for the process of conversion which began 
with the first Mahomedan invasions is still at work in 
Eastern Bengal and probably in other provinces also. So 
steadily and continuously has this process gone on that in 
the present census the Musulmans in Bengal amount to 23 
millions out of 71. or about one third, and in the eastern 
districts they are considerably more than half the popu- 
lation. A more varied and generous diet, the absence of 
child marriages, and of prohibition of widow-marriage, com- 
bine to promote longevity and fecundity and it is therefore 
not surprising to find that the growth of the population is 
abnormally rapid among this class. The Panjab comes 
next in order of Musalman population, with 11 millions or 
a little more than half the provincial total. In Kashmir 
also they number more than half, but in all other parts of 
India they form a very small minority. Of the seven 
millions of Buddhists six and nine-tenths are of course in 

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The Last Census of India (1891). 81 

Burmah ; of the two million Christians one and three 
quarters are in Madras and about 200,000 in Bengal, 
while Bombay has 161,770 and Burmah 120,768. The 
Christian population, however, includes 247,790 or more 
than one-tenth of Europeans and Eurasians, leaving in 
round numbers two million native converts. 

In considering the question of caste the census Com- 
missioner has not been able to avoid the temptation of 
theorizing on so fascinating a subject, with the result that it is 
not very easy without protracted study to make out what 
principle has been followed in the Census. The confusion 
between a man's caste and his actual occupation which 
troubled us so much in former census-taking is here still 
further complicated by an artificial division called " functional 
classification " under which Rajputs appear in the amazing 
position of '* A, Agricultural and Pastoral. I. Military and 
Dominant," and Brahmans as a caste disappear altogether, 
with the exception of some 14 million entered as Priests 
which can be only a very small portion of this numerous 
and pre-eminent caste. In fact by this ill-judged manner 
of treating the subject, the figures for caste come to be 
little more than those for occupation somewhat differently 
arranged, and this chapter of the report reads like^a con- 
densation from the various provincial reports made without 
sufficient knowledge of the subject. There are many 
assertions which if taken literally can only be considered 
as absolute errors, while there are others which without 
some explanation are unintelligible to anyone who has 
lived long in India and knows the people well. 

Another chapter is devoted to education. From it wc 
learn that twelve millions can read and write, while 3 
millions are learning, and 246 millions are entirely illiterate. 
Those who are distressed by these figures may derive 
some comfort from learning that in the Census of 1881 
the illiterates were 95*20 per cent, whereas now they are 
only 94*44 an increase of 76 or 21 millions. This is some- 
thing though not perhaps very much. The Census^Com-j 

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\ 



82 The Last Census of India (1891). 

missioner is, however, in error as regards the education 
imparted at village schools, \4iich he says does not include 
reading or writing but merely the learning by heart of 
portions of the Kuran or of Hindu Scriptures. The real 
fact is that in the open-air \\\\dig^ pdth-sdlas or schools by 
whatever name locally known, reading, writing and the 
elements of arithmetic — the " three R's " in fact — are very 
efficiently taught, and are not, as Mr. Baines asserts, for- 
gotten in after-life. 

Of the 15 millions who are returned as "literate" and 
" learning," approximately three quarters of a million only 
are females. Small as this proportion is, it is nevertheless 
an increase, upon the last census, of about one in a thousand ; 
for whereas in 1881 four females in every thousand were 
literate or learning, there are now six. Among the higher 
castes in Bengal, and among the Parsis, instances are now 
not uncommon of ladies being not merely taught, but highly 
educated ; and both races can boast of really talented 
authoresses. These are only small beginnings, but they are 
full of hope ; 

'* A beam in darkness, let it grow.'' 

• 

The entire number of natives returned as knowing English 
is only. 386,000 and this includes schoolboys. Only 4 per 
cent, of these reach the Universities and the results of the 
University examinations still further reduce the number. 
It is startling to find that of every hundred students who 
presented themselves for Matriculation at the three great 
Universities 52 failed in Calcutta, 73 in Madras and 74 in 
Bombay. Of the small proportion that succeed in getting 
in, 34 per cent, in Calcutta, 26 per cent, in Madras and 5 1 in 
Bombay failed to graduate. As a result the really educated 
population amounts to 213 thousand out of 287 millions, or 
less than one in a thousand. 

There are many other interesting topics suggested by 
the census figures such as those of the proportions of the 
sexes, marriage, female infanticide and the like, but over 
all these subjects there hovers an uncertainty as to the 

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The Last Census of India ( 1 89 1 ) . 83 

accuracy of the figures which deprives them of much of 
their value. Undoubtedly among many sections of the 
population there is a strong tendency to conceal all matters 
relating to their females, while among others a con- 
temptuous carelessness leads to incorrect returns. It is 
disappointing not to have clearer light on the extent to 
which polygamy, polyandry, the levirate, and female 
infanticide still exist, though to a great extent localized. 
Widow marriage is far commoner than was supposed, but 
very early marriages are still too much the rule especially 
among Hindus, and as a consequence of the comparative 
shortness of life among natives of all parts of India, the 
number of widows is abnormally large. The number of 
males who reach the age of 60 in India is only 4*8 per cent 
against 7*8 in England and 11*85 in France; for females 
the figure is only 5*88 against 7*8 for England and 12 '5 
for France. 

In conclusion it must be observed that with a country so 
varied in all its conditions as India a general report is of 
less practical value than a series of provincial reports, not 
only because the latter are able to enter more into detail, 
while in the former important matters have to be boiled 
down to almost nothing, but because the superintendents 
of operations in the different provinces being possessed of 
great local knowledge and familiarity with the people are 
better able to judge of the significance of the figures than 
one who, however eminent and skilful, only looks at them 
from a distance and can only take a general view of them. 
With all these drawbacks however the Report submitted to 
Parliament is a very able record of an excellently performed 
task. 



F 2 



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84 



COW-KILLING RIOTS,SEDITIOUS PAMPHLETS 
AND THE INDIAN POLICE. 

In the lull that precedes a storm vessels have been known 
to escape by good steering. It would be well if the 
critics of my paper on the cow-killing riots, were to study 
the question with which it deals by the aid of my sugges- 
tions and with the light of the authorities, Sunni, Shiah 
and European, which I quote. Indeed, this will have to 
be done if Lord Lansdowne's parting Resolution of firing 
into riotous crowds with ball, instead of blank cartridge, 
without apparently any previous warning, is not to become 
a reality in a country which he found in peace and leaves in 
a panic. Englishmen and Natives, of whatever creed, pro- 
vided they are believers and of good birth, have now to 
consult and act together in the interests of peace, or India 
will be endangered by those Reformers who are worrying 
it into revolt. Official and native opinion, of every shade, 
is no longer consulted as fully and fairly as it was in the 
conservative and patriarchal days. The Government of 
Jndia no longer decides on what it has fully examined, but 
leaves the decision of vital questions to irresponsible opinion 
in England, or is guided by the sudden impulses of half- 
knowledge. Of this, the much-vaunted Speech of Lord 
Lansdowne on the cow-killing riots is an instance. 

The speech as telegraphed to the Times errs in implying 
that cow-killing is ** the ritual which Muhammadans have 
ever followed," though it advises them not to do so 
ostentatiously, whilst it leaves a standing grievance to the 
Hindus in the announcement that "the slaughter of kine 
for the purpose of sacrifice, or for food, will never be put 
a stop to." He admits that he cannot ** fathom the intensity 
of the feelings of affection and veneration with which the 
majority of Indians regard the cow" and yet he dwells on 
" the incongruities and the inconsistencies of their creed '* 
and he actually places the sacrificial slaughter of cows, so 

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Cow-Killing Riots, Seditious Pamphlets, Indian Police. 85 

unusual in Muhammadan countries, on the same level with 
the "deep faith which carries Muhammadan pilgrims to 
Mecca," where indeed alone the sacrifice of an animal is 
prescribed, its sacrifice elsewhere being more a matter of 
meritorious practice or tradition {Sunnat) than of absolute 
religious obligation. Finally, worse than all, he seems 
to suggest, entirely from a European standpoint that 
**old and worn-out cows be protected against the horrors 
of a lingering death," whereas, the very object of the 
Hindus is to enable them to linger on till they die. That 
in the face of such a display of unconscious prejudice 
against the Hindus and against what the Hindus consider 
to be as sacred as the life of a mother, Lord Lans- 
downe could expect Hindus to believe in the impartiality 
of Government, seems to be a singular instance of self- 
deception. There is, however, this much to be said for the 
speech, that it is a disavowal of the policy of divide et impera 
which is no longer applicable to India, but which, at all 
times and by all conquering nations is the inevitable means 
by which a foreign minority has subdued a majority. When 
I came to the Punjab, the traditions of displacing the 
Muhammadan from the teacher's chair, still existed, and 
Hindus were favored and I remember that when I deplored 
the dissensions between Hindus and Muhammadans, which 
led to the burning of Multan, that a Secretary to Govern- 
ment was astonished at my knowing so little that in such 
dissensions consisted the secret of British success. This 
view, never really shared by rulers of knowledge and 
power, is now happily obsolete and I am glad to find that 
Mr. Tupper in his ** Indian Protectorate" recommends our 
seeking to bring about union and co-operation among our 
fellow-subjects of whatever creed for the better and stronger 
government of India. At the same time, I cannot help 
feeling that, to judge from recent events, the gulf between 
rulers and ruled is widening rather than closing. This 
seems to me due almost entirely to the spread of English 
education and ideas which have caused a class of outcastes 

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86 Cow-Killing Riots, Seditious Pamphlets^ Indian Police. 

from everywhere to unite on the common ground of dis- 
content and to interpose themselves between the people 
and the English officials. Most native States manage to 
keep the peace between their Muhammadan and Hindu 
subjects, quite irrespective of whether either one religion 
or the other is in the majority. At Prabas Pathan the want 
of pliability of a native Minister of " the new School " 
seems to have brought about the disturbances which had 
their echo in the riots of Bombay ; but these riots were not 
caused by the disorders that preceded them elsewhere, but 
were, among other incidents to which I have referred, 
partly due to the same provocation that had produced the 
riots of 1 85 1 and 1874, namely certain, pictorial representa- 
tions which dragged the Prophet Muhammad into contempt 
and the source of which must, or should, be known to the 
Police. These pictures, and not pamphlets written in 
languages that the Muhammadans do not read, alone could 
appeal to the eye and rouse popular passion, that is always 
at fever-point during, and shortly after, the Muharram. It 
is significant that in the so-called seditious pamphlets 
written by Muhammadans, there is no reference whatever 
to cow-killing, or to the attempts of Hindus to interfere 
with the consumption of beef by Muhammadans, as was 
alleged by the Police. A letter from Bombay written by a 
competent authority states on behalf of the Muhammadans : 
** The price of beef here ranges from i anna a lb. for the 
very poorest to 2 annas or 2^ annas (not gram fed). Mutton 
2 to 3 annas per lb.. Goat i^ to 2^ annas per lb. Though 
beef is cheaper, it is not liked and seldom eaten, except by 
the very poorest, and even these would rather go without 
it, as it is considered heating and far from tasty. In the 
country, beef-eaters are despised, be they rich or poor. 
The average Muhammadan in Bombay would eat meat 
about once a week or once a fortnight and by preference 
goat. The wealthy would hsve it daily and they also 
prefer goat." 

Another writer points out that there are two kinds of 

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Cow-Killing Riots, Seditious Pamphlets, Indian Police, 87 

Muhammadan butchers at Bombay, the " Bakr " butchers 
who only slaughter sheep and goats (here " Bakr '* clearly 
stands for ** Bakri"="goat" not for " Baqr," the exotic 
Arabic for **kine")and the despised class of Gdi-Kasdis 
or Cow-butchers. The latter, however, on great general 
festivals, such as the Jubilee or on Hindu sacred days, 
abstain from killing kine, in deference to Hindu feeling. 

It may also be observed that, in no country, are cows 
preferentially killed for food. In England it is .a very 
** low-class trade." The meat is lean and stringy. It 
is only in India where Contractors supply our Commis- 
sariat with cow-beef, instead of the more expensive and 
nutritious ox-beef, that cows are slaughtered out of all 
proportion to oxen. The Cow-protection Societies, there- 
fore, in buying up cows, raise the price and lessen the 
profit to the contractor. Further, when cows are driven 
any great distance to Cantonments, it often happens that the 
oxen of Zamindars follow them and have to be rescued, 
which causes a row or they are lost to their owners. Why, 
however, the peace of India should be endangered by 
greedy contractors who give cow-flesh to our troops 
instead of the ox-beef of old England, I fail to see as little 
as why we should make it such a point to eat beef at all 
in India. An Indian newspaper accuses me and other 
Indian Officials and Missionaries of cowardice for refusing 
to eat beef or pork in India, but it seems to me a cheap 
courage that would offend the feelings of an unresisting 
people, and I prefer to reserve any courage I may have 
to exploring dangerous countries. ** Woe to that man 
by whom the offence cometh," and I cannot help hoping 
that the motives of politeness and humanity which are 
supposed to guide our relations to others in England 
will enable us to control ourselves also in India so as to 
be more fit to control others. In olden times a single 
European official, a well-intentioned Maulvi, a learned 
Pandit, a benevolent Rais could have settled such a ques- 
tion as that of cow-killing. Are we now, after several 

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88 Cow-Killing Riots, Seditious Pamphlets y Indian Police. 

centuries of Indian rule, to offer the shameful sight to 
astonished Europe of shooting down a crowd of people 
frightened about their religion, and largely composed of 
passers-by and spectators, even if some of them have sticks ? 
Indeed, it seems as if we intended to pave the way for a 
Russian dominion of India. 

It will be observed that I object to the slaughter of a 
coWy because sacrilegious to Hindus and unnecessary to 
Muhammadans and Europeans. A cow is specifically 
"Baqr^/" in Arabic, not ** Baqr,** which is the equivalent 
for cattle and includes both ox and cow. The chapter of 
the Koran on the Cow is called *' Surat-ul-Baqrat *' and 
ignorant Muhammadans do not advance their cause by 
dropping the feminine termination, which occurs five times 
in that Chapter wherever the cow is mentioned. 

Two objections, however, deserve notice. One that 
learned Maulvis in India cannot issue *' authoritative 
Fetwas" on questions connected with the I'd sacrifice but 
that the Sheikh-ul-Isldm alone can do so. The other that 
Moses is stated in the Koran to have ordered the Jews to 
sacrifice a cow and that, therefore, the sacrifice of a cow 
at the Muhammadan Fd is lawful, if not obligatory. I 
myself referred to the latter statement in my last paper, 
but a story of what Moses told the Jews to do in order to 
discover a murder is obviously not in itself a religious 
injunction by Muhammad to his followers, especially when 
the whole history of the I'd and the facts and arguments 
in my last paper render my exposition of the festival and 
of the sacrifice of a cow not being obligatory in its celebra- 
tion, irrefutable. I must, however, refer to the misconcep- 
tion of the Pioneer and Indian Daily News, including their 
Muslim informants, as to the nature of a **Fetwa" on 
matters of practice and as to the alleged spiritual power of 
the Sheikh-ul-Isldm in the interpretation of doctrine. This 
official is not an " infallible " Pope and even the Pope is 
not infallible except when he pronounces on disputed 
doctrinal points ex cathedrd. 

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Cow-Killing Riots, Seditious Pamphlets, Indian Police. 89 

The Sheikh-ul-Isldm, although often a learned man, is 
not always so and his opinion is liable to be over-ridden 
by men who have made Theology their special study. He 
is a mere functionary of the Sultan of Turkey and is 
rarely long in Office. I have known several and thirteen 
years ago I had a discussion with one of them on a 
Muhammadan religious question, in which, I believe, he 
was candid and generous enough to admit my interpreta- 
tion. Besides, his opinion, however weighty, could only 
influence the Sunnis and not the Shiahs, who have their 
Mujtahids. These, indeed, are great spiritual guides, 
whilst among Sunnis it is the consensus fidelium that finally 
decides. As little would the opinion of the Archbishop of 
Canterbury, though deserving of the most respectful con- 
sideration, necessarily silence any Christian believer or, per- 
haps, a better Theologian than himself or, if it did have 
this result, would it extend beyond the Anglican Branch 
of even the Protestant Church. Any ** believer" can 
argue a question with the Sheikh-ul-IslAm, just as any 
Christian, clergyman or layman, can contradict, or even 
controvert the Archbishop, not only on doctrine but even 
on questions of ritual. At the same time, just as an 
educated Minister of a Christian denomination can influence 
for good the more ignorant members of his congregation, 
so can also a learned Maulvi issue to his co-religionists an 
authoritative exposition or ** Fetwa '' of what is really 
required at the Td festival, without any reference whatever 
to the Sheikh-ul-Isldm, who would be much scandalized 
if he, and not the Koran or sacred tradition, were invoked 
by any Muhammadan preacher or teacher as the final 
authority on any religious question. The Pioneer suggests 
my influencing the Sheikh-ul-Isldm to prohibit cow-killing 
in all Muhammadan countries in connection with the Td 
sacrifice, but why he should, even if he could, prohibit it 
in countries in which it causes no offence, or why every 
decent Muhammadan in India should not discourage it in 
the interests of peace, passes my comprehension. 

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90 Cow-Killing Riots, Seditious Pamphlets, Indian Police. 

At the beginning of my last paper on the " Cow-killing 
riots " I expressly stated that ** the slaughter of a cow was 
by no means obligatory on Muhammadans " on the occasion 
of "the great festival of God," miscalled the ** Baqr-Fd" 
in India ; that to sacrifice on the Td at all was ** a practice " of 
the Prophet Muhammad, but that the highest Authorities 
differed as to its being indispensable ; that in most 
Muhammadan countries, sheep, goats or camels, but rarely 
cows were sacrificed and that in India it would be desirable, 
as a matter of good feeling, if the sacrifice of cows among 
Muhammadans and their consumption among Europeans 
were minimized or less ostentatious. I finally asked, 
though I had more than hinted, why Muhammadans were 
the first to attack the Hindus at Bombay ? 

To this question I have received no reply , but I have 
instead been accused of asserting that Muhammadans were 
not allowed by the Kordn to sacrifice cows, which is a very 
different statement from mine that this was not obligatory. 
Some English and Muhammadan journalists, unacquainted 
with Arabic and the history of the Td sacrifice, which I 
communicated to them, misquoted and misconstrued what 
was intended for their instruction. To this rule, the 
Bombay Gazette, the Statesman and other Anglo-Indian 
papers that study questions rather than persons, and all 
Hindu publications, formed an exception, for which not 
only I, but also the Government and peoples of India 
ought to be grateful, for we are falling on to evil days 
which are precipitated by certain organs of misled or mis- 
leading ** public opinion." 

It was also curious to observe how nearly everybody 
debited his own pet-aversion with being the cause of the 
riots. A medical Knight attributed them to the rising in- 
dignation of the 284 millions of India at the possible aboli- 
tion of the Opium Monopoly ; an Anglo-Indian clearly saw 
the hand of the ** Babus " in them or of those members of the 
Un-National Congress who themselves eat beef; a Lord 
pointed to the hungry Muhammadan masses rushing to 

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Cow-Killing Riots ^ Seditious Pamphlets y Indian Police. 91 

save their supposed daily food, the cow, snatched from their 
appetite for the unnatural function of calving and giving 
milk ; a worthy Baronet and an unworthy compositor clearly 
traced the disturbances to Government itself; whatever was 
to one an ** omne ignotum " became his " real reason of the 
riots"; as C. at Abominabad during the Mutiny, everybody 
hanged the creditors that he could not pay — Russian 
intrigues, the Missionaries, the Abkari Act, Lord Roberts's 
apology and the B.A. Examination of the Calcutta 
University, not to speak of the " simultaneous Civil Service 
Examinations." At last, I have been supplied with " the 
true causes of the riots," the very documents confiscated 
by the Police, their pieces de resistance, their unimpeach- 
able claims to promotion and to public praise, yielded not 
willingly. On one of them, evidently the most seditious, 
they have obtained the imprisonment of the author and so I 
will examine it as a warning to evil-doers, if not to the police. 
The pamphlet is a poem in Guzarati called " An account 
of the horrible riots that have happened at Bombay," so it 
is obvious from the very title-page that the account is 
subsequent to the riot and therefore could not have caused 
it. However its tone might be seditious for all that and so 
we will quote some of the incriminating passages : 

Police (Per) Version. Real Translation. 

Heroes I ye washed your bodies with Ye washed your brave bodies with 

blood and retreated not ; blood and did not think of the 

Ye broke through files of Rifles, consequences 

Bravo ! Ye broke the lines of the rioters, 

['• iofdnV^ = riot or storm is here ren- bravo ! 
dered as /^/-///^«/=guns.] 
Valiant men ! ye were not daunted. As you were brave you were not 

ye wearied the enemy out frightened and ye tired the enemy. 

Victory ye got forthwith, bravo ! Ye earned glory easily, bravo ! 

With manly rage ye gave them a Ye put on yellow garments with 

good drubbing manly fortitude, and the boldness 

Forthwith floated rumour of riot. of rioters was speedily vanquished. 

Here, after an ejaculatory verse In reality, after merely describing 
somewhat like "Scots wha hae that a brave man prefers death to 
with Wallace bled" and an apos- cowardice, the author, Khanji, evi- 
trophe to die rather than yield dently a very pacific individual, re- 
the official per-version says : commends ; " Instead of these con- 



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92 Cow-Killing Riots, Seditious Pamphlets, Indian Police. 

" Instead of this give up body or siderations (of false glory,) Kanji 
soul, says Ram (the God as a says : divert body and mind from 
fighter)." [" Ram" should be these things" (fighting). 
" Khanji " !] 

Real Object of Pamphlet: 

** Soon be happily united, abandoning dissensions of brothers ; there is 
no good in fighting. If injustice has been done, ask for justice ; why are 
you running away (by fighting) from the best of (all) remedies (an appeal 
to justice)? Whoever is guilty will be punished; whoever is oppressive 
will be examined. This is the law of legal morality from ancient times. 
It does not behove ye to adopt a contrary course ; in peace there is calm, 
happiness and justice." 

All this is omitted in the official version. Then comes 
an ardent praise of the Government for putting down the 
riots, but, unfortunately, the author also praises the police, 
which surely might have been forgiven, even if it was a 
mistake. 

The poem consists of a series of Cantos, each having the 
language suited to its subject. Lions roar and Khanji has 
not learnt the lesson of Bottom to make them coo like 
sucking-doves. In describing a fierce rioter, he ought to 
have added that he was not really so very fierce after all 
and in commenting on those who bravely put down the 
riots he ought to have explained that they were really 
neither brave nor had put down the riots! I dare 
say that, in my translation also, a comma here or a letter 
there will be found, by which certain unjust Indian critics 
will be able to misquote it. Let them, however, know that 
the whole of the pamphlet has been translated and that the 
translation is being carefully revised by a Committee of 
Guzarati Scholars. There is no doubt that the entire tenor 
of poor Khanji's poem, whose sympathies naturally lean to 
the Hindu side, is above all in favour of a lasting peace and 
of friendship between the Hindus and the Muhammadans. 

The remaining pamphlets are even more innocent. Two 
of them, written for Muhammadans, describe the riots more 
or less graphically and so could scarcely have caused them. 
Whilst blaming their ignorant fellow - countrymen it is 
significant that they do not make any reference whatever to 

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Cow-Killing Riots, Seditious Pamphlets, Indian Police. 93 

cow-killing or to the cow-protection movement. All abound 
in gratitude to Her Majesty and to the Government and 
rejoice that peace is, at last, restored. Why then, I again 
ask, were the Muhammadans the first to attack the Hindus 
at Bombay, when the poets on both sides only preach con- 
ciliation and brotherly love ? 

To this question the Police alone might be able to give 
an answer, if they could do so with safety, or if a man, say, 
like Forjett of Bombay, or Macandrew of the Panjab, 
were still encouraged in that Department. I do not 
therefore ask any Member of that body, who has any 
promotion to expect for vigilance in framing returns that 
show the absence or the detection of crime in his Dis- 
trict due to his wisdom or requirements. Since the local 
watchman, with a hereditary interest in the soil and the 
respectability of his neighbourhood, has been abolished, 
the yellow-trousered policeman, like every other great 
functionary who is liable to be transferred from one place 
to another, has lost touch with the people and is the mere 
instrument of his superiors. Tlie tyranny of red tape, the 
meshes of which only their framers and great transgressors 
escape, tends to check every generous instinct and in- 
dependent judgment alike among the rulers and the ruled. 
At the same time, the Indian Police possess this great 
advantage over their English "confreres," like whom they 
rarely find stolen property or are found when wanted, that 
they may invent what they please, without the fear of their 
superiors knowing more, or as much, of the language and 
customs of the population as themselves. Of this it will 
suffice to quote a few instances within my own knowledge : 

I once recommended a Persian teacher to the nephew of a 
native Chief, who with him translated Shakespeare's ** Julius 
Caesar " into Persian. The native equivalent for " Csesar " 
is ** Kaisar '' and the translation was called " Kissat-i- 
Kaisar" or "story of Caesar." The Police considered this 
to be a seditious pamphlet against Her Majesty as 
" Kaisar-i-H:nd/' seized the translation and were about to 

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94 Cow-Killing Riots, Seditiojis Pamphlets, Indian Police. 

drag off the translators, when fortunately it occurred to a 
high official, that as the originator of the title " Kaisar-i- 
Hind" I might like to see the pamphlet, which, of course, 
showed its absolute inoffensiveness. 

On another occasion, the District Superintendent of Police 
brought me an Arab under a strong Police guard with 
letters seized on his person showing him to be ** a Wahabi 
conspirator whose treasonable correspondence with the 
Akhund of Swat had been found." I was astonished at a 
Saint like the Akhund having anything to do with a 
member of a sect that is opposed to all saint-worship and 
especially obnoxious to him by its Indian settlement at 
Malka and Sitana. However I greeted him very kindly 
and happening to smoke a long Turkish Chibook I handed 
it to him as also a cup of coffee. He enjoyed both, thereby 
showing, first, that he was not a Wahabi, who abhors " the 
hateful weed " and, secondly, that, if a conspirator, he had 
mistaken his vocation, so far as any influence in India might 
be concerned, by taking a " Sahib's " pipe and coffee. These 
preliminaries being disposed of, I examined the correspond- 
ence. They were begging letters asking for alms in 
support of the prophet's tomb at Madina of which the Arab 
was an attendant, as shown in an authentic Certificate 
which he produced. Yet I could not obtain his release, 
till I made myself responsible for his loyal conduct to the 
kindest and wisest of Lieutenant Governors, I refer to Sir 
Donald McLeod, who allowed him to accompany me on my 
Mission to Kashmir and Chilis, which led to the discovery 
of the languages and races of Dardistan where his sacred 
character was supposed to be likely to be a protection to 
me. The saint, however, fell a victim en route to female 
influence at Srinagar and I had to continue my journey alone 
as a Bukhara Mullah, a disguise which I abandoned when 
I found that the Gilgitis had killed a travelling Maulvi in 
order to keep his body, in a shrine, in their country for the 
cultivation of the religious sense among the people. 

Five supposed Russian spies were brought to me in 1877 

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Cow-Killing Riots, Seditious Pamphlets, Indidn Police. 95 

under a still stronger police guard. I was ill in bed and 
not very cheerfully disposed to ** examine them in the 
presence of the Police," an obvious course for frustrating 
an enquiry ; so I refused to oblige the Government unless 
the Police Inspector vanished with his •* troupe." In vain 
he expostulated, but I insisted that if prisoners so different 
from the natives of India in color, dress and manners and 
not speaking a single Indian language (not a qualification 
for playing the spy) could escape the observation of an 
omniscient and omnipresent Police, the sooner it was 
abolished the better. At last he and his men left the house. 
Then I ordered tea to be served to my strange-looking 
visitors, who thought that they had been released thanks 
to my intervention and were in consequence very happy and 
communicative. They spoke, first starting point, a few 
words of Turkish and professed to be Lesghians taken as 
prisoners by Russia in her last war with Turkey and sent 
to a Siberian colony. Thence they once, when on parole to 
visit a neighbouring town, effected their escape and through 
incredible hardships, of which not the least was their treat- 
ment in Afghanistan, they came to India and were arrested. 
Fortunately, Mr. Hyde Clarke's Abkhas Vocabulary enabled 
me ta cross-examine them in one and the other of their 
native dialects. The result was to completely prove their 
story and their innocence, and they were sent to Bombay 
and thence to Constantinople. 

By similar processes I cleared other " suspicious '' 
characters sent to me ; thus I traced the Magadhs and 
other wandering tribes, but I also found criminal dialects, 
to concert wrong-doing, spoken within the hearing of Police 
officers. My confidence therefore in the infallibility of the 
Police is not great, whilst, in all matters, I prefer the con- 
servative officer of the old patriarchal school of so-called 
Indian despotism, in whatever Department, to the most 
advanced '* Liberal " Jack-in-Office, who, clad in a little brief 
authority, stands aloof from the people whilst advocating the 
last radical fads and is making India the most unpopular as 
well as the most revolutionary of administrationp^g^byGoOQle 



96 



SIDE-LIGHTS ON THE AMANDEBILI 
(MATABILI) QUESTION. 

LO BENGtFLA AND HIS PEOPLE. 



By Bertram Mitford, F.R.G.S. 

When Civilisation first comes into contact with the savage, 
it is nearly always in one of two capacities — that of invader 
or that of beggar — more commonly the latter. And the 
object of such mendicancy is the cession of land. 

Whatever may hold good elsewhere, it is my firm con- 
viction that, as regards South Africa, all such " cessions " 
existing or asserted to exist, must be absolutely rotten or 
fraudulent, or both ; and this for the simple reason that no 
South African potentate dare— except under the direst 
pressure of circumstances, i.e.^ Force — grant away the lands 
of his forefathers and of the nation or tribe at present 
beneath his rule. Be he chief or king his patriarchal or 
sovereign rights stop short there. When therefore Pieter 
Retief claimed that Dingane had ceded to him and his 
Emigrant Boers almost the whole of the present colony of 
Natal for the trumpery consideration of seven hundred 
head of Zulu cattle and fifty or sixty horses which he had 
recovered from a neighbouring insignificant chief whom 
the Zulu monarch could have crushed with scarcely an 
effort, the thing becomes palpably ridiculous. Yet out of 
'* claims " not one whit less shadowy and more ridiculous are 
land concessions manufactured — ay and held ; for not all 
concessionaries are so unlucky as poor Pieter Retief and his 
followers, who were treacherously massacred by order of 
the very potentate they were trying to fool. Yet, treachery 
and all, is there not something to be said on Dingane's side ? 

As though to show that there is, let us consider the 
treatment meted out to the Matabili King. Even the 
elaborate lawyerese in which the deed of mining concession 
is drawn can, by no sort of twisting and turning, be brought 

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Side-Lights on t/ie Amandebili {Matabili) Question. 97 

to mean anything approaching a land concession. But the 
peaceable diggers come as an army, with a perfect arsenal 
of machine guns ; forts are built, and, in a trice, the King's 
subjects are ordered off the King's own territory — by those 
who had but yesterday approached him in the guise of 
very subservient beggars. Verily Lo Bengiila s mind must, 
oft and grimly of late, have reverted to the historic ** word " 
of his Zulu brother- potentate — '' Bulalani abatagati T (Kill 
the evil-doers) which was the signal for the slaughter of 
Retief and his comrades as above referred to. 

But how different his own behaviour to that of Dingane ! 
His attitude is consistently friendly throughout. He restrains 
the resentment of his subjects — for the Amandebili are 
warriors, and hot-blooded withal, having great traditions at 
their backs — traditions of conquest and martial supremacy. 
Never an act of aggression does he permit. The Chartered 
Company's people come and go between their fortified 
posts and Bulawayo in perfect security — and this for up- 
wards of four years. So much for the aggressiveness of 
Lo Bengiila — so much for the '' standing menace " as con- 
stituted by these ferocious and savage Amandebili. 

But the most effective stop to play on of all is the 
** philanthropy " stop ; which is pulled out accordingly and 
most deafeningly played upon. Those poor oppressed 
Mashonas ! (as a matter of fact there is no race or people 
bearing that name, but we will employ the term for the 
sake of convenience.) It is the righteous mission of 
England to protect them from their ruthless destroyers ! 
This is the very best chord which could have been struck 
— for the purposes of the invaders. Certain clergymen 
here join hands, simply whooping for Matabili blood in 
order to ** further the spread of the Gospel " while drawing 
sensational pictures of *' gentle unoffending Mashonas 
massacred under the eyes of their English masters *' ; and 
an eminent Irish Protestant bishop takes a holiday trip to 
Cape Town and returns to hold forth in Westminster 
Abbey and elsewhere upon the atrocities of those ferocious 

NEW SERIES. VOL. VII. G r^^^^T^ 

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98 Side-Lights on the Atnandebili {Matabili) Question. 

Matabili — the speaker having been no nearer to MatabiH- 
land than Cape Town And then, as a still small voice, 
side by side with all this crusading enthusiasm, the daily 
Press becomes filled with portentous whispers relating to rich 
gold reefs in the immediate neighbourhood of Bulawayo ! 

The worst of it is, in dealing with matters of this kind, it 
is impossible to avoid committing the literary solecism of 
slaying the slain ; and with this apology we will briefly 
touch upon the historic incident of the Matabili impi which 
was allowed two hours wherein to reach the border from 
Fort Victoria — a distance of thirty miles : for a sidelight 
upon this affair struck us at the time, but we have never 
yet seen it advanced in print. This is it. In palliation of 
the peremptoriness of this impossible order and the severity 
of its enforcement was urged the insolent demeanour of the 
indunas towards the white authorities. But these same 
tndunas had probably seen — had certainly heard of — the 
proud white man, in the persons of the agents of that very 
Company who now claimed to dictate to them in imperious 
terms, bringing himself, though reluctantly, to squat down 
upon the ground, to sit down in the maggots and filth of 
the goat-kraal at Bulawayo for hours together in the 
presence of their King. (See Mr. Frank Thompson's 
rather humorous account of the experiences of himself and 
Mr. Maguire at Lo Bengiila's capital in 1888.) But this 
was before the granting of the concession. We may remark, 
in passing, that the King shows somewhat unfavourably in 
imposing such an indignity upon his guests, though indeed 
remembering that he is a high-class Zulu we find it difficult 
to believe he really would have exacted compliance had 
the white men objected sufficiently and in a firm and 
dignified manner. Anyhow they underwent the nauseous 
ordeal, and the recollection was probably not without its 
effect upon the "insolent" demeanour of the indunas 
towards Dr. Jameson. No doubt, also, these bore in mind 
the swarm of hungry concession - seekers buzzing about 
Lo Bengiila — must often have laughed heartily over the 

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Side 'Lights on the Amandebili {Matabilt) Question. 99 

cleverness wherewith the shrewd King would play off 
one against the other ; and how they would vie in their 
subserviency towards the King as long as he had some- 
thing to give. 

We come now to the Tati incident — the three envoys, 
two of whom were shot while attempting to escape — which 
words have an old familiar ring about them reminding one 
of Zulu ambassadors bearing the white flag fired upon ''to 
test their sincerity!' We need not go into the question of 
how far these envoys were justified in trying to escape, 
because the fact that they had no business to be under 
the necessity of doing so — i.e., prisoners — is too trans- 
parently obvious. But — they were spies ! Men of rank 
who come openly and voluntarily into a hostile camp are 
sure to be spies. They ought to have been shot on sight, 
these voluntary ambassadors who trusted in British good 
faith — but they were only put under arrest. And instead 
of thinking themselves lucky in being so leniently dealt 
with they tried to escape ! Of course they were shot ! 

There are two white men at Bulawayo — traders — alone 
in the power of this bloodthirsty despot Of course these 
men are put to death barbarously — burnt alive perhaps. 
No; they turn up alive and unharmed at Bulawayo, the 
place our troops have come to destroy. They have been 
protected by its inmates. They have dwelt all this time 
safe and sound, in the midst of these ferocious savages 
whose kinsfolk their own countrymen have been slaughter- 
ing" in thousands. Can any irony of events present a 
stranger picture than that of these two white men ad- 
^^ncing from the savage capital to greet their country- 
''^^n — emerging from the very place their countrymen 
hav^ come to raze — advancing unmolested and not even 
fired upon ''while attempting to escape''? This firing 
"Pon prisoners while attempting to escape is no new incident 
^^ Hritish South African policy, but it is apt to bear thorny 
^^it. So far back as 1835, we find Hintza, the chief of 
^^e Gcalekas and Paramount Chief of the Amaxosa tribes, 

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loo Side- Lights on the Amandebili {Matabilt) Question. 

made prisoner while visiting the British camp and — shot 
while attempting to escape. In 1877, Kreli (or Sarili) his 
son and successor, point blank refuses to meet Her Majesty's 
High Commissioner. His father Hintza had been induced 
to enter the white man's camp and there made prisoner and 
— shot while attempting to escape. Kreli, the son of Hintza, 
has no mind to put himself in the way of undergoing his 
father's fate forty-two years later. These South African 
natives have long memories, and there are those behind 
the scenes, and who are ** in the know," who assert that a 
deep-laid plot for the seizure or massacre of the High 
Commissioner and his suite on this last occasion was only 
frustrated by the sagacity and judicious foresight of a 
prominent official of the Cape border. But had it been 
otherwise, the seed sown in 1835 would have borne fruit — 
startling and bitter fruit — in 1877. 

Now what has all this got to do with Lo Bengiila } 
Everything; for the shooting of the envoys is a parallel 
case. Who shall say that Lo Bengiila would not long 
since have surrendered } But his ambassadors having 
been shot while attempting to escape, it would be odd if the 
King were himself eager to ** travel the same road." 

At an earlier stage of the tangle it was suggested that 
the Amandebili should evacuate — that a happy solution of 
all difficulties would be for them to cross the Zambesi and 
migrate northward bag and baggage, even as their fore- 
fathers had migrated under Umzilikazi. Quite so, but now 
where does our philanthropy come in — our tenderhearted- 
ness on behalf of the oppressed Mashona ? For there 
are other tribes north of the Zambesi — weaker tribes, who 
then would be lying right in the path of the migrating 
Amandebili. What about these ? Well : British philan- 
thropy knows of the gold reefs around Bulawayo. Of 
gold reefs north of the Zambesi it knows nothing — as yet. 

It may be that before these words are in print Lo 
Bengiila will have been captured or shot. The latter 
seems within the possibilities — but if the former, the 

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Side-Lights on the Amandebili {Matabili) Question, loi 

question of course arises as to his ultimate disposal, and 
ill deciding this let us bear in mind these considerations : 

1. He never wished for war. 

2. His conduct towards white men has been consistently 
friendly throughout. 

3. His impis got out of hand and forced on the war. 
These points are admitted even by his enemies, and the 

truth of the third we will take upon the authority of the 
latter. Here, however, are some considerations upon which 
nothing like sufficient stress has been laid : 

1. The protection afforded by him to the two white 
traders above mentioned, what time he and his people must 
have been stung to exasperation by repeated and sanguinary 
defeats — also to a missionary. This is not so common an 
occurrence in the annals of savage warfare that we can 
afford to make light of it. 

2. That long after it must have been apparent to him 
that war was intended, he still refrained from attacking 
isolated and unprepared settlers, nor did he place any 
obstacle in the way of the departure of white men who 
were in his country up to the very outbreak of hostilities — 
not even detaining them as hostages. 

Keeping, then, these considerations before our eyes 
there is only one course to be adopted towards Lo Bengiila 
which is consistent with justice, common honesty or ex- 
pediency — we do not say with Christianity because that, 
where its voice has been heard at all, has mainly dis- 
tinguished itself by whooping for his blood — but we do say 
with national probity and even gratitude. That course is 
to restore him as King over his conquered people. Not 
in a throw-a-bone-at-a-dog sort of way, as was done in the 
restoration of Cetywayo, but in a frank, free, whole-hearted 
recognition of his status and authority. He might be bound 
by treaty to abstain from disturbing the natives of Mashona- 
land, or any other proviso within reason — and such under- 
taking there is every cause to suppose he would cheerfully 
and loyally respect. He might be induced to welcome a 

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I02 Side-Lights on the Amandebili {Matabili) Qtustion. 

British Resident ; who however should not be any mere 
scratch adventurer ; but a crowd of missionaries should not 
be forced upon him. But however Matabililand is settled 
it should be under one responsible head, for this is a form 
of government the most suited to all the more warlike of 
the South African races. To split them up into petty 
septs leads to sheer anarchy, if only that it saps the setise 
of responsibility — which in these people is very strong — 
for if anything goes wrong each petty ruler will throw the 
onus upon his neighbour, and thus everybody's business 
'becomes nobody's business. Wherefore, restore Lo Bengiila. 
He is very far from being a fool. His indunas are very 
far from being fools. They have learnt their lesson — a 
grim one withal, and spouted out at them by the mouths 
of the Maxim guns. The white man who but yesterday 
came to them begging for concessions is now their con- 
queror, and this they recognise. They would fain make 
the best of the change, and it will be a shameful thing for 
the prestige, honour, or even outward respectability of 
Britain's name, if they are not afforded ample opportunity 
of doing so ; for we went as beggars to the Matabili, and 
we have now reduced them to that condition. 



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I03 



MELILLA AND THE MOORS. 

By the Rev. ]ost P. Val d'Eremao, D.D. 

Facing Gibraltar lies Ceuta, on the western horn of a 
rather wide bay, the coast of which, trending south and 
then eastwards, past Tetuan, Vigia, Fagaasa, Jebda, Neckor 
and Temamsa, again juts northward into an eastern horn, 
formed by the promontory of Ras ed Deir. A small stream 
called the River of Gold, rising in the hills south of the 
promontory, flows into the Mediterranean Sea, on the east 
side of the horn ; and at its mouth stands the fortified little 
town of Melilla. The hills to the south are covered with 
numerous villages ; and further southward lie the Moorish 
towns of Tinkert and Meshia Zerur. In the bay itself, 
which is over 150 miles across, Spain owns, besides Ceuta 
and Melilla, the two islands of Pefton de Velez and 
Alhucemas. 

Melilla has been in the Spaniard's hands since its first 
capture by the Duke of Medina Sidonia, in 1496, when, 
barely four years after the conquest of Granada, the Spanish 
arms had pursued the flying Moors into Africa. Though 
the latter have often tried to retake it, they have never 
been able to shake the hold of their hereditary enemies 
on this small but not unimportant outwork of Europe in 
Africa. 

It is, perhaps, not much of a possession. The climate, 
sultry and unhealthy, is execrable, causing frequent fevers 
and dangerous d} senteries, which compel a change of the 
garrison at short periods. Melilla is used as a settlement 
for the Spaniards for whom a court of justice orders a 
removal for their country's good, and whose lives are most 
probably of little value to any but themselves. A small 
port, within range of the guns of the fortress, affords safe 
anchorage for the small vessels which provide Melilla with 
provisions and other necessaries, for fishing boats and for 
the steamers that regularly maintain its communication 

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I04 Melilia and the Moors. 

with Spain. Of trade and commerce, there is scarcely 
any; for, on its south side, Melilia is hemmed in by 
unfriendly tribes. These are mostly branches of the 
Kabyle, and go under the name of Riff. They are a 
brave, fierce, warlike and fanatical race, — Muhammedan, 
of course, by religion, — acknowledging only a nominal 
subjection to the Emperor of Morocco, — but really in- 
dependent tribes under the leadership of their own chiefs. 
Whatever may be the war strength of Morocco, which is 
said to be capable, according to the urgency and popularity 
of the cause, of putting into the field from 100,000 to 
200,000 men, the late insurrection in Anghera has shown 
that, for internal administration and the suppression of 
outbreaks, the Emperor s power for good is by no means 
great. Now Anghera and the Riff coast are cousins- 
german. These irrepressible warriors, early in October 
last, attacked the Spaniards at Melilia. 

Convict settlements, like Michael Scott's demon, must 
have constant work found for them to do ; and the Spanish 
authorities had lately ordered the strengthening of the 
defences of Melilia by the erection of outworks beyond 
those already existing : one of these is called Fort 
Guariach. The works were begun ; and for a time no 
evil resulted. Evidently, however, those works had been 
noticed and information sent to the neighbouring tribes. 
Before long, it became a regular thing, that what the 
Spaniards did by day, the Riffs undid by night To end 
this sute of affairs, the Riffs were fired upon. Thereupon 
the tribes assembled in great numbers and attacked the 
Spaniards while at work. Thanks to European cupidity, 
they were well armed with rifles — Remingtons and Win- 
chesters. They outnumbered the 300 Spaniards by more 
than 10 to I ; but their attacks during the whole day were 
repulsed, and the Spaniards retired in the evening to 
Melilia, with their 20 dead and 35 wounded. Both sides 
had behaved well. The fierce fanaticism and great numbers 
of the Riffs were successfully resisted by the high courage 

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Melilla and the Moors. 105 

and resolute firmness of the Spaniards ; and when night 
compelled these to withdraw, the Riffs followed them 10 
the very walls of Melilla. But the guns of the Fort were 
well served. Not only was heavy loss inflicted in the Riff 
ranks ; but, as it was now open war, their fire searched out 
the villages within range on the hills, overthrowing houses 
and mosques, and killing many. The Riff loss must have 
been great; but all the killed and wounded were taken 
away. 

The Spanish government at once raised the garrison to 
3,200 men, — sent a squadron against the neighbouring 
coast where several villages were bombarded, — and while 
informing the European powers that beyond satisfaction 
for the past and guarantees for the future, they sought no 
change in their actual relations with Morocco, they called 
on the Emperor to act according to treaty. Meanwhile 
the attacks continued. The Riffs entered Spanish territory 
and threw up entrenchments. After an ultimatum had 
be*en unnoticed, the cruiser Conde de Venadito cleared them 
with her 6 lb. Nordenfeldts in a little over an hour ; but the 
Riffs soon returned, watching every opportunity, while 
keeping out of range. The Spaniards had to go out to 
revictual the outposts where provisions could not be stored 
for more than 10 days. Skirmishes occurred ; General 
Margallo, a brave and distinguished officer, having lost his 
life in one of them, General Marcias assumed the command; 
and the garrison was almost in a state of siege. The 
Spanish press worked itself into a state of excitement quite 
unwarranted by the situation, — a national subscription was 
opened to help the exhausted finances of the country in 
prosecuting the war, — and Marshal Martinez Campos was 
sent to command the garrison which was raised to 10,000 
men. The reserves — the men who had left the army since 
1888 — were called out in Spain; on the other side, many 
tribes joined the Riffs. The Spanish loss in various engage- 
ments brought the figures to 22 killed and 85 lyounded ; 
the Riff loss was much greater, though the details are not 

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io6 Melilla and the Moors, 

known ; and for several days, many a Spaniard and Moor 
lay side by side, unburied, on the hills. 

The Emperor, in the meanwhile, had answered to the 
call made on him to do his duty. He ordered the Riffs to 
cease their operations ; but these took no notice of the 
order. He promised the Spaniards every satisfaction, and 
they waited the result. Hmam, the leader of the Anghera 
revolt, escaped from his prison near Morocco ; and the dis- 
covery of a contraband trade in arms with the Riffs from 
Melilla led to the expulsion of several offenders and the 
execution of a Spanish officer. The Emperor*s brother, 
Mulai El Araaf, arrived, with a small cavalry force, to 
*'negociate" with the tribes, and produced an Imperial 
proclamation ordering them to lay down their arms, and 
not to molest the Spaniards, as the land they were forti- 
fying had been paid for to the Riffs by the Emperor him- 
self, before he had handed it over unconditionally to the 
Spaniards. The Emperor threatened punishment, and 
solemnly cursed the chiefs if they failed to obey. After 
putting the tribesmen to flight from the fortifications they 
had erected in Spanish territory, Marshal Campos demanded 
from Mulai El Araaf the following terms : — i. the evacua- 
tion of the neutral zone by the Riffs, and the temporary 
occupation of some Moorish territory near Fort Guariach ; 
2. the surrender of 12,000 rifles, and of some chiefs as 
hostages ; 3. the punishment of the rebel leaders ; and of 
course, an indemnity. Mulai El Araaf replied that when 
he left Tafilet, neither the Emperor nor he knew how 
serious was the state of affairs, — that, hence, he had not 
full powers to treat, — that he would write at once, and 
would doubtless soon receive them, — that meanwhile he 
could assure the Spaniards from all further molestation ; 
and. as a proof of good will, he ordered the tribes to 
demolish the works they had erected : — it was done the 
same day. Later, the Riffs again entered Spanish territory 
and even attempted to seize some vessels. They were, 
however, driven back, and Marshal Campos demanded their 

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Melilla and the Moors. 107 

punishment. Mulai El Araaf has declared his willingness 
to inflict any penalty that Spain may demand, short of 
death, which would need a reference to the Emperor, who 
alone has the power to inflict capital punishment. 

Thus matters stand, as I write. But the question is, 
Who is to blame for this little war ? 

When Morocco made peace with Spain, in i860, con- 
sequent on the capture of Tetuan, the treaty stipulated for 
an extension of their territory around both Ceuta and 
Melilla, — for a neutral zone beyond that, — and for a Moorish 
Governor with Moorish troops near the frontier, to secure 
the rights conceded. The terms for Melilla were : — 

" In the name of Almighty God. 

** Art I. H.M. the King of Morocco desirous of giving to Her Catholic 
Majesty a signal proof of his goodwill and wishing to contribute, as far as 
lies in him for the ward and security of the Spanish Fortresses on the 
African coast, agrees to yield to Her Catholic M., in full dominion and 
sovereignty, the territory around the Spanish Fortress of Melilla, as far 
as the places fully sufficient for the defence and tranquillity of that settle- 
ment. • 

" Art. 2. The limits of this concession shall be traced by Spanish and 
Moorish engineers, who shall take for their basis in delimiting the extension 
of the said limits, the reach of a cannon-shot of 24 lb. from the boundaries 
already granted." 

Art. 3. (Details how Art. 2 is to be carried out.) 

**Art 4. Between the Spanish and Moorish jurisdiction a neutral zone 
shall be established, the limits of which shall be — on the side of Melilla 
the line of Spanish jurisdiction, according to Art. 3, and on the side of 
Riff, a line drawn by mutual consent to divide the Moorish territory from 
this neutral zone. 

"Art. 5. H.M. the King of Morocco binds himself to place at the limit 
of this territory bordering on Melilla, a Kaid or Governor, with a detach- 
ment of troops, to repress any act of aggression on the part of the Riffs, 
and sufficient to preserve a good harmony between the two Governments. 

"Art. 6. To obviate the hostile acts to which at times the forts of 
Pefion de Velez and Alhucemas have been exposed, H.M. the King of 
Morocco, urged by the desire of justice which animates him, will arrange 
that near these forts also shall be placed sufficient troops to secure due 
respect for Spanish rights. . . . 

" The detachments to be placed both on the frontier near Melilla and 
in the neighbourhood of Penon de Velez and Alhucemas shall be com- 
posed altogether of troops of the Moorish army, nor shall this duty be 
devolved on the chiefs or troops of Riff." 

This treaty, signed in August, 1859, was ratified on the 

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io8 Melilla and the Moors, 

26th May, i860, and was confirmed by a further agreement 
on the 30th October, 1861 : it is at present in existence. 

Since then, matters have gone on well. Spain wanted no 
more : she has often declared that she seeks no increase of 
territory in Morocco ; and she repeats that declaration now. 
The new works — undertaken more to give occupation to 
her ** demons " than for any practical utility they offer, for 
Marshal Campos declares that they are, for several reasons, 
of no value — were within the limit yielded to her jurisdic- 
tion ; and as, beyond this limit, lay the neutral zone, they 
could menace no one. The Emperor of Morocco had and 
has no fault to find with them, as is evident from his pro- 
clamation to the Riffs. Hence Spain is clearly not to blame. 

Nor, looking impartially into the matter, can we blame 
the Riffs. The tribes were probably in perfect ignorance 
of the details of those treaties and of the rights of the 
Spaniards ; and there were no Moorish officials to tell them 
the facts or to restrain them, when they — perhaps not un- 
naturally — imagined the new Spanish works to be encroach- 
ments. How were the Riffs to know that they were within 
their rights ? They opposed by force what they considered 
an offensive operation on the part of Spain. The Spaniards, 
knowing their rights, naturally resented and resisted their 
interference. This defence brought on a gathering of the 
tribes, and a sad loss of life. 

The onus of blame rests on the government of Morocco, 
which did not carry out articles 5 and 6 of the treaty. The 
Emperor, whatever he may be in theory, is not practically 
absolute master in the territory nominally under his sway. 
He sent neither the governors nor the troops stipulated by 
the treaty : possibly because they would have been neither 
safe nor happy among those fierce and intractable tribes. 
There are other parts of the country, where the Emperor 
and his government have but little power. Among the 
Riffs, as in many another place, each chief acts as he pleases, 
and many may combine for what they consider a just and 
common cause, even against the Emperor himself. Had 

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Melilla and the Moors. 109 

the Emperor loyally fulfilled his part of the treaty, his 
officials and troops would have been at hand to settle any 
incipient trouble. As it was, they were not present, and he 
must pay for his shortcomings. He will now doubtless 
accept the easy terms offered him ; and we hope a heavy 
indemnity will show him the necessity of organizing a strong 
and efficient government in his territories. It is not enough 
to reign — he should really govern his Empire; and it seems 
to need governing. 

Meanwhile restless France tries, as usual, to aggravate 
the evil, and, in order to mask her own private designs, to 
cast the blame upon England. Lord Rosebery, we are 
glad to see, has already plainly informed the Spanish 
Government that England is in no way concerned with the 
action of Spain in this matter. The episode, we hope, may 
be considered as closed. Spain acts sensibly in not desiring 
more territory in Morocco. A spark there may cause a 
conflagration ; and at home Spain has both difficulties 
enough to meet and resources enough to develope, which 
should engage all her attention. No power except France 
has anything to gain from a serious misunderstanding 
between Morocco and any other country. 



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no 



THE COLLAPSE OF "THE IMPERIAL 
FEDERATION LEAGUE." 

By the Sub-Editor of the Asiatic Quarterly Review. 

Among the deaths during this quarter I record the fol- 
lowing : 

"On the 31st December, 1893, at 30 Charles Street, Berkeley Square, 
W., of Feio de se^ the Central Organization of the Imperial Federation 
League, aged 9 yrs. i month and 13 days; — deeply regretted by all true 
Britons, friends of a really Imperial policy. (Colonial papers please 
copy.)" 

The first conception of the Imperial Federation League 
dates from a Conference in London, on the 29th July, 
1884, presided over by Mr. W. E. Forster, when it was 
unanimously resolved, that "In order to secure permanent 
Unity, some form of Federation is essential," and that a 
Society should be formed to advocate it. Born on the 
1 8th November, 1884, it has had an extremely useful, if 
short, career. With persevering diligence and patient zeal, 
it strove for the project it had undertaken, and worked, 
slowly but surely, to educate public opinion all over the 
Empire, to a desire for some measure of Imperial Federa- 
tion. The first Imperial Conference met in England in 
1887 ; and by that time the League consisted of members 
from both the Conservative and Liberal parties, and from 
all portions of the Empire, — men as distinguished for their 
position, weight and authority as for their knowledge, 
experience and abilities. In 1889, periodical Conferences 
of Representatives of self-governing Colonies were adopted 
as one of the main aims of the League. In July 1891, 
a deputation proposed to Lord Salisbury, then Premier, 
the convoking by Government of a representative meeting 
of the Empire, to evolve a practical scheme of Imperial 
Federation. While admitting the importance of the sub- 
ject, Lord Salisbury said that he could not take the initia- 
tive till some definite scheme had been submitted for the 



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The Collapse of ** The Imperial Federation Leagued 1 1 1 

approval of Government. A committee of 1 1 members, 
presided over by Lord Brassey, was ordered to formulate 
a scheme, on the lines suggested by Lord Salisbury — a 
Union for Trade and War. Their report, presented in 
November 1892, was unanimously adopted by the League, 
and was favourably received by the Press. On the 13th 
April, 1893, a deputation presented the scheme to Mr. 
Gladstone now Premier and asked him to convoke an 
I inperial Conference to consider it. For what regarded a 
Trade Union, Mr. Gladstone at once declared that England 
would not change her Free Trade policy. He approved, 
however, in general terms of the Defence Union, but said 
that still no action could yet be taken by Government be- 
cause there was as yet nothing definite and detailed : e.g. 
the project of the Imperial Council of Defence was vague. 

The Central Organization then proceeded to consider 
if any other scheme could be formed, more likely to meet 
general approval ; but there were no other lines common 
to the whole League. It had already been a source of 
weakness, that no less than 4 parties existed amone the 
members, each convinced that its own particular projects 
were the best and the only ones for the League to adopt. 
Each party might do good in its own way ; but while 
attempting to work together their pulling in different 
directions effectually prevented all progress. To set each 
party free to use its own influence in the Empire on its 
own lines and principles, it became not only useful but 
necessary for the cause of Imperial Federation to dissolve 
the Central Organization of the League. It has accord- 
ingly ceased to exist. 

This does not, however, mean the dissolution of the 
League itself, much less the death of the idea of Imperial 
Federation. The work will still be continued, practically 
by the same persons, but in a different manner, in several 
sub-divisions, and on independent lines — all acting, never- 
theless, for the same end. 

Reviewing the action of the League, all must admit that 

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1 1 2 The Collapse of '' The Imperial Federatioft League'' 

it has done practically little, beyond keeping the idea well 
before the public, by means of numerous publications. 
This, in itself, is a great and good work. Nay, it is not 
too much to say, that the League would have done far 
better had it concentrated all its energies on the task of 
writing up the cause of Imperial Federation. There are 
many difficulties in the way of an immediately practical 
scheme ; and I by no means exhaust the list when indi- 
cating, as the chief of them, the following : 

1. The mutual feeling of both Colonies and the Mother- 
country, that each can do just as well by itself, as when 
united — or perhaps even a great deal better. 

2. The carelessness of Great Britain in advocating the 
rights of her Colonies and securing their absolute safety. 
Russia has been allowed to menace India for a score of 
years, and to compel the Indian Government to ruin itself 
in enormous military expenditure : Britain should long ago 
have put down her foot. Newfoundland, the New 
Hebrides, and lately Siam are instances in which she has 
sacrificed the commercial interests of colonies and depend- 
encies to the fear of a war with France. The very essence 
of Imperial Federation means the readiness of the whole 
Empire to defend with its utmost strength every right of 
each part no matter how slight. What use, say the 
Colonies, is it to federate an Empire that will not fight, 
except with small powers ? 

3. The corresponding evil of colonial self-sufficiency 
exaggerates the importance of little affairs and little places. 
Colonials forget that they owe to union with the Empire 
the fact that they are not swallowed up by some larger 
power. Their own littleness and powerlessness require to 
be brought home to the masses of many Colonies. 

4. Colonial jealousy is a fearful thing.* The Australian 

* Lord Jersey has kindly sent us the paper which he read before the Imperial Institute 
on the 7th December, from which we quote the following passage in point : 

" It is puzzling to define the exact position of Federation. The sentiment has many 
powerful and eloquent supporters. On the other hand the steps taken to secure it ar« 
rather crab-like. I thought at the outset that the obvious benefits arising from Federation 
would have secured its adoption, but a closer acquaintance makes me doubt the probability 

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The Collapse of ** TlieJmperial Federation League'' 1 1 3 

Colonies will not federate even among themselves ; any 
advantage to one is resented by all others, as occurred in 
the question of coining silver ; and it is not too much to 
say that, in many cases, this mutual animosity is equalled 
only by their downright aversion to the Mother-country. 
In this connexion, it is significant that the annual Australian 
Federation Council is not to meet this January. 

5. The claim of the Colonies for a voice in Imperial 
policy forms a whole group of serious difficulties : — 

{a) The reasonable objection of the Mother-country to 
having her voice borne down by the clamour of her smaller 
offspring. As a rule, it is not for her own affairs that she 
is brought into collision with other powers, or has to face 
the issues of war ; generally, she is pushed in this direction 
for the interests of her Colonies and Dependencies, and 
much against her will. It is right, then, that Great Britain 
should be the judge of the comparative importance of 
individual cases ; nor in this should the Colonies seek to 
curtail her action. 

{b) If there is to bean Imperial Federal Council, what 
are to be its duties and its powers ? That it should over- 
ride the decisions of the Imperial Parliament is both un- 
constitutional and impossible ; and if it is to have but a 
consultative voice it becomes practically unimportant and 
useless. 

(r) How is an Imperial Federation Council to be secured, 
on which each important party of each Colony would be 
represented and be allowed due comparative weight, with 
each other and with Great Britain "i How are the votes to 
be made proportionate to the importance ? 

What {a) is to be the relative position of Dependencies 

of the early formation of one central Government for Australia. The different climates 
and eoormoos size of the country, nearly as large as Europe, must prove a difficulty. 
Under Federation Queensland would not have been allowed to reintroduce Kanaka or 
alien labour, in order profitably to work her sugar fields. Much is now said about inter- 
colonial Free Trade with a hostile tariff* against British and Foreign goods. If I belonged 
to New South Wales I should not care to throw away my commercial position for the 
sake of coming under, say, a Victoria inspired tariff*. The postal arrangements may be 
said to be federated, and it would be possible to apply a simikr policy to other matters 
wiihout undertaking the labour and criticism which must arise from the discussion of a 
new central constitution by six Parliaments.*' C^ r^r^t-Ar^ 

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NEW SERIES. VOL. VII. H ^ 



114 '^f^ Collapse of " The Imperial Federation Leagued 

as compared with Colonies ? and how is the voice of the 
former to be heard ? While India is a mere Dependency, 
the proposal to restrict Federation to self-governing Colonies 
is both absurd, meaningless, and impossible. 

{e) What is to be the " unit " for such votes ? Compara- 
tive population ? or revenue ? or importance ? or interests 
concerned ? What are to be the proportions ? Can Canada 
and India be put on a level with, say, Tasmania and Hong 
Kong, or Bermuda and Singapore ? 

These, and similar difficulties, render immediate Federa- 
tion an impossibility ; but they are mere details, capable of 
adjustment or elimination by time, patience and statesman- 
ship, as compared with the main difficulty — the ignorance 
and apathy of the Masses which hold all power both in the 
Mother-country and the Colonies. It has been, very 
absurdly, taken for granted that there can be and is no 
divergence of opinion on the main and central point — that 
Imperial Federation is a most desirable thing. This is a 
false supposition, both as regards Great Britain and the 
Colonies. Politicians (though not all). Statesmen, leaders 
of parties, the Press and the highly educated may, and 
perhaps do, consider this an axiom, — as indeed it is. But 
the masses do not admit it, or care for it, or even think 
about it. There is not a colony for the protection of the 
rights of which Great Britain would go to war, for instance 
with France or Russia : Demos would not hear of it. 
There are v^ry few Colonies (except Canada), where the 
masses care a straw, whether or not the connexion with 
Britain were severed to-morrow. Demos does not consider 
the British Empire as a whole, or even know its principal 
components : how many per cent, of British subjects could 
correctly detail the British possessions ? Its splendid 
history and glorious possibilities, its rich, varied and exten- 
sive geography, its actual state and its now uncertain 
future, the composition, greatness and prospects of its com- 
ponents are not matters that trouble the bulk of British or 
colonial electors half so much as the petty interests of their 
respective little Peddlingtons. Hence the mere pill for, a 

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The Collapse of " The Imperial Federation Leagued 1 1 5 

little self-sacrifice or of a small expenditure by the parts for 
the benefit of the whole is everywhere resented as an insult 
to dignity and an infringement of right. 

The parties neither thoroughly know nor understand 
each other : hence each is jealous of and contemns the 
other. It will take time to enlighten the ignorance and to 
stir up the thick blood of the masses at home and in the 
Colonies, before Imperial Federation can come into the 
range of practical politics. At present it is only an idea, to 
be worked up to. All the energies of its friends should be 
concentrated on the task of making it known to and under- 
stood by the masses : whatever is spqnt on other lines is, 
at present, simply loss of time, means and energy. 

We must teach the true relation between Great Britain 
and her Colonies. The Empire, including the Colonies, 
has been built up by Britain alone, at an immense expendi- 
ture of blood and treasure : a very considerable part of her 
National debt was incurred in this. She bears a continual 
expense, in the protection of the trade, property, and 
citizens, in their dealings with other powers ; and she has 
to fight their battles when necessary. The Colonies get 
much but give nothing in retiirn ; and they boast of being 
free to come or go as they please. Severing their connexion 
with Britain would render them an easy prey to other 
powers, none of which would treat them with the indulgence 
of the parent country. If it is quite true, that the Colonies 
do not need continual union with Britain to secure emi- 
grants, or loans or a market, for they can have all that, 
even as outsiders, it is equally true that Britain owes them 
no gratitude, for they do nothing for her more than for any 
other nation. Britain gains nothing from them except a 
barren honour and the privilege of much expenditure, while 
they reap great advantages from the connexion. Yet 
Britain cannot and will not herself sever willingly from her 
Colonies ; for besides losing what should be a tower of 
strength, she might either have to deal with them as rivals, 
or, it is conceivable, perhaps as the willing or unwilling 
instruments of her enemies. 



lies. The mutual dependence^ of , 

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1 16 The Collapse of " The Imperial Federation Leagued 

each on the other should be the chief subject for the in- 
struction of the masses. The advantag^es to all of a solid 
and cordial Federation of the whole British Empire, in the 
interests of peace, it is impossible to calculate.* The 
extent, composition, importance and interests of the com- 
ponent parts of the Empire should be made familiar to all. 
The history of its foundation, progress and greatness should 
be popularized. Above all, the obligation — social, moral 
and religious — of handing down, with undiminished extent 
and untarnished glory, the great inheritance bequeathed to 
us should be strenuously inculcated. 

Coming to matters of detail, three points were promi- 
nently put forward as those on which immediate steps 
might be taken for Imperial Federation. Of these, the 
Penny Postage seems the least important and the most 
easy to settle : but Australia is even more obstructive than 
the British Postmaster General. The concession can and 
ought to be made ; but whoever may make it (and pay 
for it) Australia will not. The present arrangement must 
last till 1896 ; and even then the consent of Australia is 
necessary. As an instance of Australian ways and tariffs, 
I may mention that the Indian telegraphs have to work 
Australian messages at a dead loss ; so that India is 
actually taxed for the benefit of Australia, without any 
corresponding return. Surely the great advantages of 
penny Postage between all parts of the British Empire 
would be cheaply purchased at the cost of subsidies from 
every component part of the Empire. 

The second point was a Customs' Union. Here again 
the difficulty lies in the Colonies, which are all Pro- 
tectionists. England will not, of course, go back from 
Free trade, in which she is joined by India. Hence she 
cannot grant ** preferential duties" to the Colonies. The 
only practical solution would be for the Colonies to try 
Free Trade, or at least reduced tariffs with the British 
Empire, keeping their present scale of duties for outsiders. 

* Is it only a dream to hope for a further Federation of all English speaking countries? 
If the United States joined the British Empire in a defensive League and both declared 
their purpose to pot down war, what nation would dare to fire a gun in ^^%^^c\cs\c> 

^ O 



The Collapse of ** The Imperial Federation League'' 117 

Canada is earnestly and, we trust, successfully taking the 
initiative in this important work. If protection be really 
necessary for the growing industries and products of the 
Colonies, let each Colony help its own with bonuses: 
perhaps even Great Britain could, with advantage, devote 
a part of the Imperial revenue for this purpose. 

The third — the most important — point, in which consists 
the very essence of Federation, is the Union for Imperial 
Defence. In this, too, Britain and India are in advance of 
the Colonies ; for between them Federation is a reality. 
It goes without saying that the Colonies certainly will 
refuse money to be used by Britain for Imperial purposes. 
There is really no reason why they should refuse, except 
Colonial perversity and jealousy. Yet it is as practicable 
as it is useful, nay necessary, that each Colony, in propor- 
tion to its means, importance and pride, should organize 
and support naval and military forces of its own, not only 
for self-defence but also for Imperial purposes. But, 
except in Canada, Colonial forces are merely nominal. 
The Colonies are protected by Great Britain : they get far 
more than they pay for, and far more than the proportion 
of their practical utility to Britain. They cannot pretend 
to exist apart, without such forces of their own, under the 
pretext that they have no enemies ; for enemies would 
arise speedily enough if they were cut off from the Empire ; 
and they would soon be swamped in the rush for extension 
of their limits by other great powers. 

While the Colonial forces remain entirely under the 
control of the colony which maintains them, they must be 
subject, in fixed proportions, to the call of the Imperial 
Government. This would not often be made. Practically, 
the Empire would need a united effort only in case of a 
war with France or Russia, or both.* Such a war is sure 
not to be provoked by Great Britain herself, but to be 

* It is difHcalt to imagine any case between Great Britain on one side and the United 
States and Germany on the other, which could not and would not be settled by diplomacy 
or arbitration, without a recourse to arms. No other war could arise, which would tax 
the resources of even England alone. But France and Russia, which may provoke a war 
any day, would need for their adequate punishment the united forces of the whole Empire 



'le 



1 1 8 The Collapse of ** Tlie Imperial Federation League'' 

forced upon her by the restless enmity of these two 
aggressive powers. I am convinced, that in such a case, 
every Colony worthy of its origin would gladly send part 
of its forces, under their own officers and at their own 
expense, to fight for Imperial purposes, under the direction 
of the Imperial Government. Great Britain can scarcely 
have a casus belli, except for protecting some portion of 
the Empire ; and in that work the whole Empire should 
naturally take a share. But in this connexion, Great 
Britain must learn that she can retain the Colonies only by 
strenuously maintaining all their rights and being resolute 
and ready for war, betimes, in their defence even against the 
greatest powers. The reckless neglect of this duty during 
many years is a sad damper on Imperial aspirations and 
Imperial Federation. Why should the Colonies tax them- 
selves for a defence, which they cannot, alone, carry out, 
and which Great Britain will neither allow them to under- 
take nor help them to execute ? 

To write and work up these points, and to present them 
perseveringly and prominently to the masses, both in Great 
Britain and .especially in the Colonies, should be the 
immediate and future work of the Imperial Federation 
League. In this work all its members, no matter how 
they differ in details of opinion, can unite ; and it is better 
that the whole League should work together, than divide it- 
self and its energies. Public meetings, representative Con- 
ferences, lectures, newspaper articles, books,* pamphlets, 
leaflets, and especially school-books prepared for this purpose 
are among the means for preparing public opinion for the 
great act of the Imperial Federation of the British Empire. 

The defunct Central organization would have been very 
useful as a central guide and authority; and it should be 
re-constituted as soon as practicable. Hoping to hear 
speedily that this has been done, we will not write on its 
coffin, Requiescat in pace; but the heart-felt wish, 

Meuoribus Resurgat Fatis ! 

* Especially fitted for this purpose would be Novels of locml interest, with scenes laid 
in various parts of the British Empire, and descripdre of countries and people^ 



119 



A STUDY ON EGYPTIAN AND BABYLONIAN 

TRIADS. 

By Felix Robiou, 

Hon. Professor in the Faculty of Letters, Rennes, and Correspondent 

of the Instiiui} 

I. 

The grouping together of mythological beings in triads in ancient Egypt 
was noted long ago by Champollion himself. Francois Lenormant had 
recognised some in ancient Babylonia ; the recent work of Prof. Sayce 
(Hibbert Lectures^ 1887) has confirmed this fact, and has, moreover, brought 
into relief the existence, or at least the probability, of extremely ancient 
relations between Egypt and the district of the Lower Euphrates. 

May we hence conclude that this mythological conception was trans- 
mitted from one of these countries to the other ? The question is one of 
keen interest, like all questions bearing upon ancient religious traditions 
and the relations, and generally the history, of primitive peoples. But we 
can only touch this question by first obtaining an exact idea of the nature 
of the different triads adored in either of the two countries, of the doctrines 
expressed by them, and if possible, of their respective antiquity. Such is 
the object of the present paper which I venture to offer to the Congress. I 
make no pretension to produce new documents. But the numberless re- 
sults obtained by Brugsch regarding the religious geography, the theology 
and the mythology of ancient Egypt, the discoveries of Telloh, interpreted 
by Oppert, Sayce's great work on Sumerian and Babylonian beliefs, render 
the undertaking possible, and, though less meritorious, still useful, of 
establishing relationships between local cults, and drawing deductions 
therefirom. 

XL 

The triads most anciendy known, most numerous, and, from this point 
of view, the easiest to study are those of Egypt. 

Attention has long since been directed to those which consist in the 
union of three members of the same family, the father, the mother and the 
son (the last being substantially identical with his father). This form of 
triad is expressed, at least in the Theban triad, by the singular formula* 
Amon — bull (that is to say, husband), of his mother, Amon being husband 
of Mout, but being identical with Chons, or Chonsou, who is begotten 
by her.2 

Although the name of Amon, or rather perhaps the honorary epithet 

^ A paper read, on the 3rd September, before the Statutory IXth International Congress 
of Orientalists (London, 1891) ; translated from the French by C. H. £. Carmichael, M.A., 
Foreign Corresponding Member of the Society of Comparative Legislation, Paris, and of 
the Geographical Society, Lisbon. 

* Sec Brugsch, Geogr, InschrifUn alt-y^gypt. Denkmadtr^ pp. 176-7. 

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1 20 A Study on Egyptian and Babylonian Triads, 

which it represents (the mysterious one), is found once or twice on the 
monuments anterior to the Middle Empire, neither Theban worship, 
properly so called, nor even the town of Thebes, is mentioned before the 
Xlth Dynasty. 

It is possible that the mythological or theological system of which I have 
been speaking belongs to very early times, even perhaps to the primitive 
period of Egyptian history ; but we have no proof of this, and it would be 
rash to assert, without further examination, that the same kind of triads 
has belonged to all countries. In fact we shall soon see that there were, 
even in Egypt, very different kinds of triads from this. 

But, to keep for the present to the triad of Amon, Mout, and Chonsu, 
the expressions indicated may, if required, bear two senses ; that which I 
have stated, and that which would make Mout the mother of Amon him- 
self, united with him for the birth of a son. If this is so, Amon and Mout 
are both eternal, and not Mout alone, as we shall see to be the case else- 
where, with another goddess. The unique designation of mother^ (Mout), 
borne by the goddess of Thebes would favour this interpretation ; but 
nowhere, it appears to me, is it supported by any primitive text ; nowhere 
do we see attributed to the god Amon any other origin than himself, and 
the well-known formula, attributed to him, of " the god who gives existence 
to himself," expresses his eternity more naturally than his identity with his 
son. The idea of an independent eternity is really involved in the affirma- 
tion of the divine unity, expressly applied to Amon-Ra in the famous hymn 
of the XVIIIth Dynasty published by Gr^baut, in which we read also the 
epithet : husband of his mother. The natural interpretation of this myth 
is, therefore, an eternal god, whose spouse is his double (didoublem€nt\ 
since neither the one nor the other has any beginning, and who himself 
reproduces himself in another. We shall soon find a counterpart of this. In 
fact, hard by, in the same Nomos (province), at Erment, which the Greeks 
called Hermonthis, and which bore in the vulgar Pharaonic geography the 
name of Ani or Anu-res^ viz.^ the Ani of the South, in contradistinction to 
the Northern Ani^ or Heliopolis, we find a triad whose analogy with that of 
Thebes is striking, and amounts almost to identity. For here, in fact, the 
triad is composed of first, the god Month or Mentu, the god of the 
nomos, who is also the god of the city, doubtless the metropolis of the 
region before the building of Thebes, — then of the goddess Tt-Ra-petay — 
and, lastly, oi Hor-pe Ra-pe-Chrudy 

Month is at once a warrior and a solar god, qualities which the 
ancient mythologies readily combine: here he is purely st)lar, as Amon 
was at Thebes, since both are so described by their denominations even 
in the triads, Amon-Ra, Month-Ra. But the name of the goddess of 
Hermonthis does not mean the mother; it means the feminine sun of the 
world. We recognise here, therefore, what I had suggested as probable a 
little above : a goddess, the feminine duplicate of her husband. As for 
their son, his name means Hor the child sun. Here, then, the funda- 
mental identity of the father with the son is expressed by the name of the 

^ Brugsch, op, cit,, pp. 176, 193-4. 

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A Study on Egyptian and Babylonian Triads. 1 2 1 

latter instead of by the singular epithet with which we have met : the two 
triads of this province may, therefore, be considered as making but one. 
Such is the dogma of the Thebaid. 

III. 

A little further south, in the third nomos of Upper Egypt (the Latopolite, 
that of Esne), we find the triad, Chnum, Nebuut, He-ka-pe-Chrud.^ 
Chnum, or Num (the Khnouphis of the Greeks), was also a solar god ; 
but considered specially as the producer of life, and as a sovereign being, to 
whom was given the title of maker of gods and men, as the Jupiter of the 
I-ratin poet is called hominum pater ^ atque deorum^ he had for attributes the 
potter's wheel and the egg, representing a primitive germ in several 
mythologies. 

Nebuut has numerous synonyms in the Egyptian pantheon : she is 
Nit, Menhiit, Pacht, Tafnut, Hathor; but she is above all, Isis, whose 
symbolic head-dress (the cow's head) she wears. She is, therefore, the 
goddess of fecundity, an attribution which plainly corresponds with the 
title of author of gods and men borne by her husband. Heka, little or not 
at all known elsewhere, here bears no epithet but that of child (Pe-Chrud). 
But as the word Heka means to command {prescrire\ one may believe that 
the son of Chnum and Nebuut is the symbolical expression of the laws 
of that world of which his parents are the authors. 

Here, therefore, we have three groups belonging to neighbouring 
countries, and in which the private relations of the persons who form each 
appear also to approximate to each other, as does likewise the general 
conception. But if we go a few steps further, if we advance towards the 
Nubian frontier, if we reach or pass the First Cataract, we find a con- 
ception of the triad very different from this. 

IV. 
The triad of the First Cataract, or rather of the province in which it is 
situated, comprises still the person of Chnum, but with him are two 
goddesses, Sati and Anq.'-^ The name of Sati is indeed Egyptian ; she is, 
like Isis, a sister-wife ; but her name, or the orthography given to it, 
signifies an arrow, or the action of throwing darts, which appears to make 
her a solar deity. Nevertheless, Brugsch thinks that it may be understood 
also of the water which irrigates the earth, or of the seed which is sown 
therein. The Egyptian texts, he adds, do not permit us to doubt that 
Sati-t was a surname of Sothis, the goddess who spreads (repand) the Nile 
{Sati'Hapu)y that is to say, who presides over the inundation — which began 
at the heliac rising of this star (Sirius), and Sothis is the star of Isis. And 
as the rising of her waters begins at the summer solstice, Sati naturally 
finds herself correlated with Chnum-Ra. The capital of the nomos. Hud, 
or T'es-Hor, moreover, has for its protector the god Hor.-^ It would 
seem to result firom this that Chnum-Ra, Sothis and Hor-Hud ought to 
form the local triad, a variant of the solar triad ; but it is not so, or at 

^ Brugsch, op. cU.y pp. 169-173. ^ Or Anuq ; Brugsch, op, cU.^ p. 164. 

' Brugsch, op. cii.t p. 165. 



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122 A Study on Egyptian and Babylonian Triads. 

least it has not always been so. The worship of Hor-Hud is indeed of 
that nature, and the Greeks gave to this nomos (the second) the name of 
Apollinopolite, the post- Homeric confusion between Apollo and Helios 
having been made long before the Macedonian conquest : but Hor does 
not find a place in the triad as epigraphy makes it known to us. The 
third person in it is not a god, but a second goddess, Anq, whose name, 
moreover, is not Egyptian ; — it is surely that of a Nubian divinity. Is this 
an alteration of the ancient worship due to foreign immigration ? Perhaps ; 
but at least we recognise the existence of a triad with two goddesses, on 
Egyptian territory, at a slight distance from Latopolis, at a moderate dis- 
tance from Hermonthis and even from Thebes. 

The same worship existed in the Nubian Province which was comprised 
in the Egyptian Empire, but with a difference. Chnum is, in Nubia, 
sometimes retained, sometimes is replaced, or more correctly pechaps, can 
be replaced by Amon, the two goddesses remaining the same.^ Elsewhere, 
moreover, the triad of the Nubian nomos is composed of Ra, Schu (Shu), 
and Tafnut.^ Schu is ordinarily the mythological expression of the rising 
sun ; and we shall see elsewhere that Tafnut is his sister, and not his 
mother. It appears, therefore, that on both sides of the frontier the con- 
ception of the divine triad did not include the notion of maternity. 

V. 

If we now take our way down the Nile below Thebes, we shall find quite 
a different state of things. Of the eighteen nomoi which remain to be 
passed on the way to the southern frontier of Lower Egypt, ten (x.-xiv., 
and xviii.-xxii.) show no appearance of a triad. 

At Coptos, Men, whom the Greeks called Pan, was adored under the 
characters alike of Osiris and of Horus ;^ we have, therefore, here again the 
case of identity of son and father, but we do not see any female person. 
Elsewhere (nomoi vi. and viii.), we find Enneads in which we recognise, 
but not isolated, triads that we shall find again at Abydos and Heliopolis. 
In another nomos (vii,) we see a certain number of goddesses together with 
Chonsu; but it is not certain that this Theban god forms one single 
group with them.* It is, on the contrary, the male gods, Thot, Sa, and 
Toum, who form a triad in nomos xv. (the Southern Hermopolite).^ We 
find two gods and a goddess (Chnum, Pacht, and Thot) in the sacred 
grotto called Speos Artemidos by the Greeks, a grotlo which belonged to 
nomos xvi.,^ and here a Theban Ennead was adored together with the 
above triad, but in the next nomos (xvii., the Cynopolite),^ two triads 
divide the worship of the people : the one composed of three gods (Im-hopt, 
Hor-si-Esis, /.<?., Horus son of Isis, and Hap, the Nile) ; the other (Im- 
hopt, Pacht, and Anubis), more in conformity with the Theban model, but 
in which the first god, recognised as son of Ptah, cannot be assimilated 

^ Brugsch, op. cit.^ pp. 154, 161. 

'^ Two inscriptions at Philae (p. 151) describe as having come from Nubia both Shu 
first read Mu), son of Ra, and his sister, Tafnut, whom we find elsewhere. 

* Brugsch, op, cit.t p. 199. * Jbid.y p. 204. 

* Ibtd.y p. 22a « Ibid.y pp. 225-6. ' Ibid,^ p. 227. 



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A Study on Egyptian and Babylonian Triads. 123 

either to the Theban Ammon or to the Chnum of the Cataract, who both 
represent a primordial divinity. 

Even in the cases where an Egyptian text brings out the identity of a 
father and son, it never goes so far as to exhibit the latter under his proper 
name as the fons et origo. The Cynopolitan triad, which has just been 
mentioned, may be considered as a triad of the second rank. 

VI. 

We now at last reach the triad of Abydos, the most celebrated of all, 
because it was known to the Greeks and studied by Plutarch, and which 
was composed of Osiris, Isis, — his sister and wife, — and their son Horus. 
I call this a triad, although Osiris and Isis are called the children of Seb 
and Nut (the earth god and the sky goddess), and although they had for 
brothers and sister Hor-uer, Set (Typhon) and Nephthys, at least in the 
complete or completed mythology of later times.^ 

It is certain that any one who takes up the study of Plutarch's treatise 
on Isis and Osiris finds himself very far from the known theory of the 
triads, and all the more because in this family he finds an obstinate feud 
existing. But is this opposition between the doctrines as complete or as 
real at bottom as it is in appearance ? Is it an original or a factitious 
opposition? This is what we have to examine, distinguishing carefully 
between the various elements of the myth. Let us begin with the feature 
which is most incompatible with the doctrine of Thebes or Elephantine, 
namely, with the wicked war of brother against brother, continued, by way 
of defence or revenge, by the nephew against the uncle. I will not here 
reopen the examination into this question which I made in a lengthy 
paper presented to the Stockholm session of this Congress, and which 
is now printed (1891); but I must refer to the conclusions at 
which I arrived, especially as regards the earliest period. I believe that I 
demonstrated by the texts of that period, the greater part of which have only 
been recently published and translated (by Maspero, in his Recueil), that 
the idea of this hostility does not go back to the earliest times of the 
Egyptian religion, and that, on the contrary, Hor and Set were for a fairly 
long period considered as two names, two distinct aspects of one and the 
same divinity ; that the doctrine of hostility was slowly and painfully built 
up; and lastly, that it never was fully and universally prevalent, except 
perhaps about the time of the Roman Empire. The Egyptian religion was 
never really dualistic. Besides the many and explicit texts belonging to all 
periods, which establish this result, we find indirect proof of it in a fact 
which the ignorance of the Alexandrians had obscured in Europe, but 
which Brugsch brought out into relief \^ the fact, namely, that Nephthys, 
the wife of Set, is nei^er considered otherwise than as a beneficent divinity. 

* Brugsch, op, cit.^ p. 207, and especially -^^/j^w« u, Myihologie d. alt, yEgypi.., pp. 4-7, 
83, 612, 614, 623, 631, 646, etc., De Roug^, Notice Somm,^ pp. 135-9, 141-31 Renouf, 
Hibbert Lect,^ 1879, pp. IIO-15. 

^ RcL und MythoL der altert ^gypt.^ pp. 732, 734, 737-8. The Greek tradition 
which made Nephthys the wife of Set is confirmed by a small monument in the Louvre, 
where we see her side by side with that god (Pierret, Dictionnaired^Arch^oL Egyptienne^ 
p. 336). It is, moreover, an exceptional fact : usually she is a duplicate of Isis. )OQIc 



124 A Study on Egyptian and Babylonian Triads, 

A goddess-wife is always more or less the duplicate of her husband. 
Here the goddess has kept her ancient character, although it has often been 
taken away from the god Set, probably for causes different from those 
mentioned in my paper referred to above. As to Haroeris {Hor-uer^ 
Horus the elder), it is very difficult to look upon him as being essentially 
the uncle of Horus, and to see in his distinct personality anything else than 
a relatively recent mythological dream. ^ 

But Osiris, considered at first, it would seem, alone, as exercising the 
divine authority in the other world, since under the ancient empire 
funeral monuments alone contain his name, — Osiris, who has never been 
deprived of this attribute,— how comes he to figure in a triad in which 
Hor-Set plays the part of son, and Isis that of mother, while Hor, whose 
name represents the sky, the upper region, is manifestly a celestial god ? 

The substantial identity of father and son, a general principle of the 
theology of the Pharaohs, and which comes out more especially in the 
development of the doctrine of Osiris, will probably serve to solve this 
problem. User means the powerful one {par excellence)^ and Es-iri signifies 
the seat of sight or of action : this, latter etymology corresponds exactly 
with the written name of this divinity : in other words, Osiris is the master, 
the intelligent director of the world, which leads us to believe that he was 
never confined to the part of god of the dead. But since the future life is 
the more important of the two, the endless reign of justice, and since there 
is no ancient people in whose mind this doctrine held a greater place than 
among the Egyptians, it is there that we have been able, above all, to con- 
sider the supreme deity in its part of equitable arbiter of our future 
destinies, Hor, the celestial god,^ regulating the events of the visible 
world, but not being really distinct from Osiris; which the Egyptian 
mythology expressed, — or ended by expressing, — by making the one the 
father of the other. 

Isis (Ese, Space), may at first have been a simple abstraction, help- 
ing to make plain the divine action in the several worlds. But when the 
custom prevailed of grouping the divine denominations into families, Isis, 
whose name, since the IVth Dynasty, was expressed in writing by one of 
the elements of the name of Osiris, naturally became his wife, and sub- 
sequently the mother of his son. 

But when these questions have been settled, there arises another : Osiris 
and Isis are the children of Seb (or Qeb) and of Nut, of the god of the 
earth and the goddess of the sky, which appears to represent a natural- 
istic doctrine very different from that which dominates the part of Osiris. 

That is true; but here, again, we must mistrust the information of 
Plutarch — Egyptian information, it is true, but expressing the tradition of 
the latest ages. We read in a stel^ at the Louvre cited by Brugsch, and 
reproduced by Pierret^ : "I am Tdm^ : I made the sky for Ra-Horchenti, 

* On this personage, see Brugsch, op, cU,, pp. 529-41. 

* Rel. u. Mythol.y etc. , p. 238. I have translated directly from the text given by Pierret, 
Recueil d* Inscriptions inidites du Music Egypt, du Louvre^ 2nd Part, p. 17), with the help 
of the citation by Brugsch. 

' [Turn seems to be sometimes identified with Osiris, as in the inscription on the 
Libation vase of Osor-Ur, translated by Paul Pierret, in Records of the Pftst^ xii., 0*77. 
*• Saith the Osiris ... for I am Toum." Translator.] Digitized by VjOOQ Ic 



A Study on Egyptian and Babylonian Triads, 125 

the earth for Qeb, producing and developing the beings who dwell on the 
earth." Elsewhere Qeb is called son of Schu : he is brother-husband of 
Nut, and consequently this couple is produced by a solar god.^ All 
this does not in any way answer to the idea of a heaven and an earth con- 
sidered as primordial, and, as a general thesis, the action of giving a 
father and mother to Isis does not seem really old. We find it pro- 
pounded under the Vlth Dynasty,'- but we shall see with what contra- 
dictions. 

In the Pyramid of Pepi I., Qeb stretches out one hand towards heaven, 
and the other towards the earth ; other descriptions call him great god, 
lord of heaven and earth ; lord of heaven, lord of the soil of the earth, 
and principally of the infernal region.^ The friend of the dead who reach 
a new sphere of existence in the east, he restores to them the use of their 
jaws, of their eyes, of their hands and leads them to the gates of heaven.* 
He is called, lastly, the father of him who hath formed him,^ that is to say, 
father of his own father, according to one of those strangely energetic 
formulae by which the Egyptians loved to express the identity of divine 
beings that belongs to their mythological being. 

As for Nut, the epigraphy of the Vlth Dynasty gives her for husband a 
son of Nit :^ she, also, although ordinarily represented with a woman*s 
body, spangled with stars, is invoked as goddess of the dead, and 
heaven, of which she is the goddess, is the country of the gods, and 
the future dwelling-place of the defunct We thus understand that she is 
the mother of King Teti. At this period she is described as daughter of 
Qeb and of Tafnut,^ which proves once again that the genealogy set 
forth by Plutarch is not primitive. 

There is, therefore, no real obstacle to considering the triad of Abydos, in 
the religion of the period of the Pharaohs, as a veritable triad, in the same 
sense as those of Thebes and Hermonthis; and, moreover, the texts 
which admit this hypothesis are also those which set before us in the 
varied and sovereign attributes of Qeb and Nut, the expression of a 
power which extends over the whole world, alike, that is, over the world 
of bodies and over that of souls. Here again we find that mixture of 
theology with mythology which prevailed on the banks of the Nile. 

VII. 

We reach at last the local cults of Lower Egypt : the first that we shall 

find there is that of Memphis. Here the great god is Ptah, or, if we 

prefer another way of putting it, bears the name of Ptah. He is born 

again perpetually under the form of the Bull Apis, sometimes called the 

1 Brugsch,^/. riV., p. 577. 

■•* Pyramid of Teti I. pp. 19-20, and Pepi I., pp. 160, 182, 184. Recufil, vol. v., pp. 36- 
38, clearly for Nut, and pp. 19-20, much less clearly for Seb. Cf. Pepi I., pp. 195-197. 

* Brugscb, ReL u, MytJiol, pp. 577, 579- 

* IHd., p. 580. " Ibid,y p. 579. « ReL «. MyfhoL, p. 603. 

7 Reauily v., p. 165. Note that Qeb himself is elsewhere called son of Schu {ReL u. 
MythoL^ p. 577), and that Schu is, as we shall see, brother or brother-husband of 
Tafnut. Thus Qeb must be, according to different texts, father, brother, and husband 
of Nut. 



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126 A Study on Egyptian and Babylonian Triads. 

" new life of Ptah," and who was the more easily identiOed with Osiris 
that Ptah himself pretty frequently bears the name of Ptah-Sokar-Osiris, 
yet another proof of the identity of the great gods. 

But in this re-birth, Ptah was not brought forth from a goddess ; the 
mother of Apis was a cow — real, not symbolical — which was believed to 
be impregnated by a celestial fire, and the Apis was recognised by certain 
divisions in the colour of his hair. He, therefore, does not figure in a 
divine triad, but Ptah had an exclusively divine son who was called 
Imhotep. At Memphis, says M. de Roug^, "he fulfilled part of the 
functions which the Thebans attributed to Khons, son of Ammon ;" but 
I have never met with any direct identification of Pacht, or Sekhet, who 
was called his mother, and the goddess mother of Khons, viz., Mut The 
name of the latter, as we have seen, simply means mother, while Sekhet is 
an infernal goddess, with the head of a lioness, who torments the guilty in 
hell. Ptah, moreover, is called father of the beginnings ; he is the creator 
of the cosmic egg of the sun ; his name means to open and to sculpture^ : he 
is, therefore, regarded as one who develops the beings whose germs were 
in the egg of chaos and who gives them their definite shape ; lastly, he is 
often represented under the wrappings of a mummy .^ 

There are doubtless marked relations between this conception and that 

of Amon-Ra, the author of the world, but not an identity ; above all, there is 

not identity in the triad as a whole, the two goddesses bear no resemblance 

to each other. One and the same general idea underlies the doctrines of 

the Memphitic school, probably the more ancient by several centuries, but 

in Southern Egypt this idea was not developed and formulated as in 

Northern Egypt. 

VIII. 

Not far from there, in the town of Tum (the setting, or set, Sun),* in 
the Northern Ani, which the Greeks called Heliopolis, we find a triad yet 
more markedly distinct ; for the goddess mother is not there, although the 
group is composed of two gods and a goddess. 

This triad consisted of Tum himself, his son Schu (formerly Mu) 
the rising sun, and Tafnut, a goddess with the head of a lioness — 1>., it 
consisted of father, brother and sister.* All three will be found also in 
the Ennead of Tentyris [Dendera], where Schu is explicitly called son of 
the Sun-god ; but neither there, nor at Heliopolis, is any reference made 
to the mother. 

' [Renouf, Hibberi Led., 1879, p. 178, calls Ptah the "opener," or the "Artist," and 
says that the Egyptian word Ptah " combines the sense of opening, or rather of la3riDg 
open, with that of artistic work." He also points out that *' it was because the Sun was 
the Opener that he was considered the Artist, especially in Memphis, the seat of the Arts, 
of which he was the chief divinity." In connection with the rendering " sculptor," it may 
be noted that sculptre is, according to Renouf, the only sense which the word retains in 
Coptic— Tr.] 

« Cf. Brugsch, Geog, Imchr., I., pp. 235, 238, and De Rouge, Notice Somm,, pp. 125-7. 

' The sacred names of this town were Pa-Ra, or Pa-Toum (Palace of the Sun), or 
again, Es-Ra, Ha-Tum, Throne of Ra, Dwelling of Tum, who is described as lord of 
the town or of the nomos. His name is sometimes replaced by another solar designation, 
Hor-em-akhu (Brugsch, Geog, Inschr., pp. 254-5) or Harmachis, Horns in the horizons. 

* See a passage in the Todtenbuch, xviii. 4, cited by Brugsch, Ibid, 



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A Study on Egyptian and Babylonian Triads. 1 2 7 

The divine sonship, therefore, has hitherto escaped the material condi- , 
tions to which it is elsewhere brought back, in the imagination of the 
Egyptians. 

A strange myth, long known in Europe since it was mentioned by 
Herodotus, expresses the same idea; and upon this myth it has been 
possible to expatiate (or divagate) at length, while the Egyptian texts did 
not clear it up ; but now it is no longer in doubt.^ This is the myth of 
the phoenix, periodically reproducing itself without a mother, an emblem 
of the re-birth of man in the future life, but by this very fact an emblem 
also of the daily re-birth of the sun, to which the Egyptians loved to liken 
the other : but neither presupposes a mother. If the goddess Tafnut is 
contained within this triad, it is as a duplication of Schu. The divine 
sister may be a duplicate as well as a wife ; and, in Egyptian mythology, 
these two notions are often fused. In an inscription at Edfu, Tafnut is 
described as a female Schu, differentiated from the god only by the gram- 
matical mark of the feminine gender. Much more is the idea of a god 
the husband of his mother entirely absent. 

All this is incontestable as regards the great triad of Heliopolis. But 
it does not necessarily follow that there was not worshipped at Heliopolis 
a triad consisting of father, mother, and son. There really was such a 
triad there, and even closely bound up with the other, in virtue of the con- 
sideration just mentioned. Schu and Tafnut are expressly spoken of 
sonoetimes as a conjugal couple, sometimes as the twin children of the 
great solar god, Tum or Ra,^ and the instance of Osiris and Isis suffices 
to show that these two notions were by no means incompatible. Tafnut 
is herself a solar divinity as well as Schu. The solar disk was repre- 
sented on her lioness-head. But the triad is completed by their child, 
Hor-sam-ta-ui^ who has been said to represent the new-year sun,^ but 
whose name means Horus reuniting under his sway the two couniries, />., 
the North and the South. It is, therefore, a sun, likewise, but a sun in its 
mighty relations with the terrestrial world. 

Nevertheless, this triad is quite secondary ; for it holds scant place in 
the Egyptian texts. It seems to be almost universally ignored, while the 
other is celebrated everywhere, although neither Schu nor Tafnut has given 
a name to any towns.* 

On the wall of a temple in the Oasis of Hibis may be read these words 
— ^part of a hymn to Amon-Ra : 

" The gods issued forth from thee. Thy emanation was for Schu, and 
thy begetting for Tafnut, in order to form the nine gods at the beginning 
of the becoming. Thou art the lord of the twin couple of lions."^ 

Tum being only a form (condition) of Ra, we see here the great triad 
of Heliopolis, but we see it under the aspect of a primordial group anterior 
even to the gods. Similarly at Xois, we read these words addressed to 
the same god, Amon-Ra : 

' See M. Wiedemann's Art. in Zaisch.y 1879, pp. 89-106, M. T. H. Martin, Dean 
of the Faculty at Rennes, had already cleared the way by his MSmoire sur la p^riode du 
Phhtix, 

* Bmgscb, ReL u. MythoL^ pp. 121, 195, 371, 422, 490, 492. 

' Op. cii.^ p. 121. * Op, cit.^ pp. 573-4. ' Ibid.^ Rel. u. Myth.^ p. 422. 

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128 A Study on Egyptian and Babylonian Triads. 

" Thou art the sole god who has been divided into two portions ; thou 
art the creator of the egg and the begetter of his pair of twins. "^ 

The essence of the myth of the triad is, therefore, the identification of 
the child with its father. 

Before leaving Heliopolis, let us add that a list of gods taken down by 
Brugsch in a funeral chapel at Thebes, mentions, with many others,^ five 
names of divinities distinguished as Heliopolitan, viz.. Turn, Schu, 
Tafnut, Seb, and NuL But a text of El-Kab expressly identifies 
Tafnut with Nut.^ On the other hand, Osiris is sometimes called 
Prince of Heliopolis, the chief of Heliopolis, and he must, for the authors 
of those texts, have been the great sun-god.* 

IX. 

Nowhere else in Lower Egypt do I find a triad properly so called : but 
the myth of Sais deserves close study, for it seems to have been the only 
clear instance of a primordial goddess begetting without a spouse — a 
notion which I have already indicated as possible but not probable, when 
speaking of the Theban myth. 

Only we must recognise that the best known text, and one of the most 
distinct, which has reference to the goddess of Sais, is not earlier than the 
last years of the sixth century b.c.^ 

It has been traced subsequently to the conquest of Cambyses ; it is the 
great inscription of Ut*a-Hor-Sun, called the Inscription of the Naophorous 
statuette of the Vatican, where the goddess Neit is styled " the great, the 
mother, she who hath borne Ra, the first child, not begotten {engendre) 
but brought forth {enfantSy 

A little further down, the author calls her " the great, the divine mother 
of the great gods of Sais." Now, these must include all the great gods of 
Egypt, for UtVHor-Sun adds that Sais is the town of all the gods, and 
that Neit is " the divine mother of the great [gods^^ without making any 
distinction between them. But the strict title of mother of Ra is attributed 
to her at the end of the same inscription. 

The character of this strange goddess is brought into relief {cuceniui) a 
long way from Sais, at Esne,** where she is called not only "ancient 
mother of the divinity," but ** father of fathers, mother of mothers, the 
scarabaeus and the vulture (emblems of paternal and maternal generation), 
which exists from the beginning." 

Numerous inscriptions agree in showing her as moulder (Jormatrice) of 
the world. She is the creator of Atum (Tum), " who was when nothing 
was, and has made all that has existed. She is the cow Meht-uer, that 
is to say, the entire fulness which concealed under its powerful volume oi 
waters the earth which was to come."' 

In a Pharaonic inscription at Tentyra [Dendera], she is called also, 

^ Brugsch, J^el. u. J/., p. 422. ^ Geog. Insch,^ p. 265. 

•'» Ibid,, p. 255. ■* Ibid,^ p. 256. 

^ This text was translated into French long ago by M. de Roug^ in AntiaUs de PJkilo- 
sophU Chritienne, and into German by Brugsch, in Geog, Insch,, pp. 247-S. 
• Brugsch, AV/. h. Myth., p. 114. ^ Ibid., p. 115. 



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A Study on Egyptian and Babylonian Triads, 129 

" Lady of the two worlds who dwells in Thebes, the great mother who was 
at the beginning with the god Nun (Abyssus), the great mother, who has 
CO mother."^ 

But the varied abundance and the contradiction of the terms which 
•designate her must be followed into every particular, if we wish to have a 
real (I do not say a clear) idea of what was the nature of the Pantheistic 
school among the Egyptians, of the correlation and confusion of the 
<livinities and groups, especially in that school. 

Neit, goddess of Latopolis, has been identified with Tafnut because of 
her marriage with Chnum, there considered as a form of Schu, the brother- 
husband of that goddess and son of Neit-Menhit : this formulates the 
identity of the mother and daughter. This Neit-Menhit of Esne, great 
lady of the land of the South, is, moreover, herself " the germ of gods 
and men, mother of Ra, she who exalts Atum, she who was when 
ooching was, she who has made what is here, after she had become father 
^f fathers and mother of mothers, she is the lady of the father's house 
and of the mother's house. "^ 

At Thebes she takes the name of Amont (the female Amon) as mother 
of the sun. She is also mother of the sun at Tentyra, where, moreover, 
she is expressly called lady of Sais.'^ 

This mention of Neit under her ordinary appellation, and without any 
memorial of Tafnut, is no isolated fact in Upper Egypt. In a royal tomb 
at Thebes — that of Queen Teti — she is also called " great Neit, divine 
mother, lady of heaven." She is also styled " divine mother " and at the 
same time lady of Northern Saitica in an inscription at Denderah.** 

It is, therefore, certain, that for the priesthood and people of Sais, the 
goddess Neit was the one absolutely primitive divine being, a mother 
without a husband, mother of all the gods, and specially of the sun god, 
under his name of Ra. He does not here bear, it is true, his Theban 
title of Amon-Ra, under which, at least since the early days of the new 
empire, he was adored as the only {unique) god. 

But eight or nine centuries after the great Theban kings, the impression 
iproduced by that exaltation of their Ra was to be, and for a long time, 
made general. Here, again, we should find it difficult to mistake this want 
of logic which has frequently had to be noticed in Egyptian mythology. 

Another Saitic document, a sarcophagus preserved at Turin, describes 
Bast, or Basti, as being " the chief lady of Sais."'^ 

Elsewhere Osiris is called " the chief of Sais," as we have lately seen 
him called the prince or chief of Heliopolis ; at Esne it is Min (or Khem) 
who is called lord of Sais.** But the contradiction here is not so flagrant 
as that which appears to exist between the dogmas of Sais and of Thebes ; 
-Uie variety of names may cover and has often covered an identity of 

1 Brugsch, Kei, u. Myth,, p. 122, cf. p. 168. 

2 Ibid,, p. 348. 

^ Id., ReL u. Myth,, p. 353. 

* Id,, Gfog. Insch,, p. 245. 

• /</., op^ cit,, p. 246. 

« Id,, op, cit., u. s, Cf. Zeiisch., 1882, p. 39. 

JNEW SERIES. VOL. VIL I ^ , 

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130 A Study on Egyptian and Babylonian Triads. 

mythological personages. The identity of Min with Osiris is set forth in 
a text in which the god bears both these names with the epithet MeKnofrk^ 
(he who increases good,^) a title under which we may recognise both the 
meaning of Unnofr^, a characteristic epithet of Osiris, and that of a 
development, by way of generation, of the nature of beings, presided over 
by Min, 

X. 

If we now recapitulate in its entirety all that we have learned, what 
conclusions can we draw therefrom? It seems to me that these 
are : — 

The question of the Egyptian triads is more complicated, or, if the ex- 
pression be preferred, more varied, than had at first been supposed. 

If all the nomoi of Pharaonic Egypt had not by any means all of them 
a tutelary triad, if the Enneads are scarcely less numerous, and if the 
greater part of the towns did not possess (at least properly speaking) either 
the one or the other of these collective forms of worship, even all the 
triads do not bear anything like a close resemblance to each other. A 
few only are composed of father, mother, and son. Elsewhere the god- 
dess is the sister or wife, and not the mother of the third divinity. Yet 
again, elsewhere, the three divinities are male ; and we also find a god 
accompanied by two goddesses. Nowhere can we indicate, with any pre- 
cision, at what period of history each of these groups was formed. And 
none of them, notwithstanding the substantial identity of father and son^ 
recalls in its integrity the idea of the Christian Trinity. 

We do not even understand, in the midst of such a variety, what was the 
general conception beneath the formation of these groups, if any such there 
was. If, then, our study of the subject has fixed our attention on a certain 
number of results at once positive and interesting, the idea which emerges 
from the whole is chiefly negative. Does this necessarily mean that it is 
without interest ? I am far from suggesting this. To stop or prevent the 
formation of an erroneous doctrine is no indifferent matter, whether in 
morals or science. And notwithstanding the immense progress which 
has been made during the last half-century in Oriental studies, we cannot 
say that the dangerous temptation to set up hypotheses has been entirely 
overcome. Here, as also sometimes in what concerns prehistoric times,, 
my life has been for several years, and will be to the end, devoted in great 
part to services of this kind. 

But on the banks of the Euphrates also we have been taught by recent 
discoveries the existence of triads. What are these in themselves ? Cai> 
they help to make us understand the Egyptian triads better ? Has there 
been an influence of the one set over the other ? These are difficult and 
perhaps, to a certain extent, premature questions. Nevertheless, as it 
appears to me that if I were not to touch upon them, something would be 
wanting in my present paper, I will, on that account, ask the Congress 
kindly to lend me its attention a little longer, for the remarks which I shall 
have to make upon this question. 

^ /e/., p. 213. His identification with Athen^ may arise either from a metathesis, or 
from the shuttle, which is its phonetic sign. 



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A Study on Egyptian and Babylonian THads. 131 

XI, 

The Hibbert Lectures of Prof. Sayce may be compared, for the abundance 
of the documents contained in them, with the great work of Brugsch ; 
moreover, it appears to me that these Lectures ought to put an end for 
ever, by bringing back the question to its proper limits and by setting in 
relief the reciprocal and prolonged influence of the Accado-Sumerian and 
Semitic races, to the objections previously formulated by science against 
this dualism, objections which, for my own part, I was never able to con- 
sider reconcilable with the nature of man's mind, the history of Babylonian 
writing being what we know it to be. 

Prof. Sayce recognises both Accado-Sumerian triads, and Babylonian 
triads, properly so called. The old Accadians, he says,^ appear to have 
had an inclination to a triad. Among the Chaldean Semites, triads were 
but exceptional, although these exceptions fill a considerable space in their 
mythology. But when we study these triads in the two races, we only recog- 
nise that we usually cannot affiliate them on those of Thebes, Abydos, and 
Memphis. Generally speaking, even, we may say that the female members 
of the triads do not appear there. This does not mean that there were 
no goddesses adored by a Sumerian race. Such there certainly have been^ 
and we can recognise several of them in the inscriptions of Tellob, the 
most ancient known ;^ but there is, in these latter, no appearance of 
divinities grouped in triads. 

The most ancient triad known in this region is the expression of a sort 
of federation of cults : £a, the great god of Eridou, and Mul-lil, the great 
god of Nipur, were associated with the great god of Erech, Ana, the 
creative heaven, — doubtless the same who was adored at Telloh by 
Gudea.^. This recalls to us, though without any idea of a borrowing, the 
Brahmanic triad formed by the combination of three mythologies not only 
different but opposed, — in the case, at least, of two of them, — m., the 
Triad of Brahma, Vishnu, and Siva. This fact, belonging to a period 
which appears relatively recent, ought to suffice to prevent the raising of 
any previous question arising from a probability with regard to the associa- 
tion of which Mr. Sayce speaks. Now in this very combination we see a 
flagrant opposition to all the Egyptian triads. Each of these is special to 
a particular town, although it may eventually have been worshipped in 
different towns; never were they formed by the grouping together of 
divinities special to various nomoi. 

But what do these three great Chaldean gods represent ? 

Ea, the Oannes of the Babylonian Semites, was lord of the depths of the 
sea.^ He became afterwards, he perhaps already was in ancient Eridou, 
the revealer of science and of wisdom. Mul-lillah, Oppert^ tells us, is the 
same god who was worshipped by the Assyrians under the name of Bel, 
the mighty, the master par excellence ; his attribute, therefore, was that of 

» Hibbert Lectures, 1887, p. 1 10. 

' See Transactions of the Berlin Congress [of Orientalists], pp. 242-3, Oppert ; Leyden 
Congress [do.], pp. 627-33, Oppert ; Vienna Congress [da], pp. 250-55, Hommel. 

* Sayce, op. cit,, pp. 184-93, and cf. p. no. * Sayce, op, cit,, p. m. 

• Trans,, Leyden Congress, p. 630. 

I 2 



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132 A Study on Egyptian and Babylonian Triads. 

god of war, and we have seen that Ana is the creator of the world. Thus 
the formation of the world, the wisdom which enlightens it, the might which 
directs it, — these are the known attributes, in historic times, of the most 
ancient triad which we have found worshipped at Babylon. Did this triad 
sooner or later personify the physical sky, the depths of the sea, the in- 
habited earth ? I cannot pretend to decide this point here ; but I may be 
permitted to draw attention to a general observation. From the fact that 
a particular divinity in a particular region has been invested with a physical 
and an intellectual or moral character, it would be very rash to conclude, 
without the testimony of an historical chronology (which is the case now 
before us), that the first attribute preceded the second. As long as man 
has existed, pun have been men ; and therefore they possess a moral sense, 
intellectual faculties, and physical organs. If the demonstration of the 
fact of a primitive revelation be accepted, no one will support the thesis 
that it necessarily had for its sole object that which relates to man 
physically ; while for those who do not accept this demonstration, silence 
and uncertainty will be the most logical — the only logical — answer, with 
regard to the nature of the conception of a divine being by the mind of man.^ 
But if the great attributes, creative wisdom and power, just enumerated, 
were really the primitive attributes of the great gods of Erech, Eridou, and 
Nipur, another question arises. Evidently, all three at the same time 
agree in the divinity, the sole divine being. Are we to conclude that the 
reason alleged by Prof. Sayce in explanation of the formation of this triad, 
— viz,y the fusion of pre-existing cults, — is inadmissible because, for a good 
Theodicea, each of the three involves the others ? I do not think that 
this is a rigorously historic conclusion. Each of the three towns might 
adore the divinity under a special aspect, the one as creative, the other as 
intelligent, and the third, again, as mighty. If my present essay carries us 
back to a very remote period, it nevertheless does not take us back to the 
origin of the human race. Transformations of religious thought had had 
the time to be evolved under the influence of varying causes. All the great 
races whose primitive history we know or guess, have, at an early date, in 
their towns or their schools, broken up the divinity which they worshipped 
by personifying its attributes or its acts. Logic took this as it best could ; 
for logic is not a popular idea. Contradictions of this kind are not 
wanting in ancient Egypt, and at a time less remote not only than the 
ancient but even than the middle empire of the Pharaohs. The Vedic 
Hymns are addressed to Beings described as distinct, although in the same 
collection their identity is affirmed, notwithstanding that Brahmanic 
Pantheism was not yet in existence. Why should not a similar pheno- 
menon have been witnessed in ancient Chaldea ? 

XII. 
We find among the Babylonian Semites a reproduction, or rather a 
counterpart, of the triad, a reproduction naturally brought on by the 

* With the exception, however, of a fact, which I have pointed out elsewhere, rw., 
that texts, Tvith the relative dcUes, show us the development of doctrine proceeding generally 
from the more spiritual to the less spiritual. 



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A Study on Egyptian and Babylonian Triads. 133 

Suraerian influeQce upon the Semitic civilization of that country.^ Ana, 
the god of Erech, is called Anu at Babylon ;^ the other two members of 
the Triad are Ea, who sometimes^ retains his proper name, and sometimes* 
bears that of Oannes (or at least the name which the Greek text of Berosus 
transcribes as Oannes), and Bel, who was identified with Mul-lil,or Mul-Iillah, 
by the Accadians themselves.^ This latter was considered as the god of 
the infernal world ; but the correlation between this attribute and that of 
a power exercised upon the earth is not unacceptable : it answers to the 
complex attributes of the Chthonic deities in ancient Greece. As for the 
solar character of the Semitic and Canaanite Bel or Baal,^ it is in a 
measure inseparable from that of the great divinity among some Aryan 
nations. 

Now if Bel is essentially the master, the Mighty one, he is also called 
the Just one." Oannes was, according to the Chaldean Berosus^ the 
revealer of civilization ; and the celestial god, Ana-Anu, was, says Sayce,* 
the dominant member of the triad, from the beginning of the Semitic 
period — thus expressing, although in a very imperfect manner, the idea of 
a supreme being, over the other two great gods, which recalls the 
superiority of Zeus, the celestial god, over Poseidon, a marine god like 
Oannes, and over Pluto, the Chthonic god. 

If, then, the group of three Babylonian gods constitutes a triad, ^^ it is 
not at all on the same grounds as those recognised by Sayce for the 
Sumerian group. Nevertheless it is not clear that even for this group, all 
idea of a hierarchy must be rejected. 

An means properly the divine :^^ may not this be the god of gods {par 
excellence)^ answering to the meaning of El, Ilou P^^ 

But Bel gives occasion for a transition of the triad of the three great 
gods into another which recalls those of Thebes, Hermonthis, Abydos, 
and Memphis. The Bel, or Baal Merodach, the great god of Babylon, 
was, for the Semites, the son of Ea.^^ He was sometimes called Bel the 
elder,^* so susceptible of confusion is the order of the divine births in 
Babylon as in Egypt — and, under the name of Merodach, he had a wife, 
Zarpanit, and a son, Nebo.^^ Generally, doubtless, the Semitic goddesses 
were mere dummies, duplicates of their husbands.^^ If there be an 
exception for Istar, it is because she is of Accadian, not Semitic, 
origin.^'' 

But, says Prof. Sayce, the Accadian goddess connected with Merodach, 

' Sayce, op. cit., pp. 35-7, 105. » Ibid., pp. 186-90, cf. pp. 192-3, and 208. 

> Ibid., pp. 98-9, 103. * Ibid., pp. 133, 139. 

' Jbid., pp. 103, 145, 147. See also the preceding section. 

• Semitized Canaanites. See Sayce. ^ Ibid., pp. loo-ioi. 

• Cosmogonic Fragments. 

• Ibid., p. 193, and cf. Lenormant, Essai de Commentaire sur les fragments cosmc- 
goniques de Birose, pp. 65-6. 

*® Represented together on an Art Monument, see Lenormant, op. cit., p. 69. 

" Sayce, op. ciL, p. 182. ^* Lenormant, op. cit., p. 63. 

'* Sayce, op. cit., pp. 98-9, 104. ^* Ibid., p. no. 

" Ibid, *• Ibid., pp. no, 112. 

^ Ibid., pp. 255-6, cf. 252. 260, 265. ^ , 

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1 34 ^ Study on Egyptian and Babylonian Triads. 

was mother rather than wife of the primitive Merodach -} we, therefore, 
find here again, under another form, that confusion of wife and mother 
of which we have had a glimpse in Egypt. She was lady of the depths,^ 
as £a, the father of Merodach, was their lord ; she was therefore identified 
with Lakhamun, goddess of the Sumerian town of Dilmun.^ On the other 
hand, Nebo, who borrowed his name from his quality of prophet, pro- 
claimed the will of Merodach, as Merodach proclaimed that of £a, t^e 
author of the wisdom which his son enjoyed,* just as, in a Homeric hymn* 
it is expressly said that Zeus is the true author of the oracles given forth 
by Apollo at Delphi. 

We have here, therefore, a triad which is subordinate, and has greater 
analogy than the former with the Egyptian conception. Let us add, if we 
will, that the third person of the Babylonian triad, the god Nebo, has 
some analogy with Thoth, and that Chons, the third person of the Theban 
triad, has sometimes been confounded with Thoth. But is this confusion 
really ancient ? 

XIII. 

Hitherto nothing has pointed to any astronomical myths, and Prof. 
Sayce is right in accusing so-called men of science of the early days of our 
century of a mania for imagining these everywhere. Nevertheless, 
astronomy was certainly not unknown to the Chaldean religion ; but we 
do not find it taking a very high rank there, at least in the most ancient 
times. There can be no question here of following its development and 
history, but only of indicating the part due to it in the study of the 
triads. 

Below the theological and cosmogonic triad denoted by the numbers 
60 (Anou), 50 (Bel), and 40 (Nisruk),^ there was worshipped a Celestial 
triad : Sin (the moon-god, son of Bel), Samas (the sun-god, son of the 
Semitic god, Nisruk),'^ and Bin, the power of the atmosphere, son of 
Anou, presiding over the stars, represented respectively by the numbers 
30, 20, 10,* which, however, does not prevent Sin from being, in certain 
texts, called the lord of the spirits, the king of the gods ;^ and Samas, the 
great motor, the arbiter of heaven and earth.^® 

As sovereign ruler of the atmospheric world, Bin is at once a beneficent 
god as the author of fertility through rain, and a terrible divinity as the 
author of storms, whirlwinds and inundations.^^ I say terrible rather than 
ill-doing, because Bin is looked upon as exercising justice over the guilty : 
he carries the thunder, and sweeps away rebels. 

From all this it results that the attributes of sovereign power are scarcely 
shared by the members of this secondary triad : each is master of the 

1 Sayce, op. cit., p. in. 2 7^,^. ' Ibid. 

* Jbid.^ p. 113. « Hymn to Hermes, etc., 532-8. 
' Lenormant, op, ciL^ p. 65. 

^ Ibid, , p. 7 1 . Nisrouk, intelligent guide, lord of knowledge, lord of life and of the visible 
world, master of the waters, and governor of the depths (p. 68), is evidently Oannes. 

• Ibid. » Ibid, p. 96. »• Ibid,, p. 97. 
" Lenormant, op, cit,, p. 93. 

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A Study on Egyptian and Babylonian Triads. 135 

world. If, therefore, we may recognise some logic in the authors of this 
system, we must consider this class of mythological beings as simple 
mouthpieces of a Superior Being. In so far as they are the issue of the pre- 
ceding triad, they may represent an extension or translation rather than a 
transformation of the doctrine. 

But the astronomical myth of the Chaldeans was not always identical, 
or in all places or all schools. If we revert to the Sumerian period, we 
shall find quite a different conception of it, and that one which, if I am 
not mistaken, never disappeared altogether from the mythology of 
Babylon. 

XIV. 

Lenormant had thought that he could recognise in Sin the chief god of the 
very ancient town of Our (Ur), and consequently a personage of the Accado- 
Sumerian mythology. We know more about this now, and Sayce teaches 
us to recognise different relations between the moon-god and the sun-god, 
according as they are looked at from the point of view of pre-Semitic 
tradition, or from that of the Semitic tradition of Babylonia. In the 
official religion of Chaldea, says Sayce,^ the sun-god was the issue of the 
moon-god : in Semitic doctrine, the sun was the father and lord of th^ 
gods, and the moon was his wife ; but wherever Chaldean influence had 
made itself felt, the sun is an inferior god. At Our the moon-god was 
invoked as father of the gods;^ and, strangely enough, this superiority 
seems to have increased in the latter days of the Babylonian empire,^ not- 
withstanding the higher part which the sun plays elsewhere in the Semitic 
forms of religion.* 

Prof. Sayce also points out that in several towns of primitive antiquity 
the moon-god was, as at Our, the centre of a local worship ; but that at 
Larsa, at least, and at one of the Sipparas, the sun was the special god of 
the town : he even thinks that it was at Larsa that was originated that 
union of the two worships in which the two astral gods were declared to 
be brothers. 

In any case, nothing can be less permeated with that alleged depth of 
astronomical science which some have insisted on attributing to a remote 
antiquity, than this idea, according to which it would be necessary to 
consider the light of the sun as having proceeded from that of the 
moon. 

The union of which I have just spoken, and by means of which the 
system of triads is applied to the sidereal world, was, therefore, never 
equally accepted everywhere. Down to the last, one Babylonian doctrine 
persisted in giving to Sin the title o^ father and creator of gods and men ; 
Babylonian Semites consented to recognise his superiority.^ 

This fact has even been noted under a form which permits us to return 
to the theory of the triads, but under new conditions. The goddess 
Istar, Accado-Sumerian by origin, we have seen, since she is not the 
duplicate of any male divinity — Istar is called by Nabonidus* the 

1 Op. cit,, p. 155. « Ibid,, p. 156. 

' Ibid,y pp. 165-6, 175. * Ibid,, pp. 166-9. 

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136 A Study on Egyptian and Babylonian Triads. 

daughter of Stn, as she is already in the poem on her descent into hell, 
and she is the sister of Samas ; which shows that this filiation is not, in 
the present instance, a copyist's error, as Tiele thought^ And Nabonidus 
also calls her daughter of Bel, whose high place in the Babylonian 
mythology is well known. 

If Bel and Sin bear in the same place the title of father of Istar, it is 
because Sin is identified with the Bel par excellence. But we also see that 
there was worshipped in Babylonia a Triad composed, like that of 
Heliopolis, of father, brother, and sister. Elsewhere again^ Istar is called 
daughter of Ana and An-ta, which produces an altogether new triad, con- 
sisting of father, mother, and daughter. So in the Epopee of Babylon, 
she is daughter of Anu and Antu.^ 

In the seventh century, Istar is called sometimes the daughter of Bel, 
sometimes of Assur,* who is the great Bel of Nineveh ; but she is also 
called sister of Mardouk or Merodach,^ who waa son of Ea ; whence Tiele 
concludes, not without reason, that Bel, Assur, Ea, were, at that time, 
different names of one and the same divinity. Here again we find an 
identity of being under a diversity of persons — an identity which he reso- 
lutely extends to Anovf.* 

By taking one step more, the learned Dutchman might have admitted 
that paternity for Sin which we have seen him reject. 

Thus, in Chaldea as in Egypt, the triads differ remarkably amongst 
themselves ; they do not, by any means, answer to a common conception, 
in Babylonia any more than in India, and under none of their forms do 
they correspond to the doctrine of the Trinity. 

It is, moreover, only exceptionally that a Chaldean doctrine can be con- 
sidered as corresponding here to any of the multiform doctrines of Egypt, 
(except identity of beings under various names,) and even this exception 
meets with no sufiScient explanation in any historic fact. 

Such is the negative conclusion to which we are led by the studies 
which we here bring to a close \ but here I say again : to refute an erroneous 
hypothesis, or simply to prevent it, is no unimportant result for science. 
We have, moreover, formulated other conclusions, in the course of this 
our work, in the matter of the identification of various gods, both in 
Babylonia and in Egypt, the value of which it is for the Congress to 
determine. 

1 Trans,,, Leyden Congress, p. 498. But see Sayce, op, city p. 221. 
s Trans, y L^den Congress, U,S, ' Ibid,^ p. 498. 

* Ibidy he, cit. » lind,, he, cit, 

« Ibidy loc, eit. 



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137 
LAMAISM AND ITS SECTS. 

By L. a. Waddell, M.B. 

Much insight into the essentials of Lamaism — that mystic cult of Tibet 
and Central Asia — may be gained by glancing at Lamaist Schismatics. 

So well have the Lamas concealed their customs that little has hitherto 
been learned about the several Sects, beyond the rough distinction into 
** red ** and " yellow-caps," the so-called " Nying-ma-pa " and " Ge-lug-pa" 
and the scant data often vague and confused collected by Csoma de Koros, 
Koppen* and Schlagintweitt thirty to sixty years ago. But having for 
several years, in the Society of Tibetan Lamas, enjoyed special facilities 
for penetrating their reserve, and personally investigating such questions, 
I have elicited a good deal of information on this subject, some of which 
is of general interest. 

At the outset let us recall the.leading facts in the growth and geographical 
extension of Buddhism, to see the points at which the chief innovations 
and strange creeds crept in, which resulted in Lamaism. 

Buddhism is a product of purely Indian origin and growth. In India it 
took its rise and reached its full development Arising as an agnostic idealism 
about the 5 th century b.c. at Benares, then, as now, the religious headquarters 
of the Hindus, Buddhism soon spread over the Gangetic valley ; and in the 
3rd century b.c. was actively propagated by the Great Asoka, the Con- 
stantine of Buddhism, who adopting it as his State religion, zealously 
propagated it throughout his own vast empire, and sent numerous 
jaaissionaries into .the adjoining lands to diffuse the faith. Thus was it 
transported to Burma, Ceylon and Siam on the South, to Nepal and the 
countries to the North of India, Kashmir, Bactria, Afghanistan, etc., and 
about 61 A.D. to China, and through China to Mongolia, and about 
the 6th century a.d. to Japan, taking strong hold on all of these 
peoples, though they were very different from those among whom it arose, 
and exerting on all the wilder tribes among them a very sensible civilizing 
influence. 

During all this time Tibet remained in isolated darkness, and was in- 
accessible even to the Chinese, and this was still its condition at the * 
beginning of the 7th century a.d. The people were predatory savages 
without a written language; and though now surrounded by Buddhist 
countries they yet knew nothing of that religion. Early in the 7th cen- 
tury A.D. was born Srong-tsan-gampo, whose ancestors, a generation or so 
before, had established authority over the other wild clans of Central 
Tibet, and latterly had harassed the western borders of China ; so that the 
Chinese Emperor was glad to come to terms with the young Prince, and 

• Die Lamaiscke Hierarchie und Kirche^ Berlin, 1859. 

t Buddhism in Tibet ^ Leipzig, 1863. Some detached notes on sects are given by 
S. C. Dass in the Bengal Asiatic Society Jour, and by W. Ramsay in his Western Tibetan 
Dictionary^ Lahore, 1891. 

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138 Ldmaism and its Sects. 

gave him in 641 a.d. according to the Chinese Annals* a Princess of the 
Imperial house in marriage. Two years previously Srong-tsan-gampo had 
married a daughter of the Nepal King. And both of these wives being 
bigoted Buddhists they speedily effected the conversion of their young 
husband, then only about 24 years of age, who under their advice sent to 
India and China for Buddhist books and teachers. From this epoch dates 
the introduction of Buddhism into Tibet and some beginnings of civiliza- 
tion among its i>eople. 

But here it is necessary to refer to the changes in form which Buddhism 
meanwhile had undergone in India. As Buddhism extended its range 
and influence, there constantly cropped up heresies and discords tending 
to produce schisms, for the suppression of which it was found necessary to 
hold great Councils. Of these Councils the one held at Jalandhara in the 
first century a.d. under the auspices of King Kanishka of Northern India 
was epoch-making; for it established a permanent schism into what 
Burnouf has conveniently termed the " Northern " and " Southern " 
Schools ; — the Southern being now represented by Ceylon, Burma and 
Siam ; and the Northern by Tibet, Sikhim, Bhotan, Nepal, China, Mon- 
golia, Tartary and Japan. 

The point of divergence of the Northern and Southern Schools was the 
Mahayana doctrine, or "The Great Vehicle," a transcendental philosophy 
which substituted for the plain practical asceticism and simple morality of 
the primitive Buddhists, an extravagantly speculative theistic system and 
abstract meditation as a " Vehicle " offering speedier and more certain con 
veyance and shorter cuts to Nirvana — thus substituting good words for 
the good works of the primitive Buddhists. 

The reputed leader of this Mahayana system so opposed in many ways 
to Buddha's teaching, was Nagarjuna, whose School taught in the Prajna^ 
Paramita or " the means of arriving at the other side of Wisdom," that 
the ten paramita or transcendental virtues were indispensable ; that any 
one who truly tried might speedily and certainly become a Bodhisatwa and 
attain Nirvana ; that Nirvana was not extinction ; that a blissful state 
with theistic Buddhas beyond the circle of rebirths was attainable ; and 
these tenets were supplemented by a mysticism of sophistic nihilism which 
dissolves every proposition into a thesis and its antithesis and denies both. 

Kanishka's council having affirmed the superiority of this Mah^y^na 
system, which gained ready popularity by developing the materialistic side 
of Buddhism, published in the Sanskrit language inflated versions of the 
Buddhist Canon, and supported by Kanishka, who almost rivalled Asoka 
in his Buddhist zeal, the Mahayana ultimately triumphed over the more 
puritanical Hinayana, and became a dominant form of Buddhism in India. 

Intense Mysticism was the inevitable outcome of the Mahayana system 
with its severe ritual and objective Buddhism, and it soon declared itself 
in polytheistic forms and fantastic idolatry. Its creation of Celestial Bod- 
hisatwas actively willing and able to save, and its introduction of in- 
numerable deities and demons as objects of prayer and worship were 
doubtless facilitated by the Grecian Art influences then prevalent in 

• Dr. S. W. Bushell in Royal Asiatic Society's Journal, 1880, Pf^Si ^^T^ 

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Lamaism and its Sects. 1 39 

Northern India. The worship of Buddha's image seems to date from this 
rime, the first century of our era, and about ^y^ centuries after Buddha's 
death. And it was followed by images of mythic Buddhas and celestial 
Bodhisatwas. And ultimately " the five " Buddhas were made to appear 
as material reflexes from five immortal Dhyani Buddhas or Celestial 
Buddhas of Meditation. 

About 500 A.D. Mahayana Mysticism received a further development at 
the hands of Asahga, a Buddhist monk of Gandhara (Peshawar) in 
Northern India. Asanga grafted upon the theistic Mahayana the ecstatic 
meditation of Yoga. And this parasite containing within itself the germs 
of Tantrism seized strong hold of its host and soon developed its monstrous 
outgrowths which crushed and strangled most of the little life yet left of 
purely Buddhist stock. 

Yoga or the doctrine of ecstatic union of the individual with the 
Universal Spirit had been introduced into Hinduism about 150 b.c. by 
PatanjSli. It taught that by moral consecration of the individual to Ishvara 
or the Supreme Soul, and mental concentration upon one point with a 
view to annihilate thought there resulted the eight great Siddhi or magical 
powers, namely (i) " the ability to make one's body lighter, or (2) heavier, 
or (3) smaller, (4) or larger, than anything in the world, and (5) to reach any 
place, or (6) to assume any shape, and (7) control all natural laws, and 
(8) to make everything depend upon oneself, all at pleasure of will — 
Iddhi or Riddi,^ On this basis Asanga, importing Patanjali's doctrine 
into Buddhism and abusing it, taught that by means of mystic formulas — 
dharanis (extracts from Mahayana sutras and other Scriptures) and 
mantra (short prayers to deities) — as spells, " the reciring of which should 
be accompanied by music and certain distortion of the fingers (mudrd\ a 
state of mental fixity (samadht) might be reached characterized by neither 
thought nor annihilation of thoughts, and consisUng of sixfold bodily and 
mental happiness (Yogi) whence would result endowment with supernatural 
miracle-working power." These miraculous powers, it was alleged, are far 
more efllicacious than mere moral virtue, and may be used for exorcism 
and sorcery, and for purely secular and selfish objects. This system was 
named the Mantraydna or " the wa«/ra-vehicle " and those who mastered 
its practices were called Yogacharya. 

Tantrism began about the Seventh century a.d. to tinge both Buddhism 
and Hinduism. It is based on the worship of the Active Producing 
Principle (Frakriti) , dc& manifested in the goddess Kali or Durga, the 
female energy {Sdkti) of the primordial male (Purusha or Shiva) a 
gross presentation of The Supreme Soul of the universe. In this 
cult, the various forces of nature : physical, physiological, moral and intel- 
lectual were deified under separate personalities, and these presiding 
deities were grouped into Matri (divine mothers), Ddkkini and Yogini 
(goddesses with magical powers), etc. And all were made merely different 
manifestations of the one great central goddess, Kali, Shiva's spouse. 
Wives were thus allotted to the several celestial Bodhisatwas, as well as to 
most of the other gods and demons ; and most of them were given a 
variety of forms mild and terrible according to the supposed moods of t 

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140 Ldmaism and its Sects. 

each divinity at different times. And as goddesses and fiendesses were 
the bestowers of natural and supernatural powers and were especially 
malignant, they were especially worshipped. 

By the middle of the yth century a.d. India was crowded with images 
of Divine Buddhas, Bodhisatwas and their Saktis, and other Buddhist 
gods and demons as we know from Huien Tsiang's narrative and the lithic 
remains in India. 

Such was the distorted form of Buddhism introduced into Tibet by 
Srong-tsangampo's wives about 642 a.d., but it made few or no converts 
among the people ; so that Srong-tsan-gampo beyond laying the foundation 
for civilizing Tibet by reducing the language to writing in the so-called 
" Tibetan " character, a modification of the then current Indian letters ; by 
bringing to Tibet a few Buddhist monks from India, China and Nepal to 
translate some Scriptures into the new language ; and by building a few 
temples to shrine the images received by him in dower and others made 
by him ; beyond this he did little in the way of Buddhist propaganda. 
He built no monasteries, nor succeeded in founding any Tibetan order of 
monks. 

Tibetan history, such as there is, and there is none worthy of the name 
before its Buddhist epoch, is quite clear on the point that previous to 
Srong-tsan-gampo's marriage Buddhism was quite unknown in Tibet. 
And it is also clear on the point, that L§.maism was not founded till a 
century later than this epoch, namely till 747 a.d. in the reign of King 
Thi-srong-de-tsan. This latter King was the son of a Chinese Princess, 
and inherited from his mother a strong prejudice in favour of Buddhism. 
He succeeded to the Tibetan throne when only thirteen years old, and a 
few years later while his mother seems to have been regent, he sent to 
India for a clever priest of the popular Yogacharya school to establish 
Buddhism in Tibet. 

Now in the 8ih century a.d. Indian Mahayana Buddhism and especially 
its Yogacharya School had become more intensely corrupt by the impure 
developments of its Tantrik doctrine — that mixture of Shfvaic demonolatry 
and witchcraft. And by this time also had arisen, I believe, the mono- 
theistic doctrine of Adi-Buddha, the primordial Buddha-God and Creator. 

The invention of the doctrine of Adi-Buddha^ is usually placed in the 
loth century a.d. and identified with the Kdla-cdkra doctrine. But, it 
seems to me, that it existed at the beginning of the 8th century a.d. and 
probably arose in the 7th century if not earlier. For it is only a slight 
development of Asanga's modified Yoga theory, and one of the books of 
the Tibetan Canon (the Kah-gyur) translated into Tibetan from the 
Sanskrit about 750 a.d.* by the Indian monks Vairocana and Sinhaprabha, 
the contemporaries of Padmasambhava, and the integrity of which book 
seems undoubted, is devoted to this doctrine of " the Supreme Soul the 
All-Creating Sovereign " " self-existent from all eternity." 

While the Kdiacdkra doctrine originating in the loth century in 
Northern India is merely a coarse Tantrik development of the Adi-Buddha 
theory, the Kala-cakra attempts to explain creation and the secret 
* CsoMA KoRosi, Asiatic Researches XX., 547. 

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Ldmaism and its Sects. 141 

powers of Nature by the union of the terrible Kali, not only with the 
Dbyani Buddhas, but even with Adi-Buddha himself. In this way Adi- 
Buddha by meditation evolves a procreative energy by which the awful 
Sambhara (Tibetan Dem-chhog) and other dreadful Dakkini-fiendesses all bi 
the Kali-type obtain spouses as fearful as themselves yet regarded as 
reflexes of Adi-Buddha and the Dhyani Buddhas. And these demoniacal 
* Buddhas ' under the names of Kala-cakra, Heruka, Achala, Vajra, etc., are 
credited with powers not inferior to those of the Celestial Buddhas them- 
selves, and withal ferocious and bloodthirsty, and only to be conciliated by 
constant worship of themselves and female energies, with offerings of 
magic-circles, special mantras, etc. These hideous creations of T3.ntrism 
were eagerly accepted by the Lamas in the nth century and since then 
have formed a most essential part of Ulmaism and their terrible Shivaic 
images* fill the country and figure prominently in the sectarian divisions. 

Now let us return to the Tibetan King's messengers, sent to India at the 
middle of the 8th century a.d. to bring a priest to found a Buddhist 
Order in Tibet ; and at a time when TSntrism had attained considerable 
development, and the Adi-Buddha doctrine seems current. 

The messengers of the Tibetan King arriving in India about 746 a.d. 
found at the Great Buddhist College of Nalanda, a luminary of the Tintrik- 
Yogacharya School in the person of Guru Padma-Sambhava, who accepted 
their invitation and accompanying them to Tibet founded there the order 
of the Lamas. 

This great wizard-priest and founder of Ulmaism, Padma Sambhava or . 
** the Lotus-bom One " is usually called by the Tibetans Guru Rin-pochhe^ 
or " the Precious Guru " ; or simply Lopon t the Tibetan equivalent of 
the Sanskrit ** Guru " or " Teacher." He is also called " Ugyan " or 
** Urgyan," as he was a native of Udyana or Urgyan, corresponding to the 
country about Ghazni to the north west of Kashmir, a land famed for the 
proficiency of its priests in sorcery, exorcism and magic. Hiuen Tsiang, 
writing a century previously, says regarding Udyana : — " The people are in 
disposition somewhat sly and crafty. They practise the art of using 
charms. The employment of magical sentences is with them an art and a 
study."J And in regard to the adjoining country of Kashmir also intimately 
related to Ldmaism, Marco Polo a few centuries later says ** Keshimur is a 
province inhabited by a people who are idolaters (i.e, Buddhists) .... 
They have an astonishing acquaintance with the devilries of enchantment, 
insomuch as they can make their idols speak. They can also by their 
sorceries bring on changes of weather, and produce darkness, and do a 
number of things so extraordinary that no one without seeing them would 
believe them. Indeed, this country is the very original source from which 
ido!atry has spread abroad."§ 

The Tibetans, beset on every side by malignant devils warmly welcomed 
the Guru, as he brought them deliverance from their terrible tormentors. 
Arriving in Tibet in 747 a.d. the Guru vanquished all the chief devils of 
the land, sparing many of them on their consenting to become defenders 

• They are figured standing. t Sj^lt iLob-</pon. 

X Beal*s Siy-U'Ki, I. 120. § Yule's Marco Poio^ T. 155. 

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142 Lamaism and its Sects. 

of his religion, while he on his part guaranteed that in return for such 
services they would be duly worshipped and fed. Thus, just as the 
Buddhists in India, to secure the support of the semi-aborigines of Bengal 
admitted into their system the bloody Durga and other aboriginal demons ; 
so on extending their doctrines throughout Asia they pandered to the 
popular taste by admitting within the pale of Buddhism the Pantheon of 
those new nations they sought to convert The Guru's most powerful 
weapons in warring with the demons were the Vajra (Tibetan dor-je) 
symbolic of Indra's (Jupiter's) thunderbolt, and mantras or spells extracted 
from the Mahayana gospels. 

Then under the zealous patronage of King Thi-Srong-de-tsan and 
assisted by the Indian monk Santarakshita he founded at Sam-yas in 
749 A.D., the first Tibetan Monastery, and instituted there the order of the 
Lamas, ordaining Santarakshita, a monk of the so-called Sva-tantra 
Madhhyamika School as the first Lamaist hierarch. 

La-ma is a Tibetan word meaning " The Superior One," and corresponds 
to the Sanskrit Uttara. It was restricted tb the head of the monastery, 
and still is strictly applicable only to Abbots and the highest monks; 
though out of courtesy the title is now given to most LSmaist monks and 
priests. The Lamas have no special term for their form of Buddhism. 
They simply call it " The Religion " or " Buddha's Religion." And the 
European term *' Lamaism " finds no counterpart in Tibetan. 

It is not easy now to ascertain the exact details of the creed — ^the 
Primitive Lamaism — taught by the Guru, for all the extant works attributed 
to him were composed several centuries later by followers of his twenty-five 
Tibetan disciples. But judging from the intimate association of his name 
with the essentials of Lamaist sorceries, and the special creeds of the old 
unreformed section of the Lamas — the Nying-ma-pa — who profess and are 
acknowledged to be his immediate followers and whose older scriptures 
date back to within two centuries of the Guru's time, it is evident that his 
teaching was of that extremely Ttntrik and magical type of Mahayana 
Buddhism then prevalent in his native country of Udyan and Kasmir. 
And to this highly impure form of Buddhism, already covered by so many 
foreign accretions and saturated with so much demonolatr}', was added a 
portion of the ritual and most of the demons of the indigenous Bon-pa 
religion and each of the demons was assigned its proper place in the 
Lamaist Pantheon. Primitive Ulmaism may therefore be defined as a 
priestly mixture of Shivaic mysticism, magic and Indo-Tibetan demonolatry 
overlaid by the thinnest veneer of Mahayana Buddhism. And to the 
present day Lamaism still retains these features. 

In this form, as shaped by the Guru, Buddhism proved more attractive to 
the people, and soon became popular. And this enthusiastic King founded 
other monasteries freely and initiated a period of great literary activity 
by procuring many talented Indian and Kashmiri Pandits for the work of 
translating the Indian Canonical Works and Commentaries into Tibetan. 

Thus established, and lavishly endowed, LSmaism made steady pro- 
gress, and was actively patronized, by the Tibetan Kings until the reign of 
Lang-darma, the Julian of Lamaism, who in 899 a.d. did his utmost to 



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Ldmaism and its Sects, 143 

uproot the religion. He destroyed many monasteries, burned their books, 
and treated the L^mas with the grossest indignity, forcing numbers to 
become butchers. Although he was promptly murdered by a Lama within 
the year it took some time for the L^mas to regain their lost ground. But 
in this, as in so many religious persecutions in other lands, the ultimate 
effect was a reaction which imparted fresh vigour to the movement And 
from this time forth the Limaist Church steadily grew in size and influence 
until it reached its present vast dimensions, culminating in the Priest- 
Kings at Lh^sa. 

No sects appear to have existed prior to Lang-darma's persecution nor 
till more than a century and a half later. The sectarial movement seems 
to date from the visit to Tibet of the great Indian Buddhist monk Atisha 
in 1038 A.D. Atisha while clinging to Yoga and Tantrism at once started 
a reformation on the lines of the purer Mahayana system, enforcing celibacy, 
and high morality, and deprecating the practice of the diabolic arts. 
Perhaps the time was now ripe for reform as the Lamas then had become 
a large and influential body and possessed a fairly full and scholarly transla- 
tion of the bulky Mahayana Canon and its Commentaries. 

The first of the reformed sects and the one with which Atisha most 
intimately identified himself was called the Kah-dam-pa or " those bound 
by the orders (commandments) " ; and it ultimately, three and a half 
centuries later, in Tsong Khapa's hands, became less ascetic and more 
highly ritualistic under the title of Ge-lug-pa, now the dominant sect in 
Tibet 

A glance at the " Genealogical Tree of Lamaist Sects " in my Ldmaism in 
Sikhim* will show that Atisha was the only profound reformer of Lamaism ; 
for the formation of the Ge-lug-pa sect was soon followed by the semi- 
reformed movements of Kargyu-pa and Sakya-pa directly based in large 
measure on Atisba's teaching. The founders of those two sects had been 
Atisha's pupils and their new sects may be regarded as semi-reformations 
adapted for those individuals who found Atisha's high standard too 
irksome, and too free from their familiar demonolatry. 

The residue who remained wholly unreformed and weakened by the loss 
of their best members, were now called the Nying ma-pa or " the old ones,'' 
as they adhered to the old practices. And now, to legitimize many of 
their unorthodox practices which had crept into use, and to admit of 
further laxity, the Nying-ma-pa resorted to the fiction of Ter-ma or hidden 
revelations, just as the Indian Monk N^gtrjuna to secure an orthodox 
reception for his new creed had alleged that the Mahayana doctrine was 
entirely the composition of Sakya Muni who had written it during his 
lifetime and entrusted the volumes to the Naga demigods for preservation 
until men were sufficiently enlightened to comprehend so abstruse a 
system. In the same way several Nying-ma-pa Lamas, now began to 
discover new gospels, in caves and elsewhere, which they alleged were 
hidden gospels of The Guru. And these so called " Ter-ton " Lamas, the 
revealers, that is the composers of these Ter-ma treatises, also alleged as a 
reason for their ability to discover these hidden gospels, that each of them had 
been in a former birth, one or other of the twenty-five disciples of the Guru. 

• Part II. of the Gazetteer of Sikhim, Calcutta, 1893. OoOqIp 

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144 Lamaism and its Sects. 

These " Revelations " treat mainly of Bon-pa and other demoniacal rites 
which are permissible in L^maist practice ; and they prescribed the forms 
for such worship. About thirty of these revelations have been discovered ; 
but as the number has been oracularly fixed at io8, future contingencies 
are well provided for. These ** Revelations " relaxing still further the 
Lamaisc obligations were eagerly accepted by most Lamas, and they play 
an important part in the schisms which subsequently occurred in both old 
and reformed sects. Indeed many of the subsects differ from their parent 
sects merely in having adopted a different 7>r-wa-work as an ordinary code 
of demoniacal worship. 

In considering the sects individually let us first look at the Ge-lug-pa ; as 
it not only is the representative of the oldest of the sects the Kah-dam-pa, 
but it is the purest and the most powerful of all the sects, having now the 
temporal government of Tibet in its hands. 

The Ge-lug-pa arose as a regeneration of the Kah<lam-pa by Tsong 
Kha-pa (also called L6-zang-tak-pa or Je-Rin-po-chhe) at the end of the 
fourteenth century a.d. Tsongkha-pa, unlike Atisha, was an ardent 
proselytizer and spent most of his strength in organization. He collected 
the scattered members of the Kah-dam-pa from their retreats, and housed 
them in monasteries, together with his new followers, under rigid discipline, 
setting them to keep the 235 VinayaryAt%^ and hence obtaining for them 
the title of F/Woya-keepers or ^^ Dui-wa- Lamas y He also made them 
carry a begging bowl, anardha-chuna,* prayer-carpetf and wear patched 
robes of a yellow colour, after the fashion of the Indian mendicant monks. 
And he attracted followers by instituting a highly ritualistic service, in part, 
apparently borrowed from the Nestorian Christian missionaries who un- 
doubtedly were settled at that time in Tsong-Kha the province of his eariy 
boyhood in Western China. He gave the hat named pen-sha-sne-ring, or the 
long tailed Pandit cap ; and as it was of a yellow colour like their dress, and 
the old Ulmaist body adhered to their red hat, the new sect came to be 
populariy called the Sha-ser or "Yellow-cap," in contradistinction to the 
Sha-mar or " Red-cap " and their more aboriginal Bon-pa co-religionists 
the Sha-nak or " black-caps." 

This seems to be the origin of the sect-titles depending on the colour of 
the cap. The Kah-dam-pa are said to have worn red caps, and certainly the 
extant pictures of Atisha and other Kah-dam-pa LUmas give them red-caps. 

The essential distinctions between the several reformed sects are creedal 
differences entailing different ritualistic and other practices, and expressed 
by a difference in dress and symbols. 

The creedal differences are categorically classed under the heads of — 

(i) The personality of the primordial deity or Adi-Buddha; 

(2) Their special source of divine inspiration ; 

(3) The saintly transmitters of this inspiration ; 

(4) Their meditative doctrines or system of mystical insight ; 

(5) Their special Tantra-revelation , 

(6) Their personal Tutelary or Yidara— a Tantrik demoniacal Buddha 
(of Shivaic type) ; 

(7) Their religious " Guardian " demon (usually of Tibetan type). 

* The zla-gam or * moon-like symbol.' f ^ng-n^z-k/^Qlp 



Ldmaism and its Sects. 145 

Thus the Ge-lug-pa, as representing the earlier Kah-dam-pa, have the 
mythical Vajradhara as their Adi-Buddha ; and derive their divine inspira- 
tion from Maitreya — " the coming Buddha," through the Indian Saints 
ranging from Asahga down to Atisha (or Jo-wo-rje), and through the 
Tibetan Saints from Atisha's disciple Brom-ton to Tsong-kha-pa (Je-Rin- 
pochhe). The Ge-lug-pa mystical insight is termed the Lam-rim or " the 
Graded Path," and their Tantra is the rgya-chhen spyod. Their Tutelary 
demoniacal Buddha is Vajra-bhairava or Dorje-jig-je, supported by 
Sam vara (Dem-chhog) and Guhyakala (Sang-dii). And their Religious 
Guardian demons are **The Six-armed Gon-po or Lord" and the Great 
horse-necked Hayagriva (Tam-chhen). 

But, through Atisha, the Ge-lug-pa claim to have received the essence of 
ManjuSri's doctrine, which is the leading light of the Sakya-pa sect. For 
Atisha is held to be an incarnation of Manju§ri, the Bodhisatwaof Wisdom : 
which is merely a way of stating that Atisha was the greatest embodiment 
of Buddhist Wisdom that ever visited Tibet. And in the person of Atisha 
were also united the essentials of the Kar-gyu-pa inspiration by his pupilage 
to the Indian sage Naro. 

Thus the Ge-lug-pa claim that through Atisha they have received the 
special inspiration of Maitreya and in addition all that is best in the special 
systems professed by the other two reformed sects. 

Tsong Khapa named his own monastery Gah-dan or "Paradise," and it 
is said that his followers at first went by the name of 6^^>4-Iug-pa or 
'* Followers of the Gah-dAn fashion "; but as this name was ill-sounding it 
was changed to the more euphonic G^^-lug-pa or *• Followers of the virtuous 
order." 

The purer morality practised by the Ge-lug-pa monks gained them general 
respect. So despite their internecine feuds with the Sakya-pa and other 
rival sects its Church grew in size and influence, and became a powerful 
hierarchy with the succession of its chief abbot based upon the theory of 
reincarnation, the spirit of the dead chief after his death being re-born in 
a child, who was forthwith found and installed in the vacant chair. 

In 1640 A.D. the Ge-lug-pa leapt into temporal power as the dominant 
sect in Tibet. This temporal power together with the title " Dalai-^ (or 
^* Ocean ") Lama was bestowed by the Chinese Emperor upon the crafty 
Ngag-wang Lo-tsang, the 5th of the Grand I^mas of the Ge-lug-pa sect. 
This Dalai-LSma lest no time in consolidating and extending his rule as 
Priest-King by the forcible appropriation of many monasteries of the other 
sects, by inventing legends magnifying the powers of the Bodhisat\v'a 
Avalokita and posing himself as the incarnation of this divinity, the |>re- 
siding Bodhisatwa of each world of rebirth and also the Dread Judge of 
the Dead before whose tribunal all mortals must appear. Posing in this 
way as God-incarnate he built himself the huge palace-temple on the hill 
near Lh^sa which he called Potala, after the mythic Indian residence of his 
divine prototype Avalokita ''The Lord who looks down from on high," 
whose symbols he now invested himself with. He also tampered un- 
scrupulously with Tibetan history in order to lend colour to his divine 
pretensions, and he succeeded perfectly. The Ge-.iug-pa Church going on 

e lines he had laid down for it prospered greatly ; and all the other sectsj 

NEW SERIES. VOL. VII. Digitized bVj^ ^IC 



146 Ldmaism and its Sects, 

of lilmas of every denomination, acknowledged him and his successors to 
be the divine Avalokita-in-the-flesh. As the Tashi-lhiin-po monastery had 
already become the chief seat of Ge-lug-pa learning, its abbot was allowed 
the title of "Grand Learned Lama or Fandif' {Pan-chhen-Rin-po-chhe); 
and made an incarnation of the mythic ** Buddha of Boundless Light '' 
(Amiiapha) the spiritual father of Avalokita. Since then the Ge-lug-pa have 
combined the temporal with the spiritual government of Tibet, and have 
gradually retrograded in their tenets and practice till now with the ex- 
ception of their dress and symbols, celibacy and greater abstinence, and a 
slightly more restricted devil-worship, they differ little from the other 
Lamaist sects, which in the pride of their political power they so openly 
despise. 

The Kar-gyu-pa, the next great reformed sect after the Ge-lug-pa was 
founded in the latter half of the eleventh century a.d. by Lama Marpa 
who had visited India and obtained special instructions from the Indian 
Pandits Naro and Atisha. The name Kar-gyu-pa means a " follower of 
the successive orders," expressive of the fact that the sect believes the 
rulings of its later Buddhist sages to be inspired Its distinctive features 
are its hermit practices, meditation in caves and other retired places, and 
the following specialities. Its inspiration was obtained by their saint Tilo 
directly from the Adi-Buddha Vajra-dhara. Its mode of mystic insight is 
named Mahamudra (Phyag-rgya-chhen) and its Tantra is " Sum-kar-bsdus- 
sum." Its Tutelary is Sambhara. Its Guardian " The Lord of the Black 
Cloak." Its hat " the Meditation hat with the cross-knees " and it bears 
on its front this emblem as a badge like a St. Andrew's cross X- And 
with these technicalities was associated a stricter observance of the 
monastic rules and discipline. 

The hermit-feature of this sect rendered it so unattractive, that several 
sub-sects soon arose which dispensed with the necessity for hermitage. 
The sub-sects of Kar-gyu-pa namely Kar-ma-pa, Di-kung-pa, To-lung-pa and 
Duk-pa (the form dominant in Bhotan), differ from each other merely by 
having each adopted a different Terma-revelation from the Nying-ma-pa as 
a code of demoniacal worship, and so relaxing the purity of their former 
practice. 

A prominent image in their temples is that of the founder of the 
particular subsect to which the temple belongs ; for all the various sects^ 
have now deified their founders. Thus the Ge lug-pa worship Tsong-kha-pa's 
image. 

The last great reformed sect is the Sakya-pa, taking its name from the 
site of its first monastery in Western Tibet founded ini672AD. It grew 
into a most powerful hierarchy and attained for a time the temporal 
sovereignty over the greater part of Tibet before it was eclipsed by its 
Ge-lug-pa rival. Its source of inspiration is Manju^ri through the Indian 
Saints ranging from Nagarjuna to Vasuputra. Its founder mixed the old 
and new Tantras together under the name Zab-mo-hlta. Its mode of 
mystic insight is called " The Fruitful Path." Its Tutelary is Vajra-phurpa ; 
and its Guardians are " the Guardian of the Tent," and " The Face-Lord.'' 
Its Hat is sa-/.hu. But now except in a few externals it is practically 
undistinguishable from the Nying-ma pa. 

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Ldmaism and its Sects. 147 

The Sakya-pa has two reformed subsects namely the Ngor-pa and the 
Jonang-pa. These differ from one another only in founders. To the 
Jonangpa belonged the illustrious historigrapher Lama-Taranatha (Je- 
tsun-dam-pa) whose re-incarnations are now installed at Khalka in 
Mongolia and regarded as the Grand Lama of the Mongols. 

The wholly unreformed section of the Lamas was, as we have seen, 
named Nying-ma-pa or "the Old School''; and it is more freely than 
any other tinged with the native Bon-pa or pre-Buddhist practices ; and 
celibacy and abstinence is rarely practised. But even it too has its sub- 
sects, based on the adoption of different Terma Revelations. Their chief 
subsects are the Kar-tok-pa, Nga-dak-pa, Ur-gyen-pa, Lhat-sun-pa, named 
after their respective founders or parent monastery. But their differences 
are very trifling. All regard Samantabhadra as their primordial deity or 
Adi-Buddha ; their Tutelaries are " The fearful Vajra " (Vajraphurba) and 
Dub-pa-kah-gye ; their Guardian demon is "The Lord Gur^ They wor- 
ship the Guru Padma Sambhava the founder of Lamaism in a variety of 
forms, both divine and demoniacal, expressive of his different moods at 
different times. Their peculiar red cap is named after the Guru " Urgyen- 
pen-zhu," and with these characteristics they exhibit as a class greater 
laxity in living than any other sect of Lamas. The Sikhim Lamas are 
mainly Nying-ma-pa of the Lha-tsun-pa subsecf, the remainder being of the 
Karma-pa subsect of the Kar-gyu-pa. The Bhotan Lamas are not Nying- 
ma-pa as i^ usually asserted, but Kar-gyu-pa. 

The Zhi-je-pa or " the Passionless Ascetics," belonging to no sect, but 
having most affinity with the Kar-gyu-pa, are now almost extinct 

A notable feature of Lamaism, throughout all its sects, and one markedly 
unBuddhistic is that the Lama is a priest rather than a monk. He per- 
forms sacerdotal functions on every possible occasion ; and a large proportion 
of the Order are almost entirely engaged in this work. And such services 
are in much demand; for the people are in hopeless bondage to the 
demons, and not altogether unwilling slaves to their exacting worship. 

It will thus be seen, that Lamaist sects seem to have arisen in Tibet, 
for the first time, in the latter part of the eleventh century a.d., in what 
may be called the Lamaist Reformation ; about three centuries after the 
foundation of Lamaism itself. 

They arose in revolt against the depraved Lamaism then prevalent, 
which was little else than a priestly mixture of demonolatry and witchcraft. 
Abandoning the grosser malpractices the new sects returned to celibacy 
and many of the purer Mahayana rules. 

In the four centuries succeeding the Reformation various subsects formed 
mostly as relapses towards the old familiar demonolatry. 

And since the fifteenth century ad., the several sects and subsects, 
while rigidly preserving their identity and exclusiveness, have drifted down 
towards a common level where the sectarian distinctions tend to become 
almost nominal. 

But neither in the essentials of Lamaism itself nor in its sectarian aspects 
do the truly Buddhist doctrines, as taught by Sdkya Muni, play any leading 
part 

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148 



THE SECOND REVIEW ON THE 

SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST" SERIES. 
CLARENDON PRESS, OXFORD. 



CHINAS 
BY PROFESSOR JAMES LEGGE. 

I. Texts of Confucianism. 

VOL, . . . ///. SHU KING, SHIH KING, HSIAO KING. 

VOL. . . XVI. THE YI KING. 

VOL. XXVII. THE Lt Ki; BOOKS I-X. 

VOL. XXVIII. THE a/av; BOOKS XI-XLVI. 

Note. — TA^ books now recognized as of highest authority in China are 
comprehended under the denomination of " the five Ching " (or canonical 
Classics) and ^^the four Shtt^' {or books). " Ching'^ signifies the warp 
threads of a web and used with reference to books, indicates their authority, 
** Shi^ " simply means Writings — the Pencil speaking. — Extract from Legge's 
" Chinese Classics." 

II. Texts of TAoism. 

VOL, XXXIX. THE TEXTS OF TAOISM, PART I. 
VOL. . . XL. THE TEXTS OF TAOISM, PART II. 

I. Texts of Confucianism. 

The Shu King, Shih King, Hsiao King— the Li Kt— the Yi King. (See 
above.) 

If the word " sacred " is only suited to describe religions, then it may 
be questioned whether the term is really applicable to the Systems of 
"Propriety" and Negations of Belief which exist in China under the names 
of Confucianism, Tioism and Buddhism. 

As we are paying special attention elsewhere in this issue to Tibetan 
Buddhism, which has mainly affected that of China and which is as different 
from the Buddhism of Profs. Rhys Davids and Oldenberg, as it is from 
that which Mme. Blavatsky and Mr. Sinnett have developed from their own 
subjectivity, we will confine ourselves to an account of the main works that 
are revered as embodying the Ethical State-Craft of China, which is named 
from Confucius who lived in the 5th and 6th century b.c. We will leave 
Mr. Beames to deal with Tdoism, merely remarking that this distinguished 
official and philologist is not the Gallio whom we found in a Chinese 
Mandarin. Asked whether he considered the "Texts of Tioism " important, 
he replied : " not important — only religious," and when further pressed to 
explain why, if unimportant, they had been translated, he explained : 
** because the missionaries must have some religion from which to convert 
the Chinese." The objection, therefore, of China to Christianity is not 
* For an exhaustive analysis of the ** Pahlavi Texts" sec last ^. Q, ^.— En., 

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'* Sacred Books of the East " ; China. 149 

that it is a hostile faith, but that it is a faith at all in what it considers to 
be "the unknowable." 

The strong common-sense of the Mongolians, whilst admitting all cere- 
monials, or even mythologies that can have a practical effect in moulding 
the conduct of a people, has left untouched what we should call Revela- 
tion. Historians and poets might refer to God and Heaven to emphasize 
their statements, but " live and let live " is their great motto and as long 
as one superstition does not interfere with another, all explanations of the 
Divine are equally welcome, or despised. If, therefore, the followers of 
Christ had mainly emphasized His moral teaching, the Chinese would have 
gladly placed Him alongside of Confucius and Buddha, leaving it to the 
masses to make a Deity of Him as in the case of Buddha, but when our 
missionaries put forward the new system, as one of Belief rather than 
practice, they invited the superciliousness of the philosopher and the indig- 
nation of the official against foreign intruders in the peaceful flow of Chinese 
life. Nor has the influence of Chinese scholarship been lost on some of 
our most eminent Continental Sinologists. One of them who has 
had the " Texts of Tioism " for a whole year did not, like our Chinese 
Gallic, think it " worth his while to examine such imposture " and added, 
^'all religions, without exception, are hateful and I detest, if possible, 
philosophers even more. Both teach principles opposed to facts and have 
only brought unhappiness into the world. For the last 40 years, I have 
been waging war on clergies of every kind, but, in all my works, I have 
ignored every religion without exception, because it is a waste of time^ with 
which I must be economical as my own hour-glass is running short and as I 
have still got a great deal of necessary work to do." 

In speaking, therefore, of "the sacred books of China," one really refers 
to historical and ethical documents, or to whatever may come " within the 
range of practical politics," even, if these have only the conjectural value 
of the calculations of astrology and magic of " The Y1 King " which is in 
other respects the foundation of an " atheo-political " system. At any 
rate, so great is the veneration of the utility of the Yt King, " the book of 
changes," that the trigrams and hexagrams in arithmetical or geometrical 
progression of this work were considered to be connected with interpreta- 
tions that my Chinese informant considered to be absolutely beyond the 
comprehension of any European Sinologist. Perhaps, however, our Man- 
darin has not consulted Professor G. Schlegel, whose opinion on the 
interpretation of this enigmatical work would indeed be valuable, were he 
not adopting a waiting attitude till the discussion on the subject has been 
fought out between the eminent translator of the Yi King, Professor Legge, 
and Monsieur Terrien de Lacouperie. " Who shall decide when Doctors 
disagree ?" Prof. Schlegel seems to agree with neither side and considers 
the book as "a very primitive and tentative interpretation of natural 
phenomena." He writes to us that "this book would never have risen to 
such esteem among scholars and in China, if Confucius had not so much 
occupied himself with it. A correct interpretation of this book will not 
appear for the next hundred years, for people are still too much poisoned 
with the sophistries of Confucius, and this book must be explained a//M^«/f 
Confucius, if it, indeed, deserves explanation, which I doubt." cy^ 



1 50 ** Sacred Books of the East " : China. 

Let us hear what Prof. Legge says on the subject : 

" Confucius himself set a high value on it, as being fitted to correct and perfect the 
character of the learner and it is often spoken of by foreigners as the most ancient of 
Chinese Classics, but it is not so. . There were and are, indeed, in it eight trigrams 
ascribed to F(l-hst, who is generally considered as the founder of the Chinese nation, and 
whose place in chronology should, probably, be assigned in the thirty-fourth century B.C. 
The eight trigrams are again increased to sixty-four hexagrams. To form these figures, 

two lines, one of them whole ( ) and the other divided ( ), are assumed as 

bases. But what ideas Fd-hst attached to his primary lines, — the whole and the divided ; 
what significance he gave to his trigrams ; what to the sixty-four hexagrams, — if indeed 
he himself formed so many figures ; and why the multiplication of the figures was stayed 
at sixty-four :— of none of these points have we any knowledge from him." 

This literary and mechanical "puzzle" "the Yi" is one of the five 
canonical works of China which contain the highest truth and are a law 
for all generations. Another is the ShO or book of history, regarding 
which Professor Legge remarks that its documents commence with the 
reign of Yao in the 24th century B.C. and come down to that of King 
Hsiang of the Chiu dynasty, B.C. 651-619. He then says : 

" Second and nearly as important a? the S&H, there is the SAt'A, or the Book of Poetry. 
It contains in all 305 pieces, five of which are of the time of the Shang dynasty (called 
also the Yin), B.c. 1 766-1 123. The others belong to the dynasty of Chiu, from the time 
of its founder, king W&n, bom B.C. 1231, to the reign of king Ting, B.C. 606-586. The 
whole is divided into four parts, the last of which is occupied with ' Odes of the Temple 
and the Altar.' Many pieces in the other Parts also partake of a religious character, but 
the greater number are simply descriptive of the manners, customs, and events of the 
times to which they belong and have no claim to be included in the roll of Sacred Texts. 
In this volume will be found all the pieces that illustrate the religious views of their 
authors, and the religious practices of their times." 

A fourth of the 5 great Chinese Classics brought out by the Oxford 
Clarendon Press is the " LI K!," or Record of Rites. It consists of " Three 
Rituals," one the official book of the Chau dynasty, the second " the Rules 
of Demeanour," and the third a collection of some 214 books containing 
in many passages " more of the mind of Confucius himself on the sacrificial 
worship of his country, and the ideas underlying it, than we find elsewhere." 

"The last of the five canonical books is the CA'un Ch'id^ or * Spring and 
Autumn,' a chronicle of events, extending from 722 to 481 l.c The 
Ch'un Ch'ift is the only one of the * five great Classics ' which can, with an 
approximation to correctness, be described as of Confucius* making'* 

The following quotation from Prof. Legge's Preface to " the ShA King 
etc.," will better than any words of ours conclude his explanation of the 5 
canonical works, as also of " the Snt)," or books of the four philosophers 
which latter are more within the reach of ordinary aspirants for public 
employment at the competitive examinations in China and of which " The 
Doctrine of the Mean " seems to teach them the practical applications of 
our " in medio iutissimus ibis»** 

"There is another short treatise attributed to Confucius, — the Hsido King^ or " Classic 
of Filial Piety." Though not like one of the five great works that have been described, 
it was the first to receive the denomination of a King^ — and that from the lips of the sage 
himself. . This little work does not come to us like the Khun Khifi, as directly from the 
pencil of Confucius, but in the shape of conversations between him and his disciple 
Zang-ze. . No portion of the ancient literature has more exercised the minds and engaged 

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' * Sacred Books of the East " : China. i 5 1 

the attention of many of the Emperors of successive dynasties. . The Hstllo seems to me 
an attempt to construct a religion on the basis of the cardinal virtue of Filial Piety, and 
is open to criticism in many respects. . 

"The classical books are often spoken of as being * the five King ' and * the four Shfl.' . 
(The latter) is an abbreviation for the ShO or Books of the four Philosophers. The first 
is the Lun Yd, or * Discourses and Conversations * of Confucius with many of his disciples. 
The second is the Works of Mencius, perhaps the greatest thinker and writer of the Con- 
fucian school after the Master . . The third of the Shd is the Ta Hsio, or 'Great 
Leaming,' ascribed, like the Hsi&o to Zang-ze. The fourth is the Kung Yung, or 
'Doctrine of the Mean,* the production of Ze-sze, the sage's grandson. Both of these 
treatises, however, are taken from the Lt Kl." 

We have been favored with the following remarks on the Li Ki and Y! 
King by Fung Hou Wong, the scholarly Attach^ of the Chinese Legation 
in England : 

" Many English translations of Chinese literary works have been pub- 
lished, but none of them is so satisfactory as the translation of the * Four 
Books ' ajid * Five Classics ' by Dr. Legge. The latter works, which are not 
easy to understand, can never be so translated as to satisfy everybody. 
Most of our native scholars, even, do not understand them thoroughly, so, 
of course, how much more must their difficulty be to Western Scholars I 
Chinese Scholars study hard from youth to old age in searching for the 
proper meanings of many terms in *the Five Classics.' Although our 
Scholars might be supposed to understand the * Five Classics ' thoroughly, 
some of them fail in doing so. According to our system of examinations, 
if a Scholar passes the first degree, after being first examined by the Magis- 
trate four or five times, he is again examined for the second degree by the 
Prefect just as many times. After these examinations are successfully 
passed, the Candidate is again examined by the Literary Chancellor who is 
specially appointed by our Emperor. If anybody, whose essay has been 
passed by him, has got the first degree, he must learn the ' Five Classics * 
from which the subjects are set in subsequent examinations. During the 
first examination the subjects are always selected from * the Four Books,' 
and, during the second, they are selected from * the Five Classics.* 

" As the Candidate obtains his third, or still higher degree, it is impos- 
sible for him to pass without keeping up his knowledge of the * Five Classics.' 

" On this account, every Scholar must understand them very well indeed ; 
but none, except a few, who are really of surpassing genius and learning, 
can thoroughly know the above-mentioned books ; most Scholars thus owe 
much to chance, even when they have got the higher degrees. 

" I have read the two volumes of translation from the LI Ki, and the 
one volume of Yl King, which you sent me, and have compared the former 
with the Chinese text. The general translation is all right, but the * Li Ki ' 
is not so difficult as * the Yi King,' which I do not think, even as rendered 
by Dr. Legge, can satisfy everybody. Why ?, because if you translate the 
words into their ordinary meaning, as Dr. Legge has done, it is not really 
correct, since they contain concealed and deep meanings which no one 
(even a Chinese) would even dare to express, though he may understand 
them in his mind. 

" Confucius himself said : ' If you lend me a few years, each equal to a 

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152 ** Sacred Books of the East " / China. 

long life, to learn the Yi King, it will take fifty years before I shall be able 
to avoid the grosser mistakes in its interpretation.' 

"The translation of *the Pour Books' has been admirably done by 
Dr. Legge, but I have not yet had time to read his rendering of the * Five 
Classics.' I have, however, no doubt that Dr. Legge and Mr. Wong Tao 
(his assistant), have certainly shown the greatest care in translating these 
works. It is rather a pity that the names are given without their equiva- 
lents in Chinese characters, for different people pronounce differently, and 
although this may not matter much to Englishmen, the presence of 
Chinese letters cannot fail to be of use or interest to them, even were it 
only a curiosity.* 

" The whole Li Books have not yet been translated. I believe that there 
are more volumes of it ; some chapters seem certainly to have been omitted, 
such as the * Pan Sang ' and * Wan Sang,' etc. ; such chapters even Chinese 
students do not always read, as they are not interesting." 



IL Texts of Taoism (Translated by James Legge). 
BY JOHN BEAMES, B.C.S. (Retired). 
These two volumes of the well-known series contain translations of the 
three principal scriptures of the Tdo, one of the three great religions of 
China. These are the T^o Teh Ching, the writings of Chwang-tze, and 
the Thai-shang tractate of actions and their retributions. The first of the 
three, "the Tio and its characteristics" is the work of Ldo-Ue "the old 
philosopher " and the reputed founder of the Tdo religion who was bom in 
B.c 604 about fifty years before Confucius. In his lucid and interesting 
introduction to this work the learned translator adduces reasons for 
believing that I^o-tze did not create but merely reduced to some sort of 
system an earlier form of religious thought if such a term can be applied to 
so mysterious a matter as the Tao. The word Tio simply means " path, 
way" resembling in its use the term 'H hUt; "The Way " applied to Christi- 
anity in the Acts of the Apostles. But to this simple primary sense an 
esoteric meaning is attached which is supremely difficult to seize. " In the 
Grand Beginning of all things out of the primal nothingness the Tdo some- 
how appeared and there was developed through its operation the world of 
things." T^o we are further told is not a creation, but an evolution. It is 
not a positive being but a mode of being. From it was evolved even God 
himself, if there be a God in Tioism, for Lio-tze hardly seems to recognize 
a God, or if he does, assigns him no very prominent place or functions in 
his system. His follower Chwang-tze however, the author of the second 
work in these volumes, writes of TSo that " from It came the mysterious 
existences of spirits, from It the mysterious existence of God." It is 
claimed for this religion of negations that it tends to promote longevity 
and it is probably to this idea that it owes its hold upon the popular mind. 
Marvellous are the legends of the extreme age attained in times of yore by 
the votaries of Tio, but these undying patriarchs only succeeded in pro- 

* A Chinese gentleman spent a day in looking for " Lichan gardens *' which was his 
guide-book's rendering for " Regent's Park.*' Ed. 

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" Sacred Books of the East '' ; China. . 1 53 

longing existence by giving up all that made life worth living. It was truly 
JuvenaFs " propter vitam, vivendi perdere causas." It is said that ** doing 
nothing is the essential condition of the TSo" and again "Vacancy, still- 
ness, placidity, tastelessness, quietude, silence, non-action ; this is the per- 
fection of the T^o and its characteristics." 

Chwang tze loves to teach by example. He tells what such and such a 
great man of old time did, and though it is hinted that many of his great 
men never existed, the illustrations they afford are none the less amusing 
for that We read of the early days of "perfect virtue" in which the 
people of two neighbouring villages could see each other across the fields 
and could hear their cocks crowing and their dogs barking and yet never 
went to see each other ! It is added that in those times perfect good order 
prevailed, which is perhaps hardly surprising. It was the object of the 
rulers in those happy days to keep the people in ignorance Nothing was 
so inimical to " the paradisiacal state " as knowledge. " Therefore " says 
Lao-tze " the sage in the exercise of government empties their minds, fills 
their bodies, weakens their wills and strengthens their bones. He con- 
stantly tries to keep them without knowledge and without desire, and 
where there are those who have knowledge to keep them from presuming 
to act on it. Where there is this abstinence from action, good order is 
universal." 

Even in this dead-alive creed however there are not wanting good 
points, and lessons of practical utility. Ldo-tze teaches humility, gentle- 
ness, rendering good for evil, and economy. He deprecates war and 
conquest, principally perhaps because action of any sort is opposed to his 
system. It does not appear however that his counsels of perfection bore 
fruit in the minds of his countrymen, and the importation of Buddhism in 
the first century of our era threw Tioism into the shade, where it has re- 
mained ever since. From the creed of Buddha with which it had much in 
common, and for the reception of which by the Chinese its own teaching 
had to some extent paved the way, it has borrowed some features which 
distinguish its present, from its earlier, practice. It has a patnarch 
descended from Tao-ling the first patriarch of the religion, whose soul, like 
that of the Dalai Lama transmigrates from one holder of the title to 
another, each successive holder being supernaturally indicated. It has 
now monasteries and nunneries, images, liturgies, and modes of dress. It 
has made of the three Buddhist " Precious ones," Buddha, the Law and the 
Congregation three idols called the " three Pure ones," representing Chaos, 
lilo-tze and someone else, it is not certain whom. The Tioists also worship 
a deified mortal one Yu Hwang Ti, they have the doctrine of purgatory 
and an everlasting hell, and in recent times celibacy of the monks and 
nuns is being insisted on. A system however so opposed to all knowledge 
and to all human progress cannot long survive, indeed it seems probable 
that it has endured so long only by borrowing the outward garb of another 
religion. It will remain only on paper as a striking example of the 
tendencies of the Mongolian mind, so apathetic, unemotional, and yet 
strangely practical. It will occasionally attract the notice of the student 
of Comparative Psychology, and to his studies these excellent translations 
with their learned notes will be a most material help. Digitized by vjOOQIC 



154 



NOTICES OF RUSSIA AND THE RUSSIANS 
IN ORIENTAL LITERATURE. 

By Major-General F. H. Tyrrell, Madras Army. 

Russia, like England, is a great Oriental as well as a great 
European Power ; and looks with a Janus-face on both the 
Western and the Eastern world. To the former she may 
seem the embodiment of Oriental despotism ; to the latter 
she appears as the Apostle of Western Civilization. From 
the Straits of the Bosphorus to the Passes of the Pamirs, 
the expectant eyes of the Sultans, Shahs, and Peoples of 
the East are turned to a new Kibla, to St. Petersburg, as 
well as to Mecca, to the throne of the Ak Pddishdh, the 
Great White Czar, awaiting their destiny in his smile or 
his frown. 

In my intercourse with Orientals of different nations, 
creeds and classes, I was struck with the fact of how 
largely Russia looms on the horizon of their hopes and 
fears : and I thought it might be of some interest to the 
readers of the Asiatic Quarterly to put on record some 
ideas and opinions of Russia and the Russians, as expressed 
in the literature of the Arabs, Turks, and Persians. 

Such notices are not at all so numerous as might be 
imagined from our experience of European literature. In 
the Reading Room Library of the British Museum one 
huge volume of the Catalogue is entirely devoted to a 
mere list of titles of works relating to Russia. But among 
them is not a single work in an Oriental language. 

To the Moslem, Islam is the world and anything beyond 
its pale is unworthy of his attention. The science, juris- 
prudence, and religion of Europe are of no more concern 
to him than the customs of Zulus or Maoris are to the 
average Englishman. The chronology of the Musalman 
begins with the Mission of Muhammad : his history records 
only the reigns of the Khalifs and Sultans of the Countries 
of the Islam ; his geography embraces only the lands lying 
between Morocco to the west and Kashgar to the east. 

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Notices of Russia and the Russians. 155 

All the ages before the coming of Muhammad are lumped 
together as the Ahd-i-Jahdlat " the Time of Ignorance " 
and all the Powers of Europe are conveniently classified as 
'*the Seven Infidel Kingdoms of the Farang." I suppose 
that during the four hundred years that the Turks have 
ruled in Egypt, no Turk has been curious enough to pay a 
visit to the Pyramids : and the Musalmans attribute the 
excavations of Layard and Schliemann to a search for 
hidden hoards of buried treasure. 

Our field of research is therefore a limited one, and the 
writers in whose works we find other than the most casual 
allusions to Russia and the Russians are exceptions to a 
general rule. The first Oriental writer in whom I find a 
reference to them is the Arabic geographer and historio- 
grapher Al Mas lidi who compiled his learned and voluminous 
cosmographical cyclopedia entitled ** Meadows of Gold and 
Mines of Gems" (Muriij ad Dhahab wa Ma'ddin al Jauhar) 
towards the latter end of the tenth century of our era. 
He describes all the known kingdoms and countries of his 
time from the isles of Britannia to China whither the Arab 
traders used to repair in their ships, as related in the 
voyages of Sindbad the Sailor in the Thousand Nights 
(Alif Laila). He is describing the empire of the King 
(Khdkan) of the Khazars, the Avars of Gibbon, who 
reigned in the city of I til on the Volga, and made peace 
and war on equal terms with the Kaisar of Rum (the 
Emperor of the Eastern Roman Empire). Al Masudi 
says, 

" One of the various Pagan nations who live in his country are the 

Sakdliba (Sclavonians) and another the Rils (Russians). They live in one 

of the two sides of this town : they bum the dead with their cattle, utensils, 

arms and ornaments. When a man dies, his wife is burnt alive with him : 

but when the wife dies her husband is not burnt. If a bachelor dies, he 

is married after his death. Women are glad to be burnt ; for they cannot 

enter into Paradise by themselves. This usage also prevails among the 

Hindus, as we have said. But the Hindus never burn a woman with her 

husband, unless it is her own wish.'' 

♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ 

** In accordance with the constitution of the kingdom of the Khazar there 

are nine supreme judges in the country : two of them for the Muslims ; 

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156 N otices of Russia and the Russians. 

two for the Khazars, who follow the laws of the Pentateuch in passing 
sentence ; two for the Christians, who follow the laws of the Gospel in 
their decisions ; and one for the Sclavonians, Russians, and the other 
Pagan population. The Pagan judge decides after the heathen laws; that 
is to say, the dictates of reason, not revelation. If any important case 
comes before him, he refers to the Muslim judges, and lets them decide 
after the law of the Islam. 

" There is no other King in these parts who has paid troops except the 
King of the Khazar. Every Muslim has there the name Larisian (although 
he may not be of this nation), and it is even extended to such Russians 
and Sclavonians as serve in the army or household of the King : although 
they are pagans as we have said." 

The Larisians of Al Mas lidi are the Alares of Gibbon, 
a nation which has long since disappeared, like the Khazars 
themselves, and like the Bortas mentioned in the following 
passage ; all swamped in the Mogul deluge of the thirteenth 
century, overflowing the whole of Western Asia and Eastern 
Europe in an irresistible torrent. The once great name of 
the Khazars still survives in an insignificant tribe now 
subject to Russia and inhabiting the shores of the Caspian, 
which the Persians to this day call the Bahr al Khazardn 
or sea of the Khazars. 

The term ** RiJs " used by Al Ma s udi is it appears the 
original form of our words Russia and Russians. Mn 
Morfill, in his history of Russia, says, ** The old name of 
the country is Rus, the form Russia not having arisen 
earlier than the close of the seventeenth century when it 
was artificially framed on the analogy of such classical 
names as Grecia, etc." 

The Russians appear to have first become known to the 

Moslem nations by the piratical raids which they made 

upon the dwellers on the southern shores of the Black Sea 

(called the Pontus by Al Mas'iidi, after the Greek) and of 

the Caspian. Their attacks on the Byzantine capital are 

well known to us through history ; and Al Mas'iidi gives 

the following account of a great raid made by them on the 

countries of the Isldm. 

" From the upper course of the river of the Khazar (the Volga) an arm 
branches off (the Don) that falls into a narrow gulf of the sea Pontus, 
which is the sea of the Russians ; for no nation, excepting the Russians, 

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Notices of Russia and the Russians. 157 

navigates this sea. They are a great nation, living on one of the coasts of 

this sea. They neither have a king, nor do they acknowledge a divine 

revelation. Many of them are merchants, and trade with the kingdom of 

the Targhiz (Bulgarians). The Russians are in possession of great silver 

mines which may be compared with those in the mountain of Lahjir in 

Khordsdn. 

♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ 

**The Russians (Ar-Riis) consist of several different nations and distinct 
hordes ; one is called Al Ltldd'iya (Lithuanians ?). They go on their mer- 
cantile business as far as Spain, Rome, Constantinople and the Khazar. 
After the year 300 (circa a.d. 920) they had five hundred ships, every one 
of which had one hundred men on board : they passed up the estuary (of 
the Don) which opens into the Pontus and is in communication with the 
river of the Khazar (the Volga). The King of the Khazar keeps a garrison 
on this side the estuary with efficient warlike equipments to exclude any 
other power from this passage, and to prevent them occupying by land that 
branch of the river of the Khazar which stands in connection with the 
Pontus : for the nomadic Turks, who are the Ghuz, try frequently to winter 
there. Sometimes the water (the Don) which connects the river of the 
Khazar (the Volga) with the above-mentioned estuary is frozen, and the 
Ghuz cross it with their horses, for although it is a great water, the ice 
does not break under them. The King of the Khazar himself frequently 
takes the field against them, if his garrison is too weak to drive them back, 
and he prevents them going over the ice, thus defending his dominions. 
It is impossible for the Turks to cross the river in summer. 

"When the Russian vessels came to the garrison, on the entrance of the 
estuary, they sent to the King of the Khazar to ask his permission to pass 
through his dominions, to go down his river, and enter into the sea of the 
Khazar which is the sea of Jorjdn, Taberistdn, and of other places of the 
Barbarians (al 'Adjim) as we have stated, promising him half the plunder 
which they should take from the nations who live on the coast of the sea 
He gave them leave. They entered the estuary, and continuing their 
voyage up the river (Don) as far as the river of the Khazar (Volga) they 
went down this river, passed the town of Itil, and entered through its 
mouth into the sea of the Khazar. This is a very large and deep river. 
By these means the Russians came into this sea, and spread their preda- 
tory excursions over Ghildn, Dailam, Tabaristan, and AboskiSn which is 
the name of the coast of Jorjdn the Naphtha country, and towards Ader- 
baijdn, the town of Ardebil which is in Aderbaijdn, and about three days' 
journey from this sea. They shed blood, plundered property, made 
children prisoners, and sent out predatory and incendiary companies in all 
directions. The inhabitants of the coasts of this sea were filled with con- 
sternation, for they had never had to contend with an enemy from these 
quarters : for the sea had only been frequented by peaceful traders and 
fishing boats. They had been at war with el Jil (Ghildn), ad Dailam ; and 
the leader of the forces of Ibn Abi-s-Saj, but with no other nation. The 
Russians landed on the coast of the Naphtha country which is called 
Bdbika (Baku) and belongs to the kingdom of Shir.vdn Shah. On their 

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158 Notices of Russia and the Russians. 

return from the coast, the Russians landed in the islands which are near 
the Naphtha country, being only a few miles distant from it The King 
of Shirwdn was then 'AH Bin al Haitham. As the merchants sailed in 
boats and vessels in pursuit of their commercial business to those islands, 
the Russians attacked them ; thousands of Muslims perished, being partly 
put to the sword, partly drowned. The Russians remained several months 
in this sea, as we have before said. The nations on the coast had no 
means of repelling them, although they made warlike preparations and put 
themselves in a state of defence, for the inhabitants of the coasts on this 
sea are well civilized. When they had made booty and captives, they 
sailed to the mouths of the river of the Khazar (Volga) and sent mes- 
sengers with money and booty to the King, in conformity with the stipula- 
tions which they had made. The King of the Khazar has no ships on 
this sea, for the Khazar are no sailors. If they were, they would be of 
the greatest danger to the Muslims. The Al-Larisia (Alares) and other 
Muslims in the country of the Khazar heard of the conduct of the Russians, 
and they said to their king : * The Russians have invaded the country of 
our Muslim brothers ; they have shed their blood and made their wives 
and children captives, as they were unable to resist ; permit us to oppose 
them.' As the King was not able to keep them quiet he sent messengers 
to the Russians, informing them that the Muslims intended to attack them. 
The Muslims took the field and marched against them, going down the 
banks of the river. When both parties saw each other, the Russians left 
their vessels and formed their battle array opposite the Muslims. In the 
ranks of the latter were many Christians of Itil. The number of the 
Muslim army was about fifteen thousand men provided with horses and 
equipments. They fought three days, and God gave the victory to the 
Muslims : they put the Russians to the sword, some of them were drowned, 
and only five thousand escaped ; who sailed first along the bank of the 
river on which Bortas is situated; then they left their vessels and pro- 
ceeded by land. Some of them were slain by the inhabitants of Bortas, 
and others came into the country of Targhiz (Bulgaria) where they fell 
under the sword of the Muslims. There were about thirty thousand dead 
counted on the banks of the river of the Khazar. The Russians did not 
make a similar attempt after that year." 

Al Ma's'iSdi says " We have related this fact in proof of our statement that 
the Black Sea and Caspian are separated, against those who maintain that 
the sea of the Khazar is connected with the sea Mayotis and the strait of 
Constantinople, through the Mayotis or Pontus : for if this was the case, 
the Russians would have made their voyage by this way, being the masters 
of the Black Sea as we have said. Besides, the merchants of all the 
nations who live near this sea state unanimously, that the sea of the Bar- 
barians has no strait by which it is connected with any other sea ; and as 
this sea is but small, it can be known in its whole extent The history of 
the Russian ships, which we have related, is generally known amongst all 
nations who live there. I have forgotten the exact date of their expedi- 
tion but it happened after 300 a.h. Perhaps those who maintain that the 
sea of the Khazar is connected with the strait of Constantinople, mean by 

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Notices of Russia and the Russians. 159 

the sea of the Khazar the sea Mayotis and Pontus, which is the sea of the 
Targhiz and Russians : God knows how this is." 

This raid of the Russians on the northern provinces of 
Persia, though it had no lasting political consequences, has 
contributed more to their fame and renown among the 
Oriental nations than all their later exploits and coriquests : 
for it has supplied the theme for a celebrated episode in 
the great epic of the Persian poet Nizami called the 
Sikandar Ndma (Alexandriad) ; one of the most widely- 
read and best known of those heroic and mythical works 
which throughout the East fill the place of authentic ancient 
history. 

But before considering NizAmi's poetical account of the 
Russians, it may be as well to conclude our extracts from 
al Mas udi with the following curious fragment, relating to 
the first appearance of the Danish and Norse Vikings on 
the coast of Spain, then a Moslem country under the rule 
of an Arab Khalifa. Al Mas udi's identification of the new- 
comers with the Russians was certainly an ingenious, and 
not an unreasonable guess. 

" A short time previous to the beginning of the fourth century of the 
Hijra, ships landed in Spain which had thousands of men on board who 
made incursions on the coast. The Muslims of Spain believed that they 
were a Magian nation (Ummat Min al Majiis) who were in the habit of 
visiting this country every two centuries. They came from a gulf of the 
ocean, and not from the strait on which the pillars of copper (columns of 
Hercules) stand. I suppose this gulf is connected with the sea of Mayotis 
and of Pontus, through a northern passage, and that the invading nation 
were the Russians of whom we have spoken ; for no other nation sails in 
the seas which stand in connection with the Ocean." 

It may surprise a Western reader to find the Russians 
specified by name as opponents of Alexander the Great, 
but the poetic license assumed by Persian writers is a wide 
one. Firdiisi and Nizdmi and their imitators supply their 
want of antiquarian knowledge by assuming the ancient 
world of their mythical heroes to be the same in all respects 
as the world of their own time. Thus Firdiisi in the Shdh 
Nama or Book of Kings makes Alexander the Great 
conquer the land of al Andaliis or Andalusia, the Arab 

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i6o Notices of Russia and the Russians. 

name for Spain. And to Nizdmi, who dwelt at Ganja 
(now Elisabetpol) in Armenia, the Russian raid on his 
birthplace no doubt appeared to be a salient fact in history 
and worthy of being commemorated by the inclusion of a 
similar incident in his great historical epic. To the Moslem 
writers , Greeks and Romans are the same nations, because 
the Roman Empire (Ar Riim) had its capital at Constanti- 
nople at the time of the Prophet Muhammad ; and their 
principal idea of Sikandar ar Riimi or Alexander the Great 
is connected with the reference to him in the Koran by the 
name of Dhii'l Karnain, the Lord of the two Horns. In- 
stead of being to them "the youth who all things but 
himself subdued," he is a Prophet-King like David or 
Sulimdn, an adorer of the One True God, a special favourite 
of Providence, as evinced by his miraculous career of con- 
quest. Except for his being labelled with all the virtues, 
there is nothing to distinguish him from his rival Ddra 
(Darius) King of Irdn whose overthrow is attributed to his 
injustice and tyranny. Both of these monarchs preside 
over courts like that of Harun ar Rashfd or SAlih ud Dfn, 
command armies of myriads of bow-bearing and sabre- 
wielding horsemen, and take counsel with long-robed sages 
like the 'Ulama of Naishapur and Isfahdn. 

In Nizdmi*s pages Sikandar is the son of Filikds King 
of Makddnya ( Macedonia), a tributary of Dar4 the Shahin- 
shdh of Irdn ; and when he succeeds to his father's throne 
he refuses the tribute on the ground of Ddrd s injustice and 
infidelity. The Persian envoy sent to threaten him empties 
a bag of millet-seed on the ground before him as a vaunt 
of the multitude of his master's hosts, and Alexander pro- 
duces a fowl which picks up the seed, as his answer. To 
make a long story short, he takes the field against Ddrd, 
conquers Persia, makes the pilgrimage to Makka and 
founds Alexandria (Iskandariya). He finds among the 
tributary kingdoms of Ir^n, that of Berda a on the Caspian 
Sea, ruled over by a beautiful Queen called NaushAba, who 
has a court and camp of women as fair as herself, a story 

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Notices of Russia and the Russians. 1 6 1 

perhaps suggested to Nizdmi by some reminiscence of the 
Grecian myth of the Amazons. Alexander afterwards 
invades India, where he defeats and kills Fiir (Porus) the 
King of that country. 
In the words of Nizdmi 

" Za SaudAi Hind o za Safrai RiJs 
Faroshust 'Alam chu' KhwAn-i AriJs :" 

" He cleansed the world, like a bright bridal dress, 
From India's Black, and Russia's Yellowness." 

'*Sauda" and **Safra" besides signifying ''black" and 
** yellow " also stand for the melancholic and bilious tem- 
peraments in the Akhl^t i Arba or Four Temperaments of 
the human race, according to the Greek physiology adopted 
by the Arabs. 

Alexander next goes to China where the Khakdn or 
Emperor acknowledges his Suzerainty, and agrees to pay 
him tribute. As he is returning thence Dawdl the Satrap 
of Anjdz comes to report to him that the Russians have 
raided Berdaa and the neighbouring countries, and have 
carried away Queen Naushdba and her ladies into captivity. 
Alexander enquires about the Russians, and Dawdl replies 
that they are a wild and barbarous nation who continually 
harry the borders of Riim and Arman (Greece and 
Armenia) : 

" Ke Khamdn-i khalq and, o dunin-i Dahr :" 
" They are rudest of Nations, and vilest of Men.'* 

Alexander accordingly changes the route of his army and 
marches to the Dasht-i Khufchdk, or the Kipchdk plains, 
on his way to invade Russia, and avenge his wounded 
honour. When the King of the Haft Riis (Seven Russias) 
hears of the approach of the hosts of Riim, he summons all 
his warriors to meet them, and calls on his neighbours, 
Vassals, and allies, the Sakldb, the Partds, the Aldn and 
the Khazar to join his standard. The King is called *' the 
Kintal" by Nizdmi, a title for which I can suggest no ex- 
planation unless it is intended to represent the Sclavonic 
Kardl. 

NEW SERIES. VOL. VII. Digitized^ GoOgle 



1 62 Notices of Russia and the Russians. 

The ** Seven Russias " probably means the countries of 
Great Russia, Red Russia, Malo-Russia, etc., seven being 
used only as a convenient geographical expression, like the 
Seven Climates, the Seven Seas, the seven infidel king- 
doms of Europe and so on. 

Nine hundred thousand warriors answer to the call, 
hungry lions clad in the skins of wild beasts and in armour 
of steel. The Kintal spurs his horse on to an eminence, 
from whence he surveys the approach of Alexanders 
army : and he harangues his Russians, expatiating on the 
effeminacy of the men of Riim and Irdn and Chin, and on 
the splendour of their equipment which will afford a rich 
booty to his hardy and skin-clad warriors. 

Nizdmi then contrasts the appearance of the two mighty 
armies drawn up in battle array opposite to each other 

" Za digar taraf surkh ruyAn I Riis, 

FaROZINDA CHUN KiBLA GAH I MaJTJs *' 

" Opposed, the red-faced Russian's line 
Shines like the flame on Magian shrine.'' 

Seven chapters of the epic recount the doubtful fate of as 
many battles, fought on seven successive days, in much the 
same way as the Greek and Trojan battles in the Iliad, and 
described with all the extravagance of Persian hyperbole: 
mountains of slain ; rivers of blood ; cloven limbs, and 
heads rolling in the dust ; thundering of horsehoofs, light- 
ning of scimitars, neighing of war-horses and shouting of 
heroes. While the hosts on each side slaughter each other 
indiscriminately, the main interest centres in the deeds of 
chosen champions, who successively encounter each other 
in single combat. The Russian heroes bear such uncouth 
names as Afranj, Tartiis, Jaram, and Jaudard. The 
Russians nearly gain the victory by bringing into the field 
a man-monster, a kind of Caliban, who even seizes a war- 
elephant by the trunk and dashes it to the ground. He is 
one of a giant race of wild men of the woods, who inhabit 
a country to the North of Russia. The Russians catch 
them roosting in trees, and take them with strong nets and 

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Notices of Russia and the Russians. 163 

chains with difficulty for it takes fifty ordinary men to hold 
them ; and then they tame them and utilise their strength 
in labour and their courage in war. I can discover no 
foundation for this curious legend of Nizdmi s : perhaps 
some experience of the Berserkers suggested the tale. 
Alexander at length captures the man-monster with a lasso 
and drags him to his camp, where by his kindness he so 
overcomes him that he serves the King against his former 
master : but I have not space to dwell on the romantic 
episodes with which Nizimi embellishes his tale. To make 
a long story short, on the eighth day of battle Alexander 
vanquishes the Kintdl in single combat and so concludes 
the war. The Russians submit ; Naushaba and her ladies 
are restored ; and the Kintdl regains his liberty on con- 
dition of acknowledging the suzerainty of Alexander and 
paying tribute to him like the rest of the world. This 
tribute is paid in furs, for the Russians have no money, but 
use the skins of animals for currency. 

NizAmi calls the Russians **Gurba chashm," blue-eyed, 
literally cat-eyed, because Persian cats have commonly blue 
eyes. Blue eyes and fair hair are not admired by the 
Persians and Turks who use the epithet ** Kard " (Black) 
to describe their favourite type of manly beauty : as KarA 
Osmdn, Kard Mustafa — Black Osmdn, Black Mustafd. So 
Byron says in his poem, the Giaour 

" Black Hassan from the harem flies, 
Nor bends on woman's form his eyes." 

After his triumph over the Russians, Alexander goes to 
the Zulmdt or Darkness, the land of eternal Night, as the 
Moslems call the land of the midnight sun ; in quest of the 
fountain of the water of life which is found there : and he 
builds the Sad-i Sikandar or Barrier of Alexander, a brazen 
wall between two mountains, which according to Musalman 
idea exists at this day, and prevents Gog and Magog 
(YdjiSj and Mdjiij) from invading and subjugating our 
world. The ground for this belief is the strange story of 
Dhul Karnain s building of this barrier contained m the 

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1 64 Notices of Russia and the Russians. 

Kordn, perhaps suggested to Muhammad by some travel- 
ler's tale of the Great Wall of China. 

This story of the wars of Alexander the Great with the 
Russians is accepted as authentic history among Musalmans: 
and as Nizdmi's epic is well known and used as a classic 
wherever Persian literature has made its way, the Russians 
owe their fame and prestige in the East quite as much to 
this fabulous story as to their present power and position. 
Muhammadans may be heard saying " RiSm and Riis are 
old nations and ancient kingdoms ; but who ever heard of 
England or Germany until to-day ?'* 

The Kitdb Nuzhat ul MushtAk fi akhtordk al AfAk (Book 
for the Solace of the Enquirers into the Knowledge of the 
Universe) was compiled by the Arab geographer Sharif 
al Idrisi about the year 1 150 a.d. for his patron Roger the 
Norman King of Sicily. After describing Germany, 
Hungary, and Poland he goes on to say : 

" As to Russia (Arz ar Rilsiya) it is a vast country with few towns, and 
villages so scattered that to go from one province to another one must 
traverse immense distances through uninhabited tracts. The Russians 
are continually at war and in strife either among themselves or with their 
neighbours. In the number of the towns of Russia comprised in the 
present section we must enumerate Sarmali, Zdna, Barmilniya and Ghalisia 
(Galicia ?). The first of these towns is situated on the river Dniest 
(Dneister) to the north of the stream, which flows eastwards towards Zdna 
distant twelve days' journey. From Zdna on its banks to Barmiiniya nine 
days' journey ; and from Barmilniya to Ghalisiya two hundred miles." 

In his description of the nations dwelling on the Volga, 
the Bartas (the Partds of Nizdmi) the Bulghar, etc., he 
again refers to the Russians 

" Kokiana is inhabited by Tartars called Russians (Riisa). The Russians 
are divided into three hordes, one of which is called Bariwas : its king 
lives at Kokiana. The second is called Sldwia, and its king lives at Sldwa, 
a town on the top of a mountain. The third is Arthania : its king resides 
at Arthdna, a pretty town, built on a steep mountain between Sldwa and 
Kokidna, and four days' journey from each of these towns. 

" Musalman merchants visit Kokidna. 

" As to Arthania Ibn Haukal says that no stranger may enter there : for 
the people there put to death without mercy any stranger who visits their 
country. They bring thence the skins of black tigers (babrX and black 
foxes, and lead. The merchants of Kokidna traffic in these things. 

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Notices of Rttssia and the Russians, 165 

' The Russians burn their dead and do not bury them : some of them 
shave their beards ; others trim and curl their beards after the fashion of 
the Arabs of Dawdb. Their clothes are short skirted of the kind called 
Kurtak while the Khazars, the Bulghars, and the Bajniks wear the long 
Kurtak of silk, cotton, linen or wool. 

'* The language of the Russians differs entirely from that of the Khazars 
and the Bartas. 

" In Russia and in Bulgaria the length of the day is not more than three 

and a half hours in winter. Ibn Haukal assures us that he has witnessed 

this fact, and he adds that in this country the length of the day in winter 

is barely sufficient to allow of the four obligatory prayers being gone 

through in succession without interval, even making as few prostrations as 

possible. 

♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ 

'* There are two kinds of Russians : those of whom we have treated in the 
present section ; and the others who dwell near Hungary and Gotulia. At 
this present time they have subjugated the Bartds, the Bulghars, and the 
Khazars ; have chased them from their lands and occupied their posses- 
sions, so that there remains of the Bartds, Bulghars, and Khazars abso- 
lutely nothing but the name." 

He goes on to describe the Bashkirs as neighbours of 
the Russians ; and then the Ghuz (Kirghiz ?) who inhabit 
the deserts on the shores of the Caspian Sea. He also 
mentions several places to the north of Russia as " Fin- 
mark/* "Lestlanda" (Ostland ?), *'KaImar" etc. The 
dark ocean, he says, washes the northern coasts of Russia 
from East to West. No part of it can be navigated, owing 
to the fogs and the cold. 

Al Idrisi also gives a long and circumstantial story of 
an Arab explorer who was sent by the Khalifa Al Vdthik 
to verify the existence of the brazen wall of Alexander ; 
and who returned with a full and particular notice of it : 
but the Moorish historian and geographer Abu Zeid Abdur 
Rahmdn Ibn Khalidiin who follows al Idrisi in most 
particulars naively says that ** the only authentic notice of 
this work'' (Alexander's wall) **is that contained in the 
Kordn." ' 

Ibn Khalidiin composed his monumental work about the 
year 1350 a.d. He follows al Idrisi in most things relating 
to the Russians and the neighbouring nations. He says 
that they and all the Sclavonic tribes use skins and furs 

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1 66 Notices of Russia and the Russians. 

instead of money : and he compares the Russians in the 
Northern Hemisphere to the Zangis (Negroes) in the 
Southern, when speaking of the effect of climate on the 
human race, and the variation of type. Extreme heat and 
extreme cold show, he argues, the same effects in making 
men brutal and savage, physically strong and intellectually 
weak as are the Russians to the extreme North and the 
Zangi to the far south. 

Muhammad Ibn Batiita was a contemporary of Ibn 
Khalidun and spent twenty years in travelling, visiting 
every place of note almost in all Islam from Timbuctoo to 
the cities of China. In his time Russia was subject to the 
Khan of the Kizil Urdii or Golden Horde of the Mogul 
Tartars, who had established their standing camp at Sardi 
(the Tabernacle) on the banks of the Volga. The father 
of English poetry, Chaucer, writing in a.d. 1400 says in his 
" Story of Cambuscan bold " : 

" At Sara in the londe of Tartaric 
There dwelled a King who werreyed Russie," 

which seems to disprove Mr. Morfill's assertion that the 
word Russia was only invented towards the end of the 
seventeenth century. 

AbduUa Ibn Fazlulla, surnamed Vassdf, a well known 
Persian historian, has a chapter in his erudite work headed 
** Yurish-i Maghiil ba Mulk-i Riis " or ** Invasion of the 
land of Russia by the Moguls." In it he says that Jiiji 
Khdn son of Changhiz Khdn left seven sons, who were 
seven planets of the Firmament of Dominion, and seven 
limbs of the Body Politic : that Bdtii Khan who was dis- 
tinguished among the seven brothers for courage, justice, 
and generosity, succeeded to his father's throne ; and that 
he built the city of Sarai on the banks of the river I til 
(Volga) and made it the seat of his government. In his 
second Parliament (qurfltii) opinions were unanimously 
given in favour of an attack upon the chiefs of Russia 
(Sarwaran-i Riis) who dwelt in convenient contiguity : and 
the Princes Mangii, Kayiik, Kaddkdn, Kurkdn, BUri 

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Notices of Russia and the Russians. 167 

(Nuri ?), Baiddr, and Hardii were appointed to lead the 
expedition. In the spring of the year they assembled 
their armies on the frontiers of Balghir, and marched into 
Russia. They captured a city impervious even to the air, 
and filled with soldiers numerous as leaves and thick as 
swarms of flies. The Moguls plundered everything and 
slew all agreeably to custom and according to orders, and 
cut off the ears of all the slain : on which circumstance 
Vassdf jests after the Persian fashion about the obstinate 
Russians having their ears twisted for their contumacy. 
The tale of cropped ears when counted amounted to two 
hundred and fifty thousand. The historian then proceeds 
to narrate the subsequent invasion and conquest of the 
countries of Kaldr and Bdshghar by the victorious Moguls 
led by Bitii Khan in person. 

The author of the Shajrat al Atrdk (Genealogical Tree 
of the Turks) gives a very similar account of the Tartar 
Conquest of Russia. He says that Jiiji Khdn subdued 
Russia, and that after his death the Russians along with 
other subject nations, revolted : and that an army was 
mustered to quell the revolt under the Tartar Princes 
Kayiik Khdn, Mangii the son of Tuli Khdn, Bulki. Niiri, 
and Baiddr. He thus describes the conquest and capture 
of Moscow. 

" As the city of Mugus (Moscow) was surrounded by a forest so thick 
that the wind could scarcely penetrate it, the princes cut it down and made 
a road round the city that would admit of four carriages abreast. They 
then closely besieged the city, and taking it, massacred the whole of the 
inhabitants. The right ears of the slain, amounting to seventy-two thou- 
sand, were cut oflf, and sent to Oktdi Kd'dn. 

" On the arrival of the spring, when the princes had finished their warfare 
with the people of Riis, Kipchdk, and 'AUn, they proceeded to the con- 
quest of Kulah and Bashkar, the people of these countries from their 
vicinity to the cities of Farangistdn, being all Christians." 

By Kulah or Kaldr and Bdshkar perhaps Poland and 
Hungary may be meant, which were raided by the Moguls 
under Bdtii Khdn after their conquest of Russia. After 
encountering and defeating the chivalry of Europe on the 

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1 68 Notices of Russia and the Russians. 

plains near Liegnitz in Silesia the victors filled nine sacks 
with the right ears of the slain Christians. 

Muhammad Ibn Batiita visited Sardi in his travels, and 
went northwards thence to Bulghar, the original seat of the 
Bulgarian Nation before it migrated to the banks of the 
Danube. The pious Musalman was much puzzled by the 
shortness of the nights in that northern land. He says: 

" When therefore I was saying the prayer of sunset in that place, which 
happened in the month of Ramazdn, I hasted, nevertheless the time for 
evening prayer came on, which I went hastily through. I then said that 
of midnight, as well as that termed Al Witr : but was overtaken by the 
dawn. In the same manner also the day is shortened in this place in the 
opposite season of the year. 

" In Bulgar, I was told of the land of darkness, and certainly had a 
great desire to go to it from that place. The distance however was that 
of forty days. I was diverted therefore from the undertaking, both on 
account of its great danger, and the little good to be derived from it. I 
was told that there was no travelling thither except upon little sledges, 
which are drawn by large dogs ; and that, during the whole of the journey, 
the roads are covered with ice, upon which neither the feet of man, nor 
the hoofs of beast can take any hold. These dogs, however, have claws 
by which their feet take firm hold on the ice. 

"No one enters these parts except powerful merchants, each of whom 
has perhaps a hundred of such sledges as these, which they load with pro- 
visions, drinks, and wood: for there we have neither trees, stones, nor 
houses. The guide in this country is the dog which has gone the journey 
several times, and the price of such a dog will amount to about a thousand 
dinars. 

"The sledge is harnessed to his neck, and with him three other dogs are 
joined, of which he is the leader. The others then follow him with the 
sledge, and when he stops they stop. 

" The master never strikes or reprimands this dog ; and when he proceeds 
to a meal, the dogs are fed first : for if this were not done, they would 
become enraged, and perhaps run away and leave their master to perish. 
When the travellers have completed their forty days or stages through this 
desert, they arrive at the land of darkness ; and each man, leaving what 
he has brought with him, goes back to his appointed station. On the 
morrow they return to look for their goods, and find instead of them sable, 
ermine, and the fur of the sinjdb. If then the merchant likes what he 
finds, he takes it away : if not, he leaves it, and more is added to it : upon 
some occasions, however, these people will take back their own goods, 
and leave those of the merchants. In this way is their buying and selling 
carried on ; for the merchants do not know whether it is with mankind 
or demons that they have to do ; no one being seen during the transac- 
tion. It is one of the properties of these furs, that no vermin ever enters 
them." 

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Notices of Russia and the Russians. 1 69 

Ibn Batuta goes on to describe his travels to other places 
in the land of the Tartars. 

" In this manner," he says, " we arrived at Ukak or Ukal, which is a 
middling-sized town, but excessively cold. Between this place and Al 
Sardi which belongs to the Sultan, there is a distance of ten days* journey. 
At the distance of one day from this place are the mountains of the 
Russians, who are Christians with red hair, and blue eyes, an ugly and 
perfidious people. They have silver mines : and from their country is 
* as-sdm,' />., the pieces of silver bullion, brought With these they buy 
and sell, each piece weighing five ounces." 

As the Mogul power decayed the Golden Horde split up 
into the three Khanates of Kazan. Haji Tarkhdn (Astrachan) 
and Karlm (the Crimea). This last long survived under 
the protection of the Ottoman Sultdns, and only fell a prey 
to the arms of the great Empress Catherine ; but the two 
former were conquered and annexed by the Russians in the 
reign of the Czar Ivan the Terrible. 

The songs of the Tartar nomad herdsmen of the steppes 
by the Volga still bewail in pathetic strains the fall of ** the 
strong- walled city, the city Kazan,'' and the untimely fate 
of the brave young Prince of the Crimea, Batyr or Bahadur 
Tora who perished in attempting to relieve it. He thought 
to evade the vigilance of the besiegers by leading his army 
by paths across the marshes into Kazan ; but being dis- 
covered and attacked by the Russians under Glinski and 
Sheremetoff the Tartars were defeated, and five thousand 
of them killed or drowned in the marshes ; among the latter 
being Batyr Tora himself. His fate is alluded to in the 
following Tartar song translated by the Pole Alexander 
Chodzko. 

" The town of Kazan belonged to us. We started as soon as we heard 
that the enemy had besieged it. We shall be under its walls before they 
take it. We will make our way to the gates of the Fort, to the threshold 
of its door. Like an iron bar, we will cut our way to the walls. There 
are black swamps before Kazan ; their stagnant waters smell of blood. It 
is shallow ; thought I in my heart, I will swim across it ; and giving the 
spur to my horse I threw myself into it. Numerous warriors were behind 
me, thought I ; but when I looked behind, there was not one left out of 
that gallant troop. Not knowing that accursed bog, I fell into deep 
water. I wish thou wert lost for ever, thou muddy abyss ! Where are 

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170 Notices of Russia and the Russians. 

now our shallow fords? Where is our power over Kazan with its four 

gates ? 

« « « « « 

" The innumerable Russian troops hurrah'd, hearing that Tora was ap- 
proaching Kazan : but we did not know that many warriors were to fiall 
there, and that the black day was coming upon Kazan." 

In aiiother Tartar song on the same event the Tartars 
flying before the Russians, are likened to a frightened doe 
flying over the morasses 

" When a startled doe runs away with her fawns, it leaves a track on the 
swampy morasses ; 

" On the mountains of Kavkiz, the falcon Terlau will raise his voice : 

" A solitary white-beaked vulture, perched on the top of a rock, screamed 
and spread terror on the vast lake : 

" Two eagles are shedding their feathers on the banks of Itll (the river 
Volga) and fear arises in the hearts of the enemy." 

It is supposed that the /* Ak mink4r " or white-beaked 
vulture in the above song refers to Russia, the falcon of 
the Caucasus to the famous Circassian chief Ghdzi Beg, 
and the two eagles shedding their feathers to the Khdns of 
Kazan and Astrachdn. 

In the celebrated Persian history called the Jahdn Kushdi 
NAdiri or World Conquests of Nddir Shdh, by his minister 
Mirza Mahdi Khdn there is a passage describing the seizure 
of the provinces of Ghilan and Mazendaran by the Russians 
under pretence of assisting the feeble Shah Tamasp against 
his numerous enemies. It says that the Persian Shah 
having sent an embassy to ask aid from the Russians, a 
Russian force under the command of a Russian officer 
came accordingly in boats, and cast anchor in the harbour 
of Resht. The Vazir of Resht attempting to oppose them 
was defeated, and the Russians established a station in the 
neighbourhood of Resht, and unloaded their baggage : and 
represented that the Ambassador of Shah Tamasp had 
ceded the country to them from NiAzabdd as far as the 
frontier of Astarabdd, on condition of their helping him 
against his enemies : and that they had imdertaken this 
long and arduous journey out of friendship for the Persians : 
and on this pretext they assumed the administration of the 

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Notices of Russia and the Russians, i ^ i 

country, and collected the revenues. Soon afterwards their 
chief commander arrived with ten thousand men, and 
claimed that the country had been ceded to him by the 
Sh^h. Shdh Tam^sp sent troops to expel them, but the 
Kizilbdshes were beaten and put to flight by the Russians, 
who took possession of the whole country round, and ad- 
ministered it peaceably enough : and took advantage of the 
civil wars going on around to extend their authority into 
the neighbouring districts : and shortly afterwards Peter 
the Padishdh of the Russians came by land by way of the 
castle of Kizlar with a large army to Derbend : and the 
people of that place through the fear they were in of the 
Lesghis and their allies the Turks who were mortal foes 
to the Persian nation, submitted to him ; and he ordered 
them to evacuate the fort of Derbend, and placed in it as 
a garrison three thousand musketeers, whom the Russians 
call "soldat": and in the same way he took possession of 
Bddkiiba and Salidn, and having assessed the revenue and 
settled the government of these places, he returned to his 
own country. 

Afterwards he relates how a Russian named Kannds 
was sent as an ambassador to the Court of Nddir Shdh, 
and was a companion of the Imperial stirrup when that 
monarch marched to the northwards : and how the Sun- 
crowned Emperor of Russia feeling that delay and pro- 
crastination would be useless, and resistance calamitous, 
consented to the evacuation of the Persian provinces, and 
the release of all prisoners : while Nddir Shdh guaranteed 
that the Russian garrisons should return unmolested to 
their own country. 

The epithet used here Pddishah Khurshfd KuUh, ** Sun- 
capped or Sun-crowned Emperor," for the Czar is one 
commonly applied to him by the Persians. They speak of 
the great Empress Catherine the Second as Khurshid 
Kuldh, as if it was her proper name ; and it has been 
suggested that it originated from the fame of her conquests 
and victories ; but its use by Mirza Mahdi Khdn proves 

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172 Notices of Russia and the Russians, 

that it existed before her time. Persians have applied to 
me for an explanation of it, imagining it to be in use in 
Europe also. 

Among the Tartars and Asiatic Turks the Czar is 
commonly spoken of as the Ak- Padishah or White 
Emperor. The Ottoman Turks did not give the title of 
Padishah or Emperor to the Sovereigns of Russia until 
1740 A.D. Before that time they were styled Kardl, a 
Sclavonic word for King. 

The Turkish Chronicler Auliya Effendi tells a story of 
how the Sultan Ahmad the First said to his eldest son and 
heir, Osmdn : 

** My Osman, wilt thou conquer Creta for me ?" 

** What have I to do with Creta T replied the boy ; ** I 
will conquer the land of the white Russian girls, and shed 
blood there." 

White Russian girls were an article in great demand 
among the Turks, and there was a constant supply in the 
slave-markets at Constantinople, procured by the raids of 
the Tartars of the Crimea. Giles Fletcher, Ambassador 
from Queen Elizabeth to the Czar Ivan the Terrible, says 
these Tartars come into Russia " to get store of captives 
both boys and girls whom they sell to the Turkes and 
other their neighbours." 

The favourite wife of Sultan Sulimdn the Magnificent 
was a Russian captive named Khurram (Pleasant) whom 
European writers call Roxolana. The great Sultan, like 
his great namesake, was susceptible to feminine influence, 
and Khurram instigated him to put to death his eldest son, 
the princely Mustafa, in order to secure the succession of 
her own unworthy son Selim the Sot, from whose reign the 
decline of the Ottoman Empire may be said to date. 

Prince Cantemir, who lived much among the Turks, 
says in his history that they preferred Russian and Polish 
slaves to those from the Western nations, thinking the 
women of those nations prettier and more pleasing. They 
seem to have looked on the Sakldb (Sclaves) and the 

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Notices of Russia and the Russians. 1 73 

Majdr (Hungarians) as Oriental nations, and they did not 
class them among the hated " Farang." Auliya Effendi 
says in his Book of Travels that Transylvania is inhabited 
by Saxons and by Saklav : the latter are well affected to 
the Sultan s Government, but the former are most stubborn 
infidels. 

Prince Cantemir tells us that the Turks, who used nick- 
names much among themselves, used to apply them also to 
denote their estimate of the characters of the different 
European nations : thus they used to call the Germans the 
** Ghuriir Kafir" or Proud Infidels: the Poles were the 
" Fuziil Giaur " or Boasting Gentiles : the Italians were 
the Parang Hazar Rang or tricky Europeans ; Fransawi 
Ainaji was the Deceitful Frenchman : Ispanioli Tambal 
was the Lazy Spaniard : the Dutchman was a Panirji or 
Cheesemonger; the Venetian was a Balikji, or Fisherman ; 
and the Englishman was a Chokaji or Cloth-merchant. 
The Russian was Riis Mankius or the perverse Russians. 
In an Urdu history of the Ottoman Empire called the 
Kaisar Ndma which I saw in India, either translated from 
the Turkish or taken from Turkish sources the word 
Maskiib (Muscovite) was always used instead of Russian, 
and I believe it is in common use among the Turks to this 
day. 

The Turks and Arabs call the Russians Beni ul Asfar 
the " Sons of Yellowness," and Byron has alluded to this 
epithet in the lines 

" Dark Mukhldr his son to the Danube has sped. 
Let the yellow-haired Giaours view his horsetails with dread : 
When his Delis come dashing in blood o'er the banks 
How few shall escape from the Muscovite ranks !" 

. When Mr. Donovan the Daily News Correspondent 
visited Merv in 1881 he found the Turkmans always spoke 
of the '* Yellow Russians/' And we have seen Nizdmi 
using the same epithet six hundred years ago. 

There is very little except the most meagre record of 
events to be found concerning the wars waged by the 

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1 74 Notices of Russia and the Russians. 

Russians against Turks and Persians in the pages of 
Oriental histories. ** Instead of history," says Von Moltke, 
" the Turks write only inflated bombast " ; and their account 
of their numerous wars with the Russians are quite value- 
less for military or historical purposes. ** Five thousand of 
the warriors of Islam became martyrs, and ten thousand of 
the accursed infidels were made fuel for hell fire " is a 
sample of their style of recording the results of an engage- 
ment. 

A bridge as fine as a hair and as sharp as a sword is the 
Moslem expression for the strait gate and the narrow way 5 
and a Turkish Saraskier, reporting a victory over the 
Russians to his master Sultan Mahmiid the First, writes, 
"Thousands of the infidels passing over the arch of the 
bridge formed by the sparkling sabre of the true believers 
were precipitated into the infernal gulf.*' In Turkish 
histories the most striking literary feature is what Mrs. 
Malaprop would have called a nice derangement of 
epitaphs : the Russians and other Christian soldiers being 
foxes, vultures, and hyaenas : while the Osmanlis are lions, 
leopards, eagles and the like. 

Many Russian words are to be met with nowadays in 
ordinary use in the Persian language : such as Samdvar for 
a tea-urn, Istikan for a glass tumbler, Kdliskd for acarriage* 
etc. The words " Musikdnchi '* for a military Bandsman, 
and *' Kashakchi " for a military Sentinel also appear to be 
adopted from Russian military terms. The use of the word 
'• Imperator " for Emperor which is now common in the 
Persian language, has probably been derived through the 
Russians. 

These straws on the current are trifling indications of 
the rapid - growth and wide extent of the influence of 
Russia on the national language of Persia, which in its 
turn exercises a widespread influence throughout the 
Muhammadan world. 

I have always heard natives of Persia and of Central 
Asia, when they have spoken unreservedly, express strongly 

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Notices of Russia and the Russians. 1 75 

their sense of the justice and rectitude of the Russian 
Government in Asia, and contrast it with the rule of their 
own countrymen, greatly to the disadvantage of the latter ; 
and this in spite of their avowed prejudice against the 
Russians on account of their religion. 

The Oriental mind adores force : and the irresistible 
evidence of the power of Russia, and of her military 
might, appeals strongly to the Eastern imagination and 
leads it to accept the supremacy of Russia in the East as 
decreed by an inscrutable Providence. 



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176 



CONCLUSIONS OF ''THE PELASGI AND 
THEIR MODERN ALBANIAN DESCENDANTS." 

(bv the late sir p. colquhoun and his exc. the late 

p. wassa pasha.) 

{Begun with the January number 1891 and regularly continued to the 
January number 1894.) 

With a Note by the Editor and a parallel passage in the 
Odyssey in Greek, Albanian and English — Pelasgic signifi- 
cations OF Greek words — Pelasgic omens, piracy, language 
— Homeric poems in Pelasgic — Phenician trade. 



When the rough manuscript, of which we now give the last portion, was 
placed in our hands for publication in the Asiatic Quarterly Review^ both 
the learned authors of "The Pelasgi and their Modern Descendants" 
seemed, to all human appearances, to have a fairly long life before them ; 
and we hoped that the work would not only have the advantage of their 
personal revision while being published in instalments by us, but also that 
they would give it a formal conclusion and sum up with replies to such criti- 
cisms as its publication might raise. Those expectations were destroyed, 
within a year, by the death first of the erudite Sir Patrick Colquhoun 
and then of the learned Albanian, Pascual Wassa Pasha. Since then 
we have simply continued to edit the manuscript as it was left in our 
hands. That it was the intention of the authors to add much more to it, 
in order to complete their work, it is quite easy to perceive; but no 
subsequent papers have reached us from the pen of either author, nor was 
any indication left to us as a guide to their intended conclusion. 

It is evident that, among other matter, it had been originally intended 
to give, perhaps long, specimens of translations from Homer into modern 
Albanian, side by side with the Greek texts, so as to emphasize the con- 
tentions in various places of the work.* On Wassa Pasha would naturally 
devolve the task of making such translations ; but we are unable to say 
how much he may have actually executed ; for though we wrote to enquire, 
we failed to elicit any precise statement. Sir Patrick had, however, left 
us a small fragment of such a translation ; and with this we conclude his 
manuscript, giving an English version opposite to the Albanian, with the 
Greek text of the passage underneath. 

The work, as it now stands, is in two unequal parts. The first — the larger 
one — ogives a close and erudite study of Asia Minor, Greece and Albania, 
in both ancient and modern times, whence the conclusion is drawn that 
the lineal descendants of the ancient Pelasgians, wherever else they may 
have been eliminated or absorbed, have held their own continuously in the 
Ancient Epeiros — the modern Albania. From philological proofs, the 
authors deduce that the modern Albanian is essentially the older Pelasgic 
* See, ^.^., pages 92, 95, 113,^/ seq. 

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The Pelasgi and their Modern Descendants. 177 

language. The Pelasgic races, the area they occupied, the language they 
used, the territories they invaded and conquered are dealt with; and 
among other conclusions, it is maintained that at Troy, both the besiegers 
and the besieged were Pelasgic Tribes. Interesting too is the contention^ 
that after the Pelasgi had occupied Asia Minor and the islands in the 
^gean Sea, they conquered Greece, became gradually grecicized, and 
then, from Greece, re-conquered their original settlements, which in the 
meanwhile had themselves become grecicized. 

In the second part, the Homeric poems are traced up to Pelasgic 
effusions, originally sung by the bards attached to various chiefs : their 
poems surviving as popular ballads were subsequently collected, collated 
and translated into Greek. 

How far the authors have succeeded in proving their conclusions, it is 
not for us alone to judge. But whether specialists agree with them or 
not, no one can fail to find in these pages a vast amount of erudite in- 
formation on archaeology, ethnology, philology, history and the Homeric 
literature, which will repay close study. Let us hope that this work may 
induce other scholars to investigate and elucidate further the points which 
the authors have touched, but which their lamented death did not allow 
them to bring to a complete demonstration. 

Besides its appearance in the pages of the Asiatic Quarterly Review^ 
'*The Pelasgi and their Modem Descendants" is also issued in book 
form, by the Publishing Department of the Oriental University Institute, 
Woking, as a posthumous " In memoriam " publication to record the 
services rendered by Sir Patrick Colquhoun to the Statutory IXth 
International Congress of Orientalists (London, 1891), which was organized 
by Dr. G. W. Leitner, the Principal of the Institute, and of the Organizing 
Committee of which Sir Patrick was President till his death. — Ed. 



THE PELASGI AND THEIR MODERN 
DESCENDANTS. 

{Concluded from page 444 of Vol. VI. {Second Series), 
July-October^ ^893.) 



Eagle Omens in Pelasgic divinations. 

The importance attached to the flight of the Eagle in 
the divinations of the Pelasgi is often insisted on. Tele- 
machus searching for Odysseus visits Menelaus, and rejoices 
on seeing an eagle flying to the right, with a tame white 

NEW series. vol. VII. Digitized^yGoOgk 



1 78 The Pelasgi and their Modem Descendants. 

goose in Its talons caught in his courtyard ; whence Helen 
predicts the destruction of Penelope's suitors. Penelope 
also dreams that an eagle kills twenty geese feeding in 
her palace, which lie about here and there. Telemachus 
sees, not an eagle which was sacred to Zeus, but an 
analogous bird of prey, a hawk, sacred to Hermes, on his 
right, tearing a dove ; and Amphinomos concludes that they 
would not entrap Telemachus, (Od. 0, 172; T, 535; 
O, 160; O, 182-524.) Halitherses seeing two eagles 
tearing each other above the assembled suitors, pre- 
dicts their slaughter by Odysseus. (Od. j3, 157.) The 
disheartened besiegers of Troy, seeing an eagle carrying a 
fawn by the feet and dropping it on the altar of Zeus 
Panomphaips, take courage and defeat the Trojans. 
(II. M, 200.) Hector attempting to burn the besiegers 
fleet, sees an eagle bearing in its talons a live writhing 
serpent, the struggles of which oblige him to drop it : this 
Polydamas declares to foretell the failure of Hectors 
purpose. Priam beseeches Zeus to send him an eagle 
on the right, when about to set out to redeem Hectors 
body. (II. Q, 293.) To constitute a good omen, the bird 
must fly from right to left. Lastly, not to needlessly 
multiply instances, Aristander predicts that Alexander, who 
was of the Shkypetar race, would be victorious, because 
he had seen an eagle fly from the Macedonian to the 
enemy's camp. (Plut. in Alex,, Plin. 17, 25.) It has been 
before remarked that the national name of the Pelasgi is 
Shkypetar = sons of the Eagle. The national or generic 
name it would appear was 'Axacoi. 

Phoenician Trade and Piracy of the Pelasgi. 

Passing to another subject, it does not appear that at 
the period of the Trojan war any other than the Phoenicians 
carried on trading operations ; and even in the age of 
Solomon they certainly had the monopoly of the Mediter- 
ranean commerce, according to the mode it was then 

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The Pelasgi and their Modern Descendants. 1 79 

carried on. Having taken a cargo on board, the vessel 
sailed for the port where the best market was judged to be. 
Having disposed of as much as he could, the captain filled 
up with what profitable merchandise he found at that place, 
and went to another port : and so on, as long as he 
found a market. His vessel was a floating warehouse, 
and his trade a commerce dichelle as practised in the 
present day and recognised by treaty in the Levant. The 
Pelasgi, on the other hand, were only sea-robbers and 
pirates, landing and stealing whatever they could lay their 
hands on, whether moveable property or slaves, or free 
persons whom they afterwards sold as slaves. 

A Phoenician vessel having touched in the way of 
business at Syra there found a Phoenician woman who had 
been stolen by Taphian pirates from Sidon, famous for its 
brass. (Od. O, 424.) We know from the Bible that 
Tyrian and Sidonian artificers were brought as brass 
founders and workers for building and furnishing the temple 
of Solomon, who had entered into a treaty with Hiram 
for the supply of artificers of all sorts, — carpenters, stone 
quarriers and masons, as well as metal workers. 

The Taphians inhabited islands between Achaia and 
Leukas, called the Teleboies now Kastos and Kalamos ; 
and they had sold this Phoenician woman as a slave to 
Ktesias son of Ormenus, Ruler of Syra and Delos, where she 
acted as the nurse of his son whom she proposes to deliver 
to these Phoenicians, as the price for taking her home. 
Diana slays her and she is thrown overboard ; and the 
child Eumaios is sold to Laertes by the Phoenicians, and 
becomes his swineherd. Hence it appears that the Taphians, 
by their position and occupation, were pirates, and the 
Phoenicians, traders and slave dealers. The former by their 
locality must have been a Pelasgic and the latter a Shemitic 
race. At the age of the Trojan war, therefore, the trade 
was generally in the hands of the Shemites, and piracy in 
that of the Pelasgi, though the Phoenicians also kidnapped. 

M 2 

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i8o The Pelasgi and their Modern Descendants. 

No Greek Traders i,cxx) b.c. 
Traders of the Greek-speaking race are not referred to 
in the Homeric poems, nor in contemporary histories; but 
Phoenicians are mentioned as having had many trading 
stations in the Mediterranean. They were finally ex- 
tinguished by the Romans under Scipio Africanus 147 B.C. 
Their territory extended from the river Eleutherus on the 
north to Pelusium on the south, and Syria on the east — 
Tyre and Sidon being their principal cities. (Od. A, 181, 
419; O, 426. They were otherwise called Teleboies; 
Plin. 4, 12. Virg. Aen. VII, 715. Apollod. II, 4. Plin. II. 
47 ; V, 12. At Temesa in Calabria, there was probably a 
Phoenician station.) 

Pelasgic Derivation of Homeric Names. 
An insuperable difficulty has generally been acknowledged 
by scholars to exist in explaining by the Greek language 
the proper and local names in the Homeric poems. Many 
attempts have been made, but the result has been so 
strained and improbable, as not to commend itself to any 
important investigation. This difficulty at once disappears 
if the Pelasgic language, in the form in which it has 
descended to us, be invoked in aid. Until recently no 
attention has been bestowed on the Pelasgic category of 
speech. The first who seriously and systematically investi- 
gated it was Dr. Von Hahn, some time Russian Consul 
General at Janina, whose book contains most interesting 
information more especially applicable to the Tosk division. 
But since that time, some forty years ago, several learned 
Albanians have taken up the study of their own tongue. 
Indeed until lately ethnographers were at a loss to what 
division the Albanian race was to be assigned : they have, 
among other surmises, supposed them to be Finns. All 
these speculations have now been dispelled ; and it has 
been settled beyond doubt, that they are the descendants 
of the second oldest known settlers in Europe — the Pelasgi 
or Palesta. C^r\r\r^o 

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The Pelasgi and their Modern Descendants, 1 8 1 

The Homeric Poems formerly existed in an Older 
Form and Language. 

The proof of that assumption, curiously enough, comes 
through a foreign, and, in some respects, a dead language — 
that of the Homeric poems ; and although the allegation 
that the poems exist in their original form can by no means 
be supported, yet sufficient indication of their origin is 
contained in the poems themselves, to prove conclusively 
their previous existence in an older form and language, — 
at least older in that locality whence the Greek race came. 
It is impossible to ascertain, or to do more than conjecture ; 
but two theories are possible. If there be a third, the 
distinguished statesman who has made Homer his special 
study will probably add it. Either the so-called Greek 
race was anterior or posterior to the Pelasgic immigration. 
Philologically speaking, the antiquity of the two languages 
is probably about the same, taking into account that no 
remnant of archaic Greece exists. Now if the Greek race 
arrived first in the west, settled there, and was conquered 
and subjugated by the Pelasgians — the more warlike race, — 
and remained in a subordinate position, it must be supposed 
that their culture, superior to that of their conquerors, 
pierced through the barbarism of the dominant class. It 
must be borne in mind, that this must have happened long 
before the invention of writing.* This theory, therefore, 
would not account for Greek becoming the written language 
in preference to Pelasgian* The Greek historians, how- 
ever, do not even hint at such a theory. On the contrary 
they imply that wheresoever the Greeks came from, it was 
subsequent to the arrival of the Pelasgic immigrants ; and 
they never call in question the difference, both in race 
and language, between themselves and the Pelasgi. The 
information of Herodotus is, however, meagre, scanty and 
confused. He evidently knew no language but his own ; 

* Probably Pocock, had he been alive, would have taken this view. 
His India in Greece is well worth consulting. 

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1 82 The Pelasgi and their Modem Descendants. 

nor was he able to appreciate the Pelasgian further than to 
relate that it was ** a barbarous language," — although it is 
sufficiently clear that Pelasgian must have been commonly 
spoken at his time even in the Athenian streets. 

Parallel of Gaelic, Erse and Kymraeg. 

An analogy may be drawn from Gaelic, Erse and 
Kymraeg ; for although the two former are spoken by a 
large bilingual population, not only in the countries to 
which they belong but also in both Edinburgh and 
Glasgow, — nay even in London, — and Kymraeg in many 
border towns in Wales, yet the general population only 
know them as ** barbarous languages," with which they 
have no acquaintance whatever. Even the great novelist. 
Sir Walter Scott, who first invested highland Scottish 
history with poetry, never attempts a Gaelic word or 
sentence without some gross and ridiculous blunder, though 
assistance was at hand. Albanian at present occupies the 
same position in Athens : and though widely spoken among 
Albanian residents, not a single non-Albanian will be found, 
who knows a word of that tongue. English has swamped 
Gaelic, Erse and Kymraeg, as Greek has swamped 
Shkypetar. 

The Pelasgi not Suppressed without a Convulsion.' 

The second possible theory is that the Greek race and 
their language arrived after the Pelasgi. If this be so, it 
could not have been a warlike irruption, or what is termed 
an "invasion in force.'' History furnishes no trace of it; 
and a warlike and wide-spread people could not have been 
suppressed without a considerable convulsion ; for they 
have not been suppressed to the present day, and every 
attempt to do so has caused a convulsion. The only pos- 
sible theory would, therefore, be that the Greeks succeeded 
the Phoenicians as traders, were few in number, arrived at 
a comparatively late epoch, and disseminated through trade 
their speech, which for its superiority in all respects was 

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The Pelasgi and their Modern Descendants. 1 83 

adopted as the literary language, and so became general. 
But this view is by no means tenable. That the designa- 
tions of the Homeric Heroes are significant in modem 
Pelasgic affords an overwhelming argument in favour of 
those poems having been first sung by Pelasgic bards in 
their own tongue. 

Pelasgic Signification of Greek Words. 

I commence with the very word which furnished sub- 
sequent historians the opportunity of personifying Homer : 

I-mir in modern Pelasgic signifies " the good " ; it is 
applied to anything of excellence, and first of all to the 
Deity. Thus I-mir- (os) would, in its Greek form, signify 
*' the Good Poem " ; and those ballads, worthy of that 
designation, received it to distinguish them from others of 
inferior quality. 

'Ayafii^vw — Ai-ge-mendony he who thinks or gives atten- 
tion. 

'Aiac — I-gheachSy the bloodthirsty — the bloodspiller. 

''EiCToip — Hek'der, he who strikes with the hand, 
''Tassommeur." 

TIpia/AOQ — Btr-z-ams, son of the earth, — autochthon. 

'AxtAAcvc— I-Kheals- (eve) — the heavenly, the celestial, 
one sprung from heaven. 

'OSuwcvc — I'Oudhis- (eve) — the traveller, the man of the 
way ; thus he tells the Kyklops his name 

M^n)f> rfi% 'srariip jjd* aXXo/ Tavrt^ traTpot, 

In Ionic Greek, this is converted into a pun, for when Odys- 
seus reviles the Kyklop, he replies it had been predicted that 
Outzs should destroy him. This in Pelasgic means that 
a ** traveller," — in Greek, that ** nobody" — should be the 
ruin of him. The attempt to explain it by Greek is 
strained, ridiculous and inapplicable ; for ** wrathful " is 
never applied to Odysseus ; on the contrary, his epithets 
are prudent, cool to a fault, cunning, versed in wiles, 
crafty, designing, all of which qualities he shows when 

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1 84 The Pelasgi and their Modem Descendants. 

insulted and assaulted by the suitors, reserving his courage 
to a fitting opportunity. 

'ISaicij, — I-thak — the rugged, arid ; and such is Ithaka I 

still, and such, from its rocky nature, it must always have 
been. 

NcptToc — I-nerit' (oc) — moist, humid. 

TIoXvicrcDp — Balhdr — the muddy. 

TpwtXoc — Droi'li' (oc) — the coward who fears. 1 

riarpoicAoc — Per-Droi-li- (oc) — he who feareth not. I 

OepaiTVQ — Der-i'Zd- (i?c) — the black pig. In this, as in j 

other cases, the adjectives joined with the denomination I 

explain the character of the individual or place. | 

riavSoKAcc — Pa-ndouk' (Xtc)^-one wearing his hair and j 

beard ; one who has never been shaven, — a Samson — 2l I 

Nazarene. 

Malawi/ — Makon-yon — our friend. 

''I^racTcToc — I-pds- (oc) — whoso possesses, who is rich. 

KapoTToc — Ka-rop' (oc) — who holds slaves. 

AuKawp — Li-kd-oun — who is born to me or of me. 

'I^mwi/ — I-fisit'On — of our race. 

MaXiovcc — Male-on — our mountain. 

Mu/o/ucSoi^c — Mir-me-dhen- (cc) — rich in cattle. 

Aa€/oT£c — I'lart^ — the high — resplendent. 

Pt^cwop — Rheze-ndor — having rays in his hands. 

IIoi'Toi'ooc — Poun-t'On- (oc) — our business or work : 
/^^««/(7r= labourer, two "o" suffixed often signify a 
vocative in Shkypetar bir-oo-oson mot-oo, a sister. 

KvKXtjyfj—Ki'ka-lope — who has cows. 



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The Pelasgi and their Modem Descendants. 185 



A Homeric passage compared in English and Albanian and 

THE ORIGINAL WITH GrEEK VERSION. 



Albanian R^fidering, 
Puk ziinli me shendrit e-bija drits 

Te Gelhibit qi ki gishtat drandopelhiet 
Gikalope nziti disht e-tupes tl 
Ti dergoin me kulhot n'hvadhe t*pr&tita 
D^et qi smurt ti mielin me zhizh '^ 

Prei g3mashtil shum, br&in ne vath te *tyne 

T-Zoti* tyne, lodhun dhimash whta, 
Ne te dalun, lemont^ shipinat d^troe ; 

Poi, i-psl-mend qi kie, nuk u-kuitue 
Qi nen krahnor t'mbuluem me l^h 
Tshin lidhun e-mb^h^f gjith shokte-mt 
Dashi qi m'bait^ mue duel ma t mrapmi 
Pse ish randue prei l^hit v^t e-m^f61, 

Qi u-kiutuesch me kaq te holt urti 
E-ndati n*t*dalun Polifemi, i i-th^ 

O i-dashtuni dash pse po dd kagodn 

Sot viga shpelh'e ime ? ti s'k6 pas zak6n 

Me sidei kurh mrapa poi ke prigjeth m6n 

Clle madn! tiu erhun» tufes dh^noe me, 
Kur veishen me kulhot lulet e-buta 

Qi bin e gjindhi ne livadhe s'prestita 

Pa her no br^ te lumavet mft-ipari 
Ke voitun mi i par edh^ n* mrame k^ 
Kthy^ n* v&th tande me Turner t'ind^rzun 

£ tane u-bane m& i-kadalshmit gjithoe 

U t'dhimet, ndoshta syni zotet yt 

Qi mbasl ed^ii meven ndifiin skoksks vet 

T verboi nji nieri, nji nier qi des ? 



Odyss. /. 437-455- 
So soon as the daughter of light began to 

shine 
Aurora who has fingers of rose color 
The Cyclops drove the sheep of his flock 
To send them to feed on the green pastures 
The sheep which were unable to drag their 

udders, swelled 
By the abundance of the milk bleated in 

their stall. 
Their master— overcome by bitter pains 
Caressed, as they went out the backs of the 

rams 
But fool that he was he did not perceive 
How under their breasts covered with wool 
Were bound and concealed all my fellowrs. 
The ram which carried me went out last 
For he was weig)ied down by his own wool 

and me 
Who thought with such subtle prudence. 
Stopped him going out Polyphemus and 

said 
O dear beast wherefore dost thou go out so 

late 
To-day from the cavern ? such was not thy 

wont 
To remain always to the last : thou always 

wentest out first 
Walking with pride the first of my sheep 
When they went out to feed on the tender 

flowers 
Which sprung up and covered the green 

{pastures. 
Always the first on the banks of the rivers 
Art thou gone, and the evening the first 
Art returned to thy stall with thy heart 

inflamed ; 
But now thou art become the slowest of all. 
Dost thou feel the pain for thv master's eye 
Whom after having been made drunk with 

wine and aided by his fellows, 
A man destroyed a man subject to death. 



Odyss. I. 437-455- 
*H/AOf 3* iipiy^peia fpdvrj l>oSoSdKrv\os 'H(6$, 
KcU T&r (reira pofdv d* i^iffffirro (Lpaeva tirjKa^ 
BilKticn 8i fUfirjKOv di^fUkKTOi ircpl arfKO^s' 
oUBara yhp a^apayeOrro, dwa^ d* 68^ffi KaK^ffu^ 
reifidfjLewot irdwruif dlutv iwefxaUro yQra 
dpduw iffTadruP ' t6 Si vifyirios o6k ivAfjaty, 
&t ol {fw^ clpowdKWP 6L(av ffHpyoiffi HBemo, 
fiffraros dppetbs fnf/Xiav ftrretxc Odpa^e 
Xdxvy aretwdfievos Kcd ifuA itvKipd ^poviopn, 
t6p ^ iTificuradfUPOs Tpoci^ Kparepbs UoK&^fJu>s * 
KpU TiTOPf rl fioi &9€ did airios iaffvo fiijXutP 
Hffraros ; oO rt wdpos ye \e\€ififiipot ipx^ai oUap, 
dXXA iroXi) irpwroj pifxeou ripep* dpOea Tolrjs 
fJMKpd jSi/Sdr, Tp&roi Si ftods TOTafiQp dipiKdyeis, 
Tpwros Si <rra$ft6pS€ XtXaiecu diropicffBauL 
iinripiOi • pvp a^e Tay^raros. Ij ffv y dpoicros 
dpBdKfibp ToBicis, rbp ap^p Koxbt i^aXducep 
<ri>p \vypois h-dpotffi Sa/ULffffdfUPOs ^phat ctptp, 
OtriSf 6p oH Witt <f»ifa wt^vy/Upop etpoi 6\€0pop, 



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1 86 



GR^CO-BUDDHISTIC SCULPTURE.— I. 

The lamented death of the Veteran of Indian archaeologists, General Sir 
Alexander Cunningham, has called forth an exhaustive obituary in the 
Times of the ist December 1893, which, however, omits to state his 
precise relation to the question of the ^^ GnBco-buddhisiic^* sculptures, 
which I first so named, as will appear from the following account (in the 
Indian Public Opinion of the nth February 187 1) of my discoveries 
during the Christmas vacation of 1870 on, and beyond, the Panjab Frontier. 
Nothing could have been more emphatic than the support given to that 
apparently incongruous appellation by General Cunningham in the bitter 
controversy which the term, now accepted as a matter of course, then 
evoked among European Orientalists.* Mr. Childers was foremost among 
those who denied the Greek influence on these sculptures, and ascribed 
them to an indigenous native development in the obscure recesses of the 
Himalayas; other Scholars, especially in Germany, found Byzantine 
echoes in these specimens of Indian Art, forgetting that the influences of 
maritine commerce had not historically extended so far North, whereas 
Greek and other authors had narrated the successes of the invasion of 
Alexander the Great in promoting Greek art, religion and institutions. 
Professor Max Miiller admitted its possibility in his "Chips from a 
German Workshop"; Professor Weber found Greek influences in his 
" Indian Literature," but only those who combined Greek with Oriental 
Scholarship, in a more than usual degree, were ready to admit that the word 
" Graeco-buddhistic " designated a period not only in the History of Art, 
but also in that of Religion and in General History. The influence of 
Greek Art on Indian Architecture had been conjectured before, more 
or less plainly, by General Cunningham, Mr. William Simpson, Dr. W. H. 
Bellew and others, but the point at issue was not one mainly of art, and 
not at all of its architectural sub-division, but of what historical or mytho- 
logical personages or events these sculptures represented and when or how 
it was that the Buddhism of the North of India had received these 
Classical inspirations ? Mr. V. A. Smith, of the Indian Civil Service, has 
admitted them in an account of the history and results of the " Graeco- 
buddhistic " research, which is, by far, the most accurate and scholarly on 
the subject, though I regret his use of the term *• Indo-Roman." Dr. 
L. A. Waddell has shown that even modern Lamaism cannot be thoroughly 
understood without some reference to a Greek influence, and, indeed. 
Buddhism, as a whole, must not be confounded with the one-sided interpre- 
tations of those who are mainly acquainted with its Ceylon School and has 
to be studied on the broader basis of Universal History, in which the first 
attempt, — through the Greeks — of the West to carry its Law and civiliza- 
tion to the East from which it had received its Light, forms an important 
epoch. In my note on ** Classical Allusions to the Dards and to Greek 
influence in India," republished in the Asiatic Quarterly Review of July 

* General Cunningham, in his Archseological Report for 1872-73, speaking of these 
Buddhist sculptures, says : '* Dr. Leitner has not only excited much attention, but has 
caused some controversy both as to the age when the sculptures were executed, and as to 
the alleged traces of Grecian art which Dr. Leitner believes them to possess. On the 
latter point, I must say that I agree entirely with Dr. Leitner." OOQIc 



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FRAGWLNT OF GRi^lCO-BUDDHISTlC 
SCULPTURE. 




FRAGMENT OF GR/ECO-BUDDHISTIC 

SCULPTURE, ILLUSTRATING DRESS 

AND ATTITUDE. 




SiJit^.'-" 



HEAD OF A KING (GRiCCO-BUDDHISTIC). 




A HINDU DEITY SHOWING 

NO TRACE OF GREEK 

INFLUENCE. 




BUDDHA RIDING (ON AN ANIMAL WHICH 

IS CARRIED BY WORSHIPPERS). 

GRiECO-BUDDHISTlC. 

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GrcBCO' Buddhistic Sculpture, 187 

1893, and in my recent work on " Dardistan in 1893,*' the subject is dealt 
with in general outline. I propose to go into further detail in a future 
number of this Review, and to show the Greek Gods and events in 
Alexander's career by the reproduction of sculptures that are supposed to 
represent incidents in the life and teaching of Buddha. I find, for instance, 
in what even our great Master, the deceased Cunningham, accepted as 
Buddha's dream or temptation by the illusions of Maya, a mere sober 
representation of a reference in Arrian to the discontent of the Mace- 
donians in having to take part in Indian processions. Why, indeed, 
should Maya tempt Buddha with pageantry that took place 300 years after 
his death ? for, on the sculpture in question, the Vices and Virtues of the 
procession are accompanied by soldiers with Greek faces, dress and 
weapons and are masked in precisely the same manner as they are to this 
day in the pantomimic processions or plays in Tibetan Monasteries that I 
first saw and described in 1865, when, welcomed as a follower in the 
footsteps of the "Pelingi Ddsa" or European disciple, the Hungarian 
Csoma de Koros, at Pugdal in Zanskar, I found a condition of Buddhist 
traditions and doctrine very different, indeed, from the conjectures of Pali 
Scholars and of German philosophers, even as regards the practical view of 
" Nirvdna " and of an eventual Deity, conceded in affirmative-negative 
propositions. In 1870 came the discovery of " Graeco-buddhism," which has 
now conquered a School, but has few Scholars. This Buddhism has to be 
interpreted by coins, inscriptions and sculptures, with the light of historians, 
that are admired but not read, and Qven of the Buddhism of Tibet, as it 
still survives and is, at last, dealt with, not in my own general suggestions 
in 1865, but in the masterly manner in which Dr. Waddell is bringing it 
before the public. In this issue I confine myself to the " historiqut " of 
the discovery and appellation of " Graeco-buddhistic sculpture," and I only 
add one illustration this time in order to show how obvious and " near and 
yet how far " has been the Greek interpretation of that sculpture, when 
compared with other Indian carvings. G. W. Leitner. 



Discovery of Sculptures at Takht-i-Bahi on the Panjab Frontier. 

In spite of the success of Dr. Bellew at Sahr-i-Balol and other places in 
Yusufzai — a success attested by his remarkable collection at the Lahore 
Museum — the neighbouring Takht-i-Bahi (near Hoti-Murdan) had never 
been properly explored. Dr. Leitner, during a short visit of two diays 
during the last Christmas vacation (in 1870), had the singular good fortune 
to hit upon a mine of sculptures, which has since proved a very rich one, 
and from which some really good things have been excavated ; he, how- 
ever, was unable to benefit by his luck, as he had to hurry back to Lahore. 

The Government, we are glad to hear, have since despatched a party ot 
sappers, who are digging all over the place. This Government ought to 
have done long ago, and we trust that the exploration will be carried on in 
a systematic manner. The following is the account of the discovery placed 
at our disposal by Dr. Leitner, which may perhaps interest some of our 
readers : — " I had often thought of a visit to these ruins, and, although told 
of the failure of previous visitors, I derived some hope from Dr. Bellew's 
remarks (page 131 of his * Yusufzai '), and from his success in the excava/lC 



1 88 GrcecO' Buddhistic Sculpture. 

tions which he had carried on in the neighbouring Sahr-i-Balol. Where 
' fragments of scenes sculptured on tablets * could be found, it was not 
improbable that entire statues would be obtainable, whilst even an examina- 
tion of * fragments * might alone yield important results. I availed myself, 
therefore, of the last Christmas vacation to proceed to Hoti-Murdan, within 
a few miles of which is Takht-i-Bahi, with its hitherto mysterious rows of 
walls, that look like the ruins of an ancient fortified city. In the early 
morning I crossed the spur bearing the same name to its northern side 
being accompanied by Samundar Khan, Havildar, and Kale Khan, Sipahi 
of the 2nd Company of the Guides, whom Major Jenkins of Hoti-Murdan 
had kindly placed at my disposal. Four coolies, headed by Niaz Beg and 
Hazret Shah, calling themselves Mohmand Zamindars of Sahr-i-Balol, were 
also present on the occasion. Starting at once for the Takht i-Padishah, — 
the ruins on the extreme west which overlook the dead city — I gradually 
worked my way back to the centre of the town, ascending and descending, 
as the case might be, every one of the intervening ridges, and examining, as 
far as possible, every one of the structures on our way. Even this pre- 
liminary search was sufficiently remunerative. By 1 2 o'clock we had found 
25 fragments, chiefly of slate, representing portions of the human body, 
religious and other processions, architectural carvings, etc., etc., whilst in a 
spot where Dr. Bellew had left a heap of fragments, was discovered, close 
to the surface, the headless trunk of a very large statue with most artistic 
drapery. The most prolific parts of the city were at the bottom of the 
hollows between the ridges, for to it, in course of time, any detached por- 
tion of a building was, of course, likely to be drifted. These hollows, 
therefore, received our first attention. On taking, however, a general view 
of the city with principal reference to its eastern side, and reflecting on the 
probable cause of the comparative failure of previous explorations, it 
occurred to me that sufficient allaivance had not been made for the falling in 
of roofs and of the highest portions of the walls. These would naturally fill 
the roads. They were unlikely to have much carving bestowed on them, 
and idols were unlikely to be placed, almost out of reach and sight, at the 
tops of houses. Any amount of search by visitors among the debris of 
roofs or in streets was, therefore, unlikely to yield much. Disregarding, 
therefore — for the present— what I conjecture to have been the nuun 
thoroughfare and the * piazza,* we devoted ourselves to what was clearly the 
in^de of houses, and presuming the most inaccessible edifice to be the 
temple, we began to dig^ after removing the slates obstructing the way, at 
the third house in the second row on the extreme east of the city. Half a 
foot below the surface we came to a circular slab, under which a female 
statue was found. Another slab, with broad lines, concealed the figure of 
a warrior, whilst a third with numerous and narrow lines covered a carved 
group of boys. Then, as we dug on, we found more and more. At last, 
the approaching darkness of the evening put an end to our search, which 
was resumed next day with equally satisfactory results. I was, however, 
obliged to return on the third day to Lahore, but I made arrangements for 
continuing the search in the above row. Major Jenkins has also very 
kindly promised to send me a sketch of the Takht-i-Bahi ruins, on which 
I propose to mark the places which should, in my humble opinion, be dug 



GrcBCO'Buddhistic Sculpture. 189 

up, for the consideration of Government. Two facts, which you must take 
for what they are worth, seem to me to deserve a little notice, as they 
establish a coincidence, with certain * Dardu discoveries.' — The King of 
Takht-i-Bahi, an idolator, had a beautiful daughter. Mahmud (of Ghazni) 
had established his seat at Ranigatt, and with him the princess fell in love. 
He availed himself of this attachment to induce her to betray her father. 
This led to the conquest of Takht-i-Bahi and the abolition of idolatry, but 
Mahmud, fearing that the fair traitor might prove equally false to him, 
exposed her on the highest rock at Ranigatt, where, so runs the legend, 
the rays of the sun melted her delicate body. — In Gilgit, Azru, the youngest 
of three fairy-brothers, becomes a human being by eating meat (incarnation), 
and kills the tyrant of that region by throwing brands of fire upon him, 
under which he melts, as his soul is made of snow. This tyrant, called 
Shiribadatt, had a daughter who fell in love with Azru, and was the means 
of betraying her father (who occupied an impregnable castle) into her lover's 
hands. Azru, on ascending the throne, also seems to have established a 
new religion, for he abolished the human sacrifice which had been offered 
to the demon Shiribadatt and substituted for it the annual sacrifice of a 
sheep from each of the Gilgit inhabitants. — The second fact refers to the 
construction of the houses, which is similar to that adopted, in many 
instances, in Gilgit. As Dr. Bellew says (page 124 of his 'Yusufzai') 
* most of the houses consist of only two rooms, one above the other,' * the 
upper being reached from the outside by a flight of stone steps built up 
with the wall.' Others are * in the form of quadrangles with rooms along 
each side into a central courtyard.' I need scarcely add that I draw no 
inference from these coincidences at present — With regard to the statues, 
they appear to me to be Graeco-Indian and Buddhistic Should I find the 
necessary leisure to compare them with others of a similar character, I 
may venture to express an opinion regarding them. In the meanwhile, it 
is satisfactory that the Government have sent out a party of sappers, and it 
is, in the interests of science, to be hoped that the announcement, made in 
the following extract from a letter received from Dr. Bellew, may prove 
correct : * I hear that the mine you discovered on Takht-i-Bahi has proved 
a very rich one, and that some really good sculptures have been excavated 
from it. I should be glad to hear that you meant to carry on the explora- 
tion. I am persuaded that there are many other places in the Yusufzai 
district equally rich in these remains.' " We trust that the last sentence 
will induce the "Archaeological Survey" to devote themselves to the 
Yusufzai district early next winter, when, it is said, their operations will 
begin. — Indian Public Opinion^ Lahore, nth February, 1871. 

My servants continued the search with excellent results. Subsequently 
I exchanged the Lahore Principalship for the Inspectorship of Schools of 
the Rawulpindi Circle, and on my toui ialong the frontier I found, or pur- 
chased, a number of sculptures. I also despatched my Swati retainer to 
his native village, where he dug up and brought into the Punjab, not with- 
out danger, the first specimens of sculptures ever procured from that inhos- 
pitable region. They are a proof of the former ascendancy of Buddhism 
ill that country, and of Greek art in the Hindukush. — Dardistan^ 1872. lie 



igo 



A BRAHMIN'S IMPRESSIONS AT THE CHICAGO WORLD'S 

FAIR. 

To me the World's Fair presented ^ spectacle that exceeded all my 
expectations of grandeur. The majestic White City where poverty has no 
place to live, exercises over the mind such a charm, that its defects, like the 
dark spots of the sun, are invisible to the naked eye, owing to the great 
halo of lustre that pervades thoughout. Look from the lake, from the 
tower, or from the flying trains, its attractiveness is the same. Poets 
evolve creations from their imagination, which can be enjoyed by the 
imagination alone. But here, the great poets of science and art have 
created things which can be perceived by the senses and then dwelt upon 
by the imagination. 

When I entered the Transportation Building by the golden gate I felt as 
if I were in a world of unmixed bliss. Of the multitude that meets the 
gaze on all sides, no one is sullen or sad. 

Here we have all the implements of minimising distance. The history 
of the progress of the art of locomotion is depicted by examples of carriages, 
ships, cycles, steam-engines etc., etc., of different periods. The comfort and 
speed of the present conveyances, when compared with the slow motion 
and repulsive form of the wooden carts of more primitive ages, excites 
wonder at human skill and ingenuity. The " Director General " Engine is 
reported to be capable of running nearly a hundred miles per hour. The 
magnificent saloon cars and the state rooms of the standard ships exceed 
in splendour the royal hall of an Oriental prince. But the objects which 
tend to increase the material happiness of human beings are not unaccom- 
panied by others calculated to destroy human beings themselves and all 
their work*? in a twinkling. Steel armour plates and breech-loading guns 
of enormous sizes and powers stare at you with their ominous looks, and 
inform you that the present civilization has not been successful in abolish- 
ing the profession of freebooters, because instead of small associations we 
have large ones each of which consists of one nation or more. The 
innocent Siamese or the ignorant African, the red Indian or the passive 
Hindu, is driven to accept one of the two alternatives, either to give up the 
fruits of his labour or to end his existence, whenever lawless Might finds 
it pleasant to civilize its victims, under the shelter of the law that : " they 
have no rights who cannot successfully maintain them." 

Next comes the Building devoted to the subjects of Mining and Minerals; 
various useful and curious mineral products are exhibited in large quantities, 
as also machines and models. There is, in the gallery^ an assay office 
where useful information is given to those interested in metallurgy. The 
Electric Building is a building of wonders. Here Edison, the great 
magician, produces sunlight at night with a slight turn of his wand ; brings 
to you the voice of your friend several thousand miles away ; conveys your 
autograph instantaneously to any distance; records speeches, songs and 
musical notes to reproduce them at will ; puts the air in motion ; and 



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A Brahmins Impressions at the Chicago World' s Fair. 191 

supplies force, as well, to heavy machines. Electricity cures headache, 
carves glass, extracts iron as well as refines gold, signals the approach of 
a railway train, and does other manifold services to man. 

The Building devoted to Manufacture is the greatest building in the 
World and draws you irresistibly to itself. Here France has the most beauti- 
ful collection of goods of silk, wool and cotton, and furniture. Those who 
are familiar with Russia through such scanty reports as only appear in 
newspapers and books, are led to believe, when they find themselves 
surrounded by samples of her art and manufacturing industry, that she is 
by no means inferior to other countries. Germans have shown their 
iove of music by the great variety of musical instruments. China, the 
France of Asia, has a pavilion splendidly decorated with her artistic goods 
of which almost all have been sold, unlike the fate of other exhibits. Un- 
doubtedly, the "pigtails" surpass the pig-eaters in handicrafts. That India 
has been impoverished is manifest from the small yet nice exhibit in the 
gloomy verandah from which an Indian visitor cannot but avert the gaze 
in shame and dismay. Where, where is her ancient glory ! We are 
^* proud of the past, and lazy amidst ruins," though not " a worn-out 
-stock." By this mournful miniature she reproaches her sons for their 
narrow-mindedness, disunion and impotence. She laments to see that, 
though under the rule of her enlightened, honest, just and free sister, 
instead of respecting her common bond her sons slaughter one another 
at the instigation, direct or indirect, of some blood-thirsty Rakshasas. 

In the Austrian pavilion there are charming glass-wares made in 
Bohemia. According to the narration of a Bohemian gentleman the 
present Emperor of Austria has not the loyal homage of the Bohemians 
who would prefer to place themselves under Russia if they could do so. 

Swiss wood-work is second to none but that of China. 

The United States occupy a large portion of this building. 

While our eyes are enjoying the sight of skilful works in gold, silver, 
copper, brass, iron, ivory, wood, silk, cotton, and wool, etc. ; and the mind 
is absorbed in the happy reflexion that man can produce such marvels out 
of rude materials, our attention is suddenly drawn towards a butcher's den 
by the shocking smell of the hides, carcasses, tails, feathers, etc., designated 
by the name of "furs.** The barbarous tribes of America used to kill 
their fellow beings to adorn themselves with human scalps. The more 
humane tribes of the world desist from killing man for the sake of utilizing 
any portion of his body. So also, amongst the flesh-eaters less cultured 
•societies " murder " lower animals for the sake of making ornaments and 
garments ; and the better cultured, only for food. This desire of deco- 
rating themselves with skins and dead birds is a remnant of the barbarism 
of the ancient times ; a remnant of which even the most barbarous com- 
munities ought to be ashamed in this era of science and art Bentham 
and Spencer agree that "that depravity, which, after fleshing itself upon 
animals, presently demands human suffering to satiate its appetite " should 
be prevented by ** making criminal gratuitous cruelties." The aborigines 
of America have no reason to give up their liking for ornaments of teeth 
^f sharks, skins of animals, and of feathers, so long as their civilized 

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192-^4 Brahmins Impressions at the Chicago World's Fair, 

conquerors do not show their superiority in this themselves. The most 
lamentable circumstance about this barbarism is that it is cherished by the 
fair sex which should be the source of gentleness, purity and kindness. 

To mention the various educational exhibits would take up too much 
space. Americans deserve great credit for their institutions for the educa- 
tion of the American Indians. The members of the wild tribes, not only 
receive free education but are supported entirely at the expense of the 
States. However blameworthy their past conduct towards the Indians 
may have been, the settlers evince a keen sympathy and compassion 
towards the departing race. When the secretary of the Institute was 
pointing out to me the change effected by education in Indian boys and 
girls, her eyes were beaming with internal joy. Their training, before 
extinction, includes practical lessons of self-government I 

In America the Kindergarten system b prevalent in many elementary 
schools. Children are not forced to learn a fact, but their curiosity is 
artificially encouraged and satisfied by a sensible governess. America 
provides for the masses ample means of acquiring knowledge. In free and 
liberal education alone lies the safety of a real republic. It can never die 
or deteriorate so long as the citizens are kept alive to their duties. They 
will have no danger from within and none from without. What potentate 
would be so foolish as to conceive the idea of sacrificing money and time 
for the conquest of a people whose spirit recognises no superior except the 
Almighty ? The government that either positively or negatively includes 
any class of its subjects from sharing in the benefits of education must be 
tyrannical, because it not only refuses to its subjects their " birth-right," 
but also reduces them to the level of beasts of burden and inanimate 
machines ; lest they might cease to sacrifice men, women and children on 
the altar of its greed. Formerly, it is said, light came from the East ; but 
now, as far as material civilization is concerned, the American Eagle has 
soared so high that both East and West may, with advantage, look up to 
it as the greatest propounder of the equality of man, and as the wisest 
distributer of pleasure and pain. The Agricultural Building is stocked with 
the many products of the surface of this earth which supply the necessities 
of human existence ; together with these are exhibited agricultural imple- 
ments and machinery. Here it is made evident that, with the aid of 
science, we can produce any sort of cereal, plant or vegetable on the 
poorest soil by employing the appropriate means. 

The Machinery Hall gives uniform pleasure to all its visitors ; for the 
giants that save time and labour are appreciated even by the dullest 
intellects. One pump there can raise ten million gallons of water per hour. 

The " Leather " Building did not interest me much, although the riding- 
boots of the immortal soldier Napoleon Bonaparte were there. 

The " Forestry " Building possesses a vast collection of different varieties 
of wood. A tree 875 years old, of fourteen feet in diameter,. has been 
brought from [California. The Axe used by the " Grand Old Man " of 
Mid-Lothian in felling trees is more agreeable to view in this forest, than 
are the trophies from ravished Hind in the Tower of London. 

To show the history of man and beast there is the Anthropological 

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A Brahmins Impressions at the Chicago World's Fair. 193 

Building. The exhibitors of folklore verify the conclusions of the linguists 
as to the relationship of different families of the Human Race. That the 
Persians, Greeks, Romans, Hindus and other branches of the Aryan 
family, played the same games, worshipped similar deities and had similar 
social customs is proved most convincingly. Yet the origin of man is left 
in obscurity. Here Darwin's theory is supported only by the skeletons 
of tailless monkeys. 

The quaint utensils, door-posts with emblems of animals representing 
the families of the owner and his wife, ornaments, arms, tools and dresses 
of American Indians are the most interesting articles on the main floor. 
Near the Anthropological Building are the ruins of Yukatan, from the 
structure of which, some have come to the conclusion that the inhabitants 
of America, prior to the settlement of the tribes that greeted Columbus on 
his landing, were more advanced in civilization than the tribes that are now 
becoming extinct. 

The reproduction of the Convent de la Rabida where Columbus found 
his best friends, and passed most of his youth, is full of associations of the 
great navigator. His little fleet that worked wonders lies at anchor before 
the Convent in the narrow inlet of the lake. 

Krupp's Gun Exhibit well repays the trouble of a visit. 

In the United States Government Building we see the Postal Depart- 
ment which is not unworthy of the Fair. It is the general post-office of 
the White City. Here are exhibited various modes of conveying mails ; 
the old-time Rocky Mountain mail coach ; the horseman ; the cyclist ; the 
sledge drawn by dogs ; etc. There are kept innumerable stamps and coins 
of different years and different value. There are samples of lamps and 
models of light-houses and marine signalling apparatus. 

The Patent Office is replete with models of numerous inventions. In 
the War Department, you are shown how guns and cartridges are* manu- 
factured. There is the bronze cannon of Great Britain with inscriptions, 
"Made in 1759 " and "Capitulation at Yorktown 19th October 1781." 

To the east of the Government Building is the representation of a battle- 
ship, in which you see the storage of ammtmition, the life of the crew, the 
manner of turning the big guns, and the rest of the equipage. You 
wonder how a big ship* like that could be brought in that lake which has 
no navigable communication with the sea I 

The name of " Fisheries Building " explains itself 

Sculpture, painting, drawing, carving, engraving, are all collected in the 
Art Galleries to bewilder with wild admiration the hasty visitor who passes 
from scenes of the land to views of the sea ; from rock to ruin ; from woe 
to weal ; mourning to music ; morn to eve ; sun to shade ; spring to 
winter ; youth to age ; birth to death ; from earth to heaven ; and from 
many complex scenes to their opposite ones, which turn and twist the 
untutored traveller, till, "thred with all these, from these would he be 
gone " to find himself the same lonely man. 

* This is the warship '* Illinois *' — really not a warship at all, for it was built up from 
the bottom of (he lake and is fast aground. It is constrncted of wood and canvas, the 
canvas guns and smoke stacks are so cunningly contrived and mounted, as to be india 
tinguishablc from real man-o'-war appliances. Ed. Digitized by GoOQIc 

NEW SERIES. VOL. VII, N 



194 -^ Brahmins Impressions at the Chicago WorlcTs Fair. 

In the '' Woman's Building " we do not see women of different sizes, 
colours, and form, like fishes in the Fisheries Building ; but we see how 
far woman competes with man in manufactures and fine arts. In India 
woman generally shares with man the trouble and reward of any occupation 
consistent with her natural constitution ; and in many cases the husband 
feels it degrading to his manliness to allow the wife to work out of 
doors. We look upon woman as part of man ; because the wife is called 
ardhdngand (half-bodied) of the husband and every girl of age is a wife. 
The union of man and wife is not broken before the death of either. 
Woman's interests are so closely interwoven with man's, that the rise or 
fall of one is necessarily that of the other. Man must procure subsistence 
and provide against danger ; and woman's duty is to manage the home. 
If anything is done by the husband it is done mostly for the welfare 
of the wife. However much husband and wife may be strangers to 
each other before marriage, they soon manage to make a world of their 
mystic affections in which every one else becomes an intruder. Though 
our women are almost illiterate, our home happiness is more enduring, 
more elevating and more sincere, than what is found in England. In 
India woman rules man not by the threat of tearing asunder the ties which 
are sacred spiritually and beneficial materially; but she rules man with her 
tender tongue, appealing eye and loving heart It is easier for an Indian 
to oppose the armed legions of a tyrant, than to oppose the tyrant will of 
the wife who is classed among slaves by foreigners — who judge Indian life 
by their own limited experiences which at best, are always superficial and 
confined to a few monstrosities such as may be found in any civilized 
community. I am sure that if Mahomedan and Hindu girls are well 
educated they can exercise a greater check on civil commotions, such as 
recently disturbed the peace of many towns, than mounted artillery. This 
being the status of woman in India, the " Woman's Building " seemed to 
me a great curiosity. Then naturally the question arises, " Why is woman 
totally separated from man, in this Exposition ?" In Europe and America 
there are thousands of women who will not marry and many more who 
cannot. Competition for husbands is as keen amongst Englishwomen, as 
for civil appointments amongst the educated Indians. In the poorer 
classes the wife marries dress and the husband " home " ; in the well-to-do 
classes the husband marries wealth or influence or both, and the wife 
marries the prefix **Mrs." to show to her sisters that she has made a 
successful haul, of course with due regard to her position in " Society." 
It may be one in a hundred where heart marries heart. Marriage is a 
contract of sale of goods which are to be delivered by instalments for a 
valuable consideration to be paid from date to date. If there appears any 
" force, fraud, duress or undue influence," at any moment, law makes the 
contract void on proof of such defect and compensates the injured party 
so far as is practicable: The principle that " sending a defamatory letter 
to a wife about her husband is 2i publication^^ serves to show the separation 
of husband and wife quite clearly. In such societies, it is, of course, 
necessary that woman should be able to support herself and to provide for 
decrepitude which steals upon an old maid sooner than upon an old 

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A Brahmin's Impressions at the Chicago World's Fair, 195 

bachelor. Here are, in this building, exhibits of her self-help. But these 
articles do not lend to prove that civilized woman can undertake works 
requiring great physical or mental force. Woman is an excellent nurse, 
lively painter, effective preacher, sweet musician, melodious singer, in- 
genious needle-woman, and, above all, a charming companion of man. 

How natural it is to turn from the "Woman's Building" to the "Chil- 
dren's Building ! " They have very wisely placed the child in the care of 
woman. Here the child learns in a small school ; plays in the gymnasium ; 
amuses itself with pretty toys and enjoys the society of his comrades. 

Besides the above mentioned buildings, there are buihJings of the 
several states of America, each of a different style ; of these California 
and Illinois are the most important. Buildings of France, Germany, 
Hindustan, Ceylon, Siam, Japan, Great Britain, Canada are also interest- 
ing features of the Great Exposition. A European is in charge of the 
Indian building. He is revered by the Mahomedan and Hindu attendants 
with greater awe than they would revere their Allah and Ishwira. In this 
building a large number of things are piled up, one upon another, like so 
many Indian passengers in an unsanitary ship plying between two 
Indian ports. 

At night the Fairy Venice presents a marvellous spectacle, more especi 
ally near the Columbian Fountain. If you stand midway between the 
Fountain ^nd the Administration Building, you see towards the east 
showers of pearls, diamonds, rubies, and emeralds, of light, dark and 
mixed colours, gushing forth from the two electric fountains ; the search 
lights dancing here and there ; gondolas and electric boats gliding slowly 
and silently over the dimpling waters of the canal whose banks are ablaze 
with light ; towards the west, you see the dome of the Administration 
building whereon bright stars hold their conference in set rows. The band 
plays merry tunes. Turn your eyes to whatever building you please, you 
see hosts of suns, moons and satellites illuminating this model of an earthly 
heaven. 

The exhibitors, guards, porters and American visitors are very polite 
and obliging. In India when two persons meet, they generally talk about 
the health of themselves and their relatives ; about rain and crops ; and 
about private matters indiscriminately. But the favourite topic of an 
American is his constitution. He is proud of it and almost worships its 
founders. It is a constitution " to which," according to Mr. Bryce, " as 
by a law of fate, the rest of civilized mankind are forced to move, some 
with swifter others with slower, but all with unresting feet." May the 
American never be deprived of a single atom of his present constitution I 
In America national feeling is so much cultivated that many other sensi- 
bilities have been paralyzed. If you tell an American that Maiman Sing 
was cruelly insulted by a magistrate, or that a guard outraged a woman 
and escaped almost scot-free, he will pity neither the former victim nor 
the latter. But if you tell him that the Viceroy deprived a large popu- 
lation of the right of trial by jury ; that " the Salt-tax, now about 2000 
per cent on the cost of production, operates as an oppressive Poll-tax; 
or that nearly three hundred millions of the British subjects have m re pre-, 

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196 A Brahmins Impressions at the Chicago World' s Fair. 

sentation in Parliament, local or Supreme, he will, first, distrust the state- 
ment : next, wonder how living and sentient beings can bear such a state 
of things ; and lastly, '' glare like a lordly lion." Even boys of ten and 
twelve know that ** taxation without representation " is the greatest mis- 
fortune of a nation (or country). In the Post Office department at Wash- 
ington I saw tears in the eyes of a lady of about fifty, when she said " I 
grieve to hear of an injustice to a country." If a government educates 
its subjects, secures the safety of their persons and property, builds roads 
and public institutions for their welfare, it performs, in an American's 
opinion, nothing more than part of its duty towards the governed. He 
thinks that a government ought to give the greatest possible happiness to 
the community, and that a good government deserves no gratitude but 
praise for having done its duty. 

The World's Fair is a great achievement of modem civilization. It is 
the mart of the world ; and the congress of all congresses. From the 
peaceful and contented behaviour of the various nations and States that 
have made, on the Fair grounds, their common abode for a time, one is 
led to hope that a day may come when civilized communities will enlist 
themselves as members of an Universal Confederacy with an interna- 
tional tribunal like the Supreme Court of Appeal of the United States 
of America ; and that nations will vie with each other, not in inventing 
means of wholesale murder and destruction, but, in inventing and improv- 
ing means of promoting the prosperity, health, wealth and advancement 
of Man. This hope seems Utopian. But, if we take into consideration 
the generally law-abiding disposition of civilized communities ; the rapid 
modes of transmitting messages, men and goods ; the ease with which 
good sentiments supplant bad ; the vast increase of resources of human 
happiness that have been opened within the last few years by the increase 
and spread of knowledge ; the real extension of the principles of humanity 
under one form of religion or another ; and the willing obedience of inde- 
pendent nations to the decisions of impartial arbitrators as shown in the 
Behring Sea dispute; the fulfilment of such a hope is by no means an 
absolute impossibility. Certainly it will be long before the traits of existing 
barbarism are extinct and when all the conditions will be favourable for 
the formation of the Grand Union. Till such time arrives the more 
World's Fairs we have the better. Before 1 conclude I beg to quote a 
few lines which will not be unsuitable with my general remarks. 

" Thus she (Rome) did illustrate the truism, often repeated and nearly 
always forgotten, that the empire of the intellect is higher than the empire 
of the strong hand. Thus did she show, as she fell, what is not less worth 
remembering, that the acquisitions made in the course of human progress 
are always in jeopardy so long as there is any section of humanity cut off 
from the enjoyment of them " (History of Crime in England, Oven Pyke). 

MuLji Devji Vedant. 



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197 



Elginiana. 

THE THREE PLEDGES AND THE THREE ELGINS. 

After our last number had already been bound, a communication reached 
us from a trustworthy source to the effect that " the difficulty and delay 
in appointing a Viceroy for India are attributed to no nominee, hitherto, 
pledging himself to the suppression of the opium monopoly, the jreduction 
of the military expenditure and the support of the National Congress." 
Without in the least endorsing this report, we felt that we could not with- 
hold it from our readers. Some of our Indian contemporaries by omitting 
the words " are attributed " made us responsible for a statement which we 
avowedly had only inserted as a report. At the same time, we are pre- 
pared to defend its substantial accuracy as regards the general character of 
the negotiations with the nominees in question. Indeed, we may add 
that two of them, at any rate, avoided an uneasy Crown on what seem to 
be excuses to conceal their conscientious objections. Sir Henry Norman 
was in perfect health when the offer first reached him, but when it was 
understood that he would not break the continuity of the Frontier policy, 
whatever might have been years ago his own views, he received a broad 
hint, some say a telegram, that his withdrawal was desired. Lord Cromer, 
whose Frontier policy is also not " forward," thought that he could not 
afford the expense of keeping up the state and circumstance of Vice- 
royalty, but, although his own hospitality may have given him an ex- 
aggerated opinion of his duties as Supreme host, we can scarcely believe 
that, as a matter of fact, lavish entertainments have ruined any Viceroy 
since the days of Lord Lawrence. As regards Lord Elgin, who says little 
because he has little to say, he is not likely to tell us the conditions, if any, 
of his appointment, but he may " try not to be found out like Lord Ripon " 
in promoting any Radical programme that may make an Anglo-Indian 
Official's hair stand on end. The loyalty of the Services will, probably, not 
interfere with their promotion and Lord Ripon found many ready to his 
hand in carrying out a policy of good intentions from which India will not 
easily recover. 

Now as to the three alleged pledges. As no new taxation can safely 
be imposed, the Opium Monopoly is almost a sine qud non condition of 
the present scale of the salaries of Indian officials and its abolition must 
entail the advent of those halcyon days when the members of the 
National Congress will take their posts on half or third their pay. Messrs. 
Naoroji and Wedderburn have not been with Mr. Gladstone for nothing 
and they all agree that " the English, above all, stand in need of discipline " 
which a willing Viceroy will not withhold. The military expenditure may 
now be reduced in consequence of the blow that " the Forward Policy " 
has, fortunately, received and nobody who knows the doctrinaire Radicals 
now in power will contest that many demands of the National Congress 
are likely to be complied with. One of these Radicals lately rejoiced at 
the debauches of certain Indians in England ''as inspiring them with 

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198 The Three Pledges and the Three Elgtns. 

contempt for our civilization and encouraging them to strike for their 
freedom." AVith a Secretary of State hostile to, because unacquainted 
with, Caste — the basis of Indian society and peace — with cow-killing riots 
directed against Muhammadans but really meant as a protest to our 
slaughter of kine ; with Indian Finances and Currency in confusion, with 
insidious attempts made to lower the status of Indian Princes, with a state 
of things that requires troops to fire into riotous crowds without much pre- 
vious notice (to judge by a recent Government Resolution), it seems to us 
that respect for, and justice to, India required the appointment of a man 
of great and special qualifications, not a pis-aUer^ who has accepted what 
Sir H. Norman felt bound, in conscience, to refuse. Lord Elgin has in 
his favour the prestige of heredity that is so powerful in India, but 
even his father was, in no sense, a strong man, and although a servile semi- 
official press now discovers him to have been ** the real Saviour of India,' 
it is notorious that the officials who had to do with him thought littie of 
him and that it was only on Lord Canning's assuming all responsibility 
that Lord Elgin diverted the China expedition to India to help to crush 
the Mutiny. In Hunter's " Indian Empire " there are only the two follow- 
ing lines about him : ** His (Lord Canning's) successor. Lord Elgin only lived 
till November 1863. He expired at the Himaldyan Station of Dharmsala. 
There he is buried " (page 496). Even this sentence might have been re- 
duced to " Lord Elgin died and was buried at Dharmsala in Nov. 1863." 

Mr. Keene, however, records the late Lord Elgin's speech at Agra, his just 
treatment of Kabul, his aversion to abnormal taxation, his regard for native 
chiefs and other matters which are much to his credit, and if his son will 
act on these lines, as he seems inclined to do from his utterances and 
domestic sympathies, he will show that even in a Radical Peer " noblesse 
oblige'' All this, however, is no reason for supposing that Lord Elgin was 
not offered, or has not accepted, the three conditions of the Viceroyalty 
which were " attributed " to the Gladstonian negotiations, and if we had 
done no more than put the Indian Press and Official world on the alert 
by our communication of the report, we should have been justified in 
publishing what, on the face of it, was only too likely to be true, as borne 
out by other circumstances within our knowledge and the authority of our 
informant, though, at the time, the report did not refer to Lord Elgin at all. 

As regards Lord Elgin's grandfather whose memory lives, if not in 
marble, at all events in the " marbles *' that he sold to the British Museum 
^o** ;^35>ooOi it must be distinctly remembered that it was mainly owing 
to his position as Ambassador in Turkey, that he got the Firman to take 
away what referred only to any loose (carved) ^^ stones'^ there might be lying 
about in the Acropolis (as for other relic hunters) but not to break away, or 
tear, the Metopes, as did his Prussian employ^, and so " rive what Goth 
and Turk and Time had spared," as to cause the Disddr attendant to weep. 
On this "vandalism" the following lines of Lord Byron will ever be quoted: 

" But who, of all the plunderers of yon fane 
On high, where Pallas linger*d, loth to flee 
The latest relic of her ancient reign ; 
The last, the worst, dull spoiler, who was he ? 



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Lord Elgin s ** Last " at Dunfermline, 199 

Blusb, Caledonia ! such thy son could be ! 

England ! I joy no child he was of thine : 

Thy free-born men should spare what once was free ; 

Yet they could violate each saddening shrine» 

And bear these altars o'er the long-reluctant brine."* 

Yet it was this " vandalism " which gave models of Greek art throughout 
Europe from easily accessible Greek originals and thus again : 

** Graecia captaferum victor em cepit, et aries 
InUilit agresH Latio,^ 



Lord Elgin's "Last" at Dunfermline. 
We have received the following account of the new Viceroy's " Last " or 
rather " First " apologia pro vitd sud by one of his perfervid Dunfermline 
fellow-citizens : '^Speaking at a Meeting at Dunfermline on Saturday i6th 
Deer. 1893, when he was presented with the freedom of the City amidst 
the heartiest wishes of his neighbours for his success in India, the Earl 
of Elgin said that he had not been "So much accustomed to the 

PARADE GROUND AS PERHAPS TO THE SECLUDED PATHS OF PUBLIC DUTY." 

Nothing could possibly be written which would give a better idea of his 
Lordship's aims since he left Balliol than this Dunfermline confession. 
During the past twenty winters the hounds have scoured the county and 
the Fife Light Horse have had their displays; but never has our Lord 
Lieutenant been observed to mount a horse or follow the hounds or to join 
the Regiment to which our County Gentlemen aspire, though if his Lord- 
ship has had little connection with the Light Horse or with the Foxhounds, 
he has not been indifferent to the importance of these institutions. 

Having, however, decided early to select " the secluded paths of public 
duty," he left the representatives of other County families to the " parade 
ground," preferring to work in some department or other of National or 
Local Government Before he had completed his studies at Balliol he was 
returned as one of the Members of the Dunfermline Parish School Board in 
1873. This may be said to have been his entrance into public life. He then 
naturally turned his attention to education, and became an authority on 
that subject In Scotland. As a boy, he had already appeared before the 
Corporation of the City of London in i860. His father was then presented 
with the freedom of the City of London and as he received the gold 
casket containing the burgess Cenificate, he turned round and placed the 
casket in the hands of his son, then Lord Bruce, who occupied a seat on 
his right, with a view to impress the event on the youthful mind. At 
the ceremony of Saturday last Lord Elgin referred to this incident 
in his early life and electrified his audience by lifting the Dunfermline 
Casket and placing it in the hands of his own Son who supported him on 
his right. If there is anything which modest Lord Elgin hates it is striving 
after effect, but the repetition at Dunfermline of the London incident was 
intended, 10 quote the words of Lord Elgin, to '* firmly impress the event 
on his son's heart, so that he will ever bear in mind the kindness of the 
Citizens of Dunfermline and feel it to be his duty to treasure and reciprocate 
* The vessel that first bore these relics was wrecked. 



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2o6 Lord Elgin on ** Home Rule and the Black Man!' 

the good feeling exhibited." It also was on a Deer. i6th, 47 years ago, 
that the late Earl of Elgin was presented with the freedom of Dunfermline 
on his departure to Canada as Governor-General — a striking coincidence ! 
" I have never met a better business man than the Earl of Elgin," said 
the other day one who had been associated with him on many pablic 
boards and who is entirely devoid of sentiment. The writer of this note 
has also had many opportunities for studying Lord Elgin's character and 
knows that the above compliment is in every respect deserved. Lord 
Elgin thoroughly believes in "Be diligent in business." Amidst his 
multifarious duties he has not been known to appear late at a meeting. 
Thoroughness has been a feature of his life and — whatever the public 
subject before him — he makes it a point to get up every detail of it. 
There is no man his Lordship has crossed swords more frequently with at 
the Fife Boards than a worthy old Dunfermline Magistrate who has the 
faculty of expressing himself rather forcibly ; yet at the Meeting on the 1 6th 
December this magistrate characterised his Lordship as being ''one of 
God's nobility." The chief pastime of his Lordship in his earlier days was 
cricket and more recently an occasional game of golf. While at College 
he was regarded as one of the smartest fielders (cover point) in England ; 
at the rejoicings at Broomhall when he came of age cricket figured largely 
in the events of the day. He had played frequently for the Dunfermline 
Cricket Club (of which he is patron) and his lordship's feelings may be 
imagined when he one morning opened a Scottish daily to find a big black 
heading " Dunfermline with the Earl of Elgin " Versus So and So, giving 
the name of the professional. He has for many years taken a great 
interest in the Dunfermline and West Fife Agricultural Society and here 
again his modesty and dislike to the '* parade ground" was ever apparent. 
At the annual exhibitions of live stock, his lordship was never to be found 
in the procession of carriages or amongst the horsemen who were flying 
at intervals round the ring. Lord Elgin was ever early on the ground — 
travelling from Broomhall a distance of 2\ miles on foot — with book and 
pencil in hand jotting down the prize-winners as the judges gave their 
awards and when the " parade " time came he was always in the crowd 
round the ring. One of the most effective political speeches his lordship 
ever made was in 1889, and in view of his apjxjintment as Viceroy of 
India it may be worth giving a sentence from that speech on Lord Salis- 
bury's " black Man " : 

Lord Elgin on Home Rule and the Black Man. 

** It is said our policy of Home Rule is sentimental. Do you suppose that you should 
ask us to accept a policy which depends upon the assumption that you can by any legisla- 
tive change make the relations of the Irish people to ourselves friendly ? I am afraid I 
must confess I am prepared to make that assumption. It depends a good deal upon what 
the sentiment is. Let me take an illustration from what has been said lately not far from 
here by the Prime Minister. Lord Salisbury is a great speaker — so great that he can 
brush away without effort any rhetorical flies like ourselves. It appears to me that in his 
speeches you will always find admissions or slips which would be inconvenient to smaller 
men. You have all heard of the " black man " episode. I would only say that it has been 
interesting to observe how many apologies have been started upon the celebrated phrase. 






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The Dunfermline Press on Lord Elgin, 201 

It amused me mach to find what the Times thought worthy of being printed on this 
phrase. The most amusing of all the comments was the argument of a gentleman who 
s?id that Lord Salisbury could not possibly have meant any disrespect to the natives of 
tndia. This gentleman had found in his travels in certain railway stations in India that 
the native words meaning * black man * were posted up with the same significance as the 
word *' gentleman " is used in this country. This gentleman did not seem to see that the 
particular colour was a matter of slight moment. What really was of importance was 
that the expression was a feeling of contempt and race-antipathy ; and that constituted an 
offence. There was another passage in the speech of Lord Salisbury which had not 
attracted so much attention as the ' black man ' reference, but which is more applicable 
to my present purpose. Lord Salisbury was arguing the impossibility of maintaining the 
Imperial control and Home Rule Government in Ireland. He said : ** Look at the case of 
Roumania. Roumania got Home Rule Government on condition of remaining under 
the Suzerainty of Turkey, but so soon as the Russo-Turkish War broke out, Roumania 
took the side of the enemy.*' In the first place, gentlemen, I would observe that we, the 
inhabitants of Great Britain, are compared with the unspeakable Turk. It is a sort of 
back-handed compliment which I hope will be appreciated, even although it comes from 
the hands of a would-be Grand Vizier." 

One of the most trying duties which his lerdship has had to perform 
was in connexion with the resignation by his brother, the Hon. R. Preston 
Bruce, (whose death has recently been announced) of his seat in 1889 as 
M.P. for West Fife. His brother's health had broken down and the task 
of placing the trust in the hands of the electors was so painful to his lord- 
ship that he more than once almost completely broke down. This display 
of affection is characteristic of Lord Elgin. He has a large family — five 
sons and five daughters — and nothing gives him greater pleasure than to 
spend an hour with the children in the nursery. These few rough notes 
on the new Viceroy for India might suggest that Lord Elgin is too retiring 
for the indispensable pomp of that high oflSce. At the Dunfermline 
Meeting he indicated that he would do all he could to uphold the dignity 
of the Viceroyalty and despite his lordship's absence hitherto from the 
*' parade ground " I have no doubt that the tact which he brings to bear 
on whatever he does, will make him as great a success in Indian demon- 
strations as he is sure to be in the '* secluded paths of public duty." 

A colliery which was founded by his grandfather is still known as the 
" Elgin Colliery." A story is told of the miners going to him to ask for an 
advance of wages. On pressing their demands his lordship, pointing to a 
white hat which he wore, said that the miners had more off" the colliery 
than himself, for he had not as yet made a white hat off" the coals. The 
tradition of James Sixth and Sir George Bruce — one of Lord Elgin's 
ancestors — is well known. Sir George Bruce took the King down one of 
his mines near Culross. The King was taken through the workings which 
extended a considerable distance below the shallow waters of the Firth of 
Forth and was drawn up a shaft on to a small island. The King was 
seized with panic on finding himself surrounded by water and shouted 
"treason." 

We also quote the following passage, from a proof sent to us, which 
sums up " the situation " in " the Dumfermline Press," which is publish- 
ing an interesting account of " the Elgin Family." 

*' Viewing Lord Elgin's appointment under a national aspect, we are of opinion that . 
no belter choice could have been made, and this may be said to be the general opinion o^LC 



202 Correspondence^ Notes, etc. 

the country made known through the press. Though this nobleman has had compara- 
tively less experience than he might and perhaps should have had, it does not follow that 
because of this he is not an able roan. Lack of experience, such as beinfr welded to 
certain ideas running in stereotyped grooves, does not by any means unfit a man from 
being an able administrator when placed in a position where he can exercise his gifts. A 
man outside of experience of this kind, and having an open mind, b more likely to prove 
the best Governor. We may by way of illustration, point to the late Lord Mayo, as the 
Scotsman newspaper has justly done, and ask what experience had he ? What experieoce 
had Lord Rosebery when placed in one of the most responsible positions in the Govern- 
ment of this country ? What about Lords Hopetouc, Aberdeen, and many others — all 
untried men ?** 



CORRESPONDENCE, NOTES, ETC. 

LORD SALISBURY AND SIAM— A REPLY BY "ONE WHO 

KNOWS." 
With every deference to Lord Salisbury's evident declaration in the last 
" Asiatic Quarterly Review " that ** no understanding of any kind was 
arrived at upon the question of Siam during the tenure of office of the late 
Government " I regret, as a Conservative, to be obliged to state from 
personal knowledge that the statement of the Bombay Gazette was well 
within the mark in attributing negotiations with France on the subject of 
Siam to the Conservative Government. I can, therefore, only assume, 
unless you receive an explanation of the following points, that you have 
erred in accepting his Lordship's repudiation in its ordinary sense and that 
it is only in a special sense that **no understanding of any kind was 
arrived at upon the question of Siam during the tenure of office of the late 
Government," namely in regard to a treaty of partition as asserted by the 
** Spectator/' The points on which Anglo-Indians in general and Con- 
servatives in particular would be happy, if they could possibly be reassured, 
are : (a) that there were no negotiations with the French Government in 
1890 re Siamese boundaries, (b) that no result whatever was arrived at, 
(c) that Lord Rosebery had a tabula rasa in the matter when he came into 
office and stated in limine that Great Britain would not concern herself in 
the dispute between France and Siam, re the M^k&ng frontier. 

One who Knows. 

THE COLONIES AND NAVAL DEFENCE :— THE EARL OF 

PEMBROKE. 

" Should the Colonies provide their own Naval Defences f" (See last 

A. Q. R., page 362.) 

The question that you open up is a most important one. Before long 
it will probably become one of the problems of practical politics : indeed 
I think, that as regards sharing in the cost of naval defences, some of the 
Australian Colonies have already done or contributed something towards 
protecting themselves against aggression. Twenty years ago there was a 
sirong feeling in the Colonies that they ought not to be called upon to pay 
anything, as their only danger of attack lay in their connexion with 
England, and as matters then appeared there was much force in the 

"^*^"'"^°'- Di„izedbyG00gle 



Correspondence^ Notes, etc, 203 

Now all this has been .changed by the scramble amongst the European 
powers for all desirable lands in the hands of uncivilized races ; French 
and German aggressions have become matters in which our Colonists feel 
serious interest and they would probably be much more willing to con- 
tribute towards their own and Imperial defences generally than they were 
then. 

But if they do contribute they would probably also desire to have a 
voice in the distribution of the Navy so that the absolute and complete 
control over the movements of our ships, that we ought to have, would 
very likely be lost. 

The subject is one that requires much consideration. 

Pembroke. 



The Imperial Institute and the Colonies. 
We have received the following pertinent suggestion from an anonymous 
correspondent at Balmoral with regard to a proposal made by a writer in 
the last "Asiatic Quarterly Review," that : "The Imperial Institute should 
be the agency for promoting the political union between the Mother 
Country and the self governing Colonies." " Why not the House of 

LX)RDS WHO want SOMETHING TO DO ?" 

We have also received a number of comments on the subject of " Im- 
perial Federation," which we have consistently advocated since the establish- 
ment of this Review, though we did not share the hope that the Colonies 
would be as enthusiastic, as are people in this country, of spending their 
money on Imperial objects. We have, indeed, found a greater readiness 
in the Colonies to raise loans in the mother-country and to spend them on 
speculations under terms incorrectly applied from the Home P'inancial 
Vocabulary. They also are not devoid of " Imperial " instincts in the sense 
of wishing to govern others, or being most fully represented in this country 
on suitable salaries and by the creation of innumerable offices in Anti- 
podean Britain ; the same time, they are reasonably averse to making 
over the control of their finances to any Government that may subordinate 
their interests to those of party-exigencies at home. We, therefore, do not 
believe that " the Imperial Federation League " has died from any want 
of proposals in carrying their ejtcellent principles into practice, but rather 
that, in the conflict between its Liberal and Conservative members, it fell 
a victim to liberal lukewarmness on the subject. 

At the present stage, even, the most practical proposals must, of course, 
be of a general character, to be hereafter adjusted in detail, but the articles 
that we have already published show that there is no dearth of suggestive 
proposals and no insuperable difference, much less conflict, between 
Colonial and Imperial interests, but, on the contrary, every advantage to 
both, as also to India, by their judicious and generous co-operation. We, 
therefore, in spite of the, hitherto, really unexplained, because perhaps 
unavowable, failure of " the Imperial Federation League," intend to main- 
tain the good cause on lines that will commend themselves alike to the 
independence of the Colonies, their duty to defend themselves and their 
claims to a due share in Imperial attention and government, so far as can 
be done without trenching on what belongs to India, which, though still^j^ 



204 Correspondence, Notes^ etc. 

without a voice in Imperial Administration, is perhaps even more im- 
portant to our Empire than any, if not all, of the Colonies. 



THE DANGER OF COW-KILLING IN INDIA. 

The celebrated Abb^ Dubois, Missionary in Mysore, in his Descrip- 
tion of the People of India, written in 1806 and published by the 
East India Company on the recommendation of Lord William Bentinck 
and Sir James Mackintosh for the purpose of *' aiding the servants of the 
Government in conducting themselves more in unison with the customs 
and prejudices of the natives," deals in Part ii. Chap. iv. with " the par- 
ticular horror of the Hindus for the flesh of the cow." 

"To kill a cow,*' he wrote, "is considered by the Hindus as an in- 
expiable crime, and to eat her flesh as a taint that can never be effaced." 
Though this horror is based at present on religion, he considers that its 
origin was the need of keeping up a stock of milk-giving animals, as the 
vegetarian diet demands " the rich and wholesome nourishment derived 
from the teats of the cow." A second reason is that beef is too heavy and 
unhealthy a meat for the hot climate of India. " To kill a cow is a crime 
which the Hindu laws punish with death." ... " What has contributed 
to render the European name hateful to the Hindus, and indeed to sink 
it in their private thoughts beneath the Pariahs themselves, is the use 
which they undisguisedly make of the flesh of the cow to satiate their 
gluttony. I am not at all surprised that the first European invaders who 
penetrated into India should have shown so little regard for the most 
sacred and most universally established prejudices of that people, because 
they were not then aware of their origin and motive. But I am really 
astonished that the behaviour of the Europeans, when upon flrst setting 
their feet on the boundary of India, they began to slaughter the oxen and 
cows did not excite an universal insurrection, or that one single man of 
the sacrilegious invaders escaped the indignation which must have burned 
in the breasts of the Hindus, on the murder of these sacred creatures, 
whom they rank in the number of their principal divinities." ... " The 
forbearance and patience of the Hindus, who have seen for upwards of 
300 years, a handful of Europeans established among them, sacrificing 
every day to their voracious appetites the divinities whom they adore, will 
paint the gentle, the soft, the lenient character of these people more 
vividly than the pencil of the most eloquent historian." ... " The feeble 
Hindus content themselves with silently weeping over this sacrilegious 
abuse and horrible violation of their most sacred customs : the trampling 
down of which they most bitterly deplore in secret. In those parts where 
idolatrous princes still reign with absolute sway, the murder of a cow 
would on no pretext whatever be pardoned. An act so foul and execrable 
in the eyes of the Hindus could never be tolerated or endured but in the 
provinces where Europeans or Mahometans are the rulers." 

In Part iii. Ch. vi., On Pariahs and Inferior Castes, the Abb^ explains 
that none but the vilest outcasts among the Hindus will take domestic 
service with the Europeans " because the latter make no secret of violating 

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Correspondence, Notes, etc. 205 

the prejudices of the people among whom they live, by commanding beef 
to be prepared for their tables." 

It appears in Campbell's Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. 15, Part 2, p. 274, 
that 18 Englishmen were in 1670 killed by the people of Bhatkal in 
Kanara because a bull-dog of theirs had killed a cow. In 1816 the Chief 
of Bhavnagar in Kattywar had some cow-slayers, his own subjects, executed : 
in consequence of which that State was partially deprived of jurisdiction 
until the year 1866. Historian. 

General A. W. E. Hutchinson on Cow-killing. 

I have read with much interest your paper in the "Asiatic Quarterly *' on 
The Cow-killing Riots in India, and venture to give my views on the ques- 
tion in the hope that you may be induced to further ventilate so important 
a subject. 

Amongst your references to authorities for the sacrifice at the I'd, I 
don't see Sale. In his discourse on the Koran, and with reference to the 
sacrifice, he says, "These victims must be either sheep, goats, kine or 
camels ; males, if either of the two former kinds, and females if of either 
of the latter."* 

During my service in India, I never heard of the sacrifice of a cow at 
the Bakr I'd; perhaps this was owing to my employment (Political 
department), in the States of Gwalior, Indore, Bhopal and Meywar. . At 
Bhopal a camel used to be sacrificed. 

After the Mutiny, of course it was necessary that our soldiers should 
have beef, though the killing of cows was a subject that greatly affected 
the Chiefs and every precaution had to be taken to avoid giving offence ; 
after our occupation of Gwalior in 1858 Scindia begged that cows might be 
spared, and offered to provide goats and sheep. This was done until his 
resources broke down and then there was acquiescence on his part 

There used to be frequent disturbances caused by the passage through 
Gwalior territory of Commissariat Cattle ; these I invariably enquired into 
and found that in most cases the Commissariat agents were in the wrong ; 
cattle belonging to villagers joined the herd but were not driven back 
until the villagers demanded restoration. 

The "Kuka" rebellion of 1872 was a note of warning of the danger 
to our hold on the Sikh nation, and surely we cannot afford to give it 
offence by the continuance of a practice that is held in abhorrence. 

I have always considered that ihe slaughter of oxen would not create 
the same indignation as that caused by killing the cow : during the Mutiny 
I procured beef for the Europeans at Mhow by a simple notification that 
bullocks were required for Government purposes and that full price would 
be paid for the same. 

Another point in the question is the fact that cow-beef forms the staple 
food of the British soldier ; if returns were called for from the Commissariat 
showing the numbers, male and female, I think it would be found that the 
ox was a rara avis I 

' This statement is made by Sale on the authority of Reland de Rdig, Mah, page 117, 
which is based on a " weak *' tradition. — Ed. 



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2o6 Correspondence, NoteSy etc. 

With regard to the action of the Mahomedan leaders in these disturb- 
ances, the duty of Government is clear. An inquiry should be instituted as 
to the procedure throughout India in the matter of the sacrifice at the date 
of Her Most Gracious Majesty's proclamation in 1858, and legislation 
passed accordingly. 

A. W. E. Hutchinson, 

Late Resident at Gwalior. 

THE SYMBOL OF THE SACRED COW. 

Dr. Leitner's article on the religous riots in India has done very valuable 
service ; shewing, clearly and conclusively, that the sacrifice of cows by 
Indian Mussalmans is justified neither by the example of Mahomed nor 
by the practice of Mussalmans in other lands ; so that, in abandoning this 
sacrifice, so dangerous to the peace of India the Mussalmans will only act 
in conformity with the purer traditions of their religion and the general 
practice in Muhammadan countries. 

It only remains to shew, from the Sanskrit Scriptures, the real meaning 
of the Sacred Cow; and the cause of the Hindus' fanatical devotion to 
this symbol. 

The cause of religious fanaticism is, almost invariably, the crystallisation 
of faith into dogma. The first reverent intuition of religion, the first 
gleam of truth from the unseen world, are embodied in symbols, because 
they are inexpressible in common speech. As the religion grows older, 
as the original intuitions grow more dim, the deep veneration attached at 
first to truths is transferred to their symbols, their garments. 

The unfathomable wells of religious awe and devotion spring up around 
the symbols, and clothe them with the reverence which properly belonged 
to the truths. Then a further stage is reached. The symbols find their 
expression in outward tangible objects ; and to these external objects, in 
the last stage of religious development, the devotion and adoration of the 
masses is attached. 

This development, or decay, of religion is illustrated by the symbol 
of the Sacred Cow. There was first, in the Vedas and Upanishads, the 
suoreme spiritual intuition of the divine powers of the Universe, and the 
divine powers of the soul. The active and passive energies of the original 
formative Power were represented by symbols. The identity of this 
original Power with the inmost spirit of man was intuitionally perceived. 

Thus we have, in one Upanishad : — *The first-bom of brooding Spirit, 
born before the waters, standing hid in secret, made manifest through the 
elements," (Brahmi the Evolver.) — " And the great Mother of divinity, 
born of Life, standing hid in secret, made visible through the elements, 
(Vich, the formative word or * LogoSy) are the same as the Self." 

In the Vedas, the formative Word, the Logos, is symbolised as the 
" Melodious Cow," from whom the riches of the worlds, and the suste- 
nance of souls were milked. The Word, the Logos, is again the Gk)ddess 
" Spetchr giver of wisdom and inspiration, mother of the Vedas, teacher 
,pf mankind. . 

As ages passed, and the intuition of India grew dim, the reverent 



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Correspondence, Notes ^ etc, 207 

adoration paid to Brahmi the Evolver, was transferred first by anthropo- 
morphism to the represented god, then by idolatry, — the worship of an 
" eidolon " or symbol — to the sacred lingam, the type of generation and 
evolution. And the reverence paid to Vich, the divine Word, was trans- 
ferred first to the Goddess Wisdom, under such names as Savitri and 
Sarasvatl, and then to the symbol of the Sacred Cow, the living giver of 
sustenance and mother of wealth. 

The reverent adoration of Brahmi the Evolver, — " the necessary tend- 
ency to development," — and of V^ch, the Word, — " the power within that 
makes for righteousness," — was the highest expression of philosophic 
intuition or " the wisdom of the divine." 

The worship of the god Brahm^ and the goddess Vich, was the second 
step, — formal religion. 

The reverence paid to their symbols, or " eidola," the lingam and the 
Sacred Cow, is the fanaticism which, as the last remove from the pure 
intuition of tremendous truths, forms the religion of the masses of 
Hindus. 

As a deeply reverential and devotional people, the Hindus, who have 
little love for the present life, and little of this world's goods to tie them to 
it, have gathered around these s3rmbols and others of like meaning, all 
the wealth of their religious natures, all the passionate fanaticism of a 
people whose thoughts are in the unseen world. 

This, then, is the sentiment, so pure and lofty in its inception, so full of 
devotion and self-forgetfulness even in its last and darkest phase, which 
has led to the passionate outbursts of fanaticism in the religious riots 
of to-day. 

Charles Johnston (B.CS. (ret.) ; M.R.A.S.) 



THE BOMBAY RIOTS AND THE GUZERATI SO-CALLED 
" SEDITIOUS PAMPHLET." 

Some of the translations of an alleged seditious pamphlet in Guzerati 
are so glaringly false that one cannot but regard them as deliberate. 
Whether any expressions in it are "seditious" or not is not within my 
sphere to decide; because, as Bentham says, such laws as relate to 
treason or sedition are enacted to create offences. 

The author has indeed been guilty of telling the truth. The Cow is 
revered and loved by us Hindus as a mother. How, then, can we bear 
to see her dragged away, mutilated and murdered, sometimes in a most 
barbarous and ostentatious manner, more especially, on our sacred days 
and near our sacred places ? But these Bombay riots had another imme- 
diate cause. It was, as admitted by the Mahomedans themselves, because 
they first attacked the Hindoos. It was the inability of the police to cope 
with Mahomedan fanaticism that drove the docile Hindoos into resistance, 
in self-defence when they saw no other means of protecting their property, 
honour, and lives. Whoever, therefore, whether Hindoos or the Police, 
took a part in putting down rioters, deserves praise, and the author of the 
pamphlet accordingly praises both, as those but for whose efforts, the 

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2o8 Correspondence^ Notes, etc. 

Hindoo community, timid as it is, would have been annihilated by the 
infuriated Musulmans. Suppose the Liberals, becoming all Radicals and 
growing into Socialists and Anarchists, were to transfer their battles in 
Parliament to the streets, plundering and killing Conservatives, would the 
latter quietly sit down like so many sages of old without defending them- 
selves, their property and wives ? 

The police had been previously warned of a serious affray and, in con- 
sequence, they were actually present, though not in sufficient number, when 
an unusually large multitude of Mahomedans, numbering 5 or 6 thousand, 
and armed, in many cases with sticks, had gathered, on the eventful day, 
for prayer in the Juma Masjid. 

They had been infuriated by *' inflammatory accounts from their co- 
religionists in Prabhas Patan," where the Musalman processionists had 
desecrated a Hindoo temple and killed its priests. 

The prisoners made during the Bombay riots were punished, it has been 
said, without any partiality to their respective religions. 

But it is proved by the statistics of the punishments that the percentage 
of the Hindoos accused, that were fined or imprisoned is greater than that 
of the Mahomedans. Now these statistics reveal a significant fact, namely, 
that those charged with murder are exclusively Hindoos ; though amongst 
the victims the majority were Hindoos. On the other hand, no Mahome- 
dan is charged with murder. The editor of a Guzerati paper accordingly 
not unnaturally asks whether the murders of Hindoos were committed by 
the Hindoos themselves or by Parsees or Christians, as no Mahomedan 
is implicated in them ? 

Though the riot was commenced by the Mahomedans, though the 
Mahomedans were the first to commit robbery, though the Mahomedans so 
enraged the Hindoos as to make them fight, yet the Government lays all 
the blame upon the Hindoos and their leading members. 

The material for riots exists in the dissatisfaction of the people, owing to 
poverty. As the English, as a rule, make no secret of their contempt for 
what they consider as a prejudice of the Hindoos, some Mahomedans are 
encouraged to kill cows in such a manner as to exasperate the Hindoos. 
The Officers, however do not understand the Hindoo feeling in the matter, 
and they authorise killing of cows on the Bakr *Id festival in contravention 
of the long established custom of not doing so. The Mahomedan rulers, 
on the other hand, were more careful and used to pass strict orders not to 
offend Hindoo sentiment. 

It is regrettable that under the superior civilization of England, officers 
should not study the sympathies and even supposed prejudices of the 
people committed to their charge at least as much as Mahomedan 
Chiefs consider the feelings of their Hindoo subjects and vice versd, 

Hindoo. 

A SHIAH MUHAMMADAN VIEW. 
A correspondent writes : " In Persia the name of Bakri-*Id Is unknown. 
The *Id-i-Kurban, or sacrifice festival, is kept up throughout the land, and 
the Persians think that the Indian name is derived from the animals sacri- 

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Correspondence, Notes, etc. 209 

ficed — a very improper appellation. As for the Khojas, they never kept 
this festival till the arrival of H.H. the Aga and, as you say, even now 
many Mul^is do not observe it His Highness sacrifices sheep on that 
day, though in Persia camels are offered up, but cows never. I hear 
that in Hyderabad, Deccan, cows are sometimes sacriGced, but the offering 
is generally a goat» except where a person wishes to feed a great many and 
perhaps also indulge in a little ' aside ' of ill-feeling against the Hindus." 

Shiah. 

HAIRY SAVAGES IN TIBET. 

Under the above heading Mr. MacRitchie writes in the October number 
of the A, Q, Review, page 473, rejecting the opinion recorded by Mr. 
Rockhill and other Tibetan travellers that the Tibetan belief in hairy 
wild men of the mountains is only a superstitious fiction founded on bears. 
As Mr. MacRitchie asks for further information on the subject, I send you 
this note of my own experience. 

When I visited the Donkya La, 18,100 feet above the sea level and one 
of the highest passes from Sikhim into Tibet, the Tibetans pointed out to 
me in the snow the tracks of these " hairy wild men " who though fearfully 
fierce and strong yet shun the Tibetans and lead mysterious lives among 
the snows. The footprints were of human size, and intersected the path 
and led away towards the peaks where no human habitations existed or 
were possible. 

Of the few other Indian officers who have crossed into the territory of 
The Grand Lama from the Sikhim side more than one have also seen these 
marks and been told the same story. 

There is not the slightest doubt however but that these footprints are 
merely those of the great Yellow man-eating Bear. I have questioned 
some hundreds of Tibetans about these " hairy wild men of the moun- 
tains "; and although the men I interrogated were mostly great travellers 
and therefore the likeliest to have encountered such monsters none except 
one or two would admit having ever seen them, and only believed in their 
existence from hearsay reports and traditions. The one or two who 
alleged that they had seen them, on being closely questioned confessed 
that they had only seen or fancied they had once seen away up in the dim 
distance amongst the snows an object which might have been one of these 
mysterious wild men of the footprints. 

This myth indeed is very suggestive of the three black crows of the 
fable ; yet it has one advantage over some of the other alleged myths 
foisted on Tibet as for example the so-called " Esoteric Buddhism " ; for 
the people themselves know of the myth of the hairy wild men and 
believe in it. But no one who knows the absurd credulity of the Tibetans 
would be surprised at finding that though the Tibetans are fairly acquainted 
with the appearance of bears — at a distance — they yet believe that their 
human-like footprints seen in such uncanny places are those of fabulous 
wild men. The poor Tibetan is everywhere beset by the vexations spirits 
and demons which his rude fancy pictures in all his surroundings. And 
his belief that these stray bears are hairy wild men of the mountains is j 
NEW SERIES. VOL. VIL Digitized Ij^ ^16 



2IO Correspondence, Notes y etc. 

even more reasonable than the equally common Tibetan t)elief that White 
Lions and White Elephants inhabit the inaccessible snowy peaks of the 
Himalayas and the mountains of Central Tibet, and for whose existence 
equal evidence (!) is forthcoming. The white Lions have green manes and 
roar musically like bells. I have often puzzled but never disabused the 
owners of these beliefs by asking them on what food the white lions and 
elephants and hairy men subsisted in their solitudes among the everlasting 
snows at elevations where animal life is scarcely possible. 

This Tibetan myth of hairy wild men seems to me to owe its origin to a 
superstitious confusion of homonyms. The ordinary Tibetan name for 
this great bear is " dre " (the female being called dre-md, which is evidently 
the name intended by the " dre-mon " of the Chinese story quoted). And 
exactly the same word, only spelt with a prefixed h which is silent and not 
even aspirated, is the ordinary name for a gnome or voracious devil. With 
bears and voracious devils named alike, the creation of a mixture of the 
two as " hairy savage devils " is very easy to a superstitious people whose 
devils are generally anthropomorphic and who regard even their fellow 
creatures outside their own faith as " foreign deinls.^^ 

L. A. Waddell, M.B.. 

CHOLERA IN ANCIENT INDIA. 

With reference to Mr. Sewell's paper on "The Early History of 
Cholera " in the October number of the Revieufi^. 445), it is remarkable 
that because Cholera is not expressly named in the accounts of ancient 
Indian historians and travellers, modem medical writers generally assume 
that the disease did not exist in ancient India. But even nowadays in its 
home — the so-called " endemic area of Cholera " — in Lower Bengal it is 
merely known as "the Vomiting and Purging" (ulla-uthd)\ and if to 
this title be added " Cramps " you could have no better definition of the 
symptoms of this disease. Now, under this very title, I find it mentioned 
in an old Tibetan translation of Indian Charms probably Vedic vestiges — 
the Tibeun translation of which, dating apparently to about the 5th or 
6th century a.d., is entitled ^La-ma-^gongx-^dux or "the Assembly of 
Superiors* (priests') hearts," and an English translation of which I have 
just made for the Anthropological Institute, as all the charms are based on 
Sympathetic magic* 

This particular charm is entitled " Charms for the disease of Vomiting, 
Purging and Cramps" and states, "with the dung of a black horse and 
black sulphur and musk-water write the monogram (? Z A — in Nagari 
characters of about the 5th century) and fold up in a piece of snake-skin 
and wear around neck or on an exposed part of the breast immediately 
next the skin and never remove it." 

Here the horse seems to represent the galloping course, the dung the 
purging, the black colour the deadly character, and the snake-skin the 
virulence of the disease. 

L. A Waddell, M.B. 

* Conf also Bergaigne's La Religion Vidique, ^^ 

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Correspondence, NoteSy etc. 2 1 1 

Mr. R. Casement of H.M.'s Niger Coast Protectorate, West Africa, 
writes to us regarding the Matabele, deploring that their " defence in this 
country is weaker even than that their spears and naked bodies afford 
them in resisting the invaders of their native land " and he urges an im 
partial examination of the whole question in the ** Cause of Truth and 
Fair play ;*'... " Every voice lifted up now in that cause may yet save 
us from still deeper shame — inasmuch as, though Lobengula's power has 
been destroyed and his country scarred with the fire of Maxim guns, the 
treatment he himself is to receive at our hands in the final settlement must 
be largely influenced by the opinions now to be expressed on both sides. 
Whether greater wrong shall yet be done will rest with how Public opinion in 
England is influenced. To aid it to a right decision is a glorious task. . . ." 

We hope to publish in our next number an historical sketch of the 
relations between Lobengula and the representatives of the British nation 
in South Africa, from the pen of Mr. Casement whose knowledge of the 
subject is only equalled by his love of justice and fair play. 

Mr. Saligram Vyasji, the Secretary of His Highness Maharaja Goverdhan. 
Lalji, the Chief of the State of Nathdwara in Udaipur territory and spiritual 
Head of the important and numerous Vaishnava community all over India, 
numbering some fifty millions, has sent us an account of the shrine of 
Nathdwara and of the Vaishnava religion, which we hope to publish in our 
next issue in connexion with an account of the case which has recently 
been decided on appeal in favor of his Chief by the Privy Council Mr. 
Saligram is a high -caste Brahmin and a good English and Vernacular 
Scholar. He has earned golden opinions wherever he went in this 
country owing to his well-bred and unassuming manners and the intelligent 
interest which he took in the institutions of the country. His visit to the 
House of Parliament created much attention, whilst his ability in assisting 
the eminent lawyers who were conducting the case deserves every praise, 
He has just left Brindisi by the " Ballarat " under arrangements with the 
P. & O. Company, which will ensure the preservation of Caste on board ; 
and it is to be hoped that the success of the measures that have been 
adopted will encourage other high-caste men to come to this country with- 
out fear of losing what Indian respectability prizes beyond everything. 

As we are going to Press, the decision of the Government regarding 
Ugdnda and the East Africa Company generally, already so unduly post- 
poned, is still pending, though the Ministry have been receiving, and will 
still more receive, the attention of M.Ps. and of the watchful Anti-Slavery 
Society. We shall, doubtless, hear more regarding the recent statements 
of Sir E. Gray regarding the Slave Trade and Slavery. Our readers will 
observe in the following abstracts from the official Zanzibar Gazette of the 
22nd Nov. 1893, that the business of slave-running is apparently flourishing 
under the British Protectorate, as suggested in Sir C. Dilke's enquiry 
regarding the increase of the Slave-trade in Zanzibar since the latter became 
a British Protectorate : 

I. A capture of a Dhow and its cargo of slaves at the south end of the Island. 43 
male and 20 female slaves landed near Kizirokazi by a Dhow which had then proceeded 
to Zanzibar. These slaves came from various parts, 32 slaves were condemned. 2. The 
Blanche^ during a commission of one year and eight months, had seized 6 Dhows freeing t 
atxnit 80 slaves. IC 

02 ^ ° 



212 



REVIEWS AND NOTICES. 



1. History of India, by H, G. Keene, CLE,, 2 vols. (London : W. H. 
Allen and Co., 1893 ; i6s.) Mr. Keene has utilized deep study, wide 
experience and great knowledge to produce a comparatively short history 
of India ** for the use of students and colleges,'' as previous works were 
either too prolix or too compendious for that purpose ; and we give him 
only his due in saying that he gives us a very good history indeed, as far 
as it goes. His treatment of the British period is all that can be desired, 
but his chief defect, to our mind, consists in his having compressed the 
previous Hindu and Muhammadan periods into too small a compass. The 
former is treated in 25 pages and the latter in 150 ; but though we quite 
agree with Mr. Keene that there is much of the mythical in the former and 
more of the uninteresting and unimportant in the latter of these periods^ 
which need not burden the pages of a history written for students, yet 
events occurred during those periods and works were composed which 
have lef^ their mark on India ; and these, though they may not have much 
interest for the general European reader, are still matters of importance to 
the scholar and the student. They require, therefore, due notice; as 
instances, we think that the 4 lines at pp. 37 and 38 do not suffice for the 
important controversy on the Sam vat Era, nor the other 4 lines at 18, for 
the age of the Vedas. Several slips in grammar, all the more noticeable 
from Mr. Keene's well-known correct style of writing, show signs of hasty 
production, and occasionally a mistake, slight in itself yet still a defect,, 
crops up. Ochterlony's Indianized name was "Akhtar Lony" the star 
of Lony, by the same process which changes Magazine to Mekh-zin and 
Macintosh to Mukkhun-tos : it has no reference to the abundance of flour 
and butter in his days. We note with pleasure Mr. Keene's good use of 
materials but recently made accessible (as e,g. Appendix I.); — his fair hand 
holding an equitable balance between various actors, and his free pen 
giving blame where blame is due. When he has purged his book, as we 
have no doubt he will in the next edition, of its slight incidental defectSi 
his history, amended by the aid of friendly criticism, will reflect on him 
the greatest credit as an author who undertook and successfully accom- 
plished a difficult and useful task. 

2. The Auto-Biography of a Spin, by May Edwood. (Calcutta and 
LK)ndon: Thacker and Co., 1893; 4s. 6d.) We have met many a Spin 
in India, but never so outrageous a flirt as the one sketched in this well 
got up book. It is not a portrait, but a caricature of Indian society, while 
the style is ultra cynical, satiric and slangy. The Spin's adventures are 
certainly lively work ; and among other mischief, she gets one poor fellow 
to commit suicide for her. She returns home, to settle in a prosy county 
town ; but the end of the book suggests that she may not remain a Spin 
much longer : so mote it be ! 

3. The Pearl of Asia, by Jacob T Child. (Chicago : Donohue Henne- 
berry and Co. ; London : Kegan Paul and Co., 1893.) '^^^ ^ewcX of Asia 

- ^ o 



Reviews and Notices. 213 

is Siam — why, we can't find out. Mr. Child's book is an extremely 
pleasant but by no means a deep account of the country and people. 
There are several inaccuracies, showing that the author had not personally 
visited some of the places he describes and illustrates, probably at second- 
hand. But, on the whole, the book is not only readable but very inter- 
-esling, especially in the author's details of Court life. There is the usual 
amount of American " high-falutin " style and tall talk ; words are some- 
times used without any definite idea of their meaning: e.g, the much- 
abused "emblazon," which Mr. Child seems to consider equivalent to 
"** shine " ; to " corruscate " in his hands becomes a very active verb. His 
Siamese snakes, some killing with their tails and even by their touch, are 
-excellent ; his Tuctoos cry " Tokay " ; and Zenocrates ** finishes his labours 
at Bombay.** Sentences like the following abound : " Though the king 
does not speak English, he understands it perfectly, and could do so 
fluently if he so desired, but prefers to express himself in his own tongue 
which is then interpreted by one of the princes or the Court interpreter." 
(p. 88.) Apart from these peculiarities of style and diction (which may be, 
perhaps, graceful in American eyes) we may say that he has well used 
both eyes and ears during five years in Siam ; and that his book, which is 
also well illustrated, contains most entertaining descriptions of the country 
and its peculiarities, the Court and its ceremonials, the people and their 
manners. 

4. The Early Spread of Religious Ideas especially in the Far East^ by 
Joseph Edkins^ D,D, (London : The Religious Tract Society, 1893 ; 3s.) 

This is a little book forming Vol. xix. of the Series entitled ** Bypaths of 
Biblical Kfiowledge^ In it the learned author, whose deep studies and 
long residence in the East have particularly fitted him for the task, 
examines the development of religious ideas in Babylonia, Persia, and 
India, and, in more detail, in China. The facts and authorities he collects 
«how clearly that the most ancient religion known in all the countries of 
Asia was a pure monotheism, which, in time, became overlaid with 
dualism, mythology and finally polytheism. This the author rightly attri- 
butes to an early revelation made to man before the Deluge, retained down 
to that catastrophe, and after it, universally propagated with the gradual 
spread of the human race, till time, forgetfulness, neglect and corruption 
gradually degraded this older religion into the various systems against 
which revelation has been continually waging war, to our own times. The 
theory is as old as it is correct ; but many oif Dr. Edkins* proofs are new, 
striking and conclusive. He brings to bear on his contention a diversity 
and wealth of illustration most interesting to study ; and even those who 
do not accept his theory will peruse with pleasure the varied descriptions 
and acute remarks of the erudite author. 

5. The Old Testament and its Contents^ by fames Robertson^ D,D, 
^London: A. and C. Black, 1893; 6d.) In a convenient and well got 
«p little volume, forming one of the " Guild and Bible Class Text Books " 
the learned Professor of Oriental Languages at the Glasgow University 
gives a very useful handbook for the general reader, of which the first part 
deals with the Old Testament as a whole and its Canon, while the second 

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214 Reviews and Notices. 

and larger portion treats in detail of each book. Here the author gives, 
briefly i^et fully, the history, composition and characteristics of each book, 
indicates the results and difficulties of modern criticism, and shows the 
present position of believers and unbelievers regarding the style, authen- 
ticity and authorship of the Old Testament. While differing from his 
ideas and conclusions on several points of the numerous questions which 
he treats, we recommend his work as a good text book for the study of the 
Bible. It is a distinct gain for the cause of Christianity and Biblical study 
to bring within reach of all many facts concerning the Holy Scriptures 
which are unknown topmost readers of the Sacred Book. The more 
clearly its eclectic nature and gradual transformations are brought home to 
them, the less danger will there be of that deification of the mere book, 
which, by a natural recoil, has pushed so many to unbelief by grossly 
exaggerating the scope, mode and extent of inspiration. Prof. Robertson's 
effort will, we doubt not, tend to rectify in many minds the prejudices con- 
ceived, whether by excessive credulity on the one side, or on the other, by 
exaggerated misstatements of the results of the higher criticism. 

6. History of the French in India, by Col, G. B, Malleson, C.S.I. 
(London: W. H. Allen and Co., 1893; i6s.) We welcome this new 
edition of a ^work which is an established authority for this particular 
episode of Indian History. Originally executed with great care and exact- 
ness, the learned author, in the present edition, has had none but mere 
verbal corrections to make. He has added an appendix, giving the proofs 
of his former conclusion that La Bourdonnais did accept a private bribe of 
Rs. 400,000 in addition to the public ransom of Rs. 1,400,000 for the 
restitution of Madras. Col. Malleson's thorough knowledge of Indian 
history, his exhaustive researches into original sources, and his fair and 
honourable treatment of gallant though unfortunate foes combine with his 
clear and vigorous style to make his work worthy the attention of both the 
general reader and the special student, while the romantic vicissitudes of 
the contest between England and France in India, the varied character 
and the high abilities of the leaders on both sides unite in giving to solid, 
exact and clear history all the brilliancy and interest of a novel. 

7. The Story of Africa and its Explorers, by Robert Brown, F.R.G.S. 
(London : Cassell and Co. 1893 ; 7s. 6d) This— the and Vol. of an 
excellent publication — fully maintains the high level reached by the first, 
which we reviewed in our January 1893 issue. It deals, in its first 
8 chapters, with Egypt, the Nile and the great African Lakes, from 
Herodotus to Baker. The Editor holds a very just balance between the 
contending claims of various explorers, — claims even now not divested of 
the unseemly bickerings which arose a generation ago. Chapters ix — xi 
are devoted to the great missionary traveller, Livingstone, and are partly 
from the pen of F. E. Harman. Chap. xii. continues the story of Living- 
stone on the Zambesi and Shird. The expedition of Mr. Stanley, his 
meeting with Livingstone and the latter's death are told in chap. xiiL t^ 
Captn. Cameron, R.N. ; and Dr. Felkin, in the last chapter gives Stanley's 
journey through the Dark Continent. The whole work is well edited, and 
beautifully illustrated and got up by the publishers, and is in every 
respect deserving of a place in all geographical libraries : a pleasure to read. 



Reviews and Notices. 2 1 5 

8. Adventures in Mashonaland^ by two Hospital Nurses. (London : 
Macmillan and Co. 1893 ; 8s. 6d.). This book, one of the most charming 
to read of its kind that we have seen for a long while, details the brave 
undertaking of two ladies to do nursing work in the newly founded 
Mashonaland Anglican Mission, their plucky and persevering execution of 
their engagement for 2 years, and their experiences of men, manners, 
beasts and places. The style is as easy and familiar as it is lively and 
correct Much depth was not to be expected, nor a thorough knowledge 
of the country and its prospects ; but the ladies give a splendid sketch of 
the difficulties of travel and life in a place where both are now com- 
paratively easy. Their courage, — ^left practically to shift for themselves by . 
the sudden departure and continued absence of their employer, Bishop 
Knight Bruce, — is above all praise, as are their good-natured determina- 
tion to make the best of every occurrence and their persevering attention 

to their work. The state of European society and the nature of the 
Mashonas are both well drawn ; and there is plenty of both adventure and 
incident, grave, gay and ludicrous, to make the book of great interest to 
the general reader. When they left Africa, as late as July 1893, ^^^ 
mission was still nowhere. 

9. The Zambezi Basin and Nyassalandy by David J, Rankin^ F.R.G.S. 
(Edinburgh and London: Blackwood and Sons; 1893; los. 6d.). In a 
pleasant and lively book the author conveys a great deal of information 
regarding Zambesia, its past, present, and future. It is a narrative of 
personal travel and exploration, carried on at intervals during several 
years ; and the sense of humour with which it abounds makes it pleasant 
to read. It is hardly a connected work. From the Shir^ we pass to the 
Zambesi, thence to Mombasa and Mozambique, and back again to the 
Zambesi. Everything is well treated ; but nothing is exhausted, and but 
little is concluded. The author's chief aim seems to be to recommend the 
use and development of the great water-way, which, with a few breaks, 
extends from the mouths of the Zambesi and Shir^, through Lakes Nyassa, 
Tanganyika and Victoria Nyanza, and by the Nile, to Alexandria; — to 
show the great work awaiting the numerous African companies in the 
future, and to give an idea of the capabilities of Central Africa, both for 
colonization and for agricultural and mineralogical developments ; — and to 
advocate the union of all concerned in a great International Association. 
The author is sanguine on all these points ; but he seems to ignore the many 
difficulties of African rivers for navigation (such as cataracts, rapids, etc), 
and the inextinguishable jealousies and conflicting interests of many nations 
and companies. The book deserves every attention from those concerned 
in the openmg out of Central Africa and its trade. 

10. Estoppel by matter of record in Civil Suits in India ^ by Z. B rough- 
ton. (London : H. Frowde, 1893 ; 7/6d.). This is a purely technical 
work, suitable for lawyers and judicial officers in India. It treats of the 
cases and circumstances in which the previous decision of a court does or 
does not bar another or a further suit ; and the author, with much erudite 
citation of cases in point and by sound reasoning thereon, shows the actual 
state of law and procedure in this matter. ^ , 

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2 1 6 Reviews and Notices. 

11. Modem Indian Architecture^ by Iskwar, (Bombay: Edacation 
Society's Press; 1892; Rs. 15). This important architectural treatise, 
in small Folio, is the work of Lala Teekaram of the Rajputana-Malwa 
Railway Office. After a general dissertation on the merits of the Science 
of Architecture, in which we especially note the arguments used to show 
how it influences, aids and developes other arts, many of which would 
seem at first sight to have little connexion with it, Lala Teekaram treats 
of the general requirements of architectural science, and gives practical 
instructions regarding it. He has next a letter-press description of 32 full- 
sized plates — specimens of Indian Architecture, Hindu and Muhammadan. 
These plates, forming the better half of the work, are excellent in design 
and execution. Some are reproductions of well-known forms of com- 
paratively ancient art, as the minarets of the Taj, and the comer tower of 
the Delhi Jama Musjid ; others are of recent date, like the beautiful Ulwar 
Railway Station : all are good specimens of their kind, elegant, graceful 
and majestic All who have lived in India will be delighted to see again 
these beautiful specimens of native art, and those who have not travelled 
in India will be charmed with having their representation in linear draw- 
ing. The author must permit us to correct a slip at p. 23. He says " In 
fact archwork of any kind is not found in India before the Mahomedan 
Epoch." General Cunningham has shown in his "Mahabodhi" (Allen 
and Co.) that this very frequently made assertion is not correct. He dis- 
covered a real arch in that great temple, long anterior in date to the 
Muhammadan conquest in India. Lala Teekaram's book can be pro- 
cured in England at the Oriental University Institute, Woking. 

12. Australian Commonwealth^ by Greville Tregarthen (London: 
T. Fisher Unwin ; 1893 ; 5s.) forms the latest (35th) vol. of the Story of 
the Nations Series. It is written with a full command of the subject, gives 
a good general view of the history of Australia, and (we can give no 
better praise) is worthy of a place in this series. The earlier history of 
Sydney is given with full detail. At pp. 121 ^/ seq, a very close parallel is 
given to the late financial crisis — the great artificial inflation of the thirties 
being followed by the great smash of 1840. It is to be hoped that the 
next half century will not renew this twice-tried experiment At p. 138 a 
glimmer of Australian Federation, as to Tariflfs, appears as early as 1848, 
only to fade away into nothing. The other colonies of the group are also 
fairly well treated, though they do not receive quite the attention they merit. 
At pp. 292 et seq, a great deal of needless pity is bestowed on Western 
Australia ; and the author hardly seems conscious of the fact that this is 
the only Australian Colony (excluding New Zealand) that successfully 
weathered the late financial storm and can boast of a surplus instead of a 
chronic deficit New Zealand is included in the " Australian Common- 
wealth," though she persistently refuses to have anything to do with 
Federation with the other colonies ; but although she is doubtless prudent 
in this determination, still the book would hardly have been complete 
without New Zealand. The history of each colony is brought down to the 
year 1893 ; and the last chapter details the Federation movement from its 
first proposal by Earl Grey in 1847 to the present, when its realization is 

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Reviews and Notices. 2 1 7 

just as far off as ever. The book will be found most useful for reference, 
though it fails to supply every need. 

13. British East Africa or Ibea^ by P, Z. McDermoit, (London: 
Chapman and Hall, 1893 ; 6s.) Late events in Uganda have drawn so 
much attention to the British East Africa Co. that its assistant secretary 
does public service in meeting the demand for reliable information regard- 
ing its doings by compiling this book which we recommend to our readers. 
With access to authentic documents, and writing with the knowledge com- 
manded by his office, Mr. McDermott tells the History of the Ibea Co. 
minutely, clearly and pleasantly. It goes without saying that he naturally 
holds a brief for the Company ; yet he by no means exaggerates the efforts 
made, the results obtained and the obstacles overcome. The apathetic 
aeglect of successive British governments and the unworthy treatment that 
has led to the present state of affairs, are plainly told — a pitiable tale. 
Lord Salisbury's action towards the company is no model in statescraft ; 
and Lord Rosebery has been no better than his predecessor. The 
Foreign Office attitude towards the Ibea Company is but one more lament- 
able instance of the fact that no ministry dare go to the House of Commons 
for money for even the evident advantage of the British Empire abroad ; 
and that the exigencies of party strife prevent equally the development and 
defence of the Empire and the strenuous upholding of its interests and 
honours. Many proofs are given of this fact ; but though this part of this 
book is not pleasant reading for a British subject, it should be studied by 
all who desire to form a fair opinion of what the Ibea Co. have done, how 
they stand, and how the Government have treated them. Fresh proofs 
are furnished of political intriguing on the part of the French missionaries 
in Uganda and of the importation of arms by them. More details should 
perhaps have been given of this unhappy inter-Christian war, as well as of 
some other incidents treated with regrettable brevity ; but Mr. McDermott's 
book provides a vast store of information regarding the Company, its 
actions and its officers. — 

14. Portuguese Discoveries^ Dependencies and Missions in Asia and Africa^ 
by the Rev. A. /. D. UOrsey, B.D. (London : W. H. Allen and Co. 
1893 ; 7s. 6d.) This rather pretentious title, which would need a small 
Encyclopaedia to do it justice, is not borne out by the contents of this 
book. Of Portuguese Discoveries we are given but the most meagre 
sketch ; of Dependencies we get barely a glimpse ; and of African Missions 
there is nothing at all. Instead we have uncalled for chapters on the 
totally irrelevant points of the Roman supremacy, and the origin of the 
Jesuits. Nor can we say much for the Author's competency for this work. 
His history is so far astray that he makes Loyola (p. 94) " almost a tool in 
the hands of Aqua Viva" {sic\ though Aquaviva was not even a novice when 
Loyola died. On Indian Ethnology he quotes Thornton's antiquated 
Gazetteer and Duncan's Geography of India (1868), supremely unconscious 
of later works, even of Hunter's Imperial Gazetteer. So in quoting Marco 
Polo, he takes Wright's edition of 1853, and seems to know nothing of 
Col Yule. Several slips in Portuguese, French, Spanish and even 
Latin cannot all be printers' errors. His interpretation of " The poor have 

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2 1 8 Reviews and Notices. 

the Gospel preached to them " is that it was a great error in the Portuguese- 
to associate with the Pariahs. Ardent Protestants of the ultra Anti-Roman 
persuasion will find|Mr. D*Orsey's book an excellent and well stored 
arsenal of abuse and accusation against the Portuguese as a people and 
Catholicity as a religion. The amount of underlining of passage might be 
envied by many a young miss fresh from school. — 

15. Travels] in India a Hundred years ago, by Thomas Twining:. 
(London : Osgood, Mcllvaine and Co. ; 1893 ; i6s.) This stout volume 
deserves a longer review than the pressure on our space allows. A hundred 
years are only a short time in the life of a nation ; but the last century has 
witnessed changes in India, which render this book of ancient travels as 
interesting to all and as new to most readers, as would be a work on some 
freshly discovered country, if any yet remained unknown. The author's 
long voyage vid the Cape is a thing of the past, as b the India in which he 
travelled, from Calcutta to Delhi, and back through part of Oudh. The 
blind Shah Alum 611ed the Mogul throne ; Madhoji Scindhia, in the 
zenith of his power, was yet unable to suppress Gujar and Mewatti robbers ; 
and De Boigne still resided at Aligarh. The book takes up the period 
from Warren Hastings to Lord Wellesley ; and it is brought down yet later 
by TOO pages on a visit to the rising Republic of the West and its great 
President Washington. The route then slowly traversed in India in a 
palanquin, where now locomotives shriek past several times a day, — the 
cities visited, — the Grand Mogul, — Agra, — Fatehpur Sikri, — Delhi are all 
graphically and correctly described, as they were then, with touches of 
](ndian life, manners and character, now, like many other things in India, 
changed, not for the better. These descriptions (occasionally marred by 
such easily remedied errors as Kuttul minar for Kuttub, which are not due 
to Twining himself) are fascinating to those who have known the country 
and the scenes in later times. To the general reader, they convey a lively 
picture of the India of those days, with its numerous tyrants, its want of 
security for life and property, its continued turbulence, and underlying all, 
the easy contentedness if not apathy of the people. Hence these Notes 
and Reminiscences edited by the Traveller's descendant, will be read with 
pleasure by all. The volume closes with a few detached papers, among 
which we note one on the inevitable snake, with an apparently sure cure for 
snakebite, as cheap as it is declared to be efficacious, and a description of 
a Suttee, at which the author was present. 

16. /« the Shadoiv of the Pagoda, by E, D, Cuming, (London : W. H. 
Allen and Co. 1893 ; 6s.) Mr. Cuming is one of the managers of a rice 
mill in Burma and deals little with politics and the 'ologies. He does 
better. He gives us, as he professes to do, sketches of Burman life and 
character ; and capital sketches they are, true to nature. Written in a free, 
flowing style, full of fun and humour, they reproduce vividly the careless, 
easy-going Burman, and introduce us to his manner of living, acting and 
thinking. Both his good and his bad points are shown, but with a friendly 
feeling and indulgence showing that the author has lived in touch with the 
races among whom his lines were cast. The chapter on " Some compulsory 
acquaintances " deals with the musquito, the crow and the Tucktoo, in a 

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light and airy style, prettily exhibiting all the annoyances occasioned by 
these pests. The doiAgs of the Dacoits are gruesome reading ; but the 
dacoits described are genuine dacoits — men who had taken to pillage and 
robbery as an easy means of livelihood, — not Burmese soldiers carrying 
on an irregular warfare and miscalled Dacoits for defending their country 
in their own simple way. There is not a dull page in Mr. Cuming's book, 
which we recommend to our readers, as a pleasant mode of making the 
acquaintance of a fine country and of a people who have a charm of their 
own for those who meet them in a friendly way. 

1 7. Chinese Nights Entertainments^ by Adele M, Fielde (New York and 
London : G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1893 ; 7s. 6d.) is a beautifully got up 
book, illustrated from drawings by Chinese artists, and containing 45 
Chinese tales, strung together, as on a thread, on a story called the Strayed 
Arrow. Mrs. Fielde is mistaken when she tells us at the outset that these 
tales " have not been rendered into a European tongue." The Strayed 
Arrow is beautifully told in Prof. Douglas' Chinese Tales, published early 
in 1893 by Messrs. Blackwood and reviewed by us in April ; and some of 
the minor tales are also well known. This notwithstanding, Mrs. Fielde 
gives us a pleasant and readable volume, written in a correct and flowing 
style, and containing much matter which we hope may tend to place the 
Chinese in a more favourable light than her fellow-countrymen are accus- 
tomed to see them, and to remove some of the prejudices which now render 
them so odious in the United States, that special laws are made against 
their entering or residing in that " Land of the Free." — 

18. China and her Neighbours^ by R, S. Gundry^ with maps. (London : 
Chapman and Hall, 1893 ; 9s.) For a country anxious only to be let 
alone, China has the misfortune of lying between the ** deep sea " on its 
east, and the "foreign devils" on its north, west and south. To her 
Southwest, lies British India, with which, luckily, China not only has no 
cause of quarrel but is on friendly terms, with all that self-interest can 
dictate to develop into a mutual alliance. But on her South East lies the 
restless Frenchman, always eager to raise trouble for advancing his- own 
purposes ; and along all her north and west, the colossal power of Russia 
hems her in, while her insatiable hunger continually makes her nibble out 
slices from Chinese territory, as she is trying now to do in the Pamirs. By 
a comprehensive historical statement of their past acts, our author shows 
that the continual encroachments of Russia and France are the results of 
a definite and settled policy on their side, the two mainsprings of which 
are self-aggrandizement and an open enmity against the British Empire. 
In each case the history is brought down to date ; and one cannot fail to 
realize, in reading it, that before long England (with India) and China 
must band together and fight the two restless powers, — Russia and 
France, in order to crush once for all the execution of their ill-concealed 
designs and their unreasoning hatred. This book, excellent in style, tone 
and matter, deserves the attention of all who are interested in the main- 
tenance of the British Empire, and especially of the politicians and officials 
who are called to take an active part in its government. 

19. Fians^ Fairies and Ficts^ by David MacRitchie^ with iliusitations. 

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2 2 o Reviews and Notices. 

(London : Kegan Paul and Co. 1893 ; 5s.) With a wealth of erudition^ 
our learned folk-lorist demonstrates that these were all one and the same 
people, under different names, — z. small-sized, cave-dwelling and stone- 
using race, — which, seen through the haze of tradition, became the terrible 
Picts who fought the Romans, and the dear little elves and fairies whose 
existence was to us as an article of faith, in the days of our youth. Mr. 
MacRitchie with the aid of numerous plates proves not only the actual 
existence of many of the under-ground bee-hive shaped dwellings of these 
ancient dwarfs, some of them so recently occupied, that a man is still 
alive who was born in one of them. Mr. MacRitchie's proofs are so con- 
clusive, that we must reluctantly bid good-bye to the hope we had still 
stealthily cherished, of some day seizing a Leprechaun, with his little red 
cap and red-heeled shoes, and compelling him to make over to us his 
" crock of gold " as the price of his liberty 1 Thus does our utilitarian 
age reduce to dull reality a once splendid and beautiful fiction, which has 
quite an imperishable literature of its own. 

20. Thirteen years among the Wild Beasts of India, by G. F. Sanderson, 
(London : W. H. Allen and Co. 1893 ; 12s.) This — the 5th Edition of a 
work as charming to read as it is instructive — will be welcomed equally by 
lovers of sport, and of Natural History. Though he met with and shot 
many other kinds of wild Beasts, the bulk of the volume, well written, 
well illustrated, and generally well got up, deals chiefly with the elephant, 
die tiger, the bison, the leopard, and the bear. Mr. Sanderson, with 
exceptional powers of observation, cultivated friendly intercourse with the 
natives ; and he was consequently able to utilize to the utmost the singularly 
favourable opportunities enjoyed by him as Director of Elephant-capturing 
operations in Mysore, and Chittagong. The result is a book which to 
graphic details of sporting adventures far surpassing the common, adds a 
correct natural History of the animals chiefly dealt with, and particularly 
the Elephant. From this real king of beasts, Mr. Sanderson carefully 
removes every exaggeration made both for or against him, which had been 
repeated, without any good foundation, by one writer after another; he 
substitutes for fables a description of elephantine anatomy, size, habits, 
and character which may be said to sum up all that we know for certain 
about the animal, and nearly all that one can wish to know. We should 
have wished to see this edition brought up to date. It is queer decidedly 
to find (p. 6) the census of 187 1 quoted as the last^ and the Maharaja of 
Mysore still spoken of as a minor. But the book itself is more fascinating 
than a romance ; and we have read it, now the third time, with as great a 
zest as when we revelled over the perusal of the first edition. — 

21. The Story of an African Chief by Mrs, W, Knight Bruce, with a 
preface by Edna Lyall (London : Kegan Paul and Co., 1893 ; 2s.) is a 
desultory short life of Khama, in which he is held up as a model Christian 
Chief, with some details collected from various publications by one who 
knows little of him personally ; and it is preceded by a very useless pre£Bu:e 
by another who knows as little as, perhaps even less than the Biographer 
of Khama. It is written evidently in the interest of the Anglican Mission, 
regarding which we recommend for perusal the book noticed in our Reviews 
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Reviews and Notices. 221 

22. Dictionary of Quotations^ by the Rev, James Wood (London and 
New York: F. Warne and Co., 1893; 7/6)» Double columns of small 
print, extending over 570 pages, give a vast collection of quotations, 
mottoes, proverbs and aphorisms, from ancient and modern authors of all 
nationalities, arranged in alphabetical order; and 88 more pages form an 
index of subjects. It is difficult to fix what may and what may not find a 
place in such a book ; and we cannot more fairly state the case for and 
against this work, than by saying, that while instances abound like rh 6\6f, 
pari ratione, and coup de pied, other trite things (like pars magna fui) are 
absent. We see a few slips in the translation and spelling of foreign 
words. While the names of authors are given, quotations are not precisely 
localized : it is little use to say Goethe^ Milton or St, Paul, without further 
indication of the part of their works whence the quotation is taken. So 
far as it goes, however, this book is the best collection of its kind that we 
have yet seen. 

23. Report on Sanitary Measures in India in 1891-92 (London: Eyre 
and Spottiswoode ; 1893; 1/6) is the annual Blue Book on this inter- 
esting subject. This issue, besides the usual statistics, has special com- 
ments on the course of vaccination in India and mentions that further 
investigations on cholera by Dr. Cunningham have furnished additional 
proof against the Koch theory. The remarks on leprosy are fewer and 
less interesting than we expected. There is the usual mass of information 
in these 184 pages, which can be worked up into statistics, by well-known 
methods, for proving or disproving any given theory. 

24. The Empire of the Tsars and the Russians, by Anatok Leroy- 
Beaulieu (London and New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1893; 12/6). 
M. Zenaide A. Ragosin here gives us an excellent English translation, 
from the 3rd French edition, of an exhaustive work : two more volumes 
are to follow. This volume deals with i. the Country, 2. the inhabitants, 
3. the national character, 4. their History and civilization, 5. the towns 
and urban classes, 6. the Nobility and Tchinovniks, 7. the peasantry, 8. 
the Mir and family and village communities. The book teems with in- 
formation, — much of it new ; and going thoroughly into each of its many 
subdivisions, it enables the reader to correct many an erroneous view 
founded on previous authors. It gives sometimes a better and sometimes 
a worse conception than the common, of the real state of matters in 
Russia. Chap. iv. of Book III. is a valuable contribution to the study of 
Nihilism. Most readers will be surprised to learn the small number of the 
true Russian nobility and of the strange composition of the greater part of 
the present Russian upper ten thousand. The author enriches his de- 
scriptions with philosophical reflections; and the translator too has im- 
proved on these by numerous important and erudite notes. The village 
communities and Mir form a subject of great interest to the student of 
similar groups in East and West. Tersely true statements are often 
made among the philosophical remarks of both author and translator, 
which show the nature of Russia as by a lightning fiash : e.g.y " Russians 
are continually engaged so much in looking to and over their frontiers, 
that they do not at all see Russia itself." We look forward to seeing the. 

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222 Reviews and Notices. 

remainder of the work published speedily, and much recommend this 
part. 

25. The Southsea Islanders and the Queensland Labour Trade ^ by W. T. 
Wawn (London : Swan Sonnenschein and Co., 1893!) The Kanaka 
Labour question has been so much discussed and sides have been 
taken regarding it with so much violence, that a book like this — written 
by a ship's captain and recording his personal exi>eriences during many 
voyages, in procuring Kanaka labourers — is both a novel and a welcome 
addition to our sources of information. The author in plain terms states 
the occurrences in each voyage, where and how he got labourers, how he 
fared in so doing, and was persecuted for it The tale is graphic, simple, 
pleasant and interesting. A cyclone is described at p. 130, and an earth- 
quake at p. 274. As we read page after page of Captn. Wawn's very 
interesting book, we can easily see many points both for and against the 
system of hiring Kanakas for labour in Australia ; but at the same time it 
becomes evident that while abuses undoubtedly occurred at times, a great 
deal of the outcry against the thing itself was both interested and exag- 
gerated. Besides its bearing on this point, Mr. Wawn*s book, which is 
well illustrated, contains valuable information regarding the manners 
and customs of the many islands which he visited : It will well repay 
perusal. 

26. The Memoirs and Travels of Count de BenyoTVsky^ edited by Captain 
Pasfield Oliver^ R,N, (London : T. Fisher Unwin, 1893 ; 5s.) is a volume 
of the Adventure series, and as such is a good continuation. Benyowsky 
was a born romancer, and he romanced well. His adventures — whatever 
they may have been in reality, and probably even in naked truth they 
would have been worthy of being read — are, as here told, a romance as 
brilliant as false: his was an age of both adventure and lying. An 
Hungarian prisoner to the Russians, he was sent to exile in Siberia, 
reached Kamchatka, escaped thence and returned to Europe, went 
out to Madagascar, and was there shot down as a Pirate — such wiere 
Benyowsky's vicissitudes. The present book, reprinted from the trans- 
lation of W. Nicholson, F.R.S., in 1790, contains the details which 
the accomplished story-teller gave, in his MS., of his travels in Siberia, 
Kamchatka, Japan, the Liii Kill Isles, Formosa and China. It forms 
a very entertaining book, though one cannot now separate the facts from 
the fables which Benyowsky mingled together in hopeless but pleasant 
confusion. Capt. Oliver's Introduction points out several passages known 
to be false ; and they are so numerous as to leave it quite problematical 
what is the proportion of the kernel of truth to the husk of romancing. 

27. From the Five Rivers^ by F, A. Steel (London: W. Heinemann, 
1893 ; 6s.) Mrs. Steel, whose kmdly sympathetic interest in the people 
among whom she lived enabled her to know their thoughts and to under- 
stand their ways, gives us a pleasant little volume, with eight Indian 
sketches, true to life, concluding her book with four popular songs translated 
into English verse. There is still a great need for books like this one, to 
make people in Europe understand the millions of India, who are generally 
a sealed book for Westerns. The tales are all excellent, each iivjts owil 

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Reviews and Notices. 223 

way. If we give the preference to the sad, sad story entitled "Shah 
Sujah's Mouse," it is not because the others are not as good ; but because 
we would call attention, more prominently than Mrs. Steel does, to the 
systematic distortion of the head which produces such creatures, and which 
the authorities certainly should stop. In recommending her present volume, 
we hope for further works from Mrs. Steel's facile and graceful pen. 

28. Nell Asia Orieniale: Ludovico Nocentinu (Firenze: Le Monnier, 
1893.) This is a pretty, flowing, gossiping description of a journey from 
Naples (through the Suez Canal, touching at Aden, Ceylon, Singapore, 
Saigon and Hongkong) to Shanghai. Thence the author did China, 
making excursions and visiting Peking. Port Hamilton and Japan having 
been duly inspected, the Commendatore Nocentini returned home, safe 
and sound, to issue this very pleasant little book, — a perfect model of a 
globe-trotter's narrative. 

29. The Book of Good Counsels^ by Sir E. Arnold^ K.C.I.E, (London : 
W. H. Allen and Co. 1893; 7s. 6d.) We welcome this new edition, 
prettily got up and well illustrated, of Sir Edwin's beautiful translation of a 
great many animal stories from the Sanskrit of the Hitopadesa, The elegance 
of Sir Edwin's style unites with the charm of these beautiful didactic stories 
to form a book which it is a real pleasure to read. 

30. The Story of Mashoncdandy by the Rev. F, \^, Macdonald (London: 
The Wesleyan Mission House; 1893; 6d.), a simply written and well 
illustrated pamphlet, describes the country and people, and details the 
beginning of the Wesleyan Mission in 1891, at the instance of Mr. Cecil 
Rhodes, who gave land and promised ;^ioo a year in its aid. The story 
is well edited from the accounts of the missionaries. Six mission farms 
have been established, some churches have been built, and a group of 
native Evangelists has been collected. The pamphlet is very interesting ; 
but there is an absence of detailed statistics of the converts secured, which 
is a chronic defect in all missionary statements. — 

31. Haidar Alt and Tipu Sultan, by Z. B. BowHng, CS.L (Oxford : 
The Clarendon Press; 1893; 2s. 6d.) The Indian proverb justly says 
that all the fingers of a hand are not equal ; and all the volumes of a 
Series like T/ie Riders of India cannot be expected to attain uniform 
excellence. Short as is the period covered by Mr. Bowring's book, he 
rather sketches than depicts the career of Haidar and Tipu : as much and 
more regarding father and son may be found in almost any of the larger 
histories of India — e.g., in Mr. Keene's which we have just reviewed. At 
p. 49, we suddenly find Haidar fighting the English, without a word as to 
Che cause of the war or the date of its declaration, much less as to where 
the blame lay for the collision. The campaigns are told in a desultory and 
fragmentary form, aggravated by a subdivision into ridiculously short 
chapters : — some of these have barely two pages, while the average of 16 
chapters is 7. Haidar's statesmanship and perseverance, his projects and 
his success are all left vague. Mr. Bowring's vagueness extends to other 
matters. At p. 73 "the Maratba host . . . comprised 60,000 horse with 
a due proportion of infantry and guns." What a due proportion may be in 
any army varies very considerably : a due proportion for 60,000 Maratha i 

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224 Reviews and Notices. 

horse is vagueness itself. Our troops repeatedly suffer "trifling losses,'' 
even when figures are available in other histories, not to mention the India 
Office records. We are thankful for several tables of pedigrees ; but the 
dates of some are given in the Hejira and others in A.D. on the same 
page. The two concluding chapters, one in each part, which review the 
characters of Haidar and Tipu, are admirable, and will doubtless be read 
with pleasure. They are more ^vourable to the chiefs than those drawn 
by our earlier writers. 

33. Kanibles and Recollections of an Indian Official^ by Sir W, H. Sleeman, 
K,C.B, (Westminster: A. Constable and Co. 1893; 2 vols. 12s.) This 
new edition of Sleeman's well known book forms vol. v. of Constables 
Oriental Miscellany, and is uniform in size and appearance with the 
previous numbers. It is edited by Mr. V. A. Smith, Ind.C.S., who has 
enriched it with numerous valuable notes. There is an occasional fault \ 
as, e.g., (vol. 2, p. 113) Mr. Smith finds the Bulvemar ward unintelligible, 
but it is only the BllH-mar mohalia or cat-killer's ward ; at p. 267, Slee- 
man's M. Reglioni becomes Regholini, but should be CJeneral Righellini. 
At p. 313, Mr. Smith's strictures on Sleeroan's confidence in the native 
army read badly with the evidence in Forrest's Mutiny documents, which 
tend to prove that this army was driven into rebellion by our own stupid 
action. The editor ha's wisely omitted several chapters which dealt only 
with the historical narrative of the contest between Shah Jehan's sons. 
Sleeman's beautiful work was long in demand, and as now issued it is sure 
to be popular — and so it deserves to be. — 

34. The Buccaneers of America, by John Esquemeling. (London : Swan 
Sonnenschein and Co. 1893 ; 15s.) It is hard to realize, at the present 
day, when the ocean is everywhere traversed by fast steamers, what was 
the state of affairs in the 17th century on the American Seas when jealousy, 
avarice and revenge had armed large numbers of outlaws from many 
countries, against the Spaniards, and pirates flourished as an institution, 
with the tacit approval if not the occasional active aid of the governments 
inimical to Spain. Messrs. Sonnenschein in one goodly volume give us 
the exploits of some of these infamous worthies, with 7 illustrations and a 
map, reprinted from the edition of 1684. The translation is faithful rather 
than good : the Spanish Plata is simply silver ; and it sounds strange ta 
hear of "uncoined plate" being distributed among the pirates. The 
author, who had been a pirate himself, is simple, credulous, graphic, and 
quaint in his descriptions of places and things, of men and deeds. He has 
caymans 70 feet long, and describes some wonderful tricks of their young. 
He has noted some curious customs and superstitions of the Indians. The 
description of the buccaneers, spread over the whole book, gives a vivid 
picture of the men, and their times and deeds, which is only too horribly 
interesting for cruelty and rapacity. Here is one of their amusements : 
" My master would buy, on like occasions, a whole pipe of wine, and 
placing it in the street would force everyone that passed by to drink with 
him : threatening also to pistol them if they would not do so." The book 
is very interesting, especially the fourth and last part, comprising the 
voyage of Bartholomew Sharp, an adventurous one even in^ose dsprs of 
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Reviews and Notices. 225 

35. La Hongrie kconotnique : Guillaume Vautier, (Paris and Nancy: 
Berger-Levrault et Cie. 1893 \ ^^ frcs.). We have here a detailed de- 
scription of the Kingdom of Hungary. The first part gives its physical 
geography, people, government, commercial policy, means of communica- 
tion, finances, economic legislation and public instruction. Regarding the 
last, we learn that 2,027 communes out of 12,684 (nearly J) have no 
schools ; and that 466,757 children remained uneducated, out of a total of 
2,524,569 of school-going age. The second part deals with the agriculture, 
forests, and minerals, the industries, arts and commerce of Hungary, and 
its commercial relation to the nations of both East and West. On the whole, 
there is abundant proof of progress ; and the book deserves close study. 

36. The Army Book for tlu British Empire^ by Genl IV. H, Good- 
mough and Col, J, C Dalton. (London : H. M.'s Stationery Office, 
1893 J 5/) Where the conscription reigns, every one makes himself 
conversant with whatever concerns the army, in which he himself and 
his male relations must put in a term ; but with us, as our army is 
voluntary, who tries to learn its history and composition ? Even members 
of its own many component parts know little of the constitution and duties 
of other parts than their own. This lack of knowledge went so far that we 
had not even the means of remedying it, without the special study of special 
books for each branch. The means of acquiring a complete, if not ex- 
haustive, knowledge of the Armies of the British Empire are now supplied 
by this much needed work, which, with the aid of many friends, the two 
gallant authors have compiled with great diligence, digested with much 
care, and arranged with rare order and lucidity. Everything connected 
with the army is treated carefully; its location and administration, its 
composition and duties in peace and war, its reserves and mobilization are 
all given ; and valuable information is furnished on the history of each 

^ arm, and on collateral military subjects, in comparison with the correspond- 
ing arrangements in various other European armies. The army in India 
is well dealt with. But it is erroneous to say (p. 456) that till a recent 
ruling " scarcely a single regiment of either cavalry or infantry is composed 
of one class of men." The 23rd Punjab Pioneers were all Muzbies, and 
the 40th N. I. all Pathans. At p. 279, the Base Hospital is said to be 
*' formed usually at or near the port of embarkation for England, and is 
called the 3rd line of assistance "; but in reality, that is the fourth and last 
line. The true third line — the Base Hospital — is just within our own 
frontiers, and not too far from the field of operations : the base hospital of 
the Black Mountain campaign was at Campbellpore, not Bombay. No 
mention, too, is made of elephants or oxen as motive powers in connexion 
with artillery in India. There is an important dissertation on the colonial 
forces, which almost everywhere except Canada form a case of lucus a non 
lucendo. We regret to find the authors opposed to a local European 
army for India : it must eventually be formed, and will, we hope, renew 
the glories of the olden one — instance the Bengal Horse Artillery. We 
congratulate the gallant authors on the production of an excellent and 
much needed book, which is not only sure of becoming a favourite in the 
Service itself, but which appeals to all readers and which we recommend to 
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226 Reviews and Notices. 

ours, as a work of peculiar and deep interest to all who glory in being 
British subjects. 

37. The Currencies of the Hindu States of Rajputana^ by IV, Webb^ 
M,B., Ind. Med. Staff. (Westminster: A. Constable and Co., 1893.) In 
the East, the right of coining money has always been generally considered 
as one of the privileges of sovereignty ; but though theoretically every in- 
dependent chief in India may claim the right to coin, the practical incon- 
venience to the people, caused by the multiplication of currencies, renders 
it not only expedient but even necessary that India, in its present circum- 
stances, should have a coinage, uniform in size, shape, weight and purity. 
In this sense. Dr. Webb gives us an exhaustive account of the various 
coins current in Hindu Rajputana. They are very numerous, and their 
variety must seriously hamper inland trade. Except Udaipur, coining 
by Rajput princes began only in the last quarter of the i8th century, 
when the Mogul Empire was all but dead. Yet, nearly all the earlier coins 
of these mints bear the names of the Mogul Emperors. Dr. Webb, who 
has studied the subject deeply, gives good historical details regarding the 
coinage of 21 States, with valuable notes and well executed illustrations of 
the chief coins current. 

38. Helen Treveryan^ by Sir Mortimer Durand, K.C.I. E. (London and 
New York: Macmillan and Co., 1893; 3/6) is a pretty novel, with well 
drawn and interesting characters, descriptive of the European race in 
India. It gives a true account of both the good and the evil, instead of 
the grossly exaggerated libels that pass for portraits of Indian life. The 
incidents are well grouped and the story is diversified and well designed. 
From snipe-shooting to a tiger hunt, — from an inane dinner party to a war 
in Afghanistan, we have all the variety of scene and occupation, of incident 
and character peculiar to India. Sir Henry tells his tale well ; and the first 
climax is reached with rare artistic suddenness. He is occasionally prolix. 
Col. Russell is very prosy ; Lady Langley very strangely continues " Lady 
Mary " all through the book ; we have " blazing mince pies "; and though 
a cricket-stump is *' grazed," yet the batter goes on scoring threes and fours 
by hits to leg. Still the novel is an excellent one, in which Anglo-Indians 
will delight to meet the men and women they have known, and the general 
reader will enjoy a true insight into Indian life and manners. 

39. Through the Sikh War^ by G. A. Henty. (London : Blackie and 
Son; 1894; 6s.) Mr Henty is favourably known for a long series of 
historical stories, most of them illustrating episodes of British valour and 
patriotism : this volume gives the story of the conquest of the Punjab. It 
has 12 good illustrations; it is full of adventure; and it is all the more 
interesting for bringing prominently before our young men the great 
advantages for those who contemplate an Indian career, of learning, betimes 
and thoroughly, some of the Indian languages. 

40. Matabelelandy by A. R. Colquhoun. (London : The Leadenhall 
Press ; 1893.) A preliminary history of South Africa is followed by 
descriptions of various — 'lands : Matabele — , Bechuana — , Manika— , 
Mashona — . The British South Africa Company, the present war and its 
origin, the progress in the output of gold and diamonds in S. Afni;^ are all 

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Reviews and Notices. 227 

well told ; and five important documents are given as appendices. It is 
impossible to exaggerate the importance of this small book, written by one 
who has a thorough knowledge of the country, and full of information not 
easily accessible elsewhere in compact form. 

41. Chinese Central Asia^ by H, Lansdell^ D,D,^ 2 vols, (London : 
Sampson Low and Co., 1893; 36s.) The author — no new hand at 
Central Asian tr«^vel — does here for Chinese Central Asia what he had 
already down for other portions of those immense tracts and for Siberia. 
He travelled vid Russia: Moscow to the Caspian, Merv, Bokhara, 
Samarkand, Tashkend, Issik-Kul, Viemy, to the Chinese frontier. Chapter 
xii. deals with Manchuria, Mongolia and Sungaria. Kuldja, Aksu and 
Kashgar were visited, with an excursion to Khotan. Then through the 
Karakoram Pass, the author, who was bravely accompanied by his wife, 
went to Leh aud through Srinagar into India. After being at Khatmandu 
he wandered back home, seemingly at random, going to more places than 
we have space to specify. Dr. Lansdell, who tells us in his dedication to 
the Chinese Emperor, that the main object of his journey was religion, 
naturally has much to say on this important subject. As a matter of 
course, he is not fair to religions other than his own ; and his historical 
sketches of them are by no means unerring. Still on this, as on other 
matters — political, geographical, scientific — he pleasantly gives us plentiful 
information. The book is well illustrated and has three good maps. But, 
to convert nations, a great deal more is required than such indiscriminate 
sale or donation of portions of Scripture, as Dr. Lansdell indulged in ; for 
with a rather unreasoning liberality he distributed them impartially to 
Catholic missionaries who have at least as good versions of their own, and 
to Nepalese Coolies perfectly innocent of reading or writing. While the 
bulk of his book is not only interesting but excellent reading, his conclud- 
ing chapter, in which his missionary zeal fairly boils over in uncalled-for 
condemnation of others, requires a harder rap than the mild advice with 
which we conclude : Don't interfere with other missionaries ; Leave other 
Christians alone ; and Look at home first and propagate there the kingdom 
of God. 

42. The Pamirs, by the Earl of Dunmore, F.R,G,S,, 2 vols, (London : 
J.Murray; 1893; 24s.) Wisely eschewing politics and political prognosti- 
cations, Lord Dunmore simply gives us the Diary of his long travels from 
Rawul Pindi to Yarkand, thence through the Pamirs to Russian Turkes- 
tan, and back to England, vid Constantinople. As a diary it is excellent ; 
giving in a simple and pleasant style, the incidents of his long and remark- 
able journey, and interesting details of the country and people that he 
went through. He does not fail to give us historical notices of the chief 
places : his compendium of the doings of Russia in Central Asia is valu- 
able. As a rule, one does not expect deep and learned research in a 
traveller who traverses remote countries and converses through an interpreter. 
But our author gives excellent descriptions of the country with its difficulties, 
of the scenery with its glories and desolation, of the people with their 
manners and custom*?, and of animals and their ways. There are sporting 
adventures of course, but nothing " loud." He is enthusiastic in his praise 
of the Russian officers he met, and they deserve it for their kindly hospi- 

V 2 



228 Reviews and Notices. 

tality ; and he is sharp in his condemnation of Chinese officials of inferior 
rank, who seem to merit well the occasional raps he deals out. Of the 
Kirghiz he speaks with kindly feeling, and tells us much of their honesty, 
hospitality and general goodness. His suggestion that the Oxus source 
is the Aksu river, is deserving of consideration, and as we write is being 
discussed. In recording his long journey, Lord Dunmore has made a 
distinct contribution to our knowledge of the country he traversed and the 
people he met ; he gives us good maps and excellent illustrations ; and he 
writes always in good taste and pleasantly. We recommend the book to 
our readers. 

43. A Mission to Geiele, King of Dahomey^ by Captain Sir Richard 
Burton^ K.C,M,G,, etc. (Ix)ndon : Tylston and Edwards; 1893; 2 vols. ; 
I2S.). This work forms the 3rd and 4th vols, of the " Memorial Edition '* 
of this great traveller's writings, edited by his widow, Lady Burton. It con- 
tains a detailed account of a very remarkable country and its court, and 
describes, with perhaps too great minuteness, the rituals of Dahomeyan 
"customs," of which, before Captn. Burton's visit, tales had been spread 
mixed with wild exaggerations. Written in Burton's lively style, it shows 
his powers of observation and description, as well as his cynical disposi- 
tion and too frequent indelicacy of expression. The ethnology and 
philology of the country are carefully treated, and there is an important 
chapter on the " Negro's real place in nature," in which Burton does not 
go into ecstasies on the future of the true African race. An Appendix 
gives the catalogue of the Dahomeyan Kings since 1625, with a con- 
densed history of their deeds. Captn. Burton clearly foretold the gradual 
but sure deterioration of Dahomey, consequent on the " custom " of 
periodical slaughter and of an Amazonian soldiery, which by limiting re- 
production caused both weakness in the country and degeneracy in its 
inhabitants. The continuance of these causes, during the 30 years since 
Burton visited Dahomey, has led to the easy breaking up of the Kingdom 
by the French. Burton's work was well done ; and the publishers of this 
edition have reproduced it in excellent style. The editing leaves some- 
thing to be desired : for instance, one might reasonably have expected at 
least that the brief history of Dahomey would have been brought down to 
date, and King Behanzm mentioned ; but it ends precisely where Burton 
left it— at 15th March, 1864. 

44. The Mysore Census ^1891, by V. N. Narasimmeyengar, (Banga- 
lore : The Govt. Central Press, 1893). In a volume slighdy larger than 
that of the Imperial Census Report, we have here the special Report 
of the Mysore official who superintended the census operations in this, 
which we may call, we hope without invidious heartburnings, the model 
native state of India. The general results are given also in the Imperial 
Census report; but here are the special details, elaborated with the greatest 
care ; and the work reflects the highest credit on the Mysore Government 
and on Mr. Narasimmeyengar, the Superintendent of its census operations. 

45. Report of the Zth Indian National Congress (1892) (Allahabad : 
The Indian Press, 1893) gives verbatim reports of the speeches and 
describes the 625 men who professed to represent Indian public opinioni 
which they neither represent nor even know. Educated on the European 



Reviews and Notices. 229 

model and elected ( — all who know India know what that means — ) at 
special town-meetings, they represent only a part of the town population 
of various parts of India. The Indian peeple are mostly rural—nearly 
90 per cent. This congress, therefore, represents only a microscopical 
fraction,— a section by no means the most loyal, the best, the most warlike 
or the most important. Their self-appointed task is to pick holes in all 
that is. They clamour for Representative Government, which is at present 
an impossibility in India ; and for an increase in the number of native 
employh : practically for their own nomination in both cases. Such how- 
ever as it is, the body met at Allahabad, on the 28th, 29th, and 30th 
December, 1892, and passed 22 resolutions. These included the reform 
of the Legislative Councils (the last act regarding which, does not, of 
course, content them), — the reconstitution of the Indian Civil Service 
(about which a petition is to be presented to Parliament) — the separation 
of the judicial from the executive administration (a most desirable thing, 
could the finances of India bear it), — the currency question (on which 
they counsel inaction !), — the Jury question, — the expenditure on military 
and educational purposes, — " grievous distress '* (in a Dadabhaian sense) 
among the Indian people, — the Forest laws, — a Legislative Council for 
the Punjab. All the 22 resolutions were "carried unanimously," which 
with 625 members present, speaks volumes for independence of thought 
and speech. Rajputana was unrepresented, and only 4 of the 19 who 
hailed from the Punjab were Punjabis. The Punjab Legislative Council 
was proposed and seconded by two pleaders neither of whom had nuich 
to say for it or was himself a Punjabi. The seconder said (p. 109) : "If 
I had dared to give utterance to such feelings in regard to honourable 
members, and if I4iad been a native from some native State (sic\ then 
perhaps you would have found my head off my shoulders." Just so : it is 
a great pity that most of the members and fautors of this pretended 
National Congress are not ** natives of some native State." Justice for 
India and the utmost consideration for the real voice and feelings of its 
people, we always advocate ; but this Congress is quite another thing. 
Noisy, turbulent, dissatisfied and self-seeking, it certainly is not a repre- 
sentative of India and has no claim to speak in the name of India : we 
hope its loud talk will be treated with the contempt it deserves. Govern 
India with justice, be kind to the people, redress every wrong, and educate 
them to govern themselves — that is all that India really wants just now. Let 
us not mistake this sham National Congress for the Indian people. — V. 

46. A Year Amongst the Persians^ by Edward G. Browne, (London : 
A. and C. Black; 1893; 21s.) Mr. Browne, Lecturer in Persian at 
Cambridge, is well known by his writings on the Bdbi movement, and any- 
thing concerning Persia, that issues from his pen, is welcome. The main 
interest of this book lies in its portraiture of Persian society — chiefly of the 
Bohemian type. His personal adventures on the journey are of no special 
interest to any except those contemplating a like undertaking. Indeed, 
as the volume is somewhat bulky, we wish that these lengthy notes of 
travel might have been curtailed Not so his wonderfully vivid repro- 
ductions of discussions with Persians on metaphysics and religion. These 

conversational portions of his work form, as it were, a hand-book to 

. . o 



2 30 Reviews and Notices, 

advanced modern Persian thought. What renders this work additionally 
attractive are the delightful quotations from the Persian poets, which it 
contains. It was at Kirman that while suffering from an attack of 
ophthalmia, he was induced to try the soothing effects of Opium ; and it 
is the description of the levies he held while under the influence of the 
poppy, his cheerful gatherings with other IfyClnis (or opium smokers) that 
form the most entertaining portion of the book. In his garden he used to 
meet men of every sect ; and subjects of every variety, from the Indivisible 
Atom to Wine-bibbing, came under discussion. The book also contains 
amusing stories and exciting adventures, related to the author by his 
Persian acquaintances. Sheykh Ibrahim's narrative of how he narrowly 
escaped being strangled, while in prison with others of "the sect," is 
admirably reproduced. Of a lighter character is the story told of the mad 
Dervish, who with various accusations destroyed in succession four out of 
five little clay figures, calling them respectively " Omar, Abd Bekr, All, 
Mohammed and Allah, and was about to destroy this last when a poor 
man who had hidden himself in the tree under the shade of which all this 
had taken place, being overcome at this blasphemy, called out to the 
Dervish to desist, and this latter, thunderstruck at hearing this voice appa- 
rently from the clouds, fell down dead. Almost incredible is the story of 
the Bab! courier who was detained in prison, prior to his examination, and 
finding no means of destroying or hiding the letters he was bearing, ate 
them in order to escape detection. What Mr. Browne tells us concerning 
the Zoroastrians is most interesting : and we are shown how liable to mis- 
apprehension is the Xitiva fire worshipper. Though these people are not 
subject to as much persecution as formerly, certain very ignominious duties 
with regard to Mohammedans are still incumbent upon them. They must, 
for example, always dismount, when they meet a Mohammedan of what- 
ever rank or age, on the road : and all are compelled to wear the distinctive 
dull yellow outer garment. For the first few months of his year in Persia 
Mr. Browne met with no success in his search for Bdbis. He unexpectedly 
met with the first genuine one, in the person of a pedlar, and from that 
time on he seems to have had but little difficulty in finding adherents to 
the new doctrine. What Mr. Browne tells us in this volume concerning 
the Bdb and his followers he has for the most part already given to the 
world in other works ; still many will read this ** book of travel," and be 
interested to learn about the movement, who will perhaps never have heard 
of Mr. Browne's other more professedly learned and specialist books. A 
book which introduces us to the inner life of a highly imaginative nation is 
no mean contribution to literature and we heartily congratulate Mr. Browne 
on the admirable manner in which he has fulfilled his task. 

47. A Journey through the Yemen, by Walter B, Harris^ KK.G.S, 
(Edinburgh and London : W. Blackwood and Sons; 1893 > ^^s.) Much 
of the matter contained in this book has already appeared, together with 
many of the excellent illustrations, in the Illustrated London News, Mr. 
Harris set out with the intention of learning more than had hitherto been 
known about the Yemen in general and its ancient capital, Sanaa, in par- 
ticular. He was, however, prevented from carrying out his task by one of 
the periodical revolts of the Arabs against their Turkish^ masters. From 



Reviews and Notices. 231 

his account of the Yemen rebellion we learn that though the Arabs of that 
province still retain a strong feeling of national independence, they are but 
little prepared to offer serious opposition to the high-handed Turk, who 
seems skilled in the art of crushing sedition. Mr. Harris's descriptions of 
the country are from a geographical point of view, exceedingly interesting. 
He shows us that the Yemen is composed of two distinct systems of 
country ; the one waste desert plains where but little rain falls during the 
year, and the other a country of hills, valleys and plateaux, well watered 
and " enjoying a climate that for salubrity may be said to equal any in 
the tropics." The time of rebellion is not the most suitable for travelling 
in a country, and it is surprising that the author contrived to gather so 
much- information as he did. For in spite of his passports some of his 
time was spent in prison as a supposed spy. His ultimate release was due 
to attacks of fever which led the Governor to fear that he might possibly 
soon have to account for a European corpse. 

48. U. y^\ ^/i^ (The flashing unique pearls). This is a new edition of 

the Arabic-French Vocabulary issued by the well-known Catholic press at 
Beyrout and compiled by Father J. B. Belot S.J. (Price 10 francs.) The 
volume contains a mass of information, consisting as it does, of 994 pages 
royal 8vo in small print. As the work is intended for the constant, prac- 
tical use of students of Arabic, it is difficult to see why so little attention 
should have been paid to a proper arrangement of roots and derivations by 
which reference might be rapid and easy, and, secondly, why the Arabic 
type chosen should, with the exception of that used on the title page, be 
so very hideous and small. In studying such a very difficult language as 
Arabic the object surely is to gain access to the vast ocean of Arabic 
literature. That literature is intimately connected with the Muhammadan 
religion and Muhammadan thought and civilization ; in fact, true classical 
Arabic — the only Arabic worth studying — may almost be called a product 
of Isldm. Yet, in spite of this incontrovertible circumstance, the learned 
Jesuit father leaves out as much as possible the Moslem ingredient of the 
language, thus depriving his work of most of its value. As an instance of 
what we mean, we may cite the words *-*£/*• (Sherif) and ^J^ (Sayyad) the 
correct or usual meaning of which is not even indicated ; on the other 
^nd jo^ (Sayyadat) a term applicable to the Virgin Mary, figures con- 
spicuously — but cui bono to the real student ? 

49. The Moslem Present (Bombay : 'Abdul *Ali Faizullibhai Moochala 
and Co. ; London : Williams and Norgate). Under this heading it is, we 
gather, intended to issue as a series an Anthology of Arabic Poems 
bearing on the faith of Islim. Part I. which is before us is the cele- 
brated gj^jigo^ "The Poem of the Scarf" by Sharfuddln Abu 'Abdulldh 
Muhammad bin Saeed al Misree^ more usually known by his surname of 
BOsaree, The text is edited by Shaikh Faizullah Bhai and to it is added a 
very good translation into English, as well as a commentary of some merit 
A few of the explanations in the latter, however, do not increase the 
reader's knowledge of the text in the least and nothing warrants their 
having been printed. Thus, on the first page, the note to the line ** Or is 

it because the wind has blown from the direction of Kdzimah," points opfg 



232 Reviews and Notices. 

that Kdzimah is the " name of a place," and in the line " Or is it because 
lightning has flashed . . . from the mount of Izam," Izam is explained to 
be the " name of a mountain " I Absurdities such as these tend to detract 
from a work which, otherwise, all Arabists must hail with pleasure. 

50. An Essay on the Pre-Islamitic Arabic Poetry is by the learned editor 
and translator of the preceding work and is issued by the same publishers. 
There is much of interest in the author's sketch especially in the portion 
devoted to the consideration of the famous "Suspended Poems." 

51. Elementary Arabic Text and Glossary by F. Du Pr^ Thornton. 
(London: W. H. Allen and Co.) This is a useful book for beginners 
of Arabic, — not by itself, but in conjunction with other works of a 
more comprehensive and systematic scope. It reminds us of the notes a 
diligent student might make for himself, during one term's study of Arabic ; 
such notes are no doubt helpful, but they are rarely published. Mr. 
Thornton is to be congratulated for his correct appreciation of the value of 
classical Arabic Fliigel's " Concordantiae " are very well known to 
scholars, and as the work was not issued yesterday by some promising 
young German Arabbt, it is silly to refer to the author as " Herr Gustav 
Fliigel." Mr. Thornton would exclude the greater portion of valuable 
Arab literature, by recognising that portion only as classical, that antedates 
the downfall of the Benu 'Omayya. The great literary life of the Arabs 
may, on the contrary, be said to have only commenced with the last years 
of the 'Omayyides and the accession to power of the descendant of 'Abbas. 

52. A book bearing a superficial resemblance to Mr. Thornton's 
"Elementary Arabic Text" but, unlike the former, capable of being 
placed by itself, into the hands of beginners of Arabic and thoroughly 
adapted to the requirements of a systematic elementary course, is M, y. 
HarfoucKs "Le Premier Livre de TArabisant " issued by the Imprimerie 
Catholique of Beyrout. Some of the transliterations are startling to 
English eyes ; thus Sinn^ a tooth, is given (in the nominative) as Sinnon, 

53. Bibliographic des Ouvragcs Arabes, by Prof. Victor Chauvin (Li^ge : 
H. Vaillant-Carmanne). A carefully compiled and scholarly bibliography 
of Arabic works, or works bearing on the Arabs, published in Europe during 
the period 1 810 to 1885. 

54. Ghazelsfrom the Divan of Hafiz done into English by Justin Huntly 
McCarthy (David Nutt ; 7s. 6d.). It is difficult to criticise this book; its 
exterior appearance and contents are alike charming and as the author 
does not pretend to have either given a literal translation or to have made 
any contribution to Oriental scholarship, it is idle to dwell on verbal 
mistranslations or on occasional constructions that are only very loosely 
connected with the original Persian text. The author inclines neither to 
a mystical nor to an essentially materialistic translation of Hkfiz, but he 
takes the verses as he finds them and interprets them according to the 
ordinary Persian vocabulary, as best he can. For the general reader, alive 
to the charms of Oriental thought and mental imagery, this will prove a 
delightful volume and there is no doubt that, apart from isolated passages, 
the author certainly conveys the general meaning of the poet deducible 
from the Persian text in its exoteric garb. 

55. We have to record with much gratification the issue of two works 



Reviews and Notices. 233 

from the Cambridge University Press that will be welcome to Orientalists 
in widely different fields of study. One is the Tarikh-i-Jadid, " The New 
History " referring to the Bib and the Bibi movement from the stand- 
point of the Bibi sect of Behiis. It is translated from the Persian by 
Mr. E. G. Browne of Cambridge, well known for his great attainments as 
a Persian scholar and as an authority on the Bibis — witness his " Traveller's 
Narrative of the Bib " published about a year ago. Another excellent 
work by this same author on Persia is discussed in our present issue. 
The Tarikh-i'Jadtd is introduced by a portrait of 5ub^I-Ezel the de jure 
successor of the Bab, round whom, however, only a few of the faithful still 
gather, by far the greater number having been carried away by the more 
practical genius of Behiullah. Mr. Brown's Introduction is by no means 
the least interesting or instructive part of the book, which to some extent 
covers the same ground as the ** Traveller's Narrative," with the difference 
that it is more condensed, and also " edited," with the view of glorifying 
Beha at the expense of the Bib. 

A really impartial and trustworthy history would be a desideratum, and 
it is singularly unfortunate that through the force of circumstances the 
genuine original history should still be untranslated, whilst its two later 
developments have received publicity in English. 

Whilst confidently predicting, therefore, a still further contribution to the 
Bib question, on similar lines, from the pen of Mr. Browne, we can in the 
meanwhile recommend the Tarikh-i-Jadid to the perusal of those who are 
either interested in the matter itself, or in Persian literature, or in philoso- 
phical enquiries and questions of religious development and ideals. 

56. The other volume of the Cambridge Press, entitled " The Mummy," 
is by Mr. E. A. W. Budge, the Assistant-Keeper of Egyptian and 
Assyrian Antiquities at the British Museum. It is a work showing con- 
siderable erudition ; around the Mummy and Egyptian Funeral Archaeo- 
logy a mass of information is grouped, embracing almost all the main 
results of Egyptology and our knowledge of that marvellous people of long 
past ages. The history and methods of the decipherment of Hiero- 
glyphics are very ably dealt with, the merits of Akerblad, Young and 
Cham poll ion, as original discoverers, are discussed, and even the failures of 
other investigators are noted ; above all, such a large collection of car- 
touches and hieroglyphic inscriptions with their transliterations and render- 
ings is given, that the work, in spite of its somewhat unsystematic arrange- 
ment, is quite indispensable alike to learners and the learned in Egyptology. 
We regret that the space at our disposal has only allowed us to refer to the 
main features of Mr. Budge's excellent and most interesting volume. 

57. Romance of the Insect Worlds by L. N. Badenoch, with illustrations 
by Margaret Badenoch (London: Macmillan and Co., 1893; 6s.). This 
is a charming volume profusely and artistically illustrated, written in an easy 
and entertaining manner and at the same time, scientifically accurate. It 
gives the reader a glimpse into the mysteries of the insect world and 
will fascinate both young and old and interest alike the unscientific and 
specialist. The book concludes with a very full and accurate glossary of 
scientific terms and a carefully compiled index. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



234 Reviews and Notices. 

58. The Eival Powers in Central Asia, by Josef Popowski. Translated 
by A. B. Brabant and edited by C. E. D. Black. (London : Archibald 
Constable and Co., Westminster, 1893, 8vo.) This is a very remarkable 
work which should be in the hands of every statesman and politician 
interested, as who is not, in "ihe Eastern Question" in the wide sense 
which begins with Turkey and ends with India and China. The author 
rather disentangles than dissects that Gordian knot, but his conclusions, 
like the various endings of a game of chess, all result in the "checkmate" 
of England unless she joins the Triple Alliance. Step by step, this un- 
im passioned Austrian, who regrets what he foresees but cannot avoid, 
shows a number of possible combinations which all end in the common 
disaster, unless Russia is attacked in the Caucasus and what is now 
Circassia, without the Circassians, is wrenched from her. This book 
should be read, so far as the invasion of India by Russia is concerned, 
side by side with Sir Charles McGregor's " Defence of India " which it 
confirms or corrects in many particulars. The Map which accompanies 
the work showing the Pamir region and part of Afghanistan in connection 
with the N.W. Frontier of India, is simply invaluable at the present con- 
juncture of affairs, and shows the importance of Mr. C. E. D. Black's 
co-operation, though we do not agree in all of his conclusions and consider 
his spelling of Oriental names, such as Miyan for Miyiin, incorrect as also 
a part of his version of Gilgit-Chitrdl affairs which appears to be based on 
official documents. Amidst the mass of accounts of Central Asia and of 
Russian designs, this book stands out as the one par excellence which 
combines accurate knowledge with the calmest of judgments. 

59. We hear that Messrs. W. H. Allen, whose revived energies, as attested 
by many recent publications, are worthy of the great traditions of that Firm, 
intend to bring out, among other works on Oriental Literature, a second 
Edition of the roost valuable ** Dictionary of Islam " by the Rev. T. P. 
Hughes, B.D., for many years a Church Missionary at Peshawar, without 
which no Student of Muhammadanism should be. If we, however, might 
venture " to paint the lily," we would suggest the omission of the Chapter 
on the " Sikhs " who are, in no sense, adherents of that faith, and whose 
raison d^itre, on the contrary, is opposition to its followers and special 
tenets. This Chapter has been contributed by one who was never in India. 
It may be hypercriticism to object to an addition to the Mussulman treasury 
to which Mr. Hughes' Dictionary is the key ; but it is, nevertheless, an 
incongruity which disfigures an authoritative work of reference. We would 
also suggest some modifications under the head of what sacrifices are 
required at the I'd festival, although Mr. Hughes' view supports the con- 
tention of this Review on the ** cow-killing " question. Finally, we would 
recommend an alteration in the treatment of the question. of the Khalifa, 
as the legitimate successor of the Prophet in Sunni acceptance. It is a 
" Shiah " notion to require him to be of Koreish descent ; the Sunnis reject 
the hereditary principle and elect their Chief, though they accept the Sultan 
of Turkey as Khalifa by the consent of the faithful If he also had not the 
power to enforce his orders by an army, he could not remain the Khaltfa, 
for the Grand Sherif of Mecca is of the purest Koreish descent and yet 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Index to Reviews and Notices, 235 

is not the Khalifa. To sum up — there are two kinds of Khalifas as 
" Defenders of the Faith " : '* the perfect " and " the imperfect." The 
former unites all the qualifications of descent, intellect and moral conduct, 
which a Khalifa should have ; the latter is what " a Defender of the Faith " 
may happen to be as a matter of fact, the mere secular Head, lending his 
power to the support of his faith, but ceasing to be " a Defender," should 
he cease to be a Monarch. Let Mr. Hughes, therefore, modify his state- 
ment as to what constitutes a legitimate Khalifa. 



INDEX TO REVIEWS AND NOTICES. 

W. H. Allen and Co,, Nos. i, 6, 14, 16, 20, 29, 51 and 59. 

Berger-Levraulty No. 35. A, and C, Black, 5 and 46. Blackie and Son, 39. 

Blackwood and Sons, Nos. 9 and 47. (See also p. i of advertisements.) 

Chapman and Hall, Nos. 13 and 18. Cassell and Co., 7. 

A, Constable and Co,, 33, 37 and 58. 

The Cambridge University Press, Nos. 55 and 56. (See also p. iii of 
advertisements.) 

T7u Clarendon Press {H, Frowde), Nos. 10 and 31, and special reviews 
on pp. 148-153. (See also advertisement on outside cover.) 

Eyre and Spottiswoode, No. 23. Fisher Unwin, 1 2 and 26. W, Heine- 
mann, 27. 

Kegan Paul and Co,, Nos. 3, 19 and 21. Leadenhall Press, 40. 
Le Monnier, 28. 

Macmillan and Co,, Nos. 8, 38 and 57. John Murray, 42. Z>. Nutt, 54. 

Osgood, Mcllvaine and Co,, Nos. 15 and 38. G, P, Putnam's Sons, 17 
and 24. 

/Religious Tract Society, No. 4. Sampson Low and Co,, 41. Swan 
Sonnenschein and Co,, 25 and 34. 

H.M's Stationery Office, No. 36. Thacker and Co,, 2. 

Tylston and Edwards, No. 43. (See also p. iv of advertisements.) 

Vaillant'Carmanne, No. 53. F, Warne and Co,, 22. Williams and 
Norgate, 49 and 50. Wesley an Mission House, 30. 

Allahabad Indian Press, 45. Bangalore Govt, Press, 44. 

Bombay Education Society s Press, 1 1 . Beyrout Catholic Press, 48 and 5 2. 

In pursuance of the intention announced in our last issue of reviewing, 
or specially noticing, all available publications, so far as we can ascertain 
them, in Oriental Languages and Literature, whether new or old, we have 
much pleasure in drawing attention to the last Catalogue of the eminent 
Antiquarian and Publisher, Mr. Bernard Quaritch, of 15, Piccadilly, which 
is inserted at the end of this Review, and in which Scholars and Students 
of various Oriental specialities will find treasures within their reach. 

OUR LIBRARY TABLE. 
We have just received W. and A. Keith Johnston's Atlas 0/ India (7s. 6d.), 
containing 15 maps with letter-press explanations and an Index : on a 
preliminary examination we find it excellent We have received also, too 
late for review in this number, i. Words on Existing Religions, by th€ 
Hon. A, S. G, Canning (London : W. H. Allen and Co. 1893 ; 3s. 6d.)Ogle 



236 Our Library Table. 

2. The Mohammadan Dynasties, by Stanley Lane-Poole. (Westminster : A. 
Constable and Co. 1894.) 3. The Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XLI. : 
The Satapatha Brahmana, by J, Eggeling, (Oxford : The Clarendon Press ; 
1894.) The great pressure on our space compels us to postpone notices of 
4. Alexandrian and Carthaginian Theology contrasted, by the Rev. J. B. 
Heard (Edinburgh : T. and T. Clark, 1893), and 5. Christianity and the 
Ideal of Humanity, by Prof, Blackie, (Edinburgh: D. Douglas; 1893.) 
6. The Caricature of German in English Schools, by Curt Abel-Musgrave, 
(London : W. Rice), a pamphlet showing the defects of the German 
grammars in use in English schools. 7. Report on the Bombay. Presidency 
Local Boards, for 1891-92: the annual Blue-book on this subject, full of 
statistical and other information. 8. A Maori Dictionary, by Bishop W. 
Williams, Z>. CL, (Auckland : Upton and Co., London : Williams and 
Norgate; 1892.) 9. The Burman Empire, by Father San Germane, edited 
by the Hon. J, Jar dim, (Westminster : A Constable and Co. 1893.) 

The Government of Burma has favoured the Oriental University Institute 
with the following books which we propose to review, as also other works of a 
Government that is doing much for the promotion of the Oriental Learning 
of Burmah and adjacent countries : 10. A Mission to Mandalay in 1867, by 
Col. A. Fytche, 1 1 . Notes on Buddhist Laws, by/.Jardine. 1 2. An Essay 
on the Sources and development of Burman Laws, by the late E. Porch- 
hammer, Ph.D. 13. ICing Wagaru's Manu Dhammasatcham, by Dr. E. 
Forchhammer. 14. Inscriptions of Pagan, Pinya and Ava, by Dr. E. 
Forchhammer. 15. Essay on the Languages of the Southern Chins, by 
Bernard Houghton, CS. 16. Maung Pet Pyo's Customary Laws of the 
Chins, with a preface byj.jardine. 17. The Gazetteer of Burma ; Vols. L 
and IL 18. Paramatihasarupa bhedani. 19. Grammatical Notes and 
Vocabulary of the Peguan Language, by the Ret)./. M. Haswell. 



We have likewise to acknowledge, with thanks : — i. Boletim da Sociedade 
de Geographia de Lisbon (12 series, Nos. i and 2), in which we note a 
journey by C J. Alford from Durban to Beira in 1892;— 2. The Journal 
of the Royal Asiatic Society (October, 1893), where Mr. J. Burgess gives a 
good paper on Hindu Astronomy, and Major Conder on Hittite Writing ; 
— 3. Annual Report of the National Indian Association for 1892 (Constable 
and Co.) ; — 4. Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien, in 
which is a profusely illustrated paper of " Studien zur germanischen Volks- 
kunde," by Prof. Dr. R. Meangir ; — 5. Transactions of the Japanese 
Society, Vol. L, giving, besides a list of Members, the Proceedings for 1892 
and for April 1893, ^^^ containing many beautiful illustrations and valuable 
papers on Japanese art; — 6. Journal of the East India Association, 1893, 
containing a paper by Mr. Pennington refuting Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji's 
oft-repeated assertions of Indian poverty; — t. Journal of the Anthropo- 
logical Society of Bombay, Vol. III., No. 2, in which the progress of this 
science in India is noted by Mr. H. H. Risley ;— 8. Boletin de la Sociedad 
Geografica de if/a//r/^ (Madrid : Fortanet and Co., 1893), ^^^^ ^s usual, of 
valuable geographical information ; — 9. La Civilta Cattolica (Rome : A. 

Beflani, the well-known leading Catholic Continental periodical ; — 

. . o 



Our Library Table. 237 

10. Biblia, an American monthly magazine of Oriental research (Meriden : 
Gmn., U.S.A.); — 11. La Revue Gen'erale (Bruxelles : Soc Beige de 
Librairie) ; — 12. The Review of Reviews^ by W. T. Stead ; — 13. La Revue 
des Revues (Paris); — 14. The American Journal of Philology (Baltimore, 
U.S.A.) ; — 15. The Tropical Agriculturist (Colombo : A. and J. Ferguson), 
a useful monthly, full of technical information ; — 16. The Monthly Literary 
Register, from the same place and publishers; — 17. The Contemporary 
Ranew (London : Isbister and Co.) ; — 18. The National Review (London : 
W. H. Allen and Co.) ; — 19. La Minerva (Roma : Societk Laziale), a 
good spicilegium from English and other Reviews; — 20. Le Polybiblion 
(Paris: Rue St. Simon); — 21. The Strand Magazine^ and 22. The Picture 
Magazine — both maintaining their usual excellence ; — 23. The Religious 
Rtineiv of Reviews ; — 24. The Missionary Review (New York : Funk and 
Wagnalls);— 25. Tung-Poo, a bi-monthly Chinese Magazine of Professors 
G. Schlegeland H. Cordier (Leyden : E. J. Brill) ;— 26. Comptes Rendus de 
la Sociktt de Giographie (Paris); — 27. Zw^t^ (London) ; — 28. The Royal 
Scottish Geographical Society's Magazine (Edinburgh) ; — 29. Le Bulletin des 
Sommaires (Faxis) ; — 30. Marine et Colonies i^2C[\^ \ — 31. Public Opinion 
(Washington and New York) ; — 32. Public Opinion (London) ; — 33. Ueber 
Land und Meer (Stuttgart) ; — 34. Journal of the Society of Arts (London) ; 
— 35. The Moslem World (New York); — 36. Lndia (London) ;— 37. i> 
Memorial Diplomatique (Paris); — z^. La Revue d^ Orient (Buda-Pest); — 
39. Major A. H. H. Mercer and the Duke of Cambridge (Blackheath : 
C. North, 1893) ; — 4o- TJu Illustrated English Magazine, Want of space 
prevents our noticing many others in detail. 

We have just seen, and hope to review in our next issue, the fairly 
edited two volumes of the Transactions of the Oriental Congress that met 
in London in 1892 and arrogated to itself the name and title of the Con- 
gress held in the previous year, which it dropped under a threat of legal 
proceedings and reassumed when the time for them had passed The 
meeting of 1892 was a failure and the publication of both the valuable and 
the waste papers that were read, or not read, before it, will still further 
show this, though such publication will not be permitted under the usurped 
name of the " 9th International Congress of Orientalists " which took place 
under the Statutes with such dclat the previous year, to which Her Majesty 
sent a message, at which 37 Governments and nations were represented 
and where 192 papers were read which form a Library of Reference not 
only on all subjects of Oriental research, but also on their practical applica- 
tion in education, politics and commerce. The Tenth Congress of the 
legitimate series has long ago issued its publications from Lisbon and the 
Eleventh will take place at Paris in 1895 on the occasion of the celebration 
of the centenary of the foundation of the famous Paris Oriental School, 
pEcole des langues orientales vivantes. There may, however, be a successor 
of the pseudo-Ninth of 1892, by a pseudo-Tenth of Geneva to be held 
this year, if the authorities and learned bodies of that city are misled into 
holding a second Tenth, which would be an affront to the King and people 
of Portugal and a stultification of their own action in sending a representa- , 
ive of the University of Geneva to the legitimate " Ninth ' of 1891. JOglC 



238 



SUMMARY OF EVENTS. 

India. — The office of Viceroy, after much delay, has at last been accepted 
by the Rt Honble. Victor Alexander Bruce, Earl of Elgin and Kincardine. 
His Lordship, who starts for India early in January, will be the loth Vice- 
roy and 25th Governor General : we sincerely wish him a prosperous and 
useful career, in the unknown regions which will soon be under his sway. 
It is an open secret that the continual interference of secretaries of state 
and parliamentary busybodies renders leading men at home dbinclined to 
assume what is the greatest and used to be one of the most coveted of ap- 
pointments in the gift of a Ministry. Lord Lansdowne has been spending 
the concluding months of his Indian career in a tour through the country. 
After seeing Agra, he proceeded to Burma, visited Rangoon, Mandalay, 
Bhamo and Prome, and returned to Calcutta. Unfortunately some deaths 
from cholera occurred among the Chin chiefs who had come to visit him, 
which may lead to renewed trouble among those ignorant tribes, who are 
sure to attribute the deaths to. the disapproval of their submission by the 
Nats, if not to poison. The Commander in Chiefs tour includes the 
Punjab, N. W. Provinces and a visit to Nepal. The Hon. M. Mehta of 
Bombay and the Hon. Mir Humayon Jah Bahadur of Madras have been 
appointed additional members of the Governor General's Council ; and 
Mr. James Westland, C.S.I., succeeds Sir D. Barbour as Financial Member. 
We hope he will be a greater success than his predecessor ; and recommend 
him to study the effects of buying his own gold in India and ending, once 
for all, the evils to Indian finance of the sale in London of Indian Council 
Bills. The exchange during the quarter touched 1.3^, — fell back to 1.3, 
rose again to 1.3/^, and as we write has once more fallen to 1.3/5. '^^ 
repeal of the Sherman Bill in America has exercised no appreciable influence 
on the Indian market, showing conclusively that its fluctuations were not 
solely due to the fall in the price of silver. A Bill has been passed 
authorizing a Loan of ;^i 0,000, 000, to meet the Home Charges, and this, 
stopping the sale of Councils Bills, will leave the settlement of exchange 
solely as a commercial transaction. The principle is right ; but the borrowing 
in England simply adds to the charges which India will eventually have to pay 
and aggravates the evil of their continual increase. The gold required could 
easily be purchased in India and sent to England without further borrowing. 
The " Member for India " was absent from the discussion on this Bill, having 
gone to preside over the IXth Session of the so-called National Congress, at 
Lahore. The import of silver, lately on the decline, is again increasing. 

The chief event in India has been the successful mission of Sir 
H. Mortimer Durand to Kabul. Going as the Amir's guests, the mission 
was everywhere received wiih great honour and hospitality ; and the nego- 
tiations, so far as is known at present, were completely successful. All 
through, the Amir was kindness itself and cordiality. Chitral, Bajaur, 
Swat and the neighbouring states in the Indo-Kohistan are declared under 
British influence, the Amir retaining Asmar, north of Jelalabad. The 

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Summary of Events. 239 

Kurram valley remains as already settled. The Waziris, including Wana, 
pass under British influence, thus securing the Gonial route, and rounding 
off the Zhob valley. The Amir withdraws from Chargeh in Beluchistan ; 
and New Chaman is secured The Amir's annual subsidy is raised from 
12 to 18 lakhs ; and the restrictions imposed a year ago on the importation 
of arms and stores to Afghanistan are removed. We congratulate Sir Henry 
Durand on his success ; his action in Afghanistan has been a model for 
courtesy and business-like ability. 

The report of Dr. Voelcker, who in 1889-90 investigated the state of 
agriculture in India, has induced the Indian Government to hold a con- 
ference of the Directors of the Agricultural Departments of the various 
local Governments of India, under the presidency of Sir E. Buck : much 
technical matter has been proposed, discussed and adopted. The Tele- 
graph Department reports a good dividend, and an increase in private 
traffic of Rs. 350,600. There was a loss of Rs. 150,000 consequent on 
the reduced charges for Australia : 179 new offices and 2,415 more miles 
were opened, at a cost of Rs. 1,750,000. The telegraph is working between 
Srinagar and Astor. The Indo-European Telegraph Dept. showed a nett 
profit of Rs. 437,668, against Rs. 162,034 in 1891. 

A railway conference was held at Siinla. Government have resolved to 
encourage private enterprize in railways by granting the free use of land, by 
providing rolling stock, and maintaining and working new lines by their 
main line administrations at favourable rates, by making surveys at the 
expense of the State, by conveying stores and materiel over State lines on 
easy terms, by granting limited rebates from main line earnings towards 
ensuring 4J % on capital ; each project, however, will be considered on its 
own merits, for the concession of some or all of these favours. The 
Government are also prepared to have lines carried out for capitalists, by 
their Public Works Department. The Railway returns for the half year 
ending 30th September showed 15,694 miles, and an increase of Rs. 150,000 
over that of the previous year. The Great Indian Peninsular, the East 
Indian, the Rajputana-Malwa, and the Burma State lines showed a loss; 
all the other lines had improved. An accident at Karaimada in Coimba- 
tore resulted in 39 killed and 45 wounded : it was due to a flood. The 
Indian Govt, despatch on simultaneous Civil Service examinations was sent 
to England in November. 

The scandalous Mymensingh case has been compromised. Mr. Phillips 
has apologised for his blunders, and Raja Surja Kanth Acharya has with- 
drawn his suit for Rs. 60,000 damages for malicious prosecution. This 
matter requires further attention. The Government of Bengal has success- 
fully organized the sale at the Post Offices, of quinine in 5 grain doses for 
I pice (=1.5 farthing); in September 120,000 doses were sold. In 1892, 
private individuals in Bengal spent Rs. 441,407, of which \ were for tanks. 

The mischievous Opium Commission is now conducting its labours in 
India and Burma ; and, as in England, is receiving flatly contradictory 
evidence. To help its decisions, the Government has ordered the careful 
compilation of opium statistics, especially in the native Army, where its 
consumers are continually under careful European supervision, both 

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240 Summary of Events. 

medical and military. This, Sir J. Pease, with characteristic unfairness, 
calls ** straining every nerve " in favour of Opium. Had the Government 
not acted as they have, he would equally have blamed them for obstructing 
the commission. Meanwhile we note that the statistics of the Oriental Life 
Insurance Co. have proved that, during 20 years of their operations, not 
one death has been recorded due to opium, and that its use is so well 
known not to produce the mighty evils alleged against it, that they actually 
have no extra premium for opium-takers. We have to record another evil 
result of this continued interference about opium : under the pressure of 
the Home Government, 2 1 opium " dens " were closed in Bombay, on the 
31st July ; — the " dens " had a regular hour for closing, were under police 
supervision, and their owners had to maintain order and to eject bad 
characters. Within four months, 60 known Opium "clubs" have been 
formed, besides secret ones. Both are private, and can be used without 
interference from the police; for when their managers were promptly 
prosecuted, the courts declared that no law was violated, and that they 
must be allowed to continue their work. So, rash interference actually is 
aggravating the very thing which these agitators abuse. 

More rioting and ill feeling, connected with religious celebrations is re- 
ported from various places, — among others from Nassick, Bhopal, and 
Esakheyl in the Bunnu district. We are glad to see that local com- 
mittees have been formed, of both Hindu and Muhammadan gentlemen, 
to cultivate a spirit of conciliation and goodwill, between the two bodies. 
We wish them and the Government every success in this good work. In 
this connection, the Indian papers call attention to the fact that a spirit of 
sedition and ill-feeling is on the increase, and state that the recent fire at 
Peshawur, in the Commissariat Transport Stores, resulting in a loss of 
Rs. 500,000, was almost certainly the work of an incendiary. Some of the 
European papers speak of a feeling of unrest, disquiet and dissatisfaction 
among the natives, which is not reassuring for quiet and peace in the 
future. We trust, however, that they will prove false prophets. India 
will be loyal unless her interests are unjustly sacrificed to English party 
politics and fanatical busybodies ; and whatever unrest may exist is due to 
the fact that, in many cases of late, there have been indications that such a 
sacrifice is not impossible. The muddle about exchange and currency, 
the opium-commission, and similar acts of neglect on the one side and 
interference on the other, are not conducive to the tranquillity of the 
country. The Behar Zemindars are memorializing the Secretary of State 
against the Cadastral Survey. 

Among signs of increasing mercantile activity in India we note, that a 
fortnightly line of steamers is projected between Bombay and China and 
Japan; that two match factories have been established in Calcutta; that the 
tea crop was estimated at 126,750,000 lb. (of which 117,750,000 lb. were 
for Great Britain), and a new industry was started in tea-seed oil, as a 
preservative for timber ; that the output of paper (manufactured in 9 mills) 
has risen from 7,250,0001b. in 1892 to 26,500,000 lb. last year; that the 
Indigo crop in the North West Provinces was 57,000 factory maunds, or 
8 per cent, over the average of the last 12 years ; that 38,0^^0,000 gallons 

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Summary of Events. 241 

of petroleum were imported from Russia and 26,000,000 from America — 
the Russian trade having doubled in 3 years while the American is con- 
tinually falling oflf; the output of Indian coal was 2,537,696 tons, an 
increase of 200,000 tons over that of 1891. The price of Indian coal was 
Rs. 3-29 per ton, against Rs. 17*61 for foreign coal. The number of 
. emigrants from India was 12,318 — chiefly to Demerara, Natal, Trinidad, 
Dutch Guiana and Fiji — the highest number yet reached having been 
20,000 in 1891. The foreign trade of India, (April— September, 1893) 
exceeds that in 1891 by 3f crores^ the railway improved 66 lakhs. 

Id the quarter ending June, 1893, no less than 454 books were registered 
in the Punjab alone, an unusually large proportion reaching a fairly high 
standard. It is announced that Professor Biihler, with the co-operation of 
several Oriental scholars, will publish an Encyclopaedia of Indo-Aryan 
subjects, on a systematic plan, in 6 sections, (i) the History of Indo- 
European research, (2) the Indo-Aryan Languages, (3) Literature, (4) 
History, (5) Religions, and (6) Secular sciences and arts. 

In 1892, there were recorded 2,963 deaths from wild beasts, and 19,025 
from snake-bite; 81,000 cattle perished from these causes, and 85,000 
snakes were destroyed : all the figures show an improvement over 1891. 

Heavy floods are reported from the Punjab, where Gurdaspore and 
Pathankote were almost destroyed, with much loss of life. Peshawur has 
suffered from a severe earthquake in addition to the fire recorded else- 
where. Several destructive fires occurred in Bombay, accompanied with 
loss of life and much property, and in one case rendering 500 persons 
houseless. A strike of over 1,000 hands took place at the Star of India 
mills, Bombay, owing to the introduction of changes disadvantageous to 
the labourers : other hands, however, were ieasily secured. Some dissatis- 
faction has been caused in military circles from the nomination to the 
Meerut command of a distinguished oflficer whose many excellent qualities 
do not include the practical military experience and training necessary for 
the successful manipulation of troops. 

The new Royal Exchange Buildings have been opened at Calcutta — a 
magnificent pile. Rs. 30,000 have been sanctioned for quarters for the 
European subordinates of the Ordnance Dept in the Allahabad Fort ; 
Rs. 90,000 for Officers' Quarters at Gharial, near Murree ; Rs. 100,000 for 
the enlargement of the cordite factories at Dumdum and Dukhinsore ; and 
Rs. 25,000 for permanent huts at Khajuri Kach. A total of Rs. 2,054,000 
iiave been sanctioned for expenditure on military works for 1894-5, 
Eighteen miles of a metre-gauge Railway have been opened from Deesa to 
Palampur. Seth Lachman Das of Muttra has given a donation of 
Rs. 4,000 to the Dufferin Fund, which has also benefited to the amount of 
Rs. 20,000 from Lai Kumal Narayan Singh of Khairagarh and other bene- 
factors. Mr. J. Cowasji Jehangir made a gift of Rs. 200,000 (:^ 12, 700) to 
the Imperial Institute in I^ondon, on condition that it should be used ex. 
•clusively for the benefit of Indian students. The Institute authorities have 
applied it for the erection of a Hall for lectures ; and as this can in no 
sense be said to fulfil the condition imposed, there seems, at first sight, 
a misuse of this generous gift. ^ t 

NEW SERIES. VOL. VIL Digitized tj^^OOgle 



242 Summary of Events. 

From the Native States, we hear that the Maharaja of Bhaunagar has 
given ;^2oo to the University of Cambridge for a prize which the Senate 
have decided to give annually to the candidate for the Indian Civil Service 
who shall have passed best in honours in the University. The Begum of 
Bhopal, after a visit to the Viceroy at Simla returned to her capital, vid 
I^hore, Amritsar, Delhi and Agra. She gave large suras to the Golden 
Temple, and to various schools and institutes, and Rs. 1,000 towards the 
Roberts Statue in Calcutta. The Udaipur State is constructing a local 
railway, 60 miles in length. A daughter of the Maharao Rana has been 
espoused to the minor Raja of Jeypur, Vizianagram district The Gaekwar 
of Baroda, who has returned home from another visit to England, has in- 
troduced compulsory elementary education in his state : all children must 
attend, — boys from 7 to 12 and girls from 7 to 10 years of age. The 
Maharaja Holkar of Indore, continuing bis personal investigations into the 
affairs of his state, has discovered a defalcation of Rs. 900,000 ; he is now 
carefully examining the case, which is of a very complicated nature. The 
Maharaja of Kapurthala also has returned home, after a tour through 
Europe, where, among other places, he visited Vienna. The Maharaja of 
Dinajpur has received the thanks of the Bengal Government for his gift of 
Rs. 1,000 towards the hospital building, at Dinajpur, and of Rs. 2,700, the 
entire expenses of the lady doctor for its women's ward. At Hyderabad, 
where Sir Asman Jah has taken leave of absence for six months, the 
Vikar ul Umrah has succeeded as Prime Minister. The Nizam has im- 
posed a duty of 5 per cent on silver. In the Mysore State, the Representa- 
tive Assembly met as usual, and the report made to it showed a most 
flourishing condition. The revenue had increased Rs. 2,150,000 since 
1891-92, and Rs. 6,200,000 since 1880-81 ; it amounted to i crore and 
66 lakhs. The land revenue showed an increase of Rs. 1,650,000, excise 
Rs. 350,000, stamps 100,000, the royalty on gold mines Rs. 72,000. The 
Kolar gold mine alone had produced 163,138 oz. of gold — an increase of 
3,7,757 oz. on the previous year. There was a surplus of Rs. 850,000, the 
total credit in hand being Rs. 9,400,000, deducting railway capital and ex- 
penditure. An Infants' Marriage Prevention Bill was introduced and one 
for Game Preservation. The admirable condition of this State reflects the 
highest credit on the Maharaja, on the Dewan Sir K. Sheshadri Iyer, and 
on their excellent staff of officers. 

His Excellency Sir Clement Thomas, Governor General of the French 
Indies has returned to France, and pending the nomination of his sac> 
cessor, his place is taken by M. Deloncle, the Directeur de Tlnt^rieur. 

The revenue of Portuguese India, for 1892-3 was Rs. 1,981,514 ; the 
expenditure, Rs. 2,311,052 : deficit Rs. 329,538. 

The supplies for this winter to Chilas have been sent via the Babusar 
Pass, which route General Lockhart has recently inspected. The 
23rd Punjab Pioneer have been repairing . the foit at Nilt, having finished 
the road over the Babusar Pass, along which four Block-houses have been* 
built to shelter post-runners and other travellers in bad weather. Coal hass 
been discovered at Sharigh, (Khost) and Gundak, in Beluchistan, and 
petroleum borings continued at Sukkar. There has been a successfuL 

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Summary of Events. 245 

Horse show at Quettah which is expected to conduce to an improvement 
in horse breeding. It has been finally decided that the permanent British 
garrison in the Mekran shall be withdrawn ; but the political officer^ 
during his annual tour of inspection, which usually lasts several months, 
will be attended by a strong escort of all three arms. This, it is hoped, 
will suffice to preserve British prestige and influence. The new Khan, 
Mir Mahmud Khan, has been installed at Khelat. The Waziris attacked 
a caravan at Dubra in the Gomal pass, slew four men and carried off 
60 camels with their loads. Our post at Khajuri Kach, only 9 miles off, 
did not get the news till the following afternoon : this speaks well for our 
vigilance on the frontiers. 

In Afghanistan a survey has been made for a steam Tramway outside 
the city ; and our mission reports the Amir*s factories to be in excellent 
order, and turning out good work. In the Pamirs, Col. Vannofsky, son of 
the Russian minister for war, tried to march across Afghan territory from 
Murghabi to Derwaz. The Amir's officers refused permission, and on his 
persisting in his attempt, fired on the party and drove it off. They 
eventually reached their destination by the route they should first have 
taken, through their own territory. The news is confirmed that the 
Russian troops at Murghabi have really been increased For the rest 
however, all has been quiet in the Pamirs. 

Ceylon has had a bad N.E. monsoon, the rainfall having been only a 
quarter of the average. The cocoanut export for 1892 amounted to 
Rs. 1 1,524,755 : the number of nuts exported whole was 275,306,858. The 
total imports of 1892 were ;^4,4i 7,968, against exports ;^3,89i,997. The 
Railway report for 1892, gives the number of miles open at just under 200 
on which the receipts greatly exceed those of the previous year, and give a 
dividend of 6 per cent on capital. A new Post and Telegraph office at 
Colombo has cost Rs. 270,000; and the northern arm of the breakwater 
has been sanctioned. Two select elephants have been shipped for Africa, 
to help in the capture and training of elephants there. 

Lord Ripon's circular offering a change of terms to members of the 
Colonial Civil service has not met a favourable reception. In the Straits 
Settlements, 125 refused it, 40 accepted it, and 50 gave no reply. 

In Burma, the report on the Mergui Coal fields estimates the available 
output at 1,000,000 tons ; but the district is remote from commercial 
centres and labour is costly. The revenue has increased 10 lakhs in Upper 
and II lakhs in Lower Burma. Upper Burma, rev. Rs. 7,200,000 against 
Rs. 6,300,000 ; Lower Burma, Rs. 15,900,000 against Ra. 14,700,000 — 
total 23,100,000 against 21,000,000. The area of rice cultivation in the 
10 principal districts has increased from 4,613,477 acres to 4693,918 acres. 
Mr. Aubrey Paton has succeeded Col. Conway Gordon in charge of the 
Ruby mines. The Jade mines' licence was put up at Mandalay and fetched 
only Rs. 52,000 for 3 years, against Rs. 35,000 for one year, last year. 
The Mergui pearl fishery is increasing in value. The mercantile com- 
munity of Rangoon have memorialized the Viceroy in Council for making 
Burma a Lieutenant Governorship, for a High Court and a Representa- 
tive Legislative Council. Two Chinese officers were sent by the Prefect Jp 

Q 2 ^ ^ 



244 Summary of Events. 

of Yunnan to visit, with the English officers, the places on the frontier 
which are in dispute. Matters seem approaching a satisfactory termination. 
SiAM has carried out her share of the " agreement " forced upon her by 
France ; and England has acquiesced in the unjust arrangement, by agree- 
ing with France to create a ** Buffer State " on the upper Mekong, which 
we hope (but do not expect) may prove a source of less anxiety and 
expense than the corresponding one on the west. The terms of the con- 
vention were, briefly : (i) Sovereign rights of Cambodia and Annam over 
the right bank of the Mekong ; (2) exclusion of Siamese forces, naval or 
military, from the great Lake of Mekong ; (3) prohibition of Siamese 
fortified posts along the Mekong, within 25 kilometres of the right bank ; 

(4) this zone to be open to French subjects with the requisite passes ; and 
Siamese subjects in that zone to have similar rights on the French side ; 

(5) this zone to be duty free for imports and exports ; (6) the French to 
have consulates at Muongnam and Korat; (7) restricts the number of 
Siamese police at the great Lake and in the 25 kilometre zone to those 
absolutely necessary for order ; (8) in case of dispute the French wording 
of the treaty is to be followed ; and (9) it must be ratified within 4 months 
of its signature. Two Siamese Princes, the brother and the eldest son of 
the King, are travelling in Europe. The King has promised ;^ioo a year 
for 1 2 years towards the expenses of Prof. Max MUUer's Sacred Books of 
the East Series. The French have compelled the Laos at Tung Chien to 
i^ipaid corvee labour and on their refusing to work, shot them down. The 
entire Hill country of Tonquin is said to be in full revolt ; the French forces 
confined to their posts ; the native troops demoralized ; and the railway 
and all other works abandoned. Captn. Jones, the British Agent at 
Bankok, has come to England, and has been succeeded by M. J. G. 
Scott, CLE. 

. In Japan the famous temple of Hongwanji was totally destroyed by fire ; 
and another fire in the Awata-no-goten palace at Kioto has resulted in 
great loss to the artistic world. Many priceless works of art perished — 
especially painted doors and sliding screens between the apartments, and 
folding screens, heavy with gold work, by Ganku, Moriyoshi Hokusai and 
other great artists. The loss is estimated at 3,000,000 yens ; and it is said 
that at least 5.000 yen of gold and silver are recoverable amid the cinders. 
Heavy floods also have done great damage in several districts accompanied 
with much loss of life. The question of horsing the artillery and cavalry 
is engaging the attention of the government, and breeding operations are 
commenced with the view of producing a more suitable class of animals 
than the present ponies. At the first reassembling of Parliament, a vote of 
censure was passed on the Premier ; but that has not led to his resignation, 
as the office is held of the Emperor and not of the House. Emigration 
continues active to Australia, Fiji, Hawaii and New Caledonia. The 
60,000 yen paid as an indemnity to Japan by Corea, were extracted, as a 
fine, from the Ex-Governor, whose order prohibiting the export of beans 
had led to a demand by Japan for compensation. 

. China has again sent her Ambassador from Beriin to St Petersburg 
to continue the negociations regarding the Pamirs. Chinese4;roops have 

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Summary of Events. 245 

t>een sent to Mongolia to drill the local levies, there and on the Pamirs 
and at Rung Kul. The French have obtained satisfaction for the attack 
on their Mission in North Hu-pe. Some of the chief criminals have been 
decapitated and others imprisoned for life ; and large indemnities have 
been paid to native Christians. Many questions between the French and 
the Governor of Canton, some dating from 1884, are reported as progressing 
to a settlement. China pays $40,000 to the relatives of the two Swedish 
missionaries murdered last July at Sung-pu. 

From Vladivostock 24 miles of Railway are open, and the preliminary 
works are complete up to the Amoor, which is to be crossed by a bridge 
I mile 5 furlongs in length. Three Russian vessels from Dumbarton have 
delivered a cargo of rails at Golts-chicha on the Yennissee. The Russians 
are forming local corps in Caucasia, Trans-Caspia and Turkistan. 

The Sultan of Turkey has commemorated the 17th year of his reign 
by instituting an order to be called the Khanedan al Othman. It is to 
rank above all others in Turkey, and the decoration is to be a massive 
piece of jeweled gold, with the motto " Divine Providence is my support,'^ 
and the Sultan's monogram with the words Sovereign of the Ottoman 
Empire, dated 131 1 Heg : = a.d. 1893. It will be reserved to reward dis- 
tinguished, signal and exceptional services, and for particularly friendly- 
crowned heads. A second class is for special services rendered to the 
Sultan personally. A scheme is on foot for amalgamating all the Turkish 
Railways under oue management. Duly qualified women are now allowed 
freely to practise as Doctors. An affray between some Christians in the 
church at Bethlehem resulted in the death of a Latin Monk ; the Turkish 
soldiers interfered to prevent further mischief. Severe scarcity is reported 
from Erzeroum, Bitlis and Van. The Sultan has given frcs. 700,000 
(^28,000) for a hospital on the Hedjaz. capable of accommodating 6,000 
poor pilgrims of all races ; the food, shelter and medical treatment 
required for them will be furnished at his cost. Sir Philip Currie, G.C.B., 
Permanent Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs, succeeds Sir Clare Ford as 
Ambassador at Constantinople. 

In Persia severe earthquakes have occurred in several places, Kasan 
being nearly destroyed. Meshad (with Samarkand) has also suffered. A 
Russo-Persian delimitation, with an exchange of territories, is in progress 
south of the Tekke Turcoman district. 

In Egypt the Budget for 1894 shows a surplus of ;^53o,ooo : land taxes 
will be reduced by ;^Eqo,ooo. Egypt has to contribute ;^54,ooo towards 
the expenses of the increase in the army necessitated by the events of 
January 1893. A steam tramway has been opened from Ismailia to Port 
Said — the 50 miles being done in 3 hours. Three Egyptian Govt, pupils* 
have been placed in the offices of the Midland Railway Co. Derby, to learn 
the mysteries of Railway administration. Another Dervish raid at Murkat 
Wells was defeated, but Saleh Bey who commanded the Egyptians was 
killed. The camel corps arrived too late to take part in the action. Some 
innovations by Maher Pasha, the Minister for War, caused uneasiness which 
was allayed by his reverting to the previous system. The renewal of the 
quinquennial term for the Mixed Tribunals has shown the usual di^evgence t 

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246 Summary of Events* 

of opinion among the Powers : out of 14, twelve delayed their reply, only 
Germany and England agreeing, and they too objecting to clause 4, sus- 
pension of the Mansourah Court. This the Egyptian Govt seem willing to 
yield. Riaz Pasha protests a complete harmony between Lord Cromer 
and the Khedive and himself. But it is evident that considerable friction 
occasionally occurs, and that all Egyptians do not look with favour on our 
occupation. The situation needs all Lord Cromer's tact and ability, 
especially as there are not wanting friendly nations to blow upon the fire. 
The Khedive has proceeded to Cairo ; and during the winter will go up 
the Nile to the extreme frontier, two steamers having been sent on before, 
during the flood season, to await his arrival at the points of difficult transit. 
At Malta, a mine with 100 lb. of powder was discovered in a covered way 
near Fort Pembroke. At Gibraltar Sir Robert Biddulph, R.A., 
G.CM.G. ; C.B. has succeeded the late Sir Lothian Nicholson as Governor 
and Commander in Chief. By increasing their own forces to a division, 
in Tunis, the French have compelled the Turks to do the same, thus 
causing needless additional expense. The Melilla incident with Morocxx) 
we treat at length elsewhere. At Fez, the feast of the Moulud 
(Muhammad's birthday) ended in a riot. An American Dragoman and 
a French artist, thrusting themselves into a suburb, where they had no 
business to go, were assaulted ; and the government arrested and punished 
the rioters. Hmam, the leader of the late Anghera rebellion, has effected 
his escape from prison. On the Wesi' Coast, Captn. Walsh rescued from 
a position of danger 30 Senegalese troops of the French protectorate of the 
Assinee river. King Behanzin sent envoys to France to treat for peace ; 
but with their usual injustice and arrogance the French refused to receive 
them. He has still a large force ; but Genl. Dodds is at a village 30 miles 
beyond Abomey, and the neighbouring chiefs have submitted, protesting 
that they will not allow Behanzin to press further. 

A Franco-German delimitation is in progress in the Cameroons. 
Germany and England have concluded their delimitation in West Africa. 
Yola city and Kuka are secured to British influence and south part of 
I^ake Tchad to Germany. The German explorer, Baron Uech has had a 
friendly meeting with the Emir of Yola (who complained of Lieut. Mizon) 
and was proceeding to the South West. At the Cameroons there is a 
deficit of 18,000 mks. and in German South Africa one of 290,000 mks. 
Ilubak, formerly a slave of Zobeir, having rebelled against the Sultan of 
Wadai has seized some territory South of Lake Tchad, where fighting is 
expected. Capt. Dhanis, who has been created a Baron, was reported 
dangerously ill, from his privations during the expedition in which he 
defeated the Arabs. The Franco-Congo delimitation is in abeyance. 
Captn. Ponthier had exterminated the Arabs at Stanley Falls, and seized 
all their Eastern territory : he intended effecting a junction with Baron 
Dhanis at Ribariba. 

A large diamond (133 carats) is reported from the Cape, the Superinten- 
dent who found it receiving a bonus of ;^ioo. In Natal the first responsible 
parliament was opened in October. Mr. Walter Pierce, C.M.G., who, for 
14 years, has represented Natal in London, is appointed Ag^nt General 

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Summary of Events. 24 7 

under the new Constitution. The Hon. T. K. Murray and D. Hunter in 
a conference with President Kruger have successfully negociated the railway 
extension between Charleston and Pretoria. The Vryburgh-Mafeking Rail- 
way is progressing — 10 miles were open, 6 piore ballasted and on 52 more 
the earih-works were complete. Mr. Rietz was re-elected President of the 
Orange Free State, by a large majority. The Emperor of Germany has 
conferred on President Kruger of the Transvaal the first class of the Red 
Eagle, and the second class on the Vice-president, the Secretary of State 
and the Commander-in-Chief: the last, General Joubert, has since resigned 
his office, owing to difference of opinion with Pres. Kruger. The Swazi- 
land treaty has been concluded, and its Articles are (i) the Convention of 
1890 ceases, after the 30th June 1894, (2) the President of the Transvaal 
can treat with the Swazi Queen-Regent and Council for a protectorate 
under his jurisdiction and administration, provided that the other party are 
made clearly to understand its nature, and what they do; and with just 
provisions to the natives to matiage their internal affaivs according to their 
own laws (especially for inheritance and succession) when not contrary to 
civilized usage, (3) the convention must be approved by the British Govern- 
ment, when the following Articles will become binding, (4) British subjects 
shall be treated in all respects the same as Burghers of the republic, (5) all 
white males are to have on application the vote and other privileges of 
Burghers, with right to their sons to the same, (6) the Dutch and English 
languages shall have equal rights in all Swazi Courts, (7) Customs' duties 
shall not be higher than those at present ruling in the S. African Republic 
or the S. African Customs' Union (whichever is the higher), and no exemp- 
tions or privileges are allowed in these duties, (8) the sale of intoxicating 
liquors is prohibited, (9) no railways shall be made beyond the east boundary 
of Swaziland, except under further concessions subject to approval by the 
British Government, (10) no treaties shall be made beyond the north and 
north-west boundaries of the Republic, (11) the Republic will help the 
S. Africa Co. when necessary, with its influence, and the " Little Free 
State" is to be comprised in the terms of the S. African Republic, (12) 
Swazis and British subjects shall be under the protection of the British 
diplomatic officers, if necessary. Mr. R. M. W. Swan has been exploring 
between the Limpopo and Matabeleland, and reports more ruins, similar 
to those of Zimbwabwe. He considers them of Semitic origin. They com- 
prise forts and temples. In a tumulus at Sewaloli, composed of wood-ashes, 
stones and soil, he found quantities of bones and pottery, terra coita images, 
pottery-ware in curious shapes, one vessel with curious ornaments on its 
concave side, a jar with a curious nozzle and a fragment of an ivory bracelet. 
The tumulus lies exactly on the prolongation of the principal axis of a 
temple, and Mr. Swan thinks it was a crematorium. The Portuguese are 
occupying some territory at the confluence of the Limpopo and Elephant 
Rivers, and King Gunganhana has protested against their act. Of the Beira 
railway, 74 miles were open. 

Lo Bengula's impis having got out of hand, provoked reprisals which 
led to open war with the South Africa Company, ending in a victory for 
the latter, unfortunately attended by heavy loss of life. Lo Bengula's 



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248 Summary of Events, 

capital has been taken, and his armies put to flight ; but one of our parties 
is still missing, and Lo Bengula has not yet submitted. When he does, 
his future and that of Matabeleland will be decided by the Government 
and not left to the South Africa Company. 

Sultan Meli at Kilma Njaro has submitted to the German authorities. 
A British war vessel has been successfully conveyed to and launched 
on I-^ke Nyassa, by Lieut. C. Hope Robertson, R.N., commanding 
H.M.S. Herald^ who suggests that another could easily be placed on 
Lake Tanganyika with great advantage. 

Sir Gerald Portal has returned from Uganda, and with Mr. Rennell 
Rodd is engaged with the Government on the final decision about the 
future of that much vexed land ; it is expected that it will be included in 
the i^nzibar Protectorate. Four carefully selected officers acquainted with 
the Arabic language have been sent to command the Soudanese Troops 
who had been taken on by Sir Gerald. In Witu, the British and Zanzibar 
forces captured and destroyed Pungwani, reducing the rebels to subjection. 
The Mauritius has at length become connected with the telegraphic 
systems of the world, via 2:anzibar. The Consular Court of Reunion has 
acquitted the Captain and crew of the Dhow flying a French flag which 
had been captured with slaves on board : a gross miscarriage of justice 
due solely to French perversity. An insurrection is reported from 
Madagascar. 

Australia shipped many horses for Calcutta. New South Wales and 
Queensland have subsidized the new Pacific Telegraph Cable, via New 
Caledonia, though they objected to join the new Eastern Extension Ca's 
Cable. Lord Ripon pointed out the inconveniences of this unpatriotic 
action ; and that it was contrary to the resolution of the Colonial Con- 
ference of 1887. But the Colonies justly urge the inconsistency of 
objecting against what they can get, when Great Britain will do nothing 
for direct telegraph communication exclusively under British control The 
line runs from Bundsburg in Queensland through New Caledonia, Fiji, 
Samoa, Honolulu, Fanning Island to Vancouver. The subsidy of N. S. 
Wales and Queensland is ;^ 12,000 per annum to be paid to the Soci^t^ 
Fran^aise des T^l^graphes Soumarines. 

The deficit in New South Wales of the last 2 years amounts now to 
;£i, 500,000. The revenue for 1894 is estimated at ;^9,97 1,000, and the 
expenditure at ;;^9,854,ooo ; surplus ;^i 17,000. Another instalment of 
;^5oo,ooo of the ;^2,ooo,ooo loan at 4 % is raised. In the discussion of 
the Naval Defence Act and the employment of the Katootnba at Samoa, 
the ministry were censured ; but the vote was subsequently rescinded, Sir 
G. Dibbs declaring that the best interests of the Colony would be served 
by its strict observance in general, and by its occasional violation in urgent 
cases. The government were also censured because some of its members 
had taken a brief against the Railway commissioners. The Sydney cor- 
poration have presented an address to the Earl of Jersey, their late governor, 
sending it in a gold-mounted onyx box. The Governor, Sir R. Duff, has 
visited Adelaide, and been cordially received. 

The Earl of Kintore, Governor of South Australia, has consented to 

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Summary of Events. 249 

remain another year in office ; but he has taken 6 months' leave on half-pay, 
the Hon. Chief Justice, S. J. Way, Lieutenant-Governor of the Colony, 
officiating for him. There was a discussion as to the salary, and the 
advantages of an elective governor, but the Premier declared that it had 
its disadvantages too, and at present was simply impracticable. 

Victoria is raising ;£i, 250,000 by Treasury Bills. The September 
customs yielded ;^i72,58i, an increase of ;^i5,28i on the previous year. 
A fine turquoise has been discovered. The Premier has recorded his 
objection to the Agent General of the Colony joining the Committee of 
the Customs' Union of the Empire. There have been disastrous floods. 

Queensland is raising ;£6 20,000 by Treasury Bills. The revenue for 
September was ;;^i,o42,7i2, a decrease of ;£63,855 on last year. Sir 
T. Macllwraith resigned the Premiership, and has been replaced by the 
Hon. Hugh Muir Nelson. The sugar crop is estimated at 80,000 tons. 

In Tasmania, the Legislative Council rejected the Income Tax ; the 
Probate Duties Bill was passed by the casting vote of the President. The 
total deficit is now ;^38o,ooo, and it is proposed to borrow ;^4oo,ooo to pay 
off the accumulated deficit — the debt itself to be paid off" gradually. The 
general elections have gone against the ministry ; but there are several 
members whose votes are doubtful. The revenue for September was 
^^55,580, a decrease of ;£2,543 ; decrease in 9 months = ;^7 0,000. 

New Zealand continues to flourish, the customs for the half-year 
exceeding the estimate by ;^2 2,000. The thriving state of the butter 
export is shown by the arrival in England of 150,000 packages in last 
November. 

In Canada, the following have been appointed as Lieut. Governors : 
Senator John Boyd, and since his death, Judge Eraser, of the Supreme 
Court, to New Brunswick; Mr. \V. B. Scarth, ex-M.P. for Winnipeg, 
to Manitoba; Mr. C. H. Mackintosh, M.P. for Ottawa, to the North West 
territory. A gold reef has been discovered at Alberni on the W. coast of 
Vancouver. Of seals 53 Canadian vessels have brought in 66,733, ^^ 
which 25,342 were caught in Japanese and Russian waters, and 25,120 off 
the British Columbian coast. The total catch is estimated to be 16,700 
over that of the previous year. The war department of the United States, 
with the consent and assistance of the Canadian Govt, is surveying the 
R. St. Lawrence, which will be an advantage to both parties. The Hon. 
Mackenzie Boswell who visited Australia, advocating a commercial union, 
obtained a favourable hearing, and a conference is to meet in June in 
Canada this year to consider details. The steamer Miowera of Messrs. 
Huddart and Co. went aground on entering Honolulu, and her passengers 
and mails had to be transhipped to California. We hope this mischance 
will not injure the future of this enterprising and promising line. As the 
naval court acquitted the captain of all blame, the fault naturally rests on 
the pilot ; and it is by no means impossible that this misfortune so early in 
its career may by no means have been a mere accident. 

In Newfoundland the general election has resulted in the retaining of 
office, by a good majority, of Sir William Whiteway. 

In the West Indies, the Ho.n. James Macdonald, Chief Justice^ Nova^ 

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250 Summary of Events, 

Scotia, is investigating in Jamaica the serious charges brought against the 
Justiciary ; and Sir Robert Hamilton, late Governor of Tasmania, is in- 
vestigating the late troubles in the Leeward Islands. 

Obituary, — During the quarter the deaths have occurred of Genl. Sir 
A. A. Nelson, K.C.B. (ist Afghan war, Scindh, Maharajpur and Jamaica); 
— Mr. Matthias Mull for 30 years connected with the Indian Press; — 
Mr. A. Stuart, Bo. Uncov. C. S. the great tiger-killer ;— Dr. W. H. Smith, 
of the many Dictionaries ; — H. H. the Raja of Atgarh ; — Sir John Abbott, 
Premier of Canada ; — Maharaja Dhuleep Singh ; — Genl. Reginald G. 
Ouseley, (Mutiny) ; — Lady Crossthwaite ; — Genl J. Sargent, C.B. (Crimea 
and China) ; H. H. the Eliya Raja of Attingal ; — H. H. the junior Rani 
of Travancore; — H. H. Amina Begum, widow of the late ex-King of 
Oudh ;— Fafir Sayad 2^hur ud din of Lahore ; — the great Tamil scholar 
Pundit Sri Perumbhudur Ramanjali Nayakar ; — John Lyons McLeod, R.N. 
who served as consul in many parts of Africa, and wrote a book on Madagas- 
car ; — Amar Saloum, ex-tribal King of the Trarzas Moors, slain in battle ; — 
Komiogi Saburo, Secretary of the Japanese Legation at Paris, member of 
the Japanese Bar and Judicial Department, who had sat in the first Diet ; — 
Ali Pasha Moubarek, of Egypt ;— Genl. G. C. Vials, C.B. (Mutiny) ;— T. C. 
Bain, Govt. Surveyor and Geologist in Ceylon ; — Dr. W. Walker, Inspector 
General first of Indian Jails and then of Civil Hospitals; — Henry Fowler, 
Colonial Secretary of Trinidad, whose long and valuable service was on the 
point of being rewarded with a Governorship; — ^the Hon. John Boyd, 
Lieut. Governor of New Brunswick ; — M. Alphonse Lippman, Directeur de 
rint^rieur of the French Congo, and for nearly 20 years in office at PondL 
cherry; — H. H. the Maharaja of Punna; — Khan Bahadur Inayet Ullah 
Khan, an old Gwalior warrior, and Subah first of Neemuch and then of 
Bhandair ; — Sir John Drummond Hay, G.C.M.G., K.C.B., for more than 
40 years British Agent at Tangier ; — Mr. William Courtney, whose service 
in India extended from 1829- 185 5 ; — Genl. Sir Alexander A. Cunningham, 
R.E., K.C.I.E., C.S.I., the distinguished archaeologist and writer, whose 
meritorious services in the Public Works Department and in War are 
generally lost in the glory of his archaeological and other scientific works ; 
— The Hon. Robert Spankie, for many years judge of the Allahabad High 
Court ; — Genl. W. A. Stratton (Mutiny) ; — Professor von der Gabelentz, 
professor of Eastern languages in the university, first of Leipzig, and then 
of Berlin ; — Edward Thornton, C.B., who served with distinction in India 
from 1830 to i860; — The Hon. Samuel Mansfield, C.S.I., late of the 
Bombay Council and brother of the first Lord Sandhurst ; — General the 
Hon. Sir Henry Ramsay, K.C.S.I., C.B., commonly called the **King of 
Kamaon," where he had put in 44 out of nearly 50 years* service in 
India; — Genl W. Welby, C.B.) Crimea, Mutiny and Abyssinian cam- 
paigns; — and H. H, the Maharaja of Bhurtpur, K.C.S.I. — V. 



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1 



THE IMPERIAL 

AND 

Asiatic Quarterly Review, 

AND ORIENTAL AND COLONIAL RECORD. 



APRIL, 1894. 

INDIAN FINANCE TROUBLES. 

By Sir Henry Stewart Cunningham, K.C.I.E. 

He would, indeed, be a more than ordinarily rash prophet, 
who would venture, at the present moment, either to predict 
the future of Indian finance, or to prescribe a panacea for 
the grave evils which beset it. The only facts about which 
certainty seems possible, are that those evils are extremely 
grave, and that the authorities, to whom in such a case, the 
outside public would naturally look for a safe and effectual 
remedy, are fundamentally opposed to one another. The 
patient, all admit, is seriously ill ; the symptoms of his 
malady grow hourly more acute ; the physicians who have 
been summoned to his aid, mutually condemn each other's 
recommendations as dangerous errors or pernicious quackery, 
calculated only to intensify the invalid's misfortunes, if not 
to ensure eventual collapse — " Hora novissima, tempora 
pessima sunt" is the motto which, to the effacement of 
every other, is, just now, written in broad characters 
across the financial administration of England's greatest 
dependency. All that the wise man can do, at such a 
crisis, is to wait and watch, and to attempt to form a sober 
opinion amid the chaos of conflicting recommendations — the 
utterances of counsellors whose confidence would sometimes 
seem in inverse proportion to their insight into the real 
character of the situation. 

NEW SERIES. VOL. VII. Digitized j^GO Ogle 



252 Indian Finance Troubles. 

The proverbial intolerance of uncertainty, which plays so 
leading a part in every controversy, has seldom been more 
conspicuous than in recent currency discussions. The one 
thing which, apparently, a disputant cannot, and will not do 
is to doubt. Each rival propounder of a theory enforces it 
with a vehemence of tone and language more worthy of an 
angry theologian than of men of business, gravely concerned 
to discover the right solution of an obscure but all-impor- 
tant problem, on which the future interests of mankind in 
no small degree depend. The distinguished English pro- 
tagonist of monometallism, for instance, and the leading 
financial journals have, unfortunately, adopted the line of 
denouncing bimetallism as an intellectual craze, disgraceful 
to an educated community and undeserving the compliment 
of serious discussion. When we turn to see who are the 
people guilty of this monstrous imbecility we find a party, 
the leaders of which cannot, — even in the blindness of 
partizanship — be regarded as moonstruck fanatics. At its 
head stands the ablest of the rising generation of Statesmen, 
who has not been ashamed or afraid to make his profession 
of faith to a City audience in the very stronghold of mono- 
metallism. Lord Salisbury's sympathy with his brilliant 
nephew's views, cannot, after his recent utterance on the 
subject in the House of Lords, be questioned. Mr. Goschen, 
though not an avowed bimetallist, was among the first to 
direct attention to the consequences of silver demonetization, 
and has formulated many of the propositions on which 
bimetallists mainly rely. Mr. Courtenay is a late, reluctant 
and accordingly most valuable convert. Outside the political 
world almost every economist who has dealt with the 
subject of currency from a historical or scientific point of 
view, has ranged himself unhesitatingly on the side of the 
bimetallists. The Royal Commission, who devoted many 
months to the subject and collected a vast volume of 
evidence upon it, were unanimous in findings, which if 
not absolutely bimetallist, asserted roundly most of the 
leading bimetallist doctrines, while half their number, and 

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Indian Finance Troubles. 253 

since Mr. Courtenay's conversion, a majority pronounced 
distinctly in favour of international bimetallism as the only 
effectual remedy for the evils into which they were inquiring. 
The Government of India, which for years past has had 
grave reason to consider the subject with attention, makes 
the same profession of faith, while the American Legisla- 
ture, in its most recent currency enactment, has formally 
recorded that an international agreement on a ratio between 
gold and silver remains the policy of the United States 
Government. Bimetallism may be a delusion, but if so, it 
is a delusion countenanced by so much ability, research 
and experience, so much scientific acumen, so much official 
prestige, that it is vain to affect to despise it. The only 
effective course with doctrines so held is not to denounce 
but to refute them. 

The same observation applies to the controversy of 
which so much has been heard of late with respect to 
the currency difficulties of the Indian Government. 
Considering the extreme difficulty of the questions in 
dispute, the novelty of the situation and the world-wide 
interests involved, some hesitation in judgment, some 
moderation in argument, some caution in language might 
reasonably have been looked for. But a striking charac- 
teristic of the discussion has been that most of the com- 
batants have spoken and acted as if the possibility of a 
reasonable or honest doubt on the subject had never 
occurred to them. The condemnation has been absolute, 
the advocacy unhesitating, the assent unqualified. The 
principal journals of finance have, from the outset, con- 
demned the closing of the Mints, last June, as a disastrous 
blunder for which the Indian Government will speedily 
have to do penance amid the ruins of a bankrupt Ex- 
chequer. It may be so : the measure, it is well known, 
was disapproved by many well-informed and serious 
thinkers. But those, who feel called to denounce it, would 
do well to remember that it was deliberately recommended 
by the Government of India, and its financial Minister, an 

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254 Indian Finance Troubles. 

official of great experience and ability, as the only available 
means of escape from imminent catastrophe ; that it was 
anxiously considered for many months by Lord Herschell 
and his colleagues — as strong a Committee as it was pos- 
sible to get together — in the light of all available evidence 
on the subject — and that Lord Herschell, Lord Farrer, 
Mr. Courtenay, General Strachey and Sir Reginald Welby 
are not mere ignorant or inexperienced enthusiasts ready 
to clutch at the first plausible means of escape from a per- 
plexing position. They may have been wrong ; the Cabinet 
and the Treasury may have erred in sanctioning their 
recommendations ; but meanwhile their combined opinion, 
arrived at after mature deliberation and under every con- 
dition conducive to the discovery of the truth, is a fact in 
the case which no reasonable man would be disposed to set 
aside as irrelevant or unimportant. The verdict of such a 
jury carries a strong presumption in favour of its soundness. 

Nor has this courageous mood been confined to the 
negative process of criticizing and denouncing the doctrines 
of an opponent. The air has been thick with suggestions. 

To take strong and immediate action — to leave matters 
to take their course — to close the Mints — to reopen them — 
to tax the import of silver — to prohibit it — to force ex- 
change to IS. 4d. and to refuse to sell bills except at a pre- 
scribed minimum — each course has been urged with the 
unhesitating vehemence of men untroubled with a single 
misgiving, and unsobered by the failures, disappointments 
and surprises, which have befallen alike themselves and 
their opponents. Other advisers have suggested that relief 
must be sought in reduction of expenditure and increase of 
taxation, as if for years past the Government of India had 
ever had this topic from its thoughts, and as if the most 
strenuous efforts had not been made to discover how either 
of these remedies might be rendered available. ** It is 
nonsense," one of these irresponsible counsellors exclaims, 
"to tell us that an expenditure of 53 millions'* (91 millions 
happening to be the real amount) " cannot be curtailed. • . . 

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Indian Finance Troubles. 255 

In our own minds we have not the sh'ghtest doubt that 
outlay could be cut down in many quarters. As for 
Taxation, we are equally confident that Taxation could be 
considerably increased. The fiscal system of India is anti- 
quated. If there had been a Sir Robert Peel or a Mr. 
Gladstone in charge of Indian finance in the past, that 
system would have been completely overhauled and re- 
modelled, and it would now be yielding a much larger 
income than it actually does." It is not too late, we are 
told, to take the work in hand, but time is not to be lost if 
the credit of India is to be maintained. 

From such premises the inference is easy that reform of the 
Viceroy s Council is necessary and, especially, that the position 
of the Financial Minister should be strengthened so as to 
render it impossible for him to be over-ruled by the Viceroy 
or his colleagues. " An eminent English expert ought to be 
appointed to the post, who, bound by none of the traditions 
of the Civil Service, and acting as the delegate of the whole 
British Empire to carry out special missions," would have 
sufficient authority and prestige to enforce his views against 
the rest of the Council. India would thus be preserved 
from the ineptitude of the Civil Service which ** though 
in everything administrative it could hardly be bettered, has 
no knowledge of finance ; the blunders it has made would 
be ludicrous if they were not so disastrous." 

In India the tension of public feeling naturally resulted in 
still bolder suggestions and still less measured language. 
A leading Association recently, amongst other recom- 
mendations, gravely suggested to the Secretary of State to 
divest himself of the duty of selling the Council bills and to 
entrust it to a nominee of the Indian Government. The 
abandonment of the prescribed minimum for Council Bills, 
which the India Office had attempted in vain to maintain, 
and which everybody now condemns, was denounced as a 
"betrayal of the Government of India," and to justify the 
complaint that from the outset India had been placed at the 
mercy of Lombard Street. ** Men are beginning to realize,". 

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256 Indian Finance Troubles. 

observes another of these outspoken critics, "to what ex- 
tremities loyal people can be goaded by crass ignorance 
and folly on the part of their rulers beyond the seas." 
Hard words break no bones, but they help to darken 
counsel : and they serve to divert men's minds from that 
sober and laborious investigation of facts, and patient 
weighing of conflicting arguments, from which alone any 
useful result can be hoped in any branch of experimental 
science, not least, certainly, in so delicate and intricate a 
department as that of currency reform. 

At such a moment it may be, perhaps, not unprofitable if 
one, who has no pretension to speak as an expert, should 
perform the humble task of recording distinctly some of 
the results,, which the investigations of highly qualified 
inquirers and the experience of the last few months appear 
to have placed on a footing of reasonable certainty. If no 
positive theory is proclaimed, it may be well for the student 
10 recognize that there are occasions when the necessary 
material for positiveness is not within his reach, and when 
certainty is only another term for inadequate information, 
imperfect data or insufficient appreciation of arguments, 
which ought, in the interests of truth, to be seriously con- 
sidered. The topics, to which I venture in the ensuing 
pages to call attention are, no doubt, familiar to those who 
have studied the subject in dispute ; but they may be of use 
to those who have no such intimate knowledge of the con- 
troversy but are anxious to lay the basis of a reasonable 
opinion with regard to its merits. 

There is, in the first place, the circumstance — somewhat 
thrown into the shade by the admitted inability of the 
Indian Government to meet the enormous obligation which 
a further fall in silver would entail — that, apart from this 
imminent obligation, the position of the Indian Exchequer 
is one of exceptional strength. It is so usual with English 
writers to talk of Indian finance as badly managed and of 
Civilian financiers as blundering amateurs that it is worth 
while to point out that there is no branch of the administra- 

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Indian Finance Troubles. 257 

tion whose efficiency has been more remarkable, and in which 
the results of that efficiency have contributed more materially 
to the prosperity of the Empire. Lord Farrer and Sir 
Reginald Welby in their note appended to the Currency 
Committee s Report emphasized the fact that, notwithstand- 
ing the heavy loss by exchange and other causes of excep- 
tional expenditure, the general condition of the country 
presented all the indicia of a prosperous and progressive 
community. They thus summarize the situation : 

"Between i88i and 1891 the whole number of the Army had been raised from 
170,000 to 220,000, and the number of Brilbh soldiers in it from 60,000 to 71,000, or, 
including reserves, volunteers, etc., to very much more. Many large and costly defensive 
works had been constructed both on the North- West frontier, and on the coasts. In 
recent years almost all public buildings have been reconstructed on a large scale. Rail- 
ways, both military and commercial, have been very greatly extended. 

Notwithstanding these extraordinary expenses, there were, during the 25 years which 
followed 1862, 14 years of surplus and 11 years of deficit, yielding a net surplus of Rx. 
4,000,000. In 1889 the public debt of India, exclusive of capital invested in railways, 
showed a reduction since the mutiny period of Rx. 26,000,000. The rate at which 
India can borrow has been reduced from 4 or 5 per cent, to a little over 3 per cent. The 
revenue of India, exclusive of railways and municipal funds, has grown between 1856-57 
and 1886-87 from Rx. 33,378,000 to Rx. 62,859,000, and in 1891 it had increased to 
Rx. 64,000,000, or including railways and irrigation receipts to Rx. 85,750,000, and this 
increase is due to the growth of old revenue rather than to new taxation. Further, whilst 
the rent or land tax paid by the people has increased by one-third, the produce of their 
fields has more than doubled, in consequence partly of higher prices and partly of increase 
in cultivation. Further, in 189 1 there were nearly 18,000 miles of railway open, carrying 
121,000,000 of passengers and 26,000,000 tons of goods, and adding a benefit to the 
people of India, calculated, as far back as 1886, at Rx. 60,000,00a Further, the Indian 
exports and imports at sea, which, in 1858, were about Rx. 40,000,000, amounted in 
1 891 to about Rx. 200,000,000, and the produce thus exported has increased in quality 
and variety no less than in amount." 

The figures of the Budget of 1893-4 fully bear out this 
favourable view of the resources of the country, and, apart 
from its gold obligations, of the strength of the Indian Ex- 
chequer. Notwithstanding the extraordinary calls on the 
Treasury owing to the fall in exchange and enhanced mili- 
tary expenditure, the four years ending in 189 1-2 resulted 
in a surplus of nearly 7 millions Rx. If we take into 
account the four years preceding this period, which were 
less prosperous, the aggregate surplus is still if millions 
Rx., with which balance in its favor the Indian Exchequer 
entered in 1892-3 on its period of deficit — a remarkable 
achievement, remembering that the fall in Exchange had 
added more than 4 millions Rx. to the expenditure of die 

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258 Indian Finance Troubles. 

two last years of the series. Even when the deficit for 
1892-3, — now ascertained to be Rx. 833,000 — is taken into 
account, the balance for the 9 years, in favour of the Indian 
Treasury, falls not very far short of Rx. 1,000,000. When 
we examine the details of the expenditure we find that 
during the period 1889- 1892 the Government devoted no 
less than 6^ millions Rx. to what is known as ** Famine 
Insurance," i.e., to the construction of Protective Railways 
and Irrigation works and to the reduction of debt; the 
Budget of 1893-94 provided for a similar expenditure. If it 
has been found possible to realize this estimate, the Govern- 
ment will in the course of 5 years have laid by ho less than 
8 millions against an evil day. It is well that it should 
have done so. The yearly provision of i^ millions against 
future famines is an extremely prudent measure : it is a 
misfortune that the Government should be driven in the 
present year to abandon it, but the misfortune is not unpre- 
cedented or worse than many others which exceptional 
pressure involves on every Government. A surplus income 
of i^ millions is a financial luxury which it may be neces- 
sary in hard times to forego. 

Again the Government has been since 1886-87 engaged 
on a system of special Defence works, necessary for 
putting the frontier defences on an adequately strong 
footing. The expenditure was estimated at Rx. 5 millions ; 
the whole of this, with the exception of less than half a 
million, was to have been expended by the close of 1893-94 
and has been provided out of income. This is, of course, a 
wholly exceptional outlay, and will, it may be hoped, con- 
tribute to economy in military expenditure for the years to 
come. The English Government, it may be observed, has 
in much the same period, incurred a floating debt of 
7 millions sterling for the Imperial and Naval Defence 
Funds. A more severely virtuous course has been pur- 
sued in India. Another severe strain on the Indian 
Exchequer, of late years, has been the growth in military 
expenditure, which has increased from less than 1 7 millions 
in 1884-5 to 23 millions in 1893-4. The main cause of 



Indian Finance Troubles. 



259 



this much-to-be-regretted increase is the addition which 
the near approach of Russia to the Indian frontier has 
rendered necessary. It has been made none too soon, and 
only when every military authority had for years declared 
the North Western frontier to be, as matters stood, practi- 
cally at the mercy of an invading army. This strain upon 
the Indian revenues has come at an unfortunate moment, 
but it was none the less unavoidable. 

On the other hand there is a normal automatic growth 
of revenue, the outcome of increased prosperity, averaging 
more than half a million per annum. Under this heading 
it is especially satisfactory to find that land revenue shows 
a continuous progress, indicating the larger area of culture, 
the development of canals, better cultivation and more 
valuable crops. In the year just closed, 1893-4, the return 
from Land-revenue exceeded, by half a million, any hitherto 
recorded. -Amongst other economies we may notice that 
the charge for interest — other than the interest due on sums 
invested in reproductive works — shows a continuous and 
steady diminution. It has sunk from Rx. 4,859,000 in 
1 88 1-2 to Rx. 4,000,000 in 1893-4, a satisfactory proof of 
improved credit and careful administration. 

The general position is conveniently summarized in the 
statement of Assets and Liabilities, which the Secretary of 
State submits annually to Parliament. That for March, 
1 893 was as follows : 

Assets and Liabilities, 31ST March, 1893. 



Assets, 



Liabilities, 



Railways constructed I 

by the State - 
Purchased railways 
Advances to Railway 

Companies - 
Irrigation Works 
Loans to Munidpali 

ties, etc. 
Cash Balances • 

Total Assets 

Liabilities un 

covered 



Rx. I ;f. 

76,569,000 — Debt - 

59,236,000 Other 

tions 
4,601,000 
28*952,000 

1 1,846,000 
15,204,000! 2,603,00c' 



Obliga- 



Rx. 
'102,937,000 
17,384,000 



132,571,000 
12,250,000 



66,440,000 

I 

40^244,000 



120,321,000 106,684,000 



106,684,000 



Total Liabilities 1 120,321,0001 



[06,684,009 |g 



26o Indian Finance Troubles. 

From the above figures it will be apparent that the 
Rupee liabilities are less by i ^\ million Rx. than the Rupee 
assets. Of the gold debt 40^ millions are uncovered : the 
combined result being that the uncovered liability is some- 
what more than half a year's net income. Thus for the 
whole of its debt, except an insignificant fraction, the 
Government of India has tangible assets to show, mostly 
of a highly productive order, already realizing excellent 
profits and certain, in the future, to become a vast source 
of national wealth. No account, it will be observed, is 
taken of the magnificent array of public buildings, 
fortresses, first class roads and other public works, with 
which India has been supplied during the last 30 years, 
and which, though not directly productive of income, are 
none the less valuable national possessions, contributing on 
a vast scale to the wealth and prosperity of the nation. 
What European Government can give so satisfactory 
an account of its national debt 1 

I have given these figures at, I fear, tedious length 
because it is well to clear away at once the misconception 
that Indian finances have been unskilfully managed, and 
that relief from the present troubles of the Indian Exchequer 
is to be found either in improved machinery or a more 
expert personnel. No relief is I believe to be found in this 
direction. It is easy to say, after the event, that no gold 
debt should have been incurred. The policy of incurring 
it was not, however, that of the Financial Department, but 
of the Government, the Secretary of State and Parliament, 
by whom the gold expenditure has been deliberately 
sanctioned. The question was whether India was to be 
left practically in a state of barbarism, with her resources 
undeveloped, her frontiers undefended, and her population 
exposed to the horrors of periodical famine. Money had to 
be found, and it certainly could not have been found in India. 
The gold debt has, owing to the appreciation of gold, become 
a tremendous difficulty; but it is a difficulty which besets not 
India alone, but the entire civilized world, and for which her 

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Indian Finance Troubles. 261 

financial advisers cannot be held personally responsible. 
The question is now as to the remedy. As for the confident 
belief that the remedy is to be found in increased taxation 
or severer economy, the answer, unfortunately, must be that 
no such confidence is felt by those who have most know- 
ledge of the subject. On the contrary Lord Herschell's 
committee summed up what is incontestably the general 
opinion of experts, that it is impossible to discover any 
quarter in which material economies could be effected with- 
out seriously impairing the efficiency of the administration, 
and equally impossible to discover fresh sources of revenue 
which should not involve grave political danger or social 
distress. The main items alike of revenue and expenditure 
are, to a large extent, beyond the control of the Govern- 
ment. The land revenue, where it has not been per- 
manently settled, has been, after prolonged scrutiny and 
consideration, fixed for long terms, and could not be altered 
without an absolute breach of faith. The profits of opium 
depend on causes wholly beyond the Government's control. 
In 1893-4, for instance, the opium revenue was lower by 
Rx. 1,185,000 than any recorded in recent years. Salt 
has been enhanced to a point at which further enhance- 
ment might cease to be profitable and would certainly 
weigh severely on the classes, who can least endure 
additional pressure. 

There is a normal growth in the revenue, some 
Rx. 640,000 per annunty from the general improvement of 
the population, but beyond this those who know the country 
best acknowledge that they can suggest nothing against 
which the gravest objection cannot be urged. The existing 
export duties on rice can be defended only on the ground 
of paramount necessity, and a large portion of the revenue 
from Stamps, being levied at high rates on litigation, is a 
tax which every economist would condemn. New customs 
duties can be imposed only at the cost of the abandonment 
of a much-considered and well-established policy, and they 
involve, as we are now seeing, conflicts of interests^ with 

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262 Indian Finance Troubles. 

powerful bodies in England, which it is on every ground 
expedient to avoid. The present proposal to levy a 5 per 
cent, import duty on all articles, not already taxed, save 
those in which Lancashire is interested, is open to numerous 
and weighty objections and will, it is already obvious, rouse 
public feeling, and supply the race of agitators with a topic 
of complaint, the consequences of which must be serious 
and may easily become deplorable. 

On the other hand it is difficult to see in what manner 
Expenditure can be curtailed. Towards the close of his 
reign Lord Dufferin appointed a committee for the express 
purpose of inquiring whether and in what directions any 
such curtailment was possible. Its President was the 
present Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal, an official of the 
rigidly conscientious order with no tendency certainly to 
deal sparingly with an abuse or to take too generous a 
view of the requirements of a department. One of his 
colleagues was the present Financial member of Council, 
whose intimate acquaintance with every detail of Indian 
finance and of the mechanism of the whole official structure 
rendered him a most dangerous critic. He was aided by 
colleagues whose varied experience was likely to be of use. 
A Revenue expert, a High Court Judge, a District officer, a 
great authority in Railway finance, a Calcutta banker, a 
native gentleman well versed in the views and wishes of his 
countrymen. It would be difficult to contrive a machine 
better qualified for effecting economies. The Committee, it 
is known, performed its duties with zeal and with no sparing 
hand; but though the result was to make a considerable 
portion of the Local Government economies available 
for imperial purposes, its report amounted practically 
to the admission that previous reformers had swept the 
ground too bare to make any further economies possible, 
that in every direction a good return in work and 
labour done was rendered for pay received, and that further 
retrenchment could be effected only at the cost of slacken- 
ing the rate of progress, in abandoning useful projects. 

Digitized by r4 



Indian Finance Troubles. 263 

or in postponing repairs which required immediate atten- 
tion. 

The retrenchments suggested by the Committee were 
forthwith carried out, and I do not know how further 
economy can be effected except by a curtailment of the 
already dangerously small proportion of European officials. 

The two points to which the advocates of retrenchment 
mainly direct attention are the Army and the Home 
charges. As to the former, the addition to the forces 
made in Lord Dufferin's time, was adopted after the most 
careful investigation of the circumstances of the country 
and its frontier, on the combined testimony of a series of 
military experts, who showed to demonstration that the 
existing army was inadequate for the task of preserving 
order and resisting foreign aggression. No military expert 
has, I believe, ventured to contest this opinion, and the 
Government of India would certainly have been wanting 
in its duty if it had failed to make the augmentation so 
authoritatively declared to be indispensable. It was to the 
wanton neglect of Lord Dalhousie's warnings as to the 
necessary European force to be maintained in the country 
that the Mutiny of 1856 owed, if not its origin, at any rate 
its dangerous development, its painful struggles and awful 
risks and disasters. Such a risk, with Russian outposts 
within gunshot of Herat, it would be mere madness to incur 
again. 

The Home Charges, it has been again and again demon- 
strated, admit of no substantial reduction. Of the 16^ 
millions sterling which in 1892 the Indian Government had 
to put down in London, much the larger portion — the interest 
for debt, the guaranteed interest of the Railways, the Mili- 
tary outlay, the charges for furlough and pensions, civil and 
military, — are wholly beyond the control of the present 
managers of the Indian Exchequer. The pension and 
furlough charges are merely a portion of the pay of the 
European branches of the service, and this is certainly 
none too high if Englishmen of character and ability are 

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264 Indian Finance Troubles. 

to be tempted to an Indian career. The existing system 
of the purchase of stores has been adopted, after long 
inquiry and many experiments, as the cheapest and best. 
The system of purchasing all stores in India and in silver, 
would merely shift the loss by exchange from one set of 
shoulders to another, and would certainly be more costly 
to the Government. Some small economies might possibly 
be effected at the India Office, but reform has already been 
pushed far, and any conceivable saving would be infini- 
tesimal as compared with the general expenditure of the 
Empire. Nor are the other remedial suggestions, which 
have been of late urged on public attention, found, on 
examination, to be of a more satisfactory character. One 
proposal is that the Indian customs duties, its railway 
revenues, and possibly other of its great sources of in- 
come should be collected at gold rates, which should 
vary from day to day with the gold price of silver. 
This is a simple way of cutting the knot, but the objec- 
tions to it are unanswerable. The great object in India 
is to tax in such a manner as to avoid notice, personal 
harassment, and the possible oppression of officials. What 
form of tax could be more calculated to defeat this object 
than one which varied from week to week, which involved 
ever fresh calculations, absolutely beyond the compre- 
hension of the average taxpayer, and which could be 
enforced only by the personal interference of a large 
subordinate agency ? The result would be to throw the 
burthen of the task in a very distinct manner, on particular 
classes, who would profoundly resent the fact of their 
selection for the purpose. The whole internal trade of the 
country would be thrown into disorder : commerce would 
be impracticable when the rate of custom duty or the 
charge for locomotion could not be anticipated wiih 
certainty. As regards railways, all Indian experience 
shows that it is to the lowest possible scale of rates that 
we must look for development. Even at the present rates 
a labourer may often find it cheaper to walk. ^ sudden 

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Indian Finance Troubles, 265 

addition to the charge — worst of all a varying addition 
— would strike a death-blow at the prosperity of lines, 
which are year by year, winning their way in popular favour, 
and would, in all probability, result in a diminished income. 

Another proposal has been that the English Government 
should guarantee the Indian Gold debt, and so lighten the 
burthen by the lesser interest which might in that case be 
payable. The idea is a very old one and has been 
frequently discussed. But it has never survived discussion. 
He would be a bold Minister who would venture to pro- 
pose to Parliament so serious an addition to the national 
liabilities. Nor could anything be of worse example for 
India than to be encouraged in the belief that, when things 
came to the worst, she could look for assistance to the 
resources of the English nation. Indian finance, as Sir 
John Strachey, years ago, declared, must, as a first con- 
dition of sound and rational economy, stand on its own 
bottom, and be independent of the extraneous aid of 
another Exchequer. England can and ought to help 
India in many ways : the worst possible way would be to 
imperil her financial independence. 

If the foregoing argument is sound, the embarrassments 
of India are attributable neither to the management of her 
finances, which has been as able as the standard of human 
ability renders possible, nor to failure of her resources, 
which are enormous and rapidly developing. Hitherto she 
has succeeded in paying her way : but she is now threatened 
with insolvency in the immediate future. To what is her 
unfortunate predicament owing ? Has ^there been any 
great economical change in the country itself, which would 
involve disturbance and loss ? We look in vain for any 
such disturbance. In the interesting tables, recently laid 
before the Society of Arts, Mr. Barr Robertson has shown 
that the purchasing power of silver as against commodities 
has remained, up to a recent date, practically unaltered. 
The statistics of Calcutta and Bombay indicate that, for most • 
years since 1873, the purchasing power of silver has-been , 

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266 Indian Finance Troubles. 

slightly enhanced and, that it is only since 1 890-1 that the 
large amounts tendered for coinage at the Mints produced a 
slight depreciation. In neither case has there been any such 
variation as would either derange commerce, interfere with 
industrial profits, or occasion distress. Nor has there been, 
till last year, any serious diminution in the purchasing 
power of silver as against commodities in London. If the 
Index numbers of the Economist and Mr. Sauerbeck may be 
trusted, there was for many years an actual increase in the 
purchasing power of silver, and it is only since 1892 that 
any serious diminution in silver values with relation to 
commodities has taken place. Up to the closing of the 
Mints, last June, the equilibrium between silver and com- 
modities had been maintained. The troubles of the Indian 
Exchequer arise not from any disturbance in the relation 
of her currency to commodities at home or abroad, but 
from the appreciation of gold with regard alike to silver 
and commodities, all the world over. India is under the 
obligation of laying down 16 to 19 millions sterling annually 
in London, and she can do this only by exporting produce 
to this amount. With every rise in the value of gold, the 
amount of produce necessary for this purpose augments. 
It threatens now to transcend the utmost endeavours of 
the Indian Exchequer. The evil is one which affects not 
India alone, nor the silver countries alone, but the entire 
commercial world. How far is it probable that any 
internal manipulation of Indian currency will prove effec- 
tual, in the long run, in counter-acting the operation of 
so universal and so far-reaching a cause ? The closing 
of the Mints, it has to be remembered, was a measure 
which none of the authorities responsible for it professed 
to regard with confidence or cordial approval. The 
Indian Government only suggested it, as a means of 
staving off immediately impending insolvency, in default of 
the remedy, on which it had been, for many years, insisting. 
The Herschell Committee, after hesitation abnormally pro- 
longed, got no further than to say that it could not, in the 

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Indian Finance Troubles. 267 

absence of any other feasible suggestion, take the responsi- 
bility of advising the rejection of the Indian Governments 
proposal. In the House of Commons Mr. Goschen, while 
admitting that the proposal was a most startling one, treated 
it as an experiment, to which, as an heroic remedy was in- 
dispensable and no alternative was discoverable, it was, 
possibly, expedient to give a fair trial. '* Even its most 
sanguine defenders," he said, ** could scarcely think that it 
was anything but a makeshift, a temporary solution of a 
very great difficulty." The late Secretary of State in his 
reply to the Lancashire Deputation, a few weeks ago, took 
the same modest view, consoling himself and his hearers with 
the reflection that, with the abandonment of the unsuccessful 
attempt to force exchange above its natural rate, " we are 
returning to a more normal state of things," and with ** the 
hope, not by any means that we have got safely out of the 
great difficulty but that we are on the right tack." 

A measure, whose authors feel for it so languid an 
enthusiasm, has but a poor chance of commending itself 
ultimately to general acceptance. The misunderstandings, 
surprises and disappointments which attended its inaugura- 
tion diminished its chances of acceptability. It was a 
superfluous misfortune that the Secretary of State's view 
of the new policy should have differed materially from that 
of the Viceroy and his Council, and that the latter, against 
the opinion, as it now appears, of the Financial Member 
and the Secretary of State, should have succeeded in forcing 
on the ill-considered attempt to maintain Council Bills at a 
rate not justified by the market. That policy is now openly 
condemned by the late Financial Minister, as absurd and 
impossible, and is no longer operating to disturb the Eastern 
trade ; but its effect has been seriously to aggravate the 
difficulties of the situation and to lessen the chances of a 
favourable result. Stripped of this adventitious mischief 
the measure itself is fraught with consequences of tre- 
mendous import to the world. Its critics from the first 
observed that it was, pritnd facie ^ calculated to aggravate 

NEW SERIES. VOL. VII. Digitizedt^ ^le 



^68 Indian Finance Troubles. 

the very evils for which it was invoked. The low gold price 
of silver being the active cause of the trouble, the first 
result of closing the Mints was to send it down 8d. per oz. 
Gold, having had an undue burthen thrown on it by the 
general demonetization of silver by the nations of the West, 
the necessary effect of further demonetization was to enhance 
that burthen and its consequential mischief. All Europe 
having been groaning, for two decades, under the effects of 
an appreciating gold currency, the result of contracting the 
Indian currency, if achieved, would be to expose the im- 
poverished agricultural classes of India to like mis- 
fortunes, and to imperil the trade and manufactures of 
the country by the paralyzing influence of falling prices, 
from which they had hitherto been exempt. Contrary 
to all expectation the flow of silver to India went on in 
increased volume ; the balance of trade in favour of 
India was completely lost ; the Indian Government found 
its treasuries piled high with useless Rupees, while the 
India Office, with empty coffers, and unable to sell a bill, 
could meet its obligations only by loans which merely 
enhanced the difficulty by postponing it. We have now 
reached the period when, if ever, the experiment is bound 
to work — the months of Indian export. The Secretary 
of State is selling his bills in large amounts and at rates 
which, however disappointing to some too sanguine hopes, 
will, if they only last, render it possible for the Indian 
Government to pay its way. The Mints, the Chancellor of 
the Exchequer has announced, are not, for the present at 
least, to be reopened. The import of silver is not 
to be prohibited, or taxed otherwise than other com- 
modities. The experiment of artificially enhancing the 
value of the Rupee is to be allowed a thorough trial. 
Its consequences have been grave and far-reaching. The 
silver markets of the world have received a tremendous 
shock. The whole commercial conditions of India have 
been convulsed. Her exchanges with the Far East are 
disastrously deranged ; her nianufacturing interests are im- 
perilled; her balance of trade has been reversed; and it 



Indian Finance Troubles. * 269: 

has been shown that circumstances may easily arrest the 
demand for Council Bills. In the meanwhile the Indian 
Exchequer is if millions to the bad for the year just closed 
and has to deal with a prospective deficit of nearly three 
millions in the present year. A million of this is provided 
by the regrettable expedient of abandoning the Famine In- 
surance Surplus; the new import duties, — cotton always 
excluded — will produce Rx. \, \ ^0,000 \ the Provincial 
Governments will contribute half a million from their savings. 
A final deficit of Rx. 302,000 is left, in the hope, probably, 
that the Lancashire vote may not be allowed to prevail 
against an obvious necessity, or that some unforeseen piece 
of good luck may help Mr. Westland out of his scrape. 
The success of the experiment, hitherto, is not conspicuous 
or assured. What its next phase will be, the wisest are 
unable to conjecture. The best that can be said of it is 
that a breathing-time, as Mr. Goschen expressed it, has 
been secured during which India and England may elaborate 
the means for a permanent and satisfactory solution of the 
difficulty. 

What is that solution to be ? While the palliation is 
applied, the essential cause of mischief — the appreciation of 
gold — continually intensifies. Year by year, as one nation 
after another, since 18 73, has demonetized silver, the burthen, 
formerly borne by the two metals jointly, has fallen dispro- 
portionately upon gold, and the temptation to other 
great communities to adopt a gold standard has become 
more overwhelming. As each has yielded, the evil has 
been rendered acuter for the rest. The debtor classes, the 
industrial classes, the commercial classes are everywhere 
feeling the pinch. India has now joined the gold-standard 
nations : America has abandoned its bootless efforts : the 
two greatest markets for silver in the world are closed, and 
the fall in its value has been abysmal. Special causes, little 
foreseen and still less understood, have stimulated and are 
stimulating a flow of silver to India, and huge amounts have, 
it is to be feared, passed into the hsinds of the population 

s 2 ' ^ '^§^ 



270 Indian Finance Troubles. 

at rates above their real present value and still more above 
the prices which they are likely hereafter to realize. Those 
who have, for many years past, recommended and still 
recommend the policy of leaving things alone in the hope 
that they will eventually right themselves, are now con- 
fronted with the awkward fact that no tendency to rectifi- 
cation reveals itself, but that, on the contrary, wholesale 
catastrophe threatens in the immediate future, while the 
evils of the present moment are continually becoming more 
unendurable. It is a policy of drift, while rocks and 
shallows are apparent on every side, and the roar of 
Niagara is growing momentarily louder in our ears. Such 
a policy is for the desperate or the mad. To the sane man, 
to the statesman responsible for the well-being of a com- 
munity and its future interests, it is impossible. No school 
of economists but one ventures to suggest a practical way 
of escape from the calamities which are weighing year by 
year more heavily on the industry and commerce of the 
world. The Bimetallists have, at any rate» a theory which 
professes to explain the malady and to indicate an effectual 
remedy. Their case rests on grounds scientific and his- 
torical. Historically, they appeal to the past — to the history 
of our own currency, and to the first three quarters of the 
present century, during which the evils, now so acutely 
experienced, were obviated by arrangements identical with 
those to which they would have us now resort. The 
scientific economists, almost to a man, support these views. 
Great communities, great Governments, are ready to adopt 
them. Those who persist in rejecting them, and who 
encourage the British Government in its refusal to consider 
them, will, it may be believed, be hereafter called to stricter 
account, as the suffering becomes more acute and as one 
suffering class after another discovers that its troubles are 
too acute for endurance, and may not, after all, be irremedi- 
able. They must be prepared with arguments more cogent 
than the sneers and denunciation which have hitherto 
formed so large a portion of the monometallist armoury. 

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271 

-THE INDIAN MONETARY PROBLEM." 

By Lesley C. Probyn, B.C.S. {Rei.). 
Late Accountant General, Madras. 

On the 26th June, 1893, in consequence of the recom- 
mendations of a Committee presided over by the Lord 
Chancellor of England, an Act was passed at Simla closing 
the Indian mints against the free coinage of silver. One 
of the most important changes ever made in the monetary 
system of a great country was thus commenced. It is not 
proposed here to discuss the wisdom of the policy then 
inaugurated ; or to examine the relative merits of silver, of 
gold, and of the two metals together, as a standard of 
valuation. It is desired rather to draw attention to the 
objects aimed at by Lord Herschells Committee ; to 
explain the measures taken in the furtherance of those 
objects ; and to see the results which have followed. 

The change was recommended by the Committee, and 
adopted by the Government, with the object of eventually 
putting the money of India on a gold basis. This was not 
only admitted by the Committee in saying '* we cannot 
advise your Lordship to overrule the proposals for the 
closing of the mints and the adoption of a gold standard," 
but it was also expressly stated by Lord Lansdowne, during 
the discussion on the Bill, that " we intend to introduce a 
gold standard." And indeed otherwise the closure of the 
mints, which became necessary directly it was determined 
to change the standard of valuation, would have been quite 
unjustifiable. When therefore "the Indian Currency ex- 
periment " is talked of, it should be remembered that the 
closure of the mints was hardly an experimental act. It 
was the necessary sequence of a deliberate decision to 
forsake a silver, and to adopt a gold standard of valuation. 
Experiment was to decide how the gold standard was to be 
engrafted on to the money circulation and obligations of 
the country, and how it was to be maintained. 

It is necessary to explain what a gold standard of yalua-^T^ 

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272 " The Indian Monetary Problem'' 

tion is. Unfortunately no authoritative definition can be 
given. An American writer of eminence indeed once gave 
nine different meanings as attached to the word " standard " 
when used in monetary discussions. But no one of these 
meanings is comprehensive enough to indicate the sense in 
which the word is used in the report of the Committee and 
the speech of Lord Lansdowne. It may, however, be 
safely said, that the standard of valuation of a country is 
the commodity in terms of which, by law and custom, all 
other commodities are expressed when their money values 
are stated ; and that the commodity selected is only effec- 
tive as the standard of valuation when it can be changed 
freely into the current money of the country, and when the 
current money of the country can be changed freely into it, 
at the established rate. Thus before the 26th of June, 
silver was the standard of India ; — not because Rupees, 
and their fractional copper representatives, constituted the 
currency of the country, but because whoever chose could 
turn his silver into the currency of the country, and could 
equally turn the currency of the country into silver.* 
So that in effect it was not how many Rupees or Pice were 
given, but how much silver was given, for particular com- 
modities. And a gold standard cannot be attained until 
gold occupies a similar position. Not until gold can always 
be turned at a fixed rate into Rupees, or their fractional 
representatives, or into whatever may be the currency of 
the country, and not until the currency of the country can 
be exchanged into gold at the same rate, will the monetary 
transactions of India really be measured by gold, and will 
a gold standard be established in that country. The 
particular way in which a gold standard was to be set up in 
India was not set forth in the recommendation of the Com- 
mittee. Indeed the members were not unanimous on 
some important matters connected with it. Some appar- 

* The seigniorage of two per cent, is left out of consideration. Theoreti- 
cally it interferes with the exactness of the standard ; but practically it is 
not important. 

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** The Indian Monetary Problem.^* 273 

ently thought that it might be possible to maintain a gold 
standard without gold being provided by the Government. 
Others, rightly as it seems to me, considered that the 
Government of India should ** accumulate a sufficient re- 
serve of gold." The rate too at which the Rupee should 
stand in the gold valuation was not settled, the Committee 
generally, while proposing a major limit of 16 pence for the 
present, said that ** it would not, of course, be essential to 
the plan that the ratio should never be fixed above is. 4d. ; 
circumstances might arise, rendering it proper, and even 
necessary, to raise the ratio."* And one member of the 
Committee clearly indicated his view that a return to the 
old Latin Union rate of something like is. lo^d. the 
Rupee, might eventually be possible. 

But in regard to ** the closing of the mints against the 
free coinage of silver " there was no uncertain sound ; and 
this momentous preliminary step was in due course taken ; 
and silver ceased to be standard of the country. Prices in 
India, being no longer determined by the value of the 
commodity silver, became dependent on the limited 
quantity of Rupees in circulation. It was expected that, 
this quantity remaining unaltered, the level of Rupee prices 
at the time of the closure of the mints would also remain 
unaltered, and that the value of the Rupee having (owing 
to its coinage being stopped) been made greater than the 
value of the silver contained in it, its value in gold at the 
date of the stoppage would at least be maintained, and 
would gradually be enhanced. But many of those who 
approved of the closure of the mints were not confident 
that these expectations would be realised. It was felt that 
the quantity of Rupees in circulation might be increased 
notwithstanding the closure of the mints, and that prices 
expressed in the monopoly Rupees of all commodities, 
including gold, might consequently rise. And so far as 

* What was probably in the mind of the Committee was^he possibility 
of a rise in the gold value of silver (owing to a bimetallic un|on or other 
causes) bringing the ratio of silver to gold lower than 2 1 '9 to i, the ratio 
corresponding to one and fourpence the Rupee. (^noaTp 

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2 74 *! T^ Indian Monetary Problem^ 

can be seen this is precisely what has happened,* though 
probably the increased quantity of Rupees in circulation 
has partly arisen from a cause which was not foreseen. 
A ceaseless stream of Rupees has been pouring into India, 
which, but for a ceaseless outlet into hoards and ornaments, 
would have unduly flooded the country.^ This stream had 
been running with unusual volume during the last two or 
three years, and new Rupees must have continued to flow 
over the country for a long time after the mints were 
closed. But the outlets were practically closed directly 
the value of silver was divorced from the Rupee, thus 
causing the volume of circulation in the country to increase 
and, not only hindering any enhancement in the gold value 
of the coin, but preventing the arrest which the Committee 
expected would take place in its fall. 

And the difficulty has been aggravated by the action of 
the Home Government to which attention will now be 
drawn. The Committee recommended that, with the 
object of preventing any sudden rise in the gold value of 
Rupees, they should be issued in exchange for gold at the 
rate of sixteen pence. This arrangement, though un- 
questionably wise in itself, gave rise to some misunder- 
standing. Nowhere in the report of the Committee is 
any expectation held out that this rate would soon be 
attained. But the public assumed it would not have been 
named unless there had been confidence that the Rupee, 
which stood at i6d., in February 1892, would soon, with 
the closure of the mints, rise again to that figure. And, 
immediately it was known that the mints were to be closed 
with a major limit of i6d., speculation occurred in Rupee 
paper, which had the effect of working up the exchange 

* It is not unreasonable to suppose too that the fall in the price of 
isilver, which was bound to follow the closure of the mints, has been to 
some extent arrested in India by the increased quantity of Rupees in 
circulation. 

t It has been established by the careful researches of Mr. F. C. Harrison 
and Professor Edgeworth (see Economic Journal y 1891, 1892, 1893) ^*^ 
till lately the volume of Rupee circuiaiion has remained practically constant. 

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" The Indian Monetary Problem^ 275 

rate from about i4^d. to i6d ; and the favourable views 
were thus confirmed. One eminent English political 
economist* asked in seriousness whether the Government 
would '* not attempt now to exercise the power which they 
appear to have contemplated employing, and move the 
rate of exchange to the position it held till 1872 in which 
year the average rate obtained for Indian Council Bills was 
IS. li'i25d. i^" Even the Government of India were mis- 
led into thinking that a rate of i6d. could be maintained, 
and urged the Secretary of State not to sell his Council 
Bills at a lower figure. The Secretary of State yielded to 
the clamour of Calcutta ; and, though he subsequently re- 
duced the minimum to is. 3J<1., it was not until the end of 
January, nearly seven months after the mints were closed, 
that he was forced to admit that the gold price of Rupees 
in India was independent of \i\sfiat. Meanwhile Council 
Bills had not been sold.t The export trade of India, which 
leans so much on them, and which (as the successful intro- 
duction of a gold standard depended entirely on the excess 
of exports over imports being maintained) needed special 
encouragement at the time, was disorganised ; the debt 
owing to England by India was accumulating ; and money 
was being borrowed in London while funds were lying idle 
in Calcutta and Bombay. Imports of silver, no longer 
wanted for money in India, and of which indeed there was 
a redundancy in the currency and in the Government 
Treasure Chests, were encouraged, — thus giving a stimulus 
to the price of the metal, not likely to be maintained 
when things had settled down. Imports of other goods 
into India were encouraged by the competition of Council 
Bills being practically withdrawn ; — imports which, how- 
ever desirable in themselves, were of not such primary 
importance to the Empire of India as that the State 
liabilities to England should not be increased. 

♦ Mr. Inglis Palgrave, Times^ July 6th, 1893. 

t In the last six months of 1893 only 114 lakhs of bills were sold, com- 
pared with 1 1 34 lakhs in the conesponding period of the previous year. 

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276 ** The Indian Monetary Problem^' 

Before the close of January it was announced that a 
minimum for the Council Bills would no longer be main- 
tained, and it was soon seen that the market price was con- 
siderably below i4fd., — the price ruling when the mints 
were closed. Even at the reduced rates the full amounts 
offered were not at first taken up ;^ but allowance must be 
made for the disorganisation which has occurred in conse- 
quence of the usual channels of remittance having been 
altered, and for that mistrust which a vacillating Govern- 
ment policy must always cause. 

It is impossible to say at what rate exchange will settle 
down. There are some who still prophesy that the gold 
value of the Rupee will fall to the intrinsic gold value of 
the silver contained in it. Experience, up to the present 
time, indicates that they are wrong. Exchange has to 
some extent fallen with silver, and this must be so while 
shipments of silver to India continue. But the large 
margin between the exchange gold value of the Rupee and 
its intrinsic gold value has varied very little since January, 
when the Secretary of State began to sell his Bills without 
a minimum.t The rate of exchange must, of course, be 
subject to much greater fluctuations than if the Rupee 
were on an effective gold basis. It will mainly depend on 
the Rupee prices of commodities in India, and on the gold 
prices of commodities in places with which she trades ; but, 
as has already been stated^ the most important factor in 
determining Rupee prices will be the quantity of Rupee 
currency. If there be no disturbing causes, any redun- 
dancy of currency in India will, in process of time, be 
worked off; prices will gradually fall ; and the gold value 
of the Rupee will gradually rise, till it reaches the point at 
which it will be profitable to import gold. But this result 
will not be attained if India, on balance of trade, do not 

* The present rate (March 8) is i4d. Since Jan. 24, 340 lakhs of nipees 
have been sold at an average of nearly i4d. 

t On the 31st of January the melting value of the Rupee in London was 
iifd. against i4|d. the price obtained for Council Bills. On the 7th of 
March, it was lOyVd. against i4d. 

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*' The Indian Monetary Problem!' 277 

pay what she may owe, whether it be in the shape of 
obligations incurred in England or for goods which she 
imports. If she become a debtor, instead of, as she has 
been in the past, a creditor* country, the exchange value of 
the Rupee must fall, until it eventually reaches the silver 
bullion price. It was this point which was apparently lost 
sight of when the Secretary of State ruinously affected the 
export trade by declining to sell his Bills at their market 
value. 

Again, the transfer of capital from India to England 
would also unfavourably affect the position of the former 
country; while the transfer of capital from England to 
India would tend in the opposite direction. In this view 
it is of the highest importance that the capitalist of the 
West, as well as the people of India, should have confi- 
dence in the future of Indian money. The value of an 
inconvertible paper currency depends to a material extent 
on the prospects of its ultimate redemption ; and a similar 
remark applies to the value of the inconvertible Rupee. 
If a definite and attainable scheme be set forward for the 
ultimate security of the Rupee on a gold basis, it will tend 
to confidence in it, and to an increase in its gold value : 
and the flow of capital to India will be encouraged. 

The first point in this connection is to fix the rate in 
gold at which the Rupee is eventually to stand. It goes 
without saying that the lower this is fixed the sooner, and 
with the greater ease, will the gold point be reached. 
People interested in India are apt to forget that, though, 
in respect to its gold obligations, a high rate of exchange 
is for the advantage of the State and therefore of its 
subjects, the trade of the country is just as well served 
by a low as by a high rate, provided there be stability. 
It will probably be admitted that nothing above a i6d. 
Rupee can now be thought of. A isd. Rupee, however, 

* The exports of India have, in the past, been sufficient to pay for its 
imports and the value of the Council Bills, and still to leave her creditor 
for a large amount which has been adjusted by specie remittanoes. j 

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278 ** The Indian Monetary Problem^ 

would certainly be much easier, and it would put earlier 
the date on which India might be expected to join in the 
scramble for gold. If the probable scruples of Lombard 
Street could be overcome this would certainly seem to be 
the better rate of the two. 

The next point to be settled is how the gold is to be 
secured. The object is not to supplant the Rupee cur- 
rency, but merely to put it on a gold basis. All that is 
needed is, that while, on the one hand, currency shall be 
given in exchange for gold, on the other hand gold, not 
necessarily gold coin but (what Ricardo pointed out, when 
the resumption of specie payments was under discussion in 
England in 1816, would be equally effectual) gold in any 
form, shall be given in exchange for currency. The Paper 
Currency Department in India affords an excellent medium 
for the gradual acquisition of gold in exchange for its silver 
reserves.* Whether any, and if so what, attempt should 
be made to acquire gold before it comes in obedience to 
trade demands, need not now be discussed. But until the 
exchange value of the Rupee has for some time remained 
constant at the rate determined, no attempt should be 
made to free any gold which may have accumulated. If, 
by a stroke of a magician's wand, the (say) twenty crores 
of Rupees now held by the Paper Currency Department 
were changed into ;^i3,333,333, the difficulty would not 
necessarily be solved. If the Rupee remained at its 
present price, or even at say I5d., while the Paper Cur- 
rency Department offered to redeem its Rupee notes in 
gold at i6d., the gold would all be replaced by silver in the 
course of a few days. But if the Rupee gradually worked 
itself up to i6d., and if then, in obedience to trade require- 
ments, gold came to India, and the reserves of the Cur- 
rency Department gradually changed from silver to gold, 
it would indicate a very different result. 

There has been enough of experiment. Owing to the 

♦ As to the detailed way in which this can be carried out, see Journal 
of tJu Institute of Bankers^ January, 1893. 

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*' The Indian Monetary Problem^ 279 

way in which it has been conducted, the object aimed at 
by Lord Herschell's Committee seems almost as far off as 
ever ; and judging from the telegrams which have recently 
come from India insisting on the Secretary of State's ability 
to fix his own price for his Bills, much profit has not been 
derived from the bitter experience. But the advisers of the 
India Office seem at last to be realizing the position ; and if, 
as apparently was the case, it needed this costly lesson to 
teach them wisdom, it will not have been entirely thrown 
away. But let the Government hesitate no longer. Let 
the announcement already made, as to the introduction of 
a gold standard into India, be emphatically repeated. Let 
the manner in which the measure is to be carried out ; the 
gold rate to be adopted ; the gold security to be obtained ; 
be definitely determined. Let a pledge be given that this 
policy shall be carried out without wavering. Let it be 
remembered that there is not always a royal smooth road 
to success, but that the path which leads thereto is often 
difficult. Let it not be expected that the results will cer- 
tainly be attained in a few weeks or months ; — but let the 
Government look forward with patience to the gradual 
establishment, it may be after the lapse of years, of a per- 
fect system under which all the monetary transactions of 
India shall be measured in gold. As Sir David Barbour 
has pointed out, it is wrong to think ** that the establish- 
ment of a gold standard would be a source of endless 
wealth to the Government of India." But it is believed 
that it will relieve that Government from the harassing 
fluctuations of the past, and that it will, when established 
on a satisfactory footing, contribute largely to the trade 
prosperity of our magnificent Empire, and promote the 
general welfare of our Indian fellow-subjects. 



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28o 



AN INDIAN BANKER ON EXCHANGE. 

It is clear that the Secretary of State, urged by Lombard 
Street, disregarded the position of the market in India, and 
broke the minimum rate of is. 3id. at a time when it was 
on the eve of being obtained. All the Banks in India 
admit that if he had held on for another fortnight, certainly 
until the end of April, he would have secured is. 3^. The 
effect has been to disorganise trade, as with each decline 
in the rupee the sterling value of all produce recedes ; and 
the result is that no business can be carried through. Ex- 
ports are stopped, and though money is as tight as possible, 
payment of the large imports of silver and piece-goods have 
enabled the Banks to live from hand to mouth. 

The effect will be to destroy the credit of everything 
Indian ; and it would not surprise me to see a great fall in 
all Indian investments in London ; for if the Government 
Securities are discredited, vide a fall from £70 on 30th 
June to ^57 to-day, say ;^ 1,300 on one lac, equal to 
Rs. 22,000 — what confidence can the European public have 
in anything Indian? An agitation is being promoted by 
Europeans to get the natives to bestir themselves ; and 
while it is clear to me that this is the only way to get 
Indian interests properly cared for at home, it will lead to 
the loss of British prestige in India. 

Europeans in India, while loyal to the core, are not blind 
to the fact that the Indian Council, urged by Lombard 
Street, has not worked the question to the benefit of India. 

I regard the whole position with the utmost concern. 

The matter will, no doubt, adjust itself in time; because 
all imports will be much curtailed and exports increased, 
and the only means for remittance being " Councils," ex- 
change must rise. 

Everything seems to have worked against exchange, and 
the last feature is absence of freight with unusually heavy 
crops on the Bombay side to ship. 

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An Indian Banker on Exchange, 281 

What Government ought to have done, short of an Inter- 
national agreement for the two metals which will yet be 
forced on England, was to have stopped the importation of 
silver on private account altogether, put a duty on all im- 
ports, taxed raw jute exported, and fixed an exchange that 
would not have killed their trade with silver-using coun- 
tries ; then things would have been all right. I have come 
to the conclusion that the present action, though it will be 
late in its satisfactory effects and may bring ruin in its 
operation on many, will ultimately put up exchange. 

The heavy imports of silver were probably due to the 
following causes : 

1. Possibility of reopening the Mints. 

2. Possibility of a duty on silver. 

3. Enormous profit; for instance with exchange at is. 3d., 
say 16 rupees to the £ and silver at 3C)d. per ounce, Rs. 16 
bought 8 ounces of silver roughly. Now, however, with ex- 
change at IS. i|d. 8 ounces will cost nearly 17^ rupees, the 
importer having no hope of a duty to improve his purchase 
on arrival nor of the reopening of the Mints to get it into 
rupees, and he will not be able to offer such good terms to 
the ryot who has hoarded his rupees by exchanging it for 
silver. Thus, we may look upon the silver import as dead. 
Next we come to all imports. During 1893 very large im- 
ports were made ; people returned their money in goods 
instead of Councils. With the low exchange prices will rise; 
so that all stocks will be consumed before being replenished, 
and the result will be that, with diminished Imports and 
contracted Currency, and the impetus that exports will get 
from the low exchange, Councils will be taken and Exchange 
will rise until the maximum rate is reached and the demand 
arises for imports. I look to a rise in exchange and not to 
a continued fall. Rupee Paper will be worth buying, when 
we see the turn in exchange. 

There is a very serious question beyond all this and that 
is that England will lose much of its foreign trade. The 
jute-spinning trade will go, and we shall make our own 

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282 An Indian Banker on Exchange. - 

cloths in India. The Government will be compelled to put 
a duty on all imports, and this will further help matters. 
They must declare that the unsold " Councils " are to be 
funded, as the fear of this not being done helped our 
market down. 

In conclusion, I can only repeat that the ill-advised 
action of the Secretary of State, supported as it is by certain 
interested persons, is making the Rupee hourly of less 
value and will not only discredit India in all capitalists' eyes, 
but also lead to serious trouble and, probably, to political 
dangers. India sadly needs a representative at home to 
inform the country that the bankruptcy of India is being 
wilfully urged on by private and selfish motives that have 
not even the narrowest patriotism for their excuse, and to 
show to the miners and working-classes interested in the 
manufactured exports, that their trade is being taken out of 
their hands by the action of Lombard Street. Within the 
last month the P. and O. Company have made a contract 
with local coal companies to take Bengal coal for their 
steamers; so the trade in coal also from England to the 
East is doomed. The outcry of the impoverished trader and 
workman will be joined by the despoiled capitalist, whether 
European or native, for it is becoming difficult to support a 
Government that, strong alone in fads, is ever weak when 
it is asked to sacrifice the most vital interests of India to 
the smallest convenience of English party. 



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THE AMIR OF AFGHANISTAN AND GREAT 

BRITAIN. 

By Dr. G. W. Leitner. 

Whatever may have been the effect of the mission of 
Sir Mortimer Durand in strengthening the friendship 
between the Amir of Afghanistan and Great Britain, it is 
certain that it only made assurance doubly sure. It was 
Lord Lytton who first conceived the brilliant idea of attach- 
ing Sirdar Abdurrahman to Great Britain when a telegram 
of Reuter informed the world of the present Amir's arrival 
at Balkh. Though ** loosed upon us by the Russians, I 
think we can help or hurt him more easily than Russia " 
wrote the Viceroy in January 1880 to one of his Lieutenant- 
Governors when suggesting ** this moment for very 
advantageous negotiations with Abdul Rahman." Among 
the reasons for sending Mr. (now Sir) Lepel Griffin to 
Kabul was the necessity for securing a master-mind to 
carry out a master-stroke of policy, should the opportunity 
for it arrive in his opinion. It is well-known with what 
success this experienced political officer carried out his 
delicate task, how he cleared by his negotiations with 
the tribal Chiefs the road for General Roberts from 

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284 The Amir of Afghanistan and Great Britain. 

Kabul to Kandahar which Sir Donald Stewart had 
previously cleared with his sword and how they closed our 
last Afghan campaign with the proclamation of the in- 
stallation of an independent Amir on the '* God-given " 
Throne of Afghanistan whom they had made a friend 
of Great Britain. 




I can testify to the depth and sincerity of a friendship, 
suggested by Lord Lytton and so happily formed by the 
action of Sir Lepel Griffin and Sir Donald Stewart It 
was at Rawulpindi in March 1885 that I heard and saw 
the Amir Abdurrahman proffer his sword in public Durbar 
to fight any enemy of Great Britain. Great was the con- 
sternation of politicals and greater the opportunity then 
lost in leaving Panjdeh unredressed and in checking 

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The Amir of Afghanistan and Great Britain, 285 

Russia's progress towards India for even Lord Dufferin, 
who succeeded Lord Lytton in India as he has succeeded 
him in France, reconciled the " poor Amir " to the loss of 
prestige and Panjdeh, then, as now, relying on the 
promises of Russia and on his diplomatic relations with her 
Czar and statesmen. But it is idle to ignore that this most 
charming companion to those whom it is to his interest to 
attach, cemented, if possible, the already existing friendship 
of the Amir even where he cooled its ardour. I, therefore, 
publish as an historical document a photograph which 
represents in a group His Highness at Rawulpindi in 1885, 
with Lord Dufterin on his left, the Duke of Connaught oh 
his right, Dr. (now Sir) Mackenzie Wallace on the extreme 
left angle and behind Lord Dufferin, Major Talbot, the 
political officer ; behind the Amir, Sir Thomas Gordon, the 
famous Pamir explorer and Persian Scholar and last 
(though now not least) Mr. (now Sir) Mortimer Durand, 
behind Dr. Wallace. Knowing what I do of Oriental 
feeling, I have little doubt that if anything at Rawulpindi 
could have added warmth to the sincere friendship of the 
Amir for this country it was the genial presence of a son of 
the Queen. 

It is therefore historically incorrect to allege, as some 
papers and persons have done, that the friendship of the 
Amir is due to Sir Mortimer Durand or to Lord Lans- 
downe. Much less is it due to any European letter-carrier 
or workman who may claim credit for removing a hostility 
that never existed. The friendship of the Amir for 
England had never wavered for a moment, even if there 
were ** irae amantium " in consequence of certain misunder- 
standings and encroachments and the mistaken proposal of 
sending Lord Roberts to explain them at the head of a 
force which in Afghanistan would be considered almost an 
army of occupation. To the military advisers of the India 
Office we are indebted for suggesting a "give-and-take" 
mission, like that of Sir M. Durand has proved to be. The 
Amir had the happy thought of sending a letter and 

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286 The Amir of Afghanistan and Great Britain. 

messenger direct to the Viceroy instead of continuing to 
be puzzled by what passes as Persian in our Foreign 
Department, and Lord Lansdowne had the good sense 
to avail himself of an opportunity to conclude his reign 
with some glory by the mise-en scene of what could not 
help being a successful mission. 

The Amir, and the Amir only, in this matter, as through- 
out his life, is the author of his fortune. A strong man in 
every sense of the term, endowed with an iron will and 
honest in speech and purpose, he threw in his lot with us 
in 1880 and has remained true to us ever since. To 
almost incredible provocations and misrepresentations in 
the Jingo Press of England and India, as to the mistakes 
or meddlesomeness of politicals, he has replied with a 
serenity, firmness and completeness that have converted 
foes into friends. At the very time when it. was falsely 
stated in the Press and on platforms that he was hostile 
to us and that therefore a Mission to him was necessary, he 
wrote to me in terms which show how sincere and un- 
ruffled was his friendship for this country. I publish his 
letter because he asks me to thank those who have advo- 
cated his cause in the Press and because it is better that 
we should know, in his own words — six weeks before Sir 
M. Durand reached Kabul — what are his feelings towards 
Great Britain than to be informed of them at second-hand. 
Finally the letter, as a literary production, is very 
characteristic of a man whose pen is as sharp as his sword 
and among whose qualities is thoroughness in everything, 
great or small, down to finding out the titles and other 
particulars of correspondents. As to his possible visit to 
England, though I may have suggested it, there seem to be 
great difficulties in the way which mainly arise from 
dynastic and other political considerations and which also 
affect the sending of his sons to this country. There are 
also objections as to entourage and the exploitation gene- 
rally of Oriental potentates in Europe, into which I will not 
enter, but which have the effect of lessening their respect 

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The Amir of Afghanistan and Great Britain, 287 

for us and our civilization and thus frustrating the very 

object of their visit. 

As regards the delimitation of the I ndo- Afghan frontier 

I am strongly of opinion that any success on our part in 

alienating the independent Afghan tribes from Kabul is 

worse than a defeat, for, in an emergency, the Amir 

should lead all the tribes of that origin. It is however, a 

significant comment on the practical results of the Durand 

Mission as also a powerful testimony to the loyalty and 

business capacity of our great ally compared with the laisser- 

alter of our Government that, according to a telegram 

in the Times of the 14th ultimo, he should actually urge 11s 

to delimitate a portion of the frontier which we claim to be 

within our sphere of influence. The telegram runs as 

follows : 

"The Ameer having asked the Government of India to expedite the 
demarcation of the boundaries of Afghanistan under the Durand agree- 
ment, the work will be taken in hand at once on the Khyber, Kurram, and 
Beluchistan frontiers. It will be carried on by the local political officers. 
There may be some delay before the demarcation of the Waziristan and 
Bajaur boundaries is undertaken." 

As for the Russo-Afghan frontier, it is very fortunate for 
the Amir that a Liberal Government happened to have laid 
down certain principles of demarcation in the Granville- 
Gortchakoff Convention of 1873 (republished further on, as 
it is out of print), which are regarded by another Liberal 
Government twenty years after, although the progress of 
Russian arms since 1873 niight have been made the excuse 
for further encroachment to the detriment of Afghanistan on 
the East, as was the case on the West after the Panjdeh 
disaster of 1885. Mr. W. Simpson, who accompanied the 
Boundary Commission in that year, has furnished me with 
the following outline which may be found convenient in 
connexion with the study of that part of the present Russo- 
Afghan frontier, as now finally settled : 

" The Russo-Afghan Boundary begins on the west at Zulfaqar, on the 
Heri-Rud, — which is about 120, or 130 miles following the line of the 
Heri-Rud, — from Herat. A line, as the crow flies, between Zulfaqar and 
Herat is about 100 miles, — the range of hills, known as the Faroe 



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288 The Amir of Afghanistan and Great Britain. 

runs along a large part of this straight line. When the Boundary was 
being laid out, the Russians claimed to advance their line on the Kushk 
River, and I think it now crosses that stream i8 miles south of Chaman-i- 
baid. If this is so, it brings the frontier to, or close to, Kara Tapa, or 
a^out 60 miles in a direct line north from Herat The Paropambus 
Range runs at right angles across the line from Kara Tapa to Herat, — 
there are more than one pass over the range. From this the line of 
Boundary runs north east to Meruchak, on the Murghab, from which it 
crosses the edge of the desert to the Oxus, at Bosaga, or Kham-i-ab near 
Khoja Saleh. 

'' In giving the ground on the Kushk River to the Russians, — they in 
return gave up some ground on the Oxus. Khoja Saleh was the original 
point, but the line now ends at the Oxus either at Bosaga or Kham-i-ab, 
or between the two." 

There is, of course, no connexion between the Granville- 
Gortchakoff Convention of 1873 ^^^ the settlement of the 
particular frontier between Sarrakhs and the Oxus which 
Sir W. Ridgeway arranged after the Panjdeh affair in 
1885. Under the latter arrangement, a small part of 
Badgheis fell to Russia, and the Amir, it is stated, was per- 
fectly satisfied with the frontier running from Zulfiqdr vid 
Ak-Robat, Islim and Khushk to Maruchak and from thence 
to Bosaga on the Oxus. 

The Russo-Afghan boundary, therefore, on the West, as 
lately re-settled, runs E.N.E. from Zulfiqdr on the Hari 
Rud (where the Persian boundary is met) to Khim-i-ib on 
the Oxus, passing by Maruchak on the Murghdb and the 
Maimena and Andikhoi (Andkui) borders. 

The Oxus line of the Granville-Gortchakoff Convention 
separates Afghanistan on the North from Bokhara and 
ought not to be confounded with the line from the Hari Rud 
just referred to. // is understood that the Amir has con- 
sented to abide strictly by that Convention and that he 
has, accordingly, withdrawn from the posts held by him in 
Raushan on the north or right side of the Oxus, and 
in Shigndn on the right bank of that river, there so tor- 
tuous in its course, which were not held by Afghanistan 
in 1873. In return, it is similarly understood, that the 
Bokhara State, under the advice of Russia, will surrender to 
Afghanistan the territory occupied by it on the south or 

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The Amir of Afghanistan and Great Britain. 2^9 

left side of the Oxus in Derwdz since that date. [Shigndn 
proper lies West (a narrow strip) and East of the Oxus.*J 

Wakhan will certainly remain in the hands of the Amir and 
thus the Baroghil Pass and with it ChitrAl are as effectually 
protected by a Liberal Government as any Russophobe 
Administration could have succeeded in doing. The only 
unsettled question as yet refers to the boundary between 
Wood's Lake and China in the Pamirs, where her undoubted 
ancient rights have to be considered in spite of Lord Dun- 
more's joke regarding the fabrication of a Chinese boundary 
inscription. The negotiations between Russia, China and 
England are not yet concluded, but it is certain that the 
interests of Afghanistan in those regions will be safe- 
guarded by England, In short, there is no reason to 
doubt that the hope contained in Her Majesty's last 
message to Parliament will be fulfilled, much to the advan- 
tage of the cause of peace and of the country over which 
His Highness the Amir rules with a wisdom and vigour 
unsurpassed, if they are equalled, by any European monarch : 

EXTRACT FROM THE QUEEN'S SPEECH, I2TH MARCH 1 894. 

" The negotiations between my Government and that of the Emperor of 
Russia for the settlement of frontier questions in Central Asia are proceed- 
ing in a spirit of mutual confidence and good will, which gives every hope 
of an early and equitable adjustment." 



Translation of a Letter from the Amir Abdurrah- 
man TO Dr. Leitner dated 2 2nd August 1893. 

" God is He, whose glory be (alone) exalted." 

** To the quintessence of those who have attained the 

highest learning and most perfect accomplishments and of 

those who, whilst most profound in Arts and Sciences, are 

also illustrious examples of kindness and friendship, Dr. 

G. W. Leitner, who is entitled Maulvi Abdur-rashld, LL.D ; 

D.O.L. 

♦ See Dr. Leitner's Map of the Pamirs and Col. Grombcheffsky's 
account of Independent Shigndn and Raushan as also Mr. C. Johnston's 
paper on Derwdz and Karategin in the " Asiatic Quarterly " of January 

1892.-^^. Digitized by Google 



<290 The Amir of Afghanistan and Great Britain. 

. After manifesting thoughts of affection and royal favour 
and the desire of meeting you again, may it become evident 
to your affectionate disposition that this your friend has 
perused your letter, which, being based on the considera- 
tions of a well-wisher and a friend and giving an account 
of the state of health of a friend, has become the cause of 
great gratification and pleasure to my inmost mind. 

As regards the wish that we should meet again and the 
getting ready of a Seat for my friendly reception in London 
about which you have written, I can only hope, as the 
affairs of the world are based on hope, that, with the Grace 
of God, the time of such interview may happen and become 
the cause of rejoicings to both our minds. Since also the 
resolution to do a thing is of the very essence of a deed, on 
this ground I have become very much pleased and accept 
with great gratification your intention of hospitality and the 
invitation which you have so cordially made. And as 
regards to what you wrote about the Mosque which you 
have established for the benefit of Muhammadans, let prayers 
be offered for the continuance of the life and of the posses- 
sions of the Ruler, since, according to the saying that the 
prayer of the absent has the speediest answer, I hope that 
the prayer of that absent friend will be accepted by the 
Throne that grants prayers. 

Secondly, you have recorded that some misgfuided persons 
have said through the medium of newspapers that His 
Highness the Amir is not friendly to the English Govern- 
ment, a statement which you have refuted at various in- 
fluential meetings and proved to be unfounded in different 
publications of which you have sent two to me, so God 
will, the efforts of this friend are not without effect. 

As to your request for my photograph with an account of 
my welfare, I send you one as you wish in order that jt may 
be a memento of our friendship. 

As regards the imaginings of men who are hungry with 
self-interest, they are certainly men of hostile and evil dis- 
position who are engaged night and day in sowing dis- 
sension in the hearts of friends so as to e^mbrpil the love 



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The Amir of Afghanistan and Great Britain. 291 

and friendship between two nations (or two Governments) ; 
they are no doubt inspired by love of mischief, or by greed, 
or follow their nature and have ever so laboured and are 
so labouring ; since, however, on the sides of both Govern- 
ments the hearts are sincere and pure and there are between 
us friends, like you, righteous and competent, they have 
not even succeeded in inflicting a scratch, nor will they 
so succeed, for the fruit of such vain and mendacious efforts 
of theirs can only be the disappointment of failure and the 
shame of ignorance. Therefore your righteous words are 
based on, and intended for, the advantage and benefit of 
the illustrious British Government and of the " God-given *' 
Government of Afghanistan. 

I am exceedingly pleased and obliged to you and after 
this I also hope from you for the expression of further 
suggestions of a well-wisher and friend. 

Thirdly, in 1887 no message from you whatever has 
reached me from Calcutta, for had it reached me, I would 
most certainly have sent you an answer. In future, let 
your letters also inform me of the state of your health and 
of your own brilliant labours, for the well-being of the con- 
ditions of friends being always the object of the satisfaction 
of my mind, answers to them will ever be sent. 

The conclusion of this message is with expressions of 
thoughts of affection and desire for the glory and good 
health of yourself together with other friends who have 
composed well-wishing papers that have been sent to me as 
above-mentioned. Finis. 

Written on the nth Safar al Muzaffar A. H. 
131 1 or 22nd August 1893 A.D. 

(Signed) Amir Abdurrahman 

Amir of Afghanistan. 
I have signed this because Dr. Leitner is my own 
friend and this is an answer to his friendly letter. 
Finis.'' 

The following short biography of His Highness, the Amir 
Abdurrahman Khan, may be appropriate in this plac&> Hej 

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292 The Amir of Afghanistan and Great Britain. 

is a Barakzai and was born in 1830, the eldest son of the 
late Muhammad Afzul Khan, who was the elder half- 
brother of Sher Ali by a Popalzai wife. Abdurrahman is 
thus a grandson of the famous Dost Muhammad, who ruled 
Afghanistan till his death in 1863, and nephew to the late 
Sher Ali who was expelled by the British in 1879 and soon 
after died in exile. Afzul was the heir to the Kabul throne, 
but was away as Governor of Balkh when Dost Muhammad 
died and Sher Ali succeeded him. The disinherited elder 
brother, joined by a third brother Azim Khan, then 
fought Sher Ali during four years. Abdurrahman, already 
possessed of great energy and ability and who was placed 
by his father in charge of Takhtapul, won several battles at 
Sheikhabad, Khelat-i-Ghilzai and other places, but was 
finally defeated by his cousin, Yakub Khan, son of Sher Ali. 
Some of the details of this struggle of lions were published 
by me in 1872 from the dictation of the Kafir, Jamsh6d, 
a nephew of the brave General Feramorz. It may be 
interesting to mention that the Government of India under 
Lord Lawrence and Lord Mayo, whilst recognizing one 
claimant as Amir de jure recognized whoever won as the 
de facto Amir, a distinction that Sher Ali told me much 
puzzled him, though, when finally victorious, he was acknow- 
ledged by us as the reigning Sovereign. Abdurrahman, 
who had married a daughter of the Amir of Bokhara, took 
refuge in the countries beyond the Oxus which had then 
not yet become Russian, but Yakub Khan compelled the 
Amir of Bokhara to deny him an asylum in his State and 
thus forced him to seek the protection of General Kauf- 
mann, who procured him an allowance of 25,000 roubles 
per annum. The American, Mr. Schuyler, who visited 
him at Samarcand, expressed a high opinion of his character 
and intelligence. Abdurrahman was ever a man of business, 
working systematically and daily, entering into details of 
administration and regularly having newspapers translated 
and read out to him by his secretaries. 

When Sher Ali died, he wanted to go to Afghanistan, bu^ 

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The Amir of Afghanistan and Great Britain: 293 

the Russian authorities prevented him, though they allowed 
him to go after Yakub Khan was deposed. He first 
entered Badakhshan, with which he had old sympathies 
dating from the days of his friend, the independent Chief, 
J ehandar Shah, and then advancing into Turkestan, he scarcely 
met with any resistance. Indeed, the whole army of that 
province appears to have gone over to him. It is certain 
that Sultan Murad Khan of Kunduz and Mir Sara Beg of 
Kolab assisted him and he had also many adherents in 
other parts of Afghanistan, especially in the Kohistan. As 
he was, by far, the most eligible of the claimants to the 
Kabul Throne, a mission from the Indian Government 
offering him the sovereignty of the Northern and Eastern 
Provinces of Kabul and Turkistan, was sent early to him 
at Khanabad in May 1880. The Sirddr, however, wisely 
preferred to be a national Ruler as the surest means of 
being useful to his country and dynasty as also to a British 
alliance. In August of that year accordingly the Amir 
accepted the independent possession of Kabul, when we 
left it, after proclaiming him as Amir. In April 1881, 
Kandahar was handed over to Abdurrahman, though he 
had to fight Ayub Khan for its possession. After defeating 
him and occupying Herat, he became master of the whole 
of Afghanistan, which he has since governed with remark- 
able wisdom and firmness. The more independent is a 
friendly Afghanistan, the stronger is our position in India 
against a Russian attack and I sincerely hope that a 
country which has so repeatedly resisted our arms may not 
become weakened by the too speedy assimilation of our 
arts. We should bear in mind that the Amir not only 
occupies the Throne of Kabul by right of heredity and 
national election, but that he is also a religious Sunni ruler, 
who reigns over a " God-given " country by the ''consensus 
fidelium " of the " Sunnat-wa-jemdat " and who yet has 
shown his friendliness to the Shiah denomination by pre- 
senting on the 17th ultimo the famous shrine of Imdm 
Rizd at Meshed with a most magnificent Kordn. The 

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.294 The Amir of Afghanistan and Great Britain. 

less, therefore, a Christian alien power intervenes in 
Afghanistan, the more will it be a tower of strength to us 
among Muhammadans. 

In appearance, Abdurrahman has a striking presence and 
a kind and dignified manner. The last drawing of him 
herewith published was made last year by Dr. J. A. Gray 
recently surgeon to His Highness. His health is generally 
good, though he often suffers from gout, "the Marz-ul- 
Multtk" or "disease of kings," which appears to be 
hereditary in Dost Muhammad's family. 




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295 



CORRESPONDENCE WITH RUSSIA 
RESPECTING CENTRAL ASIA. 

PRESENTED TO BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT BY COMMAND OF 
HER MAJESTY, 1873. 



No. I.— Earl Granville to Lord A. Loftus. 

Foreign Office, Oetoberiy, 1872. 

My Lord, 

Her Majesty's Government have not yet received from the Cabinet of St. 
Petersburgh communication of the Report which General Kaufmann was long since 
instructed to draw up on the countries south of the Oxus which are claimed by the Ruler 
of Afghanistan as his hereditary possessions. 

Her Majesty's Government have awaited this communication in full confidence that 
impartial inquiries instituted by that distingui.shed officer would confirm the views they 
themselves take of this matter, and so enable the two Governments to come to a prompt 
and definitive decision on the question that has been so long in discussion between them. 

But as the expected communication has not reached them, and as they consider it of 
importance both for the maintenance of peace and tranquillity in Central Asia, and for 
removing all causes of misunderstanding between the Imperial Government and them- 
selves, I will no longer delay making known through your Excellency to the Imperial 
Government the conclusion at which Her Majesty's Government have arrived after 
carefully weighing all the evidence before them. 

In the opinion then of Her Majesty's Government the right of the Ameer of Cabul 
(Shere Ali) to the possession of the territories up to the Oxus as far down as Khoja Saleh 
is fully established, and they believe, and have so stated to him through the Indian 
Government, that he would have a right to defend these territories if invaded. On the 
other hand, Her Majesty's authorities in India have declared their determination to 
remonstrate strongly with the Ameer should he evince any disposition to overstep these, 
limits of his kitigdom. 

Hitherto the Ameer has proved most amenable to the advice offered to him by the 
Indian Government, and has cordially accepted the peaceful policy which they have 
recommended him to adopt, because the Indian Government have been able to accom- 
pany their advice with an assurance that the territorial integrity of Afghanistan would 
in like manner be respected by those Powers beyond his frontiers which are amenable 
to the influence of Russia. The policy thus happily inaugurated has produced the most 
beneficial results in the establishment of peace in the countries where it has long been 
unknown. 

Her Majesty's Government believe that it is now in the power of the Russian 
Government by an explicit recognition of the right of the Ameer of Cabul to these 
territories which he now claims, which Bokhara herself admits to be his, and which all 
evidence as yet produced shows to be in his actual and effectual possession, to assist the 
British Government in perpetuating, as far as it is in human power to do so, the peace 
and prosperity of those regions, and in removing for ever by such means all cause of 
uneasiness and jealousy between England and Russia in regard to their respective 
policies in Asia. 

For your Excellency's more complete information I state the territories and boun- 
daries which Her Majesty's Government consider as fully belonging to the Ameer of 
Cabul, viz. : — 

(I.) Badakshan, with its dependent district of Wakhan from the Sarikal (Wood's 
Lake) on the east to the junction of the Kokcha River with the Oxus (or Penjah)*, form- 
ing the northern boundary of this Afghan province throughout its entire extent. 

* It is alleged that, owing to the copyist's error, the sentences *' on the IVest ; the 
stream of the Oxus thus " after the word "Penjah " and before the word " forming " 
were omitted in the final agreement, but this has, practically, proved to be &-4istincti(yi 
without a difference.— Ed, Digitized by V^jOOQ IC 



296 Correspondence with Russia respecting Central Asia. 

(2.) Afghan Turkestan, comprising the districts of Kunduz, Khulm, and Balkh, the 
nocthem boundary; of which would be the line of the Oxus from the junction of the 
Kokcha River to the post of the Khoja Saleh, inclusive, on the high road from Bokhara 
to fialkh. Nothing to be claimed by the Afghan Ameer on the left bank of the Oxus 
below Khoja Saleh. 

(3.) The internal districts of Aksha, Seripool, Maimena, Shibbergan, and Andkoi, the 
latter of which would be the extreme Afghan frontier possession to the north-west, the 
desert beyond belonging to independent tribes of Turcomans. 

(4. ) The western Afghan frontier between the dependencies of Herat and those of the 
Persian province of Khorassan is well known and need not here be de6ned. 

Your Excellency will give a copy of this despatch to the Russian Minister for Foreign 

Affairs. 

I am, &c 

(Signed) GRANVILLE. 

No. 2. — Prince Gortchakow to Count Brunnow.— (Communicated to Earl 
Granville by Count Brunnow, December 29.) 

( Translation, ) 

St, Petersburgh^ December 7, 1872. 

M. LE COMTE, 

Your Excellency has already received copy of Lord Granville's despatch of the 
17th October, which was communicated to us by Lord A. Loftus, by order of his 
Government 

It refers to the af&irs of Central Asia. 

Before answering it, it becomes necessary for me to recapitulate the different phases of 
the negotiation between us and the English Cabinet upon this question. 

The two Governments were equally desirous to forestall any cause of disagreement 
between them in that part of Asia. Both wished to establish such a state of things as 
would secure peace in those countries, and consolidate the relations of friendship and 
good understanding between the two Governments. 

They had consequently come to an agreement that it was expedient to have a certain 
"intermediary" zone, for the purpose of preserving their respective possessions from 
immediate contact. 

Afghanistan seemed well fitted to supply what was needed ; and it was consequently 
agreed that the two Governments should use all their influence with their neighbouring 
States towards preventing any collision or encroachment one side or the other of this 
" intermediary " zone. 

All that remained, in order to make the agreement between the two Cabinets as com- 
plete in fact as it already was in principle, was to trace the exact limits of the zone. 

It was here that a doubtful point arose. 

The founder of the Afghan State, Dost Mahommed Khan, had left behind him a state 
of confusion which did not allow of the territorial extension which -A^hanistan had 
acquired at certain moments of his reign, being accepted as a basb. 

It was consequently agreed that no territories should be taken into account, but such 
as having formerly recognized the authority of Dost Mahommed were still in the actual 
possession of Shere Ali Khan. 

It thus became necessary to ascertain, with all possible accuracy, what were the terri- 
tories in his actual possession. 

For this purpose it was requisite to have positive local data, which neither Government 
possessed, with reference to these distant and imperfectly-known countries. 

It was agreed that the Governor-General of Turkestan should be instructed to take 
advantage of his residence in the proximity of and his relations with the neighbouring 
Khanates, to collect all the information necessary to throw light upon the question, and 
to enable the two Governments to come to a practical decision with the facts before them. 

Such was the point, M. le Comte, as your Excellency will recollect, at which our 
negotiations with the English Cabinet had arrived. 

In conformity with this decision, M. TAide-de-camp Gdn^ral de Kaufmann had takdu 

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Cotrespondence with Russia respecting Central Asia. 297 

every possible measnre towards carrying out this preliminary investigation. Owing, 
moreover, to difficnlties arising out of the distances involved, the excessively complicated 
nature of the points to be elucidated, the absence of genuine sources of information, and 
the impossibility of a direct inquiry« he was unable to accomplish his task as speedily as 
we, no less than the Government of Her Britannic Majesty, would have deared. Hence 
the delay pointed out in Lord Granville's despatch. 

We have, however, already drawn attention to the fact that the cause of the delay is 
to be found in the serious attention which the Imperial Cabinet devoted to this affiur. 
It would have been easy to rest content with hastily collected notions, which later would 
have given rise to misunderstandings. We preferred to study the question conscientiously, 
since it was one of giving a solid and durable basis to the political organization of 
Central Asia, and to the good and friendly relations, present as well as future, which the 
two Governments aimed at establishing between them on that basis. 

At the beginning of last October, the Imperial Ministry was able to announce to Lord 
A. Loftus and to your Excellency that the Councillor of State Struve, to whom these 
inquiries had been intrusted, had at last just arrived at St. Petersburgh, and that, as soon 
as the materials he had collected had been put into shape the result would be communi- 
cated to the Cabinet in London. It was whilst this work was going on that Lord 
Granville's despatch was communicated to us, informing us of the opinion which Her 
Britannic Majesty's Government has thought fit to form upon the points under discussion. 

The Imperial Cabinet, having in view the spirit of the agreement arrived at in 
principle between the two Governments, none the less thinks it its duty to transmit to 
the Government of Her Britannic Majesty the particulars collected on the spot by order 
of the Governor-General of Turkestan, and to lay before them most frankly the con- 
clusions which, in its opinion, are their xutural consequences. 

These particulars and conclusions are contained in the letter, copy of which is inclosed, 
which M. r Aide-de-camp General de Kaufmann has just addressed to me, and in the 
Memorandum which forms its indosure. 

I will sum them up : 

The question to be settled had two sides — 

1. To ascertain the real state of possession at this moment, so far as it is possible to 
prove it in those countries. 

2. Starting from this status quo as a basis, to seek for a line of demarcation, to be 
traced, which will best answer the object of the present negotiations ; that is, to remove 
as far as possible all cause of conflict or mutual encroachments between the neighbouring 
Khanates, and consequently assure, as far as can be done, the state of peace which 
henceforward the two Governments should respectively use all their influence to cause to 
be respected. 

Looking at the question from these two points of view, its study led to the following 
conclusions : — 

I. That to the north, the Amou Daria, forms, in fact, the proper frontier of Afghanistan 
from its confluence with the Kouktcha, as far as the point of Khodja Saleh. 

So far our data confirm the opinion of the Government of Her Britannic Majesty, and 
the firontier in question seems the more reasonable, that it can give rise to no disputes on 
the part of the inhabitants of the banks of the Amou Daria. 

• 2. To the north-east, the data we have collected give the confluence of that river with 
the Kouktcha as the limit of the districts over which Shere Ali Khan exercises actual 
undisputed sovereignty. Beyond that limit, and especially with regard to Badakshan 
and Wakhan, it has been impossible to find any traces of such a sovereignty ; on the 
contrary, all our information upon the subject goes to prove that these districts should be 
regarded as independent. In the communication from Her Britannic Majesty's Govern- 
ment, which was made to us in November last, it is seen that, according to the testimony 
of Major Montgomery, the Ameer of Cabul has "considerable authority " in Badakshan, 
and that the Afghans have " assisted Mahmood Shah to upset the Emir or Chief of this 
country, Jehandar Shah." But these &cts themselves seem to point rather to the real 
independence of Badakshan than to its absolute subjection to the Ameer of CabuUi The 
information collected by M. Struve, and contained in his Memorandum, supports this 
conclusion. Mention is made, it is true, of interference by the Afghan Ameer in thejp 



298 Correspondence with Russia respecting Central Asia. 

internal disputes of Badakshan, and of attempts on his part to get his assistance paid for 
by a kind of tribute ; but nowhere are the signs to be found which, in Asia, accompany 
the exercise of the rights of sovereignty ; for instance, the presence in the country of 
Afghan officers, and of officials to collect the taxes. The Chiefs of Badakshan looked 
upon themselves, and were looked upon by their neighbours, as independent Chiefs. 

It follows that, from these facts, at the most it may be granted that the Ameer of Cabul 
has on various occasions attempted to bring Badakshan under his dominion, that he has 
several times profited by internal discord to exercise over the country considerable con- 
trol, based on his position as a neighbour and superiority of his forces ; but that it is 
impossible to deduce from them the existence of a real and uncontested sovereign power. 

As to Wakhan, that country seems to have remained up to the present moment even 
more outside the circle of the direct action of the Chiefs of Afghanistan. 

3. We have next to inquire whether or not, in this state of things, and in view of 
our common object — that is, the establishment in those regions of a permanent place 
guaranteed by both Governments, it is well to recognize the rights claimed by the 
Ameer of Cabul over Badakshan and Wakhan, and to comprise these two countries 
within the territorial limits of Afghanistan. Such is not the opinion of M. TAide-de-camp 
G^n^ral Kaufmann, and the Imperial Cabinet arrives at the same conclusions. 

In the present state of things there is no dispute between Badakshan and her neigh- 
bours. Bokhara puts forward no claim to that country. The two States are, besides, 
too weak, too absorbed in their own afiairs, to wish to quarrel. England and Russia 
would consequently have nothing to do but to maintain this state of peace as well 
between these Khanates as between Afghanistan and Badakshan ; and this task would 
not seem beyond their power. Far otherwise would it.be the day that the Ameer of Cabul 
should extend hb authority over Badakshan and Wakhan. He would find himself in 
immediate contact with Kashgar, Kokand, and Bokhara, from which he is now separated 
by those two countries. From that moment it would be far more difficult to avoid 
contests due either to his ambition and consciousness of power, or to the jealousy of his 
neighbours. This would give a most precarious basis to the peace which it is sought to 
establish in those countries, and compromise the two Governments who would be 
called upon to guarantee it. This arrangement would consequently seem to us to go 
directly counter to the object which they have in common. It would appear to us 
much more in keeping with that object to allow the present state of things to continue. 
Badakshan and Wakhan would thus form a barrier interposed between the Northern 
and Southern States of Central Asia, and this barrier, strengthened by the combined 
action which England and Russia are able to bring to bear upon such of those States 
as are accessible to their influence, would effectually prevent any dangerous contact, 
and would in our opinion secure, as far as anything could do so, the peace of those 
countries. 

4. As for the boundaries to be recognised as those of Afghanistan on the North-west, 
starting from Khodja-Saleh, the information we have received equally throws doubts upon 
the de facto possession by the Ameer of Cabul of the towns of Aktchi, Seripool, Meimane, 
Chibirgan, and Andkhoi, which it is a question of comprising within the acknowledged 
boundaries of Afghanistan. 

These districts, however, being divided from Bokhara by deserts, would not, if 
annexed to the Afghan territory, offer the same dangers of contact that we have pointed 
out on the north-east ; and their annexation would not, consequently, be open to the 
same objections. 

If the Government of Her Britannic Majesty adheres to its opinion of the expediency 
of comprising these places in the limits of the Afghan territory, we will not insist upon 
the principle from which we started, namely, that no districts should be acknowlec^ed 
as part of Afghanistan, but such as had been under the rule of Dost Mohammed Khan, 
and were, at this moment, in actual subjection to Shere Ali Khan. In deference to the 
wish of the Government of Her Britannic Majesty, the Imperial Cabinet would be dis- 
posed, as far as this portion of the boundary is concerned, to accept the line laid down in 
Lord Granville's despatch. Such, M. le Comte, are briefly the condu^ons which we 
think the materials in our hands justify us in forming. 



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Correspondence with Russia respecting Central Asia. 299 

Be so good as to lay them before the Chief Secretary of State of Her Britannic Majesty. 
Our intention, in communicating them to his Excellency, is not only to fulfil our promise. 
We believe that, in attempting the rational solution of a question which interests the two 
Governments equally, we are best carrying out the purpose which has animated both ever 
since their first friendly interchange of ideas. 

Receive, &c. 

(Signed) GORTCHAKOW. 



INCLOSURE I IN NO. 2. — GENERAL KaUFMANN TO PRINCE GORTCHAKOW. 

{Translation,) 
(Translated from the Russian.) SL Peter sburgh^ November 29, 1872. 

I have the honour to submit to your Highness herewith a Memorandum on the 
question of the northern frontier of Afghanistan. This Memorandum has been compiled 
on the basis of such data and materials as I have succeeded in collecting in the course of 
the last two years, on the subject of the state of affairs on the frontier of Afghanistan and 
Bokhara, and the independent States on the upper course of the Amou-Daria. 

I confess that these data are far from being complete. 

Personal investigation and observation, exercised on the very spot, are in Central Asia 
the only means of obtaining enlightenment on any question whatever, political or 
ge(^raphical. I have not, as yet, had recourse to these means. To have sent a Russian 
official into these countries, even on the pretext of a scientific mission, might have created 
a panic in Afghanistan, and would have awakened suspicions and apprehensions on the 
part of the Government of India. It was my duty to avoid anything that might in any 
way have disturbed the satisfactory state of our relations as established by the friendly 
and sincere exchange of ideas which has taken place between the Imperial Government 
and that of Her Britannic Majesty. 

I have already bad the honour of communicating to your Highness my opinion as to 
one of the causes of the excited state of public feeling existing in the Khanates of Central 
Asia bordering on Russia. That is, that all our neighbours, and particularly the 
Afghans, are filled with the conviction that there exists between Russia and England an 
enmity which, sooner or later, will lead us into conflict with the English in Asia. 

In conformity with the intentions and views of the Minister for Foreign Affairs I have 
applied myself to dispel this bugbear of an impending conflict between the two great 
Powers. In my relations with Kokand or Bokhara, and, above all, in my letters to 
Shere Ali Khan, I have always spoken of the similarity of views and of the friendship 
existing between ourselves and England, and I have applied myself to the task of demon- 
strating that these two Powers, Russia as well as England, are equally solicitous for the 
tranquillity of the countries and peoples which lie within the radius of their influence and 
protection. It is this reason which, up to the present time, has determined me not to 
send ofiicers into those parts with the object of obtaining information respecting the 
questions put to me by the Imperial Government. 

This state of things is quite as advantageous for us as for England. But it is liable to 
change should once the possessions of Shere Ali Khan be guaranteed to him within the 
boundaries proposed at the present moment by Lord Granville in his despatch to Lord 
A. Loftus of the 17th of October last. Such a guarantee would give him a considerable 
prestige, and he would immediately attempt to seize, de facio^ 'the territories thus con- 
ceded to him. First of all he would turn his attention towards Badakshan and Wakhan 
as the easiest and most attainable booty. By the acquisition of these two territories he 
would prolong his line of contact with Bokhara, and would find himself side by side with 
Karateguina, whence Khokand is within easy reach. Finally, his north-western boundary 
would touch the possessions of Yakoub Bek. Here is a road which would lead him 
straight into collision with Russia. 

If the English Government is really animated by the same wbh as ourselves to main- 
tain internal peace and tranquillity in the Khanates which separate us from the British 
possessions in India — if England will give credit to our sincere protestations that we are 

NEW SERIES. VOL. VIL _ l|GoOgle 



300 Correspondence with Russia respecting Central Asia 

not dreaming of any hostile enterprise whatever against her Indian possessions, common 
sense ought to suggest to her the necessity of recognising the independence of Badakshan 
and Wakhan, equally in the interests of the Ameers of Cabul and of Bokhara. 

r have, &C. 

Inclosurb 2 IN No. 2.— Memorandum. 

{.Translation,) 
(Translated from the Russian.) 

In the strict sense of the word, the possessions of the Ameer Shere Ali Khan only 
extend eastward as far as the meridian of the point of junction of the river Kouktcha with 
the Amu-Daria. This line separates Badakshan and Wakhan from the province of 
Kunduz, which incontestably forms part of the dominions of Shere Ali Khan. It was 
annexed to Afghanistan about twenty years ago by Mohammed Afzal Khan, son of Dost 
Mohammed, who was at that time Governor of Balkh. Afzal Khan, as we learn from an 
Englbh communication, made a fruitless attempt to seize Badakshan, the consequence of 
which, however, was that the Meer of Badakshan, in order to secure the safety of his 
dominions, engaged to pay to Dost Mohammed Khan an annual tribute of two rupees for 
every house, and to deliver up to him the mines of rubies and lapis-lazuli, situated in his 
territory. This engagement, however, was not fulfilled ; the death of Dost Mohammed 
Khan suggested to the chiefs of Badakshan, who little wished to become subservient to 
Cabul, the idea of seeking the protection of Bokhara. But the Ameer Seid Mouzaffisir 
totally declined to interfere in the affairs of Badakshan, not because he looked upon this 
country as a dependency of Afghanistan, but because at that time he was anxiously 
watching the progress of our arms in Central Asia and was preparing to march against 
Kokand. 

Djandar Shah, who was then ruler of Badakshan, was an entirely independent 
Sovereign, and recognized as such by all his neighbours. He had entered into friendly 
relations with Mohammed Afzul Khan and his son Abdourrahman Khan, to whom he 
paid no tribute. When Shere Ali Khan, having defeated Abdourrahman Khan, had 
occupied Cabul and Balkh, and made himself master of all Afghanistan, he sent an Em- 
bassy to Djandar Shah, calling upon him to fulfil the engagements which he had formerly 
contracted. Djandar Shah answered by a refusaL Thereupon Mohammed Shah his 
nephew, supported by the Afghan troops, overthrew his unde and made himself master 
of Falzabad, the capital of Badakshan, whilst his younger brother Mizrab Shah seized 
Tchalab, the chief town of the province of Roustakh. The two brothers now pay to 
Shere Ali Khan, in recognition of the co-operation which he granted them, an annual 
tribute of 15,000 rupees (9,000 roubles). With the exception, however, of a very small 
number of Afghan adventurers, one meets in Badakshan with neither officials nor troops 
of the Ameer of Cabul, and his people themselves detest the Afjghans. 

This intelligence, furnished by Abdourrahman Khan, and gathered partly from the lips 
of envoys of the Serdar of Balkh, who came to Tashkend, is confirmed by the statement 
of Alif Bek, ex-Governor of Sarikoul (a province of Kashgar bordering on Wakhan), who 
presented himself at Tashkend in the month of August of the present year. He added 
that Djandar Shah, the legitimate ruler of Badakshan, who first of all fled to Bokhara, 
had afterwards returned, by Samarkand and Kokand to Chougnan. 

Such a state of things existing in Badakshan clearly shows that Shere Ali Khan could 
have no pretension to the possession of Badakshan as an inheritance bequeathed to him 
by Dost Mohammed Khan, and that his authority is not yet established in Badakshan ; 
Mohammed Shah and Mizoul Shah, the actual Rulers of Badakshan, do not consider 
themselves as Beks of the Ameer of Cabul, and, if they pay him tribute, it is only in the 
interest of their own security and in order to shelter themselves from the sudden attacks 
of the brigands of Kunduz. Moreover, they have still to fear their uncle, Djandar Shah. 
There is nothing to favour the belief that the state of affairs in Badakshan is likely to 
change soon in favour of Shere Ali Khan, and it is certain that the present state of things 
in that country is in accordance, or nearly so, with the objects we have in view in Central 
Asia in common, and after a previous and voluntary understanding, with England. Nor 
does anything point to the possibility of a collision between Afghanistan and^okharm on 

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Correspondence with Russia respecting Central Asia. 301 

the side of Badakshan : the Emeer Seid Mouzafiar has put forward no pretension to the 
possession of that country. In the same way Shere Ali Khan, who with difficulty keeps 
up a show of authority at Badakshan, is not in a position at this moment to exercise any 
influence over Kouliab and Plissar, the towns of Bokhara which lie nearest to Badakshan. 
The official recognition by Russia and England of the rights of Shere Ali Khan over this 
country would at once lead that sovereign to make every effort to establish himself at 
Falzabad and in the district of Roustakh, and, should he once succeed, a collision between 
Bokhara and Afghanistan would become inevitable. In support of this view it will suffice 
to state that the former Bek of Hissar, who in 1870 took reftige in Afghanistan, after his 
revolt against the Emir Seid Mouzaffar in 1869, has already made attempts to recover his 
province, with the assistance of the Afghans, to whom he promised the entire subjection to 
the Ameer of Cabul of the whole of the Province of Hissar and Kouliab. That this plan 
has not been carried out must be attributed to the fact that the authority of Shere Ali 
Khan in Badakshan was null, and that the Ameer had no means of aggression at his dis- 
posal in that State. 

To the east of Badakshan, in the upper basin of the Amu-Daria, lies a country little 
known, named Wakhan. This country, sometimes called Daria-pendj (the Five Rivers), 
on account of the five principal tributaries which give rise to the Amu-Daria, to the north 
borders on the Pamir Steppe, which separates it from Karat^ine ; to the east it marches 
with Sarikoul, which belongs to the States under Yakoub Bek ; to the south it is separated 
from Tchitrar (a country completely independent of Cabul) by the mountains of Nouk- 
San, the eastern prolongation of the Hindoo-Koosh. Wakhan is administered by a Chief 
of its own, but the poverty of its inhabitants, and the barrenness of the soil of this moun- 
tainous district, have brought it into dependence upon Badakshan, the Beks of which do 
not, however, meddle with its domestic aflfairs. Once a year the Chief of Wakhan sends 
a certain sum of money to the Beks of Badakshan ; but there are no direct relations 
between this country and Afghanistan. 

A road passes through Badsdcshan and Wakhan, connecting Kunduz with Sarikoul, 
Yarkend, and Kashgar. According to certain information in our possession, this road is 
longer than the direct road from Peshawur to Yarkend taken by Mr. Shaw. 

As to the Amu-Daria, this river serves as a boundary line between Afghanbtan and 
Bokhara for a distance of about 300 versts, from the confluence of the Kouktcha on the 
east up to the point where both banks belong to Bokhara, and especially as far as the 
pass of Tchouckha-Gouzar, opposite the Bokharan village Khodja-Saleh, which is on the 
right bank of the river. 

To sum up, as far as regards the north-west boundary of Afghanistan, although there 
are doubts as to the actual possession by the Ameer of Cabul of the towns of Aktchou, 
Seripool, Mal'man^, Chibirgan, and Andkhoi, lying to the west of Balkh, it may be taken 
into consideration that all this region is isolated from the States of Bokhara by an 
almost impassable desert, and in part even by the sands, and that, consequently, on 
that side there would be less fear of any immediate collision between A^hanistan and 
Bokhara. 

No. 3.--EARL Granville to Lord A. Loftus. 

Foreign Office^ January %, 1873. 

My Lord, 

Having received information from your Excellency and from Count Brunnow that 
Count Schouvalow, a statesman enjoying the full confidence of the Emperor of Russia, 
had left St. Petersburgh for London at the desire of His Imperial Majesty, I had the 
pleasure of receiving his Excellency on the 8th instant. 

He confirmed the fact that it was by the Emperor's desire that he had sought a 
personal interview with me. It had caused great surprise to His Imperial Majesty to 
learn frono various sources that a certain amount of excitement and susceptibility had 
been caused in the public mind of this country on account of questions connected with 
Central Asia. 

The Emperor knew of no questions in Central Asia which could affect the good under- 
standing between the two countries. It was true that no agreement has been come to as/Tp 
to some of the details of the arrangement concluded by Lord Clarendon and Prince Gort0 

U 2 



302 Correspondence with Russia respecting Central Asia. 

chakow on the basis of Mr. Forsyth's recommeDdations as to the boundaries of Afghani- 
stan ; but the question ought not to be a cause to ruffle the good relations between the 
two countries. His Imperial Majesty had agreed to almost everything that we had 
asked. There remained only the point regarding the provinces of Badakshan and 
Wakhan. There might be arguments used respectively by the Departments of each 
Government, but the Emperor was of opinion that such a question should not be a 
cause of difference between the two countries, and Hb Imperial Majesty was determined 
that it should not be so. He was the more inclined to carry out this determination in 
consequence of His Majesty's belief in the conciliatory policy of Her Majesty's Govern- 
ment. 

Count Schouvalow added, on his own part, that he had every reason to believe, if it 
were desired by Her Majesty's Government, the agreement might be arrived at at a veiy 
early period. 

With regard to the expedition to Khiva, it was true that it was decided upon for next 
spring. To give an idea of its character it was sufficient to say that it would consist of 
four and a half battalions. Its object was to punish acts of brigandage, to recover fifty 
Russian prisoners, and to teach the Khan that such conduct on his part could not be con- 
tinued with the impunity in which the moderation of Russia had led him to believe. 
Not only was it far from the intention of the Emperor to take possession of Khiva, but 
positive orders had been prepared to prevent it, and directions given that the conditions 
imposed should be such as could not in any way lead to a prolonged occupancy of Khiva. 
Count Schouvalow repeated the surprise which the Emperor, entertaining such senti- 
ments, felt at the uneasiness which it was said existed in England on the subject, and he 
gave me most decided assurance that I might give positive assurances to Parliament on 
this matter. 

With regard to the uneasiness which might exist in England on the subject of Central 
Asia, I could not deny the fact to Count Schouvalow ; the people of this country were 
decidedly in favour of peace, but a great jealousy existed as to anything which really 
affected our honour and interest ; that they were particularly alive to anything affecting 
India ; that the progress of Russia in Asia had been considerable, and sometimes as it 
would appear, like England in India and France in Algeria, more so than was desired 
by the Central Governments ; that the Clarendon and Gortchakow arrangement, appar- 
ently agreeable to both Governments, had met with a great delay as to its final settle- 
ment ; that it was with the object of coming to a settlement satisfactory to both countries,- 
and in a friendly and conciliatory spirit, that I had addressed to your Excellency the 
despatch of the 17th October. 

The only point of difference which now remained, as Count Schouvalow bad pointed 
out, concerned Badakshan and Wakhan. In our opinion, hbtorical facts proved that 
these countries were under the domination of the Sovereign of Cabul, and we have 
acknowledged as much in public documents ; that, with regard to the expedition to 
Khiva, Count Schouvalow was aware that Lord Northbrook had given the strongest 
advice to the Khan to comply with the reasonable demands of the Emperor, and if the 
expedition were undertaken and carried out with the object and within the limits 
described by Count Schouvalow, it would meet with no remonstrance from Her 
Majesty's Government, but it would undoubtedly excite public attention, and make the 
settlement of the boundary of Afghanistan more important for the object which both 
Governments had in view, viz., peace in Central Asia, and good relations between the 
two countries. 

As to coming to a decision at an early date, it appeared to me desirable, inasmuch 
as it would bear a different aspect if arrived at in the spirit with which both Govern- 
ments were actuated, and not complicated by possible discussions raised in the British 
Parliament. 

I concluded by telling Count Schouvalow that I knew the confidence which was 
placed in him by the Emperor, and that I felt sure that my colleagues would agree with 
me in appreciating his visit to England, as a gratifying proof of the eminently con- 
ciliatory and friendly spirit with which the Emperor desired to settle without delay the 
question at issue. I am.. &i 



(Signed) G 



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Correspondence with Russia respecting Central Asia. 303 

No. 4. — Earl Granville to Lord A. Loftus, 

Foreign Office^ January 24, 1873. 
My Lord, 

Her Majesty's Government have attentively considered the statements and argu- 
ments contained in Prince Gortchakow's despatch of the iVtb December, and the papers 
that accompanied it, which were communicated to me by the Russian Ambassador on 
the Hth December, and to your Excellency by Prince Gortchakow on the 29th of that 
month. 

Her Majesty's Government gladly recognize, in the frank and friendly terms of that 
despatch, the same spirit of friendliness as that in which, by my despatch of the 17th of 
October, I desired to convey through your Excellency to the Russian Government ihe 
views of that of Her Majesty in regard to the line of boundary claimed by Shere Ali, the 
Ruler of Cabul, for his possessions of Afghanistan. 

Her Majesty's Government see with much satisfaction that, as regards the principal 
part of that line, the Imperial Government is willing to acquiesce in the claim of Shere 
Ali, and they rely on the friendly feelings of the Emperor when they lay before him, as I 
now instruct your Excellency to do, a renewed statement of the grounds on which they 
consider Shere All's claim to the remainder of the line of boundary referred to in my 
despatch of the 17th of October, to be well-founded. 

The objections stated in Prince Gortchakow's despatch apply to that part of Shere Ali*8 
claims which would comprise the province of Badakshac with its dependent district of 
Wakhan within the Afghan State. The Imperial Government contend that the province 
of Badakshan with its dependency, not having been formally incorporated into the terri- 
tories of Shere AU, is not legitimately any portion of the Afghan Sute. 

To this Her Majesty's Government reply that the Ameer of Cabul having attained by 
conquest the sovereignty over Badakshan, and having received in the most formal manner 
the submission of the chiefs and people of that province, had the right to impose upon it 
such a form of Government as he might think best adapted to the position of affairs at the 
time. In the exercise of this right he appointed a Local Governor, and he consented 
experimentally to receive a fixed portion of the revenues of the country, instead of taking 
upon himself its general financial and other administration. But the Ameer expressly 
reserved to himself the right of reconsidering this arrangement, which was, in the first 
instance, made only for one year, of at any time subjecting Badakshan to the direct 
Government of Cabul, and of amalgamating the revenues thereof with the general revenue 
of the Afghan State. Her Majesty's Government cannot perceive anything in these cir- 
cumstances calculated to weaken ihe claims of Shere Ali to the absolute sovereignty of 
Badakshan. The conquest and submission of the Province were complete ; and it 
cannot reasonably be urged that any experimental form of adminbtration which the 
Ameer, with the acknowledged right of sovereignly, might think fit to impose on Badak- 
shan, cannot possibly disconnect the province from the general territories south of the 
Oxus, the sovereignty of which the Russian Government has without hesitation recognized 
to be vested in the Ameer of Cabul. 

Her Majesty's Government have not failed to notice in portions of the statements of 
the Russian Government to which I am now replying, that its objection to admitting 
Badakshan and Wakhan to be under the sovereignty of Shere Ali is rested in part on an 
expressed apprehension lest their incorporation with the remainder of Afghanistan should 
tend to disturb the peace of Central Asia, and specifically should operate as an encourage- 
ment to the Ameer to extend his possessions at the expense of the neighbouring countries. 
I alluded, in my despatch of the 17th of October, to the success which had attended the 
recommendations made to the Ameer by the Indian Government to adopt the policy 
which had produced the roust beneficial results in the establishment of peace in countries 
where it had been long unknown ; and Her Majesty's Government see no reason to sup- 
pose that similar results would not follow on the like recommendations. Her Majesty's 
Government will not fail to impress upon the Ameer in the strongest terms the advan- 
tages which are given to him in the recognition by Great Britain and Russia of the boun- 
daries which he claims, and of the consequent obligation upon him to abstain from any 
aggression on his part, and Her Majesty's Government will continue to exerpi^ their . 
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304 Correspondence with Russia respecting Central Asia. 

Her Majesty's Government cannot however but feel that, if Badakshan and Wakhan, 
which they consider the Ameer justly to deem to be part of his territories, be assumed by 
England or Russia, or by one or either of them, to be wholly independent of his authority, 
the Ameer might be tempted to assert his claims by arms ; that perhaps in that case 
Bokhara might seek an opportunity of acquiring districts too weak of themselves to resist 
the Afghan State ; and that thus the peace of Central Asia would be disturbed, and occa- 
sion given for questions between Great Britain and Russia, which it is on every account 
so desirable to avoid, and which Her Majesty's Government feel sure would be as dis- 
tasteful to the Imperial Government as to themselves. 

Her Majesty's Government therefore hope that the Imperial Government, weighing 
these considerations dispassionately, will concur in the recognition which they have made 
of Shere Ali*s rights, as stated in my despatch of October, and by so doing put an end to 
the wild speculations, so calculated to distract the minds of Asiatic races, that there is 
some marked disagreement between England and Russia, on which they may build hopes 
of carrying out their border feuds for purposes of self-aggrandizement. 

Her Majesty's Government congratulate themselves on the prospect of a definite settle- 
ment as between the two Governments of the question of the boundaries of Afghanistan, 
the details of which have been so long in discussion. 

Your Excellency will read and give a copy of this despatch to Prince Gortchakow. 

I am, &c. 
(Signed) GRANVILLE. 

No. 5.— Prince Gortchakow to Count Brunnow.— (Communicated to Earl 
Granville by Count Brunnow, February 5.) 

( Translation,) 

St, Petersburghy January \^^ 1873. 

M. le Comte, 

Lord Augustus Loftus has communicated to me the reply of Her Britannic 
Majesty's Principal Secretary of State to our despatch on Ontral Asia of the 19th of 
December. 

I enclose a copy of this document 

We see with satisfaction that the English Cabinet continues to pursue m those parts 
the same object as ourselves, that of ensuring to them peace, and, as far as possible, 
tranquillity. 

The divergence which existed in our views was with regard to the frontiers assigned to 
the dominions of Shere Ali. 

The English Cabinet includes within them Badakshan and Wakhan, which, according 
to our views, enjoyed a certain independence. Considering the difficulty experienced in 
establishing the facts in all their details in those distant parts, considering the greater 
facilities which the British Government possesses for collecting precise data, and, above 
all, considering our wish not to give to this question of detail greater importance than b 
due to it, we do not refuse to accept the line of boundary laid down by England. 

We are the more inclined to this act of courtesy as the English Government engages 
to use all her influence with Shere Ali, in order to induce him to maintain a peaceful 
attitude, as well as to insist on his giving up all measures of aggression or further con- 
quest. This influence is indisputable. It is based not only on the material and moral 
ascendancy of England, but also on the subsidies for which Shere Ali is indebted to her. 
Such being the case we see in this assurance a real guarantee for the maintenance of peace. 

Your Excellency will have the goodness to make this declaration to Her Britannic 
Majesty's Principal Secretary of State, and to give him a copy of this despatch. 

We are convinced that Lord Granville will perceive in it a firesh proof of the value 
which our august Master attaches to the maintenance and consolidation of the most 
friendly relations with the Government of Her Majesty Queen Victoria. 

Receive, &c. 
(Signed) GORTCHAKOW. 



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305 



PROGRESS IN AFGHANISTAN. 

By John A. Gray, 
Late Surgeon to His Highness, the Amir. 

That Afghanistan has, during the last ten years, made 
considerable strides towards civilization, there can, I think, 
be no doubt in the minds of those who have had the oppor- 
tunity of collecting sufficient facts upon which to base an 
opinion. And that this progress has been entirely due to 
that remarkable Prince who is now occupying the throne 
of Afghanistan — Amir Abdurrahman — requires but little 
proof. 

We have only to compare the condition of the country 
and the ** bent ** of the people at the present time with 
their condition a few years back, to bring out, in a very 
clear light, the civilizing effect of a far-seeing, strong man's 
personality. 

Amir Abdurrahman is absolute autocrat of Afghanistan. 
His is now the only influence that has any lasting effect 
upon the people. There is no Press to guide public 
opinion. The influence and power of the Priests has been 
enormously curtailed. The chief Priest — the Khani Mullah 
Khan, himself — though treated with respect by His High- 
ness the Amir, has scarcely more power, nor does he receive 
a greater share of attention, than one of the minor civil 
magistrates. The opinion of the Amir, delivered in open 
durbar, is the key-note from which all the tunes are played. 
It is caught up by the Chamberlains, the court officials and 
pages ; it reaches the Bazaars ; and soon the people join in 
the chorus. It is woe to the man who utters a discordant 
note : people look at him bewildered and draw out of his 
neighbourhood. Attention is directed to him and unless he 
alter his note he is — dismissed from the choir. 

The Amir is chief of the powerful Durani tribe. This 
tribe has been from time immemorial more tolerant and 

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3o6 Progress in Afghanistan. 

more civilized than any of the other tribes of Afghanistan ; 
and from it the native rulers of the country have been 
invariably drawn. When we consider the Amir's marvel- 
lous personal influence, we can but see it is a happy thing 
that his leaning is towards civilization and justice. That it 
is so. can be shown. 

What was the condition of the country, no further back 
than the time of his grandfather, Amir Dost Muhammad, 
the great Amir — '' Amir-i-Kabir " — as the Afghans called 
him ? Dost Muhammad was Amir of the Kabul province ; 
Herat was held independently by Shah Mahmiid, brother 
of Shah Shujah ; and Kandahar by Ramdil, brother of 
Dost Muhammad. This was in 1835. These chiefs were 
constantly intriguing with Persia and Russia ; and their 
conflicting interests and personal jealousies brought the 
country into a condition so unsettled as to be little better 
than Anarchy. War, and, in its train, robbery and murder 
were so constantly carried on, that it was most unsafe for 
even Afghans, and quite impossible for foreigners, to travel 
from one city to another. So suddenly did fighting break 
out, that when travelling one found oneself in danger of 
falling into the thick of it. Caravans — ^such as ventured to 
start — made long and wearisome detours to avoid battle- 
fields. The more savage of the Afghan tribes delighted in 
nothing more than the chances thus offered of unpunished 
highway robbery and murder. 

About the year 1850, Dost Muhammad succeeded in 
annexing Turkestan; and in 1854, he managed to evict 
Ramdil from Kandahar. Meanwhile, in Herat, Shah 
Kamran succeeded his father Mahmud ; and at his death 
came his minister Yar Muhammad. The Persians at once 
advanced and took Herat ; and this, Herat being the " Key 
of India," necessitated British interference. Sultan Jan, 
brother of Dost Muhammad was put in possession. He 
died in 1862 ; and there were many claimants, each of 
whom appealed to Persia. Dost Muhammad therefore 
advanced with an army, besieged and took Herat. This 

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Progress in Afghanistan. 307 

was his last act, for he died in his camp a few days after. 
While Dost Muhammad was on the throne it was allowable 
in Kabul to revile and curse the British openly : and though 
as a successful warrior, with bluff, hearty manners and a 
free accessibility to his people, he was a popular monarch, 
nevertheless there was not a single act he did which in any 
way increased the material prosperity of his people. To 
use the words of a skilled and indefatigable observer of 
facts, Dr. Bellew, of whom one still hears much in Kabul : 
— ** Dost Muhammad, during his long reign, did nothing to 
improve the condition or advance the domestic welfare of 
his people ; nor did he introduce a single measure of general 
benefit to his country. He kept it a close borough of 
Islam, stationary in the ignorance of the middle ages, and 
pervaded with the religious bigotry of that period ; and, to 
the close of his life, he defended that policy as the only one 
whereby to maintain the independence of the country. 
His great merit is that he had the sense to perceive his 
own interest in the British alliance ; and he reaped the 
fruits of his good judgment, in the ultimate consolidation of 
his kingdom. But he was a barbarian nevertheless." 

Attention has been drawn to a certain resemblance exist- 
ing between Amir Abdurrahman and Dost Muhammad. 
The Hon. G. N. Curzon, speaking at the Society of Arts on 
Feb. 15th, remarked that the Amir seemed to possess some 
of the strongest characteristics of his grandfather, Dost 
Muhammad. Without doubt this is so ; and one may add 
that, to the strong character of Dost Muhammad, Amir 
Abdurrahman unites a high degree of education and con- 
siderable stores of information, — scientific, artistic, and 
general, — acquired from books, from conversation and from 
observation during his travels. To the simple manners 
and free hospitality of Dost Muhammad he adds a dignity 
and a kindly courtesy of manner most remarkable in a man 
of his strong passions and in one who is constantly sur- 
rounded with adulation and flattery. He is readily accessible 
to his people ; and even when suffering from the pangs of 

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3o8 Progress in Afghanistan. 

gout, he will listen patiently to the petitions of the poorest 
of his subjects, and give rapid though just judgment in the 
cases brought before him. 

And now as to the measures he has taken to civilize his 
people and advance them in prosperity : — 

Highway-robbery and murder are no longer common in 
the country ; nor is murder or theft in the towns. English- 
men — Feringhis — have been, for the last six or seven 
years, travelling constantly between Kabul and Peshawur ; 
and never has there been the slightest attempt to injure or 
annoy them. Indeed for myself I may say that at every 
halting-place the villagers brought their sick for me to 
attend to ; and I went among them freely, unarmed and 
unguarded. That the Amir should have used drastic 
measures to bring the diseased state of the country into 
a condition nearer approaching health was without doubt 
necessary ; mild measures would have been misunderstood, 
and completely disregarded. The savage tribes who 
haunted certain parts of the highways and gave rise to 
such bywords as ** the valley of death " — the name given 
to a certain dip in the road between Tash Kurghan and 
Mazar-i-Sherif in Turkestan — were either killed by the 
Amirs troops, captured and executed, or dispersed. I 
remember when I was in Mazar-i-Sherif, in 1890, it was 
necessary to send to Kabul for two extra compounders or 
dispensers ; and the two men — one a Kabuli and the other 
a Hindostani — rode unattended the whole distance in safety. 
They had but one pistol between them, and that was un- 
loaded : — they had no powder. 

Again, should a Kabuli wish to start business for himself 
and not have sufficient money, he has but to apply to the 
Amir, who will, for a certain number of years, lend him a 
sum sufficient for his purposes, and this without interest. 
One day having occasion to visit His Highness I found 
him in the west gardens of the Erg Palace. He was 
seated in an arm-chair under a somewhat gorgeous awning : 
officers and pages were grouped round him ; and, away 

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Progress in Afghanistan. 309 

out in the garden, there were drawn up several companies 
of soldiers, young men and lads, perhaps 300 in number. 
After I was seated and the usual salutations had passed, 
His Highness called my attention to the lines of men. He 
said, " These men are to be soldiers in my army. They 
are all sons of gentlemen — men of position and wealth ; 
and such i^ the condition of Afghanistan that there is not 
one of them who can read or write. I am educating them 
so that at least they shall be able to do this. Fighting they 
will not need to learn." 

The educational influence on the Afghans, of the Amir s 
Kabul workshops must be and is immense : — and that it 
is chiefly for this reason that the Amir has started the 
shops, seems to me clear. They cost him vast sums of 
money, far in excess of the return : indeed I have heard 
him say that the only department that paid him was the 
mint. He knows perfectly that he can buy war material at 
a far less cost and of better quality than he can produce 
it in his shops; and he knows better than anyone that 
Afghanistan never was and never can be self-supporting. 
It must always depend more or less upon one of its power- 
ful neighbours ; so that although he may have the machinery 
and the workmen to produce rifles, cartridges, shells and 
guns, he must get the material of which these are made, 
or money to pay his way, from England or Russia. He 
could not hope to be independent of both. And yet it 
has been, for years, his desire to start a workshop in Kabul. 
Obviously therefore his only reason for building the work- 
shops and buying costly machinery must be for the moral 
effect it has upon his people. 

The natives work in great numbers in the shops, being 
taught by the English engineers who have, from time to 
time, been in the service of his Highness, and by the 
Hindostani mistris who have been introduced from Lahore 
and Bengal. 

Not only is war material produced in the workshops but 
various handicrafts are practised there. One body of men 

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3IO Progress in Afghanistan, 

are doing leather- work, — copying English and Russian 
boots of various kinds, making saddles and bridles, belts 
and cartridge-pouches, portmanteaux and mule-trunks. 
Then there are the workers in wood, — from those who 
manage the steam-saws to those who produce beautiful 
carved work for cabinets and chairs. There are workers 
in brass, — making vases, candelabra, door-handles, lamps, 
and many other things, both useful and ornamental. There 
is another department where they produce tin-ware — pots, 
pans and cans. The most artistic are perhaps the workers 
in silver. They make for the Amir or the Sultana very 
beautiful things, — cups, beakers, beautifully-embossed tea- 
pots, dagger and sword handles, and scabbards. Their work, 
however, is at present rarely original. The Amir shows 
them a drawing, or gives them a good English model to 
copy from. 

Everything European is fashionable now in Kabul, and 
European clothing has become more universally worn 
by the Kabulis than it used to be even at the time I 
entered the service of the Amir, some five years ago. His 
Highness, therefore, finding that his tailors, though they 
understood the shape of European garments, had not 
mastered the difficulties of " fit," sent for an English tailor 
to teach them. Classes were held on the subject in the 
workshops and demonstrations given, with the result that 
such of the Kabuli tailors who attended greatly improved 
in their system of *' cutting " and obtained much better 
prices in the Bazaars. One day the Amir desired me to 
start an Art class in Kabul, and for my first pupils he sent 
the five chief artists of the country. They, at first, drew 
in the usual cramped native style ; but soon they acquired 
a freer and more correct manner of drawing. One of the 
men showed talent as a draughtsman of no mean order, and 
I hope one day to have the opportunity of publishing some 
of his work. It would be impossible for me to enumerate 
all the different kinds of work carried on in the shops ; but 
I think I have said enough to show that the educational 

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French Ambitions in Africa, 331 

sitting on equal terms in the Cabinet and sharing the 
responsibilities of his colleagues for peace or war, the appoint- 
ment was given to an Under-Secretary. Between his depart- 
ment and the military and naval officers in the Colonies, 
who count upon the support of their respective Ministers 
in the Cabinet, there has been constant friction, resulting 
in an almost complete want of control on the part of the 
Under-Secretary. The following incident exemplifies the 
normal condition of affairs. Towards the close of last year, 
M. Delcassd found occasion to remove the military Governor 
of the French Soudan, Col. Archinard, perhaps the most 
distinguished of the succession of brilliant soldiers, who 
have, since 1880, created that province for France. 
Col. Archinard having asked for certain explanations, the 
late Under-Secretary wrote him an exceedingly polite 
letter, conferring on him, for his services in Africa, the 
order of the Green dragon of Annam ; whereupon Col. 
Archinard replied, in equally polite terms, that the order in 
question had no value for him, but that he had passed it on 
to one of his negro subordinates. 

Under such a system it is not surprising if French ex- 
plorers, who are generally officers, have obeyed their 
own patriotic impulses rather than the matured policy of a 
responsible Government. Every such officer has strong 
motives for endeavouring to extend the territories of his 
country, no matter how he may tread on the susceptibilities 
of other nations. Recent experience will have taught him, 
indeed, that the most solid services to France will not bring 
him so prominently and favourably before the public as 
those which enable him to assert that he has checkmated 
the English. A further proof of this occurred lately, after 
the capture of Timbuctoo, contrary to explicit orders from 
Paris, The general tone of the newspapers was unfavour- 
able to this movement as premature, but the strongest con- 
demnation came from those papers which frankly pointed 
out that it was unnecessary, as its occupation would not be 
detrimental to English interests. 

NEW SERIES. VOL. VII. Digitizei^byV^OOgle 



332 French Ambitions in Africa. 

Finally, it must be borne in mind that many Frenchmen, 
who earnestly desire the maintenance of amicable relations 
with England and who deplore aggressive action in Africa, 
feel bound to support such action after the event, on the 
sentimental ground of upholding the honour of the flag, at 
any cost Herein lies the chief danger of collision ; for 
England could not submit to be chased out of her terri- 
tories by some irresponsible filibuster, sincerely anxious 
though she is to live on friendly terms with her nearest 
neighbour. It has been argued that tropical Africa is not 
worth the risk of war, and that it would have been sound 
policy to give France all that she so ardently desired in 
that continent, in exchange for concessions in other parts of 
the world. On this question I express no opinion here. 
But no strong and self-respecting nation can afford to yield 
to illegal force, even in the cane-brakes of Africa ; as she 
would thereby encourage, in every direction, aggressions 
which she must ultimately resist or cease to be a Colonial 
or even a European Power. 

French ambitions in Africa have, therefore, a deep 
interest for every Englishman apart from their intrinsic 
importance, and I propose to consider briefly — their nature ; 
how far they are at present realized ; whether valuable 
material results may be expected ; and, finally, if in their 
completion, serious disputes are likely to arise between 
France and England. 

France commenced her African career in the same 
manner as other European nations, planting her flag, by 
conquest or treaty, on widely distant parts of the coast, 
without any apparent thought of ultimate union. Before 
1882, her activity in Algeria, and on the Senegal and 
Gaboon rivers aimed at local colonial development and not 
at a connected African Empire. It would, of course, be 
rash to assert that no such conception had ever been sug- 
gested previously. I remember that Mr. Joseph Thomson, 
in his work on Mungo Park, published some years after 
the issue of the Niger Charter, showed that a great 

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French Ambitions in Africa. 333 

geographer, named McQueen, had suggested such a 
Charter in the early years of this century, and had, with 
remarkable sagacity, prophesied that this alone would pre- 
vent France from obtaining possession of the greater part 
of Northern Africa. I may admit that I had never before 
heard either McQueen's name or his suggestion ; and it is 
probable that corresponding theories from the French point 
of view may have been advanced, in former days, from 
time to time. But it was not until 1882 — a year after the 
first application to the British Government for a Niger 
Charter — that any practical move was made for the union 
of the scattered French colonies in Africa, by the acquisi- 
tion of the immense inland regions lying between them. 
In that year a Company, with a capital of ;^6oo,ooo. was 
formed at Marseilles, under the patronage of M. Gambetta, 
for the double purpose of pushing up overland to the 
Upper Niger from the sea-board of Senegambia, and of 
entering the Lower Niger, at its mouth in the Gulf of 
Guinea, and working up the river to meet the advance 
from the west. In 1882, also, was first seriously mooted 
the idea of a Trans-Sahara railway. I cannot now re- 
member whether the gentleman, who came to London to 
seek for English support in this matter, was the originator 
of the scheme or only an enthusiastic supporter ; but out 
of the mass of details with which he favoured me, there 
was one which produced a lasting impression : namely, that 
the carriages were to be bullet-proof, without side windows, 
and with platform roofs for mitrailleuse guns for the benefit 
of the Tuaregs. Finally, it was in 1882, that M. de 
Brazza, who had just succeeded in adding the great terri- 
tory of the French Congo to the small coast colony of the 
Gaboon, commenced that northward movement towards 
the centre of Northern Africa, which has at last borne 
fruit in the Franco-German convention of 1894. 

It must be remembered that in 1882, Germany had not 
commenced her colonial career or annexed the Cameroons ; 

nor England acquired political rights in the basins of the 

. . o 

Y 2 



334 French Ambitions in Africa, 

Niger and Chad, or on the Oil Rivers ; nor the Inter- 
national Association received recognition as the Congo 
Free State : so that the extension of French rights — as 
against other European nations— over more than half of 
the continent of Africa was no visionary scheme, but might 
have been realized without any very serious sacrifices. 
The effective occupation of those five or six million square 
miles would, however, have been a very different task. 

M. Gambetta's fall from power, his death, and the 
disasters in Tonkin which practically put an end to the 
career of M. Jules Ferry, prevented this gigantic plan 
being pursued at the time when it was practicable. Its 
failure is still frequently deplored by the French Press, and 
was undoubtedly at the root of the recent attempts of the 
Colonial party to repudiate or evade the Anglo-French 
Convention of 1890, which had secured to England the 
Niger and Chad basins to the south of a line from Say on 
the Middle Niger to Barruwa on Lake Chad. But the good 
sense of the French people ought to recognise that two 
powerful nations, desirous of keeping the peace, can only 
deal with facts as they are, and not as they might have 
been under other circumstances. England cannot be justly 
blamed for having secured those Niger -Chad regions, 
which were far removed from any then existing French 
possession or sphere, and had been opened up to commerce 
by British enterprise alone — the French having only 
entered after the ground was broken ; and having entirely 
disappeared after a few years of fruitless struggle. 

Meanwhile, France had advanced from her position on 
the Senegal over extensive inland regions and had also 
taken possession of the hinter-lands of British Gambia and 
Sierra Leone, which she hemmed in closely to the sea ; 
thus impairing the present value of these British colonies, 
besides effectually preventing their future extension. Eng- 
land might have reasonably refused her recognition to this 
procedure, inasmuch as Frartce, in the negotiations for the 
Say-Barruwa line of 1890, had rested her cas^ i^z^dl'^^ ^^g'^^l^ 

y y ^^ 



French Ambitions in Africa. 335 

Algeria to a hinter-land 1,500 miles in depth, although at 
that date no Frenchman — explorer, merchant or official — 
had ever even visited the Central Sudan, But England, in 
her desire for peace, has always wisely shown a respect for 
French territorial claims, which has not been uniformly 
reciprocated. It would greatly serve the interests of peace 
and good feeling if these facts could by any means be 
placed temperately and without any shade of reproach 
before the general French public, which at present hears 
only unfounded accusations of grasping action on the part 
of Great Britain, in tropical Africa. 

The public interest aroused by the conclusion and dis- 
cussion of the Anglo-French agreement of i8go, gave a 
fresh impulse to the idea of uniting in some manner the 
African colonies of France, to which the valuable addition 
of Tunis had meanwhile been made. Large sums of 
money were found by the State and public subscription, 
and a stream of explorers extended French rights in every 
direction. The French Sudan was carried down to her 
possessions on the Ivory Coast and eastward to the rear of 
our Gold Coast colony. Admirably conducted military 
operations placed Dahomey under French rule, while the 
French Congo was pushed northwards toward Lake Chad 
behind the German colony of the Cameroons. An agree- 
ment has at last been concluded between France and Ger- 
many which enables the former country to complete the 
union of her colonies, by a circuitous route to the east of 
Lake Chad, and thus form her African possessions into 
a connected Empire. The advantage of the completion of 
this scheme to the cause of peace cannot be over estimated, 
as the advocates of an aggressive African policy will now 
have to convince their compatriots of the adequate benefits 
to be secured by each new aggression and will no longer be 
able to rest their case, as heretofore, on the sentimental 
idea that the French possessions in Africa should be united 
across the continent, even at the risk of collision with 
England. 

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$^6 French Ambitions in Africa. 

The attractions of this territorial continuity, for which so 
much has been sacrificed and risked, seem to be purely 
ideal. It can hardly be doubted that the commerce of 
Senegambia will always pass to and from the Atlantic 
coast and not over thousands of miles of land transit to the 
French Congo or Algeria ; and so on mutatis mutandis. 
However this may be, England has never opposed or dis- 
played jealousy of the scheme, which is at any rate innocu- 
ous, and with which we have no concern whatever. I urge 
this, because the French Press constantly asserts the con- 
trary. Scarcely any statement about a nation is true of all 
its individual members ; but it is certain that most English- 
men are completely indifferent to the fact that France has 
now acquired, or rather excluded from foreign interference, 
nearly one-third of Africa ; while many of us rejoice at this 
extension, as tending, when the frontiers are finally agreed, 
to preserve the peace of Europe by giving France ample 
employment abroad for her energies and revenues. 

It is a notable fact, that although the French, as indi- 
viduals, have a reputation for greater prudence and economy 
than the English, they have, as a nation, shown far more 
liberality in expenditure on building up colonies for the 
benefit of future generations. During the sixty-three years' 
occupation of Algeria, the mother country has already 
contributed over £\6o,ooo<ooo to the expenses of that 
colony, and still pays for the entire maintenance of the 
army and for much of the expenditure on public works. In 
the other African colonies the amounts have not been so 
formidable up to now ; but in all, with the exception of 
Tunis, the mother country supplies the annual funds without 
which they would cease to exist. 

I cannot resist comparing these facts with the attitude of 
England towards her West African possessions. I refer 
especially to the Niger Territories, because I can place 
complete reliance on my information in that instance. The 
British taxpayer has contributed nothing whatever either to 
the acquisition of these half million square miles or^o their 

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French Ambitions in Africa. 337 

subsequent administration. No doubt this system tends to 
encourage self-reliance and energy, just as the hardiest 
children are those who have been allowed to run loose in 
all weathers : but some do not survive this bracing process, 
and it is difficult for limited private enterprise to contend 
successfully with prolonged hostile operations supported by 
public subscriptions and State funds. 

In considering the question whether France will reap 
such a harvest from her possessions in tropical Africa as 
will repay her for her present sacrifices, I am leaving the 
realm of fact for that of inference. But I have never yet 
heard any valid reason for doubting that tropical Africa — 
excepting in the sterile soil of the desert and the swamps of 
river mouths — will gradually become as productive as other 
tropical regions of the world. It is said that the negro 
races will never take kindly to industry, and this view is 
generally supported by the two assertions, that the natives 
do not work at present, and that the freed negroes of our 
West Indian colonies and elsewhere are incurably idle. 
The former proposition is certainly inaccurate in respect to 
large populations of Western and Central Africa. I venture 
to think that the average European, if placed under similar 
political and social conditions, exposed at all times to slavery 
or violent death and to the seizure of the fruits of his 
labour by a stronger than himself, would not display more 
industry than the native of Africa. As to the argument 
drawn from our West India colonies, it must be remembered 
that the slaves exported from Africa b^onged mainly to 
less energetic tribes which had been gradually driven down 
to the coast from the interior by higher races. 

It cannot however be denied that to develop general and 
active habits of industry amongst the natives of tropical 
Africa and to introduce the growth of indigo, coffee, 
tobacco and the many other products which will pay for 
export, the tuition and supervision of great numbers of 
Europeans will long be needed. The insignificant propor- 
tion of Europeans who suffice for this purpose in Asiatic_T_ 

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338 French Ambitions in Africa. 

countries, where the birth of civilization and industry dates 
from prehistoric times, would be ineffective in moving the 
inertia of the Dark Continent. This may prove a serious 
stumbling-block to the full satisfaction of French ambitions 
in Africa. I shall not dwell on this point, because I dealt 
with it fully some years ago in an article which earned the 
approval of so high an authority as M. Barth^lemy Saint- 
Hilaire ; but I may point out that Frenchmen can hardly 
be induced to settle in sufficient number even in the delight- 
ful climate of Algeria, within easy distance from France, 
and that only the pressure of over population can produce 
the necessary supply of men willing to pass the best years 
of their lives in unhealthy and depressing climates, far from 
the comforts and interests of civilization and with little 
society but that of lower races with whom they have hardly 
an idea in common. 

A glance at any map of the present partition of Africa, 
since the Franco-German convention of the 15th March 
1894, will show that while about one-half of the area of 
the French empire in Africa, is fairly accessible to commerce 
and military force, she is not so well placed as other 
European Powers in respect of the far inland half, of 
which it may be safely prophesied that it will be the latest 
part of the Continent to bear fruit, the most costly to 
develop and the least profitable to work. 

Another obstacle to the early success of the French 
Empire in Africa lies in the nature of some of the races 
within her sphere. One is apt to forget that in speaking of 
a State possessing a sphere of influence, the primary meaii- 
ing is that other European States have agreed not to encroach 
or exercise political influence within it. Such international 
conventions are, it is true, generally based on previous 
treaties with the native rulers, but the effective conciliation 
or subjugation of these potentates is generally a later 
consideration. So far as the tribes of the Sahara, or 
potentates such as Samory, are concerned, the difficulties 
of France are probably not much greater than those with 
which Englishmen have to deal, both in East and West 



French Ambitions in Africa. 339 

Africa, or have lately successfully dealt in South Africa. 
But in her newly-acquired sphere, running from the French 
Congo to the east of Lake Chad, she has a task before her 
which will severely strain her resources. She has entered 
here into a hornets* nest of Moslem fanaticism and of 
fighting races, in the very centre of the continent. The 
new sphere will be altogether valueless unless France deals 
vigorously with the fanatical states of Baghirmi and Wadai, 
which are not likely to make any voluntary concessions to 
the hated and despised Nazarenes. The conditions in this 
eastern region are entirely different from those in portions 
of the Western Soudan, where masses of the populations 
are Pagan at heart, and so little attached to their Moslem 
rulers that a small European force would suffice to break a 
native kingdom to pieces ; and where the rulers themselves, 
either from the knowledge of this fact or from the absence 
of fanaticism, are generally willing to concede to Europeans, 
for a consideration, at any rate the political rights necessary 
for the security of commerce. If, however, France subju- 
gates this nucleus of militant Islam to the east of Lake 
Chad, she will have rendered a great service to all the 
civilized Powers having possessions in Northern Africa, 
and England especially will have cause to rejoice at her 
having at last realized her dream of uniting her colonies. 

It is to the east of Baghirmi and Wadai that the principal 
danger of future dispute may arise. But the intrusion of 
France into the basin of the Upper Nile would be a 
gratuitously unfriendly act, as she has no possessions on 
the East Coast from which she could reach that basin, and 
could not possibly hold and develop territory so remote 
from her bases of operations on the Atlantic and Mediter- 
ranean coasts ; while that region lies clearly within the 
natural hinterland of the British East African Protectorate. 
There are, happily, distinct signs of a better understanding 
than has lately existed between the two countries ; and, so 
long as that lasts, it may be hoped that no French Govern- 
ment will encourage or recognize such a useless and 
aggressive wild-goose chase to the east. Passing west- 



34^^ French Ambitions in Africa. 

ward from Wadai, there can be no element of dispute till 
Morocco is reached. As this country falls within general 
European politics rather than African politics, I shall 
venture no opinion on its future. France and England 
are, fortunately, not face to face with this problem, in the 
solution of which Germany, Spain and other nations will 
claim a voice. Moving southward from Morocco to the 
region which the French designate le boucle du Niger^ 
where the frontiers have yet to be settled between France 
and Sierra Leone, our Gold Coast Colony and the Niger 
Territories, there is still plenty of work for diplomatists, 
but no great cause for anxiety. Each nation has its treaties 
with native rulers and its rights to a reasonable hinterland 
for its existing possessions ; but there is no important 
principle at stake as in recent disputes elsewhere. 

The Anglo-German agreement of November 1893, and 
the Franco-German agreement just concluded, may appear 
to some as made at the expense of England alone ; but, if 
so, she may console herself by the assured possession of as 
much of the richest portion of tropical Africa as she can 
digest within two or three generations. It may perhaps be 
reasonably hoped that the race for Africa is now practically 
at an end; and that the time has come when European 
nations, no longer able to enjoy the dramatic spectacle of a 
struggle for the possession of a continent, must be content 
with more prosaic rivalry in the settlement and development 
of their respective spheres. This task will be more arduous 
than that of exploration or treaty-making. Regions as large 
as Europe have to be effectively occupied and governed ; 
the paralyzing effects of native misgovernment from time 
immemorial have to be modified ; and a new order of ideas 
gradually introduced amongst a hundred million inhabit- 
ants of tropical Africa ; but six European nations, with all 
the resources of modern civilization, have pledged their 
credit to carry out this work, and though progress must 
be slow at first, its ultimate success may be confidently 
predicted. 

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341 



AUSTRALASIAN FEDERATION AND 
FEDERAL DEFENCE. 

By an Australian Official. 



I.— FEDERATION. 
The student of different forms of Government who surveys 
the Australasian Colonies, their vast area, their diversity of 
climate, their natural resources and their remarkable pro- 
gress in settlement and wealth, cannot fail to be struck by 
the mistaken policy which, in an earlier generation, divided 
them by artificial boundaries into separate States. As each 
State was entrusted with full powers of self-government, 
this arrangement led naturally to the evil result, that each 
was rendered independent and careless of the welfare of the 
others, as if there had been no bond of union, common to 
them all, in their unity of language and race. 

In the earlier days of colonization this want of unity of 
interests passed unnoticed. The public revenues necessary 
to carry on the functions of government were easily raised 
by the sale of the Crown Lands. But as settlement increased 
and the duties of the State became wider and more complex, 
the Colonies were obliged to adopt a system of taxation by 
means of Customs' duties, as was done in Europe. Then 
the evils of subdivision began to manifest themselves. The 
chief Colonies of the group, jealous of each other s progress 
and striving each to be first in the race, found their temporary 
interest in pursuing different lines of policy, when establishing 
their fiscal systems. Some, like the mother-Colony of New 
South Wales, where the public men were strongly imbued 
with the doctrine of Cobden and the Manchester school of 
economists, adopted Free-trade, imposing Customs' duties 
solely for the purpose of raising a part of the required 
revenue. Others, like Victoria, imposed such duties 
not only as a means for increasing revenue but also with 
the avowed object of establishing and fostering local manu- 
factures. This system, as a matter of course, gave, during 

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342 Australasian Federation and Federal Defence. 

the earlier years of its adoption, a great impetus to manu- 
factures in Victoria. Workshops, foundries and factories were 
built and equipped in Melbourne ; and very soon Victoria 
began to export largely to the sister-Colonies. It was the 
time when, besides her manufactures being established, as 
it seemed, on a stable foundation, the gold annually won 
from her mines amounted to immense sums, and her pastoral 
and agricultural wealth was increasing by leaps and bounds : 
she soon became the most prosperous of the Australasian 
Colonies. But her protective policy, albeit designed on no 
fixed system, had yet a very marked characteristic, — its 
tendency to continual increase. Beginning with small 
duties, the clamour of her manufacturers for more assist- 
ance to enable their goods to compete with European 
products gradually led to a rise in their amount. Higher 
duties were soon imposed ; and next it became possible to 
take a new departure, by taxing the products of the sister- 
States. So long as matters remained in this condition, 
Victoria enjoyed an undoubted advantage over the other 
Colonies. These, under their system of Free-trade, took 
no special pains to establish manufactures in their own 
territories, and allowed free entry at their ports to most of 
the wares of Victoria, thus giving her a far more extensive 
market than she could have had among only her own popula- 
tion. But while, on the one hand, she enjoyed this benefit 
to the full, she began, on the other, to tax certain of the 
products of her neighbours. 

Such a policy could not but provoke irritation and 
reprisals. Gradually other Colonies of the group adopted 
a protective policy, by taxing not only the products of 
Great Britain and foreign countries, but also the goods 
exported by each other. The consequence of this inter- 
colonial taxation was felt with special severity in Victoria,. 
Instead of having, as before, open markets in the neigh- 
bouring States, her manufacturers began to be confronted 
with the difficulty of competing against foreign-made goods, 
when their own products became liable to the same or to 

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Ausiralasian Federation and Federal Defence. 343 

somewhat similar import duties. Very soon, too, the other 
Colonies, under the influence of the protective system, 
began to manufacture for themselves, and the exports of 
manufactured goods from Victoria necessarily diminished. 

In this condition of things, each Colony regarded itself 
as a perfectly independent State, having full liberty to tax, 
as heavily as it pleased, the products of its neighbours, in 
its own sole interest. The want of union and its resultant 
evils made themselves daily more evident. Federation 
became a popular theme. The Colonial press took the 
subject up ; conferences were held and proposals made. 
When it was brought before the Imperial Parliament, that 
body passed a permissive measure for allowing the forma- 
tion of a Federal Council, to which any Colony was free 
to send delegates. This body, purely deliberative, without 
funds or legislative powers, held its first meeting at Hobart 
Town, in January, 1886. Victoria, Queensland, Tasmania, 
Western Australia and Fiji were represented ; and later 
on, South Australia joined : New Zealand and New South 
Wales have stood aloof. The Council has met five times 
in all, discussing much matter of interest, but otherwise 
effecting no useful result. 

Meanwhile the advantages of Federation became more 
and more apparent; and in February 1890 delegates from 
the 7 Australasian Colonies met at Melbourne, and resolved 
on an address to the Queen, embodying the resolutions 
passed by them. These affirmed that an early union, 
under the Crown, of the Australian Colonies was most 
desirable, that the remoter Australasian Colonies might 
join it, on terms to be agreed upon afterwards, and that 
steps should be taken for assembling a " National Austra- 
lasian Convention," consisting of delegates from all the 
Colonies, with full powers to discuss the form of Federal 
Government to be adopted and to draw up a Draft Bill for 
its establishment Delegates were accordingly nominated 
by the respective Australasian Parliaments ; each Colony 
sent 7, except New Zealand, which had ^^\l^^^,^^Q,oo^Z 



344 Australasian Federation and Federal Defence. 

The first National Australian Convention met at Sydney 
on the 2nd March 1891. All the 45 members were present; 
and Sir Henry Parkes was unanimously elected President, 
with Sir Samuel Griffiths as Vice President. The following 
principles were laid down as the basis of the Union : — 

1. The powers and rights of existing Colonies shall 
remain intact, except such as it may be necessary to hand 
over to the Federal Government. 

2. No alteration shall be made in any State without the 
sanction of its own Legislature, besides the consent of the 
Federal Parliament. 

3. Trade between the Federated Colonies shall be 
absolutely free. 

4. Power to impose Customs and Excise duties shall be 
in the Federal Government and Parliament. Of these 
taxes, the balance remaining after defraying the cost of 
such Government shall be returned, in due proportion, to 
the various Colonies where the money had been raised. 

5. The Military and Naval Defence Forces shall be 
under the control of the Federal Government. 

6. The Federal Constitution shall make provision enabling 
States, which need it, to amend their constitutions for the 
purposes of Federation. 

7. The Federal constitution shall provide, {a) An 
Executive consisting of a Governor General with such 
persons as may be appointed to be his advisers ; {b) a 
Federal Supreme Court of Appeal ; {c) a Federal Senate^ 
and {d) a Federal House of Representatives, the last alone 
having the power of originating money Bills. 

8. The draft Bill stated the rights and privileges of the 
several Colonies to be comprised in the Union, and defined 
the form of Federation. 

As the functions of this Convention were strictly confined 
to deliberations and projects only, its work was ended when 
it had thus decided on the form which the proposed 
Federal Constitution should take. It then became a 
question for the separate consideration of the various 

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Australasian Federation and Federal Defence. 345 

Colonial Parliaments, whether they would accept Federa- 
tion on the lines of the Bill drafted by the Convention- 
A variety of causes, the chief of which was the need of 
internal reform and retrenchment in their own finances, 
has postponed, in most of the Colonies, any further con- 
sideration of this Federation scheme. Despite its solid 
advantages and its evident attractions, its accomplishment 
seems still to be far oft While awaiting this desirable 
result, it is well to point out particularly one among the 
evil results of the Separate Colony System, This is the 
development of a race of narrow-minded and parochial 
politicians, who possess neither foresight nor earnestness 
enough to enable them to grapple with large public 
problems. Their sole aim appears to be to tide over the 
necessities of the hour. There is at present no man of 
consummate ability and conspicuous steadfastness in public 
life in Australasia, to win over the people to accept 
Federation without demur. The politician eager that his 
own Colony should prosper at the expense of all the others 
may be found in every Colonial Parliament : the statesman, 
whose sole aim is the prosperity of Australasia as a whole, 
whose ambition it is to make of these Colonies one of the 
great nations of the world, we have yet neither seen nor 
heard of. 

And so the war of tariffs still goes on. Each Colony 
wastes thousands of pounds annually in paying separate 
Governors and executive bodies, and each bears the burden 
of a large Civil Service. But though the evils are evident, 
yet while a narrow public spirit remains paramount, it 
seems hopeless to look for the early establishment of a 
Federal Union. 

II.— FEDERAL DEFENCE. 

One of the most important questions underlying the 
political union of the Colonies is that of Federal Defence. 

British troops garrisoned Australia till 1870; and no 
more fatal blunder was ever committed by an English 

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34^ Australasian Federation and Federal Defence. 

Government than the withdrawal of the regular troops 
from Australia in that year. The Colonies of the Southern 
group finding that during the progress of the Franco- 
German war, the mother-country had decided to recall her 
small infantry detachments from their chief cities, set to 
work to increase the number of their volunteer soldiers for 
their own defence. When the war was over, England took 
no steps to send out fresh garrisons ; and from that time 
down to the present, Australasia has provided her own 
Land Forces, though a body of British troops is kept in 
Canada to this day. The Home Government lost, by this 
step, healthy relief stations for their soldiers after a long 
sojourn in India, and, what is of more importance, an 
excellent recruiting ground for her general army ; besides 
the incalculable advantage resulting to the mother-country 
and the Colonies from the mutual intercourse of large 
bodies of men, which is not the least excellent consequence 
of the maintenance of such garrisons. 

In 1892, the land Defence Forces of the group numbered 
just under 36,000. Since then, however, owing to the 
necessity of retrenchment, the strength has been tem- 
porarily reduced. There is no fixed system of recruiting 
and enrolling, and no uniformity in drill and organization. 
Some years ago, a project was set on foot for the creation 
of a Federal Artillery Regiment, to be composed of the 
several permanent garrisons serving in the capital cities 
and their adjacent forts. The advantages of having such 
a Regiment are obvious. Even as a first step towards 
political Federation it is to be commended ; but from the 
soldier's point of view, the regular interchange of garrisons 
between one colony and another is of the utmost import- 
ance, and furnishes ample reasons for its adoption, in the 
larger knowledge which it would bring of guns, equipment, 
and military organization, and the healthy spirit of rivalry 
and emulation which it would awaken. Nor must we forget 
the priceless advantage which it would be to the mother- 
country, in her hour of need, to have, ready at her call, a 

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Australasian Federation and Federal Defence. 347 

body of Australian troops, inured to a hot climate, well 
equipped and organized, and within a fortnight's steam of 
Ceylon. 

At present the total number of men of age in Australasia 
for military service (20 to 40 years) is computed at 689,426. 
Out of this material, there are actually enrolled 



In Victoria 


7,314 


Staff 


901 


New Zealand 


5,561 


Artillery 


4,169 


N. S. Wales ... 


5,'57 


Engineers 


717 


Queensland ... 


3,840 


Cavalry 


909 


S. Australia ... 


2,371 


Mounted Infantry 


3,200 


Tasmania 

W. Australia... 


... 1,856 


Infantry 


16,860 


657 










Total 


26,756 



Total 



26,756 



To these must be added about 8,500 men of the Rifle 
Clubs and companies, which bring up the aggregate to 
35,556. There is a marine volunteer force of 3, 196, making 
a total effective force of 38,452. 

As regards naval defence, the Home Admiralty have 
pursued a different policy from that of the War Office. 
Sydney, which possesses good repairing yards, has, for many 
years, been the head-quarters of a fairly strong squadron, 
generally numbering some 8 vessels ; — i first-class and 3 
third-class cruisers, 3 gunboats and i Survey yacht. Under 
the agreement made in London at the Colonial Conference 
of 1887, this Imperial squadron has been increased by 7 
additional vessels, which are exclusively for Australasian 
service. For this protection the Colonies have agreed to 
pay an annual subvention of ;^i 26,000, based on their re- 
spective population, as follows : 



N.S. Wales ... 




— ;^37»72o 


Victoria 




3^,968 


N. Zealand ... 




20,599 


Queensland ... 




13^342 


S. Australia ... 




10,663 


Tasmania 




4,850 


W. Australia 




1,858 


SERIES. VOL. \ 


Total ... 
^11. 


126,000^^-^ T 

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348 Australasian Federation and Federal Defence. 

This auxiliary fleet consists of 5 fast cruisers and 2 
torpedo gun-boats, of which 3 cruisers and i gunboat are 
kept in commission and the rest in reserve, but ready to be 
commissioned whenever needed. The vessels have been 
built by the British Government ; but the Colonies pay 5% 
interest on the prime cost (provided such interest do not 
exceed ;^3 5,000), and also the actual charge for their 
maintenance. The agreement is to remain in force till 
1901, when (or at the end of any subsequent year) it is ter- 
minable, after a two years' previous notice, the vessels re- 
maining the property of the Imperial Government. In 
addition to this, the Colonies maintain a naval flotilla : 
Victoria 14, Queensland 10, New Zealand 8, and N. S. 
Wales, S. Australia, Tasmania and W. Australia, i each. 
The naval defence of the Colonies may, therefore, be said 
to be sufficiently provided for. 

All the chief cities are well fortified : Melbourne and 
Sydney, in particular, have powerful batteries armed with 
the newest type of breech-loading cannon. During 1891-92, 
the Colonies spent £799,97^ on fortifications, and the total 
debt incurred by them for this purpose, to the end of 
1891-92 was ;^2, 534,983. King George's Sound, Thursday 
Island, Hobart and Port Darwin are being fortified or 
soon will be. The works on Thursday Island are already 
far advanced, while those at King George s Sound, though 
not quite completed, have lately received their armament 
from England and their garrison from S. Australia. 

Just as a strong Federal Union is needed for the con- 
tinuous joint progress of all the Australasian Colonies, so is 
the want of unity in the organization and command of the 
Land Forces the worst defect in the present system of 
Colonial Defence. 



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349 



ORIENTAL ART AND ARCHAEOLOGY. 

By William Simpson, R.I., M.R.A.S., 
Hon. Associate R.LB.A. 

{Being a paper read before the Ninth International Congress of Orientalists 
held in London in September 1891, and brought up to date,) 

In opening this Section of Oriental Art and Archaeology in the IXth 
Congress of Orientalists, it may perhaps be appropriate to take a retro- 
spective look at the progress which has taken place in this particular 
department of research, and of some of the events connected with it, since 
the first meeting of the Oriental Congress which took place in London in 
the year 1874, — that is seventeen years ago. So much has been done in 
that time, that it will be impossible to go into every detail, and I can only 
give a very brief sketch of some of the work that has been accomplished. 

But, in the first place, let me say something of those whose names belong 
to this Section, and who have joined the greater number since the Congress 
of 1874. Since that date we have lost many good and worthy workers. 
From the Council of that Congress, of which I had the honour of being 
a member, we have to mourn the loss of the President, Dr. Samuel Birch, 
a man who was in the front rank of Egyptologists, while he possessed a 
wide grasp of knowledge and had sympathies extending far beyond his 
own special study. My old and dear friend Mr. Joseph Bonomi, whose 
speciality was the Art Archaeology of Egypt, has also passed away. Pro- 
fessor Donaldson has also to be added, as one who has done good work 
in the field of classical architecture. The name of Mr. George Smith is 
too well known as a cuneiform scholar to require any words of praise 
from me, except that of regret, that he was taken away so early in his 
career. Mr. Edward Thomas stood high as a numismatist. jMr. W. S. W. 
Vaux, who was latterly Secretary of the Royal Asiatic Society, was another 
whose name is well known as an Oriental archaeologist. Mr. John Williams 
was Secretary to the Royal Astronomical Society, and from his study of 
Chinese Astronomy, he had a claim to be ranked among Orientalists. I 
have given these names of those of the Council who have passed away, 
although they could not perhaps be all classed as belonging to the depart- 
ment of Art Archaeology. 

There are two names which demand a special mention. The first of 
these is Mr. James Fergusson. I enjoyed an intimate acquaintance with 
him since about the year 1862 till his death ; and during that time I have 
discussed many questions about Indian Architecture with him. In these 
I have at all times found him not only straightforward, but most genial 
Perhaps the best way to sum up his labours, will be to say that when he 
began the study of Indian Architecture, nothing was known about it ; and 

he lived to collect such a mass of information, that he was able to put the 

. . o 

Z 2 



350 Oriental Art and Archaology. 

whole into a classified form. This was a great work for one man to do. 
It is quite possible that the future may produce a fuller and more exhaustive 
classification; but that will not detract from the result which has been 
achieved, and which was a labour of love to this man. His theories about 
the Topography and Architecture of Jerusalem have not stood the test of 
recent discoveries ; and I doubt if his Rude Stone Monuments will in the 
future stand high as an authority in that branch of Archaeology. His fame 
will rest on what he accomplished in the Architecture of India. 

The other name, — the owner of which has passed away, — is Sir Henry 
Yule, — so much better known by the old familiar title of " Colonel Yule." 
It was only a few months before his death that he accepted the knight- 
hood ; but it may be stated, and I have his own authority for it, that the 
honour had been offered to him years before ; and it was only on Lord 
Cross's earnest solicitation that he at last gave his consent, and became 
Sir Henry, — a distinction he had well earned. My first acquaintance with 
Colonel Yule goes back to the winter of 1859-60, — when I first went to 
India. I had letters of introduction to Lord Canning, who that season, 
with Lord Clyde, was making a triumphal march over the ground of the 
late Mutiny, and holding grand durbars at all the chief towns. I was 
invited to join the camp by Lord Canning, and I travelled with it from 
Delhi to Peshawer. Colonel Yule was, as head of the Public Works' 
Department at that time, in Lord Canning's camp, and there we first met. 
As he was fond of Art, we were often together sketching temples, and I 
may say that I began my study of Indian Architecture with him ; — so, I 
can speak of the interest he took in Oriental Art and Archaeology. He 
had not the minute knowledge of Indian Architecture that Fergusson had 
accumulated ; nor the wide knowledge of Indian Archaeology that Cunning- 
ham has been able to grasp ; but, still, in another way he gathered honey, 
and we all acknowledge its quality in Marco Polo, and in his later work, — 
not yet so well known, — The Diary of William Hedges,* 

The death of Rajendralala Mitra, LL.D., and CLE., was announced in 
July last. He was a Sanscrit scholar, but he had also given his attention 
to the study of Indian Architecture and Archaeology. The Antiquities of 
Orissa^ in 2 folio volumes, with numerous plates ; and Buddha Gaya^ or 
the Hermitage of Sakya Muni; are his two principal works of this kind. 
The hope ought to be expressed that this learned Doctor will not be the 
only native of India to study the Art Archaeology of his country ; and 
that he will be the forerunner of many others who will yet devote theoa- 
selves to this wide field of research. Among the people of India there 
have been individuals celebrated in every branch of literature, and we may 
be certain that in the future many will be distinguished in this. 

I now turn from the dead to the living. Sir Alexander Cunningham has 
at last, and that only a few years ago, retired from his long and brilliant 
career in India. As far back as 1835, as a young officer of Engineers, he 
was exploring the Samath Stupa at Benares; and in 1851 he, and 
Lieutenant Maisey, who made drawings of the sculptures, were at work on 
* Published just before Yule's death, by the Hakluyt Society, of which Sir Henry was 
the President. ^ j 

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Oriental Art and Archceology. 351 

the Sanchi Stupa, near Bhilsa. Half a century at least is the period during 
which General Cunningham has been almost constantly engaged upon the 
Archaeology of India. To do anything like justice to the work accom- 
plished in this time would require a whole paper. He has explored the 
remains of ancient sites from Buddha Gaya to the Khyber, and has iden- 
tified many places the situation of which had been lost ; he has wrought 
out the ancient geography of India from the historians of Alexander and 
the travels of the Chinese pilgrims. His knowledge of coins is a reputa- 
tion in itself. Perhaps the best monument of his work will be found in 
the twenty-three volumes of ArcJuBological Survey Reports^ which record 
what he has done, or at least what was done under his superintendence, 
as Director-General of the Archaeological Survey of India. The first 
volume was published in 1871, and the last appeared in 1887, — these 
dates show that the largest portion of the work belongs to the period 
between the two Congresses. 

He has been succeeded by Dr. Burgess as head of the Archaeological 
Survey. This gentleman has already done good work in Western India ; 
and besides Archaoiogicai Reports^ has published numerous works on 
Archaeology and Architecture. Special mention is due to his Rock-ait 
Temples of India, Mr. Fergusson wrote the Introductory part of this 
book ; but the main portion of it, giving minute details of the temples, 
represents the work of Dr. Burgess ; and the whole proves a most valuable 
book of reference to this department of Indian Archaeology. In this very 
slight sketch, it must be understood that I do not pretend, neither in the 
case of Dr. Burgess nor the others, to enumerate all that has been accom- 
plished by them. 

Here it might be of interest to detail the circumstances which first led 
to the starting of the Archaeological Survey. The merit belongs to Lord 
Canning when he was Governor-General ; and probably his action in this 
was largely due to Lady Canning. In evidence of this I can only chronicle 
the following details, and leave them to speak for themselves. In the 
cold season of 1859-60 when I travelled as Lord Canning's guest in camp 
through the North-West Provinces, Lady Canning accompanied her 
husband. She was an accomplished artist, and spent most of her time in 
sketching places of interest on our route. Sketching ruins of temples and 
old cities naturally leads an inquiring mind to wish for knowledge about 
each place, and Lady Canning was constantly asking questions about the 
spots she visited, as to their history, and the people connected with them. 
Luckily there were those in camp, such as Colonel Yule, and Mr. Louis 
Bowring, Lord Canning's Private Secretary, who were well qualified to 
supply information. The various races of people were a subject of constant 
conversation, and I understood it was from the great interest Lady Canning 
took in them that a scheme was started shortly afterwards for procuring 
photos of all the races and tribes in India. A number were done and 
published, but the plan was only a partial success. In January 1862, 
only two years afterwards. Lord Canning penned the Minute appointing 
Colonel A. Cunningham to commence the Archaeological Survey. The 
documents begin thus : — '* In November last, when at Allahabad* I had 

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352 Oriental Art and Archaology. 

some communications with Colonel A. Cunningham, then the Chief 
Engineer of the North-West Provinces, regarding an investigation of the 
Archaeological remains of Upper India. It b impossible to pass through 
that part, — or indeed, so far as my experience) goes, any part — of the 
British territories in India without being struck by the neglect with which 
the greater portion of the Architectural remains, and of the traces of 
by-gone civilization have been treated, though many of these, and some 
which have had least notice, are full of beauty and interest." Here Lord 
Canning refers directly to the remains which he had seen in passing 
through the North-West Provinces,— that was in 1859-60, — the winter 
following he went in camp to Jubblepore in Central India, and Lady 
Canning was again with him. These were the two journeys which led to 
the origin of the Archaeological Survey. Now I remember well, that in 
camp, Lord Canning was so devoted to the work of his desk, his Dr. 
could scarcely make him take sufficient exercise. — My idea is that it was 
not Lord Canning, but Lady Canning that saw the Architectural remains ; 
it was her inquiries that led to the conversations about them ; — and it is 
to that highly cultivated Lady, — who died in India,;a martyr from her 
devotion to Art,* that I ascribe the influence which led Lord Canning to 
begin the Archaeological Department 

Since the time above referred to Archaeological departments have been 
extended to Bombay and Madras. From Bombay we have lately had news 
of the discovery of a new group of Buddhist caves, which seem to have 
existed only about 50 miles from the capital. How they could have 
escaped observation, up to the present, is somewhat surprising, for the 
group comprises eighteen caves, one of them being a chaitya cave. They 
are situated in the Ghats near to the village of Nadsur, and a smaller group 
was at the same time discovered about six miles distant at the village of 
Karsambla. These have all been surveyed, and Reports made upon them, 
by Mr. Henry Cousens of the Archaeological Survey of Western India. 

In Madras the Department is also active. Mr. R. Sewell is connected 
with it, and I have seen Reports by Mr. A. Rea from the Tanjore and 
Trichinopoly Districts, which are full of interesting matter. 

In addition to this Department another new one has come into existence, 
which has for its object the Preservation of the National Monuments of 
India. In 1881 Major H. H. Cole, R.E., was appointed Curator. It will 
be impossible to preserve every example of the ancient remains in India ; 
but there are a number of the more important of which every care will now 
be takea We may Uke the Sanchi Stupa as an illustration of what has 
been done : in this case the vegetation that grew over it, like a wild jungle, 
has been cleared away. The South and West gateways, which had fallen, 
have been re-erected ; the portions of the rail which had tumbled down, 
or were threatening to do so, have been put to rights ; and the whole has 
been, — not restored, — but merely repaired, so as to prevent farther decay. 
This is in itself a good work, for this is one of the very few stupas that 
remain to us as a monument of the Buddhist period in India. Major Cole 

* Lady Canning died in November, 1861, from a fever caught in the malarious part of 
the road while on a journey to Darjeeling, where she had gone to make sketches. 

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Oriental Art and ArcktBology. 353 

has published a series of illustrated mouographs of some of the principal 
monuments under his charge. 

Allusion has already been made, when speaking of Dr. Rajendralala 
Mitra, to the probability of the educated natives of India devoting them- 
selves to the study of Art Archaeology ; and I have another evidence in 
favour of this to place before you, and one that should not be overlooked. 
The late Maharajah of Jeypore founded a School of Art some years ago in 
his capital ; and one of the results is that the present ruler of that Rajput 
State,-— H.H. Maharaja Sawai Madhu Singh, G.C.S.I.— has been able 
through the able supervision of Colonel S. S. Jacob, C.I.E. to produce a 
very magnificent work, known as the Jeypore Portfolios^ of Architectural 
details ; the whole of which has been drawn by the students educated at 
the Jeypore School of Art To give some idea of the extent of this work, 
I must state that there are no less than six portfolios, and the whole is 
formed of 374 large folio plates. The plates have been photo-lithographed 
by Mr. W. Griggs of Peckham, so they are exact copies of the original 
drawings. The subject matter of these plates has been derived from the 
beautiful details of the best architecture of Delhi, Agra, Futtehpore Sikri, 
and Rajputana. As an artist I am entitled to speak of the good and faith- 
ful drawing manifested in every sheet of this splendid work, which is an 
honour to all who have been connected with it. 

In Ceylon an Archaeological Department has also come into existence, 
and the exploration of the ancient capital, Anuradhapura, has been taken 
in hand. Mr. H. C. P. Bell has been intrusted with this work, but as yet 
little has been done, as he had as a preliminary to clear away the jungle 
before any exploration was possible. The great dagobas, — the word used 
for stupa in Ceylon, — at Anuradhapura, are the largest known to exist, 
and as that city was the capital of the island for about a thousand years, 
great interest will no doubt attach to any discoveries Mr. Bell may be 
fortunate enough to come upon. 

This very slight and imperfect sketch, is still quite sufficient to show the 
progress made in Archaeology in India. It indicates the mass of work 
already done, but above all it tells of the wonderful change that has taken 
place; where before ancient and precious monuments of the past were 
allowed to go to ruin, — they are now explored, studied, and carefully pre- 
served. This is done as a duty by the Government. Archaeology is now a 
State Department. This is a most satisfactory result; and it has been 
almost wholly accomplished since the first meeting of the Congress of 
Orientalists in London in 1874. 

Much important work has been done in Western Asia since the year 
1874; — so much so, that lime will only permit me to mention but a 
fraction of it. Dr. Schliemann's excavations at Hissarlik had been going 
on before the year just named, but it was not till 1875 ^^^^ ^''^ audits 
Remains was published, so that the knowledge of what had been done was 
only made known within the period I am dealing with. Since then Dr. 
Schliemann has made explorations at Mycenae, Tiryns, and other sites. It 
was the same with Mr. Wood's explorations at Ephesus, which resulted in 
finding the site of the celebrated Temple at that place. He had been at 

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354 Oriental Art and Archeology, 

work for a number of years before, but his book, Discoveries at Ephesus^ did 
not appear till 1877.* 

Explorations in Mesopotamia for many years back have been more pro- 
ductive of literary than of art remains. Mr. Rassam's discovery of the 
bronze gates at Balawat, in 1877, was an important find, as the bronze 
fragments were covered with figures in relief. 

As one of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Exploration Fund, I 
may be permitted to say a word or two on our labours. We have now been 
in existence for over a quarter of a century ; during which time our society 
has been steadily at work. Besides a large map of Western Palestine, and 
Memoirs^ which have been published, adding largely to our knowledge in 
every way, a vast mass of material connected with the Art Archaeology of 
the region has been accumulated, and placed within the reach of students. 
This includes monuments of all kinds from the Rude Stone period to the 
time of the Crusades. The society has been particularly fortunate in its 
explorers, having had such men as Sir Charles Wilson, Sir Charles Warren, 
Major Conder, Colonel Kitchener and others. 

What I might call a Subsidiary Society has been lately established in con- 
nection with the Palestine Exploration Fund ; this is the Palestine Pilgrims 
Text Society, and its object has been the translation and publication of 
early accounts of the Holy Land, — principally the descriptions by pilgrims. 
Other works have also been produced, among them I may mention The 
Buildings of Justinian^ by Procopius, — the first time this important work, 
bearing on the architecture of the Byzantine period, has been translated 
into English. Another most valuable text is a translation from an Arabic 
Author, of the loth century, known as Mukaddasi, or "the Jerusalemite." 
This author belonged to an architectural family, and the details he gives of 
the buildings of Jerusalem at his time, which is almost entirely new, have 
turned out to be most invaluable. 

The Egyptian Exploration Society has also done good service to Archaeo- 
logy. This society has also been very lucky in its explorers ; Mr. Flinders 
Petrie being a whole host in himself. 

I can only mention the doings o\ M. and Mme. Dieulafoy at Susa ; I 
have not seen the large collection they have brought back to Paris, but it is 
spoken highly of by those who have had the opportunity of inspecting it 

I may call your attention to the remarkable development of Archaeo- 
logical exploration which has taken place, and almost wholly between the 
dates of the two Congresses of London. In India, as I have already 
pointed out. Archaeology is organised under the Government ; and at home 
here societies have come into existence for the sole purpose of exploration. 
This, I am sure, you will agree with me, is most satisfactory. The positive 
results have been a large addition to our knowledge. Although much has 
been done, I yet believe that exploration of this character has only begun ; 
and that in the fiiture the development will be still greater. There is an 
ample field in store yet for work. It is not long ago that I heard of two 
young Americans who were roughing it at a site somewhere to the south of 
the Troad, and were excavating on their own account ; and the report was 
* Mr. Wood began his explorations at Ephesus in 1863. 

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Oriental Art and Archaology, 355 

that they were doing very good work. The remarkable thing is that so few 
young men of our day have yet thought of turning their energies to account 
in this direction. The fashion hitherto has been sport. Men will go to 
the other side of the world, and face any danger, to kill some wild or rare 
animal ; but when it becomes realized that more repute and honour will 
be achieved by discovering the site of an ancient city, by digging up some 
ancient hoard of coins, unearthing an inscription, a statue, or a fragment 
of an unknown style of Architecture ; — this new manner of sport will not 
want for disciples. I have often thought the professors at our Universities 
might assist in inspiring the youths under them with an ambition in this 
direction. 

In 1884 I accompanied the Afghan Boundary Commission, under Sir 
Peter Lumsden, through Persia and Khorassan to Afghan Turkestan in 
Central Asia. We wintered at Bala Murghab, and I returned home in the 
spring of 1885. As the Archaeology of the region we passed through is but 
little known, I propose giving a few details. 

I shall first touch upon the Fire Temple at Baku. I had always under- 
stood that this temple belonged to the Guebres, or Fire-worshippers, and I 
should have been much astonished on seeing the place, if Colonel Stewart 
had not previously informed me that it was a Hindu Temple. The temple 
is a very rude erection, not unlike the usual Saiva Temple of India, but 
there is no Garbha or cell ; it is quite open on the four sides. In the 
centre a tube projects out of the earth, and the gas used to come through 
and was lighted. A low Sikhra surmounts the Temple, and at each 
corner of the Sikhra were tubes, which could be lighted ; these, with the 
central fire, would produce the Panch Agni^ which is familiar to the 
Hindus. On one side of the Sikhra a trisula projected, — from which I 
assumed that the worship had been devoted to Siva. There is a sculptured 
stone on the temple on which there is a Swastika, and other rude figures, 
as well as an inscription in Devanagari. There is an enclosure round the 
whole containing a number of small rooms for the accommodation of 
pilgrims, and over the door of each there is a small stone with Devanagari 
inscriptions on each. I brought home some rough squeezes of these inscrip- 
tions ; these on being submitted to Sanscrit scholars, including Professor 
Max Miiller, were supposed to date only from a few centuries back. The 
temple is now deserted, but a few years ago, as Colonel Stewart informed 
me, a man from Delhi was in attendance, who received pilgrims, and kept 
the place in order. The pilgrims came from India, and were Hindus, 
and not Parsees. Colonel Stewart has seen and spoken to many of them. 
The Hindus call the temple "Jowala Jee;" and they associate it with 
Jowala Muki, the well known fire temple at Kangra ; but they esteem the 
one at Baku as the more important of the two shrines. My own impression 
is that the sacred fire at Baku must have been originally a Guebre place of 
worship ; but how, or when, the Hindus found their way to such a distant 
spot, is a point on which I have no information. 

Before reaching Kasvin I was struck with the appearance of the villages. 
They were exactly the same as those I had seen between the Khyber and 
the Jellalabad Valley. The resemblance was so complete, that^ I could 

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35^ Oriental Art and Archaology. 

see no difference, — and I have made sketches of both. Each village is a 
small fort. Four high mud walls, crenellated, form a square enclosure ; 
four round towers, made also of mud, and crenellated, at each comer, 
complete the design. The houses of the village, all of mud constriction, 
are huddled anyhow inside this protective defence. I kept my eye on 
these villages all the way eastward from Tehran, through Khorassan, to the 
Heri Rud, on the Afghan Frontier ; and I assumed that the type would be 
found to be the same through Afghanistan to the Khyber. 

This was interesting so far, but it becomes, I think, still more so, when 
I point out another identification that dawned on me. I^arger villages 
having more space to enclose, had more round towers, the wall being what 
a military engineer would call a curtain between each. Towns were 
fortified in the same way ; round towers at regular intervals, and the high, 
crenellated, mud wall, forming the curtain between. One morning on our 
march, I passed a village, where a new wall was being made ; the men 
were at work, and the crenellations they had finished were neat and well 
formed ; and it suddenly forced itself on my mind, that these walls were 
identical with those represented in the Assyrian sculptures. We know that 
in Mesopotamia mud, or sun-dried brick, was the building material. It 
was with this same material I saw them constructing defensive walls in the 
l^resent day in the north-east of Persia ; and I believe the same system 
exists through Central Asia and Afghanistan. The walls of Jellalabad, of 
which I have sketches made in 1878-9, are similar in design and material. 
I felt that it might be a matter of some importance to realize that this 
mode of building had continued to the present day from the period at 
least when Babylon and Nineveh were in the height of their grandeur, — 
and in all probability it had existed for many ages before. 

This was not the only identification I noticed between the Valley of the 
Two Rivers and the further east. The cities and towns of Mesopotamia 
are known to have been in a number of cases square in form ; and either 
the whole city, or a portion of it, to have stood on a raised platform of 
earth. The square walls of the villages, already described, may be just 
noticed ; but I found larger towns that were also square in plan. Old 
Sarrakhs, on the right bank of the Tejend, or Heri Rud, is a good example. 
This is a very ancient place. It seemed to me to be a perfect square, — 
unfortunately at the time of my visit I had no means of measuring it, — 
with its corners facing the four cardinal points.* 

The form of the town is perfectly distinct, because it stands on a raised 
platform, round which the ruined walls are still visible. My first notion 
was, that the raised ground had resulted from repeated destructions, and 
rebuilding of the town ; but I abandoned this idea as soon as I had seen 
other mounds in the same region. Kala-i-Maur, on the Kushk Rud, is an 
old place, the mound is now somewhat irregular in form, but I took it to 
have been originally square. Kara Tapa Khurd, on the same river, is a 

* The plan of Babylon is understood to have had its four comers to the cardinal points ; 
Khorsabad was the same ; and so was the plan of the Birs Nimrud, showing that temples, 
as well as towns, were arranged under similar ideas, — thus indicating that there was 
probably a religious motive which existed as a basis. 

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Oriental A rt and A rchaology, 357 

mound, square in form. Maruchak, on the Murghab, having been in- 
habited down to a late period, has. its walls still standing, and it is a square 
town. The fort at Bala Murghab was rectangular, but not exactly square. 
There were other places that we passed, of some of which I did not learn 
the names, but I noticed that they were square in plan.* What I have 
given will be sufficient to show that this particular form was common in 
that part of Asia, t 

Having given examples of the square form, I shall now mention one or 
two very marked exceptions. The first of these is the great heap called 
Ak Tappa, or the "White Mound," at Penjdeh. This mound has no 
resemblance to the flat platform on which a town or a citadel might be 
built It might be described as a small hill, irregular in form, slightly 
triangular. It was roughly measured, and put as 300 yards in its longest 
dimensions, and about 150 yards in its greatest breadth; and 100 feet 
high. It is undoubtedly artificial, and a large town existed round it; 
although there are no remains, yet the fragments of pottery in the soil was 
in itself evidence that such had been the case. Someone has suggested, — 
hut I now quite forget who it was, — that such high mounds were as old as 
the Zoroastrian period, and they were high places for fire altars. Whatever 
may have been the object for which such a heap was raised, it must have 
been very different from that for which the low quadrangular platforms 
were formed. | I have heard that various theories have been suggested as 
to the origin of the Central Asian mounds, but as yet I have not read any- 
thing authoritative on the subject ; and my own knowledge of them is too 
slight to enable me to throw any light upon it 

All the villages in Persia are not square, and we came upon a very 
remarkable one, about one hundred miles east of Tehran. This village 
was round. The legend as told us by the people living in it, was, that Las, 
the Son of Noah, traced the circle on the ground, on which the village was 
built, — and its name is " Lasgird,'' — the girdle, or circle of Las, as the 
name was explained to me. The solid wall of mud rises perpendicularly 
for perhaps about 30 feet, and on the top of this wide rampart the houses 

* Ferrier in his travels, p. 207, describes the citadel of Balkh as a square enclosure on 
an artificial mound. He also states that there is an " immense artificial mound, anciently 
crowned with a fortress," at Khoosk-i-Nakood, near Kandahar, p. 316. Near to this 
there is another, at a place called Sungusur, p. 316. He mentions many other places in 
his travels where there are such mounds. 

t This square form of towns extends into China. Peking is square, each of its sides 
being four miles in length. The city of Ava, one of the old capitals of Burmah, is square, 
with three gates on each side ;— exactly the same as the new Jerusalem of the Apocalypse. 
It is difficult to understand how there could be any connection between Burmah and 
Western Asia ; but recent speculations have dealt with a supposed relationship between 
the Chinese and the ancient Akkadians. 

X I find the following in my Diary made at the time. — '* Captain De Lassoe tells me 
that an Arab Geographer, called Khordabih, who wrote about 880, A.D., gives a descrip- 
tion of a place on the Murghab, — * Mowrab,' — which must be Ak Tappa, and gives it the 
name of Karinain. — It is described as a village on the top of a high hill on a plain, in- 
habited by fire worshippers, who earned their living by hiring out donkeys, and were 
called Karkuns, which means workmen, and they had the reputation of being great 
travellers, from going about with their animals." ^ t 

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358 Oriental Art and Archeology, 

were built. The inside of the circle contained storerooms, and places 
where cattle, horses and sheep could be stowed away when a Turkoman 
raid took place. The only entrance to this was a very small doorway, with 
a door formed of granite, which turned in the primitive way on pivots. 
The object of this door was to prevent it from being burned by the Turko- 
mans ; and when it was closed the people were safe within this strange 
citadel. There are other places in Persia with the word " gird '* in their 
names, but whether they are similar to Lasgird or not I have not learned.* 
That the circular form is an ancient type as well as the square, we have 
evidence in the city of Ecbatana, which was round ; and I understand that 
Hatra was also round. That there was some practical, or perhaps 
symbolic reason, which gave rise to the square and round form of towns at 
some early date, is what I am inclined to suppose ; but I can offer no 
suggestion that will explain the origin of either. By putting this as a 
problem here, it may be seen by others, who may chance to have the 
necessary knowledge to solve it. 

Knowing that Buddhism had been carried to Central Asia, and that 
while it spread from there eastward to China with great rapidity, it seems 
10 have made little or no progress westward into Persia ; — I was anxious 
to observe if any remains of it could be traced. It was not till we reached 
the Heri Rud, which forms the frontier between Persia and Afghanistan, 
that I came upon what I believe to be a small group of Buddhist caves. 
This was at a place called Dowlutabad, which might be about twenty miles 
south of Sarrakhs. I noticed a perpendicular cliff on the eastern, or right, 
bank of the river, with holes in it. I rode across to the place, but could 
find no means of ascending to the caves, but from what I saw, no doubt 
was left in my mind that they were artificial excavations. That they were 
Buddhist I could not afiSrm at the time ; and it was only after other caves 
were discovered on the Murghab, that I came to the conclusion they were 
in all probability remains of that kind. If I am right in this, these are 
the latest found monumental evidence of the spread of Buddhism westward 
in that region. t 

At Bala Murghab, the Honble. Major M. G. Talbot, R.E., who was on 
the Survey Department of the Commission, discovered a couple of caves 
in a cliff on the left bank of the river. I went over to see them with him 
one day, but the climb up was too difficult for me to risk, so, I only saw 
them from below. Talbot measured them, and made a plan and section. | 
One cave is 45 feet long, and the other 30 ; the width is 7 feet, and vault 
formed roof is 7 feet high to the point in the centre. There is a com- 
munication between the two caves. 

These caves were quite empty ; there were no paintings or sculptures in 

* I have been informed that Lash, south of Herat is a '* Gird," and that it is named 
after the son of Noah. 

t In making this statement I am not ignoring the existence of a colony of Buddhists 
now located on the north western corner of the Caspian. I saw and sketched a lama 
from that locality, in Moscow, where he had come in 1883, to attend the coronation of 
the Tzar. 

X These were published in i\it Journal o^ tht Rojral Asiatic Society, Vol. xviii. Part T. 

1886. ^ T 

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Oriental A rt and A rchceology. 359 

ihem to indicate the purpose for which they had been excavated. 
Although wanting in this, I can come to no other conclusion than that 
they were the habitations of Buddhist ascetics. I would assume that the 
great body of Buddhist monks that occupied the city of caverns at Bamian, 
would not limit their occupation of that important centre of the faith, but 
in all likelihood, would have outlying posts at least extending over what is 
now known as Afghan Turkestan. The difficulty would be to account for 
these places upon any other supposition. The Buddhists were the only 
body of people who excavated such habitations.* The Bamian caves are 
evidence of this ; the Jellalabad Valley is full of Buddhist caves ; — all these 
were no doubt made in imitation of those in India. I have further 
evidence ; — I have made drawings of the caves in the Jellalabad Valley, 
and I can trace points of identity between them and the caves at Bala 
Murghab. Without plans or illustrations, I cannot give these here ; but 
even wanting this, I think the Buddhist character of the caves will be 
accepted. 

Further confirmation of this was found in the discovery of a large and 
very important group of caves at Penjdeh. — Captain, — now Major De 
Lassoe, one of the officers attached to the Commission, had been detached 
for a short time to Penjdeh ; and while there in February, 1885, the people 
told him of the caves. The entrance was closed, but a passage was easily 
made; when he found a long vault-formed passage 150 feet in length, 
9 feet wide, and the same in height. There were doorways on each side, 
which led to at least sixteen chambers, — many of these having smaller 
chambers connected with them, and not enumerated in this figure. 
Almost every one had a small recess in which was a well, — or it may have 
been a circular shaft for keeping a supply of water in. This was evidently 
a large Vihara, or Monastery. The houses here have been constructed of 
mud, — and people accustomed to such simple and easy working materials 
would never have been at the trouble to cut out dwellings for themselves 
in the solid rock ; and particularly in such a manner that they would have 
been in perpetual darkness, which must have been the condition in every 
one of these rock-cut chambers. The group is known as the Yaki Deshik 
caves. t Major de Lassoe reports the existence of numerous single and 
double caves in the hills about Penjdeh. 

Towards the end of 1885, while the Afghan Boundary was being deter- 
mined. Major Talbot started on a Survey expedition. He passed eastward 
through the valley of the Heri Rud, and ultimately reached Bamian. He 
made drawings of a number of details which are all interesting. A young 
Brahmin, Bhauron Bux, who had been trained in the Jeypore School of 
Art, was with the party, and he made very careful drawings of the two 
great Statues, which are the best I have yet seen of these remarkable 
monuments, and they convey a very perfect idea of them. Major Talbot 

* I am aware that the Hindus excavated caves ; but that was in imitation of the 
Buddhists, and after their suppression. This was the case in India ; and there could be 
no Hindus in a position to excavate caves after the Buddhists in Afi^han Turkestan. 

t This plan of the Yaki Deshik caves was given in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic 
Society, Vol. xviii. Part I. 1886— with a letter from Captain De Lassoe to myself 

'describing them ; and to which I refer for further details. C^OOCjIp 

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360 Oriental Art and Archaology. 

sent all these home to me, with a descriptive account, which was published 
in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.* Major Talbot measured 
the Statues with the theodolite, and found the largest to be 173 feet in 
height ; and the smaller one to be 120 feet. Previously to this the height 
of the greatest had only been guessed by chance visitors, but it turned out 
to be higher than the highest estimate that any one had ventured to make. 
One important point about these figures is that they do not show any 
indication of the Greek influence, which is now recognised in the sculp- 
tures of the Peshawer and Jellalabad Valleys. The drapery of the Statues 
is all as regular and formal in its folds as the Statues of Buddha show 
which belonged to those parts of India where the Greek influence had 
never reached. Neither do the details of the caves, judging by the 
drawings sent home, show any signs of Classic Architecture. As Bamian 
was so close to Balkh, the supposed headquarters of the Greek power left 
in that region by Alexander, one would have expected to find the Classic 
influence more strongly marked than it is farther South. We might 
speculate on the causes of this peculiar condition of Art at Bamian, but 
it may be as well to wait till further data are forthcoming. 

From Bamian Major Talbot went north to Haibak, and he reports the 
existence of large numbers of caves in that direction. One place bears 
the name of " Hazarsam,'' a word that means the thousand Samutches, or 
caves. At Haibak he found one group which is called " The Stables of 
kustam " ; this name is given to them from a series of arches cut in the 
rock, which would serve admirably as stalls for horses. The feature of 
interest in these caves is that of three chambers which have been excavated 
with domes ; and these domes have evidently been formed in imitation of 
previously existing constructed ones. The domes are high, and although 
circular, are not pointed ; this form identifies them with the Sassanian 
domes, such as those in the palace at Serbistan ; or the form of the great 
arch of the Takht-i-Khosru at Ctesiphon. The pendentives, which support 
the circular part of the domes at Haibak, are an exact repetition of those 
in the few examples of Sassanian architecture that are still existing in our 
own day. Among the details sent by Major Talbot from Bamian, is a 
sketch of the same pendentive in a domed cave at that place, — the value of 
this is, it shows the pendentives in the Stables of Rustam were not excep- 
tional ; but belonged to a type that was common to Central Asia. All 
this points to the conclusion that the main features of what is now known 
as Sassanian architecture were not limited to Mesopotamia, but was the 
style practised through Northern Persia, Khorassan, and that it at least 
extended as far east as Balkh, — and in all probability to Bokhara and 
Samarkand. It also suggests a greater antiquity for the dome than has 
generally prevailed hitherto ;— but on this point we have as yet no dates 
to guide us.t Another interest attaches to this rock-cut dome; but in 

* Vol. xviii. part 3 with an Introduction by the late Sir Henry Yule, and explanatory 
notes by myself. 

t There are domes represented in some of the Assyrian sculptures ; and from the £iictlity 
with which I saw that the village people of Persia could construct domes and borrel-roois, 
with sun-dried bricks, — and without what is technically called " centreipg,** I cam£ to 

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Oriental A rt and A rcfueology. 36 1 

this case we trace it down towards the present day instead of backwards 
in the past It was this dome as a structural form that continued in 
Central Asia, Khorassan, Persia, and Afghanistan, which the Mohammedan 
conquerors of India brought into that country ; and it is the successors of 
that dome, — though slightly altered, that are still to be seen at Delhi, 
Agra, and other places in the north-west of Hindostan. 

I believe I am expected to say something about the Grasco-Buddhist 
remains which are here around us.* This splendid collection which Dr 
Leitner has brought to this place is certainly tempting, and the subject is 
undoubtedly one belonging to our section. It so chances that I have had 
opportunities of studying these remains in the Punjab, Kashmir, and 
Afghanistan ; I have also seen the collection in the Lahore Museum ; and 
as I can claim to have given some attention to the questions connected 
with the subject, I shall devote a short time to it. 

Perhaps I should say something about the discovery of this Greek 
influence which is now recognised by everyone. There have been many 
claims made for this honour. The earliest notice I have yet found where 
the resemblance to Greek of these Buddhist monuments was noticed, is 
in the Hon. Mountstuart Elphinstone's CaubuL This was as far back as 
1809, when he and his mission were returning through the Punjab, a party 
of them visited the Manikyala Stupa. Elphinstone says: — "There is 
nothing at all Hindoo in the appearance of this building ; most of the 
party thought it decidedly Greciaa It was indeed as like Grecian 
Architecture as any building which Europeans, in remote parts of the 
country, could now construct by the hands of unpractised native builders."! 
The recognition here is distinct enough, but it can scarcely be entitled a 
discovery. We might apply the word used by children in one of their 
games, and say that Elphinstone and his party were very " warm "; — they 
were close upon the discovery, but they really did not quite realize what 
they had found. 

The actual merit, so far as my knowledge goes, is due to Sir Alexander 
Cunningham. The evidence for this is to be found in a small book he 
published in 1848, entitled An Essay on the Arian Order of Architecture ; — 
the work is very rare — the only copy I have seen is the one in the British 
Museum. It deals with the Architecture of Kashmir, in which the Greek 
details, — I am using the word Greek here, as including Roman, or even 
Byzantine, — as these were all only developments of the Greek, — are even 
more marked than in the Manikyala Stupa. 



the conclusion that such modes of roofing must have been practised from a very early 
date. Where wood was to be had, flat roofs in villages would be the rule ; but where no 
such material existed, — and mud was plentiful, as in Mesopotamia and Central Asia, the 
sun-dried bricks would be built into barrel-roofs and domes. On my return from the 
Afghan Frontier, I read a paper on " Mud Architecture " to the Royal Institute of British 
Architects, where this subject is dealt with. 

* This address was delivered in the Museum at the Oriental Institute, Woking. 

t Vol. i. pp. 107-8.— Professor Wilson, in \i\%Ariana Antiqua^ published in 1841, refers 
to this visit and the impression formed upon Elphinstone and his party, on which he 
remarks,—" it has been since fully proved the work of Indian artists," p. 31, ITiese 
words are no doubt literally correct enough, but they miss the real mark. We hav^T^ 
made progress since 184 1. - . ^ 



362 Oriental Art and Archceology. 

I have made claims to this discovery myself, — but unfortunately I found 
that this was twelve years after the publication of Sir Alexander's small 
book. Still, I can claim that the identification in my case was quite an 
independent discovery. It was in February i860 that I first visited the 
Manikyala Stupa, — at that time I knew very little about Indian Architecture, 
and had heard nothing about a Greek influence having reached the region 
of the Indies, — but I had begun my artist career in Architecture, and was 
familiar with every detail of the " five Orders," — and before I had finished 
my sketches of the stupa, I was convinced of the existence of Greek details 
upon it. The capitals, although much weather worn, I saw were rude 
imitations of Corinthian; and the frieze with its cornice, was so unmis- 
takably classic, that I made a slight sketch of the section, which is still in 
one of my sketch books. My knowledge of Architecture enabled me to 
make the step beyond what Elphinstone and his party made, that step 
which amounted to discovery. Next year in Kashmir I sketched the old 
temples there, and found in them further confirmation of my conclusion.* 

It was some years after this when Dr. Leitner, if I mistake not, while 
exploring after the Dards, came upon some of the Buddhist remains in the 
Peshawer Valley, which he collected, and these were the commencement 
of this interesting and most valuable museum we are now in. Its value 
may perhaps be appreciated when I say, it contains examples of nearly all 
the forms of Art peculiar to the style we are at present considering. Dr. 
Leitner claims, and I believe he is fully entitled to the merit of applying 
the term " Graeco-Buddhist " to them, as descriptive of the character and 
origin of this particular form of Art.f But he is entitled to something 
more than this. He brought this collection home to England, where it 

* On my return home from India in 1862, I read a paper in May of that year to the 
Royal Institute of British Architects, On the Architecture of India ; and in dealing with 
the Kashmir Temples, I said, — ''The style of all these buildings is very peculiar, quite 
unlike anything else in India. Instead of being like the architecture of India, your first 
impression is that it is Gothic. This is from the high pediments and the spire-like roofis 
and general constructive appearance, but a closer inspection shows the stilted arch, which 
is more Saracenic than Gothic A still closer inspection reveals a mass of mouldings, and 
details which, if not classic, can leave no doubt on the mind that they have been derived 
from that source. There is one sketch of some details which I did at Martund, which is 
a very remarkable illustration of this Greek or classic character. Were I in a general 
company to throw down that sketch, and say that it was a sketch in Athens, unless it 
was minutely inspected the statement would not be likely to be contradicted." Regard- 
ing the Manikyala Stupa I said, — *' here again there are clear remains of Greek Art." — 
The capitals of the pilasters, — " are so decayed by time, that it requires close inspection 
to make out what they have been, but no doubt was left in my mind that they are Greek 
of the Corinthian order. I have given drawings of two of them, and if that is not enough, 
there is a hastily done section of the frieze, which I think establishes the classic character 
itself." 

t This style has also been termed " Indo-Gredan," — Cunningham adopted this : "Indo- 
Roman," or *' Indo-Byzantine," has been suggested by Mr. Fergusson ; — '* Indo-Ionic" ; 
" Indo-Hellenic " ; " Roman " ; ** Grseco- Roman " ; and " Roman- Buddhist," are terms 
which have been used by various writers. The introduction of the word *' Roman " has 
resulted from a supposition that the Classic influence only came through some Roman 
colony ; or that the influence continued, — that is fresh communications with the West 
went on after the flrst Greek inspiration, till the Roman period, or even to the Byzantine 
period. ^ T 

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Oriental Art and Archeology. 365 

was for a time exhibited in the South Kensington Museum, and by this 
means, as well as by lecturing, Dr. Leitner made the subject kpown, and 
created an interest in it, which it would not have otherwise had. 

The style of Architecture which we may call the Graeco-Buddhist, is a 
very curious mixture ; and I shall try to give a slight description of it for 
the benefit of those who may not have had the opporttmity of seeing any 
of the examples. First, there is the column in the style which we call 
" Persepolitan,'^ from its bell-shaped capital, similar to those at PersepoHs ; 
and which is common to the Western Caves, and the sculptures of Sanchi 
and Bharhuf^ Along with this is a Corinthian pilaster, and capital. At 
times the Abacus is extended beyond the capital, shewing a survival of the 
primitive wooden bracket. The base mouldings of the pilaster are generally 
rude imitations of the usual Corinthian and Ionic orders. Some remains of 
what are supposed to be Doric and Ionic have been found, but these are 
very exceptional. I have a sketch of the Pheelkhana Stupa in the Jellalabad 
Valley, where one half of the column — the lower half — is Corinthian, 
and the upper half is Persepolitan. These two orders were generally 
associated together on the same building ; and they were only used, — so 
far as our knowledge goes, — as decorative, and not as constructive, forms. 
In the Jellalabad Valley there are no buildings of the Buddhist period left, 
there are only the remains of stupas, more or less in a ruined condition, 
and I speak mainly from what I saw on these monuments. So far as I 
know, nothing in the shape of a classic pediment has been found. Its 
place was supplied, — and also applied as a decorative detail, — by the round 
Arched form derived from the roof of the Buddhist Chaitya hall, — or more 
properly speaking, from the wooden roof of the house of the Asoka period. 
Although this may be considered an Arch in form, it never was so in 
construction. Along with this I found in the Jellalabad Valley a form, 
which so far as I know, is new to students of Indian Architecture. This 
was composed of two uprights, sloping inwards to the top, and surmounted 
by a straight lintel, with rude mouldings giving it somewhat the character 
of a cornice. We have no such form in the plains of India, but in the 
Himalayas I have seen doorways bearing a strong resemblance to it ; and 
my supposition is, that it was common to the hills, that it existed as a con- 
structive detail in Afghanistan at an early date, and was continued among 
the decorative details of the Buddhist period in that region. The conical 
roof of the Kashmir temples is also a form derived from wooden roofs 
still existing in the Himalayas ; I come to this conclusion from sketches 
of wooden temples I made in the Sutlej Valley. The Kashmir temples 
have a very marked feature which is described as a trefoil arch. Its 
origin is far from being clear. Fergusson thought that it had been 
developed from the section, or profile, of the Buddhist Chaitya Cave. 

This very slight description of the forms found in this class of Archi- 
tecture will tell what a strange medley it is. I shall not occupy your time 
with the sculpture which was connected with this Architecture. It can be 
studied here in this museum, which contains an ample supply of examples. 

* Whether this capital was carried from India to Per^epolis, or the reverse,— is a point 
not yet determined. Fergusson thought it possible that it was common to both,^ ^ 

NEW SERIES. VOL. VII. AA^OOg^^ 



364 Oriental A rt and A rchaology. 

The difference in style between it and the sculptures of India will be easily 
perceived, and better understood by inspecting what is around us here 
than by any description I could give you. 

The particular channel by which this classic influence reached 
Afghanistan and the region of the Indus, has already been the subject of 
considerable speculation. At first Alexander's invasion was thought to be 
a sufficient explanation ; but his march through Afghanistan, the halt in 
the Punjab, and descent down the Indus, were performed in too short a 
time to permit of any influence being produced. A better supposition 
then presented itself, which was that the Greek governors of Bactria, after 
Alexander's death, had Greek artists in their employment, and it was to 
them we should attribute the introduction of classical details into the 
Architecture of the locality. The coins of these early Greek satraps 
bear so far unmistakable evidence of this ; and if there were men in 
Bactria who could produce coins with Greek Art on them, we need 
scarcely doubt but there were others who could produce Greek Architecture. 
Later again, it was suggested that in both the Architecture and the sculpture, 
there are details more allied to Roman than to Greek Art ; and from this 
it has been assumed that artists must have continued to come from the 
West down to the Roman period Fergusson was inclined to this opinion ; 
and still farther, he thought that the connection went on as far down as the 
Byzantine date. I cannot share in this view of the case.* It has alsa 
been assumed that it was from the Greeks the people of India learned to 
use stone instead of wood in their Architecture ; and that as the Greek 
influence can be traced in the sculptures of Sanchi and Amaravati, Indian 
sculpture was wholly indebted for its origin to the invasion of the Mace- 
donian. I made sketches of the Sanchi Stupa as far back as 1861, and 
have been familiar with its sculptures since that date, — but I hesitate to- 
accept the statement that Greek influence is visible in them. It is quite 
possible that there may have been a more intimate connection between 
India and Western Asia in ancient times than we have supposed, — a sub-^ 
ject on which some very able papers, by Mr. Hewitt, have appeared in the 
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, — and I am willing to suspend judge- 
ment on the origin of lithic Architecture and Sculpture in India, as well 
as other matters, till this most interesting subject has been more fully 
wrought out. 

As I was in the Jellalabad Valley with Sir Sam. Browne's force in the 
Winter of 1878-9, during the last Afghan war, and devoted some of m^ 
spare time to the study of the Buddhist remains there, some slight account 
of them may be of interest. Previous to that time our knowledge of Indian 
Architecture did not extend beyond the Khyber Pass ; but I brought home 
drawings of details sufficient to entitle us now to say that we know it as 

* Since this address was delivered, Dr. Leitner kindly sent me a paper by Mr. V. A. 
Smith of the Bengal Civil Service ; who advocates the theory of a Roman influence. It 
is a very able paper, and shows careful study of the subject. At first I thought of adding 
a note of criticism, but the subject is too wide, — it would require a long paper, as well 
as illustrations, to do it anything like justice. Though doubting Mr. Smith's view of the 
matter, I may call his attention to a' point in this address which favours his theory ; that 
is the absence of anything Greek at Bamian or Haibak. ^ t 

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Oriental Art and Archeology, 365 

far as Jellalabdd and Gundamuck. The population of monks in the 
Jellalabad Valley, during the Buddhist period, must have been very large. 
I judge from the remains which can still be traced of monasteries, with 
their topes. These crumbling ruins of the past are scattered all round the 
lower hills of the valleys, and in some places they extend for miles with 
only an interval here and there between the mounds. Wherever there is a 
scarp rock in the hill side, caves have been excavated ; and these still 
remain, many of them almost as perfect as when made, but the greater 
number are in a ruined state. These caves seemed to me to be copies of 
the caves in India, — not those of the western ghats, but the earlier caves 
about Buddha Gaya. The Viharas, or built monasteries, can only be 
traced in some places from ridges formed by the walls having tumbled 
down. In one, or perhaps two instances, I could trace the plan of the 
monk's cells, by the line of walls about level with the ground. 

The topes are in most cases mere heaps, but there are a great many of 
them of which a considerable portion still remains. In none of them did 
I find the Tee, or the umbrellas ; but there was one standing as high up 
as the spring of the dome. Taking a bit of what was left in one, and a 
bit from another, I was able to make out all the Architectural details on 
these monuments ; which were very much as I have already described the 
character of the Graeco-Buddhist Architecture. At Hada, the Hidda of 
the Chinese pilgrim, which is a few miles to the south of Jellalabad, there 
are the remains of a considerable number of topes, as well as caves. It 
was at this place in a monastery, that Hiuen Tsiang, in the early part of 
the 7th century, saw the skull, and other relics of Buddha. It was an 
important place of pilgrimage at that time. The name of the capital of 
the district was known as Nagarahara, and after careful inspection of the 
whole valley, I came to the conclusion that it stood at the junction of 
the Surkh-ab and the Kabul rivers, — that is on the right bank of the latter 
stream. At this place there is what seems to be a natural mound which 
I take to have been the Bala Hissar, or citadel ; and round this for some 
distance extend extensive mounds, and these are covered with stones, 
among which are the mounds of many topes. One of these I commenced 
excavations upon, but had to stop just when it began to show the walls, 
and manner of construction. 

Previous to this I had made a very successful exploration of one of the 
topes, and the result may be of interest here in connection with the 
subject of Graeco-Buddhist Architecture. While the army was quar- 
tered at Jellalabad, Lord Lytton, who was then Viceroy, sent a communi- 
cation to the late Sir Louis Cavagnari, that if Archaeological excavations 
could be carried out in the Jellalabad Valley, he was to do all that he 
could to accomplish them. It so chanced that only a few days before 
these instructions arrived, I had begun operations with a working party, 
which Cavagnari had supplied, on the conditions that all coins, sculptures, 
etc., — ^which might be come upon, were to belong to the Government. 
The spot was on a ridge nearly a mile from the camp, where there was a 
large mound, with lower mounds, in the form of ridges, round it, which 1 
naturally took to be the remains of a Vihara, or monastery. I was awa^g 

AA 2 O 



366 Oriental A rt and A rchaology. 

that Masson had dug into almost all the topes in the Jellalabad Valley, 
but there are still a number of mounds, in which he saw no traces of 
Architecture and left untouched. This mound was one of them ; it was 
known as the Ahin Posh, or " Iron Clad " Tope, — a descriptive name I 
have not as yet been able to find an explanation ot 

I commenced a tunnel in order to find the cell in the centre. The 
interior mass of the structure was formed of large boulders fi^m the river 
embedded in mud. Luckily the tunnel led in exactly on the level of the 
cell, this last was formed of slates, and its size was 1 5 inches square. In 
it I found a small heap of dark-coloured dust, which, it may be assumed, 
were the ashes of the holy person to whose honour the tope had been 
erected. On the top of this heap lay a golden relic-holder, — such as are 
worn suspended by a chain, or cord, from the neck. In this was a small 
object, most probably a sacred relic, and two gold coins. — Among the 
ashes were eighteen gold coins,— making twenty in all. Seventeen of 
these were Indo-Scythian, belonging to three reigns, those of Kadphises, 
Kanerki, and Hverki. The other three were Roman coins belonging to 
Domitian, Trajan, and Sabina, the Empress of Hadrian. The date of the 
Indo-Scythian monarchs is understood to have been during the first century 
before Christ; the Roman coins come down to the first quarter of the 
second century of our era, — thus giving us the utmost limit of antiquity 
for the monument.* The coins had more or less sunk into the ashes, and 
this suggested to me that each one had been dropped in as an offering, 
each person in his turn coming up and dropping his coin. If someone 
had collected the offerings, he would naturally have placed them altogether, 
and probably in a corner of the cell. The relic-holder lay on the top of 
the heap, as if the person who presented it, had taken it from his breast, 
and laid it down, without any plan of arrangement, — and there, I believe, 
it had remained untouched from the moment it was deposited, till the time 
when it was found by me. My supposition is, that there was a ceremony 
at the dedication of the tope, when the relics were placed in the cell, and 
offerings were made to them ; but whether this was so or not, the above 
details may be of interest as indicating, though faintly, what had taken 
place on such an important occasion, and so very long ago. 

While the tunnel was going on, others of the working party were clearing 
away the rubbish round what had been left of the lower part of the tope. 
The building of the inner mass has been already described as that of 
boulders in mud. The external face was formed by boulders split in two, 
and each piece laid so that the split face was outside. Between each of 
these courses was a layer of slate, some inches in depth, and slate was also 
built up between each boulder, — the whole producing a diaper appearance, 
— but all this was covered over thickly with plaster. Mouldings were 
roughly formed with the slates, which seem to have been plentiful in the 
locality, — and finished more minutely with the external plaster. 

The Afghanistan topes f present some marked difference from those in 

* The ashes, coins, and relic-holder were all sent to Calcutta, and a description of the 
coins, with Photographic reproductions, was given by Dr. Hoernle, and published in the 
Proceedittgs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, August, 1879. 

t " Tope " is the local word, used by the natives,— so it is given here instead of Stu^^ 



Oriental Art and Archeology. 367 

India. The Sanchi Stupa, for instance, may be described as a dome 
resting on the ground. In Afghanistan these monuments have a square 
base, from which a drum springs, — ^and this drum is surmounted by a 
dome. These peculiarities give a greater height to the Afghanistan topes. 
The square base of the Ahin Posh Tope was 100 feet on each side; and 
although the drum was entirely gone, luckily its circle could be traced, and 
it measured 80 feet in diameter. The height of the base was between 
30 and 40 feet; to which we have to add the drum and its dome, 
about 90 feet, and we have a structure over 120 feet high at least: — 
contrast this with the size of the Sanchi Stupa, which was about 1 20 feet 
in diameter at the base, and 56 feet in height ; or scarcely the half of the 
others in altitude. 

There was another feature of these Afghanistan topes which I was 
fortunate enough to discover; and I believe it must have belonged to 
those of the Peshawer Valley as well. On my return from Afghanistan, I 
read a paper On the Buddhist Remains in the /ellalabad Valley y before the 
Royal Institute of British Architects.* For this paper I made a restora- 
tion of the Ahin Posh Tope, for which, I believe, I had data for every 
detail, including the Tee, which surmounts the dome, but I had no 
authority to guide me for the umbrellas above the Tee ; so I introduced 
the triple umbrella only as a recognised form which we were familiar with. 
Fergusson saw, and approved of my restoration, and made no objection to 
the triple umbrella; but after it was published, I chanced one day to 
be looking over one of my old Indian sketch-books, when I noticed a 
sketch, made as far back as 1861, of a sculpture on an old stone at Dras, 
in the Himalayas, on the road from Kashmir to Leh. My surprise was 
great on finding that it represented a stupa similar to those in Afghanistan, 
— it had the square base, besides other details, which' left no doubt on the 
|K>int. But the remarkable characteristic was a pile of thirteen umbrellas 
which towered high up above the stupa. This at once recalled the Chinese 
pilgrim's account of the great stupa at Peshawer, which had 25 copper-gilt 
umbrellas, — the whole monument being 400 feet high. There is, in 
Fergusson's Indian and Eastern Architecture^ p. 126, an illustration of a 
small model of a tope found by Masson, in the Jellalabad Valley, and it 
must have had seven umbrellas over it. This model perfectly confirms 
the Dras sculpture, and shows that the Afghanistan, as well as the Pesh- 
awer Valley topes, were all surmounted by a high tower-like form of 
gilt umbrellas, and which must have more than doubled their height 
above the dome. From this, the full height of the Ahin Posh Tope must 
have been at least over 250 feett 

This sculptured tope at Dras has also thrown light on another question 
which was before in doubt. The Sinologues all afiirm that the Pagoda of 
China was a form originally brought from India, and that it came with 
Buddhism. It was surmised that if this was the case, the stupa must 
have been the first model ; but the Pagodas of Southern China, are so 

* Read 12th January, 1880. 

t I have sketched a restoration, but with the umbrellas altered according to the sculp- 
tures on the old stone at Dras. ^->» ^ 

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368 Oriental Art and Archeology. 

unlike our previous notions of Stupas known in India, it was difficult to 
believe that the one could have been the origin of the other. The Pagodas 
about Peking were not so well known as the Southern ones ; the latter 
being a series of rooms, one above the other, while those about Peking 
have only one chamber at the base, which is surmounted by an odd num- 
ber of roofs, generally eleven or thirteen, forming a tower ; — ^and evidently 
a copy, in Chinese Architecture, of an Afghanistan tope. This identifica- 
tion, so far as I have learned, has been generally accepted, and the old 
sculptured stone at Dras has become the first monumental evidence of the 
origin of the Chinese Pagoda.* 



As it is over two years since the above address was delivered, I am now 
asked tu add a few lines so as to bring the slight sketch of events, with 
which the address begins, up to date. During the time mentioned no 
discovery that can be called great in the department of Oriental Art and 
Archaeology has as yet been announced. Much has been done, — more 
indeed than can be chronicled here, — in the various regions of the east, 
where, as it has been explained, we have organized departments under 
Government, as well as societies, carrying on operations. 

The first duty is to notice the death of Major-General Sir Alexander 
Cunningham. He was bom in Westminster on the 23rd Jan. 1814, and 
died on the 28th Nov. last. He was thus within two months of completing 
his eightieth year. A very full notice of his life and the work he has 
accomplished will be found in the January part of the Journal of the 
Royal Asiatic Society for this year, 1894. He may be said, even at his 
great age, to have died in harness. I had a letter fi'om him only a few 
months before his death, and it was, as a piece of penmanship, so well 
written, it gave me hopes that there were still many years in store for him. 
As an evidence of his working power up to the end, his last book, entitled 
Mahabodhi^ or the Great Buddhist Temple^ under the Bodhi Tree at 
Buddha-Gaya^ was published at the end of 1892. This is a large quarto 
volume with many plates, recording his explorations and discoveries. 
This temple, built beside the Bodhi Tree under which Buddha attained to 
Supreme Wisdom, or Buddhahood, has been the source of rbuch con- 
troversy, and some of the points are now cleared up by Sir Alexander's 
discoveries. The building has been so often repaired and altered, that 
there were doubts as to whether it was the structure seen and described by 
the Chinese Pilgrim in the early part of the seventh century. In removing 
some additional building on the north side, a part of what may be supposed 
to have been the original wall was uncovered ; and here the niches were 
found to be surmounted by arches copied from those of the Chaitya cave 
form, — so different from those of the more modern restorations. This 
leads to the probable conclusion that the original walls still exist in the 
temple ; but the existence of such arched forms is so new to us in that 
part of India, that as yet no exact date can be suggested r^arding them. 

* I read a paper to the Royal Asiatic Society in December, 1881, on this stone, giving 
a drawing of it. In that paper will be found fuller details of its bearing on the Afghanis- 
tan Topes, as well as the Chinese Pagoda, than space will permit of here. 

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Oriental Art and Archaeology. 369 

Although a date cannot be given, these arches are in all probability older 
than the time of Hiuen Tsiang. 

The Sikhara or tower of this temple has a floor above the Cella, so it is 
a two storied structure ; the old temple at Konch is similar. This would 
seem to have been a peculiarity in the construction of Sikharas at some 
early period, of which there is an important confirmation in a late " Progress 
ReporV^ in which Dr. Fiihrer announces that in his explorations near 
Rimnagar, in the Bareli District of Rohilkhand, where there are extensive 
mounds marking the site of Adhichhatra, the ancient capital of Northern 
P^chdla, he has come upon the remains of a large " two-storied " Saiva 
temple, built of carved brick, and dating from the first century B.C. A 
Saiva temple of this date is a discovery in itself; but as yet no detailed 
account beyond what is here given has appeared, and hence any conclusion 
regarding it must be deferred. Dr. Fiihrer also found some inscriptions at 
Adhichhatra, and from the names upon them he makes the following im- 
portant statement. — " Their historical value consists therein that they form 
a link in the chain of evidence which enables us to trace the existence, 
nay, the prevalence of Vaishnavism and Saivism not only during the second 
and first centuries b.c, but during much earlier times, and to give a firm 
support to the view now held by a number of Orientalists, according to 
which Vaishnavism and Saivism are older than Buddhism and Jainism." 

A late issue of the Epigraphia Indica deals with inscriptions found at 
Mathura by Dr. Fiihrer. These have been translated by Dr. Biihler, and 
contain some valuable data respecting temples and architecture. From 
one inscription we learn that the Jaina sect were settled in Mathura in the 
second century b.c. ; and from another that an old Jaina stupa existed 
there ** which in a.d. 167 was considered to have been built by the gods, 
/>., was so ancient that its real origin had been completely forgotten." 
This, so far as I can recollect, is the first notice I have seen that the Jainas 
had stupas ; and it adds another link to the resemblance between Jainism 
and Buddhism. 

I believe Dr. Fiihrer is now in Burmah at the work of exploration, which 
was begun by the late Dr. Forchhammer. Our knowledge of Burmese 
architecture is as yet only that of a confused mass of material which 
requires to be sifted so that its history and development can be accurately 
realized. It is to be hoped Dr. Fiihrer and his staff will do something to 
give us this desirable result. 

Dr. Hultzsch, who was appointed Epigraphist to the Government of 
Madras, has now published two volumes, in four parts, of South-Indian 
Inscriptions. These inscriptions are mostly found in temples, and contain 
much valuable information about them ; but they have very little reference 
to the architecture or art of that part of India. 

Mr. H. C. P. Bell, the Archaeological Commissioner for Ceylon, still 
continues his explorations at Anuradhapura, and is doing good work, so 
far as the means at his disposal, which are somewhat limited, will permit. 

Having explored "The Ruined Cities of Mashonaland," Mr. Theodore 
Bent has since then visited Abyssinia, and his book. The Sacred City of the 
Ethiopians^ is worthy of notice, from the author's discovery of the^old cmi 

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3 7o Oriental A rt and A rchceology, 

of Yeha, and also for the photographic reproductions of the obelisks at 
that place as well as at Aksum ; these give us a perfect notion of the detaib 
of the monuments. The altars or sacrificial stones at the base of the 
obelisks are an important addition to our knowledge, as they appear to 
confirm what Professor Robertson Smith sa3rs about sacrifices among the 
Semites. These altar stones may possibly suggest an origin to the obelisk, 
which as yet Egyptology has failed to supply us with. Mr. Bent left at the 
end of last year for Hadramaut in Arabia Felix, on an exploring expedition, 
and letters have been received from him at ShibanL 

In 1890 Professor Flinders Petrie, under the auspices of the Palestine 
Exploration Fund, commenced a preliminary exploration at a mound 
known as Tell el Hesy, which is situated about 16 miles east of Gaza. 
The exploration has since been carried on by Mr. F. J. Bliss, and a large 
portion of the mound has been cleared away down to the original soil. 
Mr. Bliss considers that he has found at least eight cities, — each being a 
rebuilding on the remains of the others. Professor Flinders Petrie in his 
first digging found, at the lowest depth he went to, what he took to be 
Amorite pottery ; and he came to the conclusion that the spot was the site 
of the ancient city of Lachish. This is an important identification of a 
Biblical site, and it is now generally accepted, but as yet we cannot speak 
of it with perfect certainty. Bronze implements, — an axe, and spear-heads, 
with flint implements, — were discovered ; and a pilaster with a primitive 
Ionic capital was brought to light. Some authorities consider that it is only 
a rude copy of the Ionic of a late date ; my judgment would be in the 
opposite side, and I am inclined to say that it belongs to a primitive type. 
A point such as this, — whethef a work of art belongs to the first beginnings 
of a style, or has come into existence when the style was in its decadence, 
— is often one of the most difficult questions we have to decide in the 
Archaeology of Art. 



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2>7^ 



CONTINUANCE OF THE NAME ASSYRIA AND 
NINEVEH AFTER 607-6 B.C. 

By D. a. Lincke, Ph.D. 

It is generally supposed that, after the fall of the independent monarchy 
of Assyria in the above year, the name of this people and of its famous 
capital, Nineveh, completely perished and that the Assyrian nation was 
totally destroyed The cause of this unparalleled catastrophe is said to be 
the "great hatred" which this "unspeakably abominable people," as 
A. von Gutschmid calls them, had deservedly created ; thus judge among 
others Ed. Meyer (in his History of Antiquity^ vol. i., p. 483), Hommel, 
Delitzsch, Duncker, Maspero, Perrot, etc. 

This view is quite wrong, as indeed Kiepert, Schrader and Tiele (in his 
excellent History of Babylon and Assyria) have already recognised and 
pointed out. 

The memory of the power and pomp of the Assyrians, who were not 
only warriors, but also merchants and artists, and by no means averse to 
science and literature, was ever vivid in ancient times and was not forgotten 
even during Muslem rule. 

Names of kings no doubt were mostly forgotten, as were most of the 
Pharaohs and in Persia even the first Achaemenides. 

The name Nineveh, however, always shines as a star in the darkness of 
the past. In most English works, as in the Encyclopedia Britannica (under 
Nineveh) and in G. Rawlinson's Herodotus^ passages are most commendably 
named like those of the Annals of Tacitus, XII. 13, and Ammianus 
Marcellinus, 23, 6, 20. 

Among older authors Ritter in his Geography and Tuch in his admirable 
treatise de Nino urbe (Leipzig 1845) have collected much material which is 
too little used. In the old-Persian cuneiform inscriptions, Assyria is cited 
next to Babylon as At/turd, The demotic text of the Table of Canopus 
gives the Greek " "lupia " with Aser (Assyria), and in the Coptic Kalcndar 
of Saints we find valuable notices regarding the fall of Nineveh and 
Senkarib of Mosul Nearly all Greek and Roman authors mention the 
Assyrians and their capital. Xenophon {Anab. III. 4, 9 p) on his march 
through the Tigris country does not name Nineveh, but I have shown in 
my longer Essay that this is either an accident or an error. 

The fact that the Assyrians had ruled Asia Minor before the Medes was 
known to all the Classics. Herodotus (I. 184) notoriously wrote, or wanted 
to write, "A(r<Tufioi Aoyo/." I. i he mentions that the Phoenicians also 
carry " Assyrian " goods to other countries. Even the assertion that the 
name of Nineveh was unknown at the time of Alexander the Great is, to 
say the least, doubtful. Arrian several times mentions Assyria and the 
Assyrians in his Anabasis^ and Nineveh twice in surviving fragments; 
Diodorus also names this city (XVII. 53). Lucian (Charon) speaks of J' 

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372 Contintmnce of the Name Assyria and Nineveh. 

as highly renowned; Strabo does the same; Ptolemaeus names Nineveh 
among the cities of Assyria (VL 43). 

During the time of the Roman Emperors there existed an accurate 
knowledge of the historical, commercial and political importance of the 
site of Nineveh, though, curiously enough, Kaulen contests this fact in his 
BabyL Assyria, The words of Tacitus prove my statement irrefutably 
(Ann. 12, 13), *Sed capta urbs Nioos, vetustissima sedes Assyriorum." 
On coins we find the name of the Roman Military Colony "Colonia 
Niniva Claudiopolis " which had been founded there. See also Layard, 
Nineveh and Babylon (D. A., p. 451). 

Ammianus Marcellinus knows very well that Adiabene was called 
^^prioribus temporibus Assyria " and that this land of Assyria was ** nobilis 
celebritate et magnitudine'^ ^"^ In hac Adiabene Ninus est civitas'^ (23, 6, 

14-23)- 

The Hellenic and Roman poets knew the people and town well ; 
Phokylides already speaks of Nineveh. Roman poets mention Assyrian 
ivory, Assyrian ointment, Amomum and Melabathrum. Noldeke has 
collected all these passages in his admirable article, Hermes V. p. 440. 
The Byzantines also knew this ancient nation on the Tigris. Thus the 
Assyrians are named by Zosimos, Prokopios, Theophylactus, Samosata and 
above all Theophanes. 

According to Nikephoros Skeuophyjax (in Theophanes II. 22) the 
Emperor Leo the V. ascribed his origin to the Armenians and Assyrians. 
Johannes of Nikiu in his Chronicles of the World confounds the Persians 
with the Assyrians when describing the Egyptian campaign of Kambyses. 

Remember what fables have been spread by other Byzantine Classicists, 
e,g, Syncellus and the Chronikon Paschale, regarding Ninus (the Heros 
Eponymos, or the Personification of Nineveh) and Semiramis ! This, and 
the invented Lists of Kings then circulated, shows that the imagination 
even of later years was incessantly occupied with the Assyrians. Ninus, 
Semiramis and Sardanapalus have even invaded Germanic poetry. The 
Nibelungen Lied mentions " silk from Nineveh " and even in Wolfram's 
Pdrcifal we find this venerable name. Similarly Jewish-Hellenistic literature 
says all sorts of things about Assyria and its Metropolis. Thus also the 
Sibylline oracles, the Apocalypse of Ezra and the Babylonian Talmud in 
which especially interesting passages regarding Sanherib are to be found. 
Indeed, the memory of this energetic and practical people was kept alive 
for the Jewish-Christian World by the Biblical books, the indignant 
effusions of the prophets, which are an eloquent testimony to their great- 
ness, e.g. of Nahum, the story of Jonah and the penitence of the Nineviies. 
(See Isaiah 19, 23) " Blessed be Egypt my people and Assyria the work of 
my hands." Ezra 6, 22, calls the Persian King "King of Assyria" and 
Benjamin of Tudeia also mentions Nineveh, as others have already shown. 
Above all, in Syrian Literature, we repeatedly meet with the name 
"Athur" (Othur) and Nineveh. It is most desirable that a Syrologist 
should collect and elaborate these innumerable passages. Assemani's 
Bibliotheca Orientalis and Bar Hebrseus* writings, especially the Chronic^n 
Ecdesiasticunty offer an abundant material for a description of the importance 

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Continuance of Uie Name Assyria and Nineveh, 373 

of Nineveh as the seat of a Bishopric, for such it was during centuries. 
Down to the 13th century Nineveh plays an important part in Oriental 
Ecclesiastical History. Above all, was tht/ejunium NinivHicum renowned 
among Syrian Christians and is mentioned even by Arabic authors like 
Albirdni and Kaswini. Bar Hebraeus tells us that even during the time of 
the Ejjubites there was a Fort of Nineveh (Hist Dynast Ed. Pococke, 
p. 265). The Rev. Dr. Badger's work The Nestorians. also contains 
interesting communications on the subject ; the Homily of Ephrem Syrus 
regarding the Mission of Jonah and the repentance of the Ninevites was 
published by Burgess in 1853. Most valuable are the inquiries of G. 
Hoffmann Extracts from Syrian Acts of Persian Martyrs (1880) regarding 
the Behnam Legends and Sardana, the King of Athor. Important passages 
are also found in the History of Mdr Qardagh and the book edited and 
translated by Bezold The Treasure Cave, In the Syrian novel of Julian, 
Persia is often called " Beth Nimrod " and " Athur." Most Arab Geo- 
graphers and Historians name Assyria and Nineveh, e.g,^ Abulfeda, Ibn 
Batuta, Beladhori, Muqaddasi ; Yaqut mentions Nineveh 21 times. 
Nineveh also appears in the role of Qodima {Kremer^ Culturg, I., 367). 
Down to the latest times has the name of Nineveh been perpetuated 
among Bedouins and Turks in the form of " Nunia^^ as heard by Niebuhr 
and Moltke. Again, the Armenian authors report much about Assyrians^ 
and surround Nineveh with an Armenian Legend. Compare Moses of 
Chorene, Faustus of Byzanz, Agathangelus (according to him Ardeshir, the 
founder of the Sassanian Dynasty, was an Assyrian), Serubna of Edessa, 
Mar Apas Katina (who tells us about the Library of Nineveh), etc. 

Not Nineveh, but Babylon was already in ancient times in the possession 
of the evil notoriety as a seat of magic and of devilish arts ! Let us hope 
that the day may not be far distant when Assyria may be colonized and 
that then Nineveh will again revive in her ancient glory and grandeur ! 



It is most interesting to find in the "Breslau" Translation of the 1001 
Nights^ that ** Sencharib, King of Arabia and Nineveh " takes the place of 
the Indian King Nanda, a contemporary of Alexander the Great, in the 
tales of the wise Heykar. In the Continuation of the looi nights by 
Charis-Cazotte, the " Sinkarib and his 2 Wazirs," the former is called King 
of Assyria and represented by the Arab version of tale 3 as a good monarch 
(see Benfey*s Clever Maid), In this story it is said that the neighbouring 
countries are becoming jealous of the growing might of Nineveh and that 
the King of Egypt seeks a pretext to involve Assyria in war. He asks 
Sencharib for an architect who can build a tower between heaven and earth 
and also answer the most difficult questions. Now the second question of 
the King to Heykar is what iS that horse in Sencharib's stable in Nineveh 
at whose neighing the mares of the King of Egypt are frightened into 
foaling (page 185). This story compared with that in Herodotus II. 150 (the 
treasury of Sardanapalus) and Aristotele's Hist. Animal. 8, 20, proves that 
Assyria and Nineveh were ever connected in song and legend among the 
nations of Asia Minor and ** Anterior " Asia and of Europe. Iti^, indewl, 

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374 Contintiance of the Name Assyria and Nineveh, 

curious that the Breslau text of the Arabian Nights should call Sanherib 
King of Arabia as in Herodotus II. 141. 

2. In the Bahman-Yasht (Spiegel's introduction to the traditions ol 
the Persians, II., p. t 28) is a passage according to which the rule of Irdn 
would come into the hands of ** the worst nations." Now does the word 
*)inK which occurs here really mean, as Spiegel himself has it in his 
Glossary, II., p. 355, ** Assyria " ? The word is met on line 5 of the 
transcribed text by Spiegel, page 235, etc. West's Pehlevi Texts (4 vols., 
Oxford, 1880-92) which contains in its first volume the Text and Transla- 
tion of the Bahman-Yasht is, unfortunately, not within my reach. 



NOTES.— I. 

1. Sayce says in his Soci<U Life among tht Assyrians and Babylonians pages 17 and 91, 
'* The Assyrian Empire feU, because the population which had created and maintained 
it, was exhausted." 

2. HoMMBL is obliged to state in his History of Assyria page 601 that in the Armenian 
Tradition, Ninus (namely the personified Nineveh) plays a part 

3. The following passage has to be added to the quotations in Ancient German 
Literature: **Zu Trippel noch zu Nineveh, Wart geworkt nie r6ter »»^"= Neither at 
Tripolis nor at Nineveh was there ever wrought a redder silk-stuff. 

4. Clemens Alrxandrinus, [Stroma/, i., p. 363 ed. Potter) mentions that the 
Assyrians had invented the "Dichordon.*' 

5. Tertullian mentions the Assjrrians in various parts of his writings, thus 
Apologia 26 ** regnaverunt et Babyloh regnum universae nationes habuenmt ut Assyrii^ 
ut Medi ut hersae. " 

6. Albiruni mentions that the last King of the Assyrians (''the people of Mosul") 
was conquered and killed by Arbakes alone (without the help of the Babylonians). 

7. SOLINUS (C<>//^f/. Rer, Memorab.) mentions "Adiabcne" and "Adiabeni" along 
with "Assyria" and ''Assyrii, page 196 and again: '*Assyrorium initium Adiabene '* 
(see Capella 6, 691, see also pages 179, 222, 445. 

8. It is said that Ninus struck the first coins op the advice and with the help of the 
Thbrach (Griinbaum, Semitic Legends ^ p. 121). 

9. The influence of Assyrian art on that of Persia was pointed out by Spiegel as early 
as 1852 in his Avesieu 

la Brunn in his History of Greek Art (I., 1893) SLCcepts a counter-action of Hellenic 
art on the last period of Assyrian art, but he thinks that the Greeks only borrowed the 
writing of art from the East, but that its language was their own creation. 

II. 

(I.) Dio Chr3r80Stomos says : " toXv ^ av Ipyov €ii| iraiTac ItnU^vai rob^ M Tpvfr^ 
axoXuXoTa^, Avioi^ iraXac, Mif^oof, 'AetrvpiovQ wpSrepov," (Vol. ii., p. 12, Ed. Reiske, 
cf. ii, p. 329.) 

(2.) *Affm'pta ypififAara are distinguished from the Persian ones in the 21 letter of 
Themistocles (Hercher Epistolographi Graeci^ p. 762). 

(3.) In the 'Affffiupoc of Damesius (de primis principiis, Ed. Kopp, cap. 125) according 
to HaUvy {Revue de VHistoire des Religions, vol. 22, p. 190) the god Asur fought. 

(4.) Regarding the Assyrian and Armenian descent of Leo the Armenian also Georgios 
Monachos Chronikon syntomon, Ed. Muralr, p. 683' et seq. 

(5.) In the Syrian legend of King Alexander Assyria is named, (Noldeke, Contriba- 
tions to the Alexanderroman^ p. 29). 

(6.) Nineveh*s fall is e.g. paralleled by the Arabs completely forgetting the greatness of 
ancient Palmyra. Of the Egyptian Thebes Eusebius-Hieronymus (ed. A Schone, II. 
141) reports: "Thebae Aegypti usque ad solum erutae''; ''Thebaica suburbia in 
Aegypto funditus eversa sunt" Even the ruins of Thebes were long forgotten, though 

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Cantimiance of the Name Assyria and Nineveh. 375 

this celebrated city had never given cause of great hatred. (Badeker Upper Egypt^ 
p. 123). 

(7.) Hammer GeschichU des Osmanischen Retches^ iv., p. 641 gives the text of the 
Latin letter of King Sigismund of Poland to the Sultan Murad HI., dated Cracow 13/5 
1588, in which the latter is styled as " Dominus Assyriae." 

III. 

(i.) Minucius Felix also, in his Octavius refers (chapter 25) to the dominion of the 
Assyrians. Sulpicius Severus ( Chron. i. 48), similarly mentions Nineveh as the capital 
of the Assyrian Kingdom — " ut in mngno abundans vitiis/' but still also as ** Celebris 
circa haec tempora Ninivitarum fides traditur " ; these base themselves on the sermon of 
Jonas and were spared the judgment of God. Cf. cap. 51 and 52. 

(2.) Epiphanius ITepc Mer/><i>v koX ffTaOiiuiv chapter 9 (iv. page 13 ed. G. Dindorf) 
sajTS that there are more books existing than in the Alexandrian library. TlapA re 
AiOiorlnKai Iv^oTc, Ukptraic r€ icai *EXo|«'ratc, Koi BapvXutvioig, *A(T<rvpioig re Kai XtiKdaiotc 
etc On page 210 (vol. iv. i) if the Lider de gemmis, versio antiqua is recounted that 
the priest Esdra is sent to Jeru .alem with the Jews, by the King of the Assyrians ; this 
Assyrian monarch was Artaxerxes I. 

Epiphanius, of course, mentions also Ninos and Semiramis {** xard. aipkanav** I. 7 
(ist vol. page 284 ed. Dindorf cap. 5 page 285) we read "ccerat U a^nj t) ^ewaap vwi 
iv x^ipff ry Uepoiiy ijv di tovto ir6Xai *A<r(rvpiii»v.** (See with this Lehmann ** Samas- 
sumenkin** II. p. 113.) 

(3.) Amongst the pupils of the Persian school at Edessa there was a certain Absota of 
Nineveh, see Duval Histoire politique etc, d'Edesse (Paris 1893, separate reprint from the 
loumal asiatiqae), p. 178. 

(4.) For later times the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezur was deemed an unmitigated 
tyrant ; thus amongst the Vandals (Dahn Urgeschichte der-^rmanischen und romanischen 
Vblker, I. 220) and later amongst the English Puritans. We may also be reminded 
of the well-known passage in Wallenstein*s Lager by Schiller. As regards the super- 
stition of the Babylonians we have also to mention that, according to Benjamin of 
Tudeia (Ed. Baratier, chapter 12, p. 154) there are in Baghdad (see Delitzsch's Parodies, 
p. 206) "many magians well versed in all kinds of magic." In Lyons the Hohen- 
staufen Emperor Frederick II. was in the year 1245 cursed by Pope Innocent IV. as a 
** Babylonian *' (Kammel, Deutsche Gesehichte, p. 397). 

(5.) Dr. Rauwolflf in his description of a voyage which he had made to Oriental 
countries, particularly Syria, Judaea, Mesopotamia, Babylonia and Assyria (Frankfort 
a Main 1582) recounts how, setting out from Baghdad through Assyria, he reached the 
river Tigris and " the famous city of Mossul, which had been named years ago Nineveh "; 
** Nineveh was destroyed, yet, subsequently it was rebuilt; later on also it suffered, under 
the changes of reign severe attacks, until at last Tamerlan arrived and having forcibly 
taken it, destroyed it with fire and so demolished it that in its place only vegetables were 
planted thereafter" (ii. p. 102, p. 112, p. 83). As regards antiquities there was not 
much to be seen ; the inhabitants of Mossul were almost exclusively Nestorians, that is. 
Christians, but they were worse than any other people and only thought of robbing and 
despoiling wayfarers, so that the roads were most insecure. Kauwolff was in those 
regions in the year 1574 ; he tells us (ii. 1017) that Nimrod had been a mighty sorcerer. 
In the atlas of the world of Fra Mauro (the original of which is in Venice) of the year 
1459 ** Assiria ** figures as an Asiatic province (Ruge, History of the age of discoveries), 

(6.) There is a very detailed treatment in Dapper, Circumstantial description of Asia 
the third portion dealing with the regions of Babylonia and Assyria (on page 201 of 
the German translation, Nuremberg 1681) about Assjrria and Nineveh ; the author 
mentions all classical writers that treat of this country and city ; he is also well aware 
that the names of Assyria and Syria have been confused ; he also knows that Nineveh is 
opposite to Mosul on the banks of the Tigris " a little town called to the present day by 
Arab writers Aennouud and by the Turks Eski Mossul " (p. 204). The same author 
says that the whole of Asia was called together for the building of the city of Nineveh 
and that 1,400,000 men laboured continuously for a full 8 years at this work. ^<^vernier4s 

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376 Continuance 0/ the Name Assyf'ia and Nineveh, 

mccuunt of old cities miso gives a fancy picture of Nineveh and he thinks that it seems to 
have flourished afresh in the times of Ammianus M&rcellinus. 

The same writer Dapper considers the Assyrian kings to have been most luxurious and 
lustful and mentions that Baidawi in his Commentary on the QurAn^ refers to the lusts of 
the Ninevites or that the prophet Jonas had gone for this reason from Mosul to Nineveh, 

(7.) Le Quien in his work Oriens Christianus which appeared in 3 vols, in Paris in 
1740, describes very fully (vol. ii., p. 1 128 and especially 1223) the ecclesiastical con- 
ditions of Assyria and says amongst other things : *' Ex regione Mosul (ap. p. 1096 quae 
Chaldaice Atur) ad orientalem fluminis Tigris ripam priscae Nini vel Ninivae reliquiae 
exstantf in quibus oppidum est de \\\\\xs prius dictum nomine^ quod quartus est episco- 
patus sub Mosulensi metropoli. In ea antem episcopalis sedes stetit a tempore Josuae 
Bar Nun, qui anno 820 Catholicus renuntiatos est, ac brevi subinde iilam exstinxit, 
quemadmodum Ebed Jesus I. Catholicus in sua constitutione narravit, apud Labbaeum 
in coUectione canonnm. Eam tamen post aliquot saecula instauratam esse mox com- 
pertum fuit,'* etc Le Quien furnishes a list of 13 bishops of Nineveh ; the 13th, Joseph, 
was as such, companion of the Catholicus Simeon Sulaca on the latter's journey to 
Rome to pope Paul IV. in the year 1556 (pog. 1226). It is simply quite inconceivable 
to me how it is possible to maintain under these circumstances, that the position of this 
capital was soon completely forgotten and that even the name had absolutely disappeared 
(Hommel, Kaulen, Delitzsch, Meyer and others). It is to be hoped that this thoroughly 
baseless prejudice will soon disappear for ever from the world. 

IV. 

(I.) The title of a piece by the Attic poet Chionides has been preserved ; it is : nt/xrat 
1) ^Aoovpioi (Kock Comicorum Atticorum fragm. I. pag. 5) ; there existed also a piece 
Sardanapalos by Sannjnrion (vol. iii., p. 731). 

(2.) Arisiides mpi priropucfic, chap. 5, 6 (vol. ii., page 29 Dind.) says : Nti^oc ^k tnrh 

(3.) Eratosthenes also made mention of the Assyrians, (See Stephan Byrant., s. v. 
Assyria: ** Asyerai Koi 'katrvpiKoi (l ed d. Pal. hxKsvpioi) xai 'Avtrvpeg iraptt r^ 
'EparoMvii'* tic Cf. Eustath. ad Dionyss. 775 and 492; Berger, die geographischen 
Fragmente des Eratosthenes^ p. 264.) 

(4.) Compare now with reference to the tradition of the epitaph of Sardanapalus and the 
treatise of Niese regarding it, also Ed. Meyer's Researches in ancient history (vol. i., p. 
203) who says on page 204 : " There is no doubt whatever, that Assyrian royal monu- 
ments were still much visible amongst the ruins of the capital of Assyria in the 6th and 
5th century, and became known to Greek travellers." 

(5.) The ** Assyria tempora " are referred to hjjustinus 41, i. 

(6.) LucanuSf Pharscdia III. 215, also mentions Nineveh ^^'EXfeiix^ sic fama, Ninos** 
etc : in several passages of his poem, reference is made to the " Assyrians,*' e,g, *' Assyrii 
populi," VI. 52 ; " Assyria pax,** VIII. 417 ; "Clades Assyria," VIII. 234 ; " Assyriae 
Carrhae," I. 105. Similarly with Nonnos in the author's Dionisiaka^ II. 402 etc, the 
Lebanon is descril>ed as the *' Assyrian," IV. 2 and 4 and 31, 207 we have 'Aa<rvpii| 
'A0po^iT7j etc. 

Miinter also (in his edition of the work of Firmicus Maternus de errore profanarum 
religionum^ 1 826, p. 12) draws attention to the circumstance that the ancient authors fre* 
quently confused the Assyrians and the Syrians (Herod. I. 131). 

(7.) In the inscription of Adulis (Emil Kuhn ** the constitution of the Roman Em- 
pire " etc II. 125), it must, on the other hand, he admitted that all mention of Assjrria 
tc^ether with Mesopotamia and Babylon is omitted. 

(8.) Winckler in his Old Testament Researches (1892, p. 117) deduces from the circum- 
stance that in the Phcenician inscription Corp. inscript. semit. 119 (Epitaph of a 
Sidonian woman from Peiraicus) in which Vatanbel, the son of Eschman-Silleah, high- 
priest of Nergal is mentioned that the Colony of Sidon started by Asarhaddon continued 
for a long time as such, together also with the cult of the Assyrian deities that had 
been introduced (thus this very Nergal for instance) into very late times ^^^nd that 



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Continuance of the Name Assyria and Nineveh. 377 

portion of the population of Sidon, continued to cherish its Assyrian traditions after the 
fall of Babylon. 

Thus also the names *inK pDK (C. I. S., Ii8 Athen.) and P^ini^ are to be explained 
as purely Assyrian (p. 118). 

(9.) Isaak of Nineveh is mentioned (Chabot, de Isaad Ninevitae vita, scriptis, etc. 
Paris, 1892, p. 62), called in the Codices lir*(rroiroc r^c ^(koxpi<rrov iroXewc Niveuf. 
The verses of the monk Tocha or Isaac in the year 1468, mention >/ rwv Niv€v»jrwv vSKiq 
Bavfiaeia. Endert, p. xii. 

(10.) In the Syrian work on the Knowledge of Truth or the Cause of Causes (Ed. 
Keyser 1893) which dates from the iith or 12th century of the Christian Era, besides 
Mesopotamia and Beth-Chaldaoje also Athur is named. 

(11.) Finally as a curiosity mtn^Xoxi might be made that in 1678 in the Diana pro- 
cession in Dresden six Assyrian monarchs figured, besides Nimrod {Die Strassenansichten 
1678, vom Dresdner Geschicbtsverein 1893). 

V. 

(i.) Josephus also, (ArchaoL Buck 9 cap. 102) mentions in his report, regarding the 
mission of Jonas, the town Nivev^. I. 64 and the Assyrians '* oi fiaXurra i^ifdaifiovrjtrav.* 

(2.) Also Eutrcpius names in his Breviarium Assyria 4 times : VIII. 3, 6, 10 and 
X. 16. 

(3.) In a hymn to Attis, a fragment of which is found in Origenes {Hippolyte) adv. 
Haeret. 118 and which Bergk is endeavouring to reconstruct, we find : 
dt x^^P^ KaTtj^kg &covfffia 'Piag 
'Am; (rk icaXovm fikv 'Afftrvpioi 
TpiwoQtjTov 'Ahoyiv. 
(Bergk Poetae Lyrici Graeci'' III. p. 685.) 

(4.) In another place of this work of Origines or Hippolytus (adv. Haer. V. p. 96) 
it says: **'Ao(rvpioi (sc. <pa(Ti) dk 'Idvvriv (Eia or la, 7V^/f, Babylonian and Assyrian 
History^ p. lOi and 387) IxOvotpdyov yivkadai irap* aifrdiQ." (Also in Bergk III., 
p. 712.) 

(5.) Nineveh is also mentioned by Rabbi Petachja, but his Travels (issued in Paris in 
1 831) are not accessible to me. 

{6,) Jamblichus de mysteriis (Ed. Parthey p. 5 and p. 256) speaks of the 'karrbpia 
B^yfiara and the Egyptians and the Assyrians as holy nations iepA (Ovrj. 

(7. ) Highly interesting and suggestive is the essay by A. Wesselofbky ** The position of 
the Babylonion Empire " (in the 2nd vol. of the Archives for Slavic Philology) ; the work 
which exists in a Russian translation, is a fragment of a tale of a Byzantine Epic which 
is perhaps of an Iranian-Semitic source, the Greek original of which has been lost. The 
hero is Nebukadnesar (Nabuchodonozor) a foundling, who becomes Emperor of Babylon 
and possesses a self-smiting serpent -sword. His son is Basilios Nabuchodonosorovic ! 
In his commentary to this Wtsselofisky remarks that in the romantic literature of the 
middle-ages Nebukadnezar and Nimrod (therefore not an Assyrio-King !) appear as the 
representatives of self-deification and furthermore that in the poems of the middle ages, 
before all, Babylon is described as a city deserted and destroyed (not Nineveh) ; we have 
these same descriptions in *' King Rother " in the prophecies of Merlin in the Tesoretto 
of Brunetto Latini, in the letter of the priest Johannes etc. According to Giacomino de 
Verona, Babylon is even described as a town of hell full of snakes etc. (p. 318), or a town 
of Antichrist. Together with Babylon also the Trojan Kingdom was considered as a 
habitation for wild beasts and serpents (324). 

In the poem, discussed further on, by Heinrich von Neustadt namely " Apollonius " 
Nemroty King of Romania, and Assur, son of Balthasar, prince of Armenia are amongst 
the dramatis personse (p. 32). 

(8. ) E. Wilhelm V Expedition de Nitws et des Assyriens contre un roi des Bactriens 

(Lowen 1891). 

VI. 

(I.) In Gobineau's History of the Persians (Paris 1869, II., p 493) I find the notice 
that King Orodes is described on north Mesopotamian coins as Urad Va^a^Attur or 

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378 Continuance of the Name Assyria and Nineveh, 

Aram " King of Assyria and Aram'' The work of Percy Gardner The Parthian 
Coinage who follows A. v. Gutschroid in his History of Iran etc (1888) is, unfortunately 
not accessible to me. 

(2.) The autho^ of the Tahkemoni Harizi calls the town Mosul sometimes Assur, 
sometimes Nineveh ; see Albrecht The Statements occurring in the Tahkemdni regarding 
Hariris life, studies and travels (1890, p. 34), who mentions that also other travelleis 
{e,g. Rabbi Petachja, whose work referred to by Tuch p. 387 I cannot use) designate 
Mosul by n^nn ni3^3. Tuch reports as well that the Armenian Haitho, the contem- 
porary of Abulfeda, in his book de Tartaris cap. ii, transfers the name Nineveh to the 
town of Mosul ; see Tuch de Nine urbe p. 38. In this place we must also refer to the 
passage (p. 62), quoted also by Tuch, of Eustathios {ad Dionys. Perieg. I., p. 292, «Hi 
Bemhardy) according to which 14 myriads of workmen are said to have worked con- 
tinuously for 8 years in the building of Nineveh. 

(3. ) For the sake of completeness it might also be mentioned that Cal Jeron in his 
Drama The daughter of air {la Hija del Aire) (very highly placed by Schack in his 
History of Dramatic Literature and Art in Spain III. 2, p. 184) makes Semiramis the 
centre of the play. 

(4. ) Nineveh is also named in the Old German literature in the poem Der rdt munt 
236 ; see A. Schultz The Court life of the Minnesanger II. edition, I., p, 350-4 (Kurtis= 
Kurdistan ?) 3 and 6. Also Rudolph of Ems mentions several times in his Weltchronik 
the land of the Assyrians and the Tigris ; the Anno-wm^ treats, verses 1 17-174, of the 
cities Nineveh and Babylon and in the traditions of Trier, Ninive and Semiramis play a 
great r61e. Hans Sachs too, according to Justinus describes a queen Semiramis of 
Assyria. In connection with this see Mcusmann Kaiserchtonik (1854, vol. iiL p. 113). 
R. V. Ems also names the Egyptian historian Manetho (pp. 121, 148, 154, 263, 504, 513, 
and 532) ; R. v. Ems well remarks (book v. p. 23) that " do wart mit Kraft gesundert die 
^hschaft von Assyria und wcu in Raided bt Nabuchadondsor, " Also Ecko of Repkow calls 
Salmanassar the king of Assyria. 

(5.) As material to a history of Assyria after 607-6 may finally be mentioned the works 
of Briill in his Jahrbiicher fUr jildische Geschichte und Literaiur voL i., p. 58-86 
regarding ** Adiabene *' and of Franz Delitzsch on the royal house of Adiabene in the 
Church publication SacU anf Hoffnung 18S7 ; also A. v. Gutschmid's Gotarses (Kl. 
Schriften, III., p. 43). 

(6.) As regards the influence of Assyrian art on the art development of other nations 
it may be remarked that already Oppert in GrundzUge der Assyrischen Kunst (1872, 
p. 30) points out how Persian art is connected with the Assyrian, more particularly 
in sculpture and lays stress on the special character of Assyrian art which, it is stated, 
outlived for centuries the fall of the political power of Mesopotamia and Greek art also is 
said to have adopted Assyrian forms ; see also M^nant/a Glyptique Orientale II., p. 155, 
165, 174. On the marble slab found in Attika, M^nant (plate XI., page 178) there is 
a representation showing a distinct Assyrian type ; it probably dates from the time of 
Pladrian ; compare also Tiele, History, page 609. Assyrian influence is also observable 
in the plate of Praneste and similar monuments ; see Perrot de Chipiez {fhistoire de 
fart etc. III. 767, ap. 759; also III. 436 etc); similarly on the st61e of Teima 
(Perrot IV., p. 392). Assyria moreover is also named by Herodotus II. 17. Assyrian 
culture and religion, Assyrian life and thought had also found in earlier times an entrance 
among the people of Israel, see Kittel Geschichte der Hebraer II., p. 316. 



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379 



THE SO-CALLED -EUCHARIST" OF THE 

LAMAS. 

By L. a. Waddell, M.B. 

This lilmist Liturgy, on account of its pompous ritual and the dispensation 
of consecrated wine and bread, has been compared by Hue and others to 
the Christian Eucharist ; but it is, in reality, as here shown, a ceremony 
for gratifying the rather un-Buddhistic craving after long life in this world. 

It is entitled " The Obtaining of (long) Life " (Tibetan,— TsAe-grud) and 
is a very good sample of the Lamaist blending of Buddhists ideas with 
demon-worship. It incorporates a good deal of Bon-pa or Pre-Lamaist 
ritual, and its benedictions and sprinkling of holy water are suggestive of 
Nestorian or later Christian influence. 

It is done at stated periods, on a lucky day, about once a week in the 
larger temples, to which numerous seekers after long life come specially to 
participate in this rite; and its benefits are more particularly sought in cases 
of actual illness, and when death seems imminent. Every village must 
have it performed at least once a year for the general life of the com- 
munity. If after its performance life is prolonged, then all the credit is 
ascribed to this service ; while should death happen it is attributed to the 
excessive misdeeds of the individual in his last life or in former births. 

The chief god addressed is Buddha Amiiayus or Aparamita (Tibetan. — 
Tshe-pag-med) ** The (god oQ boundless Life." Unlike the Chinese Bud- 
dhists* the Lamas never confuse Amitabha (the Buddha of boundless 
Light) with his reflex Amitayus : they represent these differently, and credit 
them with different functions. The other gods specially identified with 
life-giving powers are "The 5 long-Life Sisters" (TsJu-ring-che-nga) and to 
a less degree the White Tara, and Ushnisharani {gTsug-dor-rgyai-ma) ; and 
Ydma the Lord of Death himself may be at times propitiated into delay- 
ing the time of death. 

The officiating priest in this ceremony for propitiating Amitayus and the 
other gods of longevity must be of the purest morals, and usually a total 
abstainer from meat and wine. He must have fasted during the greater 
part of the twenty-four hours preceeding the rite ; and before the ceremony 
begins, he should have bathed and repeated the mantras of the Life-giving 
gods 100,000 times if possible. It also entails a lot of other tasks in the 
manufacture of the consecrated pills and the arrangement of utensils &c. 
The service itself usually extends over two to three days, and is thus 
described : — 

On an altar, under the brocaded dragon-canopy {nam-yul), in the temple 
or in an open tent outside, are placed the following utensils and articles : — 

1. Las-bum, the ordinary altar water-vase. 

2. Ti'bum, the vase with pendant mirror and containing water tinged 
with saff'ron. 

♦ Eitel's Diet. "Amitabha." C^ r\r\ri\o 

NEW SERIES. VOL. VII. Digitize^^^OOglC 



380 The So-called '' Eucharist " of the Lamas. 

3. dbang-bum^ the " empowering vase " with the chaplet of the 5 Jinas. 

4. Tshe-buMy the ** immortal nectar vase," special to AmitayuSy with a 
banner of peacocks feathers, and sacred Kusa-grass. 

5. Tshechhang or " the wine of longevity " consisting of beer in a skull- 
bowl. 

6. Tshe-ril or the " pills of longevity " made of flour, sugar and butter. 

7. Chi'tnar^ or wafers of flour and butter and rice. 

8. mDahdary or sacred dagger with silk tassels. 

9. rdorjehi gzung-thag^ or the divining bolt, a vajra or thunderbolt- 
sceptre with 8 ridges to which a string is attached. 

In the preliminary worship the pills are made from buttered dough, and 
the nectar orawn/a(Tib:—^«^-/x/ or "devil's juice") is brewed from spirit 
or beer, and ofl"ered in a skull-bowl to the great image of Buddha ^/«//ayf/j. 

Then the officiating head priest, having observed the ascetic rites above 
noted, abstracts from the great image of Buddha AptitayuspBit of the divine 
essence of that deity, by placing the vajra of his rdor-jehi gzung-thay upon 
the nectarvase which the image of Amitayus holds in his lap, and applying 
the other end to his own bosom, over his heart Thus through the string, 
as by a telegraph wire, passes the divine spirit. The Lama must conceive 
that his heart is in actual union with that of the God Amiiayus^ and that, 
for the time being, he is himself that god. Then he invokes his tutelary- 
fiend and through him the fearful horse-necked Hayagriva^ the king of the 
demons. The I^ma, now having this trio (the Budda and the two demon 
Kings) incorporate in his body, and exhibiting the forms of all three to 
spiritual eyes, takes up the Las-bum-v^sQ and consecrates its contents, say- 
ing : ** Om I name Tathagata Abhi-Khita samayasriri hung I Nama 
Chandra vajra Kroda Amrita hung phot /" 

Then he sprinkles some of the water on the rice offerings (gior-ma) to 
the evil spirits, saying : " I have purified it with swabhawa^ and converted 
it into an ocean of nectar within a precious BhrumA:io^\. Om a-Karo mu 
Kham! Sarbadharma! nantya nutpanna tatto ! Om f a! hung! phot! 
Swaha I I now desire to bestow the deepest life-power on these people 
before me ; therefore, I beg you demons to accept this offering of ^ gtorma^ 
and to go away without doing any further injury," 

Here the lilma, assuming the threatening aspect of the demon-kings, in- 
corporated, for the time being, in his body, adds : " if you refuse to go, 
then I who am the most powerful Hayagriva and the King of the angry 
Demons, will crush you — body, speech and mind — to dust 1 Obey my 
mandate and begone, each to his abode, otherwise you shall thus suffer. 
Om suM-bha ni" &c. 

The Lamas and the people now believe that all the evil spirits have been 
driven away by the Demon-King himself; and the Lama then proceeds to 
secure for himself the benedictory power of life-giving. He first meditates 
on " the guardian-deities " (bSrung'hkhdr\ thus : " The upper part (of the 
divine abode) is of thunderbolt (vajra) tents and hangings \ the lower 
part of earth-foundations, and adamantine-seats {vajrasana) ; and the walls 
are of thunderbolts. The entire building is a great tent, protected by 
precious charms, so that the evil spirits cannot destroy it, nor. can th^ 

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The So-called *' Eucharist " of the Lamas. 381 

find admittance. Om ! bajra nakhya rakhya Sutra tikhtha bajra ye 
swaha /" 

Then the Magic Circle Mandala is offered up, saying : — 
" If I fail to refer to the successive LSma-Saints, my words and deeds 
will count for nothing. Therefore, I must praise the holy Lamas in order 
to secure a blessing on the realization of my plans. O holy Padma Samb- 
hava^ in you are concentrated all the blessings of the present, past and 
future. You are the Buddha of the great final Perfection {Maha-uUpana) 
who beheld the face of Lord {mgonpo) Amitayus, O Saint possessed of the 
gift of undying life, of life lasting till the worlds of re-births are emptied ! 
You hid away from us, in the snowy regions, the revelation upon the true 
essence of the five hundred * Obtainings of Life.' The one which we now 
perform is the Tshe-grub Ichags-kyi-pho^rang, or * the iron palace of the 
attainment of life,* and is extracted from dKon-mchhog-spyi-hdus, It was 
discovered by the Saint hDsah-Tshoti'Snying-po in the cave where you hid 
it ; and this mode of endowering a person with life has come to me through 
many generations of Saints. Now, O Lord Amitayus and the host of 
radiant gods ! I beg you to sustain the animal beings, vast as the starry 
host, who approach you now with great reverence and praise. Om a hung ! 
O Holy shrine of our refuge ! Hril* O Hosts of the World of Light Bright- 
ness ! Pad-ma thod-phreng-rtsal-bajra sa-mayaja siddhi phala hungT 

Then here is repeated " TjTi^-i*^^ " or " The calling of life ''thus:— 
" O Lord AmitayuSy residing in the five shrines whence glittering rays shoot 
forth ! O ! Ghandarva in the west ! Ydma in the South ! Naga ndga in 
the west ! Yaksha in the north ! Brahma and Indra in the upper regions ! 
and Nanda and Taksha in the lower regions ! And especially all the 
Buddhas and Bodhisatwas ! I beg you all to bless me and to gratify my 
wishes, by giving me the gift of undying life and by softening all the in- 
juries of the harmful evil spirits. I entreat you to grant life and implore 
you to cause it to come to me. Hri! I beg you, O Buddhas of the three 
times ! to bless me." 

At this stage the Celestial Buddhas, Bodhisatwas and other gods are 
supposed to have consecrated the fluid in the vase and transformed it into 
immortal amrita. Therefore the priest intones this chant, accompanied by 
the music of the cymbals : — " This Vase is filled with the immortal nectar, 
which the Five Celestial Classes have empowered with best Life. May the 
life be permanent as adamant, and victorious as the King's banner. May 
it be strong like the eagle {Gyung-dning) and last for ever. May I be 
favoured with the gift of undying life, and may my wishes be all realized. 
Buddha / Bajra I Ratma I Padma ! Karma^ Kapaiamala, Hri maha 
rinisa ayu siddhi phala hung! Om a hung bajra guru Padma siddhi 
ayukhe hung nija /" 

Now the officiating priest bestows his blessing (dbang)y as the incarnate 
Amitayus and the other gods of longevity, and distributes the consecrated 
water and food to the assembled multitude. When the crowd is great, the 
votaries file past the spot where the holy LS.ma is seated. In smaller con- 
gregations the iJlma with the Ti-bum vase in hand goes to the rows of 



* The Vija-tnantra of Avalokita and Amitdbha, 

gg 2 Digitized by 



Google 



382 The So-called " Eucharist " 0/ the Lamas. 

worshippers near the temple door, and pours a few drops of the holy fluid 
into the hands of each person. With the first few drops they rinse their 
mouths, and with the next few drops they anoint the crown of their heads, 
and the third few drops they swallow. 

Then the lilma brings the Tshe^m vase and places it for an instant on 
the bowed head of each of the kneeling worshippers, reciting the mantra 
of Amitayus (Om Amarani jiwanHye swahd\ which all repeat. Then the 
Lama touches the head of each one with the Dbang-bum vase ; and after- 
wards, in similar manner, with the divining-dagger {Mdah-dar) saying : 
" The life which you now have obtained is unfailing like the po/ra-armoar. 
Receive it with reverence. As the vajra is unchangeable, so now is your 
life ! Vajra rakhya rakhya swahd ! Worship Amitayus, the God of 
boundless Life, the chief of all world-rulers ! May his glory come, with 
virtue and all happiness." And all the people shout, "Glory and all 
Happiness." 

Each worshipper now receives from the skull-bowl a drop of the sacred 
wine which he reverently swallows ; and each also receives three of the 
holy pills, the plate of which had been consecrated by the touch of the 
officiating L&ma. These pills must be swallowed on the spot. They are 
represented as beads upon the vase which the figure of Amitayus holds in 
his hands. 

After swallowing the pills, all file past the ILilma, depositing with him a 
presentation scarf and any money offerings they may have to make. The 
majority pay in grain, which is piled up outside the door of the temple. 
They then receive a benediction from the Lama who places his hand on 
their heads and repeats Amitdbha^s mantra ; and on its conclusion he 
throws on their shoulder a knotted white scarf {Tsim-tu) from a heap of 
consecrated scarves lying beside him. The colours are, white for the laity 
and red for the priests. 

Other ceremonies for prolonging life, especially resorted to in severe sick- 
ness, are "The Saving from Death'* {hchhi-bslu), the "Ransoming of 
another's Life " {srog-bsiu), Ku-rim^ gScr-Skyems, gyal-gsol, &c, — ^all being 
more or less mbced up with demonolatry. 



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"* I 



383 



THIRD REVIEW ON THE 

SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST" SERIES. 
CLARENDON PRESS, OXFORD. 



L— INDIA. 

THE ^ATAPATHA BRAHMANA ACCORDING TO THE 
TEXT OF THE MADHYANDINA SCHOOL. 

TRANSLATED BY JULIUS EGGELING. 



PART HL, BOOKS V., VL, AND VH. 
BY C. H. TAWNEY, M.A 

In the introduction to the first volume of his translation of the ^atapatha 
Brdhmana Prof. Eggeling observed that he was under no illusion as to the 
reception that his work would be likely to meet with at the hands of the 
general reader. He was well aware that few more tedious productions 
than the Brdhmanas existed. Notwithstanding he undertook the task of 
translating the l^atapatha Brdhmana, considering that it would furnish a 
picture of an important period in the social and mental development of 
India. Speaking of the Brdhmanas generally Prof. Eggeling observes: 
" They represent the intellectual activity of a sacerdotal caste, which, by 
turning to account the religious instincts of a gifted and naturally devout 
race, had succeeded in transforming a primitive worship of the powers of 
nature into a highly artificial system of sacrificial ceremonies, and was ever 
intent on deepening and extending its hold on the minds of the people by 
surrounding its own vocation with the halo of sanctity and divine inspira- 
tion." This judgment, though severe, is strictly just. A perusal of a few 
pages of Prof. Eggeling's translation would explain the impatience with 
which Gautama Buddha seems to have regarded the whole sacrificial system. 
The minute regulations with regard to the drawing of cups of Soma-juice, 
which seem to have absorbed so much of the attention of the priestly 
mind, are to the modem reader, insufferably tedious. Such ceremonials as 
are depicted in the ^atapatha Brihmana must indeed have been a weari- 
ness to the flesh. But it is just the pressure of this intolerable law of 
'' commandments contained in ordinances " that accounts for subsequent 
intellectual and religious movements in ancient India, and without some 
knowledge of the Brdhmana period it is impossible adequately to compre- 
hend them. 

Since the time when Dr. Eggeling wrote the introduction to the first part 
of his translation, movements have taken place which tend to render such 
works more palatable to the " general reader." The development of the 
study of Folk-lore has awakened an interest in ancient customs and 
legends. The fascination of the comparative system has made these dry 

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384 '* Sacred Books of the East " / India. 

bones live. It may be safely predicted that many enquirers, who are not 
specialists in Sanskrit, will turn over the pages of the present volume, with 
the hope of having some light thrown on their favourite study. Nor will 
they be disappointed. Looking at the matter from this point of view, we 
think that Prof. Eggeling has acted wisely in making his translation as 
literal as possible. In the few pages that we have found time to compare 
with the original, the Sanskrit text seems to have been faithfully followed, 
without any violation of English idiom. This is as it should be For the 
careful student anything of the nature of a paraphrase is a hindrance rather 
than a help. 

The present volume deals with the Vdjapeya and Rdjasuya sacrifices, 
and the Agnichayana^ or building of the fire-altar. The Vdjapeya sacrifice, 
a term which Prof. Eggeling translates as " drink of strength or perhaps the 
race-cup," is an elaborate Soma-sacrifice, containing "a chariot-race in 
which the sacrificer, who must be of the royal or of the priestly order, is 
allowed to carry off the palm." The Vdjapeya or inauguration of a king, 
** strictly speaking, is not a Soma-sacrifice, but rather a complex religious 
ceremony, which includes amongst other rites, the performance of a 
number of Soma-sacrifices of different kinds." With regard to the Agni- 
chayana or building of the fire-altar, Prof. Eggeling is of opinion that it 
was " a very solemn ceremony which would seem originally to have stood 
apart from, if not in actual opposition to the ordinary sacrificial system, 
but which in the end, apparently by some ecclesiastical compromise, was 
added on to the Soma ritual as an important though not indispensable 
element of it." Its principal object is the exaltation of Agni^ the Fire, to 
whom so many hymns of the Rig- Veda are addressed. 

As the cups of Soma-juice play so important a part in these sacrifices, it 
is disappointing to find that the identity of the plant is not, as yet, satisfac- 
torily established. Dr. Haug tasted the juice of the substitute used by the 
Hindu priests of the Dekhan. He observes, almost pathetically, " It is a 
very nasty drink and has some intoxicating effect. I tasted it several times, 
but it was impossible for me to drink more than some teaspoonfuls." That 
the Soma-juice was an intoxicating drink is well-known from the hymn in 
the Rig- Veda, in which its effects on the god Indra are vividly described. 
But it certainly reflects on the taste of that eminent Vedic deity that 
Dr. Haug should have found it " nasty.** Dr. Watt appears to think that 
the drink may have been prepared " from the oblong fruits of the Afghan 
grape." This is no doubt, a tempting theory. But this view of Dr. Watt's, 
as well as his alternative view that the Soma-juice was used " to flavour 
some other beverages," conflicts with the testimony of the oldest Sanskrit 
literature. Professor Hillebrandt in his Vedische Mythologie shows that the 
attributes of the Soma plant are confused with those of the moon, also 
called Soma in Sanskrit. This renders the task of identification more 
diflftcult than ever. But it opens a rich field of enquiry to the student of 
ancient Aryan mythology. Professor Hillebrandt has, with rare self-denial, 
abstained from considering the problem from the comparative point of 
view, as he appears to think that it is necessary thoroughly to investigate 
the separate mythologies before proceeding to a comparativestudy of them. 

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" Sacred Books of ike East " : India. 385 

His object is to lay solid foundations, and to leave it to future generations 
to erect the superstructure. 

But the student of ancient customs and beliefs, who is not a specialist in 
Sanskrit, and therefore not bound to such literary self-abnegation, will find 
many points of interest in Professor Eggeling's volume. In the directions 
for the chariot-race^ which is a distinctive feature of the Vdjapeya sacrifice, 
and which Professor Hillebrandt, according to Professor Eggeling, con- 
siders to be " a relic of an old national festival, a kind of Indian Olympic 
games," we find the following words, " He then yokes the right side-horse ; 
for in human (practice) they indeed yoke the left side-horse first, but with 
the gods in this way." It is obvious that this " right-side horse " corresponds 
precisely to the Homeric di^toatipof. The distinction between the national 
customs of gods and men is also eminently Homeric. Passing on to the 
next page (22), we find the following words : "Alongside the yoke of the 
side-horse goes a fourth horse, for that one is human." Should we be 
wrong, in this connexion, in thinking of Pedasus, the mortal horse of 
Achilles ? of whom Pope writes in his translation of the Iliad, 

" The next transpierced Achilles* mortal steed, 
(The generous Pedasus of Theban breed,) 
FixM in the shoulder's joint ; he reel'd around, 
Roird in the bloody dust, and paw'd the slippery ground." 

The statement on page 19 that the horse was "produced from the 
water " may also seem not altogether unfamiliar to the classical student. 
He will not be surprised at reading, on page 199, " Agniyftni away from the 
gods. He entered into a bamboo-stem for that is hollow. On both sides 
he made himself those fences, the knots, so as not to be found out ; and 
wherever he burnt through, these spots came to be." For what is this but 
the myth alluded to by Aeschylus in his Prometheus Bound, line 109? 
Professor Eggeling has discovered the Homeric 5a/Tf>os on page 63. 

A very interesting point is the identification of the three Aryan castes, 
the Brdhmans, the Kshatriyas and the Vaisyas with Agni, Indra, and 
the Visve Devdh (all the gods or as a special class the All-gods) respec- 
tively, and of the last mentioned occasionally with the Maruts. Prof. 
Eggeling observes, " This identification is a very natural one. Agni, the 
sacrificial fire, the bearer of oblations and caller of the gods is, like the 
priest, the legitimate mediator between god and man. . . . Again Indra 
the valiant hero, for ever battling with the dark powers of the sky, is a not 
less appropriate representative of the knightly order. . . . Lastly the 
identification of the common people with a whole class of comparatively 
inferior deities would naturally suggest itself." There can be no doubt as 
to the position which the ^atapatha Brdhmana assigns to the " common 
people," On page 34 we read, " Peasants throw them up to him, for the 
Maruts are the peasants, and the peasants are food for the nobleman." It 
would be difficult to state more plainly the superiority of the nobles to the 
commons. But the still more exalted position of the Brdhmans is clearly 
enough indicated on page 95, where the court chaplain says, at the anoint- 
ing of the king, " This man, O ye people, is your king, Soma is the king of 
us Brdhmans." The author points out that by this formula the chaplain 

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386 " Sacred Books of the East " ; India. 

** causes everything here to be food for him, the king, the Brihman alone 
he excepts : therefore the Brdhman is not to be fed upon, for he has Soma 
for his king." We may rest assured that this expresses, if not an actual 
fact, at any rate the pious aspiration of the Brdhman caste. 

The student of folklore in the usual sense of the word, will find many 
traces of primitive barbarous customs in these pages. With regard to the 
Animal Sacrifice, Prof. Eggeling informs us, in a note on page 161, that 
the heads of the victims are used in building up the altar, whilst some of 
the blood is mixed with the clay of which the bricks are made." This is 
obviously a survival of the custom which Dr. Liebrecht treats of, in his 
essay on " Die vergrabenen Menschen," which commences at page 284 of 
his book " Zur Volkskunde." On the same principle the " sham-man^'^ on 
page 197, may be a survival of the custom of human sacrifice. However 
the slaughter of a man would appear to be expressly prescribed on 
page 166. The "ropes of slaughter" on the same page may be the 
Homeric likiOptv Ttipara, — ^an idea, of which, if our memory does not 
deceive us, Mr. Whitley Stokes has found traces in ancient Celtic literature. 

To the student of ancient Indian civilization Professor Eggeling's transla- 
tion of this important Brdhmana will, of course, be indispensable. We need 
only refer to the " skin of the black antelope considered as a symbol of 
Brahmanical worship and civilization " on page 215 ; the references to dice- 
playing, that special weakness of the Indian warrior-caste, on page 106, 
with Prof. Eggeling*s interesting note ; and the allusion to the " king's 
jewels " on page 58, an idea frequently found in subsequent Indian, and 
specially Buddhistic, literature. 

But our remarks are not addressed to the specialist. Our object is to 
show that the fairly educated "general reader " may find much to interest 
him in the volume that we are considering. And it is, perhaps, for the 
"general reader" that the valuable series of which this work forms a part, 
is intended. 

In conclusion we beg to congratulate Prof. Eggeling, on having been 
able, in spite of his numerous engrossing labours, to make such satisfactory 
progress with his translation of the ^atapatha Brihmana, which is, like 
many Sanskrit works, of truly Himdlayan proportions. It will apparently 
require two volumes more for its final completion. When completed, it 
will be a noble monument of the learning and industry of the translator. 



I L — CHINA. 

THE TRUE NATURE AND INTERPRETATION OF 
THE YI^KING. 

BY THE RIGHT REVEREND MONSEIGNEUR C. DE HARLEZ, 
Professor in the University of Louvain.* 



It was with a pleasure not unmixed with surprise that I read the interest- 
ing notice of the "Texts of Confucianism," in the January 1894 number of 
the Imperial and Asiatic Quarterly Review^ — especially the part r^arding 
* Translated from the French by the Rev. J. P. Val d'Eremao, D.D. 

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** Sacred Books of the East " ; China. 387 

the Yi-King, The learned Reviewer seems to be unaware of two matters, 
to which I should have wished to see him give due weight. I mean the 
translation of this famous book by M. PhHastre in the Annates du Mushe 
Gmmet^ and the new explanation accompanied with a full translation given 
by myself, in the Journal Asiatique de Paris^ and afterwards in the 
Memoires of the Acadhnie Royale de Belgique, In consequence of these 
two works, we have before us four different systems of interpretation, for 
the consideration of our readers ; but before enumerating them, let us first 
see of what the Yi-King consists. 

We must distinguish the text itself from its explanatory appendices, 
seven in number. The text consists of 64 chapters, each of which has, as 
its heading, like a title, a Chinese character accompanied by a sign invari- 
ably composed of 6 lines, some entire, others broken in the middle. These 
two kinds of lines, in combinations of 6 and 6, give precisely 64 combina- 



tions. They are called Kua : the loth Kua is — — ; and the Chinese 



character which accompanies it has the sound of our //. 

So far regards the title of the chapter. The text consists, first, of a 
phrase or two, giving a general explanation of the subject; then of 6 
(sometimes of 7) sentences, expressing ideas often entirely independent of 
each other, and seemingly most diversified. 

1. According to the system of the learned Sinologist of Oxford, the first 
text shows what the Kua figure represents, taken as a whole, while the 
six sentences of the second text indicate what each of the six lines of the 
Kua means. Hence there naturally result such extraordinary meanings, 
that Dr. Legge himself expresses, several times, his regret at placing such 
pitiful nonsense before his readers. How could it be otherwise, when these 
same two lines have to express more than 400 different things or ideas ? — 
geese grazing on a hill, a young officer in danger, a man meeting an equal, 
a dragon of the abyss, or of the air, etc,^ etc. The task may well daunt the 
most resolute. 

2. M. Philastre takes his stand at another point of view. The two great 
volumes composing his work give us a translation, and the commentaries 
of Tcheng-tze, of Tchu-hi, etc^ of the Philosophical school of the Song 
dynasty. In the midst of all this, the text itself is quite lost, like a few 
cockle-shells floating on the surface of an immense lake. In his transla- 
tion, too, M. Philastre gives the meaning of each word without troubling 
himself about giving the continuous sense of the phrases. In the Yi-King 
he has seen nothing except its philosophical and mystic side, such as has 
been made up by fanciful commentators, who have wished, at any cost, to 
make the Yi-King square with their own ideas, without troubling them- 
selves in the least about its real meaning, and have, moreover, confounded 
the special meaning of the six-lined figures or Kuas with that of the 
Chinese words or characters accompanying them, though there is nothing 
whatsoever in common between them. 

The Kuas may be divided into two figures, each having three lines. 
Hence there are eight kinds of such figures, supposed to indicate eight 

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388 ** Sacred Books of the East " / China. 

different things : heaven, earth, fire, air, thunder, mountains, celestial 
waters and terrestrial waters. In the Kuas^ these sets of three lines are 



placed one over the other, in twos. Take as an example ; here 



the three unbroken top lines represent the heaven above the air repre- 
sented by the three lower lines of which the last is broken in the middle. 
The varying arrangement of the elements in such figures gave occasion to 
horoscopic interpretations, the secret of which was held by the augurs, or 
rather was invented by them as they pleased. Of quite a different nature 
were the Chinese characters forming the text itself, which I shall notice 
further on. 

Such philosophical elucubrations began with the speculations of the 
Tao-sheSy or rather at the time when her communications with the west had 
introduced into China the astrology and magic of the Chaldeans, which 
the Tao-shes fully knew how to turn to their own profit. Their speculations 
were first introduced in the Hi-sze^ the 3d Appendix of the Yi-King, which 
treats of everything concerning the Yi-King, This Appendix is attributed 
to Confucius himself, though there is nothing in its contents to allow of its 
being ascribed to that celebrated philosopher. It certainly belongs to a 
date much less remote than that of Confucius. When that great man 
lived, such speculations had not yet appeared ; and Confucius, who was no 
metaphysician himself and ^ho had no desire to investigate the mysteries 
of nature, was the very last person either fit or inclined to write in this 
way on the origin of things. Let us, however, return to the work of M. 
Philastre. 

We must say that he has in little or nothing explained the nature of the 
Yi-King; nor has he been able to penetrate into his subject. His work, 
nevertheless, is interesting ; inasmuch as it makes us acquainted with the 
system of explanation followed by a great philosophical school. It is an 
excellent page in the history of the human mind ; but it does not at all 
help to settle our question. 

3. Professor T. de Lacouperie is the first who has sought and has found 
in the Yi-King something sensible. His system agrees in many points with 
mine. Yet it differs from it essentially ; for it supposes successive trans- 
formations of the work, of which I fail to see sufficient proofs, and pro- 
claims a complete dissimilarity among the different chapters of the Yi-King^ 
which does not seem to me so very certain. The learned London Sinologist, 
moreover, agrees with certain Chinese authors in attributing certain things 
to the Prince Wen- Wang^ who flourished in the 2d half of the xiith century 
B.C., and similar statements, which I cannot accept for reasons given 
further on. He sees, besides, in the Yi-King a collection of very in- 
congruous things — fragments of dictionaries, ballads, legends, and lists of 
all kinds of other things, the grouping together of which is not satisfactorily 
explained. His translations, too, of special phrases are often very peculiar ; 
but, on the other hand, his immense archaeological knowledge helps him 
frequently to grasp the real sense of the many obscure sentences with which 
the Yi-King abounds. It is, however, as yet too early to pronpunce a 

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** Sacred Books of the East *' / China. 389 

definite judgment on his work, since he has till now given us only his 
'* Introduction," with a few examples of his interpretations. 

4. I pass, therefore, without further delay, to explain my own system. 
To form a just idea of it, we must remember what the Yi-King is, and 
examine its nature and origih. Since its first appearance in historical 
documents, the Yi-King is a book that has been employed in divination. 
Though its origin is far from being thoroughly known, some facts allow us 
to form an approximate idea of it. The Yi-King comes from the country 
of Tcheu ; and it is not quite so old as it has been said to be. It was not 
in existence in the days of King Wu- IVang and his brother, the celebrated 
minister Tcheu- Kong, Of this there is incontestible proof in the Shi- King,* 

In fact, we find, in L. v., chap. 4, § 20 et seq,, a thorough explanation of 
the system of divination followed under King Wu^ with precise statements 
of the minutest details ; but there is not the faintest allusion to even any 
part whatsoever of the Tcheu-yu It is true that the invention of this plan 
is attributed to Yu of Hoa ; but besides the evident improbability of this 
assumption, it is clear that this system was still followed in the life-time of 
Wu-Wang, The tablets of divination which are spoken of in L. V., 
chap. 6 have nothing in common with the Yi-King, 

Here is the manner in which that book explains the system of divination 
as practised in the reign of Wen Wang's grandson. The number and 
shape of the lines made by fire on a tortoise-shell were observed : — such 
as figures of rain, clouds, light, — crossings or unbroken continuation. 
From these, favourable or unfavourable auguries were given. Consecrated 
rods also were cast, for the same purpose and with the same results. 
There were five meanings for the tortoise, and two for the holy rods. The 
interpretation of what they presaged was made by three learned men, 
chosen for the purpose, who made their interpretation without mutual con- 
sultation. If two agreed in interpreting the signs in the same way, their 
opinion was adopted. If any doubt remained, one had to consult his own 
conscience (nai-sin\ the great state oflScials, and even the people. When 
two kinds of such advisers agreed, the question was settled. It is easily 
seen that this not only does not deal with the Yi-King at all, but that the 
use of it, and even the knowledge of it are utterly excluded. 

The silence of the Shi-King on this point is even more significant. 
There, too, we find divination practised, but recourse is never made to any 
text whatever. The replies are obtained direcdy from the shape of the 
lines or from the arrangement of the twigs of the holy plant called Shi: 
when those lines or twigs are deciphered, one knows the decision of Fate. 
As instances take the following from the Shi-King (i. L. 4, o. 6, 2 ; in, L. i. 
o. 10, 7 ; etc) : — "The tortoise was consulted, and the answer was : LucL" 
— " The question was asked where should the capital be placed ? and the 

* One cannot easily see how any person, no matter who, could have made a change 
in such a book as the Yi-King, It would have been necessary that there should exist 
one copy only. And then, how should the memory of such changes have survived the 
lapse of 22 centuries of oblivion ? Nor do successive changes in the Chinese writing 
give any more satisfactory explanation of the matter, for we still have the Yi-King in the 
Tchuen characters ; and the learned men, too, who transcribed it from the Ku-wen^ 
must surely have known the ancient character. ^ ^ 

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390 ** Sacred Books of the East " / China. 

tortoise fixed it: — Tcheng-tchV Such was the case both in the Royal 
State of Tcheu and in the Feudatory Principalities, under the sons of Wen- 
Wang and their successors. 

According to the authentic evidence of the Annals of Tso-Kiu-ming^ it 
is only in the yiith Century that the Yi-King makes its appearance and we 
find it, for the first time, in the hands of the astrologers. One of the 
Appendices, likewise, says expressly that the Yi-King began to be used 
during " the middle antiquity," — i.e, between the times of Wu- Wang and 
Kong-tze, 

And what was it, ever since that primitive epoch ? The annals of Tsa- 
Kiu-mitig informs us clearly and precisely : for there we find the Yi-King 
brought into use a score of times, and the author gives us on this point all 
the details we could wish for. 

Thence we gather, 

1. That the Yi-King existed in the viith century, b.c., in its present 
shape ; and that there were several versions of the book, one of which bore 
the name of Tcheu-yi or the " Yi of the Tcheus*^ resembling our present 
Yi-King in every particular. 

2. That the Yi-King was used in divination ; and that, by lot or chance, 
they sought out a Kua or six-lined figure, and one or more of the sentences 
corresponding to the Kua indicated. 

3. That the augurs, who alone possessed this book of divination, 
separately interpreted, as they pleased, both the figure of the Kua and 
the sentence found, as matters distinct, the one from the other. 

4. That the sentences had no (real) relation with the lines of the Kua, 
and did not in any way indicate what the lines were supposed to show : — 
This is the basis of the system of Dr. J. Legge. 

5. That these sentences were taken in their natural sense, and by no 
means in such mystical and philosophical significations as we find in the 
Great Appendix and in the commentaries of the philosophers translated by 
M. Philastre. 

6. (and this is an essential point) That the words placed, as headings of 
Chapters, alongside of the Kuas^ were taken in their natural meaning, and 
not as mere sounds, serving, in some way, as proper names for the Kuas, 
As I have given proofs for all these points in the Journal Asiatique de 
Paris (June, 1893, pp. 175 et seq.)y I need not repeat them here. It will 
suffice to give a few indications to justify my statements. 

Thus we find (ac. 660) Pi- Wen, a chief of 73r/«, consulting the Yi-King 
to know whether he will become a magistrate ? The augur, after having 
drawn (by lot) the Kuas Tchun and Pi, explained to him that these terms 
meant " firmness " and " penetration " ; and he cited a passage from the 
text, which he interpreted by itself, without seeking for any relation between 
it and the lines of the Kua figure. 

In a similar way, the augur, in L. ix. An. 9 § 13, explains the Kua and 
the corresponding term Sui, and then the four terms Yuen, hang, li, and 
tcheng, precisely as I have done at p. 39 of my book ; i,e, as meaning 
** beginning, development, strengthening and conclusion." 

In L. X, An. 29, we find all the phrases of Kuas i and 2, about dragons. 

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" Sacred Books of the East " : China. 39 1 

explained in the same way and serving as a proof that dragons had already 
become known to mankind. 

From the Mhnoirs attributed to Tso-schuen^ we pass to the books of 
Confucius. We find two probable references to the Yi-King^ in these books, 
— in the chief one of the four — the Lun- Yu or " Discourses." There we see 
— ^and it is a fact which we must carefully bear in mind — that Kong-tze did 
not treat much except of books on history, liturgy and morals, — the Schu^ 
the Shi and the LL It was not till towards the end of his life that he 
expressed his regret for not having studied the Yi-King; and as he then 
used for study the word hio which means the work of an apprentice iJLun 
Yu^ vii, 16, 17), it follows that, till then, he had not been at all engaged in it 

In chap, xiii, 22, the philosopher seems to allude to a passage in the Yi- 
Kingy — at least he cites there a sentence which is found in the Yi-King^ 
whatever may be the book from which he quoted it. These two passages 
prove (as I have remarked in the Journal Asiatique) that Kongtze wrote 
no commentaries on the Yi-King^ and also that he understood the text of 
it, as I shall explain a little further on. 

To the epoch of the immediate disciples of Kong-tze succeeds that of 
the philosophers, of the Great Appendix, and of the other treatises pre- 
tending to explain the Yi-King^ which take us away from the domain of 
reality to that of fancy, and discuss matters beside the text. Here I close 
this historical statement. 

We have now to face the chief question requiring solution : How should 
we study and understand the Yi-King ? 

From what I have already said, it will easily be understood that in order 
to have an exact idea of these texts, we must separate them from whatever 
has interfered with their nature and meaning; />., from all the philosophical 
treatises, appendices, and all such things, which have nothing to do with 
the original body of the work. It is in this body alone, that we must seek 
for the key to its own mysteries, consulting also the books which speak of 
it before the conceits of Tao-theistic dreamers and others had changed its 
simplicity. To this end, we must put aside the Appendices 3, 4, and 5. 
But we must carefully study the other four Appendices ; for the two first 
give us explanations — often very happy ones — of the various sentences in 
the chapters, and the two last give us a very correct idea of the meaning of 
the title, heading and general subject of each section. 

We have, therefore, only to study the text itself, by the light of the com- 
mentaries nearest to its own date, and of the historical annals known to be 
authentic. In setting aside the rest, we are only complying with the wish 
expressed on this subject by Dr. Legge, and with the wise remark of the 
illustrious Sinologist of Leyden, Professor G. Schlegel, as given in the 
article in the Asiatic Quarterly Review^ mentioned by me at the b^;inning. 

As every one, except M. Philastre, is agreed on this point, I may with- 
out delay proceed further ; for this is not all. Even from the text itself we 
must frequently lop off the terms indicating the nature of the augury 
obtained. Such are Tching^ " good, lucky," and hui^ " sorrow, unlucky 
ending," according to the Shu- King ; to which the 5)*/ adds Kiu^ "blame- 
worthy, sorrowful," and Wu Kiu, " not sorrowful." There are also somei 

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392 ** Sacred Books of the East " : China. 

other such terms in the Yi-King^ which it is however unnecessary to 
discuss. But we must proceed with much prudence when setting aside 
such terms, as there is risk of mistaking an integral part of the text for 
terms of augury. That there are, nevertheless, extraneous matters in the 
text is proved by the incontestable fact, noted also by Professor de 
Lacouperie, that occasionally they interfere with the rhythm of the versified 
portions. 

Taking, then, the original text as the object of our study, we at length 
reach the question : How should we interpret what we find there ? 

The thing is simple enough when we have once freed ourselves from the 
errors and prejudices created by philosophers and speculative dreamers. 
We have only to treat the Yi-King like any other book that falls into our 
hands, — to study and translate it in the same way. 

What do we find there at first sight ? Stated plainly, simply this : — 
various chapters, with a heading or title, and a text in two parts. Now in 
all books of this sort we first translate the title, next we study the text, 
then we seek for the relation between the one and the other, treating the 
text as a development of the title. 

The question may perhaps be raised. Should we treat the Yi-King like 
any other book, as it is* not an ordinary work, but a code of divination ? 
There can be no hesitation in giving an affirmative reply. It is quite clear 
(and the instances, which I am about to produce, will prove it most fully) 
that the Yi-King was not composed for the purposes of Horoscopy, and 
that with this the sentences of which it consists have, in themselves, no 
necessary relation. Hence there is no reason why we should not act 
regarding it just as we would with any other book. 

But let us see whether it be possible to find any natural relation between 
the titles of these 64 sections and their double text. This is the point 
which I put before myself, when I began my own study of the text I 
commenced with examining the first text, — that giving a general explana- 
tion of the subject ; and all through I found a sure and, generally speaking, 
a clear agreement. The result of my labour may be seen in the Journal 
Asiatique (1887). This first success encouraged me to study, with the 
same view, the different sentences of the second text : a good result has, 
in general, answered also this attempt. (See my Yi-King: Texte primitify 
traduit et comments, Paris : E. Leroux ; 1889.) 

All this, however, is only assertion or vague discussion. Let me show 
by a few examples, that matters really are as I have stated. Let us take 
Chapters viii, xx, 1, and i, which I have chosen at random. 

KUA (Chapter) viii, Pi: "union, association, harmony." 

1st Text, Agreement is a fortunate thing. Agreement is help, the less 
accommodating himself (to the greater). If peace does not proceed from 
this, if the great and the small do not agree, great evils will result ; the true 
doctrine (which is connected with it) will perish. 

Ilnd Text, (six sentences) : — i. To unites one-self* with an honest man 

* The words here given in Italics are the Chinese words placed as headings to the 
chapters, as /V, etc. 



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'* Sacred Books of the East " : China. 393 

will cause no regret It is like a vessel full of good things ; fresh advan- 
tages will always result from it to the end. 

2. The union of hearts is virtuous, lucky. 

3. Union^'x'Cci the wicked is bad. 

4. Union with outsiders, as distinct from one's own family, is happy, just 
and a source of good. 

5. (An example of) Union of hearts clearly praiseworthy. The King 
(while hunting) makes three drives, and allows a head of game to escape. 
The people, seeing this, make no sign (for seizing and closing the outlet) : 
they unite themselves with the merciful intention of the prince.* 

6. An association without a head (to direct it) is an unfortunate thing. 
KuA XX, Kwen^ " to contemplate, to appear ; exterior, bearing, gravity, 

dignity." 

1st Text. When assisting at a sacrifice,! one should have a bearing, and 
an air of sincere piety, grave and dignified. 

llnd Text, i. The bearing of a young lad is without blame in a common 
man ; in one of higher rank it is reprehensible. 

2. To look through an open door is useful to a woman (shut up in her 
apartments). J 

3. We should contemplate (meditate on) our life and actions.§ 

4. Princes come to contemplate the* majesty of the Empire.|| It is an 
advantage to be the guest of the supreme sovereign. 

5. Let us contemplate our life : thus will the wise man be irreproachable. 

6. When he considers his life, the wise man is blameless. 

Here let us note, (a) The remark already made about Italics applies here 
also, (b) Paragraphs 5 and 6 are identical, except as to the pronoun : 
this proves that the compiler of the Yi-King has repeated a sentence, in 
order to have the number six. (c) Professor de Lacouperic sees in this 
chapter a ballad relating the deeds of a Prince Kwen. I find it impossible 
to see any such thing there as he does. 

KuA L ; Ting^ " Cauldron, sacrificial vessel, symbol of sacrifice." 

1st Text, The cauldron of sacrifice is a source of blessing, (draws down 
the blessings of heaven). 

Ilnd Text, i. When the cauldron is upset, it is easy to eject from it 
what is bad (or good ; when a cauldron is upset, everything goes out of it 
easily : this is a bad sign).1T 

2. My cauldron is full, but my guest is ill ; he cannot come to my house 
(the sign of lost labours). 

3. When the cauldron has lost its handles, it can no longer be used ; 
the fat meat of the pheasant cannot (be cooked or) eaten. 

4. When the cauldron has one leg broken, it upsets whatever had been 

* This passage is borrowed from the Liki^ where it is given as it stands here. 

f Literally, washing one's hands and not partaking of the offering, — technical terms, 
as may be seen in the Ritual, I-li, 

X The woman looking out of her apartments can see what goes on outside, what her 
husband is doing, etc, 

§ " The goings and returnings " — technical terms. 

II A phrase reserved for the visits of princes. 

H The first phrase is a proverb, signifying that good can come out of evil/ 



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394 " Sacred Books of the East " : China. 

prepared by the Prince. Its outside is all dirty (the picttire of an unfaith- 
ful minister).* 

5. A cauldron with handles and rings of gold : a symbol of prosperity. 

6. A cauldron with rings of jade (signifies) a great happiness, and lasting 
advantages. 

The relation between the sentences of the second text and the heading 
of the chapter is not alwa3rs quite so clear. Thus the title of Kua 
(chapter) I. is K'ten^ "the active heavenly principle"; but the various 
sentences speak of dragons — of the abyss, the plains, the air, etc. This, 
however, proceeds from a S3rmbolism, in which the dragon represents the 
same principle, which causes and continues life. 

Occasionally, too, we must go back to the more ancient characters, in 
order to find out the meaning of the title-word and its relation to the text. 
Some characters, identical in the beginning, have been varied in order to 
represent different ideas. 

I need not multiply more examples. It follows from what has been 
said, that the Yi-King is a collection of various phrases, sentences and ex- 
tracts, arranged under 64 headings and having a relationship with these 
64 titles. Sometimes these phrases are explanatory, sometimes simply 
examples of the use of the word placed at the head of the section, some- 
times quotations referring to it either directly or by a symbolism. It is 
well known that Chinese dictionaries are formed in this way. 

We have, therefore, 64 subjects developed in these different ways, and 
these subjects can be reduced to certain categories of ideas. It is like 
the note-book of a collector of thoughts and quotations, — like a complete 
system of morals. (See the Introduction to my Translation.) There I 
have carried out this system from one end of the Yi-King to the other, 
without experiencing much difficulty, as each one can easily see for himselfl 
Only a few phrases out of those which compose our text, — from 4 to 500 in 
number, — have remained obscure. Such a result would certainly have 
been impossible, if the system itself had not been true. 

A strong objection, however , would remain against the system, if it could 
not be proved that it had been known to the Chinese at some epoch, no 
matter which, of their history. In part this objection has been already 
met. I have shown that the Tso-Tchuen and Lun- K« prove that down to 
the vth century B.C. the nature of the Yi-King was held to be precisely 
such. Not less explicit are the Appendices i, 2, 6, and 7. The two first 
have often been the means of my finding out the meaning of sentences and 
their relation to the heading. The two last prove very fully that their 
writers considered the headings to be words of their language, taken as 
such in their natural sense ; for they are nothing else but an explanation 
of the natural sense, as against fanciful relationship between the chapters. 
(See my Yi-King, pp. 130 et seq.) Moreover, the knowledge that such was 
the nature of the Yi-King was never entirely lost. There is a very recent 
continuous commentary, from which I have given long extracts, (pp. 137 

* This phrase may have been taken from some book, possibly a tale, where it may 
have run : ** The cauldron had a broken leg ; it upset the food/' etc. Other copies have,